A compendious history of the Turks: containing an exact account of the originall of that people; the rise of the Othoman family; and the valiant undertakings of the Christians against them: with their various events. / By Andrew Moore, Gent.

A compendious history of the Turks: containing an exact account of the originall of that people; the rise of the Othoman family; and the valiant undertakings of the Christians against them: with their various events. / By Andrew Moore, Gent.

Table of contents

Title page

To the Reader.

THE HISTORY OF THE Turks before the rising of the Ottoman Family: their first Kingdom's erection by Trangrolipix in Persia of the Salzuccian Family with 〈◊〉 successe.

The ruin of the Turks first Empire in Persia: with the success of their second Kingdom in lesser Asia, under the Aladine Kings.

The LIVES of the Othoman KINGS and EMPEROURS; faithfully gathered out of the best Histories, both Ancient and Modern: and digested into one continuate History,

The Rising of the Great and Mighty Empire of the Turks, under Othoman first Founder thereof: With his Life and doings.

The Life of Orchanes or Vrchan, second King of Turks.

The Life of Amurath I. third King of Turks, and the great augmenter of their Kingdom.

The Life of Bajazet I. the 4th, and most unfortunate King of the Turks.

The Life of Mahomet I. 5th King of the Turks, and Restorer of their sore Shaken Kingdome.

The Life of Amurath II. sixth King of the Turks, and the great Establisher of their Kingdom.

The Life of Mahomet II. 7th King, and first Emperour of Turks, for his many victories, surnamed, the Great.

The Life of Bajazet II, second Emperour of the Turks.

The Life of Selimus the I, the third and most Warlike Emperour of the Turks.

The Life of Solyman the Magnificent, fourth Emperour of Turks.

The Life of Selimus the Second, fifth Emperour of the Turks.

The Life of Amurath the third, Sixth Emperour of the Turks.

The Life of Mahomet the third, seventh Emperour of the Turks.

The Life of Achmat the first, Eighth Emperour of the Turks.

The Raign of Mustapha the first, ninth Emperour of the Turks.

Osman the first, tenth Emperor of the Turks.

The Life of Amurath the fourth, Eleventh Emperour of the Turks.

The Life of Ibraim, Twelth Emperour of the Turks, first of that Name.

The Life of Achmat the second, 13th Emperour of the Turks.

A Table whereby you may find most of the remarkable Passages contained in this foregoing History.

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A Compendious HISTORY OF THE TURKS: CONTAINING An Exact Account OF The Originall of that People; the Rise of the Othoman Family; and the Valiant Undertakings of the Christians against Them: WITH Their Various Events.

BY Andrew Moore, Gent.

LONDON: Printed by John Streater, 1660.

To the Reader.

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READER,

THE view of the most united and greatest Empire in the World at this Day, is here presented unto Thee at once, in a portable and convenient Volum: wherein Thou [...] the great Atchievments of many, whose memory is worthy to be preserved and transmitted over to Posterity: For that they have opposed that mighty Power of the Ottoman Family; whom God (no doubt) suffereth as a Scourge to the World; to grow to that immense Magnitude, that as a Tempest He bloweth down, and overwhelmeth Kingdoms, vast Provinces, and Principalities: Some of which are, the glorious Empire of the Greeks, the renowned Kingdomes of Macedonia, Peloponesus, Epirus, Bulgaria, Servia, [...], Armenia, Cyprus, Syria, Egypt, Judea, Tunis, Algiers, Media, Mesopotamia, with a great part of Hungary, as also of the Persian Kingdom: And, in brief, so much of Christendom, as far exceedeth that which is thereof at this day left. Notwithstanding this Overgrowth, Greatness, and unlimited Power that this Empire is attained unto; yet, the King of Kings hath at several times by his providence, shewed, that he doth over-rule the great Actions of the World, and he can put a book in the Nostrils of the great Leviathan, put stops and [...] to the mighty Ones. This History plentifully affordeth matter of this sort, as that of George Castriot, or Scanderbeg's, not able defence of Epirus against the Turk's Power, by small and Inconsiderable Forces: The defence of Malta, the Famous Battles of Huniades, the defence of Vidda in Hungary; The continual, and not to be compared Warr of the Venetians, a small City against the Turk's whole Power: The very consideration of which should incite Noble and Valiant minds to Heroick undertakings: The accomplishing and perfecting of great undertakings, may next to the providence of God be attributed to Wisdom and Valer; Wisdom to lay a good Foundation to noble Interprises, and Valour to put them in Execution. History is a Lanskip, that presents at one view: the Counsels of Princes, Battles, Seiges of Cities, Towns, Fortresses; Wastings, Depopulations, erections of Edifices: Withall the [Page] various Events that time produceth. The growth of Kingdoms and their periods, the growth of this Empire; The [...] of this [...], seemeth to seace and stand at an even [...]; is [...] not much over its banks, what it gaineth in one place at one time, it loseth at another: The Roman Empire when it arived to its [...] Power and Extent, the weight of its own Greatness [...] itself: It's naturall for all bodies and things whatsoever, from small beginning to grow, untill they come to a full State, there to abide a while, then [...]; The greatest cause of the Turks Groweth hath [...] the differences amongst [...] Christians, and nothing will ruine him but their union: Reader, I will not detain thee any longer from the History it self, it being carefully Collected out of the writings of [...], [...], [...], Gregoras, Laonicus Chalcocondiles, Marinus Barletius, Leonardus Chiensis, Arch-Bishop of Mytelene, [...]. [...], Augerius Busbequius, Nicholas Nicholai, John Crispe, Paulus, Jovius, Pantalion, Menadoie, and Leonclavius; All writing such things as they saw, or were (for most part) [...] their time done. And since continued by the hands of those that have been eminent, able, and best acquainted with those affairs; Likewise, a native Turk contributed his help to the latter part. So that thou mayest be [...] thou art faithfully dealt with in this matter, by him, who desireth nothing more then (Reader) to receive thy Caracter of Impartial,

THE HISTORY OF THE Turks before the rising of the Ottoman Family: their first Kingdom's erection by Trangrolipix in Persia of the Salzuccian Family with [...] successe.

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IT is neither agreed on by the best writers, nor well known to the Turks themselves, from whence the Empire of this barbarous Nation, the worlds present terrour, first took its small & obscure beginning. Some deriving them from the Trojans, from the corrupting of Teucri their common name, into Turci; but without any probability: Others reporting that they came first out of Persia, and some out of Arabia, and Syria. Philip of Mornay derives both Turks and Tartars from the ten Tribes of Israel, carried away by Salmanazar King of Assyria: some among the Tartars still retaining the names of Dan, Zebulon, and Nepthali. Tartar also in Syriack signifying, remnants; and Turks, banished men. Greater store of Jews being found in Russia, Sarmatia, and Lithuania than else-where; and the nearer the Tartars, the more. A barbarous people likewise in Livonia nigh the City Riga, differing in Language from the rest, daily and dolefully repeating in the fields, Jeru, Jeru, Masco, Lon, knowing no cause, but the teaching of their Ancestors for those words utterance; yet thought to lament over Jerusalem, and Damasco, thereby. But both [...] Mela (who saith, the Thyrsagetes and [Page] Turks possess the vast Forrests, and live by hunting, fast by the Geloni. And Pliny, speaking in like manner, Next unto the Nations about Maeotis Fens are the Evazae Cottae, &c. The Thussagets and Turks unto rough desarts with woody Valleys, beyond whom are the Arympheians, [...] on the Riphean Mountains, together with the Turks manners, attire, [...], gate, weapons, manner of riding and fighting, and language agreeing with the Scythians, do induce greater probabilities, that they came out of Scythia. Ptolomies Tusci in Sarmatia Asiatica being likewise supposed to be the Turkish Nation. The cause next to the hand of the Almighty, the Author of all earthly Kingdoms, of departure from their natural seats, was, either a general want in that cold Countrey, or their [...] driving them from the Caspian Mountains. The time was either in 755, or 844, or both; who rather issuing out of the Caspian, than the Caucasan streights, first seized on a part of the greater Armenia, called by them [...]; wherein, under leaders, they roamed up and down a long time with families and cattel, in unity, having [...] little whereabout to strive; who not only defended Armenia, but through hardiness and valour, and the cowardise of the Asians, incroached farther and farther, though not much skilful in war; whereby their fame and fortune increased, and the Saracen Empire rent (within 200 victories over the Christians) into many Kingdoms, whose Sultans (not obeying their great Caliph) as fast declined, by turning their Arms one upon another. Mahomet the Persian Sultan, praying the Turks his neighbours aid against Pisasiris the Caliph of Babylon, his mortal enemy, who in hope of Persia sent him 30000 hardy men, under a valiant Captain Togra Mucalet, called by the Greeks Tangrolipix, of the Salzuccian tribe; so that Mahomet overcame Pisasiris. And now threatned the Turks (such necessary men, having further service for them against the Indians) if they should talk of departure home, over the [Page] River Araxis, which they had requested, who hereupon withdrew secretly into the desart of Caravonitis, making incursions into the adjoyning Countries; against whom Mahomet incensed, sent an Army of 20000 men, the third day after whose encamping by the Forrest side, (in whose covert Tangrolipix a great way off lay) the Turks at night, suddenly set upon their affrightned enemies, who fled. Tangrolipix now furnished with all warlike necessaries, shewed himself in the field, whose Army was (through the repair of rogues and villains unto him) grown to 50000, against whom Mahomet set forward with a fresh Army, having put out the eyes of the Leaders of the former, and threatened to disgrace the fleeing souldiers with womens apparel, who (by the way) fled to Tangrolipix, to his great encouragement; and at Ispanan of Persia they fought, with wonderful slaughter on both sides. But Mahomet breaking his neck by unadvised riding: both Armies proclaimed Tangrolipix Sultan of Persia, with all its Dominions in his stead, (which was in 1030, about 214 years after their coming out of Scythia) who freed the passage for his Countreymen over Araxis; and the Saracens being thereby kept under by the Turks (who before used Circumcision) do now embrace Mahometan-Superstition.

Tangrolipix (who now warred against neighbour Princes) after he had slain Pisasiris, and joyned his Kingdom of Babylon to his own, sent his Cousen Cutlumuses with an Army against the Arabians, by whom he was overthrown: whose Turks easily overthrew, and took Stephen, the Greek Emperours Lievetenant of Media; who sought to stop Cutlumuses his return by the confines of his Countrey. Cutlumuses returning, perswaded Tangrolipix to turn his forces into Media; who notwithstanding, went against the Arabians in person with a new Army: by whom he was also worsted. Cutlumuses the mean while (for fear) revolting from the Sultan, and betaking himself [Page] to the strong City Pasar, was besieged by the Sultan; who a long time defended himself. Tangrolipix in the mean time, sent Asan his Nephew to invade [...]: who was by the Emperours Lievtenant, slain with most of his Army. Then he sent thither his brother Habrami Alim with 100000 men; who while the Lievtenant expected Liparites Governour of Iberia, to come to his aid before be would encounter them, Alim besieged Arzen, a rich but open Town; who, after six daies [...], setting it on fire in divers places forced the inhabitants to flee for their lives, leaving an infinite spoyl to the enemy. Liparites being now come with a great power, they overcame the Turks, and chased them in the night; yet Liparites was taken prisoner, who was franckly set at liberty by the Sultan, with whom he sent the Seriph in Embassage to the Emperour, to make an everlasting peace with him, by becoming his tributary; which Embassage, being scornfully rejected, the Sultan with all his power, invaded the Roman Provinces; And coming as far as [...], the Countrey people and goods, being conveighed into strong Holds, and the Emperour raysing a great force against him at Caesarea, in [...] he returned into Media, laying siege unto Mantzichiert, a City strongly fortified; he [...] it 30 daies with fury in vain; and was perswaded by one Alcan, to stay another day to prove what he could do, unto whom the whole charge was committed. But this forward Captain was (while others shot from higher ground at the Defendants) slain in his approach to the Wall; and being drawn (by two Sallyers) into the Town, had his head cast over the wall; whereupon, the Sultan raised the siege, threatning a return the next Spring with greater power; But discord arising between the Sultan and his Brother Alim, Alim joyned with Cutlumuses, denouncing war against the Sultan, by whom [...] was overcome & taken neer Pasar, and put to death: And Cutlumuses with 6000 glad to flee into Arabia, being followed [Page] into Armenia by the Sultan, where they had sent for protection from the Emperour Constantine Monomachus: which Monomachus afterwards sent Michael Acoluthus (a valiant Captain) against the Sultan, who spoyled Iberia; wherefore he retired to Tauris, leaving Samuch with 3000 to insest the Emperours frontiers; the which, (by reason of Monomachus: imposing tribute on the frontiers of his Empire (who in lieu of defending the passages had been free) they hereupon dissolving wonted Garrisons; and [...] [...] as chiefly his successour, wholly given to hoard up treasure, gave little maintenance unto men of service) the Turks now, and afterwards more easily did, to the weakening and ruin of the Constantinopolitan empire. And [...], [...] as his wife, with three very young Sons now governing; the Turks spoiled Mesopotamia, Cilicia, Cappodoeia, and sometimes Coelosyria: who fearing a remove from the Empire, thought of some valiant man for her husband, to manage so weighty affairs; the man was Diogenes Romanus of great renown, who swelling with his Fathers ambition, had secretly aspired unto the Empire, for which by Eudocia he was held in bonds at Constantinople; but when he was brought forth to receive the sentence of death for his treason, the Empresse moved with compassion (as the other beholders) pardoned him; and made him General of her forces. But a solemn oath she had made to her husband never to marry, was a check to her purpose; wherefore in seminine policy, she sent an instructed Eunuch unto John Xiphiline the Patriarch, to get by craft the writing of her oath, being delivered into his hands to keep, by telling him of making his nephew Barda a gallant her husband, if she might safely be discharged of her rash oath. Where at the Patriarch (moved with his nephews preferment) sent for the Senators, of whom, some by his perswasion, telling them of the Commonwealth's dangers, and blaming her rash oath: others by gifts and promises of the Empresse, [Page] were overcome; so that the Patriarch delivered her the desired writings, discharging her of her oath; who forthwith married Diogenes, and proclaimed him Emperour: who being of an haughty spirit, was weary of the pliant observations of Eudocia; and the Eastern Provinces being in part lost, passed (although with a small and unfitted Army) into Asia: of whose coming the invading Sultan hearing retired; and dividing his Army, spoyled the South and North parts of Asia, surprizing, and sacking the City Neo Caesaria. But the Emperour, using expedition, with some of his best companies, came on the Turks unawares, who fled and left the booty and prisoners of Neo Caesaria, together with bag and baggage behind them, although but few slain. Then going into Syria, Hierapolis was yielded unto him, where he built a strong Castle. And hearing of the overthrow of part of his Army, before sent unto Melitena, speedily marched for their relief; where (having a far inferiour number, and the Governour of [...] traiterously joyning with the enemy) he was surrounded with impossibility to escape; yet suddenly and silently issuing out of his trenches; put the Turks to flight: so he returning to Constantinople, first taking divers Towns, and billetting his Army against Winter, about Alexandria of Cilicia. And at Spring he repressed the Turks fury, who did much harm about Neo Caesaria; after whose departure unto Exphrates, the Turks put Philaretus (left by him at those frontiers) to flight, wasting Cappadocia, and sacking [...] in Cilicia. The Emperour made towards them, sending the Governour of Antioch, to stop the Turks passage at Mopsiphestia. But they being stript of their prey by the Armenians, and escaping by night at the Emperours approach, he returned from those quieted Provinces, unto Constantinople. After which Manuel Comnenus (whose honour was envied by the Emperour, for his prevalency against the Turks) was, near Sebastia, taken by the Turks in his way to Syria, and most part of his small Army [Page] [...]; who (while the Emperour was preparing to go personally against his enemies) fled from the displeased Sultan, with the Turk that took him. The Emperour set forward, and having pacified a mutinous Legion, at Cryapega, where he encamped; he both removed, and divided his Army into three parts, sending one part to besiege Mantzicierts, which was soon yielded upon composition; yet the garrison Souldiers being suddenly oppressed, as they sought for forrage, he sent [...] for the Cities relief; who when Basilacius was sent unto him, as being too weak, put the Turks to flight in battel. Briennius notwithstanding laden with Armour, was in the rear taken, his horse being first slain, and brought unto the Sultan, who both entreated him honourably, and questioned him frequently. The present Sultan in the field, was Axan Tangrolipix his son, who was dead, of great wisdom: who sending to the Emperour to treat of peace, had this message slighted by him, through the perlwasion of some Captains, being willed if he desired peace, to leave the place of his encamping to the Emperour; who sent for Ruselius in hast, that he had sent against Chliat: but (he being for safety retired into the Roman frontiers) had not his help, some of the Scythians also in the Emperours camp revolting to the Turks; yet he gave them battel, who having some hopes of peace, seemed not much desirous either to fight or flee. But the Emperour retreating for fear of his camp that was left weakly manned; others (through Andronicus Constantine his brothers son, and that envied Diogenes, giving out that the Emperour fled) began to flee also. At which the Turks being encouraged hardly pursued; the Emperour now standing, and notably resisting, but in vain, for he was both wounded and taken; which the Sultan at first believed not, until he was assured thereof by his Embassadours, and Basilacius, a prisoners gesture towards Diogenes. The Sultan then cheared him with words, telling Diogenes (who humbled himself) he [Page] would use him as an Emperour, the which he did, concluding peace with him, on promise of marriage between their children; and sending him away (in a Turkish habit) with his Embassadours towards Constantinople, being first cured of his wounds. But Michael Duc [...] (the eldest son of Eudocia) who was thrust into a Monastery, being by John Caesar and others, set up in Diogenes his room, letters were sent into all Provinces, not to receive Diogenes as Emperour: who stayed at the Castle of Docia; and was by Caesar's sons overthrown, and yielded to them in the City of Adana, upon condition of resigning the Empire for ever, who being brought by Andronicus, Caesars eldest son, to Cotai in Phrygia, while he was there sick, had (notwithstanding the Clergies faith gaged for his safety) his eys cruelly put out, and in the Isle Prota (worms breeding in his wounds for want of dressing) shortly dyed, reigning 3 years 8 moneths.

Axan in revenge thereof, invaded not for booty alone, but for conquest, the Imperial Provinces, and overthrew Isaac Commen's Armie, taking him prisoner; and Casar the Emperour's Uncle, with another Army, being also taken; but that was by Russelius a revolting traytor, who hereby doing what he list in lesser Asia, was through Alexius Commen's secret working with the Turks for mony, betrayed to the Emperour, who being imprisoned, was afterwards employed against Briennius up in rebellion.

But Cutlumuses and his cousen Melech, in the beginning of Axan's reign, returning out of Arabia, raised a great power, and were ready to encountet the Sultan's whole forces nigh the City Eres, as envious of his Kingdom. But the Caliph of Babylon their chief Bishop, considering the ruine of the [...], through civil dislention, and fearing the like in these, the chief stay of Mahometism, thrusting himself (contrary unto Pontifical formality) betwixt the Armies ready to joyn battel, who both by his reverence and perswasion, (that Axan should enjoy his [Page] Kingdom entire, & that Cutlumuses with his Sons, should be the sole Lords of what they subdued in the Constantinopolitan Empire) were content to say down Arms: Most commodious to Mahometism, and most hurtful to the Christians; for Cutlumuses &c. soon subdued all Media, a good part of Armenia, Cappadocia, Pontus, Bythinia, and the lesser Asia; and enlarged (by the Persian Sultans help) much the Turkish Empire, (which occasioned them to be accounted Sultans, though indeed they were none, neither were Aspasalemus &c. (though all great men of the Selzuccian family) any other than imaginary successours in the Turks first Empire, Axan, or rather Ax-Han, that is, the white King, succeeding his Father Trangrolopix; Axan giving to Ducas and Melech his kinsmen, Damasco's and [...] government, (still to hold all of him as of their Soveraign) that he might encroach on the Aegyptian Caliph, Cutlumuses priviledges being larger: who had also assisted Botoniates, in thrusting Michael Ducas after 6 years & 6 months reign, into a Monastery, who usurped the Empire of Greece, though himself was in like manner served, by Alexius Comnenus.

Cutlumuses and his sons, thus prevailing both against the Christians, and Melech against the Aegyptian Caliph, to the loss of the Saracen name and Empire, now almost quite driven out of Asia; Peter a French Hermite, then visiting Jerusalem in devotion, diligently observed the manners, government and strength of these Barbarians: as also the grievious miseries of the oppressed Christians amongst them; the which (being a little hard-favoured fellow) he had freedom safely to do; and comming to Jerusalem, entred into deep discourse with the Abbot of the Monastery, and Master of the Hospitalers; at length agreeing that they should write Letters to the Pope, and other Christian Princes touching the Christians miseries, craving aid against those cruel Infidels; the Hermit promising that he would be a trusty carrier of their Letters, and also a [Page] careful Solicitor of their Petitions, which were to this effect; That whereas the Citizens & Countrey-men of Christ Jesus, are daily scourged and brained, &c. were it not impiety in divers respects to leave the Land, they would flee to the farthest parts of the earth. And though happily the Western Christians are without fear, yet, the Turks forces, policies, & attempts, together with their success, being stronger, and deeper than the Saracens; seeing Jerusalem itself is taken & sacked, they could not presume to stand in safety; And therefore, since our bloud cryeth out for revenge, we lay prostrat at your feet for help, for deliverance of your Religion from accursed slavery: & averting the storm hanging over your own and childrens head.

The Hermit delivered these Letters at Rome to Pope Urban the second, requesting his care for redresses of the Christians miseries seen at Jerusalem; who calling a Councel at Claremont in France of 310 Bishops out of divers parts, with Embassadors of all Countries, propounded the same as a special matter; where the Letters being read, and the Christians miseries and teares being (by the Hermit) lively represented, the whole Assembly was moved with compassion, crying out, Deus vult, that is, God willeth it, which words were afterward much used in their expedition as a sign of their chearfulness; this religious decreed war spreading in one daies space, by flying fame, so far as is hardly to be believed. And by the effectual perswasion of the Father, returned home, were shortly seen about 300000 men with red Crosses on their breasts, ready to spend life and goods for Religion, and recovery of the holy Land, under the commands of Godfrey, Eustace, and Baldwin, Brothers of the house of Bulloin; Great Hugh the French Kings brother, Raimond & Robert, Earls of Flanders, Robert of Normandy, William the Conquerour's Son, Stephen of Ualois, Ademar the Popes Legate, and Peter the Hermit; many Princes being partakers of their travels, though not of such charge.

One Gualter first set forward, then the Hermit with [Page] 40000, who came at length thorow Germany, Hungary, and Bulgaria, with labour and losse to Constantinople, which weary travellers were afterwards shipped over Bosphorus into Asia, by Alexius the Emperour, (marching & encamping not far from Nice in Bythinia) unto whom (by reason of distrusting the expedition to be against himself, through guilt of his usurpation) they were not at first very welcome. Godfrey with others, followed the Hermits way; Hugh the Legat and the French Commanders, passed into Italy, taking leave of the Pope, unto whom Bohemud a Prince of Apulia joyning with 12000, they crossed the Adriatick from three several Ports, Brundusium, Bary and Hydruntum, passing by land to Constantinople, where they met with Godfrey, with whom jealous Alexius, better perswaded of their good meanings, made a League, to furnish them with all supplies, (though by him but slenderly performed) for which he should receive all Countries, except Jerusalem, gained from the Turk, and Saracens; he transported them unto Asia: but Bohemud from his Fathers grudg with Alexius came nor to Constantinople; yet marched & passed Hellespont sooner than was expected.

The Turks understanding what was growing on them out of Europe, diligently sought to cut off Gualter, & Peters Army, who had lyen two months about Nice, expecting the other Princes, whose Souldiers weary and somewhat pinched, chose Raymond a Germane, in a mutiny, in Gualters room, suspecting also Peter's prowess, and therefore by quitting Exorgum a Town, and sending out Cattel, as a bait to train out the Christians, winking at those who brought them into Exorgum, slew asterwards full 3000 incouraged Christians, to the discouragment of their chief Cómanders; yet the Soldiers chose one Burel a new General, & 10000 rashly going out of Exorgum in revenge, & for forrage, were almost all slain by the Turks, who afterwards hardly besieging the town, with famin & sword consum'd most of them, the Hermit with much ado defending the town Cinit, whither he had [...] til the Princes coming.

[Page] Solyman Cutlumuses his Son who was dead, who had almost nullified the Hermit's forces, was careful to withstand the great Army; who removed from Nicomedia besieging Nice, so called from Nicea the wife of King Lysimachus; this City was yielded July, 1097 after 50 daies siege, defended by the Turks longer then was supposed, new supplies coming to them by the lake Ascanius on the other side; the Turks, assayling the mean while the [...] Camp, were with great loss repulsed, Solyman's wife and two children being taken prisoners; the City was restored to Alexius. Then the Christian Princes encamping on the fourth daies march by a river for refreshment, news was brought to Bohemud of Solymans approach (aided by the Persian Sultan) with 60000 men, to give the Christians battel; who sending word to the other Princes for relief upon occasion, the two Armies most terribly fought, the Turks lying slain on heaps, some of their horsemen breaking in the mean time, into Bohemuds Camp, among women and weak persons; appalled the fighters; but Bohemud withdrawing some Companies, repulsed the enemy, whose Souldiers he found at his return ready to flee from the Turks; but his coming restored the battel. The enemy with horsemen [...] the Camp again, Hugh seasonably coming with 30000 to rescue it, whom a fresh Turkish reserve notably encountred. At length (after a terririble and doubtful fight) the Turks gave ground, retiring into the mountains, 40000 being slain; about 2000 Christians; No enemy the next morning appearing, they buryed their dead, easily distinguished by their red crosses. Solyman fleeing, gave out he had the victory burning, destroying, or carrying away all as he went.

Bohemud and the Princes now marching through lesser Asia, easily took Antiochia in Pisidia, being courteously received by the Citizens of Iconium, refreshing their Army. But at their approach to Heraclea, the Turks and Garrison souldiers fled, the Christian Citizens gladly yielding themselves [Page] and City to their deliverers. Here (through the Turks fear not daring any where to abide their coming) Baldwin and [...] with part of the Army soon subdued Tarsus Edessa, and Manussa, Cities of Cilicia, while the other part took the lesser [...], and the Cities of [...] and Socor in Cappadocia, driving the Turks in every place out of lesser Asia, and setting the oppressed Christians at liberty. Of which Solyman sorely complained in Letters for aid unto Axan his Cousin. Thus the Turks (until, by discord and ambition of the Greek Empire, they again became dreadful this heat being over) were glad to retire farther off, being brought low in lesser Asia.

The Conquerours mounted over high Taurus, possessing the City Maresia, (from whence the Turks had by night fled) being first bound by oath, not to return home till the accomplishment of that holy war. While they [...] here, the Citizens of Artasia suddenly slaying all the Turks in Garrison, received Robert Earl of Flanders, with 1000 men that was sent to Summon it. In revenge hereof, the Turks sent 10000 out of Antioch unto Artasia, 15 miles off; who by stragling Companies, drew the Flemings out of the City, purposely fleeing from them; and had not the Citizens relieved them, they had surely perished by the Turks ambushments. The Army, marching forward, encamped Octob. 21. 1097 before Antioch, having passed the River [...], on which this famous City is scituated, (Robert Duke of Normandy by a hard conflict making the Turks forsake the bridge, where they thought to stay their passage) the Covernour (for the Persian Sultan) of this Metrapolis of Syria (called by the Hebrews Roblatha) was Gassianus, who had 7000 horse and 20000 [...], as defendants, with great store of all necessary provisions; [...] incompassed with a double Wall, 460 Towers within it, an impregnable Castle at its East-end with a deep Lake on the South side. Many a fierce sally during the siege, was made by the Turks, [...] [...] repulsed; chiefly [Page] at the bridg made by the Christians with boats over the River for passage to and fro. But at the beginning of February, through the abundance of rain, and scarcity of victuals whereby they eat their slain enemies, their horses perishing for lack of meat; Peter the Hermit, author of this war, and Tancred Bohemud's Nephew among others, through these increasing miseries, secretly withdrew to steal home: who being taken, and by Hugh sharply teproved, were forced to take a new oath for their fidelity. A great part of Arethusa's Garrison being cur off by Bohemud, the Countrey was more open for distressed Souldiers relief, until a great number of Turks about Aleppo and Damasco came to relieve the besieged, who by the Christians were put to flight, 2000 being slain, taking store of victuals, &c. and setting the Turks heads on stakes before the City; Whereupon, Cassianus (having lost his eldest Son herein, and expecting relief from the Sultan, requested a truce for a time, which being (by the Turks slaying one [...] a French-man) broken, a fresh and more hard siege began. The Governour had in 9 months space lost so many, that he used one Pirrhus, amongst divers Christian Citizens, for the guarding of a Tower; who by secret intelligence, and easy conditions made with Bohemud, let his Souldiers by night into the City, which was recovered June 1098, about 10000 men, women and children were put to the sword: amongst whom many Christians by the furious Souldiers; many Turks fled into the Castle, and the fleeing Governour, was slain by Christians in the mountains of Armenia. Amongst other Letters, speedily certifying this joyful news, Bohemud wrote to Roger his Brother Prince of Apulia, shewing how it was yielded unto himself by Pyrrhus, and how few daies after he was in danger by a wound received at Aretum, that was assaulted by them; assuring Roger both of the valour and esteem, he and the Army, had of his Son Tancred. The Venetians likewise, at the time of the siege, with 200 Galleys, having [Page] the upper hand of the Turks by Sea at the Rhodes, set at liberty 5000 souldiers, save 30 chief Commanders, and sayling into Ionia, took Smyrna, spoyling Lycia, Pamphilia, and Cilicia. Corbanas also, the Persian Sultan's Lievtenant, now besteged Edessa, intending to relieve Antioch, which was defended by Baldwin, whereof he had intelligence by the Son of Cassianus, after he had raised that siege, keeping on his way with a mighty Army resolving to hazard the fortune of a battle. The Turks still possessing the Castle, Corbanas sent some supplies into it, which sallied out on the Earl of Tholouse, who was left to keep them into the Castle, while Corbanas fought with the Christians in the field, so that within and without the City was a dreadfull fight, and bloody slaughter; but the Turks gave ground and fled, above 10000 of them being slain, and about 4000 Christians, leaving rich prey besides Horses and other beasts, the Castle also surrendring the next day June 28.

Alexius the Emperour, unto whom this City should according to agreement have been delivered, guilty of neglect, sending the Princes no relief all the siege, refused to accept of it: so that Bohemud was chosen Prince or King of Antioch.

At Autumn there was a plague in the Army, of which 50000 are said to have dyed, which ceasing in November, Rugia and Albaria two Cities, were by force taken; where Raymund, envying Bohemud's preferment, dissented with him, who for the Cause's sake, retired to Antioch. At Spring, Raymund besieging Tripolis, from some fortunate roads made on the enemies last Winter, insolently maligned Bohemud's proceedings, who had besieged Tortosa; Bohemud considering 'twas enough to divide all Christians, rose with his Army, and retired to Antioch. [Page] After which, Gabella was taken, and Tortosa, whither Godfrey (and Raymund from Tripolis) came, after 3 [...] siege departed spoiling about [...], passing by [...], and keeping Whitsontide at Casarea, marched to and from Rama. And upon the first descry of Jerusalem, there were piercing and rending shouts for joy: some lifting up eys and hands to Heaven, calling on Christ: others kissing the ground, and saluting those so much heard of holy places: Every one, as at the end of long travel, expressing some joy.

This ancient and famous City; being utterly destroyed by Vespatian and his son [...], 40 years after Christs death, lay buried in its ruins, till about the year 136 it was (by Aelius Adrianus Emperour) re-edified, who in part changed its scituation, enclosing the place of Christs suffering and burial within the City walls, and calling it Aelia after his own name, giving it first to the Jews, who were afterwards for rebellion thrust out, and then gave it to the Christians (in time also recovering the ancient name Jerusalem) who under several idolatrous and persecuting Emperours, endured grievous things; peace being, about 320, given to the afflicted by Constantine the Great. Whereby for 300 years they flourished under Greek Emperours, till usurping Phocas (by killing Maurice and his Children) occasioned Cosroes King of Persia to invade Syria, taking Jerusalem and killing almost 100000 Christians in revenge of his Father in Law: who about 624, was again driven out of it by Heraclius that succeeded Phocas, cruelly slain by his Guard. Which [...], not paying a warlike people of Arabia Deserta that had helped him against Cosroes, calling them vile Dogs, because they had lately received Mahomet's Doctrine, caused them to revolt and joyn to the Caliphs, extending [...] doctrine and Soveraignty over all Aegypt and Syria, taking Jerusalem. The Greek Emperours being overcome by the Saracens, left Syria in their possession, for which they had divers years conflicted; who [Page] for 370 years oppressed the Christians, leaving a 3d part of Jerusalem to them, with Christs Sepulchre and mount Zion for profits sake; untill the vagrant andcruel Turks start up, and aspiring Persia's kingdom, subdue Mesopotamia, Syria, most of the lester Asia, and all [...]: The Saracens Government being but light unto the Christians, in respect of their Thraldome under the Turks; and had not these Princes who were now come to [...], been stirred up for release of these miseries, none could have been expected.

The Princes lay encamped before the North and West of Jerusalem in order, (Bohemud being at Antioch, and Baldwin at Edessa) [...] with the Germans and Lorrainers lying next the City, whose Governour had a very strong Garrison with all necessaries for a long siege; on the 5 day they fiercely assaulted it, but for want of enough scaling-ladders (twas supposed) they gave over, few daies after they most terribly assaulted it on both sides afresh, untill by reason of fervent heat, and want of water (all the wells expect Siloe being poyfoned) they retired into their Trenches.

A fleet of Genowaies now arriving at Joppa, (knowing themselves too weak for the Aegyptian Sultans fleet at Ascalon) for Jerusalem's relief, sunk their Ships, and marched to the Camp; among whom were divers Engineers, by whom a great moving Tower was made, covered with raw hides to save it from fire; which by night being brought to the wall, they the next day the winde driving the Turks fire, who thought to burn it, into their own faces, gained the top of the wall: which being first footed by Godfrey and his Brother, they pressed in like a violent River killing men women and children, with a lamentable sight: The better sort of Turks retiring into the Temple fought terribly; many on both sides falling, but the Christians fiercely breaking in, the foremost were miserably slain, the Turks also [...] [Page] fighting in the midst of the Temple, there were slain heapes both of victors and vanquished, the pavement swimming with blood. Then the Turks held the top of the Temple; And the next day (upon Proclamation of mercy to such as laid down weapons) they yielded themselves. Thus Jerusalem was recovered in 1099, having been in the Infidels hands above 400 years.

Eight daies after (cleansing the City and giving thanks to God, and the poor Christians welcomming with joy their victorious Brethren) the Princes consulting of their King, chose Robert Duke of Normandy, who refusing Jerusalem upon news of his Fathers death in England (William Rufus being in possession as it were) lost both Kingdomes: Godfrey of Bulloine a great Souldier being saluted King, who said, He would not wear a Crown of Gold, where Christ wore a Crown of thorns: but briefly certified these proceedings to Bohemud, shewing Jerusalem's strength and situation, and how he first gained part of the wall, Baldwin opening the gates for entry; of their great conflict in Solomon's Temple; and that, since, he was saluted King of Jerusalem, though against his will; he would endeavour well to deserve of the universal faith. And then joyned a most dreadful battle with the greatest multitude of Turks, and Saracens, (all as one assembled at Ascalon for revenge) killing a 100000 of them & taking more spoile than in this whole expedition: After this Victory, some Princes returned to their Charges, others, with honour to their own Country. But shortly after, a great Pestilence ensuing, Godfrey among the rest died, July 18. 1100. Scarce reigning a full year, generally lamented, and honourably buried on mount Calvary in the Temple of Christ's Sepulchre. In whose Room Baldwin of Edessa his brother was Crowned King in 1101. Who (aided by Sea and Land) took the Sea-City Cesarea-Stratonis, overthrowing certain Companies at [...], gladly and safely conducting to [Page] Jerusalem, new westerne aides by Tyre, and three other Cities holden by the enemies, at which time the Christians were notably overthrown about Rama by the Turks, aided by the Arabians and Aegyptians; two Stephens, Earles of Charters and Burgundy being slain, the King hardly escaping; who repairing his Army at Joppa, speedily so overthrew his secure enemies, that they had little cause to rejoyce in their Victory. Tancred Prince of Galilee, in the mean time taking the City Apamea, and with much toyl Laodicea: But Baldwin [...] Governour of Edessa was, at the siege of Carras thatwas upon yielding, overthrown by the Persian Sultan; Benedict a Bishop, and [...] his kinsman being taken with him: who (to the offence of the 2 Sultans) after 5 years, redeemed themselves from the Turk that took them.

King Baldwin, who (after this) lived unmolested for a season, suddenly raised a full strength and besieged Ptolemais or Acon in Phoenicia, and was glad to raise his siege, being after a long time brought to his end, by a healed-up wound received in a skirmish at his return, yet the next year Ptolemais by the encouragement of the Genua fleet, was yielded to him on composition after 20 daies. Tancred Livetenant Governour of Antioch, soon after put to flight the invading Governour of Aleppo and others, and the Caliph of Egypt was discomfited by the Christians at land, and by tempest at Sea, comming against Jerusalem.

Bohemud returning out of Italy with 40000 foot and 5000 horse, (as is reported) toward Jerusalem, spoiled (in revenge of Alexius his injuries) the Country about Dyrrhachium, forcing the Emperour to promise by oath security and kindnesse to all travelling Souldiers, and dying shortly at Antioch in 1108. Whose Principality his child Bohemud enjoyed, under Tancreds [...]

[Page] Baldwin the King, Apr. 23. 1111. wonn the City Berytus, [...] most to the sword, and the same year Decemb. 19. Sidon was yielded to him, through the assistance of a Norway fleet: Tyre only (of all the famous Sea-Cities from Laodicea to Ascalon remaining to the enemies, the which Baldwin hardly besieged 4 months in vain.

Two years after, Baldwin and Tancred who, Bohemud dying, Reigned in Antioch, with the rest joyned a cruel battle with the Persian Sultans mighty Army under Mendus their General, (encamping on the Sea near Tyberias) after some companies, were by some flying skirmishers entrapped in ambush, and rescued by other Christians: who were, by the Turks far exceeding in number, put to flight, and hardly followed with great slaughter. The Ascalon Turks (the mean while) besieging Jerusalem, weakly manned: but news of the Kings coming, and of Supplies out of the west made them (having burnt storehouses of Corn, and spoyled other things) to retire home. This King (after many hard conflicts with Turks and Saracens, won Pharamia a strong Sea City in Aegypt, taking abundance of fish, at the mouth of Nilus; wherewith he feasted in the City. And after dinner grieved with his old wound, died near Laris in his return in 1118, Reigning 18 years, and royally Sepulchred near his brother Godfrey.

Baldwin Brugensis of Edessa, his Cousin, was chosen and Crowned King of Jerusalem, Apr. 2. 1118. a man of great courage, tall stature, and comely countenance: Against whom the Caliph of Aegypt with the King of Aleppo raised a great power the same summer, Baldwin also encamping in fight of his enemies, both armies for fear of each other, after 3 months facing, retired without any notable action. Alexius the Emperour died this year, whose Son Calo Johannes his successour (all his Reign) worthily defended his territories in lesser Asia.

[Page]But Roger Prince of Antioch, with more courage than discretion, going forth against a great Army not far from Aleppo, was slain with most of his Army, the place being called the field of bloud. Baldwin Aug. 14, 1120, overthrowing the carelesse Turks with a great slaughter, joyning Antioch principality to his own; which Antiochians, Baldwin their protecting Prince being far off, were more subject to enemies inroads than before; the King of Damasco entring with great power, and doing harm thereabouts in 1122; who understanding Baldwins approach with a puissant Army, retired out of the Countrey, the King taking Garaze, a new built strong Castle of the King of Damasco's, which he raced to the ground; Whilst this King wisely sent Embassadours to divers Christian Princes, especially to the Uenetians, for relief by Sea, Balac the Persian Sultan with a great Army invaded about him Antioch: with whom without longer stay for his friends aid, he joyned battel, and was with certain of the best Commanders carried captive unto Carras, most of his Army being overthrown. Hereupon, the Caliph of Aegypt the Saracen, for Aegypt with Tuneis and Moroccoes Kingdoms were yet in their possession, invading Jerusalems Kingdom, landed an Army at Joppa, besieging it also by Sea with 700 sail. Against which, while they lay in hope, the Duke of Venice, stirred up by the Pope for the Christians relief, came from Cyprus thither in hast with 200 sail, and either before the Saracens could make ready, or after a doubtful battel, obtained a glorious victory, going by land to Jerusalem, where he was honorably received by the Patriarch &c. Eustace also the Vice-King, overthrowing them at Ascalon.

After Joppa's relief, the Saracens discomfiture, and the Christians encouragment, they besieged Tyre by Sea and Land, March 1. whose sharpe assault the Turks valiantly [Page] repulsed; yet after 4 months, June 29, 1124, it was yielded on composition, of which a third part was given to the Venetians, according to a former agreement; Baldwin, after 18 months imprisonment, being shortly ransomed for 100000 Ducats.

But the Duke of Venice returning home, took Chios, [...], and three more Islands, with the City of Modon [...] Peloponnesus, from the Emperour, who, as Alexius his Father, envying the Christians success, had in the Dukes absence infested his Territories. King Baldwin also invaded and spoyled the King of Damasco's Country, overthrowing him in three battels, taking great prey, as also the invading Saracens at Ascalon, whereby for a time he lived in peace; who, with others, joyning with Hugh Paganus the first Master of the Templars, returning with a great number of Christians out of the West, and besieging Damasco, through the Cities strength, the Defendants valour, and the [...] contagion, raised their siege. King Baldwin also now sent to Fulk Count of Turine &c. (who was 60 years old, and making preparations for the holy Land) offering him his eldest daughter Melisinda, with the Kingdoms succession for a dowry, whereof he accepted. And about 3 years after, feeling death draw on, removing into the Patriarchs house, he in the presence of divers great Ones commended to his Sonne in Law and Daughter, with their Son Baldwin two years old, the Government, presently after (Aug. 22. 1131) dying, and solemnly buried with Godfrey and Baldwin. Fulk was Sept. 16. Crowned by the Patriarch; the beginning of whose reign, was by Pontius of Tripolis, and Hugh of Joppa that joyned with the Ascalonian Saracens, vext with domestick discord, [...] hurtful to the Christian State; which by force, and others mediation was well appeased, and yet vengeance followed the Traytors. The Turks also invaded about Antioch, aud were overthrown; But [Page] John the Greek Emperour, with a puissant Army, took Tarsus with Cilicia's whole Province, besieging Antioch, pretending it belonged to his Empire; who (after Christian Princes mediation) agreed that Raymond Count of Poictou (to whom the dukedom of Antioch was given with the Dukes daughter) should hold it from him as his Soveraign, and so returned. Fulk about that time, coming to relieve Monteferrant-Castle, was by Sanguin the Turk overthrown, betaking him into the Castle: which now he hardlier befieged, pinching them within by famine, unto whose relief the Kingdoms whole power coming, the Turk upon deliverance of the Castle to him, set all at liberty.

John the Emperour, about 4 years after, came to Antioch (having longed also for Jerusalems Kingdom) who not being suffered to enter, but upon an oath and few followers, with quiet departure, in revenge, pretending the Armies want of victuals, made havock of the Suburbs, cutting down the fruit-trees to dresse their meat. And wintring in Cilicia, at hunting of a Boar, had his hand lightly wounded by a poisoned arrow in his quiver, wherewith his arm swelling more and more, must be cut off, which he abhorred, saying. The Greek Empire was not to be governed with one hand, died; Emmanuel the youngest Son (his two eldest being dead) succeeding him.

King Fulk also now at peace, walking with his Queen out of Ptolemais, following amongst other [...], a Hare, put up by running boys, fell in the course with his head under the Horse, with whose weight and the [...] hardness, the brains came out at the nose and ears of his crushed head, who died Novemb. 13. 1142 (lying 3 days speechless) and was magnificently buried by the other Kings with a general lamentation. The elder of whose 2 Sons, Baldwin, about 13 years [...], with his mother, were [Page] solemnly on Christmas-day crowned in 1142, about which time Sanguin the bloody Turk took by undermining Edessa in Gount Joscelin's absence exercising all cruelty on the Christians, (the territory of 3 Archbisho-pricks being drawn from Antioch hereby) which Turk was stabbed in his drunkenness at the siege of Cologenbar, Noradine his Son succeeding him. Who (after Baldwin 3 had in his first year recovered and fortified Sorbal Castle beyond Jordan) so beset him in his return, the next year going against the King of Damasco, that he miraculously escaped.

Edessa's losse with the Christians miseries, (through the stirring up of Eugenius Bishop of Rome) greatly moved the Western Princes, to prepare almost in every Province for their relief. Conrade Emperour of Germany, raysing a puissant Army, set forward, who having before certified Emanuel the Greek Emperour of his purpose, craving passage, with victuals and all necessaries for his mony, he seemed willingly to condiscend, though inwardly pining thereat; for strong companies of the Greeks following the Army to keep the Souldiers from stragling, now and then cut them off roaming, at advantage. And the farther they travelled, the more the Greeks discontented countenances appeared; yet they went on to Philippolis, from whence departing, the Greeks and Armies rear, had not the wiser sort duly appeased them, had plainly fought. Then from Adrianople they came to the Plain Cherobachi, where the River Melas (that suddenly in Winter or great fall of water, overfloweth its banks like a Sea) through abundance of rain, so by night overflowed the encamped Army, that [...] with burdens, besides weapons &c. and also great numbers of armed men, were with lamentable out-cties carried away, and perished like hay or chaffe every one glad to shift for himself; the beholders saying, The wrath of God was broke into the Camp. Neverthelesse, [Page] the water being fallen, the sore troubled Emperour marched to Constantinople: Who (by armed men glistring on the Walls) was not suffered to enter, but perswaded by the Emperour to transport his Army over the straite, promising to supply his wants; the Greeks sparing no labour, or vessel in that so hasty service, Who being shipped over, the Countrey people (by his appointment) brought nothing, as before, to sell them; the Towns at an extream rate, first receiving their mony by ropes from the Walls, delivered them what they pleased, and oft-times nothing, vildely mingling Lime with their Meal, of which many Souldiers died; but if the Emperour were not privy thereunto, yet he coined counterfeit mony to deceive them, practising all kind of mischeif, to terrifie their posterity from the like expedition, and secretly plotting with the Turks, how they might be defeated: some part thereby, being overthrown near Bathis, although in Phrygia themselves were greatly slaughtered by the part marching thorough Phrygia: which Turks with a great Army, to stay the Armies passage at the River Meander, and they having neither bridg nor boat to passe over, declared it their patience, that the Greeks, as they passed by, were not become their prey. Conrade retired his Souldiers out of the shot of the Turks Archers, standing on the other banks-side for refreshment, arising before day, and putting his whole Army in Battalion. Both Armies thus in readiness, the winding River only betwixt them, the Emperour encouraged his men with a Speech to this purpose. That we are exposed to dangers pining with hunger, &c. for Christ's sake and the glory of God. But these Barbarians (divided from us by this River) are the enemie; of Christ's Crosse, in whose bloud we have vowed to wash our selves, calling to remembrance the grievous things, and tortures inflicted on our friends and Countrey-men, by these uncircumcised; let not any terrour daunt us. [Page] Let them know that we are superiour to them, as our Master excells their Prophet and seducer: Let us fight in Christ's name, with assured hope of an easie victory. We are those mighty men standing about the divine Sepulchre, as about Solomon's bed: let us remove these Agarens, as stones of offence, Children of the bond-woman; I my self will shew you the way over this River, I know the water, beaten back by our force, will, as Jordan in ancient times, be at a stand. This attempt shall (to our immortall praise) be spoken of in all posterity. This said, after a signal of battel, and devout prayer by every man; Conrade first put spurs to his horse: the rest, closely following with a terrible out-cry, passed all over with lesse trouble than was feared; the horses even beating back the water towards the fountain, then after small resistance, the discouraged Turks fled, whom the Christians like Lyons pursuing, the fields were covered with dead bodies; huge heaps of bones long after declaring the fallen multitude, to the wonder of travellers, many Italians being wounded, but few or none slain.

After this they hardly besieged Iconium in lesser Asia, but the Cities strength, the valour of the Defendants, and the peoples numberlesse dying in the Camp (of which, the Greeks mingling Lime with the Meal was the chief cause) caused the Emperour to raise his long siege, and return into his Countrey; most referring this his journey into Asia to the year 1146.

By this [...] so fortunate expedition, Baldwin the mean time, fortified ruinous Gaza of the Philistins, serving as a Bulwark against Egypt, and to distresse Ascalon: which strong Sea City he besieging by Sea and Land, (when Noradine was repulsed by the Citizens of [...] whom he besieged, and the Caliph of Egypt's [Page] fleet from Ascalon's relief) was with great losse repulsed, the Wall's breach that he had made repaired, and the dead Christians hanged in ropes over the Walls, at which the Commanders moved, returned to the assault and the besieged discouraged with great slaughter, yielded the City with its spoyl to the Souldiers, departing only with their lives, the enemy having now no place in those parts.

Lewis the eighth of France, with other great Princes, at or about this Emperours time, took on him the like expedition with a puissant Army, who landing in Asia found nothing answerable to the feigned courtefie of Emanuel at Constantinople; great numbers of Souldiers perishing in desolate Countries by false guides, and many straying, cut off by the Greeks themselves; yet he besieged Damasco, Noradin's Royal Seat, the besieged being brought to extremity, and at the point even to yield. But some Christian Princes there, grudging at the Kings promise of that Cities Government, (if won) to Philip Earl of Flanders a stranger, corrupted also (as some say) with the Turks gold, persivaded the King to remove to a stronger part of the City than where he lay, from whence after a while for lack of victuals, he departed, returning into France; detesting Emmanuel the Emperours name, by whose dealing such an expedition was brought to nought.

Noradine, for some injuries done to the Turks and Arabians dwelling in the Forrest of Libanus, straightly besieged Paneda; the multitude of Turks, after the Christians desperate fally, hardly pursuing and entring the City, put all to the sword in their way; yet most of the Citizens stood upon their guard in the Castle. Noradine, after spoyl taken, and firing the City, departed upon Baldwin's coming for relief, [Page] waiting in the Woods to take the Christians at advantage, and set suddenly on the King passing over Jordan accompanied only with his Horsemen, and doubting no such thing, most of his Nobles were slain or taken, himself with a few hardly escaping to Saphet. Noradine after this besieged it again, (whose Walls were again repaired) in good hope; but (though he had made breaches in the Walls) rose with his Army upon Baldwins the Prince of Autioch, and the Count Tripolis, approach. This (among other hard conflicts of this young King) is worth remembrance, That he put Noradine to flight, loosing most of his Army; who besieged the Castle Sueta, belonging to his Kingdom; and marrying the Greek Emperours Neece, he again required one of his kinswomen in marriage, and preferring Mary Raymund's Daughter of Antioch, before Matilde the Count of Tripolis his Sister, the said Count grievously by Sea infested his frontiers. While the marriage was solemnized, Baldwin abiding at Antioch, and fortifying a Castle on Orontes, took Physick of Barac a Jew the Count's Physician of Tripolis, whereby he was verily supposed to be poysoned; and languishing in pain with the Bloudy-flux and Consumption, he died at Beritum, Febr. 13. 1163. reignning 21 years, being solemnly enterred by his Father with a general mourning. Noradine himself refusing to invade his Kingdom at his funerals solemnity, saying, The Christians had lost such a King as the like was hardly to be found. To return to the Turks proceedings in lesser Asia. [...] Sultan Solyman's death, Mahumet succeeded him betwixt whom and Masut Sultan of Iconium arose great discord, which broke out into open war, Comnen the Emperour aiding Masut; But the 2 Infidels soon becoming friends, joyned, and overthrew the Emperour besieging Iconium, he hardly [...]. [Page] Masut dying divided the whole Turks Kingdome, gotten by him, between his 3 sons, to [...] the eldest he gave Iconium, with the Provinces belonging; unto Jagupasan, Amasia, and Ancyra, with fruirful Cappadocia and the places adjoyning; to Dadune, Cesarea and Sebastia with the large Countries thereabouts. These brethren soon fell at discord; the Sultan and Jagupasan seeking openly each others destruction: Emmanuel the Emperour rejoycing thereat aided Jagupasan, whereby he obtained many notable victories against the Sultan, who weary of the quarrel, personally met the Emperour comming out of Syria, and accompanyed him to Constantinople, who rejoyced to be sued unto by such a Prince, as the Sultan was, being honourably received in triumph. For the solemnizing of which, a great number of People were assembled at the report of an active Turk, who had promised to fly a furlong from the top of an high Tower in the Tilt-yard: who hovering a great while (girt with a long white garment of many pleats and foldings, and the Beholders crying Fly Turk, fly) at length, finding the wind, as he thought, fit, committed himself to the air, breaking his neck, armes, &c. whereby the Sultan's attendants could not walk the streets underided, the common people crying, Fly Turk, fly; whose insolency the smiling Emperour, in favour of the grieved Sultan, restrained.

The Emperour, after the triumph (which was obscured by an earth-quake) gave the Sultan many rich presents with a masse of treasure, who in requitall termed himself his son, promising him Sebastia with its territories, thrusting Dadune out of Sebastia, taking from him [...] Caesarea and Amasia, but kept all to himself, Jagupasan's dominions likewise falling into his hands, by his death, on whom he had also bent his forces. And now the Sultan swelling with pride took Laodicea from the Emperour, killing and carrying the people captive as he went, whereupon the [...] passing with a great army into [Page] Asia, maugre the Turks, most strongly fortifyed Dorileū, carrying the first basket of stones on his own shoulders, as also Sybleum. Yet the Turks ceased not their inroads, though not with such successe as before: The Emperour now expostulated with the Sultan as an unthankfull man, who again upbraided him with breach of promise: thus open war was daily expected, the Sultan managing his by expert Captaines, whereas the Emperour commonly in great expeditions adventured in [...]: who in revenge of his subjects so many wrongs, raised his whole power in Europe and Asia; passing into Asia with his most puissant Army, well appointed of all necessaries, orderly marching thorow Phrygia and other places, and by the old ruinous Castlc of Myriocephalon, Ominous by its name. Though he were circumspect, yet by reason of his many Carriages, &c. he made but small speed: the Turks destroying the Country before them, and in many places poysoning the water, whereof the Christians (especially of the flux) died. The Sultan (though aided by the Persian) loath to adventure all on battel's fortune, made to the Emperour once and again for peace on honorable conditions; who pricked forward by his CourtGallants, proudly dismissed the Embassadours, willing them to tell their Master, he would give him an answer under the walls of: Iconium, which caused the Sultan to take the Straits of Zibrica; enclosed with high mountains, whose vallies opening, and growing straiter and straiter with superimpendent rocks, on both sides, almost touching each; gave to the Army (of necessity passing thereby, from Myriocephalon) a difficult passage. The Emperour, though he were told that the enemy had strongly possessed the streights and mountains, not providing for his safety, desperately entred herein: John and Andronicus with others conducting the Vant-guard, the drudges and carters, &c. following: then the Emperour with the maine battle; and Andronicus Contostephanus in [Page] the rear. After no far entry, the Turks shot as thick as hail down upon them: Yet the Vant-guard casting themselvs into a three square battle, and closely covering their heads with their Targets like a pent-house, caused their enemies, by lusty shot, to retire into the mountaines, and passing those streights with little or no losse, encamped on the top of a commodious hill. But the rest of the army not passing with such order and courage, and troubled with their carriages in those rough and streight places, were miserably overwhelmed by the Turks arrows, falling like a shoure, to their great dismaying & disordering. The Turks now incouraged, came downe from the mountains to handy blowes on plain ground, overthrowing the right wing, where Baldwin breaking into the thickest of the enemy with a valiant troop, to stay their fury, was slain with all his followers, and most of that wing. Then the Turks, with all their power, stopped all the Christians waies, who (by reason of the places streightnesse) could neither retire or goe forward to relieve one another, their many carriages hurting themselvs, were the cause of their own and others destruction: the valleys full of dead bodies, and the rivers running with the blood of men and beasts, in an unexpressible manner; and if the Christians shewed any spark of valour, it was but lost, the Turks shewing the head of Andronicus Bataza the Emperour's nephew, who coming against the Turks of Amasia was overthrown. The Emperour was now so troubled that he was at his wits end, doubtful wch way to turn, who having often attempted to open a way for passage, but in vain, [...] the same danger in staying as in going forward with a few of his best souldiers, resolving to dy, by many blowes given and received, (himself having many wounds and could not lift up his Helmet being beaten close to his head, about thirty arrows sticking in his Target) brake through and escaped those streights. Infinite numbers of the other legions seeking to follow, were slain, besides [Page] many troden to death by their own companions. Those that escaped one streight (this passage having 7 Valleys) were slain in the next: the sand also, raised by men and horses and by a violent wind carried, both armies (being as it were in darkness) killed both friend and foe; so that those Valleys seemed to be a burying place of Turks and Christians, the most being Christians, and those not all of the meanest sort. The wind allaying, and the day clearing, wounded and whole living men were seen middle & neck deep among dead carcases, not able with strugling to get out, with rufull voyces crying to passengers for help; whom every man, through fear, without compassion, left living, as to be numbred among the dead. The Emperor standing alone under a wild Pear-tree, to breathe himself, a common souldier came and helped him to buckle up his armour, but a Turk came and took his horse by the bridle, from whom the Emperour cleared himself by striking him to the ground with the truncheon of his broken lance: other stragglers likewise came presently ready to seiz on him, one whereof he slew with the said staff, struck off anothers head with his sword, keeping them off till 10 relieved him: and departing toward the Vant-guard, he was troubled with other Turks and heaps of dead bodies, & [...] John [...], that married his neece, fighting alone, encompassed & slain. The Turks seeing him, followed him as a rich prey: whom he with his [...] company notably repulsed, comming at length, after much labour and more danger, long looked for, and most welcome, unto the legions. Who, in his way to them, ready to faint for thirst, and drinking some infected water of a river, with a deep sigh said, Oh how unfortunatly have I tasted Christian blood, whereunto an envious souldier replyed, that he had oft, & long since, been drunk with Christian blood, by vexing and devouring his Subjects with most grievous exactions: the Emperour, putting it up in silence, answered no more to this rayling companion than Good words Souldier. [Page] Then animating his souldiers to rescue his treasures and take it for their labour, the same souldier said, [It should before have been given to thy souldiers, rather then now, when 'tis to be recovered with great danger and blood-shed; and therefore, if thou be a man of valour, valiantly charge the Turks thy self, & recover thine ill gotten goods.] Andronicus Contostephanus came shortly after, having escaped the Turks fury, to the Vant-guard. The Turks cryed all the night, to increase the oppressed Christians fear, that all their countrey-men, that had abjured their Religion, or taken part with the Imperialists, if they staid till morning, should be lost men. The Emperour hereupon declared his resolution, to his chief Commanders, secretly to flee, and leave every man to shift. Which base determination a souldier without the Tent over-hearing, cryed, in detestation, with a loud voice, What meanes the Emperor? & turning to him said, Art not thou he that hast thrust us into this desolate and streight way, casting us headlong into destruction? What had we to do with this vale of mourning? What can we particularly complain of these Barbarians? Was it not Thou that broughtest us hither? And wilt thou thy self betray us? &c. Which reprehension (though nought remained but death and despair) changed his determination. And in this extremity, it pleased the Almighty so to touch the Sultan's heart, that (by perswasion of the chief men about him, that in peace had wont to receive great gifts from the Emperour) he voluntarily offered him peace on the very conditions of former leagues. The Turks ignorant of the Sultan's resolution, in the morning assaulting the Camp, slew divers of the Christians in their own Trenches, but by the command of one Gabras the Turkish Embassadour, (who, with reverence to the ground, presented the Emperour with a goodly Horse, with silver furniture, and a two edged Sword, & by enchanting words concerning peace appeasing his heaviness) they ceased to assault them: the Emperor giving Gebras his rich yellow Robe, upon a pleasant conceit [Page] by him uttered, told him 'twas not fit for war, portending ill luck, and then signed the peace, this being one condition, that Dorileum and Sybleum should be rased. The Emperour purposed to returne home another way, yet (by his guides) was led back the same way, to behold those miserable spectacles of the slain, all that passed by calling with grief upon their lost friends. The Emperour placed his best souldiers in the rear to repulse the Turks, who, in the rail of the army, slew many; the Sultan (as is said) repenting & giving leave to persue them. He rased Sybleū, but not [...], answering the complaining Sultan, he greatly forced not to perform what by necessity he was enforced to promise. Who in revenge, straitly charged Atapack with 24000 chosen souldiers, to waste and destroy all his provinces to the Sea side, not sparing man, woman, or child, and to bring Sea-water, an Oar, and Sea-sand as a token; who did so to Phrygia, returning with a rich prey: But passing [...], he was, by John Bataza and Duc as Constantine, slain with all his army, and all the booty recovered. After many hard conflicts, Emmanuell died, having governed 38 years, being in a Monks habit a little before his death; as jealous of the Christians in the West, as of the Turks in the East: in warr altogether laborious, and in peace given over to pleasure. The Sultan afterwards took Sozopolis, joyning more and more of the Emperour's provinces to his own without resistance: For Alexius, called [...]-genitus, (being but 12 years of age) succeeding, followed his pleasure; his Mother, and Father's kinsemen and friends (neglecting his education) followed their delights: Some courted the young Empresse: Others filling their coffers with the common treasures: and others aiming at the Empire it self. Amongst whom was Andronicus, Emmanuel's Cousin, who, for his aspiring, was by him confined to live at Oenū: who thought it now a fit time, in such disorder of state, to aspire unto the long looked-for Empire. He doubted not but he was generaly beloved, yea, & of some [Page] of the Nobility, wanting nothing more than some fair colour to shadow his purpose: He took first occasion to work on a clause in the Oath of obedience which he took, [That if he should see, hear, or understand anything dangerous or hurtfull to the Honour, Empire, or Persons of Emmanuel or his son Alexius, he should bewray it, and to his utmost power withstand it.] Thereupon he wrote divers Letters to the young Emperour, the Patriarch, and others, wherein he seemed to complain of the immoderate power of Alexius, President of the Councel, who ruled all things at his pleasure, & that his care of the young Emperour's safety mooved him to complaine, wishing so great power of Alexius to be abridged, aggravating the report of Alexius's too much familiarity with the Empresse: the reformation of which he (as bound in conscience) most earnestly desired. Wherefore, travailing towards Constantinople, he gave out what he would, for his Oaths sake, do; unto whom men, desirous of a change of the State, flockt in great numbers. Thus honourably coming to Paphlagenia, as a deliverer of his Countrey; divers Nobles also joyned with him, especially Mary the Emperours sister by the Father, with Caesar her husband, (who had raised a great tumult in the City against Alexius, & the hated Empress her step-Mother, not appeased without much bloodshed) pricked forward, by secret Messengers and Letters, Andronicus to hasten his coming, and take the government on him: who being daily encouraged, came to Heraclea, winning the peoples hearts with words and tears, saying all that he did was for the common good of the Emperour. Passing by [...] and Nicomedia, out of which he was shut, he was [...] by Andronicus Angelus (sent with a great power by the President Alexius) who spending most of the night in rioting, and the day in his bed, left nothing undone for the assuring of his estate; working the mat er so by the rare beauty of the Empresse, by gifts and sums of mony, that none of account went to [...] Who [Page] neverthelesse joyning battle with Angelus overthrew and put him to flight, whom Alexius in great displeasure calling to account for the mony of that war, his misfortune being taken as if he had betrayed the Army of purpose; by the counsel of his 6 sons, first he [...] with them to his own house, and presently after to Andronicus: Who being encouraged with the coming of these noble kinsmen, encamped almost right over against Constantinople, causing many great fires to be made in his army, to make it seem greater than it was, some Citizens running to the Sea side, some to the tops of hills and towers, willing to have drawn him, by their lookes, into the City. Alexius, not able to encounter Andronicus by land, (for some that could not go over on foot, were in heart with him, others taking part with neither) commanded all the Emperour's Galleys to be strongly put to Sea, to hinder Andronicus passage over Propontis and Bosphorus; Contostephanus challenging the Generalship over this Fleet as his due, unto whom he was, without dispute, glad to commit the charge thereof. Then he sent one George Xiphiline, as from the Emperour, with Letters and instructions to Andronicus, commanding him forthwith to return in peace, promising him the Emperor's favour, with many honours, &c. otherwise it might turn to his destruction: Xiphiline, as it is reported, secretly advised Andronicus to proceed in his purpose, wherewith encouraged, he willed the Messenger to tell them, that proud Alexius should be first displaced, and called to an account, that the Empresse should be shut up as a [...] to learn amendment of life, and that the Emperour should take the Government on himself, & not be overtopt by others, &c. Contostephanus, few daies after, carried all the Galleys to Andronicus; casting Alexius into the bottom of despair. Andronicus his friends openly flocked together, and some (scossing at Alexius) passed the Strait to him, returning home [...] and joyfull, filling the City with his praises. After that John and Manuell, sons of Andronicus, were set [Page] at liberty, and others laid fast in their rooms; Alexius himself with all his faction, were committed to the guard. But Alexius (by a wonderful change) was about midnight conveigned to the Patriarch's house, and kept with a strong guard, complaining of nothing more than his keepers not suffering him to sleep; whose misery the Patriarch undeservedly pitying, perswaded him not to provoke his keepers, by speeches, to use him evilly. Within few daies, he was brought (on a little jade with a ragged [...] on the top of a reed in derision) to the Sea-side, and so to Andronicus, whose eys were, for his evil Government, by a general consent, put out. Theodosius the Patriarch approaching, the last of Nobles that came to Andronicus, he fell down at his horses feet, and rising kissed his foot, calling him the Emperour's Saviour, the defender of truth, comparing him with John Chrysostom, &c. But the Pataiarch, marking his stern countenance, subtil nature, &c. quippingly said, Hitherto I have heard, but now I have also seen and plainly known; adjoyning with a deep sigh, that saying, As we have heard so have we seen: remembring also Emmanuel's words, wherewith he had lively represented Andronicus (never seen before) many times to his view.

Andronicus (all things in the City being to his mind) departing from Damalum, crossed the strait, oftentimes singing that saying, Return my soul to thy rest, &c. Coming to the Emperour's Countrey-house near Philopatium, he most humbly prostrated himself before the Emperour with deceitful tears, kissing his feet: saluting his mother Xene, as it were, but for fashion sake; staying a good while with the Emperour, he desired to go to Constantinople to see his Cosen Emmanuel's grave, where coming he wept bitterly, and roared as it were out, divers ignorant standers by saying, Oh what a wonderful thing is this, &c. He would not be removed by his kinsman, pulling him from the Tomb; and secretly said something, as if he had prayed: [Page] some saying, it was a charm: Others and more truly, that he triumphed over the dead Emperour, with these or the like words, I have thee now fast, my cruel persecutor, &c. And now I will be revenged of thy posterity, and satisfie my self as a Lion with a fat prey, &c.

He afterwards (disposing of all matters at his pleasure) allowed the Emperor hunting and other delights, watching him by Keepers, that none should talk of any important matter with him; He took all the Government to himself, to drive away the contrary faction that had born sway. The state of that time (by his rewarding bountifully the Souldiers that helped him, bestowing Offices on his children, or other favourites, shortly driving divers Nobles to exile, depriving some of their sight, casting others into prison for something or other that grieved him) began to be most miserable. Some accusing their nearest kinsmen, for deriding Andronicus his proceedings, or that without regard of him they more favoured the Emperour; Yea, many accusing & charging others with treason, were themselves charged by the accused, and both clapt up together. You might have seen not only his enemies, but some of his best friends, the same day to be crowned and beheaded, graced and disgraced: the wiser deeming his praises, bounty and kindnesse; the beginning of a mans disgrace, undoing and death. Mary, Emmanuel's daughter, who above all others wished for his coming, was first cunningly poysoned by Pterigionites a corrupted Eunuch, her husband supposed also to be poysoned with the same cup. He made as if he would depart, if the fair Empress Xene were not removed from her Son: the incensed vulgar people flocking unto, and ready to tear the Patriarch out of his cloaths, if he consented not thereunto. So in a Councel of his favourites she was after many false things accused of treason, as to solicite Bela King of Hungary her Brother in Law, by Letters to invade Branisoba and Belligrade, belonging to the Empire; for which she was [Page] condemned, and cast into a most filthy prison. Four of this Counsel, being asked their opinion of her, said They would know whether it was called by the Emperours consent? Whereupon Andronicus, in great rage starting up, [...], Lay hands on them, his guard shaking their weapons at them: and the people catching and pulling them, were so fierce, that they had much ado to escape with life. The Empress now hourly expected the deadly blow. Andronicus demanding of the assembled former Councel, What punishment there was for betrayers of any Town or Province? The answer being in writing, that it was death; he brake out in choller, as if she had done it. By and by a writing was subscribed by the Emperour, (labhor to write it) unworthily condemning his Mother to dye; Manuel his eldest son, and George Augustus his kinsman, saying plainly, They would not see her innocent body dismembred, never consenting to her death. At which troubled Andronicus, plucking himself by the hoary beard, &c. sighed at his own most miserable tyrannical estate, &c. Yet few daies after, he commanded her to be strangled by Pterigionites and another: which was done accordingly; her (lately adorned) body was secretly raked up in the sand by the Sea-side.

Andronicus (all being covered under pretence of common good and safety) to manifest his loyalty to his cosen the Emperour, perswaded the Nobility to have him solemnly Crowned, (who for his tender age was not yet) his own shoulders, at the time, supporting him to and from the great Church, with Crocodiles tears, as if it had been for joy; many accounting the young Emperour thrice happy in him. So cunningly, under pietie's vail, shaddowed he his most execrable treachery. For (having got into his power both Emperour and Empire) he called a Councel of his favourites, declaring unto them the danger of the Empire, through a rebellion at Nice in Bithinia, and another at Prusa, who (before sufficiently instructed) answered, [Page] there would be no end of such mischiefs, except he were joyned in fellowship of the Empire with Alexius. At which, the standers by with a shout cryed, Long live Alexius and Andronicus the Greek Emperours. The people swarming like Bees in every part of the City, sounding his praises; and a world following him out of his house, crying the same thing. The Emperour seeing the Court full of people saluting Andronicus his fellow, welcomed the old Tyrant, sore against his will, as his companion in Empire. Whom, dissemblingly unwilling, some flattering favourits carried up with both hands, placing him in the Imperial Seat: others putting on him the imperial Robes. At their proclaiming (next day) Andronicus was named before Alexius, This reason given, That it fitted not the name of a boy, to be set before a man so reverend, &c. Being to be Crowned in the Temple, he first, with a chearful countenance, began to fill the people with large promises of a more happy Government. And the more to deceive, the Coronation past, he with eies cast up to Heaven, receiving the bread and taking the cup, swore and deeply protested by those mysteries, that he took on him the fellowship of the Empire, for no other end, but to assist Alexius in the Government. But spending a few daies in feigned devotions, he called together his own corrupt Councel, having that saying of the Poet in their mouths,

An evil thing 'tis to be rul'd by many,

One King and one Lord if there be any.

They by general consent decreed, That Alexius (as unfit) should be deprived of all Imperial dignities, and live a private life; another more cruel suddenly coming out, That he should be put to death. Theodore Badibren Captain of the tormentors, with two more: strangling him with a Bow-string in his Chamber; Andronicus shortly after spurned the dead body, railing at his Father and Mother; [Page] his head was left to feed the Tyrants eys, his body carried in lead, to Sea by two favourits, who returning with joy, vengeance followed them, all or most of the conspirers coming to miserable ends. Alexius perished, not full 15 years old, in the third year of his reign.

Andronicus being 70 years old, as made hereby young again, married Anne the French Kings daughter 11 years old, procuring an absolution for all people from the Bishops (whom for a while he had in great honour) from the Oath of obedience given to Emmanuel and Alexius; and for establishing his estate, secretly poysoned some, deprived some of their sight, some he hanged, some he burnt all of great honour and place that favoured Emmanuel or Alexius. For colour whereof (Oh deep dissimulation) he pretended himself sorry for them, &c. with rears running down his aged cheeks. Most being thus taken out of the way, the rest that favoured Emmanuel and his son, fled for safeguard of their lives. Isaac and Alexius [...], Emmanuel's kinsmen, the one refuging into Cyprus, kept it: the other fleeing into Sicily, stirred up William that King, who took the Cities Dyrrachium, and Thessalonica, spoyling the Countrey as he went, bringing great fear on Constantinople it self: which evils Andronicus (enemies at home and abroad daily encreasing) though he sent out such forces as he could spare, was not able to remedy; but (resting wholly on tyranny) he proscribed not only the friends of the fled, but sometimes whole families; yea, and sometimes for light occasions his best favourits; no day passing, but he killed, imprisoned, or tortured one great man or other; whereby the City was filled with silent sorrow. Amongst other Nobles Hagio Christophorites came to Isaac Angelus his house, to apprehend him, beginning to lay hands on him, reviling his followers, for that they, touched with compassion, stood still as beholders. Isaac thus beset, cleft with his sword Hagio Christophorites his head to his shoulders, desperatly making way thorow the [Page] rest; And with his bloudy sword, fled thorow the City into the Temple of Sophia, where the guilty flying for refuge used to sit, confessing and craving pardon of those going in and out. The Temple was filled with flocking people, thinking (before the Sun-set) he would be drawn thence by Andronicus, and put to some shameful death. His Uncle John Ducas, and his Son Isaac, came thither also, who had become sureties to the suspitious Tyrant for their kinsman. Many others also, in doubt of their estate, instantly requested the common people to stay, and stand by them at their need. Isaac spent that night, not thinking [...] Empire, but expecting death; yet no friend of Andronicus appeared, every man speaking what he list, and encouraging one another; divers of the seditious assembly shut up the doors, and with lights stayed all night, causing by example others to stay. The next morning all the Citizens flocking to the Temple, cursed the Tyrant, wishing the Empire to Isaac. [...] was out of the City at Meludinum, being certified hereof by 9 a clock at night, stirring not that night; but by Letters advising the people to pacifie themselves. Nought in the morning prevailed with the inraged people: neither the perswasions of Andronicus his favourites, nor the report of his landing in the City; but flocking and encouraging each other in the Temple, scoffed and called the lookers on Rotten limbs. Then they set at liberty the prisoners, many of them of good houses, and for some light fault or small offence, there laid fast; who most animated the people, so that but soft murmurers afore, did now openly joyn themselves, running forth of their shops with swords, clubs, &c. Isaac was hoysed up by this assembly, and saluted Emperour, a Sexton setting Constantin's Crown of gold (hanging over the Altar) on his head; who fearing it to be but as a sick mans dream, and the extream danger, seemed at first unwilling; whereupon, Ducas his Uncle requesting it might be set on his old bald head, the people [Page] cryed out, they would no more obey an old bald man, hating for Andronicus his sake, every such: especially having a forked beard or bald head, as they had. Isaac (mounted on one of the Emperour's horses richly furnished, the enforced Patriarch waiting on him) was by the tumult invested in the Empire. Andronicus his friends and favourites, by whose help he thought to repress the rebellious, some shrinking from him, the rest faintly coming on, he vainly shot from the highest Tower of the Pallace among the people; then cryed aloud, that if they would be content, he would resign to his Son Manuel: the enraged people reproaching both, and breaking into the Court, Andronicus, without [...] fleeing, returned disguised, with his Wife and Minion, in his Galley, to Meludinum. Isaac being again ialuted Emperour in the Pallace, with the peoples greatest applause; who forthwith sent to apprehend Andronicus, secretly fled with his Wife and Paragon, and a few old trusty servants to Chele: thence purposing to flee to the Tauroscythes, he was twice or thrice put back by foul weather, the Sea still threatning to devour him. Being thus apprehended by those that sought him, he was with two iron chains on his neck, and gyves on his leggs, cast into the Castle of Amena, and shortly after presented to Isaac, being, as he went, most shamefully reviled, and injuriously used, especially by women whose husbands he had murthered, or deprived of sight. His right hand was afterwards by the peoples fury cut off, and he committed to the Castle without meat, drink, or comfort: being after few daies, led bare thorow the Market-place, with his face towards the tail on a lean Cammel, in a short old coat. But the baser sort, omitted no villany they could devise to him they had honoured, extolled, and sworn loyalty: some thrusting nails into his head &c. a drab casting a pot of scalding-water in his face. They hanged him up by the heels, having thus brought him into the Theater, with indignities not to be [Page] named; he sometimes saying patiently, Lord have mercy on me: and, Why do you break a bruised reed? Yet they, cut off his privities, as he hung, one thrusting a sword to the twist thorow his throat: two others proving to strike with swords farthest into his buttocks. After 2 years reign, he thus miserably perished, a man of honourable descent, and notable vertues, &c. had he not obscured the same with ambition and cruelty. Isaac suffered him not to be buried, but he lay a space, in a base vault, till charitable men removed him into a low vault near a Monastery.

Isaac the Emperour, at first governed with lenity, but afterwards (besides forreign enemies) troubled with an aspiring Nobility that besieged him; for repressing of which, he was so severe, that few daies passed without condemning or executing some great man, making no great reckoning of the meaner sort, became odious as Andronicus. Whereupon his younger brother Alexius, whom he had redeemed from the Turks, rose up and deprived him of the Empire and sight, thrusting him into a Monastery, after 9 years 8 moneths reign, and not 40 years old. Out of the losses and ruin of the Constantinopolitan Empire, the Turks greatness, for the most part, grew: Chlizasthlan Sultan of Iconium, taking after Emmanuel's death, divers strong places in lesser Asia, and also a great part of Phrygia, (the 3 succeeding Emperours opposing him with nothing but intreaty and presents) which victorious Sultan dying, divided his Kingdom among 4 Sons, Masut to whom he bequeathed Amasia, &c. Coppatine, Melytene, &c. Reucratine, Aminsum, &c. Caichosroes, to whom he left Iconium; with it, Lycaonia, &c. Reucratine and Masut warred for Coppatin's inheritance, who lived not long; but Masut as too weak yielded to Reucratine, glad to keep his own. Reucratine ambitious, denounceth war against Caichosroes: who fleeing to Alexius Angelus for aid, be given to pleasure, and reputing their domestick wars part of his safety, sent him home [Page] without comfort. Who was quickly driven out of [...] by Reucratine; Zebune, King of Armenia, to whom he fled, denying him aid, the poor discouraged Sultan (as forlorn) passed his daies at Constantinoplë.

The course of time calleth us back to remember the Turk's proceedings then, and shortly after, in Syria, Judea, Aegypt, &c. where these people ceased not til they brought those Kingdomes under obeysance. For after Baldwin's death, Almericus, his younger Brother, was by the better liking of Clergy and People, than of the envying Nobility, chosen King of Jerusalem, and Febr. 17. 1163. crowned, the Aegyptians first denying to pay their tribute to him. Who, in revenge overthrew Dargan the Sultan in battle; he, to stay the Christians further pursuite, cut Nilus banks that the King was glad to return to Jerusalem.

Almericus, the next year aided Dargan against Saracon, whom Noradine had sent to restore Sanar, the expulsed Sultan Dargan being slain, and Saracon keeping townes that he had won to himself; Sanar, being doubtfull, joyned with Almericus, expulsing Saracon out of Aegypt. Noradine, the mean time, making inroads neer Tripolis, was (by Gilbert Lacy, Master of the Templars and others) suddenly set upon, most of his followers slain, and himself fleeing half naked. But shortly after besieging Arethusa, [...] Prince of Antioch, with four other, came for relief, and eagerly following the Turk, that raised his siege, they were with great slaughter overthrown in deep fenns, all chief Commanders, (but the Prince of Armenia, who fore-casting had retired) were taken. The Prince of Antioch about a year, the Count of Tripolis after eight years, being hardly delivered. Noradine in few daies after won Arethusa, and besieged Paneade, which was delivered to him, the Citizens departing in safty at pleasure. The King returning, hanged 12 Templars for Treason, from whom Saracon had now taken one Castle in Sidon, and another beyond Fordan.

Sanar (in dread of Saracon, coming shortly with all his [Page] power into Aegypt to subdue it) prayed aid of Almericus for 40000 Ducats, beside his yearly tribute. [...] overthrew Saracon at Nilus; but (the Turks lighting on his carriages in their flight) as the Christians had the victory, so the Turks the spoil. Saracon gathered again his dispersed souldiers, being received at Alexandria, the King attempted not the City, but encamped by the River Nilus: Saracon, thereby fore-seeing want of victuals, departed by night with his Army, leaving Saladine his son or Nephew with 1000 horsemen. Almericus being perswaded from following Saracon, approached the Walls with Engines. Wherewith the discouraged Citizens began to consult of turning out their troublesom Guests. Saladine certified Saracon thereof, requesting speedy relief: the Christians having intelligence of all, much harder besieged it. Saracon perceiving Saladine's request dangerous & difficult, by means of two noble Christian Prisoners, concluded a peace: the City was yielded, the Turks in safety departing; and all Prisoners, on both sides, freed without ransome. Saracon thus disappointed returning to Damasco: & Almericus, Sept. 21. 1167. with glory to Ascalon.

King Almericus now enflamed with the wealth of Aegypt, and [...] with the peoples weakness, & chiefly stirred up by Gerbert Master of the Templars, purposed to invade it, pretending the Sultan's secret seeking to joyn in league with Noradine. He set forward in October, and came in ten daies to Pelusium, taking the City by force, after 3 daies; he put all to the sword the rein, giving it to the Templars according to promise, Gerbert having, on that hope, with all his wealth and credit, furthered the Warr. His Fleet sacking Tapium, and he besieging Cair; Sanar, [...] his danger, offred Almericus 2000000 Ducats to withdraw, deferring the payment of 1900000 purposing to raise all Aegypt, and expecting aids by Saracon, whom Almericus, going to meet him, missed. Almericus dismayed with the joyning of the two Armies, retired to [Page] [...], returning to Jerusalem, having, in that expedition, laid the foundation of his Kingdom's ruine, by bringing the Turks into Aegypt. Sarracon perceiving a fit opportunity offred, encamped near Cair, betwixt whom and the Sultan passed all tokens of friendship, often [...] each other: but the Sultan was at length [...] in the Turks Camp. Sarracon entring the City was by the great Caliph ( [...] true [...]) appointed Sultan, as he desired, the first of the Turks that enjoyed it. He dying within a full year, Saladine his Nephew stept up, who not regarding the Caliph (as Sarracon and the Sultan's before) with his Horse-man's Mace struck out his brains, rooting out all his posterity; and to encourage his Turks against the Christians, he divided the Aegyptian treasures among them. Renowned Aegypt was (till about 704) part of the [...] Empire, which revolted unto the Saracens, whose superstition they received, through the Greeks pride and covetousnesse, so living about 464 years, till now (invaded by Almericus) Sarracon, ayding, repulsed the Christians, but took the Kingdom, remaining in Saladines posterity, till again taken by the Mamalukes, Selymus the 1 utterly destroying them (under whose servility it was long holden) it hath remained to this day in the Turkish Emperour's Government, Selymus his posterity.

Saladine thus possessed of Egypt entred into Palestine, in 1170, with so great an Army, as the like of the Turks was never before there, winning Daron, and overthrowing Almericus his relievers, and returned contented into his Kingdome. Almericus, beset on both sides by the Turks, went personally to Constantinople, and sent Embassadors to Christian Princes of the West to crave aid: he and his Embassadours were loaded with great promises, all which came to nothing. Saladine made three light expeditions into the holy Land, the three following years, (still raising his siege and retiring upon Almericus his coming) more to prove his enemies strength, & train his souldiers (chiefly [Page] the womanly Aegyptians) than for hope of Victory.

Noradine, Sultan of Damasco, reigning 29 years, soon after died: Almericus forthwith besieged Panead, but for a great sum from the Widdow, & noble Prisoners delivery he departed. So returning, not well, on horseback, (with his ordinary retinue) to Jerusalem, where being grievonsty tormented with his old disease, the Flux, which was before somewhat staied, he requested a gentle potion of his refusing Physitians, commanding it upon his own peril, wherewith (though his loosed belly was at first eased) his Feaver was vehement, and he suddenly died, July 10. 1173. having reigned about 10 years. This wise and right valiant Prince was buried by his Brother, with great lamentation of all. His son Baldwin (about 13 years old) was 4 daies after chosen and solemnly crowned, 1173. Raymund Count of Tripolis, being, by the whole consent, appointed his Tutor, for his tender age.

Noradine left his son Melechsala, a youth, to succeed him. Whose disdaining Nobles betrayed Damasco to Saladine, secretly sent for; who, in fine, unresistedly [...] the whole Kingdom of Damasco, Arethusa excepted. The wiser not thinking it safe for the Kingdomes of Damasco and Aegypt to be joyned, Jerusalem lying betwixt both. Wherefore the Count of Tripolis made out to hinder his proceedings: (Then also Cotabed Prince of Parthia, Melechsala's Uncle's Troops, sent to aid his distressed Nephew, were almost all slain by Saladine near Aleppo) Who appeased the Christian Princes with intreaty, rewards, and rich presents. After which he, passing 3 or 4 years in quietnesse, was greatly strengthned in those new Kingdomes. Philip Earl of Flanders comming over, the Christian Princes consulted of an expedition into Aegypt, (Saladine drawing down into that Country). But Philip disliking it (and the rather for Tripolis his no cheerfulnesse) they turned forces a contrary way, miserably wasting about Emissa and Cesarea. [...] taking this occasion, invaded the holy [Page] Land; where burning the Country, and raging in bloud, he encamped not far from [...]; them of [...], being about to forsake the City for fear. Baldwin lay close in Ascalon with small forces he had left. Saladine encouraged, dispersed his Army to forrage the Countrey. The King perceiving this, secretly issued out and charged him, till (after a hard and doubtful battel) Saladine fled, most of his Army being slain, or lost with hunger and cold. This was Novemb. 25, 1177. the Turk had 26000 horsmen, the King not past 4000. He returned triumphing to Jerusalem, diligently repairing the Cities Walls. In revenge Saladine did great harm, chiefly about Sidon; the King overthrowing part of his Army carryed great booty. Saladine came as a sudden tempest on the secure Christians, dividing the spoil, slaying a great number, taking Otto and Hugh in flights confusion; the King glad to shift. After which he took (by force) a strong Castle lately built by Jordan, putting all to the sword, except a few prisoners; He becoming hereby dreadful in Syria, caused the Christians to be more vigilant; yet there was almost a 2 years breathing by the Sultan and Kings, shortly concluding a Peace. But the Count of Tripolis, (being through enemies suspected by the King as affected to the Kingdom, and commanded to stay) coming toward Jerusalem, suddenly troubled this pleasing calm. The Kings turbulent Mother and her [...], were the chief authours; but the other Nobles (wisely foreseeing discords danger) appeased that fire for a time, by causing him, being sent for, to be reconciled to the King.

Saladine now renounced the League with Baldwin, setting forward with great power in Egypt, toward Damasco. Baldwin went to meet him, and encamped at Petra; but Saladine turning away, encamped before Mount-royal Castle given to the Templars; who there refreshing his Army, arrived unresisted at Damasco. The Turks Captains then spoiled Galilee, besieging and soon taking [...] [Page] Castle at Mount Tabors foot, carrying away about 500 prisoners, with great slaughter made. Saladine joyning all [...] Garrisons with Egyptian forces, entred the holy Land; whom Baldwin (though the Count of [...] lay sick) encouraged, [...] near [...] a Village overthrowing him, and most of his Army perishing, himself by flight escaping to Damasco; who in revenge besieged [...] by Sea and Land: his brother, [...] of Aegypt, besieging Darum towards Aegypt. Baldwin thinking best first to relieve Berytus, set forward by Land, rigged 30 Gallies at Tyre; which Saladine, by intercepted Letters, understanding, presently departed. And seeing the success against Baldwin not as his desire, passed more Eastward over Euphrates into Mesopotamia, getting Edessa, Carras, &c. by force and corruption into his hands: in which time Baldwin spoyled about Damasco, retiring to Jerusalem laded with spoil. Saladine returning, matched in revenge, to Aleppo, longed for above all other; which ere long, was by the Governours treason delivered to him, the Princes fearing great matters to ensue. The Prince of Antioch sold Tarsus (Saladine as it were stepping betwixt him and it) to Rupinus of Armenia.

The King sick of a Feaver, and the Leprosy daily encreasing, appointed (to the great discontentment of the Count of Tripolis) Guy Count of Joppa and Ascalon, to whom Sybil his Sister was espoused, Governour of the Kingdom, reserving only the Kingly title, and Jerusalem with 10000 Ducats yearly. Saladine, after a little breathing, took many Castles, doing infinite harm in the holy Land the people fleeing into Cities for fear. The Christian Army, through envy to Guy, and affection to Tripolis, lying fast by and (never so before) not moving, suffering the enemy to spoil and depart in safety; who within a month, in hope of a safer passage between Damasco and Aegypt, sat down before Petra beyond Jordan with a great Army. Baldwin sent the Count of Tripolis by him [Page] restored, and Guy displaced, against him: Saladine hearing of it raised his siege.

The King, a little before, growing sicker, appointed (by the Nobles consent, Baldwin) Sybills Son (a posthume of William Marquess of [...] her first husband) 5 years old, to succeed him; Raymund of Tripolis, during his minority, to govern the State. Guy hereupon, departed from Court to Ascalon, discontented; the Patriarch and Princes, fearing great danger, requested the King to receive [...] into favour, and to reconcile him with Raymund, by his Parliament at Acon; but it was dissolved, and nothing in that point concluded. Jerusalems Kingdom, through the old King's sickness, the young ones unfitness, and the dissention between Guy and Raymund, began to decline. Raymund, fearing Guy, was thought to have intelligence with Saladine, the King almost purposing to proclaim him Traytot; But by the Counsel of Tyre's. Archbishop and others, he sent Heraclius Patriarch of Jerusalem, and two more Masters of the Knights and Templers, to the Pope, the Emperour of Germany, the French and English Kings, to crave aid against the Infidels. These Embassadours, before the Pope and Emperour, declaring the Eastern Christians hard estate, moved all the Princes (at the Councel of Verona) to compassion. Thence passing into France, England and Germany, great preparation was made for relief, the returning Embassadours filling the sick King with great hopes. But quarrels shortly arising between Pope and Emperour, sharp war between the French and English Kings, and others, the expedition was dashed. Whereat Baldwin (oppressed with grief) [...] without issue, May 16. 1185, 25 years old; whose body was also buried (with a general mourning) in the Temple by Mount Calvary, not inferiour to his Predecessors. Baldwin 5th. a boy, was Crowned. Raymund contending for the government and Kings tuition, by the late Kings [...]: having it almost confirmed by [...] [Page] But Sybill so animated Guy not to give place, that by his favourites, and the Marquess of [...] (then in [...] with great power) he had from the Nobles what he desired. Seven months after, the young King was buried: poysoned by his Mother (as was said) whose death she concealed, till it was wrought, that the King was [...], and Guy the same day Crowned: Let him have his place as the 8th King of Jerusalem, though some reckon him not among the Kings.

Raymund, out of all hope, did what he could to crosse the King; Saladine promising him help at need, which the Count desirously embraced. Discord reigning, the Kingdom drew to a period; which Saladine perceiving, invited Turks, Saracens, and Egyptians to take up Arms, assuring them of great prey, and honour of conquest, which Mahometans flocked to Ptolemais, 50000 horse, besides infinit foot there meeting the Count, conducting some thorow Tiberias, Nazareth and Galilee. They besieging this City Ptolemais, Saladine terribly assaulted it on May day 1187. In the heat whereof, the 2 Masters of the Templars and Knights Hospitallers, to whom it was given to defend, sallying out, assailed the Camp; and turning on the assaillers, made confusion and sudden danger, turned his whole forces, fighting a most bloudy battel; the Count of Tripolis in a Turkish habit, helping the Infidels, unhorsed the Master of the Hospitallers, who surcharged with Armour, and oppressed with enemies, died, Saladine (new succour still coming) having lost 15000, fled with the rest; a [...] not without Christian blood, most of the Hospitallers being [...]. Saladine now thought good to joyn pollicy to open force; working by Raymund of Tripolis, [...] (as utterly fallen out with the Turks) he should seek for grace of Guy, as his dread Soveraign. Saladine to colour this, besieged Tiberias a City of the [...]; who, traiterously craving aid of the King, encamped with an Army near the fountain of Sophor, joyning [Page] a terrible battel with 120000 horsemen and 160000 footmen of Turks: both Armies, as by consent, retiring through extream heat and nights approach. The [...] next day, by the false Counts flight, gained the victory; Guy the King, with divers of great note were taken; the Christians whole strength was here broken.

Saladine, with little resistance, had Ptolemais, [...] and Berytus delivered him; not forcing any Christian yielding their obedience and tribute, but the Latins, to depart. And, within a month, taking, except Tyre, all Sea-port Towns betwixt [...] and Ascalon; he marched from Ascalons siege of 9 daies, directly to Jerusalem, perswading the Citizens timely to yield themselves and City to his mercy; they refusing, he for 14 daies, left nothing [...] for gaining thereof. The Citizens considering their danger, the Kingdoms strength [...], no forreign aid to be expected, agreed to yield on condition, of staying with goods and liberty, or departing with what they could carry on their backs; [...] delivered Octob. 2, 1187, holden by the Christians 89 years. Saladine prophaning the Temple with his superstition, using the other as Stables; that of the Sepulchre was, for a great sum redeemed by the Christians. The Latins he thrust out, with what burdens they could bear; who travelling to Tripolis, Tyre and [...], were by false Raymund of Tripolis, and his followers, lightened thereof. Others, as Syrians, &c. had places in the [...] appointed to dwell in. All Monuments were defaced, except Christ's Sepulchre, with Godfreys and his brother Baldwins. Above 20000 Christians perished, the Count of Tripolis shortly after found dead in his bed, as some say, circumcised. Saladine returned to the siege of Ascalon, which after 10 daies, with a composition for safe departure, was delivered for freeing Guy the King, and Gerrard [...] of the Templars. Then he attempted [...], but gave over the siege. He most furiously assaulted Tyre, which was full of men, by Conrade [Page] of [...] arriving with the Greek Emperour's Fleet, and distressed Christians fleeing thither; but was repulsed with great losse. The Admiral of Sicily landing upon his back, he (charged behind and before) left his Tents, with all therein, to the Christians for haste: In few daies invading about Antioch, he destroyed all with fire and sword, that so strong a Cities Castle, being (by means of the Patriarch for gold) betrayed to him; whereby he soon was Master of the City, about 90 years before hardly gained by the Christians, 25 Cities with the Provinces belonging, depended thereon.

The report of this losse, soon filling Christendom with pittiful complaints of [...], and perswasions of Pope Clement 3, moved the Christian Princes with many great Prelats; all or most making great preparations for relief against the Turks; and afterwards imploying them (at divers times) with danger of their persons; the success shall hereafter be declared. Of which Saladine not ignorent, set Guy at liberty; [...] a year contrary to promise, with an oath, never by Arms to seek revenge or recovery of his Kingdom: hoping to stay the other Princes coming thereby; which extorted oath the Pope dispensed withal.

Guy now came to Tyre, but could not (for their sworn obedience to Montferrat) be received; But departing, he besieged Ptolemais with the power he had; with whom the Venetian Fleet, them of Pisa, and 50 sail of Flemings, joyned to win the City. Saladine came with a great [...] for relief; there was fought a great battel, and had not Geffrey the Kings brother, come from the Camp with supplies, the Christians, who had at first the better, had had a notable overthrow; yet 2000 were slain. Saladine sent for his strong rigged Fleet at Alexandria, putting men and victuals into the City. The encouraged Turks, made often salleys, whipping in despight, the Image of Christ crucified on top of the Wall. Saladine scoured the [Page] Seas with this Fleet, that no supplies could come to the Camp: So that some Christians, through famine shortly arising, fled to the Turks for bread. Saladine making shew as not understanding thereof, departed leaving his Camp full of victuals. The Christians supposing he had gone for fear, hastened to the forsaken Camp, of whom Saladine, returning, made a great slaughter; yet they with many a skirmish by Sea and Land, continued the Winters siege, expecting aid the next Spring. Frederick the Emperour with other Princes, the mean time, set forward from [...], arriving at length at Constantinople; where Isaac Angelus Emperour, honourably, for fear and fashion, entertaining him, hastened his passage into Asia, pretending the Christians need of aid: who passing the strait, and marching into Lycaonia, overthrew the Turks in a great battel, sent to stop him [...] the Iconium Sultan; which City he took by force, giving the spoyl to his Souldiers, in revenge of his Unkle Conrade. Then he overthrew them in Cilicia, taking Philomela, racing the City to the ground, and putting all to the sword, because they slew his summoning Messengers. He likewise took Melitene in lesser Armenia, overthrowing a huge Army, coming for relief, with an exceeding slaughter. Then he [...] Saphadine, Saladin's Sons Army in Comagena. But his horse foundring in the River Saleph, (at his too eager chase) his foot hanging in the stirrop, he was drawn thorow and taken for dead; yet with much ado he uttered, Lord receive my soul, and gave up the ghost: of whom Saladine was greatly afraid. He perished June 10, 1190. aged 70 years, reigning 38; his body was pompously buried in Tyre's Cathedral, Frederick his Son Duke of [...], was chosen General, whose [...] Army, the Turks fiercely charging in hopes to overthrow, returned with some losse, and like speed as they came. But famine began to encrease, the Turks having destroyed and carried away all; yet Antioch being easily delivered [Page] him, his Souldiers were well refreshed by the Christian Citizens. 15 daies after, the Plag ue began to rage there among his Souldiers, and he glad to take the open field; and setting forward against Do Dequin, [...] [...], sent for out of Egypt, they joyned a great and doubtfull battel; the Christians [...] in valour, they in number. At length the Christians Vauntg uard began to retire, their seconds hardly charged. Frederick breaking in with a valiant Troop, the Turks gave ground: Leopold of Austria presently coming with his foot, they speedily fled, 4000 slain, 1000 taken and 15 Ensigns, small losse of the Christians. After which, he passed Laodicea, easily taking Berytus, with other revolted Cities: So coming to Tyre buried his Father. Thence certifying Guy, at Ptolemais, of his coming; who sent Montferrat to transport him by Sea, because of Saladin's great Army: and being safely conducted with his Souldiers to the Camp at [...], he was [...] received. After whose coming, 'twas thought good to affault the City round, every Regiment being appointed what place to assaile; which was done with such fury, as if they purposed to gage their whole forces, the Turks still beating them from the walls top. But now Saladine (hovering aloof) came suddenly on the Christians Camp, notably receiving the first charge; but giving ground, some Tents with Ensigns were taken, and Pavilions fired, having slain above 100. The Christians retired from the assault to relief of their Camp; the Turk retired also, having almost lost himself. This [...] [...] was Octob. 14.

Divers Princes (the mean while) of the West, came thither, rather increasing famine than furthering service. Then also Conrade of Montferrat (who had married Isabel the Queens sister) pretending a Title to the Kingdom, much hindred proceedings. But Duke Frederik dying shortly, at the siege, of the plague, and buried at Tyre, the Christians attempted no great matter; but lay entrenched [Page] expecting aid from the Princes: which were Philip 2. of France; and Richard King of England, on whom all the hope of affairs in Syria rested; who met at Marselles in province, with combined forces for relief. The French King first departed for Sicilia with a prosperous gale; but coming nigh the Island, through a sudden tempest, he with much ado arived at Messena, tossed in the deep, many ships perishing, some broken on sands and rocks, and all sore weather-beaten. Richard arived after [...] better fortune. Both Kings resolved there to Winter, the French being [...] so to do, for supplies from France. King Richard and Tancred, the now aspiring King of Sieily, had like to break out into war about the Queens (Richard's sisters) Dowry, had it not [...] taken up. But it fell out, whilst the Kings of England and France often met as good friends, &c. that jealousie and distrust revived old, and raised new quarrels, to the great hinderance of the common good they intended: a warning to great Princes (willing to hold a unity) never to converse or stay long together. An old quarrel was, Richard's rejecting Adela the others sister, for suspition of too much familiarity with his Father Henry the 2d. and espousing Berengaria the King of Navar's Daughter: which [...] brake [...] to this Expeditious overthrow, and disturbance of their Realms.

The French King at Spring, loosed from Messana, arriving safely at Ptolemais, and was received by the Christians as succours from Heaven. Richard shortly following, two ships of whose weather-beaten Fleet, were driven on Cyrus, the Islanders spoyling them, slaying and taking the men that hardly escaped the Sea, and forbidding the rest to land. The King, moved, landed by force, fully conquering the Island, and taking Isaac Comnen (commonly called their King) sent him bound in silver chains into Syria. Then there at Limozin he married Berengaria, and set forward, after disposal of things, he took of the Sultans [Page] a great ship laden with victuals, & warlike provisions; and was most honourably received at [...]: which had been besieged 3 years, with many a hot assault and bloudy skirmish. The eys of all were fixed on these two Kings. The Camp chiefly consisted of English, French, Italians and Almains: as also many others from Zeale daily coming in. These thus besieging, had laboriously undermined that called, the accursed Tower, with part of the Wall, appointing every Regimen to assail the wall at the firing of the Mine; in which assault the Tower fell, with part of the wall, opening a fair breach. The Turks forthwith in a Parley, yielded the City, July 12, 1191, and were to restore the holy Crosse, 2000 Captives, 200 horsemen of those they required, being in Saladin's power; 200000 Ducats to be given to the 2 Kings for their cost, the City Turks being to remain hostages for performance; and to be at the Kings mercy, if all were [...] performed in 40 daies. The Austrians (as the only men) first, at entry, advanced their Ensigns on the walls top, which Richard (especially) not brooking, caused their Dukes Ensigns to be soyled under foot, to his after repentance. The 2 Kings dividing the spoyl, not regarding the other Christians, they withdrew, and sent them word, except they they were partaker of the gains, as of the pains, they would forsake them; many (the Kings delaying their promisés) departing for poverty discontented, into their Countries.

But ere long, envy and distrust, ministred new matter of greater discontentments between the 2 Kings; King Richard requested the French King, to bind himself with him by oath, to stay 3 years for regaining Syria and Palestine; but he, estranged before from Richard, plotting matters nearer home, would not be perswaded so to do; but in a colour fell very sick, sending for Richard and others: to whom in few words, he declared his purpose; That seeing he could not indure the hot air's intemperature, [Page] and that the life of one absent might more profit Christian Religion, &c. than the death of him present, he must depart; but would leave 5000 horse and 10000 foot choise men, under Odo Duke of Burgundy, giving them pay, and supply of all things. King Richard said, his return was to invade Guien and Normandy, now disfurnished of Garrisons; which point he so urged, that Philip bound himself to him by Oath, no way to attempt any thing, until 50 daies after Richard's return home. And embarquing the rest of his Army, he Aug. 1. departed to Tyre, thence to Rome visiting the Pope, and so safely arrived in France, having performed nothing to what the world expected. Leopold of Austria followed, and shortly the Venetians, Pisans and Genoans. Whereupon Saladine refused to pay the promised mony, or restore the prisoners, threatning to chop off all Captives heads, if extremity were used to the pledges. Richard refused Saladin's request and presents for longer sparing his pledges; whereupon he beheaded the Christian Captives, and Richard Aug. 20, in sight of Saladin's Army executed 2500, or as some write, 7000 Turks prisoners.

Saladine (as it commonly happens in a great Commanders ill successe) much impaired his reputation by the losse of Prolemais; wherefore with a headlong despair he sacked, ruined, and overthrew the walls of Porphyria, Casaria, Joppa, Ascalon, Gaza and Elam, with divers other places like to stand the Christians in stead: most part whereof were fortified, and re-peopled by Richard and the Templers, though Saladine endeavoured to let them.

But nothing more hindred the Christian Princes proceedings, then discord among themselves; for besides the strife of the Kings of France and England, no lesse was between King Guy and Conrade of Montferrat, about the lost. Kingdom's title. Richard with othesr taking Guy's part; and the French King with others taking part with Conrade: who being shortly slain by two Assassines or [Page] [...], suborned by the Prince of Torone, for taking from him Isabel his espoused wife. Richard perswaded Isabel his Widow, to marry his Nephew the Earl of Campaine, giving him Tyre; Guy exclaiming as of a wrong unto himself: But shortly after, he perswaded Guy to resign his small title in the Kingdom to him, and gave him Cyprus in lieu thereof; Richard becoming hereby King of Jerusalem. Guy lived not long in the Kingdom of Cyprus; yet 'twas about 283 years in the Lusignan family: until it fell into Uenetian hands, who held it nigh 100 years, till Selymus 2, Turkish Emperor took it from them in 1571.

King Richard was now more desirous of Jerusalem than before; And thereupon set forward himself in the Vantguard, Otho following him, and Jaques with his Flemings &c. in the rear; being come to Arsua, Saladine, with ambuscadoes, charged the rear-ward, on whom Jaques turning, endured the charge till the rest came to their succoúr. The French, English, and Low-countrey-men, strove honourably in that notable battel, especially the Turks part, their only hopes depending on Jerusalem: it continued from noon till the Suns going down; Richard (some write) was wounded with an arrow: [...] was slain, leaving the victory to the Christians: more Turks are said to be slain, than in any battel in mans memory, the Christians lost no great number. They removed (the next [...]) to Bethlehem; but the King through Winters approach, &c. returned with most to Ascalon, which that Winter he fortified. Otho wintred at Tyre, many departed then from the Camp; however, at Spring Richard took the field, and came to Bethlehem: taking (by the way) very many loaded Camels, sent to furnish Jerusalem; but Otho (who knew the French Kings mind) perswaded the Frenchmen, that the glory would redound to Richard (as present) through whose unwillingnesse to the siege Richard (to his grief) returned to Ptolemais. News also [Page] was then brought, that Philip of France (forgetting his promise) had invaded Normandy, stirring up John, Richard's brother, to take on him Englands Kingdom. Richard fearing he might lose his Kingdom at home, thought best to make [...] good end with Saladine, and so return. But the politick Sultan, to weaken the Christians forces, and discourage others from coming thither; afterwards, offered no other conditions than that the Christians should restore all they had won in the 3 years, Ptolemais excepted; and that, the Turks for 5 years should not molest them: which the King was willing to accept of whereby the labour, &c. of these two Kings, and others were frustrated: the Christians having only Antioch, Tyre and Ptolemais left in Syria.

Richard, leaving those affairs to Henry Earl of Champain, shipped most of his men with his Wife for England, they arriving safely there: but himself from Sicily, following, was (by extremity of weather) driven on the coast of Histria; and travelling homeward in a Templars habit, was by Leopold of Austria taken prisoner; who sold him to the Emperour for 40000 pounds, and after 1 year 3 months, was ransomed for 100000 li.

The great Sultan Saladine about this time dyed, who commanded no solemnity to be used at his burial, but his shirt carried on a Lance point as an Ensign, a plain Priest crying before his dead body, Saladine Conquerour of the East, of all the greatness and riches he had in his life, carrieth nothing with him after death, more than his shirt. He reigned about 16 years, leaving 9 Sons, all (except Saphradine Sultan of Aleppo) murthered by Saphradine their Uncle, from whom discended Meledin Sultan of Aegypt, and Coradin of Damaseo and Jerusalem.

Pope Celestine was now in hope, that Jerusalem might (in that discord of the Turks) be recovered, and the Kingdom established, who perswaded Henry the Emperour to undertake the matter; who sent the Duke of Saxony [Page] with a great Army into Asia, to whom two [...], the Archbishop of Moguntia, and the Bishop of Herbipolis were joyned. Many other German Princes and Prelats, then taking on them the holy war; who being relieved, and transported to Antioch by the Greek Emperour, came by land to Tyre and Ptolemais, purposing to relieve the besieged Germans in Joppa; but they being all by treason slain, and the City raced, they departed to [...]. Then taking and fortifying Berytus, they besieged [...]: which being brought to extremity, the Turks came on so fast for relief, that they raised their siege, which Berytus Garrison perceiving, abandoned the City, marching with the Army to Joppa and fortifying it; The enemy coming raced Berytus in 1197. The Turks coming to disturb Joppa's fortifying, the Christians removed some miles off, to draw the Turks to a convenient place. The Turks hereupon, sent a part to assail the City, the other following disorderly; on whom the Christians turning, sharply encountred and put them to flight, some thousands of them falling, taking the spoil and returning to the City. But the Duke of Saxony over-heating himself, and on the [...] day, dying of a Feaver, and the Duke of Austria (the night following) of a wound, diminished this victories joy.

Not long after, both Pope Celestine and Henry the Emperour dyed, troubles arising in Germany, about a new Emperours choice; whereupon, the Bishop of [...], an Electour, and the other German Princes, could not be perswaded to stay, but home they went. The Turks afterwards, (the Germans on Martin's day making merry in their Pots at Joppa) had a port betrayed to them, putting all to the sword, and racing the City, thinking now to drive the Christians quite out of Syria; yet by Simon Count of Montfort, sent thither with a tall Regiment by the French King, and their civil discords, they were repressed, and a Peace concluded for 10 years, which was in 1199, or, as some write, in 1198, the Count returned [Page] into France, with whom (the time and History now calling us) we will repair into lesser Asia, to see other Turkish affairs in those Eastern Countreys.

The ruin of the Turks first Empire in Persia: with the success of their second Kingdom in lesser Asia, under the Aladine Kings.

IT fared with the Turkish Empire (first planted by Tangrolipix in Persia and other Eastern Countrys) as with a sick body subject to many changes, which continuing for 170 years, must now give place to a greater power. For it fortuned about this time, that the Tartars or Tattars (inhabiting the cold and bare Countries in the North of Asia, a barbarous, fierce, and needy Nation) stirred by their own wants, and the perswasion of Zingis or Cangis, holden for a great Prophet, made their leader, and honourably named [...], or the mighty King, or great Cham flocked like the sand of the Sea, and conquering their poor neighbours, easily entreated to seek better fortunes with them, passed the high Mountain Caucasus, part of Taurus, dividing Asia into 2 parts; over which, coming down as into another world full of natures delights, never seen to them before, bear down all before them. Zingis dead, Hoccata his eldest Son, took his Fathers place, who sending part of his Army Westward, turned himself Eastward; where subduing the Bactrians and Zogdians, with others, he entred India, subduing to the East Ocean, building in Cathaia the City Cambalu, 28 miles about: [Page] where the Cham of Tartary hath his Imperial residence, having also in the Province of [...], Quinsay the greatest City in the World, 100 miles about 12000 [...] therein, some whereof are exceeding high. The Cham alway 30000 in Garrison: Hoccata, through the rich pleasures of India, mannaged his warrs by Lievtenants, [...] them North, West, and South, who subdued the Arachosians, Margians, &c. and also subdued Persia, with all Parthia, Assyria, Mesopotamia, and Media. Cursumes, or Corsantes, now reigned in the City [...], in Chorasau the farthest part of Persia, who fled with all the people leaving all; the Tartars racing the City, and taking the Countrey. Cursumes (of the Selzuccian family) dying in this flight, Ugnanchan his Son led the multitude of Turks, and seized on Babylon, now called Bagadat; where putting all to the sword, he there, and thereabouts seated himself; but, ere long, the Tartars pursuing, took him, and thence expelled his people. Solyman also of the Oguzian family, (of whom more shall be said hereafter) reigned in Persia at Nacnan; who terrified, and waned by the Salzuccian Sultan's fall, fled with some subjects into lesser Asia. After this, the Tartars conquered greater Armenia, with Cholchis and Iberia. This proud Conquerour purposed to subdue all Asia; but, overcome with India's delicacies, he so rested, embracing the manners and superstition of the conquered. The Turks were driven out of Persia about 1202; who retired into lesser Asia (possessed by their Countreymen) under the leading of Aladin, descended of the Selzuccian Family, who taking opportunity by the discord of the Latines and Greeks, and Greeks among themselves, first at Sebastia in Cilicia, then at Iconium, erected their new Kingdom of the Aladines.

[Page]Now, and within few years, such great & strange changes were in the Constantinopolitan Empire, that it was almost utterly subverted, the Turks hereby establishing their Kingdoms in Syria and lesser Asia, and at present, triumphing in the imperiall City: which briefly to pass through shall not be from our purpose.

Usurping Alexius sought also the life of Isaac his Brother's son, Heir apparent to the Empire: who seeing the villany committed on his Father, fled from his Uncle's fury, with some Greek Lords, for aid to Western Princes, comming first to Philip German Emperour, who married his sister Irene; Who most instantly solicited her husband (from the execrable indignity done to her Father, the banishment of her wandring Brother, and her own disgrace thereby, as also his, declaring, that if Alexius had not lightly regarded and contemned Philip, he durst not have committed so great villany) not to leave the same unrevenged. Her Husband promised to be [...] revenged, but, through wars with Otho his Competitour in the Empire, he could not at present. But it fortuned, that then great preparations were making in divers places for the Holy Land: Theobald, Count of Campagne, General of the Army, Boniface Marquels of [...], &c. were cheif, with divers Noble men: their Army was very populous. But (since the Greeks had formerly shewed great discourtesie to the Latines) they thought it best to journey by Italy, and cheifly to use the Venetians for their transportation by Sea, who were the easier intreated thereto, hoping hereby to scour the Adriatique Sea of the Dalmatians, and recover Jadera in Sclavonia, being revolted from them to the Hungarians; which this Army did. But in their march into [...] their General died, to the whole Armies sorrow; the Marquesse of Montferrat was chosen General. This great Army having taken Jadera, was ready to be embarqued for Syria. But prince Alexius had so wrought, especially with Pope Innocent III. Philip the [Page] Emperour, and the French King; that they commended both him and his cause (by Letters and Messengers) to the Army. Who comming to Jadera, with this commendation, was received as an Emperour's son, recommending himself, as a poor exiled Prince, to their protection, of a lively Spirit, &c. and being instructed by the Noble Greeks in all things for his purose, he fitted divers Nations in the Army with motives most prevalent with them: Promising to pay the mony that the French had borrowed for this War: To the Venetians, recompence for all injuries received from the Greek Emperours, chiefly Emmanuell: To the Pope and Italians, he and his Nobles had promised the Greek Church should alwaies acknowledge the Supremacy of Rome: which made the Pope, by all means, to further Alexius his cause: alledging that the Greeks & Latines difference in opinion caused that the Mahometans were not, long ago, by united forces, subdued. And promised large rewards to all that took his part.

These forces for the Christians relief in Syria, were hereby converted against the Greek Empire, to the Turks grean advantage: who, had he been charged home by the Christians, as by the Tartars, might easily have been suppressed. The Commanders of the Army thought best to march directly to Constantinople: giving out thorough all Greek Cities manned against them, that they purposed not to war against the Grecians, but to restore their lawfull Emperor. And seeing antient Greece had appointed rewards and honours for their deliverers from Tyrants, they should the more favourably intreat them. So embarquing their Army, and entring the streights of Bosphorus Thracius, they anchored even in the face of the City with 240 tall ships, 60 Galleys, 70 of burden, 120 victuallers, the streight seeming rather a Wood than part of the Sea. They lay thus a while, attending if, on their sight, any tumult might arise in the City. But the Tyrant had provided, that the Citizens, favouring Alexius, durst not stir in his quarrel. [Page] Embassadours now came from Crete, yielding that Island to the young Prince, which he gave to Montferrat to encourage others in hope of recompence.

Alexius had made fast the Haven between Constantinople and Pera with a great chain, manning it with 20 Galleys; but the General sent the Eagle, a swift & the strongest ship in the Fleet, who sailing with a full gale, brake the chain, thus gaining the Haven, the Greeks left their Galleys to the Venetians. Lascaris, the Emperour's son in Law, was ready with a select company to hinder the Latines landing, who running on Land, the Foot (for the Horses could not so soon land) leaped out of their ships in a moment, laying about the mounted Greeks like mad men: The Citizens expecting the event of this hot skirmish, 60000 Greeks bravely sallied out of the City, and made the battle doubtfull; yet in fine, the Greeks retired into the City, guessing the losse, by Alexius with Lascaris and a few others, secretly (with a masse of treasure, hidden by his daughter Irene, Abbesse of a Nunnery) the next night, fleeing.

The Constantinopolitans next morning taking Isaac out of Prison, saluted him again Emperour, and opened the Gates to the Latines, calling them the Revengers of their liberty, and their Emperour's Life and Majesty, requesting to see young Alexius so long desired, so saving the City, that time, from saccage. The old Emperour and his son, in the imperiall seat, gave most hearty thanks to the Latine Princes, and though his sight could not be restored, yet he acknowledged they restored his Life, Liberty, Empire, Country, and Son, confirming whatsoever his son had promised them, and that he would content them better if they were not therewith contented, not being able to render answerable Rewards to their deserts. And consulting about means to satisfy them, (that the Citizens might more willingly do what was to be commanded) he intreated the Latines (as they did) to retire out of the City. But [Page] what every man was to pay being set down, it seemed to the Greeks most intolerable. Isaac, being brought out of a stinking Prison, through the sudden change of aire and manner of living, dyed in this very instant.

The Constantinopolitans grievously exclaimed at this exaction, all in generall saying, and the Nobles (in assemblies) grievously complaining, that it was a villanous thing for the Empire, by a boy, to be made bare, unto a covetous and proud Nation: that the rich Isle Creet was given to the Latines: that the Greek Church was constrained to submit to the See of Rome, from which it was happily freed since the translation of the Empire thither by Constantine the Great; whereupon a Tumult was raised. The armed people furiously ran to the Pallace, purposing to commit some outrage on the young Emperor: to whom, without stay, he, shewing himself above, promised to doe nothing without their advice and liking, appeasing the tumult with these good words. But the Emperour burning with desire of revenge, and thinking himself more bound to keep promise with the Latines, (for he could not satisfy both) he sent secretly to Montferrat, to send him certain souldiers about midnight, assuring him to receive them in by a Gate nigh the Pallace. Of this Alexius Duc as, sirnamed Murzufle from his bettle Browes, was not ignorant, whose aspiring mind took this occasion: and the night following, raised a tumult not inferiour to the former, comming suddenly to the Emperour, as if he had no hand in it, and told him, with a sad countenance, that the people, especially of his Guard, were in an uproar, comming to do him violence for his love to the Latines. The terrified Emperour, demanded of him, what was best to do in the case. He embraceing him, in his Gown, led him by a secret door into a Tent in the Court; and departing as to appease the tumult he was (in bonds) clapt into a close stinking prison, as the Traytour before had ordered. The Traytour now made an Oration to the people, [Page] shewing his compassion to the Greeks and their Empire, and in that they were governed by a Youth, mislead by the Latines pleasure. That 'twas high time for the City and Empire to look about them, since 'twas sold by its Preservers: that they needed one who loved his Country before the Latines had extinguished their name. The windy people cried out with applause, That none but he was to be Chief of the Commonweal; Others, to have him made Generall of all forces: the greatest cry was to have him made Emperour; who, by general consent, was forthwith chosen and proclaimed. Who was of nothing more careful then to break the Latines forces, which he feared; attempting first by Galleys filled with pitch, to burn the Venetians fleet: who, not unacquainted with such devices, and wary, by keeping themselves from each other, avoided the same, He now, to colour the matter, sent Messengers to Dandalus the General, that it was done by the peoples malice, without his privity, that he would be glad of their favour and friendship, promising to aid them with all things in their wars against the Infidels. Dandalus answered, he would believe it when young Alexius should assure him of it, and intreat for the people: which Answer mooved the Tyrant to take him clean out of the way, (for the mutable people began to repent of what was done against the Emperour, saying, They must find means to remedy their fault with their troubles) & with his own hands villanously strangled him in prison, bruiting abroad that the Prince despairing had hanged himself. And fearing the Latines sword, resolved to meet them in the field: so arming the Cities whole strength, with a cheerful countenance, he encouraged his souldiers to defend their Country; to have the Walls of the City (where they were born) before their eyes; to pitty their Temples, Wives, and Children, &c. graceing his enterprise with a colour of devotion, causing the Priests in their Ornaments to march with an Ensigne, having in it [Page] the Virgin Mary's picture. He first charged the Count of Flanders with a fierce and doubtfull battle, but new supplyes every way coming in, they, with a great losse, and their superstitious Ensigne, were forced to retire into the City. The City was besieged 72 daies by Sea and Land with the Latines rare agreement, fresh men stil coming to the assault gave the besieged no rest day or night. The Venetians, on the haven side, built a wooden Tower higher then the Walls and Rampiers, on 2 fastned Galleys, out of which, in the assault, they fired the City. The French likewise, on the Land side, pressing on with fury and valour, over deep ditches, high strong Walls and Bulwarks, gained the Angels Tower, and opened a way, for themselves and the rest into the City. Alexius despairing of State and Life, fled with Euphrosina and Eudocia her daughter whom he married, after 1 month 16 daies reign. The Tyrant fled, and the Latines entring, the Priests with their Ornaments, Crosses, and Banners, met them, beseeching them, with floods of tears, (falling at their feet) that as men, Captains, and Souldiers, they would pity men, Captains, and Souldiers, though not so fortunate as they: to abstain from slaughter, burning, ransaking; that they might have much more pleasure and profit in preserving than destroying the City, it being their own: That the elder Alexius and Marzufle had received a reward being exiled: That they would pity a poore people often oppressed by tyrannous Governours: That in so doing tbe Lord of Hosts would reward them, &c. Some of the better sort were moved with this humble submission; but the Souldiers fell all to the spoyle, without respect of injury to others, abstaining from innocent blood, every corner of the City being filled with mourning for so great outrages: Nobles, aged Men, and wealthy Citizens, being thrust out of all. They broke into Pallaces and Temples, where all was good prize: Some Greek Historians, eye witnesses thereof, complaining of the Latines [Page] insolency, to their eternall dishonour. Thus Constantinople, the famous seat of that Empire, fell to the Latines, April. 12. 1204. or as others, 1200.

The Princes and great Commanders now considered what was best to do with the gained City and Empire, thinking not good to rase a City so ancient & important, it overlooking Asia and Europe, and so commodiously placed to keep under the Christians enemies, but to place there a Latine Governour, Lawes, and Customs, uniting it with the Church of Rome. Some would have but one Emperour in Christendome, and would choose Philip Germane Emperour, whose Wife Irene was daughter and Heir of Isaac Angelus. But all approved of this opinion, as better to choose one among themselvs, by whose personall presence (which the Greek affaires needed) the Latines might be alwaies aided in their wars against the Infidels. The chief in this election, were 9 Counts, with the Marquesse of Montferrat, and 5 Gentlemen of Venice: to whom were joyned two Bishops of Syria; with two of France and an Abbot. These, assembled in the Apostles Temple, after they had craved God to inspire them in choosing a good and just Prince, chose Baldwin Count of Flanders and Hainaule, about 32 years old; crowned by [...] a Venetian, (first Latin Patriarch there) May 16. 1204 or 1205. From which time the Greek Church received Rites of the Latines, acknowledging Romes supremacy. Not long after, the Latines dividing their forces, took in most part of the Countries on Europe side, belonging to the Greek Empire, dividing them among themselvs. To Baldwin the Emperor was assigned Constantinople and Thracia, with a limited Soveraignety over all Provinces gained or to be gained by the Latines. The Venetians share was, the rich Islands Aegeum, Ionium, and Candy, in lieu whereof Montferrat had Thessalonica, with all Thessaly, a good part of Peloponesus, with a Kingly Title. The Venetian State fortified some of those greater [Page] Islands, the rest were lest to be possessed and deended by Citizens, at their private charges, the Signiour having a care over all, by a fleet suppressing the Genua Pirats, aud taking in the strong Towns Modon and Corone, which they held a long time. Other parts of the Empire, as the Dukedom of Athens, was given to French Jeffery of Troy in Champaigne, being made Prince of Achaia, another to the Count of Bloys, with divers others to private Persons, paying yearly a 4th part of their revenue to their Lord the Emperour. Yea, the Greeks also sought to share out something, every man for himself, without regard of the common good, from which they were shortly driven, by the Latines or their Countreymens greater power.

Lascaris, who fled, at the Cities taking, to Adrianople, and so to Bithynia, was, with the good liking of the people; (having taken in the Countryes from the windings of Meander, even to the Euxine Sea) honoured as their Emperour, making Nice his seat. The two Comnens (Nephews of Andronicus by his son Manuel) possessing Pontus, Galatia, and Cappadocia, erected another Empire in Trapezond; whose posterity gloriously reigned many years, till it, with the Constantinopolitans was by Mahomet surverted. Thus it was no longer one, but many Empires, some in Royal dignity, many others as petty Kings in their Toparchies: as Aldebrandine in Attalia, Michael in Epirus, &c.

[...], by the help of Dandalus the Venetian, and others, soon brought under all the Cities of Thrace; Adrianople excepted: unto which the better sort of discontented Greeks with Lascaris were fled; which Baldwin knowing, hardly besieged the same. Some evil-intreated Greeks were fled into Bulgaria, by whose perswasion, John, that Countries King (aided by the Scythians, lately come thither, and by the Greeks themselves) took on him to relieve the City; who sent certain Scythian Troops before, to fetch in booties of cattle [Page] near the Camp: giving order that when they were charged, they should retire, and so draw out the Imperials, where the King lay covertly to entrap them. The Scythians under Cozus, by twice retiring, and then returning with a greater number, drew the Emperour with his Army among the woods and mountaines, where the King with his Army lay in waite: where they being wearied, and beset, were overthrown with a great slaughter: Baldwin himself taken and sent in bonds to Ternova, where, by the barbarous King, his hands and seet were cut off; lying 3 dayes in a deep valley (where he was cast, breathing) he dyed, no man burying him: He perished in 1206, not having reigned a full year. The barbarous King with his savage Souldiers, tasting the Latins wealth, over-ran all Thracia, rifling and racing the City of Serrae, with 9 more, putting all to the sword, except a few carried away prisoners. Of all Provinces, Thrace was most miserable, first spoiled by the Latins, now desolated by Bulgarians and Scythians. Didimothicum and Adrionople (valiantly defended) escaped their fury. The Latins made choice of Henry, Baldwin's brother, to succeed him; who aided by the King of Thessaly, recovered all places taken by the Barbarians, driving them quite out the Countrey.

But to come nearer to our purpose: Alexius Angelus fled into Thessaly from the Latins, and so to Leo Sturus (who tyrannizing at Nauplus, was grown greater by surprizal of Argos and Corinth, by whom he entrapped Murzuffle for a secret grudg, and put out his eyes (himself an exile a deadly foe to other exiled): who being shortly taken by the Latins, was brought to Constantinople; where for murdering young Alexius, he was cast headlong from a high Tower, and crushed to pieces, miserably dying. Not long after, Alexius himself was wandring in Thraciae by Montferrat, going against Scurus stript of all, and sent away naked, wandring as a beggar in Achaia and Peloponesus [Page] who hearing that Lascaris his Son in Law reigned as an Emperour in Asia, inwardly grieved thereat, came secretly to Jathathines the Turks Sultan lying at Attalia, declaring his heavy state, requesting he might be restored especially in that part of his Empire, detained from him by Lascaris; Jathathines, not forgetful of his own troubles, or of the kindness he had received from Alexius at Constantinople, (when fleeing from Azatines his eldest brother, he was honourably entertained by him, received (after Azatin's death) for the Turks Sultan) and hoping to share of what he got, threatned Lascaris with all extremities, except he gave place to his Father in Law, to whom those Countries of right appertained; Lascaris, fearing both the Sultan's power, and the peoples inclination, yet finding them ready and well-affected towards him; set forward with 2000 choise horsemen, with the Sultan's Embassadour, to Philadelphia; the Sultan with Alexius then besieging Antioch, (on the banks of Meander) with 20000 Turks. Lascaris understanding the gaining that strong City would hazzard his whole Empire; resolved to do what he might with those few to relieve it. And following the Embassadour at the heels, who coming unto the Sultan, and telling him of his approach, and at length prrswaded of the truth thereof, put his Army in the best order he could on such a sudden, and the places straitness. The Emperour had 800 resolute Italians, who brake thorough the Sultans Army, disordering them, the Greeks following; but being divided from the rest, in coming back, were by the disordered Turks all together [...], having made an (hard to be believed) slanghter of the Turks. The Greeks were now upon the point to flee; but the Sultan singling out the Greek Emperour, at the first encounter, gave him such a blow on the head with his [...], that he fell down astonished, who quickly recovering his feet, hoxed the hinder leggs of the Sultans tall Mare, with which she faltred, and the Sultan tumbled [Page] down, whose head the Emperour cut off; the sight of which so dismaied the Turks, that they presently fled, who for his small number pursued not, but in the City gave thanks to God. The Turks sent shortly concluding a Peace on his own conditions; who carrying Alexius taken in this battel to Nice, used him well notwithstanding his ill deserts.

Whilst the Latins spent their forces against the Greeks, and Lascaris was troubled with the Turks, the Christians affairs in Syria grew worse and worse; whereof the Knights Hospitallers and Templers, blamed Almericus King of Cyprus; who being so near, and marrying Isabel heir of Jerusalem's Kingdom, given to pleasure did nothing to relieve the Christians; for though the Turks were yet in League with them, and at some mutual discord; yet building new Castles, &c. they cut them short upon occasion. The Knights requested Pope Inocent for remedy, certifying him, there was one Mary daughter of Montferrat, whom they had brought up, and were ready to bestow her on whom he should think worthy, with her right to the Kingdom, Innocent discharging Almericus, gave it to John Count of Brenne, a Frenchman of fame then in Arms with the Latin Princes; who commending his Earldom to his brother, came with what forces he could to Uenice and Constantinople; and thence with rejoycing, was received as King at Ptolemais, arriving Sept. 5. and marrying Mary the last day, was with her crowned at Tyre in 1209, Almericus soon dying for grief. Some envying his promotion, called him in derision, a King Sans Ville, that is, without a Town.

The 10 years peace betwixt the Turks and Christians, was almost expired: 9 years discord having continned between Noradine and Saphadin for Soveraignty, was ended by Saphadin's death. Noradine contented with Aleppo, Coradin, and Meladine Saphadin's Sons: one had Damasco, the other Aegypt, all enemies to the Christians. [Page] Not long after, Pope Innocent summoned a Councel at Lateran, to which, not only a multitude of Bishops, but most Christian Princes Embassadours repaired; the danger of the [...] in Syria, and their relief by the Western Princes was propounded. To which all consented, and some were appointed to publish their Decree in every Province, for relief, & to stir up the people for undertaking the same. The German Bishops of Ments, Cullen, & Trivers, were special furtherers of this, whose example moved many. Henry Count of Nivers, and one Gualter, with a great and gallant number, were sent from France, a Fleet of 200 sail meeting at the Adriatique Ports; who arrived prosperously at Ptolemais. Andrew King of Hungary (before bound hereto) followed with the Duke of Bavaria, and Leopold of Austria: to all which, John of Jerusalem joyned. There was great hope of some great matter to be done; they the first day marched into Galilee, easily overthrowing some met-Companies of the Turks. The King of Hungary bathing in Jordan, as discharged of his vow, returned (with all his power) home, all the rest crying out the contrary. From Jordan they came to Tabor; But Winter coming on, and the Cattel dying by cold and want of meat, they wintred at Ptolemais and Tyre. John and the Austrian troubling the Barbarians that Winter, by taking a Castle between Caesaria and [...]. The Army met at Spring, they thought best to attempt the conquest of Aegypt, which standing upright, they should do no great matter in Syria; and, it being subdued, Jerusalem and Palestine would of themselves yield; resolving to begin the war at the City Damiata, the first and commodiousest Port, by whose taking they should enter Nile, and command the Country thereabouts. This rich and ancient City, stood about a mile from the Sea, somewhat distant from Nile, environed with a navigable cut, like an Island, and compassed with 3 strong stone-Walls, a strong watch Tower at the Cut's mouth, a number of fair houses [Page] about it entrenched; the Cut also was barred with a great strong iron chain. The Christians by great strength (coming with their Fleet) brake the chain; but they [...] a greater stay at the Watch-Tower, which strongly built, and well stored, the Souldiers overwhelmed them with shot, fire, stones, &c. The Christians had built high woodden Towers on Vessels for assault; in the approach the Marriners and Souldiers hindred each other, by crying, they should draw nigher the Tower, others [...] cast [...] the bridges for entry; the enemy also with clamour encouraging one another. In this hurly-burly the higest Tower, over-charged with men, fell with an exceeding noise, crushing some to death, the timber oppressing others being hurt, and crying for help: others hurt leapt for fear, some into Nile, some aboard ships, crying out of arm, leg, head, other part, discomfiting the rest, and giving over the assault. King John the Armies General, appeasing the tumult giving those that were hurt to Surgions, and burying the dead bodies, chearfully perswaded the Souldiers, not to be discouraged, this Towers fall being through wars chance not their cowardise, or the enemies valour.

Meledine encamped in sight of Damiata, to fill the besieged with hopes of relief, often sending then by the River whatsoever they wanted, skirmishes passing daily betwixt both. The Christians had still the victory, but could neither be drawn to battel, nor kept from victnals, it being conveighed out of upper Aegypt by Nile; whereas the same River dividing into many arms, &c. gave our men a 1000 inconveniences; therefore they resolved to besiege the Tower again: framing a strong Tower on 2 fastned Vessels, and bringing it near their Tower, the rest of the Fleet following for assault, others standing in battel range at Land, to discourage the besieged; and that the Sultan should not help them without hazzarding battel. They of the subburbs valiantly defended a fierce and cruel assault; for, it being a publick Mart-City, there [...] in [Page] the [...], not only Aegyptians, but Arabians, Indians, &c. who fought for defence of lives and goods: our men being animated also, as in religious quarrels, so with the spoil of those rich Nations. The Christians drew as near with their ships as they could to Land, that they might fight hand to hand; But the Barbarians soughr by shot, &c. to keep them from landing. The enemy boarding by chance a ship running a ground, and making a cruel slaughter, a Souldier made a great hole under the hatches, and drowned a great number of Aegyptians with the Christians, which most feard them; The high Tower also now mating the Watch-tower, dismaied the Defendants, as with a miracle, forsaking the Tower and fleeing; which thus taken, the discouraged in the Suburbs fleeing, many were wounded from the Watch-tower by the Christians. Other ships then landing, the Souldiers put all they found to the sword. There was abundance of victuals, but far more riehes.

Now they [...] the strong Town Damiata, but gaining nothing but hard blows and wounds, they retired; yet they lodged in the Suburbs, lying betwixt the Sultan and the City, that no supply should be brought: the enemy being (to their great losse) oft hindered, both from entring or sallying forth. But now Nile swelling with an Eastern wind, most of the Christians victuals were spoiled; who (through the Pope's Legat) fasting and praying for 3 daies; the wind falling and the River decreasing on the fourth day, they prayed more earnestly, thinking, as the Almighty had feared, so he had comforted them again.

Victual growing scant in the Sultan's Camp, he sent away half his Army about Caire; at which time, [...] sent Embassadours to the Princes of the Christian Army, in his own, and the Aegyptian Sultan his brothers behalf, suing for peace, and promising to restore whatever his Father Saladine had taken from them; most liking that well, saying, They had taken up [...] for recovery of [Page] that had been before gotten,: that all these things being restored, there rested no further occasion of war, &c. Yet Pelagins the Popes Legat, (for the other [...] dead) King John, Master of the Hospitallers and Templers, Duke of Austria, and the Germans were contrary in opinion: alleading, this sacred war was undertaken against the Infidels and Mahometan Superstition, and they ought to impugn Aegypt as its chief seat; whereby the Sultans large offers were rejected. Whereupon Coradine fearing, forthwith raced the Walls of Jerusalem, [...] down most of the stately buildings, yet sparing David's Tower and Christ's Sepulchre, at the humble intercession, as is said, of the Christians of divers Countreys.

The Plague arising in the Christians Camp at Damiata, the great Commanders (so many dying) who would have [...] the Sultans large proffers, began to repent they had so much hearkened to the Legat. The Christians weary of a now 6 moneths siege, and the Sultan (but only the choice of his men) having sent away the rest, stood not so carefully on their guard as before; whereupon the Sultan in the night hoped to send supplies to the besieged. The formost Companies were already entred; but the Christians perceiving them, so assailed the hindermost, that the enemy, fearing they should enter in with them, shut the gates, where they were all cut to pieces: The Christians hereby encouraged, next day part of the Army presented themselves to give the Sultan battel, who would not be drawn out of his trenches, they (especially the French-men) attempted their rampiers, but not with answerable successe. The Aegyptians enforcing their small number to retire, Gualter with others being lost: the King also assailing the Camp, lost many, his face burnt, hardly escaping with life. After which, they thought of nothing but the siege, and the City now more streightly besieged, and brought to extream [...], assembled themselves to consult what to do, one or other secretly fleeing to the [Page] Camp. Had not the chief Commanders mured up the gates, and commanded none to come on the Walls or Rampiers, the City had been by the most yielded, who searching, especially Shops and Ware-houses, divided the small store of Wheat among themselves; the people eating whatsoever came to hand, prolonged life with what they could find. These not able to endure famins extremities, were greatly slaughtered with the plague, which so encreased, that men were wanting, not only to succour, &c. the sick, but to bury the dead. The dead bodies gave a horrible stink with infectious air; they choosing rather to die, than submit themselves to their enemies, The Christians knew of the famine, but not of the raging Plague among them. They cast up Trenches and Baricadoes, to keep in such as the famine should enforce out, still expecting when the besieged, through necessity, should yield. When they had lyen above a year at siege, certain Souldiers in a bravery, adventured to mount the Wall: and finding no resistance, they stood still hearkening; but seeing that dumb silence continued, they returned, informing the Captains of the matter; who thinking it some policy of the enemy, afterward caused some Companies to scale a Bulwark, in such sort, as if they had gone against a puissant enemy: who took it without resistance, and cut in pieces (in their further entry) a small company, very weak and feeble with famine and infection of air, after some small resistance. The gates being set open, the Christians were let in with displayed Ensigns; but at the entry were artainted with a most grievous stink, they saw the streets covered with dead bodies, others drawing towards their end. Of 70000 persons were not found above 3000 alive, and those the most part young children, which maigred and poor ones, had their lives granted them, to cleanse the City and bury the dead, being three moneths in doing it. Damiata was taken Nov. 5. 1221. The spoil was great, with store of Gold, Silver, and precitious [Page] Stones. The Christians (as in a Colony) forgetting their Countrey, stayed there above a year after. The City, Pelagius (by vertue of his Legation) adjudged to belong to the See of Rome: at which, the King and Armies General, (to whom all places taken was agreed to be given) withdrew himself discontented, yet dissemblingly, to Ptolemais. Pelagius, weary to see nothing doing, the year following, commanded every man to take Arms and prosecute the war, with besieging of Cairs; yet the Souldiers cryed out with one voice, They would be commanded by none but the King of Jerusalem. The Legat was enforced to send and request the King, to take on [...] the mannaging of that war, who by particular affairs, [...] his own indisposure, excusing himself, at length (through the requests of the other Princes) at the time when the [...] Duke, after 10 months absence, arrived (out of his Countrey) with a brave Company, returned to Damiata: whom with others the Legat requested, and urged speedily to take the field, telling them, the holy wars enterprize was grown old, and cold by these delays, &c. That it was for the invaded or assailed, (on whose lives their Countrey, Wives, &c. depended) to prolong time, and to delude and dally off the enemy, till, having weakened his forces, he should lose his hope: Caire, he said, was a great City; yet the greatest Cities had, by puissant and speedy enemies, become desarts: and that great Empires ought not to be assailed by forreign force, if they were not (at first) overthrown, or weakened as not to recover themselves, &c. That Aegypt ought not to have been attempted, or not to be given over before conquest. The King of Jerusalem, whether grieved that Damiata could not be given him, or having proved, that higher Aegypt was not to be attempted without great danger, said he would not go in any case, the war being undertaken for recovery of the holy Land; and that after Memphis, Babylon or [...] were taken, they could not be kept long by force; [Page] whereas Syria was in right their own. And though he commended whatever forwardness, &c. Pelagius commended; yet he ought to employ the same in Syria, and not where no need was, or profit to be exspected. The Legat, wedded to his opinion, commanded him and the rest, to get in the field against the Sultan, threatning the sentence of excommunication against the backward or unwilling: So as enforced, they set forward in August the hottest season. The Sultan (as afraid of 70000) retired farther off, at which the unexpert Legat rejoycing said, That fortune favoured the valiant, and to cowards all fell out to the worst. The Christians seizing on a bridge, made over Nile, cut the Keepers thereof to pieces. Drawing nigh Caire, and encamping in its sight, they ran up and down, provoking them of the City to come out to battel, &c. who let them alone to brag and boast, and purposely protracted long the siege; and the Christians having confidence in their valour, with little regard of their enemies, not considering they were within the Trenches, &c. of a deceitful River, took no care of duty, watch, &c. So the crafty enemies, abusing them with delays and deceits, drew them out at length, that they might circumvent them when they least feared it. The Christians encamped under the covert of the Banks, and Causies of that fenny Country, thinking themselves safe; But these places were soft and durty, the people at pleasure watring them by channels and sluces out of Nile; which opened, the River began to overflow all. Then they (too late) perceived themselves taken as in a gin; all the ground being covered with water, that the victuals were corrupted, and no place for a man to lye dry in. The Aegyptians had taken the high places, that the Christians should not retire out of the covered Boggs and Marshes: so their rash valour was exposed to the enemies shot and fury. Then all began to cry out, and rail, &c. against Pelagius: the King they blamed [...], who was against his liking drawn [Page] into this war, &c. After 3 daies, thus coupt up with waters, the poor Souldiers fell down dead in the water for want of food and sleep, no help but to accept of the proud enemies conditions; who most desiring his Countries liberty, required Damiata to be restored and all things as before the besieging thereof, and so the Christians to depart his Countrey. These hard conditions were by the distressed Christians accepted of; but when they were propounded to them of Damiata, a great contention arose, some said they would not surrender the Town a stay for all Christian affairs in the East; but being restored, carried away all their hope with it; and therefore 'twere better endure all extremities, than receive so hurtful a Peace: Others said, they ought to have compassion of so many thousand distressed souls, not to expose them to butchery, Towns consisting of men, and not men of enclosures. These seeing the others obstinate, presently, by force entred their houses, and took away their weapons, to constrain them to yield. When they before Caire (almost drowned) understood of this dissention, they sent word, If they would not yield Damiata to the Sultan, they would forthwith send to Ptolemais (which would not [...]) to have it surrendred, instead, to the Aegyptians. So was Damiata again yielded to the Infidels. Meledin the Sultan, did neither by word or deed, despight or reproach them; but relieved them with victuals, and other things wanting, conducting them safely (by guides) out of the Countrey. Likewise, Coradin his brother made a truce with them for 8 years; whereupon, the King went into Italy, and (by the Popes perswasion) gave his daughter Yoland in marriage to Frederick Latin Emperour, (she being Crowned Queen of Jerusalem in her dead [...] right) to stir him up for undertaking this sacred war. He and his successour illy prosecuting their pretended title. John arriving from Rome at the French Court, found King Philip desperatly sick, who (by will) gave to the Hospitallers [Page] and Templers 60000 Crowns for maintenance of their wars, which was afterwards paid to John; who in the way to Spain, married Berengária the King of Castiles Daughter, returning into France, where he long expected Frederick to recover his wives right to Jerusalem's Kingdom: which though he at Rome (at the marriage) solemnly vowed; yet (otherwise let) performed it not till almost 7 years after. Let us leave the Christians in Syria, (who enjoyed the 8 years Peace, till new troubles) returning to the troubled affairs at Constantinople, and in lesser Asia.

Henry as aforesaid, repressing the Bulgarians and Scythians, dyed, having with trouble reigned about 11 years. After whom succeeded his Son in Law, Peter Count of Anserre; who to gratifie the Venetians, and in revenge besieged Theodore Angelus (Prince of Epirus his competitour) in Dyrrachium, which he had a little before surprized from the Venetian Seigniory; where Peter laying, was so cunningly used by the Greek, that a Peace was betwixt them concluded, and friendship joyned. So that Peter came to him as his guest, who entertained him with all feigned formalities, but most traiterously slew him in the midst of his banquet; (Yet others report he was by him put to death being intercepted travelling from Rome to Constantinople) which Topulus Governour of Constantinople understanding, made peace in the Empire's vacancy for 5 years, with him, and the Turks for 2. Robert, Peter's Son, shortly coming thither, was saluted Emperour; but soon after, he taking a fair Lady, daughter of a rich and Noble [...], to Wife, before betrothed to a gallant Burgundian, the old Lady breaking her promise: the young Burgundian (enraged with the wrong) entred the Court in the Emperour's absence, by night, with a company of lusty Souldiers, cutting off the young Empresses nose and ears, throwing her old Mother into the Sea, and fled out of the City with those [...]. The Emperour pierced to the heart with the disgrace, soon went to Rome, [Page] and returning thorow Achaia, died there. Baldwin, a child by his first Wife, left to succeed him, the 5th and last of the Latin Emperours there; who being married to Martha younger Daughter of John King of Jerusalem, but then Governour of [...], he had both the person and Empire of Baldwin committed to his charge: which he for certain years faithfully discharged, till Baldwin was able himself to govern. Now though Constantinople with Thracia, and the other Greek Provinces, were all or most under Baldwin, the Venetian and other Latin Princes; yet the oppressed [...], were in heart devoted wholly to their natural Emperours. Lasearis reigning at Nice, & [...], at Trapezond. Lascaris in his reign, had fought many a battel, &c. as it were, erecting a new Empire in Asia, reigning 18 years, and leaving John Duc as (who married [...] his Heir) to succeed him. A man of great wit, spirit aud gravity, undertaking nothing before consideration; which resolved on, he omitted nothing for performance: The Greeks, saying, The planting this new Empire required the celerity of Lascaris; but its stay, the gravity of Ducas. In the beginning, setting things [...] order, he augmented his legions, and aiming to recover Constantinople, with Thrace and Greece, built a great number of Galleys, taking in one Summer, most of the Aegeum Islands, with famous Rhodes, and many others; and the next Spring landing over Hellespont, invaded Chersonesus, then forraging the Countrey even to the gates of Constantinople, taking also many Cities and Towns by the Sea coast; the Greeks almost all yielding themselves where they could help him. The ruin of the Latin Empire in the East, was plainly to [...]; for Assan the Bulgarian King, sent his Embassadours to John, offering his Daughter Hellena in marriage to Theodore his Son, of which he (Assan able to call in the Scythes) loath to have him his enemy, gladly accepted- Wherefore Hellena, both about 12 years old, was solemnly married to Theodore [Page] about Chersonesus. The Sultan of Iconium (not long after) fearing, while his hands were full of the dreadful Tartars, he should be set on by the Greek Emperour, sent unto John to prolong the League betwixt them; which he for many causes granted, as not able to war against the Turks and Latins at once, and to keep by this warlike Nation his own Countries safe from the Tartars. This Peace exceedingly enriched his Countries; for now the people began to fall to the fruitful labours of peace. The Emperour himself by plowing got much Corn, planting many Vine-yards, and keeping Heards, and Flocks, and Fowls of all sorts, stirred others up to the like, causing also his Kinsmen and Nobles to have sufficient for their own spending, and not to take any thing from the poor Countreymen; whereby in few years, every Barn was full of Corn, &c. Then also there being a [...] famine among the Turks, they travelling into the Emperour's Provinces for Victuals, gave their gold, silver, and rich commodities for food; so that the Countrey-mens houses were full of the Turks wealth, and the Emperour's Coffers stored with Treasure. The money gathered of Eggs daily sold, making the Empress a rich Crown of gold set with precious stones; which he called Ovata, because ' [...] bought with Egg-money. The Greek Empire thus flourishing in lesser Asia, the Turks pilled by the Tartars and consumed with famine, as fast declining.

Frederick the Emperour, and King of Sicily, was hardly called on by Pope Honorius, to take his long vowed expedition into the holy Land; and for delay, excommunicated by Gregory 9, more to draw from him some of his Empire in his absence, than for their zeal thereto, which the fearing, delayed his Vows performance; But at length. enforced with Grrgory's thundring, he set forward in 1227. Yoland his wife thereabout dying in child-bed of a Son. There met at Brundusium, an exceeding number of Souldiers out of all parts (especially Germany) under the [Page] Lantgrave of Thuring, and the Bishop of Augusta; but the Plague arising there, the Lantgrave and Bishop, with many others, dyed: The Emperour falling very sick of a Feaver at Malea, on his way, returned to Brundusium, staying long there. Then the Pope, casting out his excomunications against him, accusing him with perjury, &c. he would have cleared himself in an open Assembly at Ravenna, had it not been disturbed; yet he answered all by writings, setting forward again from Brundusium in August 1228. The Pope for that the Emperour had neither taken his leave of him, nor reconciled himself, in a great choller, forbad all forces in Syria to yield him obedience: writing also to the Sultan, not to agree with him &c. And afterwards ran on his Kingdom of Naples, troubling Italy; yet he was honourably received at Ptolemais. Sultan Meledin hearing of his arrival, offered him most honourable conditions of Peace; who sending first for the Pope's consent, would not suffer the Messengers to come into his presence, rending the Letters without reading them; yet the Emperour, on condition that he should be King of Jerusalem, and all Palestine delivered to him: That all taken from Baldwin 4th by Saladin should be restored: that Nazareth and Joppa he might fortifie at pleasure, and that all prisoners, by both, be freed without ransome, concluded a Peace for 10 years: thereupon he was Crowned King of Jerusalem on Easter-day, 1229, who repairing its [...] Walls, with certain Temples, &c. appointing Raynold of Bavaria his Lievtenant, returned into Iealy. The Sicilian Kings have been ever since called Kings of Jerusalem.

Gregory (next year) more in spight to the Emperour than zeal, did by the lately erected Dominicans and Franciscans, stir up a wonderful number to take on them the Crosse, so tearmed, their cognizance, who bound themselves for recovery, or defence of the holy Land, under Theobald King of Navarre, the Counts of Monifort, [Page] and Campaigne, and others, to trouble the 10 years concluded Peace; passing Bosphorus they came to the River Sanger in Bythinia, there refreshing themselves, at length they came to the Straits of Mount Amanus, taken by the Turks, the Sultan of Iconium not far off encamping; yet Montfort couragiously marching with his Vantguard, by force opened the Mountains passage. Navarre in vain assaulting the Sultan's Camp, who would not stir out; wherefore the King dividing his Army, followed Montfort, with his best Souldiers in the rear; but the Turks [...] them upon occasion, at length taking advantage in a Plain, slew of them an exceeding number; the battel through the night broken off, the Christians at length arrived at Antioch, having lost most of their Army and [...], with all their wealth and victuals; they were [...] to Ptolemais, and thence conducted to Gaza, spoiling the Countrey, they could have no help of the Emperor's forces there; for he had expresly charged, not to do any thing tending to the breach of the 10 years League: which the Turks perceiving, lay in every corner to cut them off: these of Gaza, returning with spoil out of the the Countrey, were set upon by the Turks, whom they put to flight. But the next morning, far more Turks appeared, who joyned with the watching Christians a cruell battel: who (though they shewed very much valour) wearied and oppressed with their multitude, were almost all [...]. The two Counts falling among the rest, the King by his horse's swiftness hardly escaping; who after 2 daies wandring, came by hap to Joppa: some few escaped to Ptolemais: He visiting Jerusalem, returned home with a few followers.

Raynold the Lievrenant about 4 years after dying, the Templers (who would oftentimes have broke the [...]) now took occasion to stir up the people to take Arms against the Turks: [...] the Aegyptian Sultan, raising an Army, & sending for the Chorasines lying near [...], besieged Gaza, which at length taking, he put all to [Page] the sword therein: Likewise, he dealt so with Ascalon and other places. The Templars and Hospitallers, with the weak Kingdomes strength, came to give him battle near [...]: who hastily (as if for fear) retiring, came upon them next night, encamping by the River, at unawares and unarmed; who, being awaked, hastily and disorderly, took such weapons as came to hand, fighting terribly and doubtfully a long space, encouraging each other. But the Turks keeping order, and more in number, greatly slaughtered them, yet with loss of many thousands of their own: most of the best Templars and Hospitallers were slain. The Sultan, being [...], forthwith took Jerusalem, putting all men, women, and children, to the sword, rasing it, burning the buildings, &c. defaceing Christ's sepulchre, never before violated, which he seemed chiefly to do, for that the Christians, for its gaining, so hardly adventured, & so troubled the [...] and Turks. Thus by breach of the league, Jerusalem fell again into the Turks power in 1234, in whose hands it hath remained to this day, governed by a [...], the Sepulchre being again repaired, was much visited, and not unreverenced by the Turks themselves.

Frederick was much grieved with this losse, but (being entangled with troubles that Gregory left unto other Popes, till they had deprived him of Empire, and life also) he could not remedy the same. Lewis the ninth, King of France, famous for zeal, devout in life, and abounding in wealth, was careful for the Christians in Syria. In whose devout motions, before he could resolve on the enterprize, he fell dangerously sick, lying speechlesse, and but a little faintly breathing; the first thing that he asked for (when come a little to himself) was the Crosse, that wars cognizance, which he received of the Bishop of Paris; 3 Counts his Brethren, with the Duke of Burgundy, Earl of Flanders, Count of Paul, and most of his Nobles, taking (the same time) the same charge on them. Yet few years [Page] passed in preparation for so great an enterprize, many dying before it. At length the King, taking order with his mother Blanch &c. took his leave of the Pope at Lyous, (who, for fear of Frederick, lay there) and embarquing at Marcelles, Aug. 25. 1248. he arrived in Cyprus, Sept. 20. following. Who was desirous, without stay, to goe for Aegypt, had he not been otherwise perswaded through want of his whole Fleet, and the years season. But passing there the winter, the plague arising and increasing in the Camp, a great number shortly died, with the Bishop of Bravais, and divers others, 240 in number, not of the meaner sort; so [...] he divided his Army, attending the stay of the Infection. The Templars, in the mean time, fearing the Turk's over-running all, and the French getting the Victory, would diminish their tyrannizing power; sent secretly to the Sultan of Aegypt, perswading him, by an agreement, to avert farther harm from the French King. Who, liking it well, sent to their Master about a peace, yet, with the French King's consent. To whom the Templars wrote, perswading him to accept thereof, setting out the Sultan's great praeparations. But the King of Cyprus acquainting Lewis, that the Master had sent to the Sultan, procuring that message, he fed the Turk's Embassadour with hope, but wrote to the Master, on his head, not to have any intelligence with the enemy.

Winter past, divers Noble and great ones, who had set forth late, or, for fear of the plague, [...] by the way, repaired to Cyprus: as Robert of Burgundy, with good Horse-men; the Prince of Achaia, with a great fleet from Peloponesus; William Earl of Sarisbury, with a band of lusty souldiers: So Lewis departing, tossed with winds, about 5 daies after, fell upon Aegypt, coming with his fleet before Damiata. The Sultan, understanding his purpose, had strongly fortified his stontiers, beside a great power kept with him in readinesse. The Governour of Damiata was ready to keep the Christians from landing: [Page] who, manning their long Boats with Archers, to beat the enemy from the shoare, ran a ground with other landing Boats; coming to handy blowes, a sharp battle was fought, many falling on both sides. But the Turks, oppressed with multitudes still landing, fled into the Town, leaving their Governour, with 500, dead on the shoar. This rich and populous City had (since the sormer taking) been strongly fortifyed by the Turks, with deep ditches, high walls, &c. and [...] with all things for a long siege. Yet the Souldiers and Citizens, remembring the miseries endured in the former siege, the night following, fled over the River by a bridge made of Boats; and brake it lest they should be followed, having first fired their houses. The Christians entring the City, did what they could to quench the fire and afterwards found abundance of riches with store of victuals, This happened about the beginning of Octob: in 1249. Meledine herewith discouraged, offered the King for peace, and the redeeming thereof, more in [...] and Syria then they had before a long time: which was by the French proudly rejected, and Alexandria the Metropolis further demanded. Meledine (not much beloved) now died, in whose stead, Melechsala, couragious & welbeloved, (even then returning from craving aid of the Mahometan Princes) was chosen: which Princes (though not according among themselvs, or with the Aegytian, yet in this common danger of Superstition) joyned, sending him great aid. Who being strengthned, hotly skirmished with the Christians, not far from Damiata, wherein he retired with some losse. But the Christians, sallying out the next day, fled to the Camp with ten times more losse. Whereby the Sultan encouraged hoped for better success, stopping, that without great peril no victuals could be brought to City or Camp, so that victuals began to grow scarce; whereof he was informed by fugitives, that fled for want. It fortuned that the Governour of Caire, not ill affected to the Christian [Page] Religion, and highly offended with the Sultan, for his Brothers wrongfull death, secretly perswaded the King to come thither with his Army, promising to deliver it to him, with instructions what to do. Whereupon he assembled what forces he could make: sending also for the Earl of Salisbury, who, with the English, was gone to Ptolemais, for indignities offered him by Artoys the King's brother, purposing to serve no more: But with promise of better usage, and recompence for wrongs, he returned into Egypt. And more strengthened by new supplies from France, leaving a convenient Garrison in Damiata; set forward towards Caire. Wherefore the Sultan offered to restore him all [...], with a great summe of money, and all prisoners, so he would redeliver Damiata, and joyn in League with him. Which offer through others perswasion he refused: The King was to passe an Arme of Nilus, but being conducted by a fugitive Saracen to a foord, he [...] Robert of Artoys his brother with a 3d part, before, accompanied with the Masters of the Templars and Earle of Sarisbury. Who assailing the Turks in their tents, (in the Sultans absence) put them to flight. Artois above measure encouraged, would needs on forwards, whom the antient Templars, acquainted with that Nations deceitful manners; and considering their own strength better then he, perswaded him not further to prosecute the enemie, till the rest of the Armies coming. To whom he in despight replied, he would prosecute, &c. calling them cowards, objecting to them the common fame, that the holy Land might long since have been united to the Christians Commonwealth; but for the false collusion of the Templars and [...], with the Infidels. The Master moved, answered, he should when he would, and where he durst, display his Ensignes, &c. Sarisbury also perswaded Robert to listen to the wholesome Counsel of the Templars; being experienced men, beginning also to pacifie the Master [Page] with gentle words: Whom, whilst speaking, Robert called Dastard, wishing the Army rid of him, and the fearful Cowards his Country men: Who answered, well General, on, my foot shall be as far as yours; and I believe we go where you shall not dare to come nigh my Horses tail: He said so, because the French, had in disdain, often called him and his English, Tailes. The Earle not to be perswaded, first assaulted a little place called Mansor, who was about to retire, having lost a number of his men. The Sultan suddenly came on with his whole power, and with his multitude, enclosed the long wished-for, divided Christian Army; in which great fight though they worthily behaved themselves, yet being a small number, they were slain down right. Then the too late repenting Earle, cried out to Sarisbury (valiantly fighting) to fly, &c. who answered, God forbid, my Fathers son should run from the face of a Saracen. The French Earle swiftly fleeing and taking the River Thasues, overladed with armour, was drowned. Sarisbury with his own hand slew many that day, till his Horse being slain, and he so wounded in the legs, that he could not stand; yet desperately laid about him on his knees, and was there slain; scarce more than 2 Templars, 1 Hospitaller, and 1 Common Souldier escaped alive.

Sicknesse also increasing in the Camp, the King sent many sick people to [...], down [...], purposing to march to Caire: whom the Sultan (by meeting them with boats carried in Carts) burnt and drowned all, except one English man, who, wound [...] 5 places, escaped reporting it to the rest. The Sultan [...] now intelligence of the Governour, to betray Cair, & suddenly apprehended him till better leisure: the King had all his hope of the City hereby cut off; who now would gladly accept of the refused conditions, which the Sultan would not hear of, but sent, in derision, to know what was become of all his mattocks, forks &c. which he brought with him, & [Page] why (like an ill husband) he suffered them to rot and rust by him. The King would fain have retired to Damiata: but the Sultan got betwixt him and home, so that he must fight it out or yield: Who being before often intreated by his Nobles, for safety of his person, to conveigh himself by water to Damiata, would never be perswaded, saying, He was resolved to endure with his people whatever God should lay upon him. So passing the foord afore-mentioned, coming where his Brother's battle was fought, he might see the mangled Christians (the Sultan having proclaimed great reward to whomsoever brought him a Christians head or hand). Long he staied not there, but the Sultan appeared with a most huge Army: against whom the French men, for 3 hours made great resistance. But one being against ten, and the Army fainting for sicknesse and food, they were, at last, all (except a few saved in hope of great ransome) slain: The King, with two Brothers, was taken also: who, to the Sultan demanding, why he warred against him, answered, 'twas for Religion, and the defence of his God's name. This was fought Apr. 5. 1250. most of the French Nobility being slain.

The Sultan presently sent a like number of his souldiers, with French attire and Ensignes to Damiata: where the Duke of Burgundy, French Queen, and the Pop's Legate lay, but they were by them of the City discovered, and so kept out.

Melechsala (through compassion) yet minding to make his own of [...] Kings life, began with cheering speeches to talk of [...] deliverance, and of a good atonement, on condition of delivering Damiata; and paying for his ransome, and the other charges 800 pounds of Gold, that both their Prisoners should be frankly set at liberty, and so a peace for 10 years. The Sultan would have sworn to renounce Mahomet, if he performed them not: requiring the King to swear a denial of his Christ to be God, if he failed; which the King detesting, he took [Page] his word, and published their league. But whilst they came together to Damiata, Melechsala (not fearing the mischief hanging over his head) was suddenly slain by 2 desperate Mamalukes; and one Tarqueminus, a Slave of the same order, was by the Army created Sultan in his stead, and made another league with the King much on the same conditions. Which Miscreant, after [...] [...] paid his ransome, went from Damiata to Ptolemais, but performed not half that he promised, scarce freeing 4000 of 12000 Captives, and killing all sick souldiers, which he ought to have relieved, not suffering any Christian to carry his goods out of Aegypt. The King, at Ptolemais, (by the intreaty of the Master of the Templars, &c.) staied almost 4 years, repairing Caesarea and Joppa, and fortifying many strong places. So sending his Brethren before, himself arrived in France the 6th year after his departure thence: Some write that 80000 Christians were lost in this expedition; the French Chronicles say that 6000 of 32000 returned into France. Damiata was (shortly after delivery) rased, by the Sultan, to the ground.

The Aegyptian Sultans, having no great assurance in the effeminate Aegyptians, had bought an infinite number of Slaves, especially of the Circassians, near Colchis and the Euxine Sea, transported out of those bare cold Countries by Merchants: out of which the Sultans culled those of likeliest Spirit and ability, delivering them to most skilful Teachers, who taught them to run, shoot, ride, handle all sorts of weapons, &c. who, so instructed, were introlled in pay as his choise Horsemen, and called Mamalukes: In whose service finding great use, they daily erected new stored Nurseries: Whose Order now, wonderfull strong hereby, managed their greatest affairs, especially in wars, gaining by valour many fair victories, and defending their Coun ry. But proud of their preferment, traiterously slew Melechsala, their chief Fonnder, setting up the Slave Tarqueminus, of great Spirit & Valor. [Page] The Turk's power in Egypt, with Melechsala, the last of Sáladine's Stock, took end. For the Mamalukes now commanded as Lords over the rest, not suffering them to use Horse or Armour, or sway the Common-wealth, but preferring their own swarming Slaves, the people, kept under with heavy impositions, dared not to meddle, but with Merchandise, Husbandry, &c. the greatest profit whereof still came to them: choosing a Sultan still from among themselves, none of his Children to succeed, least proud of their parentage, they should reckon them their Slaves: providing also, that though the Mamalukes sons might enjoy their Fathers lands, &c. after death, yet none should take on them the name of a Mamaluke, that the Government might still rest with the Mamalukes: Neither might any Mahometan or Jew be admitted into that Order, but onely Christians (become Slaves) instructed in that superstition, or that had abjured Christian Religion. Many of these poor Slaves, thus exalted, proved most renowned Princes, dreadfull to the greatest Monarchs. This servile Empire flourishing 267 years, was, by victorious Selymus (with Syria and Palestine) united to the Turkish Empire, being overthrown by him in 1517.

But leaving the Turks and Mamalukes, let us return into lesser Asia, and Constantinople. The Greek Empire all this while, flourished under John Batazes: the Latines power declining as fast, under Baldwin II. at Constantinople. The Turks had, in the mean time, more than enough to do to withstand the Tartars. John Ducas at length died, about 60 years old, happily reigning 33 years, by whom, the Greek Empire, not onely in Asia, but a little in Europe also, began to gather strength. This Emperour after long lamenting Irene his first Wives death, married Ann, the King of Sicily's Sister, among whose honourable Dames, sent to accompany her, was one Marcesina, a rare Parragon of Nature, with sugred [Page] words, and eyes, as Nets, to entangle the amorous; the Emperour fed his eyes on this fair Object, till he became her Subject, seeming little to regard the young Empresse in respect of her, suffering her to be [...] and honoured as the Empresse herself: She, thus triumphing, would go with most of the Court-Gallants, and some of the Guard, to visit the Monastery and Temple, which noble Blemmides had of his own cost lately built, where he with his Monks (as weary of the World) lived a solitary and [...] life: (who, chosen afterward, for his upright life and learning, Patriarch of Constantinople, refused it). Marcesina coming thither in great Pomp, to enter the Temple, had the doors shut against her, commanded so by Blemmides, to her great disgrace. For he deemed it impiety for that wicked Woman, against whom he had spoke and written, to tread upon the sacred [...]. She being enraged, and pricked forward by her followers, returning, grievously complained thereof to the Emperour, stirring him up, by all means, and his own disgrace, to be revenged, her pick thanks not sparing (as it were) to put Oyl to the fire: who, struck with remorse, not with wrath, deeply sighing, with tears in his eyes, said: Why provoke ye me to punish so devout and just a man? [...] if my self had lived without Infamy, I had kept my Imperiall [...] unpolluted. But since I have caused my own and the Empire's disgrace, I may thank my deserts if I reap the harvest of such ill seed I have sown.

Theodorus, his son, about 33 years old, was saluted Emperour, in his stead, who, in the beginning, renewed his Father's League with Jathathines the Sultan. And with a puissant Army passed over into Europe to appease the troubles raised in [...] and Thracia, by the King of Bulgaria, and Michael Angelus Despot of Thessaly, who, in hope to joyn those Countries to their own, [...] to spoyl them, by whose coming they were glad to [...] [...] peace. But being advertised from Nice that Michail[Page]Paleologus his Governour there, was secretly fled to the Turks, he was not a little troubled. Paleologus gave out, that being brought by his enemies into disgrace, and the Emperour, so filled with cunning complaints, not easily in short time to be refelled, was the cause; and so willingly exiled himself, fearing his heavy displeasure, to save his life from their malice: who at Iconium found Jathatines making great preparation against the Tartars: who running still on, spoyled much of the Turk's Territories in lesser Asia, lying now at Axara. The Sultan now welcommed Baleologus, commending to his charge some Bands of Greeks, which he had retained; as also other Latines, under the conduct of Boniface a Venetian: so he set forward against the Tartars: who at first sight of strange Ensignes and Souldiers, were much dismaied: Yet they had with them a most bloody conflict, wherein that part standing against Paleologus, being worsted, [...] about to flee, but the Sultan's Kinsman, bearing him a grudge, revolting with his Regiment to the Tartars, the battle was quite altered, the Tartars fighting like Lyons; and the Victors were glad to flee, a great number of them being slain. Paleologus and the Generall were hardly chased, & glad to stand fighting often for their lives, with much adoe, after many daies, recovered a Castle of the Generalls. The Tartars hazarding hereby the Turk's Kingdome, forraged all his Countries [...], so that the discouraged Sultan fled to Theodorus for aid, who comforted him with such small aid as he thought good, sending them home with him, for his safety, under Isaac [...] Murzufle: who gave him Laodicea in recompence, yet, ere long, it fell again into the Turks hands as not to be holden by the Christians. The Sultan, too weak to withstand the Tartars, made a league with them for paying them a yearly tribute. They are accounted, from this time, as their [...] and Vassals.

Not long after, Paleologus was called home by the Emperour's [Page] Letters, with his faith for security: who, before his return, was bound by Oath, to be loyal, never to seek after the Empire, or cause new suspect of matters before charged, but yield dutifull obedience to the Emperour, or his Successours. Whereupon he was, again, Great Constable, living afterwards in great honour with him. Who reigning 3 years died, leaving John his Son, but six years old, to succeed him, and commended him to Arsemus the Patriarch, and George Muzalo, as trusty Tutors, together with the Empire. Muzalo, though of mean Parentage, was brought up in the Court, as the Emperor's play-fellow, still ready to say or do what might please him. And the elder they grew, they increased in mutual affection: and he, as in greatest favour, was promoted to the greatest honours, and married to the Emperour's nigh Kinswoman. An Oath of obedience unto the young Prince, and them, as Tutors, was exacted of all sorts whatsoever, both before and after the Emperour's death: for many Nobles murmured at Muzalo's sudden fortune, many thinking themselvs to have better right thereto, as of nearer Kin to the Emperour; and fitter for such a charge than Muzalo, who, not honourably born, and having been Theodore's minister of wrath against some Nobles, was to be hated and contemned; and if be should now affect the Empire, he would spare no villany to effect his inordinate desire. Muzalo's wits being awakened with these dangers, he called all the Nobility into the Court; courteously offering to yield up both the Empires administration, and the tuition, to any one whom they thought fittest for such a charge, which all refused, saying, He was to be preferred, to whom the Lord of both had committed both: Muzalo [...] requested the contrary, for fear, chiefly, of danger to ensue. But, would he or not, he must take the charge on him. Now were all sworn with greater solemnity (the third time) than before, wishing a shameful end to them and theirs, if they failed to perform [Page] their obedience, &c. Yet 9 daies were not fully past, but some of the chief Nobility conspired the unworthy death of Muzalo: which was on the Emperour's funerall day, in his Abbey at Maguesia; where, while the Hymns were singing, &c. the Souldiers, before instructed by the Conspirator, breaking into the Temple, with drawn swords, slew Muzalo, (at the Altar for refuge) with Andronicus and Theodore his Brethren, and divers others. The mourning Matrons thronging out, fled as fast as they could: but the Priests and Monks thinking to do the like were, by the Soulders, forced into the Temple, and on the Pavement (slippery with blood) ended in fear those bloody Obsequies. Arsemius, the onely Tutor, was much troubled, for, though for learning and integrity not inferiour, yet, in state matters he was far to seek, and of no great reach, yet wishing all well, he consulted with the Nobility, what were best to be done for government of the Emperour and Empire, now Muzalo was dead. Which, not being grounded on wise fore-sight, was more dangerous to the young Emperour than the murthering swords. Michael [...], was also called to the counsell, descended of the Comnen's house, a man very courteous and liberall, winning all mens hearts thereby, especially the Commanders of the Army: of whose aspiring many Rumours had formerly passed; yea, the Patriarch (on speciall favour) committed to his trust the Keys of the common Treasury, when mony was to be paid out upon great occasions of State, the readiest way to effect what he had long plotted; for he powred out the Masse of treasure amongst the Nobility and Martiall men, with others, and many of the Clergy also. The Patriarch was, by his favourites, (who had many meetings) sollicited, though generally, to take order for the States good Government, which, as a ship without a Master, was in danger to perish. Paleologus was then in every man's mouth, as onely fit to take the charge on him, till the Emperour came to Age. [Page] Unto which the Patriarch gave consent; and so with a general contentment, made him a Governour and Tutor. This was the first step whereby he mounted to the Empire. Not many [...] after, it was alleadged by his favourites in Counsel, It was not seemly for a Tutor, and Governour of State, who was to hear forreign Embassadours, to want the honour next to an Emperour; whereupon he was honoured with the title of Despot. Shortly after, he was by certain great favourites, near Magnesia, with great applause, saluted Emperour: Arsemius being much troubled therewith, fearing what would become of the young child. He thought it better by Oath to bind the Emperour and his makers not to seek his life, nor to go about to deprive him, than to excommunicate them, which was done. Within a moneth, the Patriarch perswaded, set the Imperial Crown on this Usurpers head; not as still to enjoy the Empire, but according to present necessity, till the child came of age, to whom he was then to resign. All being confirmed by oath, good news was brought him of a victory obtained by his brother John, against Michael Despot of Aetolia and Epirus; who hearing of the Emperour's death, his Father in Law, with troubles in Asia, being aided by 2 others, entred Macedonia and Thracia, burning and spoiling the Countrey, and thinking to take most to himself. The news he received when Crowned, the great Commanders shortly bringing the Prince of Peloponesus and Achaia prisoners; who gave to Paleologus for ransome, three of the best Cities of Peloponesus: wherein he put strong Garrisons, and gained at length most of Peloponesus from the Latins, shortly after purposing to besiege Constantinople with a great Army; but, as too difficult, he left that, and besieged the Castle of Pera, on tother side the haven, hoping (by winning that) to master the Town; but he was forced to retire with loss. So fort fying divers places thereabout, he charged the Garrisons with incursions, to cut the Citizens so short, that [Page] they should not dare look out. The [...] hereby were soon [...] to burn houses for fewel: which done, he [...] to Nice.

Baldwin 2 of small courage and lesse power, now reigned in Constantinople; who for maintenance; sold the publick Ornaments of the City, and pawned his Son to the Bruges Marchants, left by them at Venice to be brought up.

Mango great Cham of Tartary (now) being stirred by Aiton the Armenian King, (through whom he received the Christian Religion) sent his brother Haalon with an exceeding Army against the Turks in [...], and Palestine; who ( [...] a Christian) in 6 months over-ran all Persia; with the adjoyning Countries, except (as some say) Samarchand (afterward the seat of Tamerlaine) in the mountains, which besieged with 10000 horsemen, was continued 27 years; and at length, (as Aiton writes) yielded for want of cloaths to cover the Defendants: Haalon marching on (not missing the 10000) entring into Assyria besieging Babylon, whose Caliph as Mahomet's true successour, was above all honoured: they from him receiving their Laws interpretation. [...] winning it, put all to the sword, inriching his Souldiers with its spoil, and the Caliph's treasure; commanding the Caliph to be set in the midest of the infinite treasure, saying in derision, Such a [...] guest should be fed with nought but things of best price &c. The covetous wretch thus kept certain daies, dyed for hunger. Babylon sacked and almost raced; the Tartar took Rhoais in Mesopotamia, where Aiton came to him with 12000 horse and 40000 foot: So entring Syria took Aleppo, which he sacked and razed in 1260. Then came Malacnesar Sultan of Damasco, Syria, and Palestine, humbling himself before him, in hope to save somewhat; but he was either carried far into exile, or (more probably) afterward cut in pieces under Damasco, to his Sons terrour, after a double assault; [Page] yet he took it (together with that Kingdom) and sacked it, overthrowing all the Mahometan Temp es, as before he had done. But purposing to conquer Palestine, [...] died, upon which news he returned back, after almost 6 years expedition, in hope of his brothers Empire. At which time the Christians affairs might have been easily repaired, had the Western Princes put to their helps, as did the Tartars; but they busied with wars and fatal discord let slip that seldom or never so fair opportunity. Haalon left his Son Abaga with 20000 horsemen [...] the Christians if they should come; who, hearing of his Fathers troubles at home, left Guirboca with 10000 horsmen, to like purpose; who was with his Tartars, of a friend made a foe to the Christians: whose Souldiers fetching booty out of the Tartars Territory, refused to restore it, and evilly entreated those sent to demand it. [...] his Nephew being slain in farther quarrels; who in revenge, took, sacked, and burnt down Sidon, and afterwards, doing the Christians all harm they could devise. This discord occasioned [...] the Aegyptian Sultan, with a great Army of Mamalukes, and others to enter Syria, and spoil about Damasco; with whom Guiborcas joyning battel with a number far inferiour, was slain with most of his Tartars: the rest, fleeing into Armenia. Syria and Palestine, [...] hereby again to the Aegyptian, except few places which shortly also did. For Bandacader succeeding Melech, took Antioch from the Christians, with most of the other places, he burnt the City, and razed the Castle; and then did great harm in Armenia also.

The Turks Kingdom going to wrack in Syria, their affairs in lesser Asia, went [...] then much better; for Jathatines having lost Iconium to the Tartars, [...] fled to the Emperour [...], in hope to be relieved for the kindness he before [...] him. fleeing from Theodore, he requested him, either with some [...] to aid him, or [...] [Page] assign him some corner, where, with his wife children and followers, with much wealth he might rest. The Emperour encumbred with wars, thought not good to diminish his forces: and a place to inhabit in, seemed as dangerous: because he a great Prince, was not like to be content with a little; his dispersed Nobles hearing he was seared, being likely to resort to him also: yet was loath unkindly to cast him off, Therefore with fair words, he held him long in suspence. At length, in his absence, he was [...] [...] his train, about 1200, to get to Aenus of Thracia by the Sea coast; where as an honourable prisoner at large he lived, through watchful eies, not able to escape as he desired. Paleologus (after 2 years reign) sent Alexius Strategopulus, against the Despot of Epirus, to represse his [...], with little above 800 Bythinians, and to take up what he needed in Macedonia and Thracia, commanding him to passe thorow the Suburbs of Constantinople, to terrifie the Latines; who passing over Propontis, encamped at Regium not far off; where lighting upon poor labouring Greeks, dwelling in the City; he enquired of them the state thereof, &c. who told him, their strength was smal, & that most thereof was at the siege of Daphnusia, a Town by the Euxian Sea: and, as ill affected to the Latins government offered to shew him a means of entrance into the City, which was by an old Mine almost swarved up near the gate; this secret way into the City, not being known to any other: promising by night to let in (at this hole) 50 of his best Souldiers, &c. Few daies after, by night, at an hour appointed they received them, who aided by them and their [...], slew the watch, and brake open the gate; whereby Alexius entring, and putting his men in order, caused the [...] to be fired in 4 places, which terribly burning, was come almost to the Emperour's Pallace; who, awaked, and seeing the City all on fire, perceiving it to no purpose to make head with his few Latines, fled with the Patriarch and some others, [Page] into Euboca by Sea, and thence to [...]: afterwards to [...] of France, hoping to be relieved by them. The chief Latines fled after. Constantinople thus fell into the Greeks hands in 261, being possessed by the Latins about 58 years.

This joyful news was soon carried to [...], who at first believed it [...], it being by [...] weak a power surprized. But afterwards, caused Hymns and Psalms to be sung in every Temple, with all other signs of joy and triumph: So being wholly busied in preparing for Constantinople, he, with his wife and Andronicus his Son, 2 years old, entred the City on foot; and after prayers and thanks, went to the Pallace near the Tilt-yard: for the other, during the Latins reign, had [...] ruinous and defaced. And shortly after, caused Alexius Caesar (the Cities recoverer) in triumph, robes, and Crown of gold on his head, with great pomp to be carried thorough the City; and that his name for one year should be joyned to the Emperours, in solemn prayers and [...]: causing also his lively Image, to be set on a Marble pillar, before the Apostles Temple, in perpetual remembrance of him; which overthrown by an earthquake, was restored by his Son. This great City, sometime the Worlds beauty, by the strange mutations, was wonderfully defaced &c. for its beauty, when the Latins took it, was most defaced by fire; who while they had it, ceased not to destroy some part or other, as if they had known they should not long keep it: neither did this last fire a little deform it; wherefore his chief care now was, to cleanse the City, and first beginning to repair the Temples, then filling empty houses with Inhabitants. Though the chief Latins were fled, yet most Tradesmen were Venetians and Pisans; to whom to joyn the Genowaies and to sill the City, he thought not altogether safe; but assigned them [...] now Pera, on tother fide, to inhabit; with priviledges and a Consul of their own over every Company; storing [...] [Page] what he could with natural Greeks. But though all things went as [...] could wish; yet fearing (such is the torment of usurping tyrants) lest the smouldred anger of the Empires right heirs should break into open force, and perhaps work his confusion: thought best to dispose so of Theodor's children, that he might not stand in doubt. Besides Mary and Theodora, before married to the Despot of Epirus, and the Prince of Bulgaria, other two younger were in his custody, Theodora and Irene; whom he married to 2 Latins, one of Peloponesus, the other to one of Genua, men of no great birth or power; John the heir only remained but 10 years old, whom Paleologus (at first) sent into Magnesia to be kept from Court, lest in his right, new stirrs dangerous to his estate, should begin. The which the [...] took so ill, that he forsook all, to spend his days in a little Monastery of the Piscasins, from whence [...] drew him almost against his will, making him Patriarch of Constantinople; The Usurper unmindful of his former faith given, [...] to establish him and his posterity in the soveraignty, caused the young [...] eys to be put out; for which barbarous cruelty, Theodora his sister ceased not to stirr up the Prince of Bulgaria her husband in revenge. Jathatines also, weary of exile, entreated him to war on the Emperour, promising him a great sum, if he might recover his liberty; who with his own power, and above 20000 Tartars, sooner than could be thought, over ran all Thracia, leaving neither man nor beast as he went: hoping also to surprize the Emperour, returning from [...]; but that he, in a Galley of the Latins, put in by the Sea side to water, arrived safely in the imperial City; wherefore the Bulgarian marching to Aenum, forthwith (being terrified) they delivered the Sultan unto him. In his return, they drave before them such numbers of men and cattel, that for a space, either [...] or beast was not to be [...] in the open [...]. Jathathines, carried [Page] over [...], and set at liberty, soon died; whom Meleck his Son succeded not, but two other Mescott and Keicubades of the Selzuccian Family, as were all the Turks Sultans; betwixt whom, Cazan the great Tartar for a yearly tribute, divided the Turks Kingdom: unto Mescott the Cities of Amida in Galatia, Melasia in lesser Armenia, &c. unto Keicubades, Iconium, with all Countries of lesser Asia along the Sea coast. So that the Turks Kingdom, long flourishing in Persia, Syria, Palestine, and Aegypt, were overthrown by the Mamaluks and Tartars, and now brought under in lesser Asia also; the 2 weak Princes reigning but at the devotion of the Tartar. In which confusion, divers of power, shared something of the declining Kingdom; but many of the basest people (only with bows and arrows) with daily incursions from the Mountains straits, much [...] the adjoyning Christian Countries, still gaining upon the Greeks what they lost to the Tartars; for the frontier Garrisons, being for want of pay disbanded, and the Castles abandoned, was at length a great ruin to the Greeks in lesser Asia. At length a great power of them meeting in Paphlagonia to invade the Christians, Paleologus sent a strong Army, to stay their further coming; which, by unskilfulness of Captains, was by the Turks (who of purpose retiring, had drawn the Greeks into danger of ambush) utterly [...], few or none of that multitude escaping. After which victory, the Turks over-ran all the Countrey to the River Sanger, on whose banks, Paleologus fortified divers places to keep them out of Bithynia. Yet they soon [...] all from Pontus and Galatia to the Lycian and Carian Sea, to the River Eurimedon, dividing them [...] to Toparchies, little acknowledging Mescot or Keicubades.

Many conflicts in the mean time, passed between the Mamalukes and Tartars, for the Soveraignty of Syria. The poor Christians, in doubt of both, with the Armenians, infested by the Mamalukes, sent divers to the Pope [Page] and Western Princes for help, whose prayers moved Lewis of France and Henry 3 of England topromise them aid. Lewis took on him the Cross, causing Philip that succeeded him, Peter, and John surnamed [...], (for his Mothers heaviness for her husband in her delivery) his 3 Sons, and most Nobles to do the like; to whom the King of Navarr and 2 others joyned. He set forward from [...] March 1. 1270, staying a while at [...], through force of weather, he arrived at Carthage (not the ancient City, but another built after, in her ruins, or not far from them) surprizing certain ships in the Haven; but assaulting the Town, he was notably repulsed. On a day, the Defendants making a fierce sally on the French, retired by degrees, to draw their enemies on. The Constable coming and charging them behind, and the retirers now standing, they were hardly beset, who made there a great fight, not without extream peril: which they in the City beholding, hideously cried, astonying their friends and enemies. But the French approaching a Bulwark on the Sea side, took it without resistance; at which they without began to flee, and them of the Town (for their lives) yielded it to the King. Carthage won, he besieged [...], being by the way encountred by the Moors King, who losing 10000 men fled: resolving to keep within his [...] walls if happily he might weaken his enemies by protacting time. Lewis resolved not to stir thence, the City not seeming to hold out for want, considering the peoples multitude; yet it held out 6 months streightly hemmed in every way; after which, Embassadours were sent to treat for Peace. But, the whiles a furious [...] cut down the French by heaps, John Triftan his youngest Son dying Aug. 25. 1270. The King shortly dyed of the Bloudy flux; yet his brother Charles [...] with fresh Souldiers, somewhat lightned the French, and daunred the Moors. Edward, Henry of England's Son, came to [...] in 10 daies, with a brave Company. [Page] from [...], being joyfully received of the other Princes: who a little before concluded a peace with the Moors King, upon his paying a yearly tribute of 40000 Crowns to the King of Sicily, and suffering Christian Religion to be freely preached in his Dominions, and the converts to be baptized, &c. Edward what he might, disswaded them from it, saying, They were enemies to the Crosse of Christ, &c. But the Peace concluded they said, they might not break: and so hoysing sail, they returned toward Sicily, with purpose next Spring to go into Syria. But being come nigh the Isle Drepanum, most of the great ones went on Land in boats; for the ships being most of great burthen, they could not put in to the harbour. As they lay at Anchor, some were eaten up, some perished by falling foul of each other, others beaten to pieces by a violent tempest: above a 120 sail perished, with all the people, &c. only Prince Edward's 13 ships escaped free without any losse. The Plague followed them at Land, Theobald of Navarre and his Wife dying, Lewis his daughter, the French Queen, with a number of others: so that Philip the French King, discouraged, returned into France, as did the rest into their own Countrey. Onely Edward at Spring set forward to Ptolemais from Sicily: where, after a moneths rest, marching with 6 or 7000 into the [...], [...] Nazareth, putting all to the sword, and returned; killing afterward and putting to flight, his enemies following and hoping for advantage. And about Mid-summer, killed above 1000 Saracens, & dispersed the rest, making head at Cackhow, about 40 miles off. Aided by the Cyprians, he (with like successe) made a 3d expedition: that for his fame, they not a little dreaded him. But the Admiral of Joppa, one of the Mahometan Assassins, [...] it meritorious to kill any great enemy of their [...], feigning a desire to become Christian, had sundry times secret intelligence with the Prince: Who being searched, had accesse to him (lying, through [Page] hear, on his bed bare-headed) and pulling out pleasing letters from his Lord, which he read; but, the company voided, as he farther questioned with him, he suddenly pluckt out an envenomed knife secretly hidden, to strike him into the [...]; the Prince lifting up his arm was grievously wounded therein; but as he went to double the stroak, he felled him to the ground with his foot, and wresting the knife out of his hand, and hurt in the forehead, he presently slew the murtherer. The servants running in, one beat out the dead man's brains with a stool, to the Princes displeasure. The wound in his arm began to mortifie after certain daies dressing, that the Surgions, began to look heavily; yet cutting out all the dead and poysoned flesh, they perfectly cured him in 15 daies after. The Sultan sent, calling his Prophet to [...], it was not done by his consent; whose Embassadours were not suffered to come nigh him. So, no expected aid comming in 18 moneths, he returned homeward, travelling from Apulia to Rome, and by France arrived in England; where, Henry a little before dead, he was Crowned in 1272, Gregory 10th, knowing the Christians hard state in Syria (being lately there with Edward) ratified the election of Rodulph of Hapspurge, to the Empire, upon promise of giving them relief: offering the Emperour also 200000 crowns with all tenths for 6 years, many blessings being by the Preachers, in his name, promised to all taking on them the holy war. Whereupon he, and shortly the Duke of Lorrain, and others took on them the Crosse; yet busied in other wars, and delaying so long and dangerous a journey, the threatning Pope died, and nothing was done. At length the Emperour, at some good leasure, sent Henry Prince of Meckelburg, [...] a strong power, to perform what he had [...]; who from Ptolemais, destroyed all with fire and [...] about Damasco, carrying away rich booties, till circumvented by the Mamalukes, he at Caire remained 26 years in prison, [Page] till a runagate German being Sultan, demanded of him, If it would not do him good to celebrate the Nativity of his Christ in Germany, the time being at hand? I know, said he, thou respectest that more than liberty. Truth, said Henry, for liberty would avail me nothing, if Christ by his Incarnation had not taken away our Captivity: therefore I wish I could perswade thee how much all owe to the remembrance thereof. God forbid (said the Sultan); for when I was thy Fathers chief Engineer at Knesefenick, I was of the Christian perswasion; but leaving that Errour, I have also changed my fortune: but wouldst thou gladly be free, and return home to thy friends? Nature craveth it, said he, though fortune (which yet dependeth of thy pleasure) gainsayeth, I must take thy denial in good part, assuring my self, that my Wife and beloved Sons have long since ended their mourning. Thou art [...] said the Sultan, &c. I owe much to thy Father's remembrance, and therefore give thee thy liberty; furnishing him with necessaries. He departed with one Martin his servant, with him all his Captivity, and came to Ptolemais, and in the way to Cyprus was as a fugitive taken by sea, and brought to the Sultan: who set him again at liberty, and transporting him to Cyprus, where, as some say, furnished with all things fit, he came to [...], travelling by Land into his Countrey; and at last, being known by his own Children and friends, was joyfully received as their Father, and as the Prince of his Subjects; shortly after dying. Thus it appeareth, what notable expeditions the Princes of the West, undertook again Christ's enemies, and for relief of the [...] Christians in Syria and Palestine. Divers of them had glorious success, some answered not with like event, &c. Yet even in more zealous times, the Christian Princes (not feeling those harms so far off, and more regarding their hereditary quarrels, could not be moved to reach their helping hands unto their brethren crying out for aid. [Page] The Germans were jarring about their Emperor's choice, The French agreed not with the English, nor the Lowcountreymen: nor the English with the Scots: the Arragonians at odds with the French; and in Italy, many deadly factions. Of which Melcohsares Aegyptian Sultan understanding, purposed to root out all the Christians in Syria and Palestine, and joyn them to his own Kingdom, but sudden death hindred his great designs. Alphix succeeding him, entring Syria, besieged Tripolis, and undermining it, put all Christians to the sword, but those that by speedy flight escaped, and raced it to the ground; this was April 9. 1289. Then he took and garrisoned the Castle of Nelesine, to hinder them from building it again. Likewise sacking and racing Sidon and Berytus; after three months siege Tyre was yielded to him, on condition of departing with bag and baggage. He took (as without resistance) all strong holds in Syria and Palestine, except Ptolemais the Christians Sanctuary, defended by the Knights and Templers: with whom he voluntarily made a Peace for 5 years.

The Christians, as it were, faintly breathing by the late Peace, the 2 Grand Masters, passed as Embassadours to Pope Nicholas for his fatherly aid: who solicited the Princes, especially Rodolph the Emperour for their relief; who busied with affairs and troubles, gave good words, but no help. Some getting mony of their Subjects under that colour, employed it to other uses: the Pope entertained 1500 of his own charge, to whom many voluntiers joyned, who from Brundusium with 2 Masters, arrived at Ptolemais: in which were 50000 able men, and about 40000 weaker; among whom, divers murders, felonies, &c. were committed, unregarded saving by the injured, For all the chief Commanders were then at variance, every one laying claim to the vain title of the Kingdom of Jerusalem. Neither strove they lesse for the Government of the City. The Popes Legat, the Patriarch, Templers [Page] and Hospitallers, French and English King, by their Messengers: them of Pisa, the Venetians, the Germans, and Florentines, pretended a right to, and endeavoured for, the Government of the City. But the greatest part, were inclined to the Armenians and Tartars, as most like to stand them in stead: most of these deciding controversies in their own Laws and Courts; where by the offenders removing their Suits as best served their turns, every one might almost do what he list. Thus were murders and many outrages, &c. done, to the hastening Cod's wrath, and grief of all good men. The Souldiers of late sent thither, were enforced (for want of promised pay) to take spoil in the Sultans frontiers contrary to the League: the Sultan desiring restitution and the offenders to be delivered to him. But in a dying Commonweale the Embassadours were, not courteously heard; Wherewith the the Sultan provoked, sent Araphus with 150000 men to besiege the City: who by a Mine had soon overthrown a piece of the Wall; but was glad to retire from the breach. Alphix now died at [...], the Mamalukes choosing [...] for their Sultan, who was so far from raysing his siege, that he more straitly beset it than in the 3 moneths before. Peter, Master of the Templers, was chosen Governour of the City, of great valour and experience: unto whom and the Nobles, the Sultan offered great things so they would now yield the City: which offer he rejected, telling him, He learned not of his Ancestors to sell a City to Infidels, bought with so much Christian blood, &c. Wherewith he enraged, next day so furiously assaulted it, as if he would have carried it; yet having lost a number of men in assault, and a sally, he was forced to retire into his trenches again. The Governour among other Christians lost, was wounded with a poysoned dart, dying 3 days after, with whom the defendants courage fainted also. Their weak and aged, were sent away to Cyprus at first of the siege; but now [...] Captains, &c. discouraged, conveighed [Page] themselves away, a great number of whom, were upon Cyprus coast (with the Patriarch) drowned. 12000 remained for defence of the City: who (some report) fled after, leaving it to the enemy: others, that they valiantly defended it, till, most being slain or wounded, the rest being driven to the Market-place, defended themselves a while, and fleeing to the ships were all cut off, or drowned. But however, the Sultan giving the spoil to his Souldiers, burned it to the ground, and digging up all foundations, left no sign of any City: but purging it of rubbidge, made it fit to low Corn in, which he did to other Towns by the Sea coast, that they should give the Christians no more footing there. Thus was their name utterly rooted out of Syria and Palestine in 1291, about 192 years after the winning of Jerusalem. Which losse as tending to a general disgrace, not a little moved the greatest Christian Princes; yet, troubled with their affairs at home, and neighbour Princes, none stirred for redress. Only Cassanes the great Tartar, at the request of the Armenian Kings daughter, his Wife, a Christian, and his Father in Law took it in hand: and with 200000 fighting men, the Armenians and Georgians, overthrew [...] the Aegyptian Lievtenant, not far from Hama in Syria, 40000 Aegyptians being reported to be flain, sending Molais to secure him, who chased him over the desart sands into Aegypt. Then he took Hama, dividing the [...] treasures, and the spoil among his Souldiers, reserving but a Sword and a Casket of secret Letters to himself. He took most Cities in Syria, with Jerusalem, repairing many places, giving it to the Christian Armenians, &c. repairing thither to inhabit; and returning, Damasco was delivered to him. But purposing to destroy Aegypts Kingdom, he was certifyed of troubles in Persia and other parts; wherefore he returned with most of his Army thither, leaving Capcacus Governour of Damasco, (who had revolted to him from the Sultan) and Molais of [...]; commanding them to re-edifie Tyre, and to [Page] send to the Christian Princes, to joyn with them for holding those Countries. Tyre was repaired and garrisoned; but the Embassadours coming to proud Pope Boniface 8th; could obtain nought of him. For he then by excommunication, and discharging the Subjects loyalty to Philip of France, had given his Kingdom to Albert Duke of Austria, declaring him Emperor, whereof great troubles arose. And being also of the Guelphes faction, was careful to extinguish the Guebellines, especially the Family of the Columnii, some of whom he had slain, deprived, imprisoned, and exiled: hereby not at leasure to further the Christians good; but being suddenly taken prisoner at his Fathers house in Anagnia, by Sara Columnius, sent by the French King, and Longarett a French Knight, he was brought into St. Angelo Castle in Rome, and in 35 daies died, renting himself (some report) with his teeth, and devouring his fingers for madness. Cassanes was of a very short stature, and hard-favour; but the valour and vertue of his mind, recompenced the want of his feature: After whose departure, Capcaeus, considering no aid was to be expected from the Christian Princes, revolted a new from the Tartar, drawing Damasco and most of Syria after him: Molais was about to go against him; but Capcacus having compacted with the Aegyptian Sultan also, as too weak, he retired with his Tartars into [...], exspecting supplies from Cassanes and the King of Armenia. The Sultan the mean while, took Jerusalem forsaken of the Inhabitants, sparing only Christs Sepulchre at the suit of the religious. Then he won all lesse Towns, and raced all Castles, and forts of the Hospitallers and Templers; who, of themselves, held out almost a year, most being slain, the rest abjuring Syria (for ever) by Oath, had leave to depart with bag and baggage; who for 300 years had worthily defended the Christians and their Religion against the Infidels, and now for ever [...] out about 1300. Wherefore leaving Syria and the [Page] holy Land, though 'twere likely enough to be recovered again, had not Cassanes died, and the Tartars domestick troubles [...], We will return to the Turks troubles in lesser Asia, not thinking it good to break off abruptly; but to make the reader partaker of its heaviness. Mescot and Ceicubades, kept in awe by the Tartar, died as they lived, almost buried in obscurity. Mescot died without issue; but Ceicubades left his Son Aladine 2d, who united the divided Kingdom, paying also tribute to the Tartar. Aladine did not much, yet the Tartar's power began in his time to decline: he was of a quiet spirit, and a great friend to Othoman. But he dying without issue, Sahib his chief Couusellor, aspired to the Kingdom: which he could neither long hold, or deliver to his posterity; for many of the Nobility, envying at his honour, laid hold, some on one Country, some on another, erecting greater or lesser Satrapies, and absolutely commanding over so much as by strong hand they could hold; Wherein they shared so well for themselves, that Sahib was shortly thrust out of all; and the Turks Kingdom in lesser Asia, become an Anarchy. The greatest sharer herein, was Caraman Alusirius, who took to himself Iconium the Regal Seat, with all Cilicia, &c. and Antioch upon Meander. All which was afterward of him called Caramania: whose successours strove long with the Othoman Sultans for soveraignty, till by the greatness of the Othoman Empire, theirs, with all the rest, were swallowed up. Next to him was [...] or Sarchan, of whom Joma Maritima is yet called [...]. The most part of Lydia, &c. fell to Calamus and his Son [...], called of him, Carasia. Aidin. possessed most of ancient Misia, &c. of him called Aidinia. Some part of Pontus, with diverse Cities near the Euxine, and Paphlagonia, fell to the Sons of [...], or Amar; but is commonly called Bolli of a City there so named: as was [...], so called from the City Mendos or [...]. To prosecute all Toparchies [Page] nlesser Asia were tedious. It sufficeth for shewing the Turks Anarchy, and their Kingdoms ruin there, to remember these. All those that shared the Aladinian Kingdom, were of the better sort of Turks; who under the Selzuccian and Aladinian Sultans driven out of Persia, had here seated themselves; amongst whom, most Writers reckon Othoman for one; but he held no more of Aladin's Kingdom than one poor Lordship, called Suguta in Bythinia, (before given to his Father for his good service) with other small holds, as himself gained from his weak Christian neighbours; For he was not of the Selzuccian family, as were the rest, but of another Tribe; and therefore they envied the sudden rising of this Oguzian Turk, being as it were a meer stranger to them: whose fortune for all that they seemed to fear, as dangerous (in time); wherein they were not deceived. But more being to be said of him hereafter, we leave him with the rest unto their [...], So concluding this part of our general History.

The LIVES of the Othoman KINGS and EMPEROURS; faithfully gathered out of the best Histories, both Ancient and Modern: and digested into one continuate History,

[Page]

The Rising of the Great and Mighty Empire of the Turks, under Othoman first Founder thereof: With his Life and doings.

THe foundation of this so great a Kingdom, and now an Empire, was first laid by valiant Othoman or Osman, not descended of the Selzuccian Family; but of the [...] Tribe, in whose Line it hath for 303 years wonderfully flourished; and so yet at this day under Mahomet 3. But seeing he, and the Othoman Kings and Emperours, took their beginning from this warlike Othoman, with whose life and doings we purpose to begin this part of our History; it shall not be amisse a little farther to fetch his race and descent also.

When the Turks Kingdom flourished in Persia in the Selzuccian Princes, there was another small one at the City Marchan, over which reigned one Solyman, at the same time that the Tartars under old Zingis bare down all before them; and overthrowing the Turks Kingdom at Balch in Persia, drave them with their King Cursumes out of their Countrey, they reigning 172 years from Tangrolipix.

Solyman was of the Oguzian Tribe, a family famous also among the Turks, who seeing [...] beaten out, [Page] and Babylons Caliph overthrown, thought good by speedy flight with such as would follow him, to provide for his safety: and in hope of like fortune with Aladin [...] of the Selzuccian Family, (who by force had honourably seated himself in Romania [...]) and accounting all well gotten from the Christians, took his way after him; and coming to the City [...] seated himself with many followers thereabouts, who (as the Tartar Nomades) still removed up and down their tents and carts, feeding their cattle; as do the [...] Nation in many parts of Asia at this day: being not only called Nomades, that is, Heards-men (as the Janizaries will often call the greatest Turks in contempt) but Hamaxophetie and Hamaxobii, that is, people carried or living in Carts. Solyman staying a while there, removed to Amasia, where, by spoyling, encountring the [...] in field, and seazing on their Towns, [...] had subdued a large Territory: at length having lost a great number, and wearied the rest; fearing also with the small power left, he could not keep that already gotten, he thought best to seek better Fortune elsewhere. It was now rifely reported, the Tartars fury was well abated in Persia: wherefore Solyman resolved to visit his native [...]. So passing thorow Syria he seized on Ziabercala Castle; there staying for refreshment. Afterwards setting foreward, he came to the River Euphrates, but finding no meanes to get over, he stood still as dismayed. Solyman in this perplexity; [...] taking the River to find passage, adventuring too far was with the streams force carried away, and (with his horse) drowned. Whose body at length found, was buried by his people [...] Ziaber Castle. Some of whom, seated themselves thereabouts. The rest went some to the [...] of Arabia and Syria, called the Damascene Turcomans: others returned into Romania, of whom are the Turcomans of Iconium and Anatolia: who yet wander up and down, in manner of [Page] their Ancestors. Solyman left 4 sons, Sentur, Token; [...], Ertogrul, (the Father of Othoman) and Dunder. Ertogrul and Dunder, marching along Euphrates, came to Pasin [...] where, with 400 families, they [...] with tents and carts. Sentur and Iundogdis returned (passing the River) into Persia; where we leave them. Ertogrul, &c. had divers conflicts with the people thereabouts, till he thought best to return into Romania. So he came from Ancyra, and the black [...], to the plain Sultan Ungi, about 75 miles Eastward from Nice, where he had many skirmishes with the Christians.

Now Aladin the Elder (of whom before) had subdued divers great Countries in lesser Asia, and was named by the Turk's [...] Padischach, that is, their great King or Emperour. Ertogrul having 3 sons, Iundus, Sarugatin, and Othoman, sent Sarugatin unto him, to grant his poor exiled Country-men some small corner for them, their Families, and Cattle, to rest in. The Sultan (not unmindful of his own distresse) courteously used the Messenger. And it fortuned, that this Sultan, (troubled in lesser Asia by the Tartars) had Sharp conflicts with them; in one whereof, he was in danger to lose the day: but Ertogrul coming unlooked for with 400 men on the Tartars backs, so forcibly charged them, and the Sultans men fighting now with [...] courage, they fled after, which, The Sultan honourably welcomed Ertogrul, and gave him and his Turks a Village called Suguta in greater Phrygia, in which they might live in Winter, and feed their cattle on the mountaines. [...] and Ormenius in Summer, he also committed to his protection his Kingdomes Frontiers where he dwelt, by whose care and prowess the before infested Country was well secured.

Ertogrul (become a petty Lord of a Country Village) thus living certain years; it fortuned that the Christians of [Page] Carachisur Castle fell out with him, evilly intreating him and his people, of which their ingratitude and wrongs, he so complained to the Sultan that he in person with a great Army besieged the Castle. But the Tartars entering and spoyling Caria, and taking Heraclea, he rofe with his Army, yet leaving sufficiency for the siege under Ertogrul Beg. The Sultan overthrew the Tartars at Baga, whilst Ertogrul took the Castle, sending the 5th of the spoile for a present to the Sultan, with the Captaine of the Castle: who was again restored to his Castle paying a yearly tribute; but the Sultan, after 2 years, dying, he revolted.

[...] dying at Iconium, Azatinus his eldest Son succeeded, after him Iathatines his younger; who slain by Lascaris, Iathatines, Azatines son, succeeded, who was expulsed and subdued by the Tartars; after which the Selzuccian Family scarce retained the shadow of their [...] Majesty. In which confusion Ertogrul kept close in Suguta, keeping peace on every side, sweetly passing over the troublesome times of Mescot and [...], till the 2d Aladin the last heir of the Iconian Kingdome, and contenting himself with a little, bare himself kindly towards all: who with his 3 Sons, were greatly beloved of their Neighbours, and favoured by Aladin then Sultan, his sons visiting him often with one present [...] another. In Othoman was greater courage and spirit to be seen than in the other two brethren, and was especially of the youthful and warlique sort most regarded, who when he hawked or hunted, &c. resorted unto [...] and called by them Osman the Warlique.

Aladin had in this frontier Countty, divers governours of his strong holds: unto whom Othoman for friendshipsake resorted, especially, to the Captaine of Mungi to him very welcome. On a time, as Othoman was going to Eskichisar Castle to make merry; at Itburne he saw a fair Maiden called Malhatun, to whom he sent a secret friend [Page] to intreat of marriage, who answered, there was great inequality of birth betwixt her and Othoman, &c. but one cause of this answer was, because some had put in her head, that Othoman meant under that colour to obtain a few daies pleasure with her, and afterward to cast her off: which was far from his thoughts. And going again to Eskichisar, chanced to fall in speech of his love, commending her beauty, &c. and not dissembling the repulse received at her hands; which the governour hearing, said, she was by divine providence appointed for him only. But secretly inflamed, he began to grow amorous of her himself, whom he had not seen. Othoman by conjectures and tokens perceiving the same, who yet dissembling the matter, secretly sent a trusty servant to some of the Maidens friends, to send her farther off, least she were taken from them, by a great man more amorous of her person, than respectuous of her honour: by and by betaking himself to the Captaine of Mungi; his dear friend. But whilst he there stayed passing the time in disports, the governour of Eskichisar, sent one to see [...], and how things went; who certifying his master, that by Othomans advertisement she was conveyed afar off, being exceedingly grieved and fretted: he sent to the Captaine of Mungi, to command him forthwith to deliver Othoman unto him. But he could not be perswaded so to do: Wherefore the Governour came with the greatest power he could to the Castle, requiring him. After much consultation, it was resolved by the Captaine and Souldiers, that he should be defended, who could not without their great infamy be delivered: But Othoman terrified with the diversity of opinions at the first; deeply conceired by a sudden sally, to make way thorow them. And with [...] and his few followers, brake thorow by plain force, notably repulsing his pursuers towards Suguta. But being come into his Fathers Territory, such as loved him well, presently [Page] came to his rescue, slaying, and putting to flight, the Governours Souldiers. Among those taken, was Michael Cossi, a Christian Captain of a little Castle, called Hirmencaia: whom Othoman pardoned. Who ever after took part with him, and did him great service: whose posterity, even till this Age, is, next to the Othoman Family, most honourable among the Turks.

Ertogrul shortly died, in 1289, living 93 years, and governing the Oguzian Family 52: whole body was honourably buried at Suguta. After his death they doubted whom to make choice of for their Governour, yet thinking it better to chose Dunder, Othoman's Uncle, for his gravity and experience, than Othoman, who for gifts of body and mind was to be preferred before his Brethren, for his young Age suspected. But Dunder foreseeing what danger the Oguzian State stood in, through the hatred of the Greeks; and not surely backt by the Iconium Sultan's growing weaker and weaker, said, those inconveniences required the help of a wise, vigilant, and valiant man, such as they knew Othoman was. Thus, he in private declated his mind: and, at the generall assembly, (by his example to encourage others) saluted him their great Lord, promising him all loyalty; whereunto ensued the great applause of the people, as to a Governor sent them by God. Thus Othoman was great Governour of the Oguzian Turks, and named Osman Beg, or, Lord Osman. Yet this honour was included in a small, plain, and homely circuit: Amongst which rude Heardsmen, [...] (not far exceeding the rest in Civility) commanded much like Romulus, of whom the Turks report many things, as the Romans do of him.

Othoman fell first at odds with Hagio Nicholaus, Captain of Einegiol Castle, for molesting these Oguzians in passing with their Cattell by his Castle. Wherefore he requested the Captain of Belizuga Castle, that his people might take refuge in his Castle with their goods and Cartell [Page] upon occasion: who, with this proviso, That none should come in but the women onely, easily granted it; which courtesy Othoman refused not. The women usually presented the Captain with one Countrey present or other, which afterwards was the losse of the Castle. Yet Othoman purposing to be revenged on the other Captain, chose 70 most able men, secretly to passe Ormenius, and (if possible) to surprize or fire Eigeniol Castle. The wary Captain laid a strong ambush upon the mountain to cut them off: Othoman, no lesse wary, with an augmented number, marched to the place where they lay; where many were on both sides slain, Hozza, Othoman's Nephew, being one. Yet Othoman, having the victory, his people fed their Cattell in summer in more safety, quietly passing to and fro. Othoman shortly after surprized (by night) the Castle Chalce, putting all the Christians to the sword. The Christians adjoyning (much grieved) complained to the Captain of Carachizar, that these Turks, who were of pity received into that Country, began now to lay hands on the Christians possessions, which if suffered, they would in short time drive both them and all the rest out of their native Countries, &c. The Captain being mooved, speedily sent a strong company, under his Brother Calanus, to joyn with the Christian forces at Einegiol. Whereof Othoman understanding, marched to Opsicium in Phrygia, where was fought a sharp battel, Sarugatin his Brother, with many Souldiers, being lost. Calanus was also slain, whose intrails Othoman pulled out, naming his burying place, Mesari Repec, that is, The Dog-Grave. His Brother he honourably buried at Suguta. Aladin was very sorry for Othoman's losse, & gave him the City Paleapolis, with the Territories belonging, with leave to besiege Carachizar, sending him Souldiers and Munition: who streightly besieging it, won it, and slew all the Christians, cruelly executing the Captain; giving his souldiers the spoyl, except the 5th part to the Sultan. [Page] (This was in 1290.) This, with other Castles, was either in Phrygia the greater, or in Bythinia, and the confines of Mysia, where the Christians lived mingled with the Turks; at continuall jars, till by them they were extinguished.

Othoman, thus inconraged, and by the Sultan supported, cousulted with his Brother Iundus, of the best way to subject the Christians. Iundus advised him to urge his fortune with all speed, and to invade them, discouraged with Carachifar's loss. But Othoman said, The Castles &c. must be kept with strong Garrisons, elle they will be again recovered: which Garrisons cannot be maintained, if we dispeople the adjoyning Countreys: I think better that we make a league with the Christians about us, which we will keep or break, as shall serve our purpose. And he made a peace with all, chiefly with Michael Cossi, who became also a Mahometan. This he did the rather, for the envy of Germean Ogli, a Salzuccian, who (as others) sought by all means to hinder his greatnesse. Who to strengthen his new Common-weal, built a fair Temple in Carachizar, for Mahometan Religion, appointing Markets, and granting priviledges to all that resorted to his great Towns, using great Justice, so that all sorts furnished Towns and Countreys with all necessaries: but his aspiring mind had alwaies a greater care to enlarge his Territories, whom Michael Cossi so politickly directed, in his inroad into Bythinia that he returned with great spoil and more honour. The Christians thereabouts were now loath to give him any offence, lest he should spoyl them.

About his time the Captains of Belizuga & Cuprichisar falling at odds, he of Cupriehisar first invaded him of Belizuga: who praying Othoman's aid, he presently came with companyes of lusty Souldiers: whereby he of Belizuga set upon his enemy, and by Othoman's help, the other fled to his own Castle, divers being on both sides slain: [Page] when Othoman besieging him, took his Castle, and slow him. He of Belizuga was so proud of the victory, (though most gained by the Turks) providing a great feast for him and his followers: that, giving Garments of great price to Othoman, in token of his favour, rewarding also his souldiers, but all with a presumptuous grace, he offered the Turk's common Souldiers his hand to kisse: wherewith Othoman was so offended that he could scarce hold his hands from him; yet he secretly imparted the disgrace to his Cousin Dunder, inquiring of him how the Captain was to be corrected for it: who, being the Captain's Lievtenant, told him, That, seeing Germean Ogli was their enemy on one side, and all the Christians would be in his neck if he offered him any wrong, nothing was then to be attempted. Othoman hereby perceiving his Cousin's affection to him, and lest the mischief should by him be revealed or hindered, slew him suddenly with his bow.

Michael Cossi, not long after, concluding a Marriage between a Gentleman and his daughter, invited all the Christian Captains thereabouts thereto: and the rather to grow in acquaintance with Othoman; hoping that at that merry meeting, all being made friends, every one might possesse his own without fear of Othoman, whose gifts exceeded all the other Guests, giving also to the new married folks, flocks of Sheep and Cattle; so that, the Captains saying, Othoman's wealth portended some great matter, &c. they thought best, secretly to compasse his death: theexecution whereof they referred to him of Belizuga: whose ill disposition though Othoman long perceived, yet he in shew honoured him, and debased himself in comparison. But the Captain told Othoman that he intended to marry the Captain of Jarchiser's daughter, requesting him to honour it with his presence, &c. a colour to bring Othoman into danger: who, neer the time, sent thither fat Oxen and Sheep, in Iundus his name, certifying him Othoman [Page] himself would be present, with such presents as his poor ability could afford. The Captain now surely hoped his devised treachery would take effect: and therefore requested Michael Cossi to bring Othoman to the marriage, which he knew Cossi might easily do, sending him by Cossi a present of gilt plate. Cossi found him very willing to go; but being moved with compassion, he discovered the Captain's Conspiracy against him, willing him to take heed to himself, for which Othoman greatly thanked him, rewarded, &c. At thy return (saith he) tell him I am bound to him for many courtesies, chiefly for protecting my goods and cattell within his Castle, which I request may be continued for a year longer by reason of my wars with Gormean Ogli: wherefore I will presently send to his Castle things I most reckon of: and tell him further, my Wife and her Mother desire to be acquainted with the Lady his Mother, whom (if he please) I will bring with me to the Marriage. When the Captain understood his request by Cossi, he sent him back to hasten his coming, and to bring what Guests he pleased. Because the Castle was too little for the expected multitude, there was another place appointed, about 3 miles distant. Othoman had accustomed to send his best things in packs to Belizuga Castle, but now instead of houshold-stuff, &c. he thrust in armed men, chargeing the carriages to come thither before twi-light. Then he apparelled some of his best Souldiers in Womens apparel, as his Wife and Mother in Law with their Women: So contriving it, that they and the packs might at one instant meet at the Castle. The Captain thought his late coming was because the Turkish Women shun the sight of Christian men. Othoman (being come unto the marriage place) requested the Captain that his Gentlewomen might lodge conveniently, in his Castle, apart, according to their homely fashion, lest the presence of such Gallants might put them out of countenance, which the Captain granted, saluting them [Page] afar off. The packs and the disguised Souldiers came [...] at a time: where when they were entred, the Souldiers suddenly leapt out of the packs, and with the help of the disguised, slew the Warders (for most were gone to the marriage place) of the Castle, possessing the same. Othoman (the Captain taking his chamber) took horse, with Cossi, and his followers, to Belizuga, whom the Captain presently pursued with his train, most being drunk; whom Othoman in the conflict slew, putting the rest to flight. Early in the morning also he surprised Jarchiser Castle with the Captain and his daughter (which was to have been married the next day) with all her friends; whom he shortly married to his Son Orchanes, who had by her Amurath I. and Solyman Bassa. He presently sent one Durgut Alpes, of great valour, to besiege Einegiol Castle, who used such speed, that he invironed it (that none could passe in or out) till Othoman, setting all in order at Belizuga, came with the rest to Einegiol, which he presently took by force, cutting the Captain his enemy in small pieces, for they had used the like tyranny against the Turks.

Now began Othoman to execute the Justice of good Lawes to all, both Christians and Turks, his Subjects, and to protect them from the spoyl of others: whereby those who forsook their Countrey, through troubles, repayred to their [...] dwellings, & also many strangers; whereby the wasted Country soon grew populous. Then he besieged Isnica (called Nice) in Bythinia: this City (by placeing his men on every passage in forts, that nothing could be brought in for relief) he greatly distressed; the Citizens, in extremity, certifyed the Emperour of Constantinople, that they must (except present relief came) famish or yield. The Emperour embarqued certain companies for relief; of whose landing Othoman understanding, lay in ambush with most of his forces near the place, and slew most of them, driving the rest into the Sea, where [Page] they perished. Othoman returning, most streightly besieged it, whose Citizens, now despairing, yielded that great and rich City to him, with whose spoyl he enriched his men. Of whose good successe Aladin hearing, sent him a fair Ensigne, Drums, &c. saying that all should be his own that he took from the Christians, and publique prayers to be said for Othoman's health, &c. the Sultan's proprieties. This made many think, that the Sultan intended (having no Children) to adopt him his successor: who [...] to Aladin the 5th part of [...] spoyl, but during his life, used not his princely honours; intending [...] to visit the Sultan. But (being about to [...] forward) he was informed of Aladin's death, and that Sahib had taken on him his dignity: which news much discontented him, being in hope to succeed him, or share in most part of his Kingdome. Yet he thought it now fit to take the princely honours, granted him by the Sultan in his life: wherefore he made Dursu Fakiche Bishop of Carachisar; who first, by his command, made publique prayers for Othoman as was went to be for the Sultan; coyning also mony in his own name, and taking all the honours of a Sultan; which was about ten years after [...]'s death, in 1300, to which time the Turkish Empire under Othoman is to be referred. Then he made his Son Orchanes princely Governour of Carachisar, and his chief followers Governours of Castles. He chose Neapolis to be his regall seat, calling it Despotopolis, that is, The City of the Lord: yet he [...] not to augment his Kingdom, but (accompanied with Orchanes) surprized adjoyning places, serving best for its enlargement.

The Christian bordering Princes, fearing Othoman's greatnes might shortly be their confusion jointly invaded his Kingdom with fire and sword, who meeting them in the confines of Phrygia and Bythinia, fought with them a great battle, many on both sides being [...], and obtained a bloody Victory. Castaleanus one of the greatest [Page] Christians was slain; another, called Tokensis, he chased to Ulubad Castle not far off, who, for fear, was delivered him by the Captain, and afterwards cut in pieces in view of his chief Castle, which (with the Country thereabouts) Othoman subdued. The other Princes fled into holds farther off. The Prince of Bithynia fled into Prusa, (now Burusa) which Othoman hoped to win: but finding it impossible, he, in one year, built 2 strong Castles on the chief passages of the City, placeing two couragious Captains therein; thus blocking up Prusa, he subdued Bythinia, and so returned home; honourably rewarding his Souldiers, and establishing such Government, that people resorted from far into his Dominions: which in few years became very populous, and he most famous. So living in great quietnesse certain years, now being old and troubled with the Gout, his old Souldiers came to him with one request, To take some war in hand for enlarging his Kingdom, offering to spend their lives in his service, &c. For which he thanked them, promising he would not be long unmindfull of their request. But to make all safe at home first, he calls to him Michael Cossi, (the onely Christian Captain he suffered to live in quiet) to perswade him to follow Mahomet, which if he refused, he would war on him as his utter enemy. Cossi not thinking of what ensued, came with such Souldiers as he thought to use in his intended service: but hearing the cause, and seeing the danger, [...] Othoman's hand, he requested him to enter him in Mahomet's principles, which he promised ever after to embrace: so saying certain words after Othoman, he turned Turk, Whereupon Othoman [...] him an Ensigne and rich Robe, and assured Token of his favour: Who, after this, to content his souldiers, took many bordering Castles, [...] all unto the Euxine Sea: and being now aged and diseased, as aforesaid, he often sent Orchanes against his enemies, who atchieved many great enterprizes, his Father yet living.

The Reader may happily marvail, why Paleologus, and [Page] afterward his Son Andronicus, suffered the Turks, not Othoman, but the sharers of Aladin's Kingdome, to take spoyl, kill, and encroach, especially, in Bythinia, as it were under their noses: But let him here consider the trouble of that declining Empire, and he shall plainly fee the causes of its decay. [...] Paleologus by trechery obtaining the Empire, and [...] Constantinople from Baldwin, ( [...] is declared) fearing the Western Princes, especially the King of Sicily, whom Baldwin sollicited for his restitution, and to marry his daughter to his Son: to intangle Charls with troubles nearer home, he offered to Geregory X. Bishop of Rome, to conform the Greek Church to the Latine, and that it should be [...] to appeal to Romes Court, as to the higher: of which the Pope gladly accepted, promising to keep Charls otherwise busied. But when this alteration in the Greek Church should be nade, the [...] gave up his place, retiring to a Monastery, where he spent the remainder of his life. The other Clergy [...] their Sermons inveighed against it, perswading the people not to receive it, &c. So that all the City and [...], was in an uproar: for many of the chief [...] also abhorred these proceedings: Whereby Paleologus, leaving forreign [...], was forced to turn all his [...] and study to [...] domestick troubles: first perswading his Subjects, that this alteration was not made for any good liking he had thereto, but for the danger of time; for (said he) if the enemies should come, the City in many places rent or but lately repaired, &c. then they would be Lords not of our Religion and Ceremonies onely, but of Wives and Children, and whatever we have, &c. With which perswasion, some were contented; [...] others not, whom he imprisoned, banished, tortured, &c. using all means to move their minds. All which, some with patience endured; but the greater part, the Refuse, ran rogueing abroad, as men persecuted for their conscience, out of the [Page] Emperour's Jurisdiction; some taking the names of Arsonius his Disciples, some of Joseph's, and some of others. Wherewith the Emperour was so encumbred, that he had no leisure to provide against the Turks: whose deep devices in aspiring, and travels in assuring, the Empire, with altering his Father's Religion, yielded him not so much as an honourable buriall. For, dying not far from Lysimachia, he was, by his Son Andronicus his command, obscurely buried in a field a good way from his Camp, as unworthy of better sepulture for revolting from the Religion of his Ancestors, though his Obsequies were afterwards, for fashion sake, with some solemnity, celebrated.

Andronicus Paleologus succeeding his Father, and thinking, by restoring the Churches government and rites, to appease all troubles before raised, found them no less than his Father's, for they that liked the Latinos Customs obstinately defended them: the other faction countenanced by the Emperor, insulted on them without measure: whereof arose exceeding stirs, chiefly in the beginning of his reign. The Turks ceasing not to increase their Territories in Asia, but also in the Mediterranean Islands. For Andronicus, delivered of the greatest fear (by Charls of Sicily's death, for which he and his Father maintained a strong Fleet of Galleys) now perswaded by some to spare that needlesse charge (as they termed it), had discharged all his Sea-men, and laid all the Galleys up in one Creek or another. The Marriners went severall waies to seek a living in forreign Countries, where some gave themselvs to Husbandry; which at the first seemed very profitable to the Emperour, till many great mischiefs were (too late) found hereof. For, besides the Turks doing great harm at Sea, the Pirats took the spoyl of Mediterranean Islands, robbing all Towns along the Sea coast; and came with their Galleys (as in contempt) even close to the City: yea, the Venetians (on small displeasure) rifled the Suburbs.

[Page]Then also Andronicus had a jealous suspition of his brother Constantine's aspiring to the Empire, seeking to win the love of all, especially the Nobility at home & abroad: which were thought but mear slanders maliciously devised. The grounds of this suspition were, That from his childhood, he was (for many causes) better beloved of his Father than Andronicus; so that he could willingly have left him his successour: that his Father in his life, thought to separate Thessaly and Macedonia from the Empire, and make him absolute Prince thereof. Andronicus dissembled his secret hatred 3 years after his Fathers death. The mean time, Constantine bountifully bestowed the profit of his great revenues on all sorts, and with sweet behaviour won their hearts. He that blames Constantine for the two first, (they not proceeding of himself) should do him wrong: but if (not experienced) he gave such gifts as beseemed the Emperour himself, he ignorantly erred: but if he knew that therefore he could not be unsuspected, he was greatly blameable; for he should have considered, how many, such like doings had brought to untimely ends. Constantine lived in Lydia, lately married, not past 30 years old: whom the Emperour, passing into Asia, secretly resolved suddenly to oppresse. And at his coming, Constantine, not fearing it, was, with all his favourites and Michael Strategopulus, clapt in prison, their Lands, &c. being first confiscate. But the Turks (those men who defended the frontiers on the East side of Meander being laid fast) finding none to withstand them, forraged all beyond the River, and also passing it did great harm: so that the Emperour must make choice of some other worthy (aptair, those his Cities and Countreys being in danger by the Incursions of the Turks. There was in Court Alexius Philanthropenus a valiant young Captain: whom the Emperour chose to defend his frontiers in Asia, joyning to him, Libadarius, an old experienced one: the one governed [Page] the Cities of Ionis; the other, the frontiers along Meander. Alexius, by many victorious conflicts, soon became of great fame, being also very bountifull and courteous unto all. Thus, all things prospering with him, the bordering Turks, more moved with his courtesy, than fearing the Tartars, came to him with their Wives, &c. many serving in his Camp. Libadarius envying thereat, suspected left he should proudly aspire to the Empire, & so first begin with him. Alexius had certain companies of Cretensians, whom he trusted above others, using them for his Guard, who, in hope by his advancement to raise themselvs, perswaded him speedily to take it on him, the conceit of which would be no lesse danger than entring the action it self, as he might see by Constantine and Strategopulus: which quick suggestions wrought in him divers and contrary motions. At length, the perswaders prevailed with him; yet, at first, he forbade any to mention him in the Army as Emperour: which caused the Cretensians almost to force the imperial Ornaments forthwith upon him; For (said they) delay would but fill the Souldiers heads with doubts, & disourage them with fear of an uncertain event: all which, whether fearing the great danger, or thinking how, first, to circumvent Libàdarius, moved him not so to do. Libadarius and the Emperor (both disquieted) had soon the report of his designs: Alexius turned from Libadarius to follow after the Emperour's Brother Theodorus not to be feared, who (warned by his Brother Constantine) lived in Lydia far from Court: unto whom Alexius fearing many would (in the hurly burly) resort, thought best to make him sure, and afterwards to oppresse Libadarius. But he (of great experience) by gathering all possible coyn of his own & friends, sending also for the Emperour's treasure to Philadelphia, raised such a power out of Ionia, that in ten daies he dared give the Rebell battell in Lydia: and so wrought with the mercenary Cretensians by sums of money given, and [Page] promises, that they promised, in the beginning of the battle, to deliver him into his hands, which they [...], (fast bound) unto Libadarius, who in 3 daies after put out his eyes, left the Emperour should pardon him, and kept him in prison till his further pleasure known.

Andronicus, after this, knew not whom to trust, putting more confidence in strangers than in his own Subjects to his great hurt. He gladly accepted of the Messagets, Christians beyond Ister, oppressed by the Tartars, who offered to come to him (with 10000 Families) and serve him against the Turks grievously wasting in Asia. But when they were to be furnished with all things, especially with Horses, Armour, and Pay; the Subjects were hardly charged, houses searched, who murmured to have their Armes taken from them and given to strangers: and when they were to contribute to their pay, they openly cursed them. Yet, at length, they were shipped over into Asia under Michael the Emperours Son, and companion in Empire: who came and encamped about Magnesia, were the Turks at first retired into Mountains and Woods, that, protracting time, they might learn what strength they were of, and what discipline they kept; and pèrceiving them often to roave disorderly after prey (for, as Mercenaries, they spoiled their friends as if they were enemies) they came down, at first, adventuring but little; but afterward came further on with greater confidence: wherewith they being discouraged, retired, the Turks following them, who were (thinking one thing to be two) blinded with their own fear: neither were they like to do any great good, who setting forth carried with them the bitter curses of their friends. Michael seeing the Messagets flee retired into the Castle of Magnesia: But the Messagets, spoiling the Countrey as they went, passed over into Europe. Michael returning, not many daies after, to Constantinople, the Turks came down and subdued all unto the Coast of Lesbos.

[Page]Not long after, one Ronzerius, sometime a notable Pirate, with four tall Galleys, manned with Catalonians, Narbonensiaus &c, in the Mediterranean Sea and I slands, but then a famous Captain, having stood Theodore, King of Sicily, in great stead, against Charls King of Navarre, with 2000 expert Souldiers; and through peace concluded betwixt them, now to seek for new entertainment, he offered his service to the Greek Emperour, whereof he gladly accepting, he came to him with 2000 good Souldiers called by the name of Catalonians. He honoured Ronzerius with the name of Great Captain, and gave him his [...] Mary in marriage: But one Tenza, another Catalonian, coming a while after with more aid, he named Ronzerius, Caesar; & Tenza, Great Captain. But when they were to be transported into Asia, they did unspeakeable harm, to the People, for which they had many a bitter Curse. The next spring they valiantly raised the siege of Philadelphia which was hardly bestead without and within: to these Catalonians, great numbers of the best Grecian Souldiers, and all the Messagets were joyned; so that, had not the Emperour before commanded not to pursue the Turks too far, 'twas thought they might have soon recovered all they had taken. This service done, the Greeks returned home, and Messagets also. But the Catalonians turned their forces on them that they were sent to relieve; alledging they had not their pay, &c. Poor people were every where spoiled, wives and daughters ravished, Priests and aged men tortured to confesse their store; yea many, that had nothing, lay by the high waies begging, having hands or feet, &c. cut off upon their greedy imagination. The Emperour was much grieved, but his Coffers were not able to redresse any thing. Ronzerius, thus spoyling Asia, passed over into Europe, and leaving his Army at Calipolis, he went to Michael, then at Orestias with 200, to demand, or with threats to extort, his pay: with whose insolency he now [Page] more offended, his Souldiers present, compassing him in, slew him, with some others, the rest fleeing to Calipolis. Neither was the Catalonians pride abated by Ronzerius his death, but was cause of greater evills: for they first slew all the Citizens of Calipolis, making it their refuge; then, manning 8 Galleys, under the leading of Tenza, they robbed and spoyled the Merchants ships passing to and from Constantinople: the rest (the mean time) forraging the Countrey. But Tenza was overthrown shortly after by a Genoway Fleet, himself being taken; yet afterwards redeemed. Now the Catalonians, somewhat discouraged, kept themselvs, certain daies, within their wals, not knowing well what to do; for they feared both the Messagets and Thracians; for outrages upon whom, they despaired of the Emperouur's favour. But the expectation of Michael's coming to assault them, most terrifyed them: for fear of whom they cast a deep ditch about the City, with a strong Counterlcarp: But the Emperour delaying his coming, they maliciously craved aid of the Turks, dwelling in Asia, on the other side of the Streight: who sent them 500 good Souldiets, other fugitives following; with whom (themselves being 3000) they forraged the Country, and brought great heards of Cattell, with their Keepers, into the City. This was the first coming of the Turks into Europe, that I read of, and the beginning of those miseries wherewith the Christian Commonweal hath been ever since most grievously afflicted, and in great part overwhelmed.

These now lying about Cypsella and Apri, Michael with his Souldiers, with the Messagets and Turcopuli encamped at Apri. These Turcopuli were about a 1000 Turks which Jathathiues left behind him when he was delivered from the Emperour by the Tartars, who had become Christians. The Emperour, advertised of the enemies approach, put his Army in order: whose Captains divided their battle, as their enemies, into 3 parts. The Emperour, [Page] riding from place to place, encouraged his men. The Sun rising, the enemies (much inferiour in number) began to come on: But the Messagets (whether by a fore-agreement, or on a sudden treason) withdrew as idle beholders, as did also the Turcopuli, the Greeks being hereby discouraged in the very battles joyning. The Emperour intreated the Captains, by name, not to be so suddenly discouraged: but they still shrinking, he turned himself to his few foot that were left, saying; Now, worthy men, is death better then life, &c. Valiantly charging the enemies, his horse was slain; but one of his followers remonted him on his own horse, with the loss of his life. The Emperour fleeing to his Father, to Dydimoticum, was joyfully received, but sharply reproved for adventuring so far. The enemies pursuing, slew some, and took others: & next day divided the spoyl, forraging the Country at pleasure. The Turcopuli revolting, were enrolled in Chalel's Regiment, who was a Turk.

Shortly after, the Catalonians mutinied; Tenza, and Pharenza disdained to be commanded by Recafort their Generall. Tenza was slain, Pharenza glad to flee to Andronicus, who honourably entertained him. The Messagets were now also (having done the Greeks more harm then the Turks) about to return, with Wives, Children, and wealth, beyond Ister: for whom the Turcopuli and Catalonians laid wait, as they passed the streights of Mount Hemus; where they slew almost all of them, recompencing themselves with their spoyl, for the wrongs received by them before, in dividing the Greeks spoyl. And being proud of their Victory at Apri, spoyled all along the Sea coast, and the inland Country also. Forraging Thracia, they brake into Macedonia, and wintred about Cassandria, à City then desolate. At spring they removed purposing to spoyl, especially Thessalonica; wherein they were, by the Emperour's foresight, prevented; and finding a forsaken Countrey, were about to return into Thracia: [Page] But being informed, that the Emperour had shut up the passage by a mighty wall at Christopolis, from the Sea to the top of the Mountains; they thus beset, desperately resolved to break into Thessaly, (being above 8000 men) to relieve their wants, or towards Peloponesus, there to seat themselves: at least-wise, to enter a League with some on the Sea coast, and so return into their own Countrey. They came in 3 daies to the Thessalian Mountains, at the foot whereof, finding plenty of all necessaries, they wintred. But Winter being past, they came down into the Plains of Thessaly, spending that year at pleasure, havocking whatever came in their way. That Countrey was but weak, the Prince being but young and like to die, &c. And to avert these forreigners: the Nobility offered their Commanders gifts, and guidance into Achaia and Boetia, Countries more commodious for them: promising if they needed aid, there to seat them. Of which offers the Catalonians accepted: So at Spring, receiving their rewards and guides, passing over the mountains beyond Thessaly and the straits of Thermopylae, they encamped near Locris, and the River Cephisus. But the Duke of Thebes, &c. hearing of their coming, with great pride and contempt, denied them passage thorow his Countrey, reckoning them but as loose wandring rogues, &c. wherewith they enraged, resolved there to seat themselves or to die. So they encamped not far from the River in Boetia, 3500 horse, 4000 foot. But lying there, they caused the ground where about they lay to be plowed up, which they watered with cuts out of the River, that it little differed from a deep Marsh. Hither comes the Prince with about 6400 horse, and 4000 foot, casting no peril, coming bravely on with his horsmen; but before he was come to the middle of the Plain, his horses sinking deep, lay with their riders for most part, tumbling in the mire, &c. other-some sticking fast stood with their riders like very Images, not able to move. The Catalonians [Page] slew them at their pleasure, and so speedily pursued the rest, that they surprized Thebes and Athens; so they (having wone a goodly Countrey stored with all wealth) there ended their travels and seated themselves: not ceasing (as saith Nicephorius Gregorias) by little and little to extend their bounds unto this day.

There were 3000 Turks in the Catalonians Army, of whom about 1100 were the Turcopuli under Melech; the other came with Chalel out of Asia, being sent for by the Catalonians: All these, when the Catalonians were about to invade Thessaly, & seek new fortunes, partly distrusting their society, and partly loth further to follow, began to mutiny; Whereupon Melech and Chalel, requested of the General leave to return: which he easily granted, and so they departed, proportionally deviding the captives and spoyls taken. After which, they divided into 2 parts; the Turcopuli following Melech, and the rest Chalel. Melech having violated his Religion again and revolted, despairing of the Emperour's friendship, chose rather to go to Crales Prince of Servia (by whom he was sent for) with 1500 horse and foot; but all his Souldiers (delivering up horses and armour) were to fall to Trades, and not to bear Arms, but when, and so many as, the Prince saw good.

But Chalel with about 1300 horse and 800 foot, offered the Emperour quietly to depart his Countrey, so he would give him passage by Christopolis, and transport them and their substance over Hellespont. The Emperour considering the great harm done, desirous to be discharged of them, sent Sennacherib to conduct them out of Macedonia to the straits of Hellespont; Where the Greeks thinking it indignity, to suffer them to carry such abundance of horses, mony, &c. taken from the Greeks, into Asia: and in hope of so rich a prey, they neither provided for them shipping, nor cared for their safety, purposing by night to destroy them. Os which the Turk understanding, [Page] surprized a Castle thereby, which they notably fortified: the Greeks were glad to get further off, and to certifie the Emperour thereof, who delayed the time, to his enemies advantage; who speedily sent over the strait for aid of the Turks in Asia, which they presently sent them; wherewith encouraged, they oft times grievously wasted the Country round about. The Greek Captains greatly discontented, requested Michael with all his power, to come to suppress these dangerous enemies. For which not only Soldiers, but the Country in general flocked to Michael with spades and mattocks, as though they would have digged down the Castle. Most part of whose followers, not considering the danger in gaining it, proceeded carelesly and disorderly in their [...], that their enemies, who before feared the very fame of their coming; therewith much more encouraged, bestowed all their wealth, &c. within their trenches: themselves with 800 chosen horsmen, sallyed out to the place of the Imperial Ensign; with which sudden and desperate eruption, the Grecians, especially the rustical, terrified began to flee: after whom by little and little, all fled. The Emperour did what he could to stay them; but in so general a fear, Who regarded him? wherefore he was glad to flee with the rest. Yet many expert Captains ashamed, making stands, stayed the barbarous from further pursuit. In which doing, many were taken by the Turks; Whatsoever was found in the Emperour's Tent, yea the Imperial Crown it self became a prey also; which they say Chalel putting on his head, scoffed at the Emperour.

After this, the Turks spoiled almost all Thracia; so that for 2 years, the people scarce durst go out of their Towns to plow and sow; the Emperours exceedingly grieved, all their hope was in forreign aid; wherein they found many difficulties, their Coffers being empty, by reason of their Territories so long wasted: yet Andronicus sent to the Prince of [...] his Son in Law. But he making [Page] no haste, and the misery encreasing, one Phites Paleologus the Emperour's Kinsman, undertook his Countries deliverance. He had been brought up in Court, &c. beloved of all for integrity of life, but altogether unskilful of wars, being by nature weak and sickly: and more given to devotion, than worldly affairs. He requested the Emperour, that with some small power, and a few Captains of his own choice, he might go out against the Turks, hoping (he said) to revenge the wrong, and return with victory. Whereunto he easily yielded, saying, God delighted not in any mans leggs, but in a contrite heart &c. For I have seen (said he) the swift not to gain the prize, &c. the simple to gain favour, and the subtil to fall into disgrace. So he furnished him with such conveniences as he desired; which he receiving, first he by all waies of courtesie encouraged his Souldiers, perswading them to a temperare life, promising (the war ended) rewards according to every ones desert; and before setting forth, understanding, Chalel with 1200 horse and foot was forraging about Byzia, he hasted to encounter them by the way laden with spoil, encamping the 3d day near the little River Xerogipsum, where he left nothing unsaid or undone for the animating his Souldiers. Within 2 daies, his scouts brought tydings about midnight, that the enemy was even at hand, who by Sun-rising were come in sight; wherefore, first of all compassing themselves with their Waggons, &c. and bestowing their bound & captives booty therein, casting dust on their heads, and their hands towards Heaven, they came on. The Christian Army came on also, Philes right well conducting them. He that led the right wing at first on-set, unhorsed two enemies; but his horse sore wounded, he retiring hastily out of the battel, somewhat troubled the Christians, and encouraged the Turks. Philes with chearful words encouraged them, and with eys cast up, and tears running down, heartily besought God, &c. The footmen encountring hand to hand, slew the Barbarians [Page] and were of them slain: But Philes having almost encompassed their horse with a valiant company, brake in upon the sides of the enemy; who circumvented and hardly charged, most of them fell: a few horsemen were pursued to the entrance of Chersonesus, whither came Philes; 5 Galleys were sent to keep Hellesponts Straits, 2000 horsemen came out of Servia, and 8 Gallies moe by the Potestate of Pera; wherefore, shutting them up by Land and Sea, Philes encamping about the Town and Trenches, greatly battered the Castle, making great slaughter. The Turks by night set first upon the Grecians, by sallying out and then upon the Servians, with vain attempts: wherefore (utterly despairing) about midnight, they full of Coin, ran to the Sea, purposing to yield themselves to the Genowaies; But the night being dark and misty, many unawares came to the Greek Galleys; who lightened them of their mony, and slew them. The Genowaies slew only those with the most Coin, lest it should be sought for by the Greeks: the rest, some they sent to the Emperour, some they kept as their own prisoners. Thus by Philes his valour, the Turks for that time, were chased out of Europe.

Innovation and change of the Greek's Religion, covetousness, envy, ambition, distrust, Forreign aid, and foul discord, were the chief causes of the Greek Empire's decay and ruin. But Michael had 2 Sons, Andronicus and Manuel: of these, old Andronicus entirely loved Andronicus his Nephew, causing him to be brought up in his Court as not willing to spare him out of his sight. But when he was grown a lusty youth, he began to contemn all Government, his companions leading him forth to walk the streets, hawk, hunt, and haunt Plays, and afterwards night-walks: which requiring great expence, and his Grandfather giving him but a spare allowance, He took up mony of the rich Merchants of Pera, &c. with secret consultations of flight. For seeing his Grandfather live [Page] long, & his Father like to succeed, his ambitious thoughts suggested to him such purposes: seeking after the Imperial liberty, that he might have sufficient for himself, and to reward others; which, seeing he could not do, he sought one while after Armenia: then after Peloponesus, sometime dreaming of Lesbos and Lemnos, for which he was reproved by the one and the other. He used by night to repair to a Gentlewomans house, whom another gallant no lesse affected then himself; wherefore he appointed Russians to watch her house. Manuel about midnight seeking him, passed by these watchmen; who in the dark, supposing him the man they looked for, wounded him that he fell down for dead, and so was carried half dead to Court: which ourrage cast the Emperour into great heaviness; but Michael, hearing at Thessalonica of Manuel's being dead with the wounds; shortly after dyed with grief. The unstayed youth, purposing to flee, became more and more suspicious to his Grandfather; who appointed one Surgiannes (who was suspected of aspiring, imprisoned, and by the Emperour enlarged) warily to observe the young Princes doings. But he, not unmindful of former wrong, and in hope to aspire himself, took the Prince aside, discovering his Grandfathers device, to set them together by the ears, as followeth. Thy Grandfather most noble Prince (said he) hath set me a watch, or rather a bloodbound over thy actions, and if possible thy most secret thoughts, &c. whilst thou followest thy shallow conceits; for what shall it avail thee to flee away? &c. But if thou hearken to my counsel, I will shew thee a ready way to aspire the Imperial Seat, which is by leaving Constantinople, and fleeing into the Thracian Provinces, and proclaiming immunity for ever from thy Grandfathers long and heavy yoak; If thou likest this, I will bring the whole matter to effect: so that thou promise me to reward my travel according to desert, and that no great matter be done, without my consent; for thou [Page] seest how unwillingly I make my self partaker of thy Calamity, &c. And seeing delay brings danger, let's impart the matter to such as are like to keep counsel, and further our designes. He, moved herewith as with a charm, confirmed his desire by an Oath in writing. John Catacuzene, Theodore, Synadenus, men of great honour, and aged; and Alexius Apocaucus, a man of great place being present, who shewed themselves as Ring-leaders therein. Syrgiannes and Catacuzene, by corrupting divers great ones, procured the Government of places, fittest to begin their rebellion in. In all which they mustred Souldiers, &c. entertaining Strangers, as for some great War; placing their Friends, and removing those they suspected from Government: colouring all by false rumours of the European Tartars, and Asiain Turks coming, and commended by the Emperour himself for their care. All which Syrgiannes dissembling, oft certified the Prince what he had done, and was to do. But the Emperour seeing his Nephew proceeded in his dissolute life, was about to reprove him before the Patriarch and others: but being otherwise perswaded, for that it was on the point of Shroveride, when as the people (through excess) were fittest to be drawn into a tumult, he let him alone. But, a good part of Lent past, he sent for him to chide him before the Patriarch and other Bishops; that (as ashamed) he might either amend, or be thought justly punished, if he proceeded. The Prince with his followers [...] secretly armed, agreeing, if the Emperour used gentle admonition, to keep themselves quiet; but if in anger, or threatning to punish him, to break in and kill him, placing young Andronicus in his stead. He was grievously blamed of him: yet with such moderation that all seemed from a fatherly care; so that the assembly was quietly dissmissed, and an Oath taken, That he should not appoint any other his successour: and that the Prince should attempt no hurt to his Grand-father's Life or [Page] Empire. At his coming out, he was discouraged and ashamed at the speeches of the fretting and fuming conspiratours, saying, Thou hast left us in the Devils mouth to be devoured, &c. and sent for Theodore Metochita, requesting to deal with his Grand-father for his followers pardon: whereof he disliked, telling them, himself was to give God thanks for escaping so great a danger, &c. Wherewith the Prince troubled and discontented, and (after a whiles musing) commanding him to depart; he by his Companions perswasion, entertained his former designements: which his Grand-father suspecting would often say, In our time is lost the Majesty of our Empire, and devotion of the Church. Yet he thought good to lay hands betime on him; acquainting none but the Patriarch therewith, who acquainted the Prince, (fleeing himself before) who with all his Complices, the night before his apprehension to be, fled out of the City by the gate Gyrolimnia, (still at his Command); and next day came to Syrgiannes and Catacuzens Camp at Hadrianople; the Emperour the same day proclaimed him traytour, proscribing him, with all his conspiratours; swearing the whole City to be loyal to him. But he proclayming liberty in all Thracia, the people resorted to him armed, in great numbers. First they soulely intreated the Emperous Collectours, taking away their money: Not seven daies after almost an incredible number departed towards Constantinople, under Syrgiannes, hoping at first coming to take the City at discord in it self. Four daies after they encamped at Selybria, whither the Emperour sent Embassadours to his Nephew, for appeasing so dangerous troubles, sending with them Syrgiannes his Mother, to perswade him to retire a little, and so come to talk and demand what he pleased. Syrgiannes, retired to the Prince about Orestius, whither the Embassadours came also: with whom it was agreed, that the Prince should hold all from Christopolis to Rhegium and Constantinople's [Page] suburbs: and that the Lands given by the Prince (to his followers) in Maccdonia, should remain theirs: and that the Emperour should hold the imperial City, with all Macedonia beyond Christopolis, and have the honour to hear and dispatch Embassadours, the Prince not delighting in those weighty affaires. Thus while the Greek Empire was divided betwixt the Grand-father and Nephew, Asia way a prey to the greedy Turks: Othoman founding his Empire in Phrygia and Bythinia, and Aladins successours encroaching as fast on this side Meander; robbing also the Christian Merchants trading to Constantinople, spoyling Macedonia, and Thracia's Coasts, with the [...] Ilands, taking Rhodes; out of which they were shortly driven by the Hospitallers, aided by the Genowaies and Sicilian King holding it 214 years, named Knights of the Rhodes, till it was lost to the Turk, for want of relief: since which they have seated themselves in Malta Island, which they have notably defended against mighty Solyman.

But Syrgiannes had thought from the beginning, to have ruled all with the Prince at his pleasure: but seeing him to be wholly Ruled by Catacuzene, and himself not so much as called to any Counsel, began secretly to devise revenge on the ungrateful Prince. Wherefore he resolved again to revolt to the Emperour, not doubting but shortly to overthrow the Princes Counsels and State. He secretly (by a trusty friend) acquainted the Emperour of his purpose, alleadging; He could not abide the sight of him that sought to corrupt his wife, meaning the Prince. This news was most wel-come, for it grieved the Emperour to be so con emned and deluded by his N phew, &c. So an Oath passing betwixt them, Syrgiannes secretly fled to Constantinople, (which rejoyced many). But the Prince taking occasion hereat, marching towards the City, and being within sight, lay to intercept Syrgiannes by ambushes: who the third night after from Perinthus with 300 Souldiers, deceiving them, came to Constantinople. [Page] The Prince hearing of his escape, and no expected tumult in the City, presently retired into Thracia.

Constantine the Despot, was by and by sent by his brother to Thessalonica to Govern Macedonia, and apprehend Xene the Princes Mother by the way, and then to invade him in Thracia; that he on one side, and Syrgiannes on the other might shut him up, and take him. The Despot taking the Empresse at Thessalonica, sent her in a Gally to Constantinople, where she was kept close. And with all his power invaded the Prince, breaking thorow the wall of Christopolis. The Prince sent Synadenus against Syrgiannes; hoping himself to encounter his Uncle the Despot. And first he wrote and dispersed Edicts, promising great rewards, to whomsoever brought him alive or dead. Then he proclaimed his Grand-fathers death, slain by the Constantinopolitans in a tumult: some swearing they were present thereat, others shewing white goates haires, as if they were pluckt off his head or beard at the time: which (commonly reported) filled mens heads with doubts; the Despot with fear retiring to Thessalonica, whither came lettters from the Emperour to apprehend 25 chief Citizens, vehemently suspected (by rebellion) to deliver the City to the Prince: but they (in time) secretly stirring up the people, and by ringing bells, soon raised a wonderful tumult of Citizens in Arms, who running to the Despots house, he fled to the Castle: they slew, or robbed, and imprisoned all they met of his, pulling down the house. Then they fired the Castle-gates, whereupon he [...] to a Monastery not far off, where being taken, he took a Monks habit to save his life. Yet he was carried prisoner to the Prince, whose waiters were ready to tear him in pieces; had not the Prince (embracing him) saved his life. But next day he was cast into a very loathsome deep and straight prison; his boy and others that drew up his ordure, often pouring it on his head. Where, after a great while, and wishing to die, he was removed into an easier prison.

[Page]Things crossing the Emperour, he was very pensive: and one day opening the Psalter, the first verse he light on was; When the Almighty scattered Kings for their sakes, they were white as snow in Salmon, which he applying, as if all troubles, &c. proceeded from Gods will, sought (contrary to Syrgiannes mind) to be reconciled to his Nephew: who being fent for, came to Rhegium visiting his Mother, (now set at liberty) doing what was done by her Counsel. In few dayes an attonement was made and he lighting from his horse, met the Emperour, kissing his hand and foot on horse-back, then taking horse, embraced him, kissing one another. The old man, after a few words, departed into the City; the young man to his Camp at Pega, coming for certain dayes in and out at Constantinople.

Syrgiannes now spake hardly both of the Emperour and his Nephew, wronged (as he thought) by them both. But seeing one Asanes Andronicus walking melancholy, he acquainted himself with him, as grieved with the like sorrow that himself was: with whom he (as with a friend) plainly discoursed of all things as his grief desired. Asanes spake also hardly of Emperour and Nephew; but hating him before for his ambition, and displeased that he was enemy to Catacuzene his son in-law, noted whatever he said, telling all to the old Emperour; and that unless Syrgiannes were (in time) laid hold of, he should shortly by him (affecting the Empire) be brought to his end. Syrgiannes was forthwith imprisoned; the common people spoyling him of his house and wealth, and converting it, and the adjoyning Vineyards to a feeding place for sheep and goats. The Prince was shortly Crowned as fellow in the Empire, unto which the old Emperour tiding, was, by his horses stumbling, foulely bemired in the Streets, which many took as portending ill Fortune. During this peace, 70 Turks were driven on shoare at Chersonesus the Prince hunting there, who before they [Page] would yield, slew divers of his men; himself long after being tormented by a wound (there) in the foot. Who not long so contenred, longed for the whole Goverment: and weary to see his Grand father live so long, resolved to thrust him out of Government; or to dispatch him of life and State together. And (by his Mothers counsel) sent for Michael Prince of Bulgaria, his wife, and his Sister to Dydimethicum, in colour of a desire to see them, as before to him unknown. But the secret conclusion was, that the Bulgarian should aid the young Emperour against his Grand-father, and he him against the Servian, as need should be: and if he recovered the whole Empire, then to give him a great sum of money with confining places. So Michael loaded with rewards and promises returned home.

The young Emperour encouraged; and knowing the Constantinopolitans and other Thracian Cities to favour him, thought best to depose his Grand-father with as little stir as might be. But needing money, he took all from the Collectors in Thracia, telling them, he was an Emperour also, and that the common charge was by the common purse to be discharged. Then he took his way with a great power towards Constantinople, pretending he was there to take order for a ship to transport Embassadours to the Sultan of Aegypt; having thrust the suspected out of Office in Thracia, placing in others. But one most inward with him, secretly fled to his Grandfather, discovering all the intended treacherie, &c. advising him to keep him out of the City, for fear of a general revolt, which the Emperour (comparing other reports) deeming to be true, complained in the anguish of his soul: Revenge my quarrel O God! &c. and preserve me in the imperial power, which he comes to take, whom I begat and advanced. Then first he sent to his Nephew, forbidding him entring the City; and that [...] was great folly for him to think his traiterous purposes [Page] were unknown; rehearsing unto him how many occasions he had given for breaking the league with his Grand-father. After that he craved aid of Crales, Prince of Servia, and the Despot his Son Governour of Thessalonica, &c. commanding him, speedily with all his forces, and his Nephews of Macedouia to joyn with them of Servia, against the young Emperour. But these Letters (written in Paper) were intercepted on the Straits of Christopolis and other passages; yet others in fine linnen (secretly sowed) escaped, and were delivered. Nothing was done, but the young Emperour (for all inclined unto him) was advertised thereof: but he understood not what his Nephew did, or intended. Theodore his own son among others (who honourably married in Italy, and by prodigality far in debt, whose debts (very great) he paid, &c. living now at Constantinople) went about to betray his own Father. For he (especially being become a Latine in Religion and manners) being rejected, thought he could not do him greater despight, than by revolting. Demetrius the Despot, calling to him his Nephews, Governours of Macedonia, and joyning with them, spoiled the young Emperour's friends there, confiscating the estates, and exiling all with-standers. Young Andronicus was not Idle, but secretly sent out edicts into all parts, proclaiming releasement from all tributes and payments: promising in the Souldiers the augmenting their pay, &c. which bruited, most were moved, inviting him secretly to hasten into the City: who by Embassadours srom Rhegium, requested leave of the Emperour to come in, or to send him some of the chief, and better sort to whom he might speak his mind. Which requests being both dangerous, he chose the easier, sending forth two Noble Senatours, two Bishops, and two other Prelates, and four chief Burgesses of the City: to whom he openlydelivered this crafty speech. It is not unknown, that [...] my Subjects have been more dear to me, then I to my self.[Page]Let any tell me how I came by these wounds, but in fight with the enemies of my Country. For I, strucken with a piercing grief, (seeing the poor Christians some barbaronsly slain, some carried into Captivity, the rest driven out of Houses and Cities; the old Emperour through great years being become slothful) went out, either by some honourable death to end my self; or to stand my Country in some stead. For he that hath long reigned, wordly things [...] in change, must at length be loathsome to his sub jects, &c. My Grand-father having reigned so long, is become hateful: yet not regarding to discharge himself of such a burthen, [...] to relieve the declining Empire, nor grieving to see its successours die before him (for my Father is dead: and happily I may die, before I receive any profit thereof) I neither flatly deny nor altogether confesse my ambition in departing from my Grand father: for, might I see the Empire increase, &c. I could willingly content my self: But seeing the Empire decline [...] ill to worse, &c. What deem ye me to think? For most ease their present grief, with future hope: but to me is not left such vain hope. At length, I requested but 1000 men at armes to preserve the Citties of Bithynia, which he denied me, taking me ever since for his enemy. I have another request for 8000 Duckats to content my Souldiers: which granted, I will dismisse my forces, holding my self contented.

Then discoursing with them apart, with great hopes he sent them away: who proclayming his praises in the City, more enflamed the people than before: Wherewith the old Emperour was exceedingly vexed, fearing to be slain in some sudden concourse. Yet he thought best to hear the Patriarchs and Bishops counsel: to whom he declared,

That if he were sure (after deposing himself) to see his people well Governed, and himself live in safty, he should much preferre a quiet life before an Empire. But how can I safely commit to my Nephew so great a charge, who giving[Page]his power to unskilful men, and flinging away his possessions among them, liveth himself in penury, regarding nothing more than his dogs and kites. I will never willingly cast away my subjects and my self: I have loved him more than my self, purposing to leave him heir and successour of my wisdome and Empire. But he contemning my good counsel, hath lifted up his hand against a Grandfather so well deserving. Wherefore [...] ought to censure him unworthy of the Empire, and communion of the faithful; that so (as ashamed) he may lovingly return, &c. The conclusion of his former speech is feigned, and crafty, not agreeing with the reproaches given me in all that speech, &c.

Upon this, most of them agreed he should not be named in Church prayers, till better conformed. But, meeting afterwards in the Patriarchs house (who secretly favoured him) they conspired (divers Nobles consenting) against the old Emperour, binding themselves to continue constant. About 3 dayes after, the Bells ringing, and the people flocking, the Patriarch pronounced excommunication against all omitters of his name in publique prayers, or refusing to do him all honour. Which (it appears) grieved the old Emperour, saying; If the Doctor of Peace be so mad against us, who shall represse the Vulgars rash attempts? &c. So the contrary Bishops excommunicated him likewise with his bribed followers: the Emperour committing him to safe-keeping in a Monastery. About [...] daies after, the young one came to the walls to know the acceptation of his Messengers, requesting he might enter alone into the City, to do his duty to his Grand-father; but such as stood on the walls (not abiding to hear him speak) drave him away with stones, &c. and so for that time he retired a little. But at night some busie heads gave him knowledge, that about mid-night they would be ready with ropes to draw him to the top of the Bulwarks. But he, approaching, found no such matter: the watchmen carefully watching and [Page] calling one to another. Wherefore with Catacuzene and Synadenus, he rowed softly along the wall towards the Sea, but there the watchmen calling and receiving no answer, began to cast stones at them: so they departed as they came. But this ill successe was shortly better recompensed; for he had secret letters sent from Thessalonica, to come speedily thither, assuring him, with a general good liking, to open the Gates to him: who setting forward with a part of his Army entred the City in a Country man's habit, and casting off that simple attire (and being known) the people with joyful acclamations received him as their Soveraigne: yet a few stood on their guard in the Castle; which was at length taken.

The old Emperours chief Captaines now fled, most of whose Souldiers went to the young one: who came to Serre which was delivered him by composition: but the Castle was by Bafilicus Nicephorus (whom the old Emperour had made Captaine rather for his fincerity, than wit or Capacity) strongly fortified in these troubleous times, and kept till the old Emperous death, then reconciling himself to the young: who, in reward of his fidelity, gave it to him to hold as amply as before from his Grand-father: for wise men (as did King Philip in Demosthenes) honour virtue even in their enemies. The young Emperour soon took all strong Townes and Cities in Macedonia unresisted with the Despots wife and Children and tteasure, his Nephews and following Senatours wives also: after whom their Husbands were most cast in prison, and some perishing in exile. The old Emperour was about to send to his Nephew for peace, but at the same time Michael the Bulgarian (in hope of great profit) secretly offered him aid: whereof he gladly accepting, Embassadours were sent to conclude it; but two or three trusty Counsellours being acquainted therewith. In the mean time he sent out Constantinus Assan, against Sydanenus who coupt him up; by whom, [Page] he was over thrown, and taken prisoner; the rest flying head-long to Constantinople. Now the young Emperour returned thither to prevent the Bulgarians coming: lest they killing the old Emperour, should seize the City themselves, or at least keep him out. There was also great want of Victuals in the City, his Army shutting it up by Land, and the Venetians (being at Odds with the Genowaies of Pera) by Sea. The young Emperour at first attempted to enter, but being repulsed, he gat farther off. About this time came also the 3000 Bulgarian horse-men, but remembring the harms by forraign aid, he suffered but their General and some few Commanders to come into the City. The young one, least some harm to their utter subversion should betide them, offered to do what his Grand-father should command. But he trusting to this Bulgarian aid, listened little to him: (and how could he trust him that had so often deceived him?) Who, almost despairing of successe, sent great gifts to the General and chief Commanders, promising far greater if they would return home: whereunto they easily granted.

Two watch-men, Camaris and Castellanus fleeing secretly to the young Emperour, offered to betray the City to him, for assurance of such money and possessions they required, returning again (for fear of suspition) without stay. (The Emperour four dayes made shipladders of ropes). And the night being come, they gave such store of good wine by way of courtesie to their fellow watch-men, that they fell into a sound sleep: The traytours about mid-night receiving 18 men by the ladders fastned to the top of the wall; who breaking open the Roman gate, the Army entered. The same night, just after Sun-set, a Country man in hast knocked at the gate of Gerolimna, telling the Souldiers he saw many of the young Emperours men marching towards the City, by the way of the Roman gate: The old Emperour [Page] (troubled) thought to send scouts to see if all were cleart but Metochita his great Counsell our letted, saying, Seeing either the rumour was false, or the endeavour of so few, vain; it beseemeth not a couragious mind to be so leightly moved. Again, divers others came running telling the watch-men, A great number were at the Roman gate: the Emperour (more troubled) sharply said to Metochita: Thou seemest to be strangely Metamorphosed into a man of iron, which hast no feeling of our danger, &c. for the noise of my Nephew soundeth in mine cars, &c. Neverthelesse, he rose to go to bed, accounting them but as false alarmes. But the Emperour (alone) say tumbling to and fro on a pallat, as ttoubled with heavy thoughts. The mean time he hearing a great noise at the Court-gate (for above 800 were entred with his Nephew, and they of the City joyfully saluted him) rose (destitute of all but his ordinary waiters) beseeching not God to forsake, but defend him from their fury: Who heard him. For the young Emperour straightly charged all his Captaines, &c. on pain of death, not to violate his Grand-father, or any about him: For (said he) this victory God hath given us, and not our selves, &c. which peradventure he will give to others, who (as we have been to them) will shew themselves to us: wherefore if nighnesse of blood or being of one Country, move us not; yet let's use mercy that we feel not Gods hand in like case. A Courtier then opened a wicket with this message to him,

Seeing God hath (my son) given thee the imperial seat, I request thee this good turn for many I bestowed on thee, not to spill the blood from which (next to God) thou hast taken life, &c. If brothers-blood cryed out against Cain, how much lowder shall fathers-blood cry to the Lord, &c. Have pitty on my miserable old age, and a bruised reed, cast down; and do not again tread on it. And be not proud of thy fortune, but consider the uncertainty of worldly things; taking by me example, [Page] &c. Young Andronicus moved herewith, entred the pallace, humbly saluting, embracing, and comforting his Grand-father: Straight way carrying away the Patriarch Esaius (kept in the Monastery) in a Chariot, restoring him to his Dignity; who spared not fully to revenge himself of the old Emperour's friends. One might have seen all the Nobles wealth that took his part, carried away, and their houses overthrown, especially of Metochita, whose wealth not onely in his house, but layd up with friends (by notes in his study) was a prey to the people, and the rest confiscate, being brought with wife and children, to extream beggery in one day: many (to increase his grief) saying, All that treasure was the blood and tears of the poor subjects, brought to him by them he made rulers of provinces, &c. that he might stop them (cruelly dealt with by them) from complaining to the old Emperour: and that the Revenger's eye was now awaked, &c. He was confined to Didymoticum; whence (after a while) he was sent back to Constantinople, where, having nothing to relieve him, he went to the Monastery of Chora, repaired by him in his prosperity, therein shrowding himself, and not long after dying.

But Niphon (sometime Patriarch) meeting the young Emperour (the same day) asked, How they would deal with his Grand-father? Who answering Emperour-like, was by him inflamed; for Niphon bare a special grudge against the old man, for that he being by the Clergy outed of his Patriarchship, for his shameful extortion, was not defended, as he looked for: and dreaming his taking out of the way, was a step to the same Dignity. Wherefore he said, If thou desirest to Reign without fear, &c. cast haire cloath on him, and clap him in prison, or exile him: to which ungracious counsel, other Nobles consenting, much changed the young Emperour's minde: that he could not endure his Grand-father a Companion in the Empire. Whereupon it was decreed, the old man [Page] should retain the name and ornaments; but meddle with nothing, nor come abroad; with 10000 duckets yearly for his maintenance. Of which shameful decree [...] the Patriarch was a furtherer rejoycingly, wresting this Scripture; The just shall rejoyce when he seeth the Vengeance: But the old Emperour thus shut up, humours distilling, (through grief) first lost one eye, and shortly the other, being often mocked not by his guarding enemies onely, but by his own servants. The young Emperour not long after falling very sick, Catacuzene and the rest yet doubtful of the old blind man, put him to choice, either to put on him the habit of a Monk, or to take dear exile, or perpetual imprisonment. At which hard choice he oppressed with woes, lay on bed a great while speechlesse; for being encompassed with barbarous Souldiers, none was left to direct him where to go or stand, But would he or not, they shaving and polling him, cast a Monks habite on him; changing (after the manner) his name to Anthony the Monk; of which Esaeias was glad, as now no hope to recover the Empire, nor cause for himself to fear. Yet (seeming to be very sorry, but indeed deriding him) he sent two Bishops to know of him how he would be remembred in Church-prayers. To which fetching a great sigh he answered: As in poor Lazarus appeared a double miracle, that (dead) he rose, and (bound) walked; so in me, in a contrary manner, who (alive) am dead, and (loose) bound, my tongue also wherewith I might (at least) bewaile my woes and wrongs to the Aire, &c. But shame hath closed my mouth, my brethren abhorre me, and the light of mine eyes is not with me, &c. As for him that sent you, I chose and preferred him to the Patriarchship, before many worthy men, never before preferred, or famous, &c. But in my Calamity he joyned with mine enemies, more cruel than any other: feigning him to be (much like the Crocodile of Nile) ignorant and sorry for me. But if I should answer to his catching [Page] question, to be remembred in the Church as an Emperour; I shall forthwith be slain. If I say, as Anthony the Monk; it will be taken, that of mine own free will I put on this habite, which was never in my thought. Thus he sent them away: and sitting down said, My soul return to thy rest, &c. neither spake he one word more in declaring his grief, and so against his will passing over his sorrow in silence, as astonished before the humorus (gathered into the brain) could be difsolved into tears. But the Patriarch decreed, he should be remembred before his Nephew in Church prayers, as the most Religious and Zealous Monk Anthony, the better to colour the matter, as if weary of the world, he voluntary took it on him. Yet in four daies, Synadenus, understanding the people secretly to mutter at the hard dealing with him, Ecclesiastical Laws enforcing none against will to enter Religious orders, sent to exact an oath of him in writing, that he should never seek after, accept of, or substitute any other in the Empire; and to fear him of his life upon refusal, setting barbarous Souldiers over him: so yielding, he signed the Oath with a red and black crosse, another guiding his hand. Thus living two years, on Feb. 12th, towards night, a day dedicated to St. Anthonies Vigil, certain friends had accesse to him (amongst whom was the Prince of Servia's widow, his daughter, and Nicephor as Gregoras, Authour of this History) with whom he entred discourse till past mid-night, then bidding them farewell; pleasantly saying, To morrow they would end their discourse, no signe of sicknesse appearing. They gone, he eat of a shell-fish, after which, (as his manner was when he felt inward heat) he drank cold water, then feeling a great pain in his Stomach, and afterwards very sick. fell into a loosenesse; and going often to a house of Office in an inner Chamber, not able to recover his own bed, and none to help him, he dyed before day, sitting on a homely bed fast by, having Reigned 43 years, whose [Page] death was by strange signs and accidents foretold, a great Eclipse of the Sun, just 43 daies before, and after of the Moon, an earthquake the day before, the Sea rising above the bounds made breaches in the Citie-Walls, &c. Many Crosses and Pinacles, with a great Pillar before the Church of the 40 Martyrs, (he having wished to live so long as it stood) were overthrown. He was honourably buried in the Monastery of Libe, whose Obsequies 9 daies yearly were solemnly kept.

Thus the Reader may see, the Greek Emperour's were not at leasure, to look over into Asia. At which time Othoman on one side in Phrygia and Bithynia; and Aladin's Successours along Meander, encroached as fast, till the Greeks were thrust quite out. But Othoman's 2 Garrisons built before Prusa, having continued certain years, brought the City to such [...], that many Citizens and others died of famine; The rest out of hope to be relieved, yielded the City to Orchanes, to depart safely with as much goods as themselves could carry. Most write the Turks faithfully performed the conditions; yet some report, Orchanes brake most part. Prusa was yielded 1327, and afterwards by Orchanes made the seat of the Othoman Kings. Othoman died in the year 1328, 69 years old, in the 28th year of his Reign, buried at Prusa; whose Tomb is there yet to be seen, &c. There is another Monument of him at Suguta, by his Father's Sepulchre, made by his Sons. Some report him to be there buried; yet the Turks generally suppose his interring Monument is at Prusa. He was [...], politick, valiant and fortunate, full of dissimularion and ambition, not rash in attempts, but very resolute, bountiful especially to his men of war, and the poor. He is worthily accounted the Turks Empire's Founder; whose Kings by lineal descent are called; The Othoman Kings: and the Turks, Osmanide or people of Osman.

The Life of Orchanes or Vrchan, second King of Turks.

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AFter Othoman's death (with great solemnity interred) Orchanes or Urchan and Aladin his Sons, [...] a [...] for establishing a new succession, and dividing his treasure and goods; but he having bestowed it on his men of war, there was no Mony, Plate or Jewels found, but the remembrance of his life for them to imitate; great Dominions, store of horses and armour, with great heards of Cattel. Aladin answered to Orchanes asking, what order was to be taken with those things, That it was requisite, first to establish a King, which (like a good shepherd) might govern, &c. And that to him (as his eldest brother) all other things belonged, and so to me instead of a Father, &c. Through this commended modesty of Aladin, the Kingdom peaceably descended to Orchanes; who would have made him President of his Councel; but he requested rather the Lordship of Fodore: which frankly granted, Aladin lived there (mostly) a private and quiet life, then building two Temples and an Abby at Prusa. Some report Orchanes obtained the Kingdom by murthering two elder brothers which he had. But that practise (lately much used) was not before Bajazet 1. as the most probable collections from the Turks Chronicles affirm.

The Christians presently recovered Nice, with divers holds from the Turks. Among whom Tzuprichiser Castle on the River Sangarius (by impeaching that passage, into Bithynia) most grieved them. Orchanes apparrelling himself and few others like Christian Marchants came to the Castle, craving leave to passe: they supposing them to be Merchants, let them in: who [...] the warders, possessed [Page] the Castle, who now so forraged the Countrey, that Nice wanting victuals to relieve so many fled into it for fear, was brought to great extremity; For whose relief young Andronicus, passed the strait into Asia, whose greatest strength was in 2000 choise horsemen, the rest being most [...] (who carried many small Vessels with them to receive them when they should flee) or Rascals taken up here and there. Orchanes sent expert Captains to forelay the strait passages, following with his Army. The Emperour in three daies march, came to the little Town Philocrene, and understanding Orchanes laying not far off, having taken the straits, he there stayed that night. Next morning, divers Turks Companies coming down the Mountains, he set forward to meet them. The Turks shot freely, keeping themselves a loof off. The Emperour supposing that proceeded from fear, commanded some Companies disorderly to march, and skirmish with them: his expert Captains would have had him kept his strength together; yet such was his youthful heat, they must needs set forward; But, the forenoon spent in this leight skirmishing, Orchanes perceiving the Christians weary therewith, and the heat, came down with a world of men, charging them with a hideous cry, some a far off, some hand to hand: both sides were couragious, with great slaughter, till nights approach; then the Christians weary and oppressed with multitudes, retired disorderly, receiving great losse by the pursuers. The battel was at length ended, the Emperour wounded in the foot: who going to Philocrene, fast by, to be dressed, the Army supposing him to have fled, (as if Orchanes would have slain them all that night) fled also: some to their boats: some, hasting to the Town-gates, were by others trodden to death: some hanging at one another, got some up the Towns Rampiers; others drawn down by the hangers on, [...] on and perished; some ('tis reported) died for fear, none chasing them. In the morning, 200 of the 300 horsemen that Orchanes (retiring to places of advantage, [Page] doubting the Christians farther coming on) had left as scouts, took the spoyl of the forsaken Camp at pleasure; yea, the Emperour's own furniture and [...] horses: the other 100, slew a great number of hartless wandring Christians. The Emperour seeing the hand of God, returned to Constantinople: After which, the Turks seizing many Sea Towns of Bithynia, laid heavy tributes on the other Country places, not destroying them for the benefit thereof.

Nice holding now out in hope only of 1000 horsmen, the Emperour promised to send to lye in Garrison; Of which Orchanes understanding, furnished 800 of his own after the Christians manner: who by a compass about, trooped towards the City, in the high-way from Constantinople. Then sending 300 other in Turks habit, to forrage the [...], within the Cities view, what they could: the 800 following them as by chance, put them toflight in their sight: who returned again towards Nice. The Citizens, supposing them Constantinopolitan horsmen, with joy received them as expected friends; But entring the gates, and seconded with the other 300, bringing also others in ambush not far off, won the great City: whose spoil the Souldiers had, the Citizens led into miserable Captivity, and they possessing it to this day. Orchanes other Captains daily encroached on the weak Christians. Cunger Alpes subdued [...] in Phrygia, Bolli in Paphlagonia, appointing valorous Abdura Cham, Governour. Then also old Accecozza subjected Candara and Ermome to the Turk, [...] all Castles &c. Then [...] the Captains Son in Scamandria, (not far from old Troys ruins) died; to whose [...], his Father with his [...] repeiring, crafty Accecozza suddenly setting on them, slew most and took the rest: with the Captain, his Castle, and Countrey: whom he leading to Abydus renowned Castle (situate on Asia's Sea coast, over against Sestus Castle in Europe) so near as he could, offered him liberty on [Page] the Castles surrender, or they to see him there slain: who said, They might cut off his head, seeth him, and eat him, but the Castle he would not deliver. The Emperour refused also to redeem him proffered unto him; yet at last by Nicomedia's Governour ransomed. Accecozza (at Scamandria) being long molested by Abydus Castle, and the Constantinopolitans, was glad to be most times on horseback against the enemies attempt. The Captain of Abydus had a fair young Daughter, who then dreamed that (fallen into a deep miry ditch) a young gallant comming by, did both help her out, make her clean, and richly apparrel her; the Image was so fantasied, in her troubled brain, that waking she thought she saw him, and sleeping longed for him. Accecozza, the while, besieging her Fathers Castle, she often went into a high Turret, to see the Martiall deeds on both sides, &c. But on the first sight of Abdurachman's approach to the siege, she thought he was the man dreamed of; wherefore waiting another time of his approach to the Castle, she cast down a Letter fastened to a stone, in Greek, (which he delivered to Accecozza) promising (after her affections discovery) to deliver the Castle in the night, to Abdurachman, he returning with a few, after the siege raised. Accecozza giving small credit thereto for fear of treason; yet said to Abdurachman, Seeing she hath on special liking chosen thee, Wilt thou adventure? He said, he would undertake it if it were his pleasure. Accecozza sharply [...] the Castle, and presently as despairing brake up his siege. The Defendants rejoycing hereat, surcharged themselves that night with excess; Abdurachman came to the appointed place of the Castle, where she was attending, and by her means being conveighed in, and so to the Porters lodg: he slew the Porter a sleep, and let his [...] in at the gates; who took the Captain, overtaken with Wine, and fast asleep: who with his daughter and rich spoil, being presented by Abdurachman to Orchanes, [Page] He, glad, gave her with most of the prey to him. There was also one Cararachman, so dreadful, that the Constantinopolitans would pacifie their children, saying, Cararachman comes. Cunger Alpes and Accecozza shortly dying, Orchanes made Solyman aud Amurath his Sons Governours of those Countries. He intending to besiege [...], took divers small holds in his march thitherward, which being governed by a Lady, Andronicus his kinswoman, she doubting her forces ability to hold the siege, yielded the City on condition, with whom she would, she might depart with lives, liberties, and goods: so shipping for Constantinople, Solyman was made Governour of Nicomedia. The Temples were converted to Turkish Meschitas. The greatest being turned into a School for the Students of Mahomet's Law, yet called Orchanes his Colledge; who placed divers the most experienced Souldiers, with Pensions and possessions for defence of the Countrey near, and open to the Sea, in danger of the Constantinopolitan Galleys. Then by Aladin's Counsel, all his men wore white caps (which the Jannizaries now use) to be known from others wearing red. The Turks then and long after, did not shave their beards: so that the King in disgrace, would command a mans beard to be cut or shaven. They borrowed cutting or shaving of the Italians, also many other fashions contrary to their ancient ones. Orchanes, removing his Court to Nice, built a sumptuous Temple, appointing a Preacher for every Fryday: also two fair Abbies, in one of which himself served the strangers, and poor, the first dinner. He first builded Abbeys and Monasteries, whom most his successours imitated. He gave Solyman great charge to be vigilant over Taxara, [...] and Mudurne, nigh Nicomedia; all which Towns, with the Couutries joyning, he soon got by composition from the Christians. Solyman so tempering justice with clemency, that many Christians became of his Religion, and under his government, [Page] not changing the Countries politique Laws, which greatly won their-hearts. [...] was made Lord of Prusa; Carachisar Castle with its Seigniory, Orchanes gave his Cosen [...].

Orchanes (by perswasion of Turson Beg the King of Charasia's Son) whose subjects (when dead) denyed the elder brother wishing Turson their Soveraign) went with an Army into that Country, surprizing to his own use many Holds by the way. Orchanes entred, Turson's elder brother fled to [...], the Turks pursuing; where Turson approaching to speak with his brother, was slain from the Walls. Orchanes hereupon, threatning to destroy all with fire and sword, if they submitted not by a day to mercy; the people terrified, yielded themselves. The Kings Son also on reasonable conditions, who (sent to Prusa) died there after two years, of the Plague; Solyman being then made Prince of Carazina: One of the greatest Successours of Sulten Alaain there by took end, whose Dominions were not small. Orchanes returning, or his good successe, built a Temple and Monastery at Prusa seeking for religious men out of all his Kingdom: of which religious men, the Turks write many Fables.

Orchanes so augmented his Kingdom, that, viewing Europe, from many parts of Asia, and [...] with desire of [...], [...] devised how to passe narrow Hellespont into Europe: which he imparting to his Son Solyman, he answered. He, if he pleased, doubted not to passe the strait, and plant [...] Religion in those Countries. His Father, much [...], gave him leave to depart, and proceed as he thought best therein; who journeying into Carasina, made to the place (as for pleasure) where Troy was said to have stood, by the Sea side. And standing a great while still in a study, without speaking to any, [...] a Chieftain, boldly said, My Lord, what strange thing is this? &c. 'tis some great matter thou [...] studying on. It is, said Solyman, I was thinking how to [Page] passe this Sea, to view Europe and return undiscovered. Said Ezesbeg, joyning Fazilbeg, We two will by God's power perform this. They shewed Solyman ( [...] to know) what place they would [...] over; and shortly after, making a little boat or raffe, arrived by night in Europe side, near Zemenick Castle, of the Greeks called [...], or Hogs Castle, not [...] from [...]; where finding a good sensible Greek in a [...], returning back presented him to Solyman: who gave him great gifts and rich apparel, learning at length of him how to take Zemenick Castle at unawares; For which, boats being peedily made, Solyman with 80 chosen men passed the Strait (not past an Italian mile over) with their guide: who brought him to a [...] at the Castle, so high that getting in (in harvest time) they easily won [...]. Solyman sought by courtesie rather [...] [...], to win the Inhabitants good wills; yet some of the better, he sent into Asia, returning in one day 200 [...] more into Europe, and sent [...] in small Vessels to [...] the Christians Vessels, [...] they should [...] his passage: so [...] few daies he had 2000 Turks in Europe; who doing no violence to the vulgar Christians, they began to like of them, and [...] without [...]. [...] some of them had sundry times come over, yet this was the first coming of the Turks [...] conguer and inhabit, whose posterity was never since removed; but have joyned to their Asian Kingdom, agreat part of Europe also. Solyman took [...] Castle, 2 miles from Zemenick Castle, strongly [...] both [...] After which the Turks came in [...] number into Europe to dwell in [...]: Solyman in their room, sending Christians into Asia, Such was the negligence and security of the Greeks, that when [...] of [...] taking was carried [...] to Constantinople, they to extenuate [...], said, [...] was but a Hogstie lost; [...] to the Castles [...]; [...] foolish laughter (as saith a grave one of their own) being converted into most bi ter [...].

[Page] Solyman's strength thus encreasing, he spoyled almost to Callipolis about 22 miles off; whose Governour perceiving the Turk began to long for the City, went out against him with what power he [...] (all the other Greeks lying still) but he was overthrown, and fled into his City: the Turks following spoyled the Countrey, and returning, took both City and Castle in 1358. The Constantinopolitans making small account of its losse, commonly said (jesting) The Turks had took from them but a pottle of Wine. But they got (in few years) so far into Thracia, that Amarah placed his Seat in Hadrianople, and Bajaxet his Son laid hard siege some years to the Imperial City, and had not Tamerlain's expedition (to him fatal) then happened, he had carried it. But Solyman certified his Father what he had done, and that it was expedient speedily to send him a great supply for keeping what he had got, as for further invasion. Orchanes welcoming this Message, commanded the Saracens likewise, (who were come into Caracina, to possess their dwellings who were gone into Europe) to passe over, which they did, Solyman omitted not to win small Holds, and people them with Turks: they of Caracina also placing themselves as in a new world; For which, and to extend the Turkish Dominions and Religion, they refused no pains. Not far from Callipolis was the little Castle [...], whose valiant Captain Calo Joannes molested the Turks on that side, under Ezesbeg slaying and taking many at advantage. Solyman much argred, learning when he was gone out for some exploit, beset the Castle placing others in by waies, lest he should any waies escape. The Captain ignorant, thinking to return with a Turk prisoner, was pursued by Fazilbeg, and hasting fell into the Turks ambush; where all his men slain and he taken, his head was struck off before his own Castle, which forthwith surrendred, and Chazi Ilibeg placed therein, who thence troubled the Country to Didymothicum: as [...] from Callipolis; [Page] who gave divers places (taken thus in one year in Europe) to his Captains and Souldiers, as by the Tombs of Ezes and Fazil-beg there appeareth.

Solyman hawking in Bolare fields, on Europe side, was overthrown in a ditch and with the fall shortly died: whose Father Orchanes then laying sick, justly sorrowing, within two moneths died, about 1359, 80 years old, reigning 31. Some report otherwise of his death and time wherein he lived. But John Leunclave in his History of the Turks Chronicles, reporteth as before. He was wise, courteous and bountiful, &c. very zealous in his superstition, appointing Pensions to the sayers of Mahomet's Law by heart in the Temple, and competent maintenance for all Judges, that for reward they should not pervert justice, living and dying a mortal enemy to the Christians.

The Life of Amurath I. third King of Turks, and the great augmenter of their Kingdom.

[Page]

AMurath the younger Son, succeeded [...] [...] having wondrous [...] [...] zeal, more than any, for Mahometan Religion. Purposing (at first) to invade Thracia, he [...] Army from all parts to Prusa; But the Mahometan Asian Princes combining, he must turn his forces upon them prevailing and returning with victory: and next year prosecuting his intended war in Europe; wherefore with a strong Army, he passed to Callipolis, with Lala Schahin his Tutor, whose counsel he most followed in weighty affairs. Then Benutum Castle was yielded him on composition, and the Town Tzurulus he won, after sharp encounter with the Christians: taking divers small places in Romania (now called Rumilia) in Thracia, razing some, and garrisoning others. Then also the valiant ones, Chasi Ilbeg and Eurenoses, took some Forts on the River [...], much troubling the Inhabitants there abouts; wherefore Didymothicum's Caprain, gathered his Souldiers to intercept Chasi Ilbeg, losing most, and himself taken: for whose ransome, &c. the Citizens yielded Didymothicum.

Amurath soon after sent Lala Schahin to besiege Hadrianople: the Christians encountred him on the way, many being lost on both sides, but in the end worsted, they retired to the City. Schahin sending news of this victory to Amurath, with some Christians heads, Chasis and Eurenoses going before, himself followed to the siege: which the Governour hearing, fled by night to Aenus. The [Page] [...] seeing this, yielded to Amurath in 1362. Some Turks Histories otherwise report, especially the taking these 2 Cities: which because `tis not disagreeing from their subtil dealing, I thought good to set down.

Amurath at first of his reign, concluded a Peace with the [...] Christians, during which the Governour of [...] entertained all workmen, more to fortifie his City. Amurath caused 200 Iusty men to come our of Asia, to offer him their service, who gladly used their help: some of the wiser, wishing him to beware of those Asians. But he, through the peace, and they no Souldiers, had the lesse care, yet lodging them without the walls every night. [...] (they entertained) requested [...] [...] [...] to go with 30 good Souldiers [...] for [...] and to espy any opportunity to surprize [...] City. [...] coming accordingly, they found [...], carlying stones, mortar, &c. shewlng diligence; he vigilantly awaiting for a surprizal. Night come, and the [...] workmen going into the Suburbs to lodge, Chasis secretly [...] shewed Amurath, how one gate of the City might suddenly be taken, if he would place a [...] ambush near, to joyn with the labourers upon occasion: which resolved on, and Chasis returning, instructed what workmen he thought meet, what was to be done. Next day at dinner time, these [...] at fained words, and blows among themselves, suddenly running to the gate appointed, and laying hands on the Warders weapons, (as to defend themselves) and so [...] them; [...] opening the gate, [...] in the Turks (laying in wait) who presently took the City, and put the chiefest to the sword. [...] also was (in this peace) by sudden assault of Eurenoses by night taken.

The Christians charging [...] with this breach of League, turned it to his Captains, threatning them severely: feigning himself [...] in a colour, all the while [...] but [Page] he refused to restore these Cities, saying, 'Twas against Mahomet's Law to deliver that wherein his Religion had been openly taught. Whereupon fresh wars (very tedious to both) arose. Amurath therefore made peace with them of Selybria, Constantinople and Hadrianople; yet this he desiring heartily to take, causing Chasis Ilibeg (as discontented) to flee from his Master to Hadrianople; from whence, issuing out with other dissembling fugitives, he often skirmished with the Turks, and growing into the Governours favour thereby. Many others also, under like [...], resorting to him, he wrote secretly to Amurath, If he would send him succour against the time, he would deliver a gate unto him. Chasis with ten followers, at day dawn (as going to hunt) came to the gate, which opened, they furiously slew the Warders, and aided by the other fugitives, possessed the gate, till Amurath's near ambush, hearing the alarm, speedily came and entred, where was a cruel fight all day; but the Turks prevailing have possessed it to this day. These Cities thus (or as aforesaid) taken, Amurath seated his Court at Hadrianople, as the most fit place for enlarging his Kingdom: from whence a world of woe hath overflowed great part of Christendom, drowning many Kingdoms in Europe, the Greeks of all other most miserable. The proud Sultan now presently sent Lala Scahin, to invade about Philopolis with the Country Zagora toward Haemus, and charging Eurenoses to subdue Ipsala's Territory; who soon subjected them all, wherein he shortly placed Sanzacks or Governours for better assurance thereof.

Cara Rustemes a Mahometan Doctor suggesting it, Zinderlu Chelil their chief Justice (afterwards Catradin Bassa by Amurath's command) ordered every fifth Captive above 15 years old, to be taken up, as due by Law, for the King: and if under 5, to pay 25 Aspers a head, as tribute, Cara the deviser, being chief Collector hereof, numbers of Christian youths, were by Zinderlu's Counsel [Page] distributed among the Asian husbandmen, to learn the Turkish Religion language and manners; where after two or three years painful labour, they (at Court) the better sort, were chosen to attend on and serve the Prince in wars, where they practizing all activity, are called Jannizaries, that is new Souldiers: This was their first beginning, but increased under Amurath 2, and hath ever since been continued by that and some greater means, being (in time) so great, that they are oft dreadful to the great Turk himself, and sometimes preferring that Son they best like, to the Empire, contrary to the will of the Deceased Sultan, now the greatest strength of that Empire, and (being conrinual Garrisons of martial men) not unlike to be the greatest cause of its ruin.

Amurath (after a great while) determining to return to Asia, made Scahin Viceroy of Romania, Eurenoses Governour of the marches, Zinderlu President of his Councel, calling him Cairadin Bassa that is, the Bassa wel deserving. Then returning, he spent that Winter at Prusa. Cairadin & Cara once two Doctors (as Turkish histories report) first corrupted that Court with coverousness and bribery, as yet of them much blamed. Amurath thus in Asia, hearing the Servians & Bulgarians, had gathered an Army to besiege Hadrianople, he greatly prepared for aid in Europe, taking Boga in his way, putting all Christians that could bear Arms to the sword, captivating the rest, his Souldiers had the spoil, which Town ere long they recovering, gave them like measure, and razing it; yet it was rebuilt by the Turks in 1365.

The Servian &c. Army, now near Hadrianople, mutinied among themselves: which the Turks espying set suddenly on them by night; who (through inward hatred) joyned not against them, being ready to turn their Weapons on each other; whereby the Turks put to flight & slew them with such a slaughter, that the place is at this day called, Zirf Zindugi, or, the place where the Servians were overthrown.

[Page]This notable news with the spoils fifth part, and many Christians heads, were sent to Amurath in Asia: who then, returned to Prusa; this was in 1366. This year he triumphantly circumcised his Sons Bajazet and Jacup, building Temples, a Monastery, two Colledges, and a Pallace at Bilezuga, Neapolis, and Prusa.

Germean Ogli, having alwaies envied, (as did the other Selzuccian Princes) and fearing the Othoman Kings greatness might be dangerous to his Son after his death, now very aged, sent Isaac a Mahometan Doctor to Amurath, with rich presents, to offer his daughter Hatun in marriage to Bajazet, promising with her divers great Cities and Towns, as Cutai, &c. with their Territories: Cutai being now the City where the Turks great Viceroy is resident, as in the heart of lesser Asia. Amurath liking it well, contracted Bajazet unto her, and preparing with great magnificence for the marriage, invited most Mahometan Princes; and commanding most of his Nobles to honour it with their presence. The Aegyptians Embassadour had the highest place of all the others before invited; who all presented Amurath with many great gifts beseeming their Masters. At length, Eurenoses one of his own Nobles, besides many rich gifts, presented him with 100 goodly Christian captive boys, and as many maidens richly attired, with a cup of gold with divers precious stones in one hand, and a silver cup full of gold in their other: the Embassad ours wondring at the richnesse hereof: All which Amurath bestowed on them, and their presents on Eurenoses: None also of the learned and religious came thither so poor, but he went away rich. He sent divers Nobles with 100 Ladies, &c. & 3000 horsmen, to attend the brides coming: whom Germean Ogli meeting, saluted every man of account: feasting them royally (with Princely gifts) in one of his Cities. And delivering Hatun to two ancient Ladies, one Bajazet's nurse, sent her away with his wife Jenses, and other Courtiers, [Page] being most royally married at Prusa. The dowry promised, was delivered Amurath, garrisoning the Cities and Towns.

Chusen-beg Prince of Amisum, sold that Territory to Amurath, at this marriage, with many others, doubring (as was thought) how to keep them, Amurath being come so near him. Amurath spending great time in Asia, committing that Kingdom to Bajazets and Temurtases his Government, returned into Europe with a strong Army, marching from Callipolis towards Hadrianople, soon winning Magalgara by the way: whither Lala Scahin and Eurenoses coming, he sent them to besiege Pherae, which they took after few daies. But leading his Army into Servia, and forraging the Country 14 daies, presently marched to Nissa, the Metropolis and Key of that Kingdom, winning it shortly by Jaxis Begs advice. Lazarus the Despot was so danted hereat, that for peace he offered 50000 li. tribute yearly, and 1000 mens aid when he required it: Amurath granted him peace and deparfed. Then with much a do he won great Apolonia near Mount Athos, the Christians departing with wives, &c. and goods not spoyled by the Souldiers. Returning to Hadrianople, Eurenoses (left) shortly took Berrhea, &c. Then also Scahin won Zichne, and Seres in Macedonia's confines, with many other upon Thessaly and Thrace: who made his abode in Seres; great numbers being sent for from Asia to inhabit thereabouts forsaken by the Christians. Aladin advertised out of Asia, that Aladin King of Caramania his son in Law invaded him with fire & sword, was exceedingly troubled; Wherefore, telling his Nobles. &c. what Aladin (so getting all bonds of Religion, alliance, &c.) had done, whilst he sought with honour, the Mahometan sincere Religions increase in Europe: from which godly wars, said he, I am forced to turn, against men joyned with us in Religion and alliance; he appointed Chairadin Basa his [...] and his Son [Page] Alis one of his Councel: so passing into Asia and so to Prusa he there spent that Winter. To whom Aegyptian Embassadours, then coming to renew former amity, he thankfully sent them back with kind Letters and rewards. At Spring in 1387, he levying a great Army, to war on the Caramanian, he prepared no lesse power to meet him associating to him all the lesse Mahometan Princes, who brought him great supplies: and thinking himself strong enough for his Father in Law, certified him, That (not being inferiour in power) he did not fear him, yet he could hearken to peace on reasonable tearms; but if he had rather have war, he should be ready to dare him battel when he came. Amurath willed the Embassadour to tell him, That he, against faith, having cruelly invaded him, whilst busied against the misbelieving Christians, from which, he was by him withdrawn, against their Prophets Law, he would shortly take revenge, therefore he was to expect nought but war, willing him so to provide as not to be wanting to himself. Wherefore Aladin with great perswasions and promises, encouraged the Princes to this war: who kissing the ground, promised with Oaths never to forsake him, but to do all that Princes desirous of honor ought to do.

Chairadin died in this preparation, in whose stead Amurath appointed Alis his Son: But he, stayed in his journey towards Europe, by urgent occasions, he sent Post for him back again.

Aladin forecasting likely dangers, sent another with reasonable conditions for Peace to Amurath, who answered, Perhaps he would have accepted them if one month before sent; but seeing he had drawn him so far into the field, to his infinite charge, no end to be but wars chance; and whereas he called me, A heardsman, &c. in disgrace, if he be not such a one himself, let him meet me in the field, &c. The Embassadour replyed, The King offered not this for fear, but to save innocent blood: which set [Page] apart, he should find him not inferiour in number of expert Souldiers, or other provision, &c. Amurath commanded him to depart, (in great rage) willing his Master, (if of such courage) to end all in the field, not doubting but shortly to chastise him, &c. Three daies after Alis came to him, whom he dearly loved, relying much upon his Counsel. The Embassadour leaving nothing untold that Amurath had said; Aladin said to the Princes, Amurath threatneth to take from us Iconium and Larenda, but let him take heed we take not from him Prusa. The Embassadour deeming him about 20000 strong, Aladin rejoycing said, Surely he wil not dare give us battel: if he do, it's upon great disadvantage, his men being fewer, and wearied with travel. Amurath holding on his way, and daily encouraging his Souldiers with perswasions gifts, and promises, came to the great Plains of Caramania; into which Aladin coming encamped, within a daies march of him, resting that night. Amurath next morning, put his Army in order, appointing Jacup his youngest Son (joyned with expert Captains) in the right wing, Bajazet &c. in the left in which were the 1000 Servians: himself in the main battel, Temurtazes in the Vantguard, the Sub-bassae of [...] & Achmetes in the rear. Aladin set his men in like order, that in all judgment he was not inferiour to Amurath. These great enemies came on couragiously with displayed Ensigns, and noise of Trumpets; Drums, &c. very great. But the sign given, Sanagazes one of the Princes, brake Temurtazes his ranks, Teberruses also a Tartar, and Varsacides another Prince, shot arrows like hail upon the Vantguard: which Bajazet seeing, (and leave obtained) brake in on the enemy with such violence, that he was surnamed Gilderun, that is, Lightning. [...] and Hozza with others; following him with like courage, there was (a great space) a dreadful and doubtful fight; in which many thousands were on [...] sides slain. At [...] [...] the [...] Princes (overmatched) fled: [Page] which Aladin seeing, despairing of victory sped hastily to Iconium. Most of the great spoyl, Amurath giving to Temurtases and his Souldiers, speedily marched to Iconium, besieging Aladin, and proclaiming no kind of violence to be done to any on pain of death, that it might appear, he warred against the Mahometan rather to propulse wrong than for soveraignty and spoyl; which Lazarus his Christians among others transgressing, they were exemplarily punished.

Aladin (without hope of escape) sent to his wife, Amurath's daughter, bewailing his estate, and requesting her, by all love te her miserable husband, to adventure her self to crave pardon for his offence of her angry Father; who attired as fittest for her husband's estate, came falling down on her knees, with wise words and distilling tears, and would not be taken up till she had obtained grace; who (Amurath entirely loving her) assured of her Father's promise, sent to her husband, to come out next day, and humbly to acknowledge his fault before her Father; who prostrating himself and acknowledging his undutifulnesse, obtained, for his wives sake, pardon of life, and restitution to his Kingdom with many great gifts. Latin Historys report, this was fought against Amurath's Grandfather by the Mother, who [...] great part of his Kingdom. But the Turkish make Amurath, Orchanes, and Lulufers Son the daughtér of the Captain of Jarchiser Castle. This victory was the true beginning of the Othoman Kingdoms greatness in Asia; the other Selzuccian Princes submitting themselves to Amurath, and after to Bajazet: till great Tamerlain taking Bajazet, restored the Princes to their old possessions.

Amurath took Despotopolis in his return, in disbanding at Cutai, and in triumph, coming to Prusa. Uaywod with his Servians returning home, reported to Lazarus the [Page] Despot, that wars sucees, and in what cruel manner his men were used by Amurath's command: With whom, said he, Thou hast causelesly made a most dishonourable peace, by giving faith to such a miscreant, sending thy subjects (in recompence) to be so butchered, besides the shameful [...]: whereas in depth of wisdom, thou shalt find thy self nothing inferiour to the Tyrant, in warlike force; for by our valour (but a handful) not his, he got the victory. I know he cannot bring into the field above 50000 fighting men, admit 100000, Art not thou able to levie far more? and tenfold better provided for all other warlike provision? Besides, the Christian Princes will send such aid, that his Barbarian forces will be no hing to those thou shalt be able to bring into the field, &c. Lazarus was now so moved, he determined to break the servile League; and sent to the King of Bosna his neighbour, chiefly to crave aid against their common enemy the Turk: who answered, It had been better that to have been thought of, before the foul and disgraceful contract made, &c. But seeing things done could not be undone, he promised to joyn with him. And meeting at an appointed place, concluded fully all Articles.

There was a Castle in Bosna's confines called Alexandria, whose Christian Captain, was the Turks [...]: He under colour of friendship went to Amurath, secretly opening [...] Kingdoms state, and what the King intended [...] him, shewing probable means, how it might be subjected; by a convenient power, and offering his own service. He casting a rich garment on him, (a sure token of his favour) appointed Lala Schahin to invade Bosna; who joyning himself with this [...], with 20000 men over-runing one side, took great booties unresisted: and to do the more harm, by his advice, divided his Army to burn and spoyl in diverse parts. [Page] The King advertized by the Captain of all, conveniently [...] ambushes: and as Schahin with but 1000 men returned with booty, suddenly 30000 Christians appearing, he would have fled; but his other gallants, presuming, and [...] to lose rich prey, would skirmish with them, and were almost all slain, and the spoil recovered. Schahin saved himself by flight, most of the rest being intercepted and slain, scarce 5000 of 20000 returned home.

Amurath, the while, married the Greek, Emperour's daughter at Neapolis, whose 2 sisters also married his two Sons: and then Circumcised Ba jazet's 3 Sons with great solemnity. Now also Jazgi Ogli, his Embassadour to the Aegyptian Sultan, in requital of his Embassage returned. He, upon the losse in [...], and the Despot's revolt, was much disquieted, commanding Alis Bassa to send speedy Commissions into all parts for levying a royal Army, which was done in post-haste. Then were the other Mahometan Princes, homaging him, sent for to aid him; who through fear and zeal, brought them forces. Divers voluntier Mahometans, came from far also. Bajazet, Cutai's Governour, &c. came to aid his Father, with all his forces. Two Christian tributaries Custendyll and Seratzill, came also; but Sasmenos of Bulgaria and the Prince of Varna &c. came not. Now Lala Schahin, os great years dyed, in whose place, Temurtases governed. Amurath highly offended and grieved at the 2 Princes revolt, commanded Alis with 30000, to invade and spoyl Sasmenos his Country: whose Army accordingly assembled, the Bassa took many strong holds in Bulgaria, as Piravade, Venuzina, &c. Amurath the while, gathering a great Army, in Asia, determined to passe into Europe at Spring, committing his Countrie's Government, to Temurtases Basia, and 4 others; being stayed a while with [...] winds, he was transported to Callipolis by its Sanzack, the 3d time of Amurath's Army being brought into Europe. Ba ja zet came to him thither: Alis also retiring [Page] out of Bulgaria to Chalcide, recounted to him his expeditions successe.

Sasmenos seeing his Country spoyled, &c. by his Nobles advice, tying a winding sheet about his neck (a token of deserved death) came to Calcide, and falling flat at Amuraths horses feet, most humbly craved pardon, offering to deliver his chief City Silistria, a pledg of fidelity: who pardoned him, and in assurance cast a rich garment upon him, sending Alis to possess Silistria. But (he repenting) delivered it not, but strongly fortified it. Amurath, now more offended, commanded Alis, with fire and sword again to spoil him: who so terrified the peoples hearts, that many strong places were voluntarily yielded; then he besieged Nicopolis the strongest City, on Danubius, whither Sasmenos was fled; who taking his Son with him craved pardon as he had done before, with whose misery the Bassa moved, and having taken most of his Dominion, he granted it. So returning to Amurath, who sending for Jacup Governour of Carasia, repaired to his Father with all his power. This was the greatest Army brought by the Turks before into Europe. Lazarus joyned to him the King of Bosna, with Uulcus Macedons Prince, his son in law. Also he procured great supplies from Valachia, Hungaria, &c. and Italy, with numbers of voluntary Christians: all which far exceeded the Turks great Army. He encamped by the River Morova the greater, and sent Demetrius (a terrour to the Turks) to take the strong Castle of Serkive, taken before from Sasmenos, and thought dangerous to Servia; they hearing he was come, yielded it without resistance. Lazarus doubting it would be hardly kept, sent Uulcus with 20000 to bring away all therein, and in the City, who razed both, before Jaxis Begs coming, sent by Amurath to have done the same. The two Christian tributaries met Amurath in his march, who marched with their forces before him as guides, and in Custendist's Country, was refreshed [Page] with all necessaries; then [...] Morova the lesse River, he drew so near Cossova's Plains, that he with Bajazet could view the Christian camp to cover those large plains: And (daunted) he [...] with his greatest Captains what course to take; and would that day have given [...], but Eurenoses d [...] for the [...] and [...] [...], next morning [...] [...] Ba jazet, &c. in the right [...], Jacup in the [...], himself in the main body. Uulcus was in Lazarus his right wing, Bosna's King and his Son in the [...] himself in the main battel: who (they report) had 500000 men: Amurath scarce half so many; who drawing out 2000 of the best Archers, and placing them under Malcozzeus and Mustapha, on both the Armies sides, Eurenose's told him, that in [...] battel, if he retired a little; the Christians following upon hope, would loose their close standing, and leave an entrance for his men. The archers first [...] conragiously, the Turks gave a little ground, then the Christians [...] assailing the left wing, aster hard fight put it to flight; Ba jazet so renewed the battel, that the left wing began to turn [...]: In which bloody fight many thousands fell on both sides; the armour and weapons [...] was as lightning, and whose noise, with horses neighing [...] mens out- [...], was so terrible and great, [...] the wild [...] [...] astonied. About noon, the Christians gave ground, and at length plainly fled, whom the Turks pursuing, slew without [...]; Lazarus the Despot being slain. [...] some report, he was (with his Son) taken, and afterwards cruelly slain, in revenge of Amurath's death: others, that he died in [...]. Amurath with a few chief Captains, viewing the numberlesse heaps of dead bodies, a Christian Souldier sore wounded and bloody, arose out of the heap, and as he came towards him, fell divers times, (through weakness); drawing nigh to Amurath he was commanded to come nearer, (being slayed by the Guarders) supposing he would crave his life; [Page] who pressing as if to kisse his feet, stabb'd him in the belly with a dagger under his coat, of which he presently died. His name was Miles Cobelitz, shortly after cut in small pieces before Ba jazet. The Turks Annals report, That Cobelitz (coming to him as a fugitive servant of the Despots) so stabbed and slew him, being so cut in pieces as aforesaid. Since this, when any comes to kisse the Sultans hand or approach to him, he is (as for honour) led between two Courtiers; but indeed so entangling him, that he shall not violate him. Ba jazet being brought with an Ensign, as the successuor, [...] his dead Fathers Tent, secretly conveighed thither; Jacup Zelebi, or the Noble, was sent for by the Bassaes as from his Father; who coming in ignorant of the chance, was (as most report) by Ba jazet's command, by them strangled; yet their Annals charge not Ba jazet. Ever since 'twas holden a good pollicy, in beginning of the Turks Reign to Massacre their brethren and nearest kinsmen.

Amurath was more zealous in his superstition than any, of great courage, fortunate in all; he slew more than Father and Grandfather: he greatly inlarged his territories in Asia, by sword, marriage and purchase; and by the Greeks discord and cowardise, he subdued the Romania in [...], with its Territories; leaving the Constantinopolitan Emperour little or nothing there, but the City it self. He won much of Bulgaria; entred Servia, Bosua, and Macedonia; he was liberal and severe; beloved and feared of his Subjects, of few words, deeply [...]; slain, being 68 years old, reigning 31, in 1390. He was royally buried at Prusa, &c. There is a Castle and Tomb in remembrance of him in Cassova's Plains, where he was [...], and his entrails buried.

The Life of Bajazet I. the 4th, and most unfortunate King of the Turks.

[Page]

BAjazet succeeding his Father, the first year of his Reign, besieged the City Cratova in Servia, (whereto the silver Mines (not that wars least cause) belonged) yielded to him, on condition, that the Inhabitants might with life and liberty depart; who no sooner gone, but they were all slain by his men sent for that purpose. Then also he wone [...], with divers Castles near Cratova.

Young Sigismund King of Hungary, advertized by the Servians, of Bajazet's proceedings, requested him (by Embassadours) as he was just, and wished to live in quiet with his own, to desist from such open wrong, &c. Whom he answered not, till be over-ran a great part of the [...] Countrey. Then calling them into a Town filled with his Souldiers, said, They might see his right good enough to that Town, and the rest taken, seeing the walls acknowledged it, willing them so to tell their Master; Which [...] answer [...] the King, as if open war had been [...] to him: yet, not being well settled in his Kingdom, and doubting of a contrary faction, he was glad then to put it up.

Next year he by Forises Beg taking Vidina in Servia, returned to Hadrianople. But the Caramanian King, invading his frontiers in Asia the while, though then not [...] leisure, yet afterwards he fully revenged it. Eurenoses then took the City Sitros in Thessaly: and Ferises passed over [...], grievously spoiling Valachia, returning loaden with prey. Now also Jegides Bassa entred [Page] [...], carrying a number of Captives to Hadrianople, where Bajazet wintred.

Next spring Bajazet passing to Prusa, built a fair Temple, a Colledge, and [...] house, and, returning into Europe, a Monastery at Hadrianople. In Asia, he besieged Philadelphia, the onely City in lesser Asia holden by the Christians. At first, he straightly commanded not to spoile or [...] any thing belonging to the Citizens, hoping to make them more willing to yield. But finding them resolved to the last, he commanded not to spare any thing: which was by his Souldiers done. The Citizens after long siege, not able to endure, and no hope of relief, yielded their City. Some write, it was not besieged without the Emperour's consent: and the Greeks envying its holding out, helped to win it. At the siege, Aiden Ogli Prince of Caria, came to Bajazet, yielding himself his Vassal: to whom, he restored places taken from him a little before, on this condition, not to coyn money in his own name, or publiquely to be prayed for as before; but all to be done in Bajazet's name. [...] he led his Army into Saruchania, subduing it on like conditions: Then passing farther, to Mentesia in Caria, the Prince left it to his pleasure, fleeing to [...] Prince. And in revenge of the King of Caramania's former invasion, he entred it, taking Cesaria, and otherplaces: the King glad to be content, making peace as he pleased. As he was making this expedition, Prince Germian's son (with a chief Counsellour) coming to him, were sent prisoners over the Straite to Ipsala Castle, laying in durance many years. Thus he oppressing most of Aladin's successours, returned to Prusa in triumph.

Aiden (fled) had incited the Prince of Castamona, to invade the bordering side of Bajazets Kingdome. At which time the Vayvod of Valachia passed over [...] into the parts of Servia and Bulgaria, possessed by the [...], spoyling the Country, and slaying them by heaps; [Page] and carrying back many prisoners. Bajazet deferring his purpose against the other, turned his forces against the [...]: Wherefore passing to Hadrianople, thence to Nicopolis, and so over Danubius, he entred Valachia, spoyling and burning: whom he Vaywod giving battle, was overthrown, and many slain; at last, he obtained peace by submission, and a yearly tribute. News being brought (the while) that the Christian Galleys greatly hurt along the Coasts of Asia, he entred into Thessalie, destroying all to [...]: and taking Neapolis in Greece, and Joannina in Aetolia, he wintred in Asia. Next spring he with great power passed the [...] of Callipolis, to invade Hungary. But (intercepting a [...] with Letters from the Greek Emperour, giving that King warning thereof; and understanding of another Messenger before sent) [...] perswaded him to desist, and besiege Constantinople, which was (he said) surrounded with Turkish Provinces: bringing Philadelphia for example. Bajazet returning, besieged it first by Land, then by Sea, which (most report) continued 8 years, in which, Emmanuel the Emperour, left the City to crave aid of the German Emperour, French King; and others. The Citizens at length had happily yielded, if the Hungarian King (assisted with French aud other Voluntiers, with a 130000 under John Count of Nivers) had not passed into his Dominions, recovering Vidina &c. in Bulgaria, and besieging Nicopolis. Who ('tis reported) should proudly say in his jollity (through his Armies greatnesse) What need we fear the Turks? who need not fear the Heavens fall; if they should, we were able to hold them up with our Speares and Halberts. Bajazet commanding the ladders, &c. for assault, to be burnt: marched from the siege, with a puissant Army to Nicopolis, sending Eurenoses before to intercept some Christians, to learn their Armies state. But he returned, without any prisoner taken: which troubled Bajazet, fearing a wary enemy. Sigismund (eaving sufficient for the siege) went to meet his proud [Page] proud enemies: who (within sight) shewed but half his Army keeping close in ambush not far off with the other. The Christians deeming they were far [...] in number, divided also their Army to inclose the Turks. The French disiring to give the first Charge, began the battle (the Hungarians, &c. not yet in order) where was so many thousands slain. Bajazet (ere long) arising with the other half, and coming on as became his name Gilderum, so hardly charged the French, that they stood at first as dismayed: but seeing no remedy, and hoping of relief from the rest, fought till they were almost all slain or taken: divers French horse-men (as their manner was) fought on foot, which horses running on the Hungarians, made them doubt they were quite overthrown: wherewith dismaied, they fled in great haste; the Turks pursuing, made great slaughter, many being also drowned in Danubius. They took so many, 'twas thought every Turk had his prisoner. [...] ( [...] like) got over Danubius in a little boat, and fearing the Hungarians violence for the battle's losse, fled by Sea to [...]; then sayling to Rhodes; and from thence, landed in Dalmatia: so after 18 months painful [...], he returned into Hungary, where the contrary faction had chosen the King of Naples their King, then going with an Army to take possession; had [...] Sigismund (by some Nobles help) prevented him: There were 20000 Christians, 6000 Turks slain. The Count of Nivers was taken with 300 great ones, who (after great Contumelie before Bajazet) was commanded [...] choose 5 other Caprives, and with them was sent to Prusa, (all the rest being [...] in pieces before his face) and ransomed afterwards for 200000 Duckets. This bloody battle was in 1396.

Bajazet thus relieving Nicopolis, besieged Contanstinople more hardly than before; building Forts, &c. on one side, and a Castle upon the straite over against it, to hinder (what possible) passage thereto by Sea. This [...] years siege, [Page] I suppose (by the History) was part of the 8 years. Emmanuel (wearied) sent to [...] for [...] [...] to which, (hearing that [...] intended shortly to war upon him) he the more harkened; yet on condition, for the Turks to dwell in a Street of the City, with freedome of Religion, Laws, their own Judge, and to give him 10000 Duckats yearly; which he was glad to accept of. A Temple was built, for the Turks sent out of Bythinia there to dwell: which when [...] was overthrown by [...], was pulled down, and the Turks: driven out.

Stephen, Despot of a part of Servia, [...] his son, sent [...] an Embassadour with loving Letters, and Royal presents: by whom, also the old Princesse offered her fair Daughter Despina in marriage, who was promised him, whilst Amurath lived. [...] being very glad thereof, she was forthwith sent to him; and with great solemnity shortly married. He held her dearest of all his wives, restoring (for her sake) the [...] City and Castle, and [...] to her Brother Stephen: She allured him to drink wine, forbidden by their Law, and to delight in sumptuous Banquets, never used by his predecessours. Corruption increasing in the Turkish kingdome, [...] determined to execute divers apprehended Judges: whosé estate though Alis [...] (in such favour with him that the Vulgar honoured him as the King) and other great ones pitied; yet (He dangerous to be spoken to when angry) none durst intreat for them. Alis requested an Aethiopian jester (who many times (under some jest) would bolt out that, in the Kings heat, which his Counsellours durst not speak of in secret) to devise some meanes for these Judges, &c. Who putting on a rich Hat wrought with gold, and apparrel beseeming an Embassadour; presented himself before the King with a Counterfeit gravity. Bajazet asked him, why he was so [...]. I have a request said he to thee, [Page] wishing to find favour. Bajazet asked him, what it was. I would fain go (said he) Embassadour to Constantinople. To what purpose, said Bajazet? To crave 40 or 50 of the Emperours grave Monks and Fryers to bring thither. What should they do here, said he? To be placed instead of the doting Judges to be put to death, said the jeaster. I can place of my own, said Bajazet. True (said he) for gravity, &c. so would the Monks, &c. serve, but not so learned as those in thy displeasure. If they be learned said Bajazet, why do they contrarily pervert justice, &c? There's good reason, said he. What reason, [...] Bajazet? He (poynting to Alis) can tell better than I (said he): who, commanded to give the reason, shewed, those Judges (being not conveniently provided for) were inforced (many times) to take rewards to the staying justice. Which true, he commanded Alis to appoint them convenient stipends, granting their pardon. The Bassa [...] down, the Judge to have 20 aspers of every suite exceeding a 1000; and for every writing, &c. out of the Court 12 aspers: taking it at this day. Bajazet (not long after) intended to put certain Commanders to death, grievously offended for a small occasion. Who (before him) the Counsellours sate hanging down their heads, not daring to speak a good word for them, &c. The jeaster stepping forth earnestly requested him to execute them presently as Traitours; rayling on them, &c. Bajazet asked him why he so exclaimed, thinking he could greatly accuse them. Because the Knaves be good for nothing, said he, and they say, Tamerlane is coming against us: if thou take up but an ensigne, and I go before with a drum, Ile strike up such a terrible march, that we shall need none of these, &c. to get the Victory. Bajazet musing deeply a great while, and considering the jeasters drift, granted them an unlooked for pardon. Bajazet sending this jeaster to his Mother, to bring her desired news of his successe against the Christians; she began to demand how he did, [Page] and of his successe. He answered; Very well, having won a great Country, enriching [...] [...]. A little after, she asked him again, How he did, and how [...] in his Wars. He answered, as before. But asking the 3d time how he did, Dost ask me so often (said he) Oh? whore! thou [...] brought forth a son like a Devil, who doth nought, but burn and destroy the World where he cometh. She crying out, up start he, and was never more seen.

Bajazet passing over Hellespont against the Valachian, who had aided Sigismund, leaving Temurtases his Lievtenant at [...]: The Caramanian King came and surprized Temurtases (by night) fearing nothing, and carried him in bonds to Caramania. But Bajazet ending his Wars in Valachia, he (fearing) released Temurtases, apparrelled him richly, craving pardon for his wrong, and sent great presents, to Bajazet to make his excuse: Bajazet would not hear the Embassadour, but then levied a great Army to invade him. Aladin now levied all forces he could, entertaining all mercenary Souldiers; and at Aczae upon the way gave him battle, but was overcome and put to flight: in which, his horse stumbling and he falling, was taken and brought bound to Bajazet; his 2 sons being taken also and sent to Prusa. Himself was delivered to Temurtases: who presently caused him to be hanged, Bajazet seeming to be very sorry, for he was his Sister's son. He won [...], &c. with all Aladins kingdome: also Amasia, Cappadocia's Metropolis, was delivered to Bajazet, by its Prince, too weak for Casi-Burchanidin Prince of Sebastia, and who had solicited Aegypt-Sultan to aide him [...] Bajazet. Who led his Army towards Sebastia, whose Citizens had deprived Casi for cruelty, [...] in his son; but soon weary [...] the son, they sent that they would yield it to him coming that way: Casis his son now fled to Nasradin his brother in-law; the Citizens delivering it to Bajazet accordingly, leaving [Page] Solyman his eldest son Governour So conquering Caramania, taking Amasia and [...], most of Cappadocia and all Rumilia, Asiatica, he wintred at Prusa: who at spring, (Cutrum of Castamona dead) came thither with a great Army; wherefore his Son Isendiar fled to Synope, whence he humbly requested him, to suffer him to have that little City to live in; and not seek the sons blood, for the Fathers offence. Bajazet granted it; yet took from him Castamona with most of Pontus, giving it to Solyman. Then also he oppressed Prince Germean, and took from him all his Dominion. And the Prince of Mentesia abiding at Castamona, and doubting now of safety after [...] Bajazet's Death, fled into a Hermites habit to Tamerlane the Tartar. Bajazet returning, built a Magnificent Temple at Prusa, during which, he forbare wine, reposing with grave and learned men, and administring justice; greatly winning his subjects: and now all bordering Princes stood in great fear of him.

Achmetes King of Bagdat and Eiracum, with Josephus of Colchis forced by Tamerlan's incursions, fled for their lives into Syria, and (discovered) were imprisoned by Aegypts Sultan: from whence escaping, they fled to Bajazet. Achmetes after two months, by Bajazets aid, recovered Eiracum. Josephus tarrying 8 months, procured Bajazet to invade the Aegyptian: who slew his general, discomfiting his forces, took Malatie in Armenia, with 3 places taken from the Turcomans, spoyling all threabouts, Thence marching towards Erznitzane, Tachretin its Prince meeting him, yielded all into his power, who giving it to Josephus, after 6 daies, (finding them unwilling to be governed by a Stranger) surrendred it into his hands again. Them of [...] requesting him to have their old Prince Tachretin, he granted: but sent his wife and children, as a pledge, to Prusa, where they were (ere long) made away.

Bajazet having mightily prevailed in Romania, Bulgaria, [Page] &c. and other places in Europe; and having worse oppressed the [...] Princes of Asia, some of whom he slew: some he exiled, some imprisoned, and other living, but at his devotion; and fearing no man, was (as he thought) the Worlds terrour; divers of these Mahometans, met at Tamerlans Court, whither they fled for relief. Germian Ogli after long imprisonment in Europe, brake prison with his great Counsellour, who consorting and roaming with loytering Companions, delighted the people with toyes; so passing Hellespont, came with much ado to [...]: the Prince of Mentesia (shaven) as aforesaid, Aidin Ogli passing as a Pedler, came thither also: Tachretin as a [...]-man attending on Issendiar coming as an Embassadour from another Prince. These with others ariving at [...], every one particularly complaining, all earnestly requested Tamerlane to revenge the wrong done them by the Tyrant Bajazet. In so great a matter, he coldly answered them, that he could not tell, whether all were so as they reported; but he knew him very zealous in the [...] Religion, therefore warring on the Christians: in which godly cause (said he) perhaps they refused to assist, or had given him some greater offence: For (said he) I can hardly believe, such a Prince as he would, without cause, offer you such violence, especially to Neighbours, and of the same Religion. Yet I will first send an Embassadour to him, to understand more of him and his proceedings, before I resolve on any thing. But being advertized that Achmetes and Josephus, were come to Bajazets Court for aid, he deferred to send, suspecting Bajazet (by them incited) would first war on him. But they being departed, he dispatched his Embassadour with many rich gifts, &c. requesting him to deal kindly with these poor Mahometan Princes; as also with the Greek Emperour, whose intercessour to him he was become. Some report he desired the Kings of Bagdat and Colchis [Page] to be delivered him; seeming to dislike his proceedings against the Turcomans. But Bajazet (highly offended with this Embassage) in great scorne rejected his presents, especially certain garments; bidding his Master meddle with his own matters, &c. and not prescribe him Laws with whom he had nought to do; and to send his rags to his inferiours, not to Princes of greater power than himself. Adding many despightful and disdainful words: calling him plain Tamerlan, and the Husband of a whore, if he met him not in field, wishing himself to take his thrice divorced wife (polluted by another) if he met him not in battle wherever he durst. Which answer (aggravated by Axalla a Christian Genoway, and one of his greatest Counsellours, and the Greek Emperours friend) was so ill [...], that he resolved (all things set apart) to go against the Turk. Besides, he thought it not fit to suffer so unquiet a Neighbour to grow great, who adding conquests to conquest, might in the end prove dangerous to his own Estate. Tamerlan (though a Mahometan) for the fidelity, valour, and virtue he found in Axalla a Christian, was advised by him in his greatest affaires, disliked none for his Religion, so he worshipped but one God, Creatour of Heaven and Earth, &c. For which cause he permitted all Religions within his Countries; were they not Atheists, Idolaters, or worshippers of strange gods.

Bajazet (not ignorant of Tamerlan's power and purpose) prosecuted the enlargement of his Empire, and increase of his strength: deeming Tamerlan's messages to be forewarnings of his designes against him; which he was so far from fearing, that [...] spared no intemperate speech to provoke him the more.

It shall not be much from our [...], to see what this mighty Tamerlane was, who held the East in such [...], that he was commonnly called. Gods wrath, and the Worlds terrour. Most report him to have been poorly [Page] born, and (in youth) to be a poor Shepheard, or heardsman in the Mountaines; where consorting with other sturdy Companions, he become a masterful thief among them. To whom other such still resorting, he soon grew to that greatnesse as none but he ever yet came to; contrary to the course of things, which from small beginnings grow not to notable perfection, but by degrees; and that in long time. Wherein, late Historiographers seem too much to follow the Turks report, who (by him brought low) charge him with many untruths, making him first a very abject amongst men: and for cruelty a monster in nature, &c. which reports, I list not to follow: especially, others (of no lesse credit) with greater probability, reporting of him the greatest honour. He was born at Samercand, chief City of the Zagataian Tartars, whose Father was Zain Cham or Og their Prince, 3d in descent from Zingis before remembred: which Og (of a peaceable Nature) long lived in happy peace with his, subjects: contenting himself more with the increase of his cattle, than hoording up gold or silver: which (haply) occasioned some (ignorant of the Tartars Princes custome) to report Tamerlane as a Shepheard's son, &c. His Father well striken in years, delivered him his Kingdom, but 15 years old, and joyning Ordinar, and Aly two faithful Counsellours to assist him in Government, retired himself to a Solitary life. He first proved his Valour against the Moscovite, for spoyling a City under his protection, entring his Country, & proclaiming war against him: whom he overthrew, slaying 25000 of his foot, between 15 and 16000 horse, with the loss of scarce 8000 horse, and 4000 foot of his own. Where he beholding so many dead on the ground, to a familiar, lamented the condition of great Armies Commanders, commending his Fathers quiet life, &c. protesting he was heartily grieved thereat. The [...] (discouraged) sent for peace, which was concluded on such conditions as he pleased. The great [Page] Cham of Tartary now growing old, sent to him divers presents, offered him his onely daughter, and with her to proclaim him heir apparant of his Empire: as in right he was, being his Brothers son. Which Tamerlane gladly accepting, was afterwards done: being supported by his Father in-law while he lived, and succeding him after his death. Yet (the while) he wanted not envious Competitours: who now onwards of his way against the King of China, Calix (of great power in the great Chams Court) with a puissant Army seized on great Cambalu, the Citizens also disdaining to be governed by the Zagataian Tartar. Tamerlane returning with most of his Army, met the Rebel, who had 80000 horse, and 100000 foot, and (above 50000 being on both sides slain) overthrew him, (himself being beaten to the ground) took him and beheaded him. His state newly confirmed by his Victory: he proceeded in war against China, breaking down their strong wall of 400 Leagues long, and entred their Country, overcoming the King, leading 350000 with the slaughter of 50000 of his men, took him, and yet (wisely moderating his Fortune) shortly freed him: yet, as having taken half his kingdome, leaving Ormar his Lievtenant; and imposing other conditions, with 300000 Crowns yearly tribute. So returning in triumph to the old Emperour at [...], glad to see him and his daughter, who had still accompanied him.

The War against Bajazet resolved on, he sent Axalla to Sachetay or Zagati to begin assembling of forces, that at first of the spring he might set foreward, He procured from his Father in-law a 100000 foot and 80000 horse, hoping to have as many from Sachetay, besides 50000 from the Lords that would accompany him, and divers other supplies expected also; he would oft say, he was appointed by God to abate the Othoman pride. So departing towards Samarchand his Empires seat, he left the great Emperours forces to come to Ozara; the place of [Page] general meeting. The Moscovite (requested) sent him 15000 horse, with a sum of money, and to passe thorow his necessary Territories. Axalla the Livetenant general had (the while) assembled all the Army at Ozara, whom Tamerlane sent for to Samarchand, to conferre about setting forward; for by his advice he did all things, without him nothing: who wanted not the envy of the Court, but his virtues, [...], and worthy services, supported him against malice: who having largely discoursed with him about the Armies estate and order: they shortly departed to Ozara, where Tamerlane consulted with his most expert Captaines, whether to lead his Army towards Capha, by the Moscovites Coasts, or on tother side the Caspian Sea by Persia's skirts. It was (in the end) resolved to passe (though the longer way) by the Moscovite, so to the Georgians, and Therizonda, thence into the Othoman Kings Country. From Ozara he came to Maranis, staying 3 daies for Odmars forces from China, receiving news thereof; paying, and generally mustring his Army. He conveighed Victual's, and most of his Furniture by the Caspian Sea, a great ease to his Army, to passe some 20 Leagues thorow places without victuals and water. His Army extended 20 Leagues: At the river Edel he stayed at [...] while his Army passed over at Mechet, and 2 bridges made for that purpose. The Circassians and Georgians now offered him all assistance they could, he passing that way. The Georgians being Christians, a great and warlique [...], long tributaries to the Greek Emperours; tributaries, and sometimes confederates to the Persians, but the Turks enemies: Axalla drew great number of them to his Princes service, whom (being tall, beautiful, strong, couragious, and expert) he not a little esteemed: who had [...] resisted the Othoman Power by their rough Countries advantage. Tamerlane was by these, with all necessaries relieved: In marching thorow whose Countries, he so severely ordered [Page] his Souldiers, that if any had taken injurionsly but an Apple, or the like, he died for it. 'Tis reported, a woman complaining of a little milk taken from her, he ript up the Souldiers stomach; where it (lately drunk) being found, he sent her away, contenting her; who otherwise had surely died. Which severity (of many accounted extreame cruelty) was the preservation of his Army, [...] Camp (now, as a well governed City) was stored with all things: Artificers and Merchants from far, and Country people, receiving present money, and safely departing. Then coming to Bachichich, and staying 8 dayes to refresh, he [...] 400000 horse, and 600000 foot: or as some present affirme, 300000 horse, and 500000 foot: whom he generally paide, orating what orders (and military discipline whereof he was curious) he would have kept. Then also, every Common Souldier might more boldly behold him, than on other dayes. Who passing the Georgians, and comming to Buysabuich, Axalla who led the head of the Army, came to him with news that Bajazet raysing Constantinople siege, was resolved to come to battle in Asia; (trusting more to the experience, than multitude of his Souldiers) whom, Tamerlane could hardly be perswaded, would adventure out of Europe, but rather there protract time to weary him: at which he not insolently rejoycing, said, a small number well conducted, did oft carry the victory from a confused multitude, staying 3 dayes, his Souldiers still marching, passed over Euphrates, the rather to maintain his Army on the enemies spoile. All Cities yielding, he favourably received, those refusing, he used with all extremity: [...] strong Sebastia, where some of his fore-runners were cut off, and the gates in contempt set open. Tamerlaxe offended, sent certain horsemen (upon his displeasure) so to bear themselves, that he might find the City taken, or the gates shut: for nothing was more dreadful to his men than his displeasure: if any in hunting gave way to the [Page] Lyon or Bear for fear, and slew him not, he was sure to dye: and to turn his back on the enemy, was to run on his own death. The garrison Turks, seeing these Tartarians (not many) issued out to meet them, who were so charged by them: that (retiring) for haste, they shut out part their own, lest the enemy following should have entred of with them: who were slain by the Tartarians. Shortly after came Tamerlane, and sitting down before it, lay still 7 daies, the defendants thinking he intended to distresse it by long siege. But about the 8th day the walls, &c. in many places undermined, were suddenly overthrown, leaving large breaches to enter. The Turks forthwith yielded in hope of their lives: but he (as the Turks report) commanding deep pits to be digged, buried quick all the people of the City, and utterly rased it: Then he bid [...] the Governour, spared onely for that purpose, to go tell his Master, what he had there seen; which tragedy he relating, Bajazet demanded of him, wch Army he thought the bigger, he answered, Tamerlane had the greater number. Bajazet, in great Choler, replyed, surely the Tartars sight, hath so frightned this coward, that he thinketh every enemy to be two. Most report, that Tamerlane putting the men to the sword, overran the women and Children (with his horsemen) in the fields, except a few for prisoners. Also that Bajazet losing there his eldest son, of some called Orthobules, in his march, hearing a Sheapheard merrily reposing himself with his pipe, (standing long listning) with a deep sigh said. Oh happy Shepheard! which hadst neither Orthobules nor Sebastia to lose. Yet the Turks give Orthobules lost 6 years before, against Casi Buchaniden; They reported 12000 in all to be in Sebastia [...]. Other Cities yielded for fear of like danger, whose Citizens (chiefly the Christians in respect of the Greek Emperour) he courteously used, &c. Not gone far, he was certainly advertised, that Bajazet (coming) was within 30 Leagues of him; after which, he marched more closely with his [Page] his Army. Axalla sent Chiansen, Prince of Ciarcan with 4000 Parthian horse, to know (if he could) of the Turks Army, &c. and make relation to him: who (sending another Parthian with 500 horse before) not ridden 10 leagues but heard of Bajazet's coming, and susprizing Sennas, understood his Armies state, so marching foreward. Tamerlane commanded him not to retire, till the enemies arrival seen, and to give him notice every hour, himself resolving not to passe further, being at a large plaine, and Country, advantagious for battel of his Army far greater than Bajazets. Yet, (his Army being of divers Nations, and not to fight against the foft Chinois, but the Turks most warlique, &c) he thought to be well advised in proceeding. Wherefore he sent for Axalla to view the place; who not misliking it, advised him to keep Sennas as long as possible. So sending word unto them, to fire it upon the enemies, approach, and so withdraw, that the enemy not desiring there to incamp, might come forward to those plaines. The Turks drawing near Sennas, they all retired, except some 100 left to fire it, which done, they retired in great disorder. Ciarcan dividing in two parts, commanded the first to receive the 100, purposely in disorder fleeing so soon as the enemies pursued them, retiring altogether. Himself stood in a Valley near a wood, unseen: where suffering 2000 horse enemies to pass by, he charged them home in the reare the retirers turning on them also: who thus beset, fled, most being slain, the rest taken prisoners: who were sent to Tamerlane as a present, with the Bassa of Natolia who led them; whom Tamerlane demanding, why Bajazet shewed such contempt of his Army, &c. He answered, his Lord was Sun upon Earth, enduring no equal: that he was rather astonied to see him enterprize from so far, to hinder his Lords fortune; the heavens bending to further it, &c. that he committed great folly in resisting it. Tamerlane replied, he was sent from Heaven to punish his rashnesse, and to teach him, the proud are hated of [Page] God, &c. Thy self (said he) hast felt already my Parthians Valour against thy Turkish, and I have caused him already to raise Constantinoples siege, and look to his own in Asia. Furthermore he demanded, if his Master resolved to bid him battle? Be assured (said he) he desires nothing more: and I would I might acknowledge thee in giving me leave to assist my Lord. Go, (said Tamerlane) and tell thy Lord thou hast seen me, and he shall find me on horse-back, where a green ensigne is displayed. The Bassa thanking him, &c. and returning, declared he had seen him, and reported all he willed him; and published his courtesie: who besides liberty, had given him a fair furnished horse, though he were to serve against him. Bajazet answered, he would shortly try him, hoping ere the march ended, to make him acknowledge his folly. Next day the 2 Armies encamped within a League: where the Scythians (greedy and needy) talked (all night) of the spoile, the Parthians of honour, the Christians of their deliverance, &c. All which Tamerlane hearing, rejoyced to see his Souldiers hope of Victory: who after the 2 watch, thought to sleep a while in his pavilion. But his cares not suffering, he then read (as ordinary) in a book of his Ancessours lives, not to deceive time, but to imitate and decline what they worthily did, or by rashnesse, &c. fell into. After slumbring, he sent for Axalla, who came with divers great Captaines, with whom consulting a while, he mounting, sent every one to their Charges to make ready. At which, he heard, the enemy came to take his ground; whose Order he desired to see, to marshal his own by. Causing 3000 horse to advance, to begin skirmishing; himself followed to lodge every part in places, foreseen for his advantage. Seeing the Janizaries in a square battle in midst, on the 2 fronts 2 squadrons of horse, seeming 30000, and another covering the Janizaries battalion, he thinking this order hard to be broken, said to Axalla, I thought to have fought a foot, [Page] but now I see it behooves me to fight on horse-back, to encourage my Souldiers, to open the enemies great battalion. And my will is, that my men come so soon as they may, for I will advance with a 100000 foot-men, &c. Ciarcan commanded the first 40000 horse, Lord Synopes a Genovois, the foremost foot: Axalla over 5 squadrons of horse. Bajazet's Army came bravely on towards their enemies, who stirred not from their place; except some light horse-men (as loose) skirmishing before the Armies. Tamerlane had notice that Bajazet meant to fight on foot in midst of 30000 Janizaries, in whom he most hoped. His horse were 14000 old Souldiers. The Aegyptian Sultan having also sent him 30000 Mamalukes, with 30000 foot: whose Army marching in one front like a half moon, (but not so well knit as Tamerlanes) seemed almost as great as his. So with horrible out-cries still advancing; Tameriane standing fast with great silence. Young Ciarcan with his 40000 horse, was in the first encounter almost wholly overthrown, by the Turks most furious charge: yet fighting valiantly and entring into the midst of the Janizaries, was himself slain. About which time, Axalla with the avauntguard, cutting a wing of the enemies all to pieces, and his foot joyning faced the Janizaries, who [...] behaved themselves for their Prince's safety. This hard fight continued one hour, not any seen scattered, horse-men rushing together like mountaines, men dying, crying and threatning all at once. Tamerlane patient the while to see the event; at length his men giving ground, he sent 10000 horse to joyn with the 10000 for the reare ward to assist him at need, and charged himself, causing the, foot to charge, commanded by the Prince of Thanais, who furiously charged the Janizaries where Bajazet yet was: in whose Army were a number of mercenary Tartars called Destenses; with many 1000s. taken up in exiled Princes Countries, who seeing some their friends, others [Page] their Natural Princes in Tamerlane's Army, revolted from Bajazet. Who yet with his own men, and the Christians from Servia, and other places help, with great courage maintained the fight: but the multitude (not true valour) prevailed. Tamerlane giving a fresh charge, and his avauntguard knit to him again reenforcing it, he with much ado obtained the victory. Bajazet wounded and mounted to escape, fell into Axalla's hands (thinking him Tamerlane) who for a space took him for some other great Commander; Musa Bajazet's son with divers great Captaines were taken there also, with George, [...] of Servia, who (yet) gained the reputation of a Worthy Captain, who afterwards brought to Tamerlane, was by him wel-comed; but reproved for fighting against him, come in favour of the Emperour, and other oppressed Princes as himself was. Who answered, his own safety (against his will) made him take Bajazet's part, to whom all the World seemed to bend: Whereupon he gave him leave to depart at pleasure. Bajazet being afterwards brought to him, aud courteously entertained, presumptnously answered him to whatever he demanded. Tamerlane (moved) told him, 'twas in his power to make him lose his life. He answered, Do it; that losse should be his greatest happinesse. Tamerlane demanded why he enterprized to subject so Noble a Prince as the Greek Emperour? He answered, for glory and soveraignety, that moved thee to invade me. But wherefore (said he) art thou so cruel towards the conquered, without respect; said he, for the greater terrour of mine enemies. What (said Tamerlane) wouldst thou have done with me, if I had fallen in thine hands? I would (said he) have enclosed thee in a Cage of Iron, and in triumph have carried thee up and down my kingdome: So (said Tamerlane) shalt thou be served. So being taken out of his presence, he said to his followers: Behold a proud and cruel man, he deserveth to be chastized accordingly, &c. I acknowledge [Page] God hath delivered to me a great enemy this day, to whom we must give thanks; which he did. Next day (the dead being to be buried) Ciarcan's body was found amongst the dead Janizaries: Tamerlane greatly lamenting his Kinsman's death, and embalming it, conveighed it, with 2000 horse, (and divers prisoners chained, &c.) to Samarchand till his coming: The other were honourably buried at Sennas.

This bloody battle, in 1397, was fought from 7 in the morning till 4 in the after-noon. Tamerlane's politique tiring of Bajazet's strong forces, was the safeguard of his own. The number slain is diversly reported: the Turks say that Bajazet lost his Son Mustapha, with 200000 men, Tamerlane, not many fewer; others, that there were 60000 Turks slain, of Tamerlane's 20000. It was three daies (as they report) before Bajazet could be pacified, but still seeking and calling for death: neither did Tamerlane afterwards courteously use him, but, as of a proud man, made small account of him, and shackling him in golden fetters, made him be shut up in an iron Cage, to be seen on every side, so carrying him up and down in Asia to be derided of his own people, used him for a footstool when he took horse; and at other times sed him, like a dog, with his crums. All which he did, not so much for hatred, as to shew God's Judgment against the arrogant folly of the proud.

This great overthrow so feared all Bajazet's Countries in Asia, that Axalla sent to prosecute with 40000 horse & 100000 foot came unresisted to Prusa, whither the armies remainders were retired, the Country still yielding as he went. Yea, the great Bassa with the rest fled over Hellespont to Hadrianople, carrying Solyman, the eldest Son, with them, setting him up in his Fathers place. Mahomet, the younger, fled to Amasia. Prusa yielding to Axalla without resistance, he rifled it, taking (with other Wives and Concubines) fair Despina, which doubled Bajazet's grief.

[Page] Emmanuel the Emperor sent his Embassadours to Prusa, whom Axalla stayed till Tamerlane's coming; who receiving them honourably, shewed them his magnificence, and order of his Camp, to their great admiration. By these, the Greek Emperour submitted all to Tamerlan, as his Vassal, bound so to do (he said) being delivered from the cruellest of Tyrants, by the long journey, discommodities, losse of his People, and danger of his person; besides his many virtues and accomplishments. And therefore he would attend him in his chief City, to deliver it, with all the Empire, into his hands. The Embassadours, looking for nought but bondage, thought Tamerlane's acceptance thereof in friendship was the best bargain that they could make. But he, mildly beholding them, answered, He was not come from so far to enlarge his dominions, already large enough; but rather to win honour: And it should appear that he was come to aid him, as his ally, being requested: that his upright meaning was the greatest cause that God (by his power) had bruised the fiercest enemy of mankind, under heaven: He desired no more, but that his service for the Greek Emperor might be ingraven in the memory of his posterity, that they might for ever wish well to him and his Successors: Long might the noble Emperour live happily, to govern: And that he (before his returne) would so consider, that he should not lightly fall into the like jeopardy. Few Princes (I suppose) would perform such a part; but there be but few Tamerlanes in the World. One of these joyfull Embassadours, being sent to carry this unexpected news, filled the Emperour (with all Constantinople) with exceeding joy and gladnesse; who shortly after passed to Prusa to see Tamerlane, and, in person, to give him thanks: who, being very glad, sent Axalla to meet and conduct him to Prusa, where these great Princes met with the greatest magnificence, spending a whole day together. Tamerlane had a desire to see Constantinople; [Page] yet he would go thither as a private person, which by Axalla was accomplished, where he was with all possible familiarity received by the Emperour, who shewed him all the rare things to be seen, all the fair Gardens, a league or 2 off, along the Sea coast, spending 5 or 6 daies with all mirth possible: Tamerlane often saying in his private conduct, he never saw a fairer City, which (for its fair and rich scituation) was worthy to command all the World. He wondring at the costly buildings of the Temples &c. said, it repented not him of his so long dangerous voyage, if it had been but to preserve so noble a City from fire and sword. The Emperour gave him 30 of the best horses possible to be gotten, richly furnished: knowing him above all things to take pleasure in them; sending fair presents to all his great Commanders, and bountifully delivering all necessaries for the Army. So a streight bond of friendship being made, & by Oath confirmed between them, Tamerlane returned to Prusa, wasting and spoyling all Bajazet's Dominion in Asia without resistance.

The year being well spent, Tamerlane dispersed his Army into divers provinces of lesser Asia, expecting when some of Bajazet's sons or friends should make means to him for his deliverance, but none came. Whereupon passing by, he said unto him: I marvail that none of thy Sons or friends come to see thee or intreat for thee, thou must needs have ill deserved of them, as of others: Yet, if I should set thee at liberty, would they receive thee as their Soveraign? Bajazet answered, Were I at liberty, thou shouldst see that I want neither courage nor means to revenge my wrongs, and to make those disobedient and forgetfull know their duties better. Which made Tamerlan keep a straiter hand over him. Then restoring to the Mahometan Princes, Tachretin, Isfendiar, Germian, and others, all their inheritance with something more; as he did divers Cities and Countreys of Natolia to the Greek Emperour, for 400000 Duckats of Gold, and 800000 Franks of silver, [Page] yearly tribute; and enriching his Army with Othoman spoiles in Asia, he turned against the Aegyptian Sultan, who had aided Bajazet; and entring into Syria, near Aleppo (before yielded to him) was fought a mortal battle, the Sultan having an 100000 foot and 74000 horse, whereof 30000 were Mamalukes. Axalla with the Vant-guard, hardly distressed, was taken, but rescued forthwith by Tamerlane; who, if he had not come on with fresh forces, that day might have ended his good fortune: After long fight, (80000 being slain) the Sultan fled, Tamerlane pursuing him 3 leagues, and sending Axalla with 40000 horse and 50000 foot, to pursue along Arabia's coast: himself, the while, with 60000 horse and 100000 foot, had all Cities by the Sea coast as he went yielded to him, as Magata, Aman, &c. onely Damasco refused, Prince Zamadzen strongly defending the same: but Tamerlane, overthrowing part of the Wall by battery, won it by assault, the Castle (almost impregnable) yet remaining; but the retired multitude soon pinched with hunger, and many dead, the rest, for their lives, offered to yield, to whom he would not shew mercy: so that most dying, the rest yielded without condition, and were almost all slain. Which severity made them bring the keys of their Cities to him 30 leagues off, and contribution to his army. Thence he turned towards Jerusalem, the City driving out the Sultan's Garrison. Chorazin at first stood on their guard, but afterwards dismayed, and submitting they found mercy, where leaving certain men in garrison, for repressing the troublesome Mamalukes, he rode to Jerusalem, to visit the Sepulchre, and make his oblations: where (joyfully received) seeking out all antiquities, and conducted to all places thereabouts as Pilgrims, gave to the Sepulchre and devout there many rich gifts, to the contentment of all but the Jews, who blamed him, whom he called the accursed of God. He heard the Sultan (gathering his forces) was in Aegypt fortifying, especially [Page] Alexandria and Caire. Tamerlane's Army the while came towards Damiata: which he would not leav behind him, though perswaded by some (as thought impregnable) so commanding Axalla to set on it, himself followed after. Axalla declaring to the Inhabitants (most Christians) Tamerlane's courtesy; and what Religion himself held, and made many Greek Captains tell them of their misery under the Moors and Mamalukes: which so prevailed, that (by night) they mastering a quarter of the City delivered a Gate to Axalla: who entring slew or took all the Mamalukes, gaining the City. Tamerlane (yet on his march) hearing of this, was in good hope of a happy end in Aegypt; for he knew this haven, might serve him with victuals out of all Greece. He left there two thousand of the Emperour's Souldiers, taking Oath for obedience. His Vant-guard marched towards Alexandria, and passing the River, turned even instantly to Cair, to the Sultan's great astonishment. But using diligence, (as Tamerlane approached) he entredthe City to defend it, with 40000 horse and 60000 foot: whereby the City, ready to revolt, was again confirmed: Tamerlan could not stay long before it for want of victuals, yet making a great trench to cover his horse, &c. he drew near it giving divers on-sets, to try the enemies confidence, and to see the affection of the Citizens (especially of the slaves) to whom he promised liberty. One day he shewed his Army in battle array before it, to seek occasion to fight; hoping also, if the Sultan came forth, some revolt might happen within, he having made known to the Citizens, he came not to hurt them, but to destroy the Mamalukes. But none came forth, neither was any stir raised in the City: for the Sultan resolved to weary him out with lying still. Who resolved to force him even in his greatest Cities heart, though not to be done without great adventure. He purposing first to take one City (for it's divided into 3) advanced by little and little, still fighting: Having brought [Page] his foot to the place of onset (for twas fortifyed onely with ditches and trenches) he commanded the Prince of Thanais to begin with 50000, and there began a most terrible fight. Axalla setching a compasse, passed the trenches on another quarter of the City with small resistance; leaving 30000 to fill the ditches, and make way for the horse to enter: advancing himself against 20000 sent by the Sultan to stop him, Thanais being almost beat back by the Mamalukes. But the way being made plain, and 10000 horse entred (who charged on their backs where the Sultan was) and seconded by 10000 moe, Tamerlane following with all his power: the Sultan retired into the next City. The fight was 7 hours, above 16000 of the Sultan's being slain, and betwixt 7 & 8000 of Tamerlane's: who now sounded a retrait, hoping next day to win the rest, as he did. For Thanais forcing their trenches in one place, and Axalla in another, the Sultan (after a great fight) abandoned the City, encamping by Nilus, purposing to passe it, and flee to Alexandria, whom Tamerlane followed with his horse, and a few foot, (whose service he had promised to reward) hardly drawn from their fellows spoiling the City, against whom the Sultan opposed (on a narrow cawsey) 12 or 15000 slaves, to favour his passage, who stood fast, but at length forced by their enemies increasing (not without great losse) they took the River, with a weapon in one hand and swimming with the other to the bank. The Sultan fleeing with 18000 horse (not fled or drowned) is reported to comforchis men, saying tha they were not men but Gods that vanquished them. Divers Mamalukes being taken and brought to Tamerlane, he demanded if they would serve him now their Master was fled, which they refused, yet he freed them for their fidelity; every man after 24 hours spoyl, was commanded to his quarters. He set all the Citizens at liberty, & leaving 10000 good souldiers with many others, (whereof he caried great multitudes) &c. [Page] to keep the City: his Army passed the river to follow the Sultan. Axalla before with the avauntguard, and Chanais with the rest; himself going by water, greatly pleased to see the river's sometimes swist course, and (in an instant) scarce moving.

The Alexandrians (hearing of his coming) besought the Sultan to withdraw into Lybia, whither (for barrenness) he could not greatly follow; they resolving no more to resist so great a force; promising to remain his in heart, and to make it (on the first occasion) appear. Wherefore he (hoping time would bring some change) determined to retire: and departing with standing tears, often said, God was angry, &c. That he must needs suffer the overthrow of his Estate, &c. Yet he hoped to return and deliver his pecple from bondage, &c. Tamerlane staying long here, sent Axalla to pursue him, grieved he could not get him. This bruite passing with Axalla into Lybia, so feared all Africa, that 22 Moores Kings sent (thinking he followed) to offer obedience: the Sultan still flying off, the nearest Tamerlane took hostages; the rest, faith given, contented him.

After this, Tamerlane desired to see his native Country, the rather moved by his Wive's request; his Father in-laws sicknesse; his Own age; and his wearied Souldiers desires. The stay was Calibes his coming, (whom he, for his deserts, appointed governour of all his conquests in Aegypt and Syria) who was making way along Euphrates, for the conquest of Mesopotamia and Persia; and being sent for, came to Alexandria, whither the whole Army was assembled. Tamerlane leaving Zamalzan (Cal bes his Lievtenant general) Governour with 6000 horse, and 10000 foot, departed to Cair, leaving Calibes 40000 horse and 50000 foot, and instructing him how he would have those Kingdomes Governed, dismissed him, seeming very sorry to leave him. So setting forward, he (with a few) turned aside to Jerusalem; tarrying 11 dayes, visiting Christ's [...] [Page] (whom he called the Christians god) and the ruines of Salomon's Temple wondring, &c. but grieved not to see them in their former beauty: despising the Jews, who so cruelly murdered Him that came to save them; he commanded Jerusalem to be free from all subsidies and garrisons, giving great gifts to, and honouring the Monasteries. Thence he came to Damasco, which (infected with Jezides opinion (an arch heretique with the Mahometans) and ill affected to him) he razed, digging up and burning Jezides his bones, and filling his before-honoured grave with dung. So marching and blasting the world as he went, he passed Euphrates, and conquering Mesopotamia with Babylon, and all Persia, he returned loaded with spoil to Samarchand. Bajazet having layen 2 years in miserable thraldome, did violently beat out his braines, against the barrs of the iron cage inclosing him in 1399. Yet of his death are divers reports: that he (through sorrow) died of an Ague, that he poysoned himself: the Turks affirming an unlikely report, that first poysoned by Tamerlane, he was freed, dying 3 [...] after. His body (at Mahomets request his son) sent to Asprapolis, was conveyed to Prusa, and buried in a Chappel without the City Eastward, where also Despina lyeth.

Tamerlane and Bajazet, both began from the Tartars: Bajazet being the 4th from Othoman: and Tamerlane the 4th from great Zingis: both of great power, and like spirit, &c. above measure ambitious, the ground of all troubles raised by them to the Worlds astonishment. Yet Bajazet's virtues were much obscured by his Choler and waywardnesse, &c. He used commonly to say, His treasures was his Childrens meat, not his Souldiers pay: which was by a Souldier cast in his teeth, when he raged to see himself forsaken by them in the great battel. Whereas Tamerlanes virtues were graced with divers of like nature, no man more kind to his friends, or more dreadful to his [Page] enemies, &c. Bajazet is to be accounted more fortunate than the Conquerour his enemie, having ever since one lineally to succeed in his Kingdome and Empire: as at this day. Whereas Tamerlane's Empire (divided by him among his sons) shortly after his death decayed, rent asunder by ambition and civil discord; and not long after (with his posterity) rooted out by Usun Cassanes the Persian King.

The Life of Mahomet I. 5th King of the Turks, and Restorer of their sore Shaken Kingdome.

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SOme write Bajazet had 2 sons, Orchanes or Calepinus, [...] in the 2d year of his Reign; and Mahomet who possessed his Brothers Kingdom. Others that Orchanes and Mahomet were Calepinus's sons, who died Reigning 6 years: that Orchanes slain by his Uncle Mustapha, Mahomet in revenge slew him, possessing the Kingdome. Others reckon 7 sons of Bajazet, with their uncertain succession. I shall leave these divers reports, with the History following, to the credit they shall find with considerate Readers.

Neither the Greek Historiographers, nor John Leunclavius a great traveller among the Turks, do mention Calepinus or Orchanes. But, in mine opinion, the great confusion of the Turkish Kingdome wrought by Tamerlane, with the civil discord afterwards arising among Bajazet's sons for the restless Room of Soveraignity, &c. might give just occasion of such divers reports: some reckoning such, as never were, to have succeeded in Government. Wherefore leaving Calepinus and Orchanes, &c. I (following the Turkish Historie's authority) reckon this Mahomet a younger son of Bajazet, 5th King [...] Turks: who after his fathers Captivity, about 10 years, was (after great and dangerous wats) solely invested in that Kingdome.

[Page] Bajazet (as the Turkish Kings) had by divers wives and concubins, 7 sons. Erthogrul the eldest was lost against Casi [...], Mustapha slain against Tamerlane. Casa the youngest, a child when his father was taken, and afterwards (with Fatine his Sister) died hostage to the Emperour. Solyman (conveyed out of the battle into Europe) was saluted Sultan. Mahomet fleeing to [...] was Governour (in his fathers time) there. Isa, after [...] departure, seized on Prusa. Musa was taken with his father, and afterwards freed by Tamerlane.

Places about Aniasia, with a great part of Cappadocia, were so troublesome after Tamerlan's Victory, that keeping watch and ward continually, many wearied and despairing of better times, voluntarily exiled themselves, which much grieved Mahomet, but 15 years old. Wherefore consulting, what course to take, it was thought best, to get farther off into stronger places, and while their enemies departed not, to cut them short by policy. For though Tamerlane lay at Caria: yet his Captaines [...] and spoyled at pleasure over lesser Asia. Hereupon, he departed to Derby: encountring (by the way) with Cara [...], Isfendiars Kinsman: whom he put to [...] with great slaughter. Thence going to Kereden, he sent a sple into Tamerlan's Camp: afterwards consulting of farther proceedings. Some thought he were best withdraw into the mountaines of [...] Asia, till Tamerlan's departure. Others thought those mountaines no places to trust to, and therefore to return to Amasia, there to live protecting his subjects, and not leave them a prey to stragling Tartars: which [...] he following, and ready to set forward, the spie returned certifying of Bajazets health, but, for the straight guard over him he could not speak with him: that Tamerlane [...] all that part of Asia. Mahomet had not long [...] at [...], but [...] heard, Caradulets Chach was with 20000 coming to spoile his Country, given [Page] him by Tamerlane. Wherefore he speedily sent a spie before his forces, who hastily returning, told him, Cara lay at Aegiolus, but with a small power, having dispersed his Army to seek after Pillage. Mahomet marching thither with celerity, overcame, and utterly discomfited his Army: Cara being slain with an arrow in the head, and returning to [...], refreshed and rewarded his Souldiers. Being shortly advertised that Cubad Ogi (hardly besieging Casaria) was like in short time to take it to the hazarding of all Cappadocia: he marching day and night thither, was upon him at unawares, putting him to flight, and slaying most. Then entring Cubads Country, Pontus, he grievously spoyled it, winning also Peltae, a strong Castle in Phrygia's confines. Inal Ogli another of Tamerlan's Captaines, immediately after entring Cappadocia with 20000 men, killed and spoyled before him; the people sleeing into woods and mountaines, for fear. Mahomet exceedingly grieved wrote to him. Whereas without just cause, or war proclaimed, thou hast invaded our Kingdome, cruelly killing our subiects, &c. digressing from the Laws of true Mahometan [...], &c. thou shouldst forthwith depart with thine Arms, &c. But seeing thou wilt proceed in thy wicked purpose; falsely perswading thy self, my kingdome is [...] of a lawful inheritour, I will shorty (by Gods power) come against thee, and in field Chastize thee according to thy deserts. Therefore while thou mayest, reclaime thy self, &c. In the year after the great Prophet [...] departure, 806. To which, Inal answered in writing; Why dost thou (Mahomet) so provoke me? &c. being (in truth) but a very child. Thou oughtst not to have laid hands on the Countries, with the wrongful Title of Sultan. There's no cause to Complain I seek after thy life, thy Kingdome, &c. I challenge it to my self, none of thine, &c. Wherefore except thou without delay, get thee packing, &c. I denounce against thee all the [Page] Calamities of war, wishing thee with speed to prepare to battle, &c. This year of our great Prophet 806. Mahomet had shortly a notable victory of this Tartar Prince, and the like against 2 other at Charachisar Castle and Artuck Ona plaine. And one Mesites a Turk, (fortified in [...]) spoyling the Country about, he sent Bajazet Bassa who shortly brought him bound unto him: who seeing an invincible courage in him when he was to die, pardoned him: for which he (ever faithful) did him great service.

The bruite of Mahomet's name, coming to Tamerlane, he many times highly commended his valour in so render years; [...] Bajazet, he was very desirous to see him: and if he found that true that was reported, he would bestow one of his daughters on him &c. willing Bajazet to write to him, not to doubt to come to him to his own & fathers good. Bajazet (at first) (doubting the Worst) requested Tamerlane not to believe that of his son. Yet perswaded by his protestations, and importuned, he wrote: Tamerlame sent Hozza, Mahomet's Embassadour, with these and other letters and rich presents; but understanding the cause of his coming, he consulted with the Bassaes, whether he were best go or not. They were all of opinion, it was not good to adventure, &c. And (said they) if Tamerlane offended will by force seek thee, we will take refuge of the woods and mountaines untill he be departed &c. Yet Mahomet hoping his journey to be for his Father's good and his own advancement, [...] to go setting forward. But Cara Iahia getting some of the Prince [...] forces, set on him by the way, but with as ill successe as before: fo travelling-on, Alis Beg, went about to intercept him; who (in hast) was upon Alis ere he was aware, or well provided, so that he fled. Mahomet considering, the nearer he came to Tamerlane, the more like he was to danger, by his Counsellours advice, resolving to go no further, spake to Tamerlan's Embassadour; Thou seest [Page] the dangers, &c. I endure, and my mind forebodeth greater to ensue, &c. Commend me therefore to Tamerlane [...] my Father: hoping they will excuse me; for which I will send an Embassadour of mine own, which was [...] Bajazet his Schoolmaster, a wise and learned man, in whom Tamerlane taking pleasure, never suffered him, to return to his Master. Mighty Prince Tamerlane returned at last into his own Kingdom, wonderfully enlarging Samarchand, and beautifying it with the worlds spoils; where he afterwards in great peace and glory reigned: keeping alway a standing Army of 40000 horse, and 60000 foot, besides other Garrisons, &c. commonly in every place 60000 strong upon occasion. At length, hearing of the Turkish Kingdoms rising under Bajazet's Son: 'with whom the oppressed Mamalukes and Greek Emperour had for fear combined; he prepared for a second expedition to root out the Othoman family, and subdue the Greek Empire. But (a Turkish Bassa being by Axalla overthrown, and 30000 slain) he in midst of these great hopes, died of an Ague, Jan. 27. 1402. A little before, appeared a great and terrible blazing-Star. He was of a middle stature, somewhat narrow shouldred, well limmed, and of great strength. Many in talking with and beholding him, became dumb through the majesty in his eys: which oft caused him to abstain from looking too earnestly on them. His other visage amiable, &c. little hair on his chin: he ware his hair long and curled, for the most part bare-headed, contrary to the manner of the Tartars, his hair was somewhat toward a violet colour, [...] beautiful: which his Mother coming of Sampson's [...], (as he gave out) willed him to nourish; most of his men of war believing there was some rare vertue or fatal destiny therein. His great Empire, was by his Sons discord, and ambition of some their disloyal Subjects, shortly brought to confusion, and his posterity, [...] [...] out by [...] Cassanes, the Armenian [Page] Prince. But Tamerlane departing those Countries, Mahomet determined to go to Prusa, where his brother Isa reigned. But Isa having taken the [...] of mount Horminius, he came about to [...], where Eine Sub-bassa remained, who refreshed both him and his Army. Great forces [...] repairing, he marched to Ulabad. Isa marched thither also, on the fide toward Prusa, to give him battel. But Mahomet consulting what was [...] to be done; Eine told him, It was not for brethren to pollute their hands in each others blood; but to assay the quarrels composure, by some other means; wherefore Mahomet offered Isa, [...] with 4 Provinces, and other Countreys belonging, so he might have Prusa, with all about the same. Isa seeing Mahomet [...] him but such Countries as were rather Bajazet's tributaries than part of his Kingdom, &c. in choller said, Doth not my Fathers Kingdom belong to me the Elder brother? by what right can he (but a youth) claim it? if he can by the sword win it, let him take and hold it. Mahomet hereupon, prepared to the field, where his brother (expecting his coming) gave the first charge, in which most cruel fight, many were on both sides slain. At last Isa's Army beginning to retire, he [...] into the thickest of his enemies, with his own hand [...] ancient & valiant Eine Sub-bassa. But Isa [...] done what he could, on every side forsaken, fled to the Sea-side; where in a ship bound for Constantinople, he passing thither yielded to the Emperour's protection. Temurtases being taken in this [...], and brought to [...], he in revenge of Eine, smot off his head, hanging his body on a tree. Of this [...] certified Solyman, sending Temurtases head. This battel was much spoken of, being betwixt two brethren, and for the death of [...] and Temurtases, both wishing peace betwixt the ambitious brethren.

Mahomet, after this, led his Army to Prusa, and was joyfully received as their Sultan: so likewise at Nice and Neapolis [Page] the Garrisons of Carasina, Saruchania, and [...] with other Inhabitants resorting thither, and [...] themselves to him, as to their King. And sending to Germean for Bajazet's body, (and his brother Musa left by Tamerlane) he sumptuously buried it at Prusa; the Turkish Alcaron being read 7 daies on his [...]: Great chear was for all comers, and much given to the poor for Bajazet's soul; but above all to Mahomet's posterity, (known by their all green apparel) who were then by him greatly enriched. He also endowed the Abby built by his Father with great possessions; which done, he (in progresse) was every where ioyfully received, spending the Summer at Amasia, in pleasure.

[...], the eldest, at Hadrianople peaceably reigning in Europe, [...] how Mahomet had driven Isa out of Prusa, was much offended: and declaring to his Bassaes &c. his natural proceedings, said he, He doth me also great wrong, his eldest brother, in taking the soveraignty in Asia: In revenge whereof, I intend to passe with a strong Army into Asia, and recover mine inheritance &c. A [...] Counsellour replyed, It was not best in his opinion, to go personaliy into those wars; for though (said he) Mahomet be but young, yet is his experience above his years, &c. Wherefore it were best to send for angry Isa, and make him General, in which was one brother (not unlike to be lost) thou shalt have one competitour lesse, &c. This counsel approved of, Isa was presently sent for, and made General of a great Army: at whose first coming into Asia, he possessed all Carasia and Lydia: all people where he came, promising him obedience, if he prevailled against Mahomet: So he wintred at Despotopolis, seeming the while, by kind Letters to Mahomet, to be glad he was so obeyed and liked of, &c. Mahomet answering with like dissimulation, he was even glad of his coming, &c. commending a rich garment to be cast on the Messenger, and sending him rich presents, with provision, and necessaries for his Souldiers.

[Page]But Winter past, Isa marched to Prusa, shewing the [...] [...] loving Letters, hoping they should [...] well agree, requesting the Castle, whose gates the [...] sort had [...] against him; but seeing he could not gain [...] by fair words or policy, he enraged, burnt it to the ground: [...] not ignorant [...] Isa roamed up and down, &c. and how he had razed the royal City; between Amasia and Prusa, overthrew all his forces in a great [...]. Isa with but ten, fled to [...], whose Prince [...] (for friendship at his hands when he was a Suiter in Bajazet's Court) entertained: him with all [...] he could.

[...] exceedingly grieved, gave among the [...] [...] sums of money; [...] the Citie's rebuilding, and staying to see it begun. Isa the while inciting [...] to [...] [...], was by him, the third [...] overthrown; yet entring twice more with small [...], and finding few or none, to [...], he fled [...] the Prince of [...], honourably entertained by him; who in so manifest a wrong, not only promised what help he could, but solicited the Princes of Aidinia &c. to give [...] [...]; who pitying his case and fearing Mahomet's [...] [...] so amongst them, that Na had 20000 in [...]. [...] with a strong Army entred so speedily, the Prince of [...] Countrey, [...] he was upon them before looked for: after a bloody fight, obtaining a notable victory. Isa [...] into [...] dyed none knows how. The Prince of Smyrna humbling himself, [...] [...] favour. The others he shortly spoiled (mostly) of their Dominions, returning to Prusa. But [...] there, he was [...], That Solyman had raised a great Army to invade Asia; wherefore furnishing the Castle, with all things needful for a long siege, he [...] thence to [...], directing Commissions to take up [...] in all parts, writing so to Doioran a Tartar, (whom he often pleasured) for aid: who came with Troops of brave horse promising fideli y.

[Page]Not long after, Solyman now come over Hellespont, he thought without delay to meet him in the field. But being by expert Captains advised to retire further off, waiting all good opportunities, rather than commit all to one battell's hazzard, he being to fight against his eldest brother, and Fathers heir. Upon which he retired towards Amasia. [...] Doioran (marching out at the other side) fell to robbing and spoiling, burning the Villages as he went. Mahomet pursuing and overtaking him unlooked for, flew most of his men, recovered all the spoil, Doioran hardly escaping: and so held on his way.

Solyman [...] towards Prusa, the Citizens brought him peaceably into the City. But Jacup Beg would by no means deliver the Castle; wherefore sharply assaulting it, he slew many, and wounded most of the Desendants. Jacup certifying Mahomet, the Castle could not hold out long, except speedily relieved; he (hastning towards Prusa) sent the Messenger with Letters, commending the Captain, and promising speedy relief, who being intercepted and brought to Als Bassa, he, perusing them, presently wrote others in Mahomet's name, commending the Captain, &c. but since he could not in time relieve him, to deliver the Castle on the best conditions he [...]; who yielded it to Solyman on reasonable tearms. Mahomet (now within a daies march) was exceedingly [...], and returned to Amasia: where Solyman shortly besieged him; but (without hope to win it) he retiring to Prusa, spent his time [...], &c. exceedingly given thereunto.

Mahomet advertized, that Solyman lay [...] at Prusa, but with small power, marched in haste, to surprize him; but he was discovered by Solyman [...], at the River Sangarius: who in all hast gave knowledge of his brothers comming: Solyman (dismayed) would have fled into Europe, if Alis (from the blemish and discouragement of his friends, and encouragment of his enemies to [...]) had not otherwise perswaded him, it were better [Page] to take Neapolis Straits, till he might assemble the rest of his Army. Mahomet coming entered those Straits, for he must needs passe them, being repulsed by Solyman; who, avith little losse, frustrated his brothers brave attempts, (through the places advantage) though much the weaker. Alis Bassa's wilie-head (the while) sent secretly Letters to Mahomet, that most of his great Captains, &c. had bound themselves to Solyman and one another, to betray him into his hands as the undoubted Heir, &c. which Treason he discovered with great protestation of love and good will, &c. Mahomet yet ceased not for 6 or 7 days to gain those passages, but in vain; one of whose servants fleeing to the enemy, caused him to suspect the more: So prevailing nothing, and doubting to be betrayed, he returned to Amasia: Solyman (glad) to Prusa, ordeding his Armies assembling; but the Caramanian King and Mahomet, agreeing in League to joyn against him, he forthwith drew all to Ancyra.

Musa remaining all this while with Mahomet, though no altogether well pleased, spake (one day) to his brother: Thou seest how Solyman coaseth not to vex us, not unlike to prevail, &c. Now I would go to [...] his enemy and procure passage over the Euxine into Europe, where I doubt not (in his absence) to make some innovation, &c. which if I shall gain, by thy support, I promise to hold it of thee as my Soveraign, Mahomet greatly pleased, (after their Turkish faith given to stand to each other during life) furnished Musa with money, and necessaries for so great an enterprize; who setting forward, Isfendiar entertained him as a great Prince: and [...] him with his purpose, he visited the King of Caramania. Mark of Valachia (having his Countrey spoiled by Solyman's Garrisons) wrot to Musa, promising him his daughter and Heir, if he would come and revenge the wrong done by Solyman. Musa gladly returning into Europe, the Valachian received him [...] [...], and gave him [Page] his Daughter. This fame was soon bruited thorow Solyman's Kingdom, and wrought such effect, that the vulgar submitted (as it were all) to him as their Soveraign: so that coming to Hadrianople he was received as their King.

Solyman understanding Musa's proceedings, was exceedingly troubled. Leaving a Deputy in [...], he with his Army, obtained passage of the Emperour over Bosphorus, promising (therefore) to restore him some places taken from him in Asia; for Musa had brought all Turkish shipping unto Europe side. Musa made toward him: but their Armies ready to joyn battel, many of Musa's Captains fled to Solyman: he fleeing to the woods and mountains. Solyman taking again his Kingdoms possession, gave himself (at Hadrianople) to excesse without measure.

Jacup-beg, Solyman's Deputy, lately received into Mahomet's favour, delivered to him [...], Prusa's Castle, and all the rest in Asia, who shortly reducing again Carasia, Aidinia &c. to his obeysance, returning to Prusa, he took a second possession of his Fathers Kingdom.

Musa still put to the worst by Solyman, gathering some good strength, drew near where Solyman was banquetting in his Camp and full of Wine: So that news being brought, Musa was at hand, he caused the messenger to be beaten: and when he affirmed it more earnestly than liked him, commanded him to be slain. Ere long Musa's Vaunt-courrours skirmishing with Solymans. Souldiers: Eurenoses told him [...] had skirmished, &c. Solylyman (in Wine) said, Good Tutor trouble me no more, Musa dares not come so nigh me; if I hold but up my Cap, he is gone. He discontented, sent in Chasan, Aga of the Janizaries, who boldly told him the danger, and sharply reproved him. Solyman moved, commanded his beard to be [...] off; Chasan coming forth thus disgraced, said, This is the honour wherewith Solyman in (his excess) [Page] rewardeth his; Wherefore I will serve Musa a [...] of more temperance, and discretion. Who will follow me, come and wellcome. So with a number of Janizaries, he went to Musa, as did others by his example. But then it repented Solyman of his too dissolute solly and hiding himself till night, then accompanied only with two Noble men and a Countrey Turk as their guide, thought to flee to Constantinople. This Clown led them on purpose (all night) to and fro, bringing them in the morning not far from whence they departed: and riding before, willed a sturdy-peasant or two to make stop of Solyman; who with others like running out with Bats, &c. slew [...] and Muchil that stood on their [...], taking Solyman alive; some in their fury, cryed out to kill him, &c. and end the wars: some few to save him. In this [...] came Musa, who caused him to be strangled, reigning 6 years 10 months. This was Solymans miserable end; much in excess, otherwise endued with many virtues. [...] writing Alexander the Great's History in Turkish verse, [...] publishing it in his name, he bountiously rewarded him. His body lyeth buried at Prusa by his Grandfather Amurath.

Musa now reigning in Europe, in the beginning, displaced most that bare great Offices in Solyman's time, fearing to be by them, betrayed or [...] as his brother was, and on small causes imprisoned and put to death many well deserving of him; Wherefore many Nobles doubting the event of such Tyranny, kept our of the way; Eurenoses seigning himself blind, to be absent from the Court. He also demanded of divers Christian Princes, tribute payed or promised to Bajazet, invading some of them, and demanding (by Ibrahim Bassa) the like of Emmanuel the Emperour: who advertizing Mahomet of Musa's undiscreet Government &c. he sent back, requesting the Bassa to come over to him, with rich garments, and Princely promises: the Bassa going to Prusa was sworn [Page] one of his Privy Councel, serving him faithfully, and his Son Amurath after him.

Mahomet upon advantage of his Brothers ill government assembled 15000 choyse Souldiers to invade him, before well established; and was transported over Bosphorus into Europe by the Emperour (after a League concluded betwixt them, the one should never damnifie the other, &c.) Musa having stopped all other passages. Mahomet not marched far from the Sea, Musa's Vaunt-Courriers met with his [...] at Intzuge, Musa's were put to flight and chased to his Army; who thinking Mahomet was: upon them, were almost ready to flee, but both Armies rested that night. Next day, began a mortal and bloody fight: Michael Bassa of Romania, and other Captains (on discontent) revolting to Mahomet: Many of Musa's Souldiers (discouraged) fled. Mahomet's Souldiers so pursued, that few were left with him; yet (in hope) he set upon his brother: who (though half discomfited) stood himself with 7000 Jannizaries, valiantly receiving his charge. But Mahomet was glad to flee to [...] with scarce 200 men and was (according to the agreement) shipped into Asia by the Emperour. Musa taking his Tents, there encamped. They who followed the chase returning to the Camp, and finding it possessed by their enemies, stood as amazed &c. Musa suffered not his Souldiers to put them to the sword, but dispoyling them of what they had, suffered them to depart.

After this, the Prince of Smyrna forcibly entred Aidinia, to [...] into Saruchania: Mahomet with a great Army so spoyled his Countrey, and distressed himself, that submiting, he was glad to hold his Dominion of him, as of his Lord, &c. Mahomet levied a choise Army again, to try his fortune against Musa, craving aid of Dulgader Ogli his Father in Law from Amasia; who answering his Letters, sent his Son with a Company of brave Souldiers excellently furnished, whom he royally feasting, gave to [Page] the Prince, his own rich apparrel, and horse, and all the gold and silver plate wherein they were served: to every Noble man a rich garment, with some other gift: & (telling them he inrended to recover his Fathers Kingdom in Europe, or there to end his daies) said, The prey shall be theirs that win it: a Horse, Sword, and Mace, shall content my self. So coming to Bosphorus Strait, the Emperour transported his Army into Europe, and feasted him in a Country Pallace; who, though he excused to joyn (through age) with him in that war, yet assisted him with some Christian Companies, who stood the Turks in grear stead: marching to the River Wyzen, where Eurenoses (by the way) advising him to march very circumspectly, and not too much to hasten joyning battel, counselled him also (if by any means) to allure Jegides [...], Barac Beg, and Siman Beg to follow him, promising (in good time) to come himself. He shortly marching to Hadrianople, Cara Calile began to shew himself, and presently put to flight by Michael Ogli besieging Hadrianople the Citizens sent to certifie him, they could not (through Musa's Garrison) then deliver him the City; but if by trying it in the field he should carry the victory, they should be ready to yield themselves, City and all to his pleasure. Mahomet content, raised the siege, marching towards Zagora. Musa is reported to come secretly into Mahomet's Camp disguised; but perceiving himself too weak, withdrew [...] woods and strong places; from thence to Philopopolis, [...] along the River Meritze, where Jegides with two of Musa's Captains, setting on [...] rear, were by Michael repulsed. Mahomet [...] to [...]: as he [...], Muse shewed his Army from the Mountains, not daring to come down to battel. Mahomet marching to [...], Jegides, Barac, and Siman, perswaded by Eurenoses, [...] to him: We are three young men, having 3000 [...] Souldiers, of incomparable valour, &c. Draw near [...] with what speed thou canst, and thou shalt find us [...] [Page] to come to thee. He marching all next night, came to the River Morava: where the 3 Captains joyned unto him. Old Eurenoses also with a great company of expert Souldiers. Mark of Servia sent him aid also. He began to march farther to Cossova, his forces still increasing by the revolt of his Brothers. Musa seeing none almost left, but the Souldiers of the Court, his best and faithfullest men, thought best to attempt something, before left alone, seeking with 7000 to take his brother at advantage. But Mahomet had a vigilant eye unto him. At last, he suddenly set upon his brothers Army: but (oppressed with multitude) after a bloudy fight, was put to the worst; which he seeing, sought death among the thickest of his enemies. But Bajazet Bassa desirous to take him alive, he was be-set, and breaking from the midst of them, fled. But his horse falling into a muddy ditch, or (as some) hoxed by his owu servant and himself wounded, overthrew him, and was there taken by Bajazet, [...] and Barac, hardly persuing him. Being brought hand-bound through the Army, which grieved many; most were glad, hoping this long Civil war would now end. Shortly after, came Balta Ogli sent (as they thought) from Mahomet, who after a bitter reproof for his cruelty to Solyman, caus'd him to be strangled with a Bow-string. Mahomet shed a few Crocodiles tears over his dead body. He lyeth buried at Prusa by. Solyman, reigning 3 years, 7 months.

Mahomet now taking on him the sole Government in Europe and Asia; [...] Turkish histories here begin his reign, accounting [...] [...] time to Musa's death as a vacancy: But [...] Mahomet held all or most in Asia, during this, [...] (in the end) the other part in Europe also, I reckon [...] Bajazet's Successour, including all that intestine Tragedy, wherein he was chief actor.

Mahomet busied against Musa in Europe, the King of Caramania invaded his Kingdom joyning upon him in Asia, burning and spoyling all before him, Eivases [Page] his Lievtenant, not able to withstand him, and fearing his coming to Prusa, made the Citizens bring most of their wealth into the Castle, receiving so many of them as he could, willing the rest to shift for themselves. The King shortly came to Prusa, not yet fully fortified, burning it to the ground the second time, and besieging the Castle, gave it great assaults for 30 daies; but was repulsed by Eivases, comforting his Souldiers that Mahomet (overcomming in Europe) would come in few daies for relief. Musa's dead body was then conveighing to Prusa with much people. The Caramanian fearing it was Mahomet with his power, speedily departed: the Turks long jested, saying, If the Caramanian run for fear of the Othoman Kings dead body, What would h [...], had he come against them alive? Orchanes, Solyman's Son, (a boy) departed from Constantinople, for the League made between the Emperour and Mahomet, to go into Valachia: by the way, great numbers of voluntary Turks offered to spend their lives in his quarrel. Mahomet marching hastily to suppress them, they dispersed & fled. Orchanes being betrayed by his Tu or Zaganes, Mahomet put out his Eys, allowing him g [...]eat Revenues at Prusa, &c. This is he who some reckon among the Turkish Kings, betrayed to his Uncle Moses; etring, I suppose, in succession and name.

Now Mahomet assembled a great Army, to revenge himself of the Caramanian King: Isfendiar sending his Son Casumes for aid: and commanding Germian Ogli to provide for victualling as he passed by; he entred Caramania, taking three Cities and besieging Iconium; but (through the rain then falling) he made peace with the Caramanian. News was brought him into Pontus, that he renouncing his League, was again in Arms. Wherefore, returning to Iconium, he overthrew the King, taking him and his Son prisoners; who redeeming themselves by many Cities and Castles, concluded a peace, receiving of him an Ensign as a token of Vass [...]lship Then passing [Page] over Danubius iu Europe, he forraged Valachia Transal pina, whose Prince sent him what tribute he demanded and his Son to serve in his Court. Then about, happenned a great earth-quake in Prusa, &c. great troubles ensuing in Asia; Yet Mahomet going thither kept all in quiet.

Isfendiar disinheriting his Son (for that he would not return to him from Mahomet's Court and wars) reserving Castamona with a little more, gave Mahomet the rest; who (in lieu) gave Cassumes other great possessions in his own Kingdom. He sent Bedredin (Musa's Cadelcher) to Nice as exiled; yet allowing him a great pension: Bedredin having in his house one Burgluzes, they laid their heads how to trouble Mahomet's peaceable Government; Wherefore Burgluzes going into Aidinia, pretending great zeal, broached divers strange opinions: by which he was shortly reputed a famous, learned, and devout man, and had many followers, &c. Bedredin, fled to Isfendiars Country, from thence into Valachia, and in a Forrest as some devout man, allured to him a number of Out-laws, and theives there living, whom (instructed) he sent in religious habit, into Zagora, and other Mahomet's frontiers, as his Disciples: who published his doctrine, &c. and that he was by God, appointed King of justice, and Commander of the world, set forth by Burgluluses, and received in Asia: therefore they should repair to Bedredin, shortly to shew himself and promote his followers according to desert. Many in hope of preferment resorted to Bedredin: who at last, came out of the Forrest, with displayed Banner, and a great multitude resorting daily unto him: Mahomet sent his Son Amurath and Bajazet with 2000, to apprehend Burgluzes: whom they found guarded with 3000 well appointed; there was a bloudy battel and many slain: the rebells fleeing, Burgluzes was slain and hewen to pieces. [...] Bajazet executed Torlac Kema, who with 2000 seduced did much [Page] harm about Magnesia. Mahomet sending also against Bedredin, whose followers, seeing in him no such matter as they hoped for, were fallen from him, whereby he (easily apprehended) was brought to Mahomet at Serras, and hanged in the Market-place.

Mahomet furnished the great Temple at Hadrianople, begun by Solyman and Musa, where he built a Princely Pallace: also another Temple, a sumptuous Abby, a publick School [...], with great Revenues, giving also great sums yearly for Pilgrims travelling far to Mahomets Sepulchre at Medina, or his Temple at Mecha.

Shortly after falling sick at Hadrianople, he sent in post to Amasia for Amurath his eldest Son, by his last will, to succeed him: But feeling death approach, he streightly charged his Bassaes to conceal his death, till his comming, lest any trouble should arise. So he departed about the year 1422, reigning 17 years, Bajazet's rent Kingdom being (by him) wholly restored 7 years before his death.

The 3 Bassaes, Evaises, Bajazet, and Ibrahim, (fearing the Janizaries and other Court Souldiers) called a Counsel of war as if he were alive: pretending the Kings pleasure for the Janizaries to passe to Baga Castle in Asia, to war on the Prince of Smyrna. Press-mony being presently given, they were sent over with Letters, &c. The Bassaes sat daily in Counsel placing and displacing, as if the King had so commanded. His Physitians also went with their potions, &c. as they had wont. Yet the Pensioners and others (some of them of the Privy Chamber) suspecting, said, They marvelled the King shewed not himself so long, as before he did. The Bassaes answered, He was yet but little recovered, and the Physitians would not suffer him to look abroad. Then said they, (ready to force in) We `will our selves see his Majesty. Eivases desired them not then to trouble him, having taken Physick; but to morrow, said he, we will request (if [Page] he please) that ye may see him. Geordiron a subtil Persian Physitian devised, that the dead body Royally apparelled, and wrapped about his head, should be brought betwixt two, as if led into an high open Gallery, and a Boy neatly placed under his Robes behind, to move his hand, as stroaking his face or beard, as his manner was. Being brought accordingly, suddenly a Physitian came in fuming and raging, &c. asking the Bassaes, if they meant to kill the King by bringing him into the open air, &c. Pardon us good Doctor, said Eivases, for these (pointing to the Pensioners) were so importunate to see him, that he was content to be led forth, &c. They supposing him to be alive, held themselves contented. The Physitians, carried him in again, as an extream sick man. His death was thus concealed 41 daies. He was wise and valiant, exceeding bountiful, but ambitious above measure. He left to Amurath an entire Kingdom, in the former greatness, though not much augmented. His body lyeth buried in a fair Tomb in a Chappel at the East of Prusa.

The Life of Amurath II. sixth King of the Turks, and the great Establisher of their Kingdom.

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AMurath or Murat, being placed in his Fathers Seat, and Mahomet's death published; great troubles began to arise. The Princes of Smyrna and Mentesia rose in Arms: and at Thessalonica, an obscure fellow took on him the name and person of Mustapha, Bajazet's Son, slain long before against Tamerlain. This counterfeit, animated by Greek Princes, and going to Vardarium, set on so good a courtenance, that not only the Country people, but Tzunites Beg, the prince of Smyrna's Son, with Eurenoses [...], [...] unto him as to their naturall Prince. Going to Hadrianople, (Amurath yet at Prusa) he was received as Mustapha: and shortly honoured as King in all the Turkish Kingdom in Europe. Amurath sending Bajazet Bassa with a strong Army into Europe, he found all the Country [...] to Mustapha; but being forsaken of the European Souldiers which he brought, and afterwards of the rest, he with his brother Hamze yielded for safety to Mustapha, upon promise of loyalty, sworne one of his Privy-Councel; who, the better to maintain his credit, [...] a great Army to make war upon Amurath in Asia. On the way his Counsellours repining at Bajazet's [...], advised him to beware he trusted him not too far, &c. Whereupon, Bajazet apprehended, was without tryal [...], and Haze with much ado, spared. This done, he proceeding, marching over into Asia. Amurath joyned three new [Page] [...], Temurtases his Sons, to Ibrahim and Eivases; by whose advice he sent for Michael Ogli, (Viceroy in [...] in Musa's time) after 8 years imprisonment from Musa's deposing) because well known to most chief men in Mustapha's Army. Amurath setting forward to [...] him, distrusting his forces, much inferiour to Mustapha's, prostrated himself at an Emir's feet (one of Mahomet's posterity) to receive a blessing for his better [...], &c. For all whose charms, he marched in fear [...] to the River Ulibad, causing, through Mustapha's [...], the bridge to be broken down, & encamped on [...] side. Mustapha finding the bridge broken, encamped on the other side: They thus lying that both might [...] together, Michael Ogli called aloud upon the old Souldiers in Mustapha's Army, asking by name for [...] old friends: many there present, rejoycing to see him, (whom they supposed dead in prison) came to the rivers [...] to hear him. Who lowdly perswaded them that this man was not the honorable Mustapha, but some base [...] fellow set up by the [...] Princes as a vail, &c. [...] them Mustapha, Bajazet's Son, ended his daies 22 years before, in his Countries defence, in the great [...] against Tamerlane: wherefore they should forsake that supposed one, & yield obedience to their undoubted Soveraign Amurath. These words from him whom they generally reverenced and trusted, so wrought, that some adventured over the river unto him, and many that [...], doubted. Eivases also, sent in secret to [...], to terrify him, that (Amurath next night [...] to pass over above the bridge) his chief Captains [...] promised to deliver Mustapha into his hands. [...], with some Troops (in the night) passed the river in [...] same place, with such noise as if Amurath's whole [...] was coming. Mustapha seeing things begin as [...] had written, and carrying a guilty [...], fled in [...], but with 10 persons (none pursuing) till he came to [Page] Boga river, and by a great sum to the Captain of the Castle, got passage, landing the 3d day over Hellespont, at Callipolis. This known they all yielded to Eivases, who repairing the bridge, Amurath joyned with him. Ibrahim would have had all the Rebels put to the sword, but by Eivases they were generally pardoned, Amurath coming to Boga, hanged the Captain: and intending to pursue him, hired (by chance) a Genoway ship to transport his Army into Europe; (for Mustapha caused the shipping to be brought to the other side). He now fleeing to Hadrianople, fearing to be betrayed, speeded thence: coming to an obscure place in the Country, whence the pursuers brought him bound to Amurath at Hadrianople, where he was hanged from the battlements of a high Tower. Some Writers report him indeed to be Bajazet's Son: but the Turkish Histories reporting as before, call him Dusme or counterfait Mustapha, &c.

[...] of the common Souldiers apparelled and armed like Janizaries, sell into the true Janizaries hands, Amurath's guard, who used them with all possible indignities. A Janizary being hungry, brought 2 of these to a Cooks shop, to sell them for a little victuals: who refusing to give him, as having no use of such; the Janizary swore to cut off their heads, and give them him for nought if he would not redeem them for a thing of nought. The Cook, moved with pity, offered him a Sheeps head, which he took, swearing he had given more than they were worth; which disgrace is yet often objected by the insolent Janizaries, telling these Asapi (in their rage) two of them are not worth a sodden Sheeps head.

Amurath was not a little grieved to think that this dangerous rebellion was first plotted by the Greeks, and then [...] by the Emperour; of whom [...] to be revenged, he sent Michael Ogli, with his Europeans to [...] about Constantinople, following in person [Page] with the Janizaries and Asians, filling the Land's neck before the City from Sea to Sea, and beginning furiously to batter the walls: but they, stronger than he, supposed, and the Defendants still repairing, he ceasing his battery, desperately assaulted it, but they were notably repulsed, some losing their hands, some their armes, but most their lives; no shott falling (from the walls) in vain. Which Amurath beholding sounded a retreat, and shortly in great rage departed: To whom the Emperour, sending about peace, he would not hear, but threatned ere long to be revenged. Wherefore the Emperour, to keep him busied, devised with the Caramanian King, countenancing another Mustapha Amurath's younger Brother, to his no small trouble. Mahomet had 5 Sons and 7 Daughters, Mustapha surnamed the little was the second, who being but 13 years old, was set up by Caramanian, and other Mahometan, and Christian Princes to impeach Amurath's greatnesse: who strengthened with their forces, besieged Nice, at length yielded to him. But Amurath corrupting by great gifts and promises, Ilias Beg, the Princes Tutor, he in 9 dayes came to Nice, entring with small resistance, Mustapha being presented by the Tutor to him: who because he would not spill a drop of Sacred Othoman blood, strangled him with a bow-string, buried at Prusa.

Amurath now fearing no Competitour, removed the 3 Bassaes into honourable places, retaining onely Eivases and Ibrahim of his Council. Eivases being shortly accused, that he sought to aspire the Kingdome, usually wearing a privy Coat, the Tyrant (jealous) cast his arme about him (as in kindnesse) as he rod with him: finding him secretly armed, would know the cause; who answered, for fear of some enemies in Court; but he forthwith apprehended, had his eyes burnt out with a hot steel glasse. Mahumethes (the while) Caramanian King besieged Attalia 6 months, Valiantly [...] d [Page] by Hamza, Amurath's Lievtenant: the King being slain with a great shot, as he viewed the City. Ibrahim succeeeding brake up the siege, to bury his Father. Then also Dracula of Valachia passing Danubius, did much hurt about Silistra, but afterwards was forced to become Amuraths tributary.

Tzunites (then about) pretending an interest of descent in the Seignory of Aidinia, (by all meanes vexed Jaxis Beg the Lievtenant) secretly favoured of the Country what they durst. Amurath Commanded Hamze Anatolia's Viceroy with all power to war on him, who invaded the Princes Country: who meeting him well provided, gave him battle: Hasan the Prince's son, with a part, put part of the Turks to flight, and too furiously pursuing, left his Father hard beset by the Viceroy, glad to flee to Hipsily Castle: Hasan returning, ignorant of the hap, was overcome and taken: The Viceroy presently besieging the Castle, after a while, the Prince (in extremity, yielded to him, (without Violence to him or his son) to be sent prisoners to Amurath: the Viceroy promising it by Oath. Iaxis whose brother the Prince (by chance) before taking, put to death, attending Hamze to his tent, and Hasan (as the Turks manner [...]) sitting on the ground, drawing him by the Coller to his fa hers feet struck off his head, and in the same rage, the aged Prince's also; to the great dishonour or the Viceroy. Their heads set on 2 Launces in the Castles sight, the defendants yielded. After Zunites his death, all this territory was united to the Othoman Kingdome. After all this, Amurath married Isfendiars Daughter. He now thought high time to [...] revenge of the Greek Princes that aided the Rebels aforesaid: wherefore ranging with a great Army thorow Macedonia, to Thessalonica, he surprized divers places (belonging to the Emperour) by the way. This famous City, (sometime for beauty and wealth) not inferiour to any in Greece, Amurath [Page] hardly besieged with [...] battery, corrupting secretly some Citizens, to have let him in by a secret Mine; which being by the Venetian Governours perceived, the plotters [...] the [...], fled to the Turks. Amurath promising his Souldiers all its spoyle if they wan it, so inflamed them (especially the Janizaries) that by a most terrible assault they entred the City. The Venetians fleeing to their Galleys, got to Sea: but no tongue or pen describe, the miseries the Christian Citizens endured, heartily wishing to die and could [...]. The furious enemy devoured all Sexes and Ages, but those who for strength or comelinesse, were reserved to labour and lust, afterwards dispersed into most miserable slavery. The infinite riches became a spoile: the houses (desolate) given for a habitation to such Turks as (at pleasure) repaired thither, and at this day possessed by them. This happened in 1432, [...] returning to Hadrianople, sent Caratze with most of his Army into Aetolia: whose Prince, Charles, dying a little before, divided Acharnania amongst his 3 Base sons, (leaving the rest to his Brothers Son, Charles). Shortly after, Amurath sending aid to one of the brethen falling at discord, in fine, subjected all Aetolia to himself. The Princes of Athens, Phocis, Boetia, and all Greece unto Corinths strait, terryfied hereby, became tribularies to the Tyrant, living long under his slavery. Thus the Greeks lost their liberty, &c. and [...] now so degenerate, that whereas they accounted all Nations [...] in comparison, themselves are [...] no lesse [...]. John Castriott who reigned in Epirus, seeing how the Turk [...] against his Neighbour-Princes, (for peace) delivered his 4 Sons, Szanstius, Reposius, Constantine, and George, Hostages to Amurath, promising well to intreat them: But having gotten them, he circumcised and instructed them in Turkish superstition, to their [...] great grief: and the Father dying he poysoned the 3 Elder, seizing on Croia his chief [Page] City, and all his Territories, as if (by right) devolved to him. But George (named Scanderbeg, or Lord Alexander for his feature and wit) he loved (some thought) more passionately than he should a boy: [...] him to be instructed in all activity, &c. wherein he excelling all his equals, came (very young) to be a great Sanzack, and being often General of his Armies, he got the love of all, increasing in credit with Amurath. Who shortly turning into Servia, the Prince to procure his favour [...] him a yearly tribute, and to do what he reasonably demanded. He beside the tribute, required Mary his fair Daughter in marriage, the Hungarians not to passe through his Country to invade him, and not to deny his Army passage, when he would invade Bosna. All which the Prince was glad to agree to: Now about, Josephus and Machmutes Amurath's [...], and Orchanes Solyman's son, &c. died of the plague at Prusa.

While he thus in Europe, the Caramanian King invaded him in Asia: for 'twas agreed between the Christians of Europe and Mahometans of Asia, to invade him (when in Europe) in Asia, and when in Asia, in Europe. Amurath seizing on Saruchania Mentesia, &c. before, but his tributaries, entred Caramania, forcing the King to yield to his own conditions, and send his Son to wait at his Court: and made Isfendiar his tributary, and to send his son also; Thus becoming terrible to all the Mahometan Princes. Returning to Hadrianople, he sent Ali's Bassa to invade Hungary, in revenge of their incursions in his absence: which he performing for a month, returned with rich booty. Ere long he personally inroaded in to Hungary, the Prince of Servia giving his Army passage, and Dracula of Valachia aiding him more for fear than good will. So returning, his Souldiers enriched, he wintred at Hadrianople. Who to spoyle the secret suspected confederacy between the Hungarians and the King of Caramania, doubting the [Page] Servian his Father in-law was chief Author, sent for him to Hadrianople: who doubting some tragedy, pretended greatly he could not come; and fearing, fortified all his strong places, chiefly the City Semendre, leaving Gregory or George his son Governour, (for Stephen was at Court with his Sister) and went into Hungary to procure some aid, and having there certain Territories exchanged of Sigismund for the City Belgrade. Not long after, Amurath, forgetting affinity and league, entred Servia, destroying and hardly besieging Semendre, where after long siege, the Princes son (doubting sudden assault) yielded himself and City: so that Sophia, Novomont, with all the rest yielded to Amurath. After which, hearing the Servian and Hungarian were making head, and that Gregory and Stephen, had intelligence with his Father, he cast them into prison at Didymoticum, & burnt out their eyes [...] a red [...] brasse bason.

Albert Duke of Austria marrying Sigismund the Emperour's onely Daughter, and succeeding him, died in the 2d year of his Reign in preparation against Amurath: who driving George of Servia out of his Dominions, had extended his Kingdome even to Hungarian's borders. Albert leaving his wife with child, the Hungarians (the Turks come so nigh) thought needful not to rest on the peoples devotion towards the Queen, and expectation of her issue: but to choose some great Prince, the better to [...] the Kingdome against their enemies. Whereupon they sent Embassage to Uladislaus young King of Polonia, to offer him the Queen in marriage, and with her the Kingdome also. So [...] [...] in the [...] Court of the inequality of the [...], the King being in his prime, and the Queen well stept in years; nought was offered herein but wars: that the Hungarians sought to defend themselves by Polonian force: Others said, the [...] of these 2 Kingdomes, would be great good to both, to the Kings great honour, &c. that it were greater [Page] policy to keep the Turk out of Hungary, than leaving it a prey, to be forced to fight with him in Polonia: and for inequality of years, it was not so great a matter, for Princes regard more the virtues of their choice, with their honours increase, &c. than the Summer fruit of youth, which doth shortly perish, &c. Uladislaus answered the Embassadours he would accept of their offers. But the Queen being delivered of a son, whom she named [...], she began to repent of calling in the Polonian King, to her sons prejudice. And animated by some Nobles, (hoping to grow great themselves) determined by all means to exclude the Polonian: but most considering the most expedience, and that they could neither with honour or safety flye from what was concluded. Hungary was divided into 2 Factions, and grew to civil Wars. The Queen, the more to gain the people, caused herson (but 3 Months old) to be solemnly Crowned at Albaregalis. But the Polonian entring Hungary with an Army, and joyning with his friends, most which followed the Queen, revolted to him. So that she (committing her sons tuition, with the Crown, to Frederick the Emperour, yet) ceased not to stir up wars against [...] at home and abroad, till by her death her quarrel ended.

[...] (in these civil Wars) thought a fair opportunity for Hungaria's conquest. Wherefore with a great Army marching to the strong City Belgrade, (which invironed on the East with [...], on the South with the river Saus; and on the other sides with strong walls and deep large ditches, was then accounted, the gate into Hungary) First gave 2 terrible [...] (in good hope) but was Valiantly repulsed with great slaughter. Wherefore he raising mounts, and high woodden Towers, furiously battered the walls, causing also galleys, &c. in great number to be brought into both rivers, to assault the City, and keep the Citizens from succours. Yet it was still [Page] defended under Uranus a Florentine Governour, who with Sallies and shot, slew great numbers. The Turk knowing, that Uladislaus was at this time troubled by the Queens Faction, continued his siege, though famine began much to increase in his Campe, hoping the defendants (despairing of help) would shortly yield. Uladislaus assayed to raise the siege by sending 3 Polonian Nobles Embassadours to Amurath, declaring, for as much as he had offered to joyn with him in league before he came out of Polonia, if he would desist from invading Hungary, whereof he was now chosen King, and raise his siege, then they should easily agree upon the desired peace, &c. but if he had rather proceed in Armes, he would do his best to make him know he was of power sufficient to withstand his greatest forces, and revenge his wrongs. Amurath appointing the Embassadours to withdraw to Synderovia of Servia, not far off, till he might better consider their demands, and pretending their safety: so soon as they were departed, he first assaied the Citizens and Souldiers, with magnifical promises, &c. if they would yield the City: shooting in also many letters full of like promises. But seeing no hope to prevail, he spake to his [...] (called together) as followeth. Though I know 'tis in my power to grant or not grant the motioned peace: yet it is my pleasure to know your minds also. For so much as we have that [...] hand; wherein, with worldly [...], is endangered our religion, &c. As for mine own estate, I possesse so large Countries in Asia and Europe, that perhaps it might better stand with my estate to take more care for keeping that I have, then to travel for more: but whether have you sufficient or not, and how long assured of the same? And moreover, we shall be driven at length to forsake our Religion, if we now lay down Armes. For our enemies require we should first cease from War, and then they would talk of Peace. I omitt what labour we have taken in our siege, &c, all which they command us to forsake. Our enemies [Page] [...], whosoever shall have this City, shall have [...] ul [...] of [...] for his own, [...] an entrance [...] subduing of others. [...] is now divided: and this motion is but to gain time for satisfying private quarrels, that with double [...] they may [...] on us, &c. Their proud demands for restoring Bulgaria and Rascia, &c. sounds already in my [...]: which we refusing to grant, the Hungarians and [...] joyned, will bring those Wars to our doors, which we [...] [...] [...] make on them [...] with [...] [...]. And if we should restore all in reason they could desire, do you think the Prince of Servia would rest [...] with his own? whose haughty mind gapeth at all ours in Europe, &c. If whose fortune should answer his designes, besides all the [...] out-rages to be [...], they count it a godly work to use all cruel villanies against our Nation, except we will forsake the Faith and Religion delivered by our Ancestors, &c. accounting all holy Saints which die in fight against us. If ye will but, a little inforce: your selves, ye shall find all worldy and [...] [...] assured unto us, [...] (to morrow) you shall overthrow the foundation of the enemies wall. Hitherto we have [...] with nature in the rough mountaines of Bulgaria and [...], &c. that at length we might attain to the wealth of fruitful Hungary, whose pleasant places do yield plenty of all food for man and beast, not onely to satisfie [...] necessity, but even glut our wanton desires: gold which others most painfully dig up (in few places) the Hungarians gather as it were a growing plant. It is in your power (worthy Souldiers) whether ye will (to morrow) open your selves a way to these good things for ever, or leave the way open for your enemies to all that you hold. According as I shall see you fight, I shall perceive what to answer, to the insolent demands of the Embassadours.

[Page]Next [...] (early) [...] commanded the [...] to [...] given to a [...] [...] [...] had made [...] the Souldiers assayling it with great courage, especially [...] [...] who [...] the same. The Christians seeing all in [...], [...] from all parts to the breach, [...] charged the [...] [...] they retired more hastily then they [...]. Many [...] the rest fleeing [...], were either [...] or [...] to death in the [...], or strangled in the smoak: the Defendants wild fire taking hold upon faggots, &c. where with the Turks made their way over. He is reported to lose [...] 8000 of his best [...], besides 7000 over whelmed in the Mines, by [...]. They that assaulted by water had rather worse successe. Many Galleys, &c. [...], some burnt, divers in sudden fear [...] upon the Shelves, [...] shamefully beaten, and by famine, and [...] force losing most of his Army, determined after 7 months siege to return. Yet [...] answered the Embassadours in the Campe: we will talke of peace, when [...] shall deliver us all of [...] which he holdeth, and also Belgrade as a pledge. For this time I will raise my siege: yet I would wish him, rather to accept of my friendship, than, by denying that little, to hazard both his [...]. I ask but what is mine by law of armes, before he was called into Hungary. If he will rather strive for other mens, than quietly possesse his own, I will (in good time) repaire thither again, &c.

In his way, he [...] Isa Beg with certain troopes at Scopia in Servia, who so troubled the King of Bosna, that (for peace) he promised Amurath 25000 Duckets yearly tribute.

Uladislans seeing Transylvania much subject to the Turks incursious, (having gotten all Moldavia into their possession) created John Huniades his Vicegerent there: Whatever his parents were, himself was a most polique, Valiant, and fortunate Caprain, obtaining such [Page] Victories, as was never before (by any Christian Prince) against the Turks, with whose [...] they used to fear their crying Children: He began to keep them short, cutting them off when they encred, and shutting the passages of Transilvania, and not resting till he won Moldavia quite from them, And many times passing Danubius, made havock of the Turks, carrying away great booty, with many Captives.

Laying at [...], and Isa at Sinderovia, both of great Spirit: Isa to increase his credit with the Sultan his Uncle, &c. continually forraged about Belgrade, that wearying the Inhabitants with daily harms, he might gain the City, mostly abandoned of the Citizens, which Amurath could not by force obtain. Sometimes not content to spoyle the open Country, he assayled the Citie's Suburbs, and was hardly repulsed. And Huniades onely hindring his further proceedings, he brake sometimes into his Country, laying ambushes in every Corner to Circumvent him: who grieved hereat, secretly raised a strong power, and with Valiant Nicolas Vilarch, passing Danubius, encamped betwixt Belgrade and Sinderovia. Isa forthwith setting forward against him with a great Army, he found [...] as ready for battle as [...]. At the first encounter, [...] his wings were forced to retire: but the Turks coming to the men at Armes, their fury was stayed; many fell on both sides, but of the Turks more, who not able long to endure the Shock, were by heapes overthrown. Which Isa beholding, fled to [...]; the rest fled also: whom the [...] (especially Huniades) fiercely following, left not the Chase till come almost to the Suburbs of Sinderovia: few escaped, the rest being taken or slain: Huniades returning with rich prey, &c. to Belgrade, after which Isa was more quiet. This Victorie soon filled Buda with joy and gladnesse: Uladislaus causing publique prayers with thanksgiving to be made, and by letters gratulatory, [Page] with rich presents, encouraged Huniades to the prosecution of the Religious War.

Amurath, lest he would seem to yield to the Hungarians, repaired his broken forces, to renew his wars in Valachia: sending Mesites Bassa with a puissant Army, to invade Transylvania. He passing out of Servia over [...], suddenly entred Huniades his Country, burning, spoyling, and killing all he lightt on without respect. Huniades (lately come) and having no sufficient forces to oppose the enemy, was wonderfully grieved and perplexed. At length he fled to his old friend the Bishop of Alba Jula: but staying there about raysing a [...] Army, the enemy was come near him, glad to march softlier, as it were surcharged with spoyle. Which they beholding, thought it [...], with what power they had to go out, and honourably to die, than longer to behold the miserable destruction of their Countty. But whilst they marched on unadvisedly, without scouts, they fell in ambushes layed in the woods and Vallyes to intercept them. Huniades and the Bishop so entrapped and beset, fled back again, after whom the Turks following, put all they could overtake to the sword: yet most [...] to Alba Jula. The Bishop in taking a river with his horse was overthown and slain. The Bassa encouraged, now wasted at pleasure [...] fire and sword, that part yet unspoyled. Huniades with wonderful speed taking what Souldiers he could, perswaded also the Sicilians to take up Armes, who (for the present necessity) chearfully did, he following the Bassa returning laden with spoyle, to [...] upon him on occasion: of whose coming, Mesites not [...] reckoning, said, Let him come, and with the spoile of himself enrich our Victory. John, an Espial, [...] discovered to Huniades, that the Bassa had appointed some of his best Companies, above all things, [...] [...] Huniades his person in battle, (all depending on his direction) [...] them tokens to know [Page] [...] and his horse. One Simon [...] a Valiant man, [...] much unlike Huniades, changed horse and armour with him, appointing him a [...] troope to attend him: Huniades, finding an opportunity, came so suddenly on the Turks, that they were glad to [...] without Order; many fell on both sides, but far more of the Turks. The Turkish troopes (the while) descrying Simon, with all their power made towards him, where was fought a most bloody battle. But they bending their forces more and more to kill him: at length slaying them about him, (not without their great losse) slew him, supposing him the very General. But Huniades riding to and fro, encouraged his Souldiers not to forsake the Victory, nor leave unrevenged, so many slaughters and harmes, committed by their enemies, &c. In the heat of this battle, [...] favouring neither, great number of Transylvanian prisoners in the Camp, with one consent brake their bonds, slaying many of their keepers, and [...] into the battle, encouraged their Country men. Yet it was hardly fought: But at length, the Turks, out of hope of Victory, retired by little and little; the other fought more fiercely than before. Mesites beholding some as if they fled, others fleeing outright, and no meanes to stay them, fled also: the Hungarians pursuing with most terrible execution, in which Mesites and his son were slain: the report of which added swiftnesse to the Hungarians, [...] them for certain dayes to the top of the Alpes, 20000 Turks were [...], about 3000 Hungarians. Huniades recovered all the prey, with their tents and baggage, a number of Cap ives kissing his feet, gave God thanks for their deliverance: some called him the Father, some the Defender of his Country, &c. He again with tears standing, embracing them, rejoyced at the publique good, giving hearty thanks to God, Commanding the like to be done in all that Province. He commended the Souldiers Valour, and the people's Loyalty, extolling the [Page] worthy Captives by name, &c. part of the spoyle; he appointed a part to devout uses, part amongst the Souldiers. He [...] a great wagon loaded with the Turks ensignes; and the chief of their Heads, (the Bassaes and his sons stood foremost) to Uladislaus and the Despot of Servia, presented by an old Turk, as followeth;

Huniades, &c. sendeth to you part of the spoyle, lest he should seem to defraud you of the honour of the battle. These heads he sendeth, that you should not want assurance of such a Victory. All these witnesse the greatnesse of the Slaughter, and exhort you to great atchievements; requesting that general Supplications may be commanded, and a great Army provided: for all suppose the Turk will engage his whole forces in revenge of so great a slaughter.

The King and the Despot, commending Huniades his discreet Valour, with the Victory, worthy (as they said) of a Roman triumph, publique supplications were made thorow Hungaria, Messengers sent to give Huniades great thanks, with rich presents, commending his faithful service requesting him to prosecute the war with like care, that he should want nothing needful thereunto. Moldavia and Valachia the Turks Tributaries, now revolted to the Hungarians: and Huniades fame was soon dispersed thorow Europe, and a general hope conceived of him &c.

This overthrow, with Mesites his death, most of all Moldavia's and Valachia's revolt, much troubled the Turk. So that, raysing a great Army of 80000 men under Schech Abedin Bassa, an Eunuch, yet right Valiant and expert, charged him [...] doing what harm he could in Valachia and Moldavia, to break into Transylvania, fully to revenge the losse before received, &c. The Bassa entred Valachia, filling the Country with fear and [...], sore repenting of their revolt. Huniades chearing them, willed them to retire to their safest places, and [Page] not to expose their weak forces against their fury, promising to come to their relief, &c. The Bassa dividing his Army, forraged far and near, [...], and spoyled all in their way, killing without [...] of Age, Sex, or Condition. But the [...] [...] themselves [...] [...] into the [...] hands. The [...] [...] into [...], purposing to do greater harme if possible: but [...] was therewith 15000 chosen Souldiers, ready to [...] them. The [...] (as well [...] with whom he had to do) [...], to see the enemies power. But informed by scouts that he was not a quarter so many [...] the Turks, but lay strongly [...] with his [...] and Carriages as in a [...] [...], he wondered at his courage and skill [...] [...] of his [...] [...] doubted not to offer him [...] Being come within [...] a mile of each other, the Turks thought not best to joyn battle in one [...], but to divide and so fight by degrees; if he could not so, [...] [...] the Christians [...] with his [...] [...] [...] his Souldiers; above all things to keep their [...]. Next day being come to [...], the Bassa spent a good space in martialling his Army, as did also [...], encouraging his chief Commanders that [...] [...] could have induced him to encounter such a [...] did not necessity, their approved Valour, and the assured hope in Christ, confirme him. Three commodities God propounded unto them, the [...] of Wives, Children and Country, renown in this World and immortality in the World to come. The [...] [...], [...], Bulgarians, [...] and [...] could not abide the Turks force: The [...], [...], [...], willingly gave them [...] [...] us [...] this praise of this Victory by God assigned, who oft with a small power and sometime against all hope, have with notable slaughter overthrown them, &c. learning no lesse to [...] you though but few, than if you were many. Now they are come with innumerable [Page] Legions: yet more than the Janizaries are no good Souldiers among them, the rest as enforced serve them for fear, &c. We are not to fight for other mens houses and altars, but for our own, &c. That, God is able with his little finger (if he will) to destroy all the Turks in the World, but he first makes proof of our courage for defence of his name, that [...] [...] [...], he may [...] it with his own fight [...]. They fight for their Prophet, Authour of all [...], for spoyle and [...], destruction of [...], other mens Kingdomes; enlarging their [...], worldly [...]. But we contrary wise, &c. A little refreshing your selves (with a repast) as you stand, on the [...] given, thrice calling aloud upon the name of Christ, sight (as [...] you can) with like [...] that He fought for your redemption, &c. for Christ will be [...] present with us, who (believe me and so hope) will not onely deliver us this day out of the Turks hands, but load us with their [...] [...], and so bring all home in safety, with much joy and [...].

The Bassa encouraged his, [...] the [...] former Victories, not to degenerate from their Ancestours and themselves, to whom [...] the [...] interpreter had foretold the Empire of the whole World, &c. He filled them with hope of great spoyle, promising to the Valiant, whole Villages, &c. with great [...], as they should deserve. He assured them of Victory, their enemies being weak, and themselves a great number, if they would fight it out like men. That [...] overcome Huniades, whom he had found the most Valiant and skillful Christian Captaine, nothing should [...] their farther conquests; willing them above all [...] to seek [...] him; promising to him [...] killed him, [...] [...], &c. Both Armies being come within [...] of a [...], the signal given, the battle began: [...] seeing the enemie cast his first battle in forme of a wedge, the [...] to divide them, they in forme of a pare of Sheers were [Page] ready [...] them, where both sides encountred with a [...] and outcry, never more terrible. They fought a while, in the light horsemens wings, with like hope: but the Turks better acquainted with that kind of [...], better appointed & exceeding in number, enforced the Christians to retire to the men [...] force, where was made a most terrible fight: most of the Turks light horsemen were slain, for they could not abide the men at armes force, though but [...] in Comparison of them: so that the Turks in both wings began to faint. But the battle yet wavering, the Janizaries with men at armes, and troopes of light [...], compassed the Christian men at armes, standing in the main battle, where the old Janizaries, with [...] cut their horses legs asunder; many of whom falling, were made shorter by the head: likewise the Janizaries were themselves trodden under foot. Whereupon blood ran like Rivers; most of the Janizaries being [...], and many Christians also.

The Bassa yet in hope the Hungarians would faint with long fight, came on with the [...] ward, and a number [...] [...] Souldiers left for guarding his baggage. It was after four [...] [...]. He commanded them to compasse in the Hnngarians, &c. vainly boasting it would be the last battle ever they would fight. Haniadis suffering part of his men to be [...], caused the [...] to thrust in with armed Carts, &c. behind the enemies; and afterwards with fresh supplies renewed the batele. The fight was great, and though the Turks slaughter great, [...] not much feeling [...] [...] multitude, still [...] [...] desperately, till the [...] wing seeing themselves compassed with waggons, and thence [...] with shot, &c. fearing the danger [...], shrunk from the fight. The Hungarians, now more [...] [...] their fainting enemies [...]; encouraging them in the waggons to approach them nearer, the [...] hardly [...], and fighting disorderly, first [Page] retired, presently after fled. They that were [...] [...] in, &c. all perished. The lest wing discouraged, [...] likewise: the Hungarians fiercely following. The [...] strucken with dispaire fled, with some Janizaries kept for his persons safeguard, whom so many [...] [...] [...], followed: the rest flying [...] woods and [...], either perished with hunger, or [...] by the [...] flain: [...] half the Army [...] over [...]. Huniades content with so great a Victory, [...] them not far, but with their Campes spoyle, greatly enriched himself and his Souldiers: 5000 [...] taken prisoners, and [...] Ensignes. Huniades caused prayers with thanksgiving to be made for 3 dayes in [...] those 3 [...], and hanged up at Vascape (where the battle was fought) certain Turks Ensignes, Trophies of Victory. It was the [...] ever any Christian [...] obtained against the Turk. Many Inhabitants [...] their [...] for a season, for fear of infection by the Turks [...], wherewith the [...] covered. Then [...] [...] [...] in triumph, he presented [...], the [...] [...], &c. which he [...] receiving, and highly commending his Valour, its [...] shortly [...] [...] [...].

Amurath a [...] before, [...] a proud Embassage to [...], offering peace, on [...] him [...], or paying him a yearly [...] the King (upon the [...] report of the Victory) [...], [...] to the issue of matters, he would shortly in person come and give him further answer. And for [...] [...] power or desire of revenge, [...] the [...] of his Kingdome, with [...] the Popes Legate, sent [...] thither to stir up the Hungarians against the Turks, he propounded the danger [...], and how it might be averted. [...], requested by the King to [...] his [...], first spake: Since the Turkish [...] began to rage in Europe, no newes was more welcome to the [...] Bishop, &c. than [Page] Uladistaus his being chosen King of Hungary, for a fitter could not the Hungarians any where have found, &c. The Kingdom is by your force and valour, my mediation, and the Queen's death well pacified: but yet the Turkish Tyranny, &c. is to be repressed, &c. If so great an Army was vanquished by one of thy Captain's power, but small. what is to be hoped of thee (most mighty King) if thou shalt lead thine Armies in person, under the Protection of Christ Jesus? The eyes of all Christian Princes are upon thee, &c. And albeit the Common cause of Religion require thee to be a revenger, &c. yet Hungary and Poland's necessity no lesse enforce it; of which one is miserably vexed with the Turke out of Servia and Dalmatia, the other out of Moldavia and Valachia. You lack not (worthy Captaines) money, which shall be brought unto you from all part, not lusty and couragious Souldiers, not policy, not for tune, &c. you want nothing but will. It's an Expedition necessary, religious, profitable and honourable, wherein are all ample rewards in this life, and the life to come. Wherefore I beseech you by the faith of Christ, by love of your Children, health of your Kingdome, &c. with valiant courage and one consent, to take this sacred war in hand, and so enroll your names in the eternal book of fame.

Forthwith ensued the Despot's reares, perswading them of that expedition's necessity, declaring the Turks cruelty and strange tortures, his sons deprived of sight, and spoyled of their Genitories, &c. that the Hungarians were divided from the Turks but by the river Saus, oft to be waded in Summer, and hard frozen in Winter: that he was driven into exile by the Turks power, fleeing to Ragusium, then into Hungary, of which the Barbarian now asked tribute, to have some colour for its invasion, &c. Wherefore with many teares running down his aged face, he besought Uladislaus, not to let slip this fair occasion, &c. offering a great sum himself towards the war's [Page] charges, assuring them also of great supplies of men and money from other Princes. Whereupon a decree was made, that the King should personally with all speed entertain that war. Though Winter approached, men were taken up, and Embassadours sent to the Emperour, and others to pray their aid. Who [...] excusing themselves, sent no aid at all. Yet many out of France and Germany, forsaking all, came and served on their own charge. The spring come, and supplications made for successe, Uladislaus (May 1.) passing Danubius from Buda, stayed 3 dayes at the River Tibiscus for his Armies coming; departing thence, marching till within sight of Bulgaria, he [...] Cobis passing Danubius with his very great Army, marched to Sophia in about 6 dayes, in Bulgaria's [...]. Which being badly fortified, was easily taken; and afterward burnt, as were all other Towns and Villages thereabouts, for terrour to the rest. Thence he encamped at the River Morava, where 500 light horse men being sent over, to view a safe and easie passage for the Army, they took 4 Turks scouts; understanding them, that 2000 Turks were at hand. They retiring back with all speed to the River, many leaping (for fear) from the high banks, perished in the deep, the rest stood doubtfully expecting what should become of themselves. The Turks descrying the King hovering on the top of the hill beyond the River, doubting an ambush, retired. Which they on the far side perceiving, and encouraged by the Kings coming down, followed a while to increase their fear. Next day the King passing the River, sent to see if all [...] clear: but being [...] that the Turks (at hand) had placed ambushes fast by; he entring into counsel, resolved, that Huniades with 10000 horse, should next night suddenly set on the enemy. Who [...] near them, and the Moon shining out, he led his men by the way the enemy was likeliest [...] flee, if put to the worst; and entring the Campe with a hideous cry, [Page] the Turks suddenly awakened, and dismayed, betook some to their weapons, some to their heels, &c. Huniades the whiles, cheared up his men couragiously to assaile their sleepy, naked, and fearful enemies. At first, the Turks made a Stir, but hearing Huniades was there, with the greatnesse of the sudden fear, with an inconsirate desire of flight, they trod down one another, thrusting on each others weapons. Most of them driven into thickets, &c. were by the fierce pursurers slain: the rest when 'twas day, ran the same fortune, 30000 Turks were slain, 4000 taken, with a number of Ensigns. Most report Huniades lost but 500; for few found any enemy to resist them. They took all the spoyle of a most rich Campe: The King and Despot hearing of Huniades approach in triumph from the slaughter of the Turks, with great applause of the other Legions went 3 miles to meet him, and would not suffer Huniades to alight, to do him honour, but taking him by the right hand, joyed with him, thanking God who had given him a Captain worthy to rule the Romane Empire, &c. The Common Souldiers embracing one anothet, welcomed their victorious Friends. So the King and Huniades, sending the spoyle, and the chained Prisoners before, returned in great triumph, causing prayers with thanksgivings to be made to God, thorowout the Army.

The Legate General of the Voluntary Christians, perswaded the King and the rest, to prosecure their good fortune, and take in the rest of Bulgaria. Huniades had learned it was but. 3 dayes journey to Philippopolis in Thrace, the like to Hadrianople, as much to Constantinople. The difficulty was the great and rough mountain Hemus, which dividing Bulgaria and Servia from Macedouia and Thrace, is not to be passed over but in 2 places, one made by Traian the Emperour, with a mighty stone-gate to be opened or shut at pleasure, the other near the little River Saltiza, Huniades marching foreward [Page] took all Towns (in their way) of Bulgaria; wherein conformity of Religon, the Turks [...], great affinity of Language, was no small help. [...] to [...] to [...] Thrace, the weather now very cold, they learned, those passages were so strongly shut with great stones, &c. they were very hardly to be forced. Wherefore [...] leaving the straighter way made by man, came [...] Christmas, even to the other, by Saltiza; where Amurath had shut up the passage, and placed strong Garrisons to defend Macedonia and Thracia from the dreaded Hungarians invasion. In the Army was such want of all things, that the Souldiers were ready to forsake their [...], and, mutinie beginning, to grow weak, by victuals failing. Besides, the Winter was so cold, and the frost so great, they could not many times seek for forrage or water. So that the Army began to retire and had been dissolved, had not [...] daily [...] them, the greatest difficulties werealready past &c. that in going back, they should find greater difficulties in those wast Countries, than in going forward [...] that, these straits opened, there remained not but the spoile of a most rich and pleasant Country, that what they had already won, was easie to be recovered, except those enemies remaining, were driven quite out of Europe. Whilst Huniades spake, every man was encouraged: but remembring their [...], they cursed the rash attempts of ambitious Princes. The Turks coming after them, Huniades was sent with some troupes, who 8 times encountred them, and as [...] forced them to retire. In retiring back, the King with most of the Army went before Huniades, and the Despot followed after a good daies Dayes march: the Turks that kept the passage, followed them down the hill, in hope of revenge. Carambey was their General, with expresse charge not to fight upon any occasion with the enemy: (for Amurath thought it Victory enough, [Page] without losse to keep them out of [...]). Which [...] (for all that neglecting) followed the Christian Army, [...] to the mountain [...], hovering over [...] heads to take them at advantage: The Christians would many times fight with them in disadvantagious places, [...], They had rather dye like men, then [...] with hunger and cold. [...] exceeding both in strength and number, besides the ground's advantage, would needs give battle. [...] and the Despot (though much troubled with the King's absence, who was gone a dayes march before) saw they could not shun battle; yet Carambey coming down upon them, put themselves in the best order they could, &c. Carambey sending his horse down, a [...] [...] was made: in which many on both sides were slain. The [...] men at armes, with the Hungarian light horse men fought (but as how?) [...] to dye. The Turks stood hard to it for a [...], [...] length being hardly laied to, they began to give ground: Carambey coming in with new supplies, [...] [...] roughly, sometimes perswading fairely, [...] them that were fleeing. Huniades and the Despot, when they perceived the enemy a little to faint, cryed [...], Victory, &c. And sent some companies of foot, who climbing up among the bushes, paunched the Turks horses with half pikes, &c. as they passed by them. Here began the battle to decline; the bolder [...] which were come into the Valleys, compassed with the men at armes, hardly recovered the hill. Carambey (the while) performed all the parts of a Valiant and worthy Captaine, and couragiously fighting in the thickest of his enemies, stayed, for a time, the lost battle. At last, deceived by the snow, he fell into a bogge, and was taken prisoner by a common Souldier. Many great ones were taken besides Carambey, but more slain, and most in the flight; few escaped but such as fled to the mountains to them that were left to desend the passage. In the [Page] [...], [...] seeing such a man as Carambey (though to him unknown) led prisoner, asked the Souldier, [...] would sell him? who asked for him 10 [...], Huniades giving him 400, sent him to his tent, [...] him with chearful words. The Despot coming that night to the [...], began to talk with him in the [...] [...], and guessing by his talk Who he was, asked Huniades, how he would ransome him? who said, he cost him 400 Duckats, but he valued him at 40000, which the Despot offered to pay: The [...] report, that Uladislaus was present and commanded as chief in this battle: yet Hungarian writers (whose credit we follow) report as before.

Shortly after, Huniades and the Despot confulted with the King for removing the Turks Garrisons left to keep the passages, and to prosecute the War. Uladislaus (considering the Difficulty, and his Souldiers necessity) thought good [...] with to return. But they, the one for honour, the other hoping to recover his lost Kingdome, said; The Turks were in any [...] [...] be removed, &c. alleadging the [...] [...] courage of his Souldiers. Whose valour, (lest the King should seem to distrust) he commanded to set forward. The Kings battle first mounted the hill, often stayed by its roughnesse, &c. Huniades in searching, found a crooked way, whereby (with his men) he got to the top even with their enemies. But being come to the desired place, they found such a deep wide gaping rock. [...], as was not to be passed or filled up: yet being very near, they attempted by crossbow-shot, &c. to remove the Turks, who were (at first) so annoyed and discomfited, they were almost at the point to forsake the passe, had not Alis Beg encouraged and taught them, (by shrowding under the broken rooks) &c. to save themselves from the shot. Huniades had sent up other Companies, by another more steep way, who (by too much disadvantage) were easily rejected. [Page] At length seeing the vain attempt, and desperate danger, he (by the Kings command sounding a retreat) retired down to the Turks, rejoycing. Next day the cold raging, and wants increasing, the King consulted with the [...], for hasting their return into places of greater plenty; whereunto [...] now easily yielded, the rest spake against it; blaming them, &c. promising he would find money for all things needful: So said the Legate also. But the Souldiers could nor be perswaded to slay, crying out, It was not their Captaines, &c. but them that starved for hunger: as for the Despot (in hope of recovering his Kingdome) he perswaded things impossible, Need, they said, could not be vanquished; but, Winter past, they would willingly return to the War. The King sending his baggage before, retired the way he came: the Turks following and assayling them in the reare, on both sides, did and received harm. The Army loaded with spoil, could make no great hast: and passing thorow a great thick wood, full of bogs &c. they left fome strong men at armes, as a wall against the pursuers; whom the Turks fiercely charging, there was a great [...] and tumult raised, to which noise many [...] returning, in skirmishing, fell into the bogs, &c. hardly [...] [...] out. Besides, there were many crooked turnings, &c. with so sleep deseents, that their horses lay heeles overhead, overthrown with their Rides, that they were often forced to fight on foot. About 80 men at armes were lost; besides the Turks slain, were taken a 120, all presently slain. The King, fearing his Army (in so long and troublesome a march) should be consumed with hunger, &c. caused all things of the carriages and [...], serving rather for burthen than use, to be burnt; all [...] of them whom he lost, as of the enemy, to be [...]; and all weak beasts of burthen to be killed. So the Army marched more speedily, nor so much subject to [...]. At length Uladislaus arriving at Belgrade, stayed some [Page] daies well to refrésh; thence passing the River Savus, he came to Buda, of all joyfully received. The Legate and Huniades went on his right hand, the Despot on his left, &c. Before the King at his coming to the City, went the notable Turks [...]; Carambey next before him, bound in chaines; with them also the enemies Ensigns and saved spoyles. Huniades came behind the King, between the Legate and Despot in a triumphant robe, as next to the King best deserving, &c. Before all went the Prelates and Priests singing Hymns, &c. Uladislaus, alighred at the gate, going on foot to a [...], giving there [...] thanks, and hanging up the enemies Ensigns & part of the [...] in remembrance of so notable a Victory, &c. Then he went to his pallace in the Castle, and duely commending ever man, (especially Huniades) gave them leave to depart. Thus the Hungarians report: yet the Turks (dissemblers of their losses) call the Bassa overthrown, Cassanes and the noble prisoner Mechmet Beg Sanzacit of Ancyra, called (of some) Carambey after his Father's name.

Out of this Turkish slaughter, escaped that Valiant [...] George Castriot (called Scanderbeg) whose mind had long desired to break out of the Turks thraldome, and be revenged of Amurath's intolerable injuries, being often animated thereto by secret letters and messengers from Epirus: but wisely dissembled the same un o Amurath, till now under the leading of Carambey, in such a confusion, he took occasion to put in practise what he had long plotted, Scanderbeg a little before, imparting the matter to some [...] Country men, especially to Amessa his brothers son, of great courage, had a [...] eye on the [...] chief Secretaries flight, [...] with Amessa, and other friends he closely followed: but getting the [...] with a [...] followers in place convenient, he slew all the Turks, carrying away the Secretary bound, and with threats [...] him to write letters as from the Bassa, to the Governour of [Page] Croia, [...] (in Amurath's name) to deliver to Scanderbeg, the charge of the City and Garrison, cunningly enterlacing other things, &c. And then [...] the Secretary, and many Turks coming in his way, that his doings might be the longer kept from Amurath's knowledge. Who having with him 300 Epirot Souldiers that followed him out of the battle, came with incredible celerity, into Dibria, about 70 miles from Croia, where staying but a day, he chose a few to waite on him to Croia, as if his houshould servants; the rest; with other 300 come out of Dibria, he appointed secretly to be led thorow woods and mountains, till come so nigh Croia as possible, unperceived. When he drew near the City, he sent Amessa before as his Secretary, to certifie the Governour of his coming; who framing his countenance and attire as a natural Turk, he delivered his Message with so good grace and words, that all was verily believed. But Scanderbeg himself coming, and delivered the great Commanders letters, the Governour delivering him the Government of the City, departing next day, with his houshold towards Hardrianople. Scanderbeg thus gaining the chief City of Epirus; in the dead of the night, received in the Souldiers come from Dibria: placing most in convenient places, he with the rest, flew the Watch, and afterwards many in their beds: the Christian Citizens also helping, in a few hours there was none of the Turks Garrison left, except some few, who were content to forsake their superstition, many chose rather to die, and (as is reported) to kill themselves, than so to save their lives.

Seanderbeg now sending speedy messengers into all parts of Epirus, to disperse the news, and [...] up the people for recovery of their liberty, flying fame had already prevented the Messengers, and the oppressed Epirots; were in armes in every place greatly desiring leaders; yet running by heaps they slew most Turks [...] in the [Page] Country, abroad. No Turk could stir but he was slain, &c. the Governour of Croia with his retinue, was by the way slain by the Country people, and his goods a prey.

Scanderbeg commanded those he appointed Captaines, speedily to repaire to Croia with all power they could possibly make, divers Nobles also resorting to him with their followers; in few days he had 12000 well appointed: wherein, marching to Petrella, 25 miles from Croia, and [...] on a steep rocky mountain, as the rest of the Cities be, he sent a wise Souldier to offer the Souldiers of Petrella, that if they would yield it, they should choose to continue in Scanderbeg's service, with bountiful entertainement; or depart with bag and baggage with honourable reward. The subtile Messenger, declared to them, That Amurath lately vanquished by the Hungarians, and looking daily to be set on by Christian Princes, had no leisure to look to Epirus; willing them to consider the dreadful misery that befell the Garrison at Croia, &c. The Governour considering the matter, gave up the City, onely upon departure with such things as they had, because it should not be said, he sold the City. Scanderbeg giving them both meat and money, sent them out of Epirus safely, with a Convoy. Petrella thus gained, he placed therein a convenient Garrison, presently marching towards Petra Alba in great hast. It is a City in Aemathia 3 miles from Petrella. Scanderbeg scarce well encamped, but the Governour terryfied, offered to deliver the City, on the same conditions granted at Petrella; which Scanderbeg faithfully performed. All things were there set in order, he came without delay to Stellusa, a strong City 50 miles from Croia, where [...], next morning he sent a messenger to the City, with like conditions accepted of at Petra Alba: which most of the Souldiers would accept of, but the Governour [...] with a few, earnestly withstood. But the [Page] greater part, when they could not perswade him with those few, to yield, they delivered him and them bound to Scanderbeg, and so yielded up the City. Wherefore fearing to return to Amurath, some remained with Scanderbeg, others provided for, or rewarded, departed whither they would. All other weaker places, in short time yielded themselves on like condition: onely Sfetigrade in Epirus frontiers, placed as it were an Eagles nest, remained in the Turks possession. Scanderbeg coming hither, began to assay it by composition, causing his Embassadours to declare, all that happened at Croia, Petrella, &c. how courteously he used the Garrison of Stellusa which yielded to him; and having the Governour with his partakers in bonds, whom they should see executed, if they forthwith delivered it not. This troubled the Garrison, chiefly the Governour, seeing thereby what might happen to himself. Wherefore first entertaining the Embassadovrs honourably, he said to the Citizens and Souldiers: Worthy and faithful men, what is your pleasure, we shall answer to our enemies demands? A rough and bold spirited Souldier, drawing his sword, and shaking it on high, answered. Most Valiant Governour, this and the like shall answer for us. Nothing was to lesse purpose, than to seek to terrifie Valiant minds, with the fortune of Croia, and Stellusa, &c. we prescribe them of Petrella, or Stellusa, no laws, neither let them us: brave mindes disdain to imitate others in honest actions, much lesse in cowardise. Let Scanderbeg kill the Governour, and our fellow Souldiers before our faces, do ye therefore think we shall die in their bodies? &c. But oh happy bodies [...] &c. which in defence of their liberty and faith have contemned Gold, Silver, Death and [...]. Wherefore carry back this answer from a common Souldier: If thy Master seek to impose these conditions on us, let him once more bare his Arme, which men of courage fear not so much as he [Page] thinketh. Yet Scanderbeg is not the [...] we have heard him reported to be: sor why (holding the Governour of Stellusa in bonds) doth he threaten him with death, not deserving the same, &c? Then the Suoldiers thronging about him beating their swords and targets, gave a shout, as approving his speech. So the Governour, returning the common Souliders answer, appointed every man to his charge, ordering all things for defence of the City. Scanderbeg smiling at the common Souldiers answer, said. He is a Valiant Souldier, if his deeds be answerable to his speeches: but if my force fail [...], I will make him happy among the happy Ghosts of Stellusa: and commanding the Governour to be brought with the other, some forsaking Mahometism were baptized. [...] with the rest were put to death in sight of the Garrison Souldiers, shouting from the wall and railing on the Christians.

Winter now grown on, he left [...] [...] with 3000 Souldiers, to keep in the Turks at [...], and defend Epirus borders, till a more convenient [...] [...] to Croia, when in a little above a month he had recovered his Kingdom [...] being also ere long delivered by composicion: during this time he slept [...] above 2 hours in a night; fighting alwaies with his arme bare, the blood oft [...] out of his lips. [...] written, he slew 3000 Turks with his own hands in his wars against them.

After he had wrung his inheritance from Amurath, he overran part of Macedonia, making incursions into the heart of the [...], so [...] his Souldiers, that they desired no [...] pay: it beginning to be a proverb, that the spoil of Amurath's Dominions was Scanderbeg's revenews. Amurath (troubled with [...] wars) at first seemed not greatly to account of it, though inwardly grieved at the heart. But seeing no end to be expected of these miseries, he sent [...]'s Bassa with 40000 [...] Souldiers, to subdue Epirus. This replenished the Turks with such hope of Victory, that the Souldiers before setting forth, were contending for division of the [Page] [...]. Fame also filled Epirus with great fear of Alis his coming. The Country fleeing into strong Cities fortyfied the same, watching and warding, the aged commended them and theirs to God, and the Souldiers courage, with [...]. Scanderbeg was nothing moved, having (as was supposed) [...] from Friends in Court of all Amurath's designes. Out of all the [...] that repaired to him at Croia in Epirus, from [...] Princes, &c. besides [...] Voluntiers, he chose onely 8000 horse, and 7000 [...], and placing some few in frontier Garrisons, at which his friends, yea and enemies marvelled. With which [...], marching to Dibria, after encouraging his Souldiers, he encamped in the [...] [...] [...] [...], where the Bassa must needs passe. In which wood, he placed Gnee and Amessa with 3000, to stand close, till he had joyned battle with the Bassa, then [...] [...] forth upon his [...] Who [...] near [...], [...] that night, making great shew of [...], with great fires: whereas in [...] Campe all was silent, and no shew of fire, which made [...] [...] the more carelesse. Next morning [...] placing 3000 horse and foot in the left [...], and the like in the right, himself led the [...] [...]: The [...] ward was [...] to [...] [...] then [...], &c. [...] [...] charged with a [...] troope of [...] who retired that the Christians (hastily pursuing) might disorder their battle. But Scanderbeg perceiving the Bassa's meaning, all was kept in good order. So the wings beginning a [...], Scanderbeg [...] charged the Bassa with his main battle. But those in the wood suddenly issuing upon the Turks rear, made great slaughter, and forced many to flee. The Bassa's best Souldiers placed nearest himself, renewed the [...], almost lost. Scanderbeg's fortune was even [...] a [...]: till Uranocontes receiving the wearied into the reare, brake thorow the Bassa's Army with fresh [Page] troopes brought thence, with such slaughter, that he made way for all the rest. The Turks discomfited, fled, whom the Christians fiercely pursuing, slew of them 22000, 2000 taken prisoners, 24 Turks Ensigns; of the Christians were slain not past 120. Scanderbeg making his 7000 foot horsemen, with the Turks horses, entred far into Macedonia; filling his Souldiers with wealth, and sparing nothing from fire and sword. Ali [...] with the remainder returning to Hadrianople, was charged by Amurath of cowardise and indiscretion. Whereof clearing himself by rehearsal of his former Victories, and the testimony of the Captaines present in battle, he was again received into favour.

Amurath overthrown, first by Hunu [...]des, now by Scanderbeg, and elsewhere beset that he knew not which way to turn, fell into such a Melancholy passion, that he was about to execute himself, had not Cali Bassa (by whose perswasion, he yielded to desire peace of Uladislaus, using the Despot a mean therein) comforted his dying spirits. The Despot at first smally credited what the Embassadours told him, till better perswaded, he so wrought especially with Huniades, that Amurath departing withall his forces out of Servia, restored it to the Despot, delivering him his 2 sons, whom, bereft of sight, he had long kept in prison. That thenceforth he should not claim Moldavia, nor that part of Bulgaria lost in the last Wars. Not to molest any part of Hungaria, during the time: and to pay 40000. Duckats for Carambey's ransome: a Peace was for 10 years concluded, and by solemn Oath on both parts confirmed. This was the honourablest Peace ever before made with any Turk, and most profitable, had it been sincerely kept. Amurath now converted all his forces against the Caramanian King, injuring him whilst busied in the Hungarian Wars. The Caramanian not daring to meet him, nor trust to any his strong holds, fortified himself in the [Page] mountaines. Amurath made great spoile, taking great booties in his Country, at last hardly [...] Iconium. Whereupon he sent Embasladours with his wife, Amurath's sister, to intreat for Peace, offering him the double tribute, and his son in hostage. Amurath granting him Peace returned: In this War Amurath's Eldest son died with a fall from his horse, (hawking) to his great grief: Who old, and thorowly wearied with Wars, &c. sending for his son Mahomet but 15 years old, resigned to him his Kingdome, appointing Cali Bassa and one, [...] his trusty Counsellours. So with Hamze Beg, departing to Magnesia, he gave himself to a Monastery life amongst certain Turkish Monks.

Many Mahometan and Christian Princes, sorry for the peace between Uladislaus and the Sultan, thinking that War's prosecution would have been the utter ruine of the Turkish Kingdome, sought by all means to induce [...] to break the solemn league, especially John the Greek Emperour, remembring him of the confederacy made with other Christian Princes against the common enemy of Christianity, that he (rejecting divers offers of Amurath for Peace) was ready with the other Princes, to joyn his forces with his, if he would; which he could not do in a better time: Amurath having drawn his greatest forces into Asia, and betaken himself to a private life: requesting [...] not to leave them a prey to the Turk. who when he thought himself safe from the Hungarians, would invade them. Then also letters came from the Cardinal of Florence General of the Fleet, declaring how Amurath leaving almost none in Europe, was gone into Asia: that he was (according to promise) come to the straits of Hellespont to embarre his passage out of Asia: Both these letters being [...] in the Council, the King with all the Hungarian Nobility, were never more sorry or ashamed for any thing, than the late league with Amurath, &c. whilst [Page] they stood wavering, Julian the Legat, an enemy to Peace, and by his place next to the King disswaded them, That they entred a League with the Turk an Infidel, [...] violate their faith with the Christians, and break the holy League made with the great Bishop, and other confederate Princes, that they might recover [...] long before destroyed; verily a small and woful profit, &c. Did they not in his presence (and he the Author) willingly make a League with the Italians and Greeks, that the one should meet them with aid out of [...]: the other with a great Fleet to come [...] Hellespont? If they made it, why made they not another with the Turks, or by what right can they keep the same, being made? This second League is to be broken, which except they do, be feared, as Judas betrayed Christ, they may seem to betray his Vicar, &c. And what would they answer to the [...] Emperour, who had (with the first) taken the field, and expecteth but their coming? What would they answer the great Bishop? What the Venetians & Genowaies whose Fleet is ready? What the Burgundians, who for zeal passing the Ocean, by many dangers now flore in Hellespont? That they promised the first of the Spring to be in field, and now their Souldiers both in Spring & Summer play. That some perhaps would blame him for suffering it with the rest: he was indeed present, but as much as in him was, he [...] it might not be, &c. That he was overcome by the wisdom and authority of Huniades, and compassion of the [...], &c. that having made restitution of Servia and the Captives, what remained but to repair their Army, and keep their first League? and to say that Uladislaus after his League with the Greek and Latin Princes, could not without their [...] conclude any thing, especially with enemies of Christian [...], &c. That a just and lawful [...] is to he religiously kept, but that which ten [...] not only to a private but publick destruction, ought to be frustrate. That before their faithless dealing [Page] were farther spread, not to violate their faith, (for the good of the Christian Commonweal) given, to prosecute the expedition, by common consent taken in hand: To deliver the Christian Provinces oppressed with Turkish servitude, and not to deceive the worlds expectation conceived of them, than which nothing can be more dishonourable: not to suffer so fit an occasion to slip away; but requesting them above all things, to march forward with their victorious forces into Macedonia and Thracia.

In conclusion, speaking of the great Bishop's authority, he in his name, disanulled the League, absolving them from the Oath: which so contented the King, and the rest, that a Decree was made to continue the League with their confederates, and to prosecute the wars against the Turks. To which unfortunate Decree, both the Despot and Huniades easily consented, the one in hopes of the Wars good success, the other with desire of Bulgaria, promised and (as some say) assured by Charter to him, by Uladislaus.

Of this breach notice was speedily given to the Greek Emperour and the Florentine Cardinal, lest, hearing of the Peace concluded, they should alter or desist from their purposes. The Turk being ignorant hereof, had withdrawn all Garrisons out of Servia, and other places agreed upon, restoring them to the Despot and others; freeing a number of Captives and the Despot's two Sons. Yet Uladislaus (through Huniades) detained some strong holds in Servia, for which the Despot ever grudged against Huniades.

As Uladislaus was preparing his Forces, the fame of Scanderbeg was grown great, every man speaking of him honour and praise; Whereupon Uladislaus by consent of his nobility, dispatching Embassadours to him with Letters, certifying of his purpose to root out the Turks in that Common Cause, praying his aid to this purport; That as [Page] he seemed to him above all other Princes, accomplished with all perfections of body and mind, so to be endowed with some Divine and wonderful fortune, under whose good conduct, not only Epirus may think it self secure; but the other Nations also, lately by the [...] Kings dismembred from Macedons Realm, may recover their ancient Laws and Liberties. For what can be more glorious than this victory obtained by the utter discomfiture of Alis Bassa? But now there offers unto him an object of far greater glory, with a fit occasion to revenge injuries of Amurath both new and old: also the publick calamities, and opprobrious disgraces against the Christian Religion in general, now oppressed, if he would succour him in this extremity of affairs: whereto all the Princes of Hungarie, and Polonia &c. Julian the Cardinal [...] him, with those couragious Christians with them, wishing for nothing more than the presence of his victorious Ensigns: which occasion, if he [...] not, would be a mean to drive the Turk quite out of Europe, &c. That the flame hath well near consumed them all, whilst none thought it would come near himself. That there is no house-wife or Matron in Hungary, not in some measure partaker of this heavinesse. That the Christian Princes hear of this, yet the misery of their Allies can nothing move them: Only Eugenius Bishop of Rome, and Philip of Burgundy, have not refused to bear part of the burthen. That albeit [...] was not ignorant how ill at leasure he might be to take such an expedition in hand; yet it should not withhold him assuring him, that as it could not be but to him most honorable, so this present desert should not be bestowed on ungrateful men.

Scanderbeg liking well this motion: by the general consent of the Albanian Princes his Allies, promised the King by Letters (in good time) to be present with him, with 30000 Souldiers; which Letters being dispatched, he (beginning to levy his sorces) joyned 15000 no lesse [Page] valiant, to the 15000 which discomfited Alis: so setting forward with the Vows and hope of all his loving Subjects. But at Servia's borders, he found the strait and difficult passages shut up by George the Despot (a Christian only in name) who but lately restored by [...] help, now in favour of the Turks quarrel, and in [...] [...] of Huniades, did this. Scanderbeg complained to him of the wrong, &c. requesting if but for the common Cause of Christianity to give him (as to his friend) passage; and not perpetually to stain himself &c. But what availeth requests? Scanderbeg resolved to open his way by force, though it much grieved him, &c. But the while, [...] prickt forward by Julian the Cardinal, or his own destiny, assembling a great Army; yet far inferiour to that he had the year before from Segedinum (in the beginning of November) came to Nicopolis in Bulgaria, whose Suburbs he [...] refreshing his people thereabouts, and mustering his Army; Dracula the Vayuod of Ualachia, (of great experience) considering the King's small number, said, He had learned to deem aright, by his own harms, of the Sultan's power, &c. perswading him not to expose his small forces to so manifest perill, in such an unseasonable time; but reserve to a fitter opportunity. This Counsel was thought wholsome; but the Cardinal, extolling the last years victory, with promises of aid from the Pope, & Constantinopolitans, and others, &c. perswaded the King that Dracula his speech proceeded on a superficial judgment, [...] regarding the Kings strength from his friends, or in regard of a League, lately made betwxt him & the Turk. The Prince seeing his Counsel not so well taken as it was meant: doubted, whether to leave him to his fortune, [...] (casting off the Turkish League) to joyn with him; but, at length resolved, he [...] to the King, That he prayed the hope of his friends help failed him nor at his need, &c. that his resolution, which he could not by perswasion alter he would (as times suddenness) and his ability permited [Page] gladly further, and so presented to him his Son with 4000 horsemen; preferring also to him two lusty young men, perfect guides, with two horses of incredible swiftness, and with standing tears, said, Take this small gift in good part, &c. I pray God they be given in vain; yet if necessity shall force thee to use them; thou shalt find them serviceable.

Uladislaus marching towards Thracia, took many places by the way, the Turks yielding for fear; coming to Sumium and Pezechium, the Garrisons stood upon their guard; but besieging and taking them by assault, he put 5000 Turks to the sword.

The Bassaes terrified, requested Amurath to leave his obscure life, and to levy his greatest power in Asia, for defence in Europe; blaming him for committing the Government to so young a Prince as Mahomet, many great ones scorning to obey him: Amurath (awaked left his Cloyster) speedily gathering a strong Army, and finding Hellespontus Straits stopped by the Venetians and Pope's Galleys, was at his wits end. But at Bosphorus Straits, he found conveyance: some write, he payed the Gennoways for passage, a Duckat for a Turk, amounting to 100000 Duckets: Others affirm, by bribing the Defendants of the passage. Being got over, he, joyning his Asian and European forces, in 7 daies encamped within 4 miles of Varna in Bulgaria, whither Uladislaus, hearing of his coming had retired, having taken it but a little before, with others on the Sea-coast. And, before in hope he could not possibly find passage, consulted now with his Commanders, what course to take; many were so discouraged with the fame of his coming, they advised him to return, and not oppose so small an Army, against such a world of people reported. But others, chiefly [...], said, It was not for his honour, first to invade, and to turn his back upon the first report of their coming, wishing him rather to remember the good fortune of his former [Page] wars; that he learned (by experience) not to be moved with the enemies multitude, &c. Whereupon the King resolved to try the fortune of the field: And committing the ordering of all his forces to Huniades he carefully disposed the [...], guarding one side with a marsh, the other with carriages, the rear with a steep hill, that the Army could not be compassed with the [...] of their enemies. The Turks approaching, began to skirmish, which fight was long maintained with a [...] fortune, the ground being covered and stained: with dead bodies and blood: At length, joyning closer, Huniades had with his Transilvanian and Ualachian horse, put to flight both the Turkish wings, so that Amurath was about to flee, had he not by a Souldier holding the Reins of his Bridle, been stayed. The Captains and Prelats encouraged by Huniades his successe foolishly left their appointed [...], pursuing disorderly; nor gone far they were hardly encountred by a party of Turks in a valley fast by. Lesco one of the most valiant Hungarians was slain; the Bishop of Veradium that first disordered the battel, [...] thorow a Fenne, after strugling with his horse, was strangled in the mud; The Bishop of Agria, was then lost, with many Church-men: The Cardinal with others retiring [...] their standings, and assailed by the Turks, they were by the King and Huniades coming, with great slaughter forced to retire. Amurath (in extream danger) beholding the Crucifix in the voluntary Christians Ensigns, plucked forth the writing of the late League, and holding it up with eys to Heaven said, Behold thou crucified Christ, this is the League thy Christians have without cause [...]. If thou be a God, &c, shew thy power upon thy [...] people, who in their deeds deny thee.

The King (in heat) hardly perswaded by Huniades, to return from the bloody pursuit, coming to the Camp, found Julian and others overcharged with the Turks, who there fought couragiously backt by the Janizaries, Amurath's [Page] last refuge. There began a most cruel fight, many slain on both sides. The victory stood long doubtful: at length the Turks shrunk back, where the King and Huniades fought; But in the left side they so prevailed, the Christians were ready to flee, which Huniades perceiving, speedily with his presence there, restored the battel; then returning to the King, who repulsing a number of Turks, was come to the Janizaries. There was a 1000 deaths to be seen, &c. in which confnsion young Uladislam brake in among them; then also Amurath (by a French Knight) was wounded with a Pike, and asfailed with his fword, but being speedily rescued, the Knight was slain, and performing all parts of a worthy Souldier, his horse being slain, he was forthwith slain, and his head, struck off by Ferizes, was presented to Amurath; who on a Launces point, proclaiming it the head of the Christian King, the Christians discouraged therewith, fled. Huniades after vain attempts to rescue the Kings body, gave place to necessity, fleeing over the Mountains into woods, thence got over into Ualachia, and imprisoned by Dracula, as some write; who after enlargement, aiding Danus against him and his Son, they were slain; and Danus put in his room. Julian the Cardinal was found by the way side half stripped, and mortally wounded, sharply reproved by Gregory Sanose, as author of that perfidious war. Many fleeing Christians were slain; but more drowned in the Fenns, perishing by cold and hunger in woods, or fell at length into Turkish slavery. The number slain in this battel was great as the little hills raised of bones & bodies do [...] declare. Most agree, that scarce a third of the Christians Army escaped. The Turks multitude was made lesse by (at least) 30000; For Amurath very sad, answered those demanding why he was no merrier after such a victory, That he wished not at so great a price to gain many such. Yet he erected a Pillar where the King was [...], inscribing all that was done. This battel was fought near [Page] [...], (a place fatal to many Warriers) Novemb. 10. 1444. Some impute this losse to Huniades's fleeing out of the battel with 10000 horse, but it seemeth to be devised to excuse the Clergies foul dealing, the report not agreeing with his noble disposition. Amurath returning to Hadrianople, and solemnly burying the body of the Vice-Roy [...] Europe slain in the battel, resigned his Kingdom, again to Mahomet, living a solitary life, at Magnesia, vowing so to do in the fear of the late battel; but after a short time, he returned to Hadrianople, resuming the Government to the great discontent of his ambitious Son.

Scanderbeg yet in Servia's Borders, hearing what happened to the Hungarians was exceedingly grieved, resolving to return into Epirus; yet breaking into the Despots Country, he did exceeding harm. Returning home, he relieved many Hungarians and [...] escaped from the slaughter, and repairing to him, providing to Ragusa, thence to return into their Countries. Thus was Scanderbeg by the Despot's treachery, stayed from being at the bloudy battel of Varna, to the unspeakable losse of the Christian [...]. Of the two, Huniades was accounted the better Commander, and the more politick, for his greater years: which was well countrevailed by Scanderbeg's good fortune, and by experience afterwards gotten.

Amurath was exceedingly moved at Scanderbeg's proceedings, and his great harms in Macedonia, &c. yet still dreading the Hungarians; himself (through years) desirous of rest, and the young years of his Son Mahomet, with Scanderbeg's fortune, and Huniades, his malice, he proved by Letters (mixt with threats and feigned courtesies to draw him into some peace for a time, to be the better revenged at leasure) shewing that he never wanted preferments, to [...] on him most unkind Scanderbeg; [...] now he had so highly offended him, he knew not [Page] what [...] words to use unto him, &c. that it grieved him to rehearse his manifold and horrible treasons, &c. if his mind would suffer them to be covered with silence; yet he thought good to advertize him, lest his heat (when he had lost himself) should overthrow him with his unlucky Kingdom; Did he think his late outrages should escape his revenging hands? that he (gracelesse man) should amend, and not farther expect, whether his indignation will break out: that the allurements of his good fortune should not so puff up his foolish desires, &c. that his misery afterwards may move even his greatest enemies, or himself, to compassion; that he should remember his courtesies, and make him no longer sorry, that he so ill bestowed the same; That, letting passe his souls health, which he esteemed as nothing, and [...] Laws by him despised; What had he ever wanted at his hands of all things most delighting mens desires? &c. For all these benefits, that, he shewed himself but a very [...] brought up in his own bosome. But the love of his Countrey moved him: which if he had asked, would he have denied him? which he often proffered unto him; but he had rather gain it by treachery, than receive it from him by [...]. That he now pardoned him all, chiefly for that the time he faithfully served him, was longer than the time of offending him. That his Fathers Kingdom he gives unto him, on condition of restoring him the other Towns of Epirus; by himself honourably won. That, restoring all taken from the Prince of Servia, and recompencing him for other harms; and never violating any his friends, or aiding his enemies, he should eyer stand in his favour as before: That he knew his strength, and had before his eyes the Hungarian fortune. That he might conferr with Airadin his trusty Messenger, to understand more: to write at large what he intended to do.

Scanderbeg knowing the old Fox wrought nothing [Page] simply of good meaning, he called [...] unto him and after many publick and private discourses, to sound his meaning, &c. he shewed him the strength of his Camp, that the crafty Messenger might not think he was afraid of his Master. Then complaining of Amurath's dealing against his Father, Brethren, and himself, he sent him away with such a writing, That, as Amurath had exceeded him in many courtesies, so he would now exceed him in temperate speech: that his Letters and Messenger, gave him more occasion of smile than choller: whilst (at first) accusing him of ingratitude and treason, he presently seemed [...] of his souls health, himself being a defender of a most damnable errour, and as a conquerour to a vanquished enemy, propounding many conditions, which he scorned to hear. That he imputed his rayling to his great age, way ward nature, and conceived grief, &c. Yet wherefore did he so exclaim against him? Did he call his needful departing a treachery, his native Countrys recovering a villany? That if Amurath's kindnesse toward him were compared with his miseries, his good deserts would be overwhelmed with his greater tyrannies: That he took away his Fathers Kingdom, murdered his brethren, vowed him to death when he little feared it, &c. How long did he think he would endure his insolent bondage? which yet he many years endured, not refusing his commands &c. That simply believing his words and deeds to be void of fraud, when his cankered malice, began apparently to shew it self, he also glosed with him, till he found occasion ro recover his liberty; yet these are but trifles to what he had laid up in hope and resolution: therefore ceasing his threats, he shou'd not tell him of the Hungarian fortune, &c. Amurath herewith (and conferring with Airadin) was filled with wrath; yet to give no token of fear, stroking often his beard, (as when thoroughly angry) chearfully dissembling, he said, Thou desirest (wicked man) some honourable death; We will [Page] give it thee. Wee will be present at the burial of our [...] child, &c. Thou shalt not complain, thou diedst an obscure death. And because of many then great occurrents, he sent Ferises with 9000 choise horsmen to keep Scanderbeg in doing, and spoyl his Countrey what he could. For all whose haste, Scanderbeg hearing thereof, placed 1500 footmen in ambush on the mountains leading into the valley of Novea, and 2000 horsemen, as he thought most fit. Ferizes descending those woody and bushy mountains by broken and stony waies, was set upon by the foot, suddenly arising: 760 Turks were in this conflict taken, a number slain, and Ferises with the rest fleeing, cryed still out, Better some saved than all lost. Scanderbeg pursuing him into Macedonia, rewarded his Souldiers with its spoyl,

Amurath grieved, presently sent Mustapha with a supply of 6000 to take Ferises charge; in no case to enter far, but to burn and spoyl Epirus frontiers, accounting it good service, if but the trees and fruits had felt his anger. Mustapha (by continual Scouts) warily entred the Valley of Novea, entrenching upon the rising of a hill, placing espialls on the mountains tops, to give notice of the enemy by signs; reserving 4000 horse in his Camp, he sent about 9000 to forrage and spoil: charging every one (on pain of death) to retire thither upon sign given. The Turkish Army making havock of all that fire and sword could destroy; Scanderbeg drawing near the Valley was advertized (by a wounded Epirot Souldier) of all the enemies doings; who considering Mustapha's wary proceedings, resolved, by force, suddenly to afsault him in his trenches, before his Souldiers could return to the Camp: and speedily entring the Valley, was discovered by the espialls, giving a sign to the Camp, whence it was given to the dispersed Souldiers: most of whom being strayed and busied in spoyl, heard or saw it not. Scanderbeg's Souldiers following those that heard it, (and terrifying them with [Page] his name) many were slain in entring the Camp with their booties, and the Turks trenches presently assaulted, and they beaten from their top; which won, all their Camp was filled with fear and slaughter, being come to [...] mell. Mustapha, put to the worst, fled by the part furthest from the enemy; the rest fleeing, shifted as they could; 5000 Turks were slain, but 300 taken by the enraged Christians: Scanderbeg losing but 20 horse, and 50 foot. The Turks in the Countrey (misdoubting) fled also, many being pursued and slain.

Mustapha, to excuse the misfortune to Amurath, greatly commended Scanderbeg's courage, and wonderful skill, and said, To send such small Armies, was but to increase his glory, and the Turks infamy, &c. Wherefore Amurath determined for a time to suffer him to live in peace: yet commanding Mustapha to renew his Army, for defence of his borders towards Epirus; but in no case to invade any thereof, or to joyn battel with Scanderbeg.

Now also the Peloponesians (building 5 strong Castles in a wall, with deep trenches on Corinth's strait from Sea to Sea, 6 miles long) began to deny the yearly tribute payed to the Turk, and to invade such Princes of Achaia, content still to be his tributaries: of whom, the Prince of Athens, and the Governour of Thessaly continually incensed him against them: who coming (though Winter) into Achaia, most Grecians were fled for fear, into Peloponesus. Coming to the Isthmus where Corinth sometime stood, he there encamped; but perceiving them to stand on their guard, he battering the wall 4 daies, brake thorough with his Army. The Grecians fleeing, some to one strong hold some to another, the Turks spoyled that rich and pleasant Country at pleasure: selling the [...] [...] at a vile price. Amurath sacrificing 600 captives to his Fathers Ghost: and imposing yearly tribute on the Peloponesians & other Greek Princes, yielding again unto him, he in his return took the Cities, Patras [...] Sicyane. This was 1445.

[Page] Amurath now old, was content to take rest at Hadrianople: during which time, Bajazet Mahomet's Son was born in 1446.

The Hungarians loosing Uladislaus, chose Ladislaus Albertus his posthume Son, their King. But he being but 5 years old, it was thought necessary to choose some worthy man (during his minority) for the Government and protection of so turbulent a Kingdom: many were well thought of, but the glory and valour of Huniades procured to him, that by the general consent of all the States, he was (with great [...] of the people) chosen and proclaimed Governour, quietly spending some years in deciding controversies in indifferent administration of justice, ending many controversies far from the place of judgment, dispatching many weighty matters, sitting, going, standing, riding, alwaies affable as well to the poorer sort as others: in peace, providing for war: above all, so dexterously careful of the Nobilities agreement, that he was of them and others generally beloved and feared. Being advertized (the mean time) that Amurath was raysing great forces (as the fame went) for Hungaries invasion; for withstanding thereof in his 4th year of government in 1448, with most of the Nobles and the Waiwod of Valachia, he set forward against him with 22000 choise [...]. Travelling thorow Valachia and getting over Danubius into Servia, he requested the [...], (as before) to put [...] into that war, and not to shew himself ungrateful to the Hungarians great benefits, &c. But he, for no Religion, and better affecting the Turk than Huniades, pretended the League he had with [...], the times unseasonableness, Autumn being past, with many other such: but his malice to Huniades, preferred before him in government, and disdaining to serve under his [...], caus'd his backwardness. Huniades (angry) threatned him if he returned with victory, to give his [...] to a more worthy than he. So comming to [Page] Bulgaria, the Despot advertized Amurath of their comming and strength; yea of every daies march: if he suffered them to come on further, and so get betwixt them and home, Huniades should hardly scape his hands. Amurath so suffering Huniades to do, came two or three daies march behinde him, that being stopped, he must needs fight. They being both come into the Plain of Cossova in Bulgaria, about 20 miles long, 5 broad, environed with mountains, &c. an old woman of a Village by the River fast by, where both Armies passed, cryed out aloud, Oh how much I fear the hard fortune of the Hungarians: whose passage troubled the River but a day, the Turks 3! Not far beyond a little hill in the Plain, was a certain Piramide Tower in memorial of Amurath I. there slain. Amurath fearing Huniades should take the Tower before him, and so become ominous, hasted the more to joyn battel before he should come thither. Huniades encamped at the rising hill, expecting Scanderbeg every hour; wherefore Amurath provoked him to battel, cutting off his water and forrage to draw him thereto; for he had about 80000 men. At length enforced to fight, upon Luke's day, dividing his Army into 32 battalions, he spake to them, That the day was come wherein they might revenge the dishonour in the battel of Varna: that although the enemy be moe in number; yet in hope, [...], and strength, far inferiour, &c. That of their overthrow at Varna, he verily believed the angry powers from above (to revenge their breach of faith) was the cause rather than their cowardise; for even there every one received the just guerdon of their treachery; whereas they against their wills drawn into that war, by Goo's mercy, are yet preserved for defence of the Christians [...] and especially of Hungary, &c. That God is alway present with them that (in his just quarrel) fight couragiously: thereunto being joyned their [...] manner of fight, &c. their many notable [...] forcible Engines, which the enemies [Page] have not: that they look for worthy Scanderbeg every hour: that the danger is not so great as to fear it, nor so little as to contemn it: That if the way back, were never so easie; yet without doing what they came for, and glory with victory they might not retire. That they at Varna lost a devout King, by whose sacrifice, that divine anger is appeased: unto whose Ghost in this battel, he beseeched them to make an honourable sacrifice, not forgetting other worthy mens death. That this fear of the Turks is even this day to be cut off, as never to grow again, &c. Beseeching them them so to fight, as men resolutely set to overcome, or (if otherwise) honourably to dy.

The hearers were greatly enflamed herewith, and by their own desires sufficiently encouraged. Neither did Amurath with lesse care, marshal and encourage his Army, which filled the Plain from side to side, to the Christians astonishment. Huniades sending both his wings down the hill, with certain light-horsmen before, and men at Arms betwixt them; the Souldiers began at first to skirmish a far off; but afterwards they fought foot to foot, and hand to hand about three hours: the Turks being (at length) put to the worst in both wings, Amurath sending strong supplies renewed the battel; whereby the wearied Light-horsmen retired to the men at Arms, who easily repulsed the Turks; many were slain, but far moe Turks, not so well horsed and armed as the Christians. Huniades much hurting them with the Artillery from the hill, Amurath drew as close thereto as he could out of the danger; whereupon Huniades coming down, and sending supplies to both wings, encouraged them with chearful speech, and sometime with his valiant hand, &c. omitting nothing of a good General to be done, whereby the battel became in every place fierce and terrible. Amurath likewise, presuming on his multitude, hoped (by continual sending fresh supplies, to weary his enemies, one battalian of the Hungarians being forced to weary 3 or 4 [Page] of the Turks: who were that day put to the worst, and often forced to retire; yet was the battel still again renewed. The night ending this fight, both returned to their Trenches, purposing next day to renew the batrel: which began when scarce fair day; the Hungarians not fighting with such courage as before; for they had spent their strength the day before, whereas almost 40000 Turks not fought at all, or but lightly skirmished. Huniades exhorted his Souldiers, that remembring how many thousands of their enemies they slew the day before, not now to give over; for that, they were to be thought worthy of honour, not who began, but who ended honourable actions: wishing them to set before them the calamities like to ensue, if they should (as cowards) be overcome, &c. Amurath also, promising and threatning his, perswaded them rather to endure any thing, than (by that daies overthrow) to be [...] out of Europe. After some skirmishes, it was fought with no lesse fury, than the day before: The slaughter being great, and the Hungarians force not to be withstood; the Turks began with fresh horsemen to delude their fiercenesse, by turning their backs (divers being slain by the eager pursuers); And again (on a signal given) turning back upon them, well revenged their fellows deaths: wearying the Hungarians (thus) all day long. Many Hungarians were slain, and the Turks had the better that day: so (at night) both returned into their Trenches. By day dawn, the battel was again begun: Huniades his brother, with his Light-horsmen, first setting forward; for some hours they fought with like hope, the Hungarians being chiefly slaughtered. Zechel Huniades Sisters Son, was in the front, the first of the leaders, [...]: Marzalus and Bamffi there died also. Amurath seeing Zechel's Ensigns taken, and his Souldiers (now di comfited) turning their backs, commanded all the fresh Companies to issue forth, and overwhelm the few Christians, [...] [...] 3 daies fight; who breaking out, overthrew [Page] both the Christians wings, discomfited and put to [...] the rest, with a great slaughter. Huniades, seeing the battel quite lost, fled also, leaving all for prey; who following the [...] with cruel execution, returned ( [...] night) to their Trenches. The rest compassing the Camp, were by the wounded Souldiers, Waggoners, &c. kept out so long as they had shot, but in the end were all slain, two or three Turks in many places lying dead by one Hungarian. Amurath to cover his losse, cast most of his common Souldiers into the River Schichniza; for which the Inhabitants long abstained from eating fish therein taken. The plain laying covered (for many years) with mens bones, could not be ploughed, &c. Though the Turks had the victory, yet they lost 34000 at least, for 8000 Hungarians; yet themselves report, The Christians lost 17000, and themselves 40000. There fell most of the Hungarian Nobility. Many taken in chase, were by the angry Tyrant slain, of such as returned through Servia, few escaped, being either slain or stripped of all. Huniades travelling 3 daies without maet or drink, cast off his tired horse the fourth day; and falling into the hands of two thieves, they spoyling him of apparel, strove for his golden Crucifix; whereby (laying hand on one of their swords) he thrust him thorow, then putt the other to flight. Next day, he lighted upon a sturdy Shepheard roaming for prey, who strucken with his Majesty, at first stood at gaze, as did Huniades, fearing his so great weakness: after a while, the Shepheard asked him of his fortune. He craving something to eat, the Shepheard moved, and hoping of reward, caused bread and water to be set before him in a cottage, not far off, with Onions; who would often say in his banquets, He [...] fared better than with the Shepheard. Being conducted to [...], the [...] caused him to be imprisoned; who left he should deliver him to into Amurath's hands, yielded that all the strong Towns detained when he was restored [Page] by [...], should be delivered him, his youngest Son [...] marry the Despots daughter, and other like; requiring his eldest son in hostage for performance. Huniades comming to Segedinum, was honourably received by the Hungarians. Raysing suddenly a great Army, he invaded the Despots territorie in Hungary, destroying and burning, never resting till he got it into his power, and presently entered Rascia, where the Despots Embassadours met him with the hostage, craving peace: which at the Nobilities request, he granted, forgiving all wrongs, so returning into Hungary. Amurath, exceeding wroth with the Despot for freeing Huniades, sent, in 1449, [...] and [...], with a strong Army to invade Rascia, who fortifying Chrysonicum on the River Morava, destroyed with fire and sword far and near. The Despot dismaied, and wisting not what to do; yet had rather [...] any thing than the Turks bondage again, humbly (and not without shame) craved aid of Huniades: which the courteous Governour easily granted. And forthwith setting forward with a convenient power, he joyned with the Despot's power in Rascia. Marching on with expedition and in a thick mist, he was the fourth day upon the Turks before they were aware: who (the mist breaking up) discovering Huniades's dreadful Ensigns, speedily fled; whom the Light-horsmen followed with bloudy execution all the day: Huniades with his men at Arms, following in good order. Fritzebeg, with most of the best Commanders were taken. Then Huniades entring Bulgaria burnt Budina its Metropolis to the ground. So clearing the Country of the Turks, and presenting all the prisoners to the Despot, he returned with triumph to Buda, to find no lesse trouble with the Bohemians, and some Hungarian Nobles, than he had with the Turks, to the Christian Commonweales great hurt.

Mustapha lying still all this [...] on Macedonia's [Page] borders, a great quarrel arose betwixt the Venetians and Scanderbeg, about the inheritance of [...] Zachary murthered, which laying in Epirus frontiers, they claimed, holding the City Dayna against him: so that they were by him at the River Drine, [...] in battel; wherefore Mustapha would fain have taken his opportunity to enter the Countrey, but not daring to attempt it without his Master's leave, he giving him intelligence from time to time of those troubles, earnestly requested him to give him leave. The suspicious Sultan at length discharged of fear of the Hungarians, sent Mustapha Letters answerable to his desire, that his own valour should give him the glory of the wars he so desired, which he granted him; yet, that he must deal warily with that enemy, and not rashly take up Arms, &c.

Mustapha entred into Epirus, hoping in one battel to end the war: Of which Scanderbeg hearing (then at Dayna siege) from his frontier Garritons, commanded them to protract the time of encounter, till his coming. Then choosing 500 horse, and 1500 foot, (old Souldiers) he marched into the upper Dibria, leaving Amesa at the siege. Mustapha beginning to burn and spoyl, when he understood of Scanderbeg's coming, encamped at Oronoche, within two miles of him. Scanderbeg had in his Camp 4000 horse and 2000 foot, 300 of whom he left in the fortified Trenches. Whilst both Armies ranged in view of each other, expecting the signal, Caragusa a Turks man at Arms, in gallant furniture, issuing out, challenged to fight with any one of the Christian Army. At first, Scanderbeg's Souldiers [...] still, looking one upon another: till one Paul Manessi accounted the best man at Arms there, with great courage and chearfulness, requested Scanderbeg, he might accept that challenge; who commending him, willed him to set forward, for honour to himself, and example of the rest. Paul bravely armed, [Page] mounted to horse and riding forth, called to the Turk to make ready to fight. Caragusa required to stay a while, speaking unto him, That [...] he had the honour of the day, he might by Law of Arms, carry away his rich spoyls, and dispose of his dead body: But if he should fall under him he required the same right and power, that none move out of either Army, to better either of their fortunes.

Manessi answered, he agreed to those conditions, saying, Where the fierce soul yielded, all the rest ought to be Conquerours; therefore he should fight fearlesse of any enemies but himself: that if he would give his dead body to his fellow Souldiers tears, yet Scanderbeg would not suffer a vanquished cowards carkase to be brought into his Camp. Caragusa marvelled at his resolution. Both Champions (after confirmation of the combate-laws by the Generals) being left alone betwixt the Armys, with all eys fixed on them, and withdrawing themselves for making their course, violently running together, Caragusa was at the first encounter strook thorough the head and slain, whose head Manessi striking off, returned (with his armour and head) victoriously to the Army, and was honourably commended, and rewarded by Scanderbeg. Scanderbeg and his men hereby encouraged, and the Turks dismayed, set himself first forward towards the enemy; and had charged them, had not Mustapha with some disordered Troops, opposed himself, the Army faintly following, and at first encounter driven to retire, Mustapha earnestly calling on them to follow him, fiercely charged Scanderbeg's front, whom most of his principal Captains following, [...] battel was for a while renewed. But Moses greatly prevailing in one part, the Turks fled. Mustapha with 12 chief ones being taken, of the common Souldiers few saved, 10000 Turks were slain, 15 Ensigns taken, but 300 Christians lost. All their Camp became a prey: yet Scanderbeg entring Macedonia, burnt and spoyled all he [Page] could do. Leaving 2000 horse, and 1000 foot, to defend his frontiers, he returned to Dayna siege.

Amurath (about the time of the Venetians making peace with Scanderbeg) sent him presents, with 25000 Ducats for Mustapha and the others ransome, which he divided amongst his Souldiers: and leading his Army again into Macedonia, he made his Souldiers better pay with the spoyl; and for the more harm, divided it into 3 parts, putting all the Turks coming in his way to the sword, leaving the Christians no more than their lives: utterly consuming the buildings with fire, in all that part bordering upon Epirus: that the Turks should find no relief to lay in Garrison, or invade it; it was thought there was not enough left to relieve the Turks Army for a day.

Amurath herewith exceedingly vexed, resolved to go in person with an Army, not to conquer Epirus, but if need were to fill every corner of it. None but the Bassa's of the Councel knew whither he imployed the same: which made the bordering Christian Princes prepare for their own assurance. But Scanderbeg easily perceived it to be made against him; and the rather for Amurath's unaccustomed quietness, as if he had been in a [...] sleep. It was thought also, he had intelligence from suspecting Courtiers, his friends; wherefore setting all things apart, he first advertized his neighbour Princes of that [...] danger, Amurath seeking the destruction of them all; and therefore to stand fast on their guard. Then he sent Moses and others, to take the Souldiers and all provision possible, himself not resting till he left nothing in the Countrey for the enemies cruelty. Most of the people with their substance, were received into the strong Cities: the rest into the Venetian and other Princes Countreys, till this sury was overpast; all able to bear Arms, were commanded to Croia, out of which multitude Scanderbeg those only 1000 old Souldiers, with whom he purposed [Page] to encounter the Turks, as he saw occasion, and placing 1300 in Croia, whose Citizens were furnished with all weapons, and provision to defend the City: Proclamation was made, that all aged men with women and children, should depart, &c. Croia being the chief City, Scanderbeg had the greater care for its defence. All was full of weeping and wailing at the departure of this weak company, no house, no street, no part of the City was without mourning, &c. In the midst of these passions commandement came from Scanderbeg, That they must now depart, that the Souldiers might take their charge. Then began sorrows afresh, with pitious screeching and tears, and departing set their feet (many times) they wist not where, for desire of looking back upon the City; who were conveighed into Venetian Cities, and other places, whither all, not before received into strong Cities, resorted with their substance, and nothing left in all Epirus but the ground. After this, Scanderbeg stored Croia with all needful things, giving to every Souldier a small reward; and placing vatiant [...] Governour thereof. And exhorting them (in few words) couragiously to endure the siege, not listening to Amurath's charms, departing to his Army (within view) marched towards Dibria. Not gone far, he met Moses with a gallant Troop coming from Sfetigrade, which strong City was Scanderbeg's second care, it standing first in the Tyrant's way. Moses, having there set all in like order, placed politique Peter Perlat Governour with a strong Garrison chosen out of all Dibria, accounted the best men of war in Epirus, Scanderbeg delivering him prepared-forces, sent him with divers others to take order for defence of other Cities and Castles, every man having his charge. Himself with a small Troop, went to Sfetigrade; where, all the Souldiers assembled in the Market-place, he spake unto them, That a fairer occasion could not be presented unto brave minds, than that which now caused them to take up Arms, which [Page] they had hitherto borne for their Kingdoms honour; [...] now they must fight for their lives, liberty, &c. That Amurath's first pastage would be this way that the first fruits of this war is theirs: that if they bear couragious hearts, they might beat down the haughty enemies strength, and discourage his high conceits; who will not lay long here, except the way-ward old man will foolishly gage all his forces; for such is the scituation and strength of this City, that it may easily set at naught an angry enemy. Therefore to resolve with themselves, &c. That it seldom chanceth fortune to fail sound advice or vertue: and they had all things which politick care could provide sor their safety, that they might be encouraged with the very sight one of another, and himself would not be far off, a silent beholder and encourager of their vertue; where (though he might not try this wars fortun in plain field) yet he would trouble the enemies designs with many a hot skirmish: that he will first feed their hardiness with his base Souldiers blood, the easier to entrap and oppresse their rashness; but his crafty devices are by great policy and consideration to be frustrated. For that victory should be to him lamentable, bought with Souldiers blood, &c. That if they suffered not themselves to be conquered of the Sultan, he would praise and honour his subjects as conquerours. Having thus encouraged their minds, he visited other Cities, returning to his Army near Croia. Amurath the mean time, his Army of 150000 was assembled at Hadrianople, whereof many were pioniers, &c. He sending 40000 Light-horsmen before him, to encamp before the City, Scanderbeg with 4000 horse & 1000 foot took his way towards Sfetigrade, strongly encamping within 7 miles thereof; whence with Moses and Tanusius, he went by blind waies, till from the top of a hill he might discover how the enemy lay encamped; returning back, he the night following, drawing as near the Turks as he could, placed his Army in the Woods and Valleys unperceived: [Page] Then he sent Moses and Musache, with 30 of the best horsemen, as if but common Souldiers, driving horses laden with Corne, by a by-way, and secretly, to [...] into the City. Being discovered and set upon, they fled on purpose: but Moses seeing themselves [...] but with a like number; returning back, he slew five, chasing the rest to the Campe: whose Genetall sending [...] horse to pursue them, they soon recovered sight of them, Moses of purpose slowly hastening; the Turks drawing nigh, Moses leaving the Horses, fled; yet drawing them on, till brought where the Army lay in [...], by whom being with great slaughter put to flight, 2000 were slain, and 1000 Horses taken, but 22 Christians being lost.

Amurath came 8 dayes after, the beginning of May, 1449. and encamping his baser [...] at the foot of the Hill, himself lay with his [...], &c. farther off; After one day, he towards evening sent a Meslenger to the City to speak with the Governour, whom he requested the Souldiers might goe further off, having something to say to him in [...]; Perlat merrily answering, said, He had not learned to hear any message from his Enemy by night, not at any time else out of the Garrisons hearing; tomorrow if thy Master please, I will heare thee at large, commanding him to depart from the Walls. Amurath more hoping to gaine the City by large offers, than by great force, dissembled his wrath, sending that Messenger with a grave [...] [...] in Epirus, who with 5 men, being received into the City, and brought into Maries Temple, where after insinuating eloquence, he augmented the terrour of Amurath's power; exhorting them to yield the City: promising the Citizens to live in all respects, as under Scanderbeg before: that Perlat should have most honourable preferments, with many rich gifts; the Souldiers safely to depart whither they would, and 300000 [...] among them. But the Governour replied, That, [Page] [...] [...] had not been delivered to resolute men, it might [...] have wrought some effect, &c. But since no ill [...] of Scanderbeg's, nor good desert of Amuraths, [...] [...] a Stranger before their naturall Prince had passed, &c. his Master should first proceed in his action, [...] down their Walls, make havock of their men, &c. But it were almost to be laughed at, if they should cowardly accept of these conditions before any assault given, &c. that Amurath had better get back to Hadrianople to spend his old years in quiet, and not provoke them his fatall enemies, &c: that he would never forget his faith given, to the last drop of blood; 'twas reward enough to him, if living, to defend the City, or loosing life to leave his guiltlesse soule at liberty, &c. Then [...] the Bassa, he led him thorow the City on purpose to shew him the store of Victualls: So sending him away much discontented, to his Master: who exceeding wroth, [...] the City three dayes together, and making a small breach, he gave a most terrible assault by his common Souldiers the Asapi, thereby to give easier Victory to his Janizaries and better Souldiers: whilst these are slaine by [...] at the breach, the Janizaries attempted the Wall in another place, who first difficultly crawling up the steep Rock, then mounting their Scaling ladders, they were with huge stones, &c. [...] down to the bottom, and miserably slain. Many with their Scaling ladders were thrust from the Wall, carrying others behind them, with them. Some taking hold of the Battlements, lost fingers, hands, most their lives. Many farther off, were wounded also with [...]. The Turks discouraged, began to withdraw: but, the Captains by exhorting and threatning some, and beating others, the assault was renewed, not with such courage, yet no lesse slaughter: the defendants shouting from the Walls. Amurath sent Feri Bassa with 3000 chosen Souldiers to renew the fight: who without regard of danger brought [Page] them to the Walls, whom the defendants overwhelmed with Stones, Timber, Wild-fire, &c. Yet Feri Bassa slew divers, and had not the Governour with a fresh company, speedily come to the place, had entered. Amurath seeing the great slaughter, and no hope, retired into his Campe: Yet not ceasing to give the like vaine attempt, The Captaine of the Janizaries perceiving a part of the City, seeming impregnable, to be commonly but slenderly manned; told Amurath he would assay it secretly by night: wherewith the King pleased, it was silently put in execution. The Governour advertised hereof by the watch, repaired thither with a great Company, beholding the Turks climbing and helping up each other by that desperate way. But being come to the top of the Rock, they were suddenly overwhelmed, and violently forced downe, most being crushed to death, and many of the rest, slaine with shot: wherewith Amurath was exceedingly grieved.

Scanderbeg, still removing as best served his purpose, brake sometimes into one quarter of their Campe, sometimes into another, and was straight way gone againe. Being, the latter end of June, come within 8 miles, he sent Moses, like a common Souldier, to view how the enemy encamped. Being informed, that the Turks kept but negligent watch; He the night following, suddenly assaulted one of their Camps quarters, which though discoverd by Scouts; yet by his furious assault, he slew 2000 before they could well arme, carrying away 230 horse, losing but 42 men, whom the Turks in revenge next morning hewed in peeces.

Amurath upon these disgraces, gave three fierce assaults to the City, and was alwayes with losse repulsed. But turning the [...] with revenge, he encouraged them to a fresh assault, with [...] promises than ever before in all his warrs: appointing Feri Bassa with 12000 horse, and 6000 foot to attend on Scanderbeg, lest he should trouble [Page] the assault, by assailing his Campe: Feri Bassa glad [...], lay as he was commanded, boasting, that he would seek Scanderbeg in the field, and trie with him hand to hand. Amurath next morning compassed the City round, purposing to gage his whole forces on the taking thereof. The battered Walls were not without Ladders to be assaulted through the places strength, and the defendants still filling up with earth. They first deliver ed their Arrowes and Bullers like a Haile shower. And in this heate, clapping Ladders to the Walls, began desperately to Scale: but the Christians with shot slew and wounded many: yet others pressing up, the assault was terrible in many places, especially neere the Gate: where with timber, &c: raising as it were a wodden Tower, for they fought with the Christians as upon even ground; and prevailed so far, that they had set ensignes on the Wall. The Governour hastning with a fresh Company, and repulsing the Turks, sent their Ensignes into the Market-place: Consuming the Wodden Tower with Wild-fire from the Walls; and presently placing fresh Souldiers, worthily defended the City.

Scanderbeg the while, came with 9000 Souldiers to assaile their Campe: Feri Bassa opposed against him: Scanderbeg retired a little to draw him further from the Camp. The Bassa withdrew 4000 horse to fetch a compasse and to set upon Scanderbegs reare, &c. But the expert Captaine perceiving [...], leaving Moses with the maine battell, with 2000. so charged these 4000, before well departed, that they had now more cause to look to their own safety: Scanderbeg here encountering with Feri hand to hand, slew him. Moses all this while, stood fast, receiving the assault, expecting their Successe. But Scanderbeg comming now in, he set forward with such force and courage, that the Turks fled: many of whom were shine in chase; yet not daring to follow them too far, he retraited, and having put his Army in order, appointed [Page] some to take the spoile of the slaine. Amurath hearing what hapned to Feri, was so overcome, that he could not for a while speak, but afterwards he commanded some Ordnance to be placed on that side of the Campe, most in danger; Sending 4000 to joyne to Feri Bassaes for its defence, charging them not to issue out of their trenches. Continuing the assault all that day, and no hope appearing, he left the assault, in which he lost 7000, and many dying afterwards: of the Garrison, but 70 were slain, and 90 hurt. Scanderbeg hoped Amurath would at length begone: yet with 2000 he would oft shew himself on the Mountaines sides to draw the Turks out, and take them at advantage: But the King commanding none to goe out, or speak of battell or assault on paine of death, lay certain daies more like one besieged himself: which Scanderbeg the more distrusted, fearing he was hatching some mischiefe, who thought good againe to prove if twere possible to overcome the Garrison Souldiers with gifts; wherefore he sent, offering to the besieged conditions, with such large rewards, as had not been heard offered to any. All which being leightly rejected by common consent, one base-minded fellow, corrupted herewith, secretly promised the Turks espialls, that on assurance of the profered reward, the City should be yielded. He layed many plots: but the first device served his purpose. The Garrison Souldiers were of the upper Dibria: exceeding superstitious, putting nice difference between meats, chusing rather to die, than eate or drink of that which they deemed unclean. Sfétigrade was watered but with one Well which sunk deep into the Rock. The Traytor in the night, cast the stinking Carcase of a dead dog therein. In the morning, the Garrison being drawn out of the Well, the report was, it was poysoned: all were in an uproar to find out the Traitour. The Citizens were very sorry, but the Souldiers detested that loathsome water more than Turkish servitude, protesting they [Page] would rather perish with thirst, than drink thereof: Some desiring to fire the City, and break thorough the enemies, or die. They that thought best, that it might be yielded up, as ready to sue to Amurath for peace, though on harder termes than the former. The Governour troubled and astonied, the better to pacifie the matter, exhorted them in the Market place to continue faithfull, and make small reckoning to use the water, which would soon be brought to its wonted purity: drinking in their sight a great draught, whose example the Citizens followed. But the Captaines and Souldiers refused to tast thereof, as of some deadly poyson, crying, to give up the City, wherefore many thought they were corrupted by Amurath; Yet none but the Traitor did afterwards revolt, or appeared richer. The Governour seeing they were not to be moved by perswasion, reward, or any other meanes, resolved with his chiefe Captains, and best of the Citizens, to yield the City to Amurath, on condition that all might safely depart with Armour, and other things: that such Citizens as would stay, might there dwell as under Scanderbeg, the rest to depart at pleasure with bag & baggage. Glad was Amurath; yet [...] not that the Citizens should continue in the City, but build their houses without the Wall. The Garrison Souldiers quietly passing, Mahomet earnestly perswaded his Father to put them all to the sword, saying 'Twas one of Mahomets chiefe commands, to use all cruelty to destroy the Christians. But the old King would not hearken therein, saying, People abhorre the government of a faithlesse and cruell Prince. The Traitor had three rich suits of apparell, 50000 aspers, and a yearly pension of 2000 Duckats. But after a few dayes, he was suddenly gone, and never seene or heard of: supposed to be secretly made away: Amurath detesting the Traitor, though the Treason served his purpose, Sfetigrades Walls being repaired, and 1200 Janizaries put in [...], Amurath, [Page]September 1. departed out of [...], having lost 30000 at the Seige; much grieved that he could not [...] the enemie: Scanderbeg understanding of his departure, speedily followed with 8000 horse, and 3000 foot, and taking advantage of Woods and Mountain-straites, skirmished often with the Turks, charging them everyway, and slew many. Amurath left the Viceroy of Romania with 30000 to attend on Scanderbeg, who now ceased to follow Amurath, fearing to be enclosed between both. Which he seeing, followed to Hadrianople, Scanderbeg returning to Croia: who leaving 2000 Souldiers upon the borders for defence, they so kept in the [...] at Sfetigrade, that they could not look out, but were intercepted and slain: and within sew dayes besieging Sfetigrade a month, was repulsed in two great assaults, losing 500 men. Amurath sending with speed to recall his dispersed Armie, Scanderbeg returned to Croia, Winter approaching; wherein he put 2000 of his best Souldiers under famous Uranocontes, storing the City with a year's Victuall, greatly helped therein by the Venetians and others. The like care he had of the rest, being advertised by secret friends in Court, of the Turks great preparation against him, at beginning of the Spring: who by the latter end of March had ready an Army of 160000 men: of which he sent 40000, under politique [...], into Epirus in beginning of April, 1450. who with great speed, and without let, comming to Croia, strongly encamped neere the pleasant plaine Tyranna: and keeping close, attended that no new supply should be conveyed into the City: for he was expresly forbidden to attempt any thing against Scanderbeg himself.

After 20 dayes, Amurath, through age, oft marching but 5 miles a day, came thither with his Army, filling the Country round about: And after 4 dayes setling his Camp, he sent two Messengers, offering the Governour, if he would yield, to depart with his Souldiers, with bag [Page] and baggage, 200000 aspers to himself, with an honourable place among his great Bassaes: and the Citizens to enjoy all their former liberties, promising greater. They being commanded to deliver their message without the Gates, he scornfully rejected their offers, and the Souldiers shamefully [...] them. Amurath more offended at this, than the refusall, commanded ten great Artillery pieces to be cast, for by reason of the high Mountaines, he brought none ready made, but store of mettall in masse. This work being in 15 [...] perfected, 6 he [...] against the East side toward the plaine, 4 against the Gate, in which places onely, Croia was subject to battery. In 4 dayes Amurath had in both places beaten downe halfe the Wall, and sore shaken the rest. The Turks encouraged with great cheerfullnesse made ready for assault, striving who should shew himself most foreward: And Mahomet besides his Fathers rewards, promised a 100000 Aspers to him that first set an Ensigne upon the Walls. The Garrison nothing dismaied, comforted and encouraged each other to endure all manner of perill, especially Uranocontes, who shaking some Souldiers by the hand, said; These were the fortresses of their City, &c. What honour, triumph should they hope for, if these Walls standing whole, they should shroud under their defence, and not they defended by them? So can Cowards defend, and Sheep not feare the Wolves rage, &c. That men of worth shun such things, which being kept or lost, yield like praise: that things ready to fall need shoaring, and there appeareth valour. Therefore their valiant right hands should instead of dead Walls, oppose their [...] armed bodyes against the enemies force. That he in the thickest should view and judge of every mans courage. Yet that their former hopes were little or nothing by these breaches diminished: For that the rising of the hill, though not so high as in other places, doth serve them at great advantage to charge their enemies. [Page] That this breach will encourage the Barbarians to climbe up, &c: whereof so many shall be easily slaine, as they shall but aime at [...] that onely those 2 places can be assaulted; How will so many valiant Souldiers bestow themselves in so little roome? Yet let them play the men, and in one conflict weaken the Tyrants strength, and burst his proud heart, &c.

Uranocontes setting all thiugs in order, and repairing the breaches as well as possible, they rested that night. In the morning the Turks cheerfully assaulted both breaches: but it being well begun, Scanderbeg had suddenly broke in on the Turks Campe, with 5000, slaying 600 Turks, and was spoyling their Tents; which rumour made them with lesse courage to assault. Amurath for more suretie sent [...] with 4000 into the Camp, saying, Nothing could be too sure against that wild beast. Mahomet also hasted thither against his Father's will. But Moses knowing himself too weak; had before retired into the Mountaines, having done great harme, losing but ten men. Scanderbeg here, forgetting himself, so engaged, that being on every side enclosed, yet valiantly breaking thorow, he escaped the great danger recovering the Mountaines. This was the greatest oversight of Scanderbeg in all his Wars. When all was quieted, Amurath brought all his forces to the Walls, with multitude of Archers and small shot, labouring to drive away the defendants. Then likewise other common Souldiers brought Scaling ladders, &c. The [...] and others following ready to mount them. But the Garrison Souldiers made such slaughter, that had not the Captaines spared neither stripes nor wounds, they would presently have retired. Hereby the Ladders were with great slaughter set up, and the Turks came to handie blowes at the breaches: who being with their Ladders tumbled down the Mountaine with horrible slaughter and discomfiture, that none would set one foot forward again, though fierce [Page] young Mahomet caused them that returned to be slain. These common Souldiers are most miserable Christians, now under the Turks slavery: of whom the Turks draw great multitudes in their Wars, commonly unarmed, because [...] daring well to trust them; they carry all the baggage, fetch wood and water, serve for Pioneers: when [...] is in field, they with weapons are thrust into the fore-front to blunt their enemies swords: if a City be to be besieged, serving to fill ditches with their dead bodies; and if they shrinke, more cruelly used by their commanders than enemies. Amurath stood in doubt, whether he had better retrait: but being enraged, he gave a fresh assault with divers of his better companies: But Uranocontes placing [...] men in the breaches, they repulsed the Turks with a double slaughter: till the King not able longer to behold it, sounded a retraite, having lost 8000 men, without any notable harme to the defendants.

Mahomet, burning with [...], drew most of the best Souldiers into that quarter neerest Scanderbeg, intrenching on the Mountaine of Tumenist; that if he should againe there assail the Campe, he might hardly do great harme, or himself escape. Whereupon Scanderbeg left Moses with 500, where he lay, ordering him in the night [...] assail the quarter where Mahomet lay, and speedily retire to the Mountaine. Himself with about 8000 fetching a compasse by secret waies, came to Mountecle the farther side of the Turks Armie. Moses at the hour assailed the Campe with the tumult of some great Armie. Scanderbeg at the instant breaking into the other side, there made such a slaughter, that Croia's losse was forgot in comparison of this. Moses doing little harme, safely retired: and Scanderbeg making great spoil, timely returned, scarce losing one man.

Amurath [...] this, withdrew most of his small Ordinance into his trenches, against Scanderbegs sudden attempts. [Page] Yet seeing in that hot season he could not so closely encamp, but that some part would still be in danger, he appointed [...] with 15000 to attend Scanderbeg: Then battering the Walls afresh, he made greater breaches than before, appointing next day, for a new assault. But perceiving no signe of courage in their heavy countenances, &c: he calling them [...], said, Every weake Castle can hold out one assault; but if they will draw these wild beasts out of their dens, they must arme themselves to endure whatever shall happen: that great Captaines have growne old under their enemies Walls, &c: that they remember the glorious victory of Varna: that all honourable things are brought to passe with adventure and labour: and the end of this War depends on taking of Croia: that fortune is to be proved and oft provoked, of them that will wed her. Yet that they must work warily with this enemy: that they should weare them out if they kill but ten at a daily assault. That peradventure fortune may find some unlooked-for mean, as at the [...] of Sfetigrade, &c.

Early next morning, began a valiant assault, the Turks assaying vainely and desperately to break open the Gates. Wild-fire being cast into many places of the City, and the Artillerie oft discharged into the breaches, many Turks were slaine together with the Christians: who still repulfed their enemies. Yet Amurath maintained the assault by supplies, but grieved at heart to see them so slaine: at last weary to behold it, and perswaded by his Bassaes, not wilfully to cast away his valiant Souldiers, he ended the assault: and thought good to prove what might be done by undermining: daily alaruming the City, to busie the [...]. Buying store of Corne of the [...] of Lisia, Scanderbeg slaying the convoy, carryed it away, dividing it among his Souldiers. Yet, he received abundance of provision from Macedonia, and the [...] Merchants furnished him with Corne, Oyle, Hony, &c. [Page] which Scanderbeg, they being his secret friends, would not hinder; considering he might have had all the same from the further part of Macedonia, Thracia, Mysia, &c.

400 Souldiers sallying out the while, chased divers Turks to the Campe: Amurath hoping they would to their losse, give the like attempt. But the governour would not suffer them any more to sally, Scanderbeg also encreasing his Armie with 2000, [...] a part to Moses, another to Tanusie, & a third to himself: determining by night to assail the Camp in 3 places at once. But Scanderbeg being discovered by their Scouts, Souldiers were appointed diligently to guard that side: Moses and Tanusie the while assailing in 2 divers quarters, slew a number of Turks, and made great spoile. Scanderbeg discovered, did not much harme: and retiring, sate down by faire daylight, on a Mountaine's side, in sight of the Turks, that Moses and Tanusie might see to meet him again. But the Turks thinking he stood to brave them: divers craved leave, that they might go, and, at least, beat him out of sight: which granted, 7000 horse, and 5000 foot presently set forward. Scanderbeg seeing them, retired a little farther up, expecting Moses and Tanusies comming. When the Turks well wearied, and laboriously marching up the [...] hills, were come a great way, and perceived by the dust, some greater force, and ere long, saw the foremost of them, they retired: Scanderbeg pursuing through the grounds advantage, slew many. Moses also comming in, beside [...], took divers; After which victory, Scanderbeg retired into the Mountaines.

The late spoile, with this overthrow, much grieved the Tyrant; but the mines [...] to no good purpose, for the Rocks hardnesse, and the defendants discovery, drove him to his wit's end. Resolving now to prove, if by great gifts and promises, he could corrupt the Governour and [...]; he sent a dexterous Bassa, commanding him [Page] if possible, first to fasten rich presents on him, in honour of his valiant minde: and afterwards delivering his message, to promise more than should be desired, for giving up of the City. The Bassa being with two Servants, received into the City, presented to Uranocontes the rich [...], with much reverence, and many magnificall words. Uranocontes willed him first to declare his message: whereupon he would, either receive or refuse them. The subtill Bassa nothing dismaied, thus began.

That however they agreed, yet they brought not these guifts to deceive any: and though enemie's guifts are as he rightly said, ever to be suspected: Yet they durst not for shame come to so worthy a Governour empty handed: neither ought he, if he be what he seeme, to refuse their courtesie, &c. That they went not about with filed speech and rich rewards to circumvent him, whose invincible mind they had so oft, in vaine proved with their forces: That is it for which Amurath loveth him: desiring to have his virtuous enemies with himself: that he was worthy of another manner of Soveraign than Scanderbeg, whom he condemned not; and another manner of calling, &c: that Scanderbegs destruction might be deferred, but not avoided, against whom Amurath conceiving implacable displeasure, would never depart out of Epirus, till he imposed a deadly yoake on his neck: That the first of this misery beginneth at this City: that his eyes would scarce behold the horrible spectacle of the men of Croia's miserable fortune, &c. Did they think Amurath would in the mid'st of this heat, raise his siege and be gone? No no, if force will not prevaile, they shall alwayes have these [...] in their eves, till long famine tame their courage. Can Scanderbeg victuall them, [...] able to relieve his own misery? or will the Venetians? who daily brings them plenty of all necessaries: Therefore they should repent of their over hardinesse, and [Page] gather their wits together: That they should find liberty, rewards, perpetuall rest with Amurath, &c.

The Bassa expected some great motion in the Souldiers: but perceiving his speech rather to fill them with anger than feare, requested to talke in secret, with the Governour: which was granted: who beginning cunningly to deliver his [...] secret message, Vranocontes interrupting him, commanded him to depart: and that if he or any other came from his Master to speak with him about any such matter, he would returne them dismembred of hands, noses, and eares. So the Bassa was with his presents turn'd out of the City, though the Souldiers could well have eased him of that carriage.

Amurath understanding the Governours answer, in great rage next day, caused a furious assault to be given, rather to satisfie anger, than in hope to prevaile, and with greater losse than before, many Turks being slaine at the breach, with their own great shot. At length wearied, he gave over, returning to his Camp, as halfe frantick or distract; sitting all day, full of melancholly passions, [...] violently pulling his beard and locks, complaining, that he lived so long to see those disgracefull dayes. His Bassaes, to comfort him, recounted his many and glorious victories, and producing examples of his like event. But nothing could content his mind, or revive his Spirits; so that oppressed with melanchollyconceits, he became sick for griefe. Whereupon by some's Counsell, he sent to Scanderbeg, offering him peace for 10000 duckats yearly tribute, thinking hereby well to save his honour, which being utterly refused, greatly increased his sicknesse. Scanderbeg to grieve him the more, &c: daily assailed the Campe: which he often suspected by alarums and tumults, languishing with the griefe thereof. Feeling he could not longer live, g ievously complained, that all his former life was so blemished: who repressing the Hungarians fury, and almost nullifying [Page] the Grecians pride and name, was enforced to give up the Ghost under the Walls of an obscure Castle, and in sight of his contemptible enemie. Then he gave his Son Mahomet many grave advertisements, commending him to the faithfullnesse of his Bassaes; weaknesse, and teares oft upon sight of him, interrupting his speech; Yet forcing himself, he warned him of what now most grieved him.

That his example be a warning to him not to contemne his never so weak enemy, &c: whereby he had purchased this calamity, and for ever blemished the honour of the Othoman Kings, &c. That this Trait or should then have been suppressed, when first he recovered his wicked Kingdome, &c. Ali Bassa, nor the other Generalls, should not have been sent against him, &c: That they entered into [...] 160000 strong, &c: but now how many tents stand empty, &c. That the destinies had vowed his Spirits to Epirus as to him fatall. But why did he impute these impediments and chances to himself? for this mischievous seed first began when the Hungarians with others rose up against him. So whilst he could not take order for all important affaires at once, this enemy grew great? That fortune never deceived his endeavours more than in this. Therefore he charged his Son that for so great and stately a patrimony as he should receive, not to leave his death unrevenged of this enemy. Shortly after becomming speechlesse, &c: he breathed out his Ghost, to the Christians great joy, in Autumne 1450, 85 years old as most write: reigning 28, or as some 30, about 5 months after Croia's siege.

Thus [...] great Amurath dead almost in despaire! Who had fought greater battels? who gained greater Victories, or obtained more glorious Triumphs than he? &c. But oh, how far was he now changed from the man he then was! how far did his last speeches differ from his forepassed life! full of base passionate complaints, beseeming [Page] some vile [...] overtaken with despaire, and yet afraide to die. He lyeth now dead a gastly stinking Carcale, &c: and of such infinite riches, such stately honours, &c: his fraile body enjoyeth nothing. The Turks say, he died, miraculously forewarned of his death at Hadrianople: others that he died in Asia with an Apoplexie surfeiting of immoderate Wine. But Marinus Barlesius, who lived in his time, in Scodra fast by Epirus, sets it downe as aforesaid.

Mahomet fearing some innovation at home, presently returning to Hadrianople: buryed his body with great solemnity on the West of Prusa: lying in a Chappel without a roofe, his grave not differing from the common Turks: which they say, he so commanded, that Gods blessing might come to him by the Sun and Moones shining, and raine, and dewes falling on his grave. He mightily enlarged the Turkish Kingdome: for the better establishing whereof in his owne house, he in the beginning of his reigne, by manifold favours began to bind to himself men of forreigne Coùntryes, his Servants. And whereas the Othoman Kings, had mostly, or altogether raised their Janizaries, and other Court Souldiers of Christians Children taken in War; he seeing how serviceable they were, plotted, how to make an Armie of such, his own Creatures, &c: wherefore taking from the Christians every 5th. Child: he placed the fairest and aptest in his own Seraglio, the rest in other like places, where being instructed in Mahometane Religion, then in all seats of Armes: of these he made Horsemen, &c: to guard his person, naming he better sort Spahi-Oglani, [...] is, his Sons the Knights. Of these he made Bassaes, Generals, and Governours, with all great Officers; dispersing the rest and greatest part into every Country of his Dominion in Asia to be brought up in hardnesse and painefull labour, out of whom he choosing the most lusty and able, they were taught to handle all manner of weapons added [Page] to the other upon occasion, calling them his Sons, binding them, of all sorts, so fast to him by continual pay, &c. that he might account so many Sons as Souldiers. A great policy from a deep judgment, to weaken the Christians by taking their Children of greatest hope, and to keep in awe his own natural Subjects also. Amurath's successours keeping and increasing this Custome, have not only kept the Empire in their Family: but so maintained their State, that they are feared, obeyed, and honoured as Gods, &c. Hence it comes to passe, that the better of them called Turks (but indeed Christians children) desire to be called Musulmans, that is, right believers, holding it a reproach to be called Turks: For they knowing, there is not one natural Turk among all in authority, &c. but he is borne a Christian either of father or Grandfather, avouch those only to be Turks, living in Natolia, all Merchants, Mechanicks, or poor labourers, &c. Yea, many of the Grand-Signiors, had Christian Mothers, accounting it in the greatest part of their Nobility.

[...] great King, was wonderfully beloved, and noless after death lamented; more faithful of his word, than any before or after him; melancholick; rather politick than valiant, yet both: a great dissembler, painful in travel, exceeding wayward and testy, many imputing it to his age, He had 6 Sons, Achmetes, Aladin, Mahomet, Hasan or Chasan, Urchan, and Achmetes the younger: three of whom died before him.

The Life of Mahomet II. 7th King, and first Emperour of Turks, for his many victories, surnamed, the Great.

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IT was thought that Mahomet, who, being about 21 years old, succeeded his Father in 1450, and the supposed Son of the Prince of Servia's Daughter, a Christian, would have embraced the Christian Religion; but embracing in shew the Mahometan, abhorring the Christian, he greatly reckoned not of either; and worshipping no God, but Fortune, he derided such as thought God had any care of worldly men: so that he kept no League, Promise, or Oath, longer than stood with his profit and pleasure.

The Bassaes, and others of great Authority to whom Amurath's Government was never grievous, inwardly lamented his death; doubting Mahomet's fierce nature, &c. But the Court gallants in hope of preferment were glad to see him on his Fathers Seat: and the vulgar exceedingly rejoyced in him. Then also the Janizaries (as their [...] is) spoyling the Christians and Jews, easily obtained pardon: whereupon he was by them and other Court Souldiers triumphantly saluted King: which approbation is a greater assurance of their Kingdom, than to be born the King's eldest Son.

The young Tyrant, was presently about to murther [...] his own hands his youngest brother, but 18 months old. Moses a Bassa requested him, rather to commit the [...] thereof to some other; which thing Mahomet [Page] commanding him to do; he taking it from the Nurse. strangled it with water: Spondertius his Daughter, in her rage, reviling the Tyrant to his face, &c. He requesting her to be contented, for that it stood with policy, said, she should have whatsoever she asked. But she desiring to have Moses (her Son's executioner) delivered to her bound, presently struck him in the breast with a knife, crying in vain for help, and cutting a hole in his side, cut out, and cast his Liver by piece-meal to the dogs. He also caused another Brother in Caly Bassa's keeping, to be murthered. Presently after, he began to abrogate and alter the old Lawes and Customs, publishing new, better fitting his own humour: imposing also new Taxes and Subsidies on his Subsects, and was (through avarice) thought over-sparing in apparel and diet. He calling all great Officers to streight account, put some to death, confiscated the goods, greatly fined, or quite removed from Office, others. He admitted also false and surmized accusations against his Bassa's; little mercy was to be looked for; whereby he was exceedingly feared of his Subjects, but more hated. Of 7000 Faulconers and not many fewer Huntsmen that were maintained of the Kings charge, (saying, He would not be such a fool, to maintain such a multitude to attend on so meer a vanity) he ordered 500 Faulconers only, and 100 Huntsmen: the rest to serve in wars. Then also he entred League with Constantine Emperour of Constantinople, and the other Greek Princes: as also with the Despot his Grandfather, as some will; yet some write, the Despots Daughter was but his Mother in Law, whom he sent again to her Father allowing her a Princely Dowry.

Ibrahim King of Caramania, took occasion the first year of his Reign, to invade him in Asia with fire and sword. Mahomet displacing Isa his Lievetenant there, as unsufficient, appointed Isaac Bassa in his room; who passing into Asia, raised a great Army. After whom Mahomēt [Page] following with a greater, he entred with great hostility into Caramania: whose King fleeing into the great Mountains, offered him such conditions of peace, whereof he accepted: which being by Oath confirmed, he returned to Prusa; where the presuming Janizaries came (in order of battel) and demanded a Donative, as a reward of their good service, who inwardly chafing, yet (having warning by Abedin Bassa, and Turechanbeg) he for the present dissembled his anger, scattering ten great baggs of Aspers among them. But few daies after, he [...] Doganes their chief Captain to be shamefully whipt, discharging him of his Office: and so likewise used he the under Captains, a punishment usually inflicted (on the King's least displeasure) upon any man, if not a natural Turk. Presently after, [...] Isaac against the Prince of Caria, he was driven out of his Country: which hath ever since remained subject to the Turkish Kings.

Mahomet determining to return to Hadrianople with his Army, was advertized, he could not passe Hellespontus Straits without manifest danger; wherefore taking his way through that part of Bythinia lying above Constantinople, passing over at the Castle Accechisar, standing on Bosphorus Strait in Asia; being got over, and encamping by the Sea side, he began to build a great Castle near Propontis, directly over against the other Castle; and assembling all workmen possible, his [...] working also, it was sooner perfected than was by any at first expected: which for greatness is of most Writers, reputed a City named Genichisar, Neocastron, and [...], built as for the Turks safe passage to and fro, so to hinder the Christians passage, thorow those narrow Straits: and to distresse Constantinople but 5 miles distant. The rich Trade which the Venetian, Genoan, and Constantinopolitan Merchants had to Cassa, and other places on the Euxine, were hereby almost cut off, to the great hinderance of those [...]. Mahomet [Page] ambitious, thinking nothing more answerable to his conceits than to attempt Constantinople, & the Greek Empires utter subversion: and grieving at that goodly Citie's commodious Situation, and not at his disposing; and the Emperour's small power with the other Christian Princes discord, ministring no small hope of success; made great preparation all the Winter both by Sea and Land, to be ready against Spring: none certainly knowing whither he would imploy the same: Constantinus then Emperour, of a mild and soft Spirit hearing hereof, prepared according to his own small ability, also earnestly craved aid of other Christian Princes. But they being at variance, all his Suit was vain. Nicolas the 5th, Bishop of Rome, Alphonsus King of Naples, and the State of Venice promised him 30 Galleys; but none came.

The Emperour made stay of certain Ships and Galleys of Venice, Genua, &c. Then also Johannes Justinianus a Genuan adventurer came to Constantinople, with two tall Ships and 400 Souldiers; where being entertained, he was made the Emperour's Lievtenant General. 6000 entertain'd Greeks, with 3000 Venetians, &c. made stay of, joyned to the Citizens, was all the defence for his Empire.

The Turk had a great Army of 300000, ready against Spring, most out of Bulgaria, Servia, &c. either indeed Christians, or else [...]: to these were joyned divers out of Germany, Bohemia, and Hungary. This enforcing and alluring Christians against Christians, hath not been the least means of the Turks greatnesse. His effeminate Asians, natural Turks, and Janizaries, were mingled; these last the fewest, yet commanding all.

Mahomet encamping April 9. 1453, before Constantinople, filled he Land, from Bosphorus Sea side, unto the place where it, compassing the City on two parts, makes a goodly haven betwixt Constantinople and Pera.

[Page]This City (anciently called Bizantium) is, in form of a Triangle, situated in Europe, in the pleasant Countrey of [...], on a point of the main Land, shooting out towards Asia, called of Pliny [...] Solinus the promontory Chrysoceras, where the Sea Propontis joyneth unto [...] [...] which divideth Asia from Europe, called in ancient time Bosphorus Thracius, &c. and about 200 years past or more, St. George's arm. It was first built by Pausanias the [...] King, flourishing till the Civil Wars between Severus the Emperour and Niger: when it, enduring 3 years siege of the Romans under [...], yielded not till the Citizens did eat one another: the walls were overthrown; the City destroyed, and brought to the state of a poor Country Village, given by Severus to the Pyrinthians, until Constantine the Great new built and beautified it: translating his Imperial Seat thither, calling it New Rome; and that part of Thracia along the Sea Coast, Romania. But the founders name so prevailed, that it was, and is called Constantinople or [Constantine's-City.] The longest side running from North-East to South-West, is commonly reputed 8 miles long: The other side East and West, 5 miles, washed with the Haven more than 8 miles long, before it meet the fresh water, and about a quarter of a mile broad, the City Pera or Galata, standing on the further side, very deep, bearing ships full fraught, close to the shoar. The 3d side almost North and South, 5 miles also in length; the two Sea and Haven sides, are environed with a single wall, with high Towers flanking the same, &c. But the other side regarding the main Land, beside the fenced ditch, is defended with 3 walls, &c.

Mahomet placed his Asians on the right, toward Bosphorus; on the left, towards the Haven; lay himself with 15000 Janizaries, &c. betwixt both against the heart of the City: placing also, on the further side of the Haven Zoganius, with another part of his Army. Then also [Page] Pantologes came to the siege with 30 Galleys, and 200 small ships, and a number of others fitter for shew than service. But the Emperour chaining the Haven overthwart, (placing his small Fleet within it, rather there by chance than provided for such service) the City was put in good safety on that side.

When he had surrounded the City by Sea and Land; he cast up great Trenches as near the Walls as possible, raising mounts in divers places, as high as the walls; thence greatly annoying the Defendants. Then, he terribly battered the Gate called Calegaria, chiefly with one Ordnance, difficultly brought from Hadrianople with 150 yoake of Oxen, carrying a bullet of 100 pound, made of a hard black stone from the Euxine Sea. The Christians also discharged their Artillery on the Turks; but sparingly, as if afraid to shake their own Walls, or loth to spend shot and Powder; yet the Turks were grievously annoyed with what was spent. The breach also made at the Gate, was dangerously and laboriously repaired with [...] and earth, and made stronger than before: In which they were directed and greatly encouraged by Justinianus.

Mahomet continuing his battery, in greater hope, employed his store of Pioners to dig a Mine, directed by skilful [...], therefore entertained; whereby that [...] of the wall, with one strong Tower therein was quite undermined, and supported but with stays, till it should be blown up. This, the Constantinopolitans neither perceived nor feared; for that, Bajazet and Amurath had both vainly attempted the same. But Mahomet had by men of greater device, brought this to passe, though it took not the wished effect; for John Grandis a German, suspecting, by a Counter-mine timely discovered the Turks, and they with fire and sword were driven out, and the Mine strongly filled again. Mahomet removed his battery, planting it against the Bactatina Tower, near the [Page] Romane Gate: which, at length, falling down, filled up the ditch [...] the outer wall. But this breach was speedily and couragiously made up again. The Turks also erecting high Timber Towers covered with raw hides, slew many Christians; But Mahomet seeing their valiantness, said, It was not the Grecians, but the Frenchmen that defended the City; for so the Turks call all the Christians of the West.

The Turkish King, almost despairing to win the City, (which he could but on one side assault) a Christian in his Camp shewed him how to bring a great part of his Fleet by Land into the Haven, to assault the City by water: by which device, and mens strength, Zoganus Bassa, brought 70 lesser Ships and Galliots, with sails abroad, up a great hill, 8 miles, into Constantinople's Haven. The Christian is supposed to have learnt it of the Venetians, who did the like before, at the Lake of Bennacus. Glad was Mahomet, and the Christians (with its sight) discouraged: who attempting to burn them in launching, the Turks with great Ordinance, sunk the foremost Christian Galley: the rest, being dismayed, returned. Next day the Turks slew certain Christians, of the Galley, took up in the Haven; and in revenge, certain Turks prisoners were put to death on the top of the walls, in sight of the Camp.

Shortly after, Mahomet made a wonderful bridge, more than half a mile long, over the Haven, built with timber planks, &c. whereby his Army came over to assault the City on that side also.

Three tall Genoway Ships laden with Corn, and munition from Chios, and one of the Emperour's with Corn from Sicilia, coming for Constantinople; the Turks Fleet set upon them, and boarded them (after an exceeding number of Turks slain); but being much lower, they could not well look out, but they were slain or wounded. Mahomet beholding it, cryed aloud, swearing and blaspheming God, riding in rage into the Sea, and [...] [Page] back, rent his cloathes. The whole Army was filled with indignation also. The great Fleet ashamed in sight of their King to be overcome of so few; did what they might to enter, but in vaine: glad to fall off againe. Some [...] Turks reported, almost 10000 Turks to have perished. Three of these ships arrived at Constantinople, the other was lost. Though Pantogles, Mahomets Admirall lost an eye in that fight, yet he thrust him out of office, confiscating his goods, and hardly sparing his life.

A rumour being raised, of great aide comming out of Italy by Sea, and Hungarie by land, for reliefe of the besieged: the Turks Camp was filled with feare: So that the Souldiers murmured, &c. Whereupon, Mahomet consulted with his three great Bassaes, whether he were best continue the siege or not. Caly Bassa of greatest authority, and secretly favouring the distressed Emperour, after long declaring the difficulty of the wished successe, &c: concluded, it were best for him to depart before further losse or disgrace received. But Zoganus envying Caly Bassaes greatnesse, perswaded the King to proceed in his enterprise, assuring him of its good successe, &c. Of the same opinion also was the third Bassa, rather to crosse Caly, &c: than for any great hope in the desired successe. The King resolved to continue the siege: authorizing Zoganus to appoint a day for a great and general assault, who appointed the Tuesday next, May 29. The meane time he sent one Ismael to offer the Emperour peace: but on conditions, no lesse to be refused than death it self: the Turks being most of opinion; God will not prosper them, except they first make their enemies some offer of peace: and to prove what confidence the enemy yet had: But they were by the Emperour refused. Three dayes before the assault, the Turks kept their fast, eating nothing till night: then making the greatest cheere and joy, and taking their leave one of another, Mahomet proclaimed [Page] he Citye's spoile for three dayes, to his Souldiers if they won it, solemnly swearing the Turks great Oath: By the immortall God, &c: for confirmation thereof.

Caly Bassa, [...] that his counsell was rejected: secretly advertised the Emperour of the appointed day for assault, perswading him [...] to [...] them, who were no lesse afraid of him, &c.

The wofull Emperour did, all the siege, what he could: but the Citizens many times were hardly drawne from their Trades, to the Walls, affirming, 'twas to no purpose to fight at the breaches, and starve at home. Wherefore the Emperour commanding a view to be taken of all Corne in the City, such store was found in many's hands, that it appeared the dearth then beginning to increas, proceeded rather of covetousnesse, than true want: this store the Emperour proportionably divided at reasonable prizes: so easing the people's murmuring. The Greek mercenaries also refused longer to go to the Walls, than sure of daily pay: the Church-plate. &c: being converted into money, to content them. For the Emperour requesting to borrow money of his Subjects; they would still swear they had it not, as poor for want of Trade: which their enemies finding in abundance, wondred at their wealth, and derided their folly. But this was their [...] dealing with their Emperours, in that declining state, as well appeared in Baldwins time.

But the Emperour advertised of the Enemie's purpose, first commended their defence to the Almighty's protection by fasting and prayer: then by Justinianus his direction, appointed every commander to his certain place. The City beset, and the defendants but few: the Walls could be in many places but slenderly [...]. The greatest and best strength were for defence of the utter Wall. Justinianus with 300 Genowales, and some chosen Greeks undertook that battered [...] the Roman [Page] Gate: against which, Mahomet with his [...], lay. The Emperour neer Justinian for defence of another part: shutting fast up the Gates of the inner Wall, that the defendants should have no hope but in their valour. Thus they laying all night, a little before day, the Turks began the [...]; who pressing fast, and not seeing in the dark to defend themselves, were without number wounded or slain; but these were of the common and worst Souldiers. Upon the day's appearance, the City was at one instant on every side most furiously assaulted: they delivering their Arrowes and shot, so thick, that the light was darkned: others mounting the Ladders, came even to handy stroakes. The Christians with no lesse courage, [...] them down with great stones, &c: and soon whelmed them with shot, darts, &c: that they were ready to retire: [...] sending in fresh supplyes of [...], &c: his last [...]; the terrible assault began afresh. The King calling on, and promising the forward Captaines Golden Mountaines: to others, threatning terrible death, so that, though the Turks lay dead by heapes, yet others pressing on, over them, either slew or wereslaine. In this conflict, Justinianus being wounded in the Arme, and losing much blood; withdrew himself without any to supply his room; getting into the City by the Gate Romana in the inner Wall; pretending for binding up his wound: but indeed wholly discouraged. Upon [...] departure, the Souldiers dismaied, fled to the same Gate: with which sight others, ran by heapes also. But striving to get in at once, they so wedged in each other, that in the presse and confusion, 800 were trodden or thrust to death. The Emperour also fleeing [...] the rest, there ended his dayes. Whose body shortly found, and known by his apparell: his head was presented to the Tyrant: by whose command it was afterwards as a trophie of Victory, carried about in the Camp and City. The Turks advancing their Ensignes on the Walls, cryed, Victory; entring [Page] by the breach, like a flood: and entring the City by the Gate opened for Justinianus, and by a breach they had before made, cutting in pieces all in their way, they became Lords of that Imperiall City. Some few Christians preferring death before Turkish slavery, sold their lives deare to their Enemies. Many 1000 of men, women and Children perished in this fury. Many fleeing into Sophia's Temple, were all slain except a few reserved to more grievous purposes than death it self. The Ornaments and Jewells of that sumptuous Temple, were pluckt down and carryed away: it self converted at present into a stable, &c: the Image of the Crucifix was with a Turks Cap on its head, shot at with Arrowes, carried about their Camp in derision, with Drums playing; rayling and spitting at it, calling it the Christians God. Others ransacked private houses, to whom all things were lawfull that stood with their lust, &c. What tongue were able to expresse the misery of that time? &c. But the hidden Treasure and Riches there found passeth credit; that its a proverb at this day, if any grow suddenly Rich, to say, He hath been at the sacking of Constantinople. Yea the Citizens had not care so much as to fortifie the inner Wall of the City, but suffered those having the charge thereof to turn most of the money into their own purses, as appeared by Manuel Grageras; and by Neophytus; who soore gathered 70000 Florens: all a [...] prey to the Turks.

After three dayes ransacking every corner of the City, the Souldiers returned into the Camp, driving the Christian Captives before them as droves of [...]: a spectacle no lesse lamentable, than the sacking of the City, &c: There might Parents, Children, Husbands, Wives, see the wofull misery of their Children, Parents, Wives and Husbands, and one friend another; Yet not able to mourn together, being in the thraldome of divers cruell Masters: The Souldiers retired, Mahomet with great [Page] Triumph entered the City void of Christian Inhabitants making a sumptuous feast unto his great Captaines; where surcharged with excesse, he caused divers chiefe Captaines men and women, many of the Emperours race, to be in his presence put to death: which cruelty he daily used, till he destroyed all the Greek Nobility in his power, with the chiefe of the Citizens, divers Uenetian Senatours, with their Governour Baiulus, and many [...] Merchants, &c. were likewife murthered. So that of 47 Venetian Senatours, there unluckily shut up, a few found favour with exceeding ransoms.

Amongst these, was one Lucas Leontares of late, great Chancellour of Constantinople: whom the Tyrant seemed to blame, that he perswaded not the Emperour in time to seek peace on any condition, or to have yielded. He said, his Master was encouraged by the Venetians and Citizins of Pera: he also drew out Caly Bassa's letters to the Emperour, delivering them to Mahomet, hoping for favour thereby. But his eldest Son then living was executed in his sight: the youngest reserved for the Tyrants lust: and his own head struck off with the rest. Justinianus escaping to Chios, within few dayes died of griefe, rather than his wound. Isidore the Pope's Legat, simply apparelled, redeemed himself for a small ransome: This Cityes glory continued many 100 years, till by civill discord and private gaine it was by little and little weakned, yet holding the title of an Empire 1221 years: till by this Mahomet overthrown, with the Christian Easterne Empire, May 29. 1453. Constantine having reigned about 8 years: remaining since, the seat of the Turkish Emperours.

The Citizens of Pera, doubting the same misery: sent [...] to Mahomet, offering him their keyes, and to become his Subjects. Of which he accepting, took possession thereof by Zoganus: who establishing the Turks government, confiscated the goods of all fled, using the [Page] rest with oppression, little lesse than theirs of Constantinople. And doubting the Genowaies might aide the Citizens by Sea, upon any revolt; he cast down all the Walls and fortresses toward the land, to the ground.

Mahomet had long boren a grudge against Caly Bassa his tutor: by whose meanes Amurath his Father resumed the government before resigned to him. But he being the chiefe Bassa, &c: he durst not in the beginning of his reigne, take revenge: keeping it still in mind, and warily dissembling it. Yet some time, words fell from him, whereby the wary Courtiers, perceived the secret grudge sticking in his stomack against him: which not unknown to the Bassa himself, he, troubled, went on Pilgrimage to their great Prophets Temple at Mecha, holden for a right religious work, hoping the young Kings malice might in time be asswaged. Mahomet perceiving his distrust hereby: willed him not to misdoubt any thing, assuring him of his undoubted favour: sending him continually rich gifts, and heaping on him new honours. Till now Leontares discovering his intelligence with the Emperour, he sent him in bonds to Hadrianople: where after exquisite torments to confesse his treasures, he was in extreame old age cruelly executed. After which, his friends and servants, for he was greatly beloved, putting on mourning apparell; Mahomet offended, proclaimed all such next day to appeare before him: at which time, for feare, there was none about the Court, in that heavy attire.

Mahomet resolving to place his imperiall seate there, repairing the spoiled Walls and buildings, gave [...] by proclamation, to all commers thither to dwell, with freedome of Religion and Trade: whereby it was soon well peopled, especially with Jewes, who, driven out else where, came thither in great numbers: then taking on him the title of Emperour of Turks.

[Page]There was among the Captive Virgins, one Irene a Greek, of incomparable beauty, and rare perfection: which Paragon being presented to Mahomet, he was on the first view not a little moved. Yet for the present, committed her to his Eunuch to be safely kept untill his better leisure. But his new conquests well assured, he began to think of the faire Irene: taking in her such delight, that she soon became commander of so great a Conqueror, and he in nothing more delighted than in doing her the greatest honour and service. All the day he spent with her in discourse, and the night in dalliance: his wonted care of Armes was quite neglected: Yea the Government of his Empire, seemed in comparison of her, little or not at all regarded. But he thus spending a whole yeare or two in pleasure: the Janizaries and other Court Souldiers first secretly murmured: at length openly said: It were well done to deprive him, and set up one of his Sons in his stead; so that it was feared by some Bassaes, whereunto this their insolency would grow. But who should tell the Tyrant thereof; whose frowne was death? or, who durst take in hand to cure his sick minde? There was one Mustapha Bassa, for his good service, and brought up with him of a Child, highly favoured and promoted by Mahomet, and he by him no lesse honoured and feared: who espying a convenient leisure, and presuming of his former Credit with him, adventured to give him warning; that if it were not for the loyalty owed to his greatnesse, dearer to him than his own life, he would not adventure now, the hazard of his doubtfull acceptance of his faithfull speech and meaning, &c. That the life he led since the taking of Constantinople, had given occasion not onely to the Vulgar, and Souldiers of the Court, but to his greatest Commanders, to mutmur and grudge, he dared not say, conspire against him. That he had given himself a prey to a poor simple woman, his Slave and Vassall, &c: that, had noble [...] so given himself [Page] to pleasure, he had not now inherited Bithynia, and Galatia, with more others along the Euxine, &c: That Bajazet in his misfortune was more to be commended, as vanquished in field by mighty Tamerlane, and not by a silly woman. That all those famous conquests of his noble progenitours, should awake him out of his heavie Lethargie, wherein he had too long slept: and let it never be said, he could with the sword overcome his greatest enemies, and not with reason subdue his inordinate affections. What availeth it him to have won Constantinople, and to have lost himself? That he should shake off those Golden Chaines, wherein the wilie Greek had so fast bound him: which, though at first, it seem hard, yet time shall digest it, and make him think it good and necessary for his estate, &c. That from the want of martiall discipline proceedeth disloyall speeches in his Souldiers, that if he will not lead them forth, &c: they will set up one of his own Children which shall. That what the common Souldier foolishly saith, the great Commanders malitiously purpose, &c. That Rebellions are far easier [...], than in their heat appeased. That what was fit for him to do, beseemed not him to say; beseeching him to pardon him, for saying so much already (contrary perhaps to his good liking) provoked even halfe against his will to discover unto him the secret of his heart, &c.

Falling at his feet to receive the doome of his free speech, if not well taken: the Sultan having attentively and sternly hearkened to all, knew it to be true, and that he discharged but the part of a faithfull servant. Yet he was at war with himself, as in his often changed countenance appeared. Thus tossed too and fro, he resolved considering the danger, at once to cut off all his troubled passions: and to strike a errour into them that had condemned him, as unable to governe his affections: saying to the Bassa yet at his feet; that, although he as a slave, [Page] presuming to enter into his Soveraign's greatest secrets, deserved to die; yet, being brought up with him of a Child, and ever faithfull, he now pardoned him: and would make known to morrow, to him and others, whether he were able to bridle his affections; that he should not faile to assemble all the Bassaes and chief Commanders to know his farther pleasure.

The Bassa departing, he made more of the Greek than ever, dining with her: then (sumptuously apparelling her, and with inestimable Jewells deckt) he entred the Pallace Hall, where Mustapha had assembled the Nobles and Commanders, marvelling at his meaning, who had not shewed himself publiquely so long, leading the faire Greek by the hand. After reverence done them by all, he furiously looking about him, said, He understood of their great discontent, &c. that he overcomn, could not withdraw from this Paragons presence: But he would know which of them, if he possessed so rare a thing, would forgoe it without thrice advising? they should freely say what they thought: They with incredible admiration, all said, He had with greater reason passed the time with her, than any had to find fault: whereto he answered, But I will make you understand, there is no earthly thing can so blind me, as not to see what beseemeth my high place: that nothing but death can put out of my remembrance the honour and conquests of the Othoman Kings: with a desire to exceed the same. Then catching the Greek by the haire, he struck off her head with his Falchion at one blow: saying they should judge whether he could bridle his affections or not. A while after he greatly prepared for conquest of Peloponesus, and Belgrades siege.

When the Turks took Constantinople, Thomas and Demetrius, the Emperours brethren, governed a great part of Peloponesus: which in form of a plane Leafe, is almost environed with the Ionian and Aegean Seas, leaving but a [Page] strait neck of land, called Isthmos about five miles broad. Its 175 miles lorg, and almost as broad: wherein are contained Achaia, Messenia, Lacedemonia, Argolica, and Arcadia. These two Princes were now about to have fled by Sea into Italy. Then also it fortuned that the Albanians rose in armes against those their Soveraigns, whose diversity of living, like the Scythian heardsmen, and language, from the naturall Greeks, was no small cause of their often spurning against the Government. In this extremity the Princes offered, for peace, to be Mahomets tributaryes: of which he willingly accepting, sent Turachan Thessalia's Governour with an Army, to aide against the [...]: whereby the Rebells were soon discomfited, and the Country quieted.

Demetrius, and Thomas, lived a few yeares as the Turk's Vassalls: during which, many displeasures arose betwixt them, desiring plausibly to win their subjects from each other. Yet, understanding, the Westerne Princes were greatly preparing against the Turk: and that Pope Calixtus had put a Fleet of Gallies to Sea; they refused to pay the Turk any more tribute, &c: whereupon, he first besieged [...]; and, [...] Peloponesus, took divers strong Townes, destroying the Country, forcing the Princes to flee, one to Mantinia, the other to strong Epidaurus, now Ragusium. They, destitute of expected aide, sued againe for peace: which he granted on condition, that all places taken should be his own, Patras with its Country to be delivered him, and they to pay him a yearly tribute for the rest.

Returning, he took Athens, before taken from Francus Accioval promising him Boetia with Thebes in lieu thereof. Francus was Nereus his Nephew, Prince of Athens, brought up in the Turks Court as one of Mahomets Minions. But he having received that [...], was sent to Zaganus in Peloponesus as in great friendship: [Page] but departing he was stayed, and (as Mahomet had commanded) murthered.

About 3 years after the peace with the two brethren, Mahome: understanding the Christian Princes had combined to drive him out of Greece, thought it much for his assurance, to root up that Empire's Reliques in Thomas and Demetrius: they being now at variance, neither paid him the promised tribute. Coming to Coriuth with a great Army; Arsanes, whose sister Demetrius had married, came to him from his brother in Law with many gallonts, to aid him against Thomas, they both reckoning him as a friend. But Mahomet, being come to Tegea, he cast Arsanes with his chief followers into bonds.

Demetrius hearing of it, fled to Sparta, now Mizithra: which in few daies Mahomet besieging, the Prince went out and submitted himself to him with all he had; whom the Tyrant comforting, promised to give him other Lands, &c. instead of Sparta: yet, he carried him as a prisoner till he ended those wars. Then besieging [...], he lost divers [...]: wherefore, the City taken, he put all the Souldiers to the sword, cutting the Captains into pieces. Then he took Leontarium, anciently Megalopolis, with Cardicla: whither these had conveighed their Wives and children, leaving not one alive in [...] Cities of about 6000, and commanding the very cattel to be killed. Many Cities (terrified) forthwith yielded, he causing all the Inhabitants 10000 of Salvarium in Arcadia, to be cast in bonds, with which (as Captives) he peopled Conscantinople's Suburbs. Then by Demetrius his Counsel he sent Greek Souldiers to strong Epidaurus, to deliver it him in the Prince's name, with his Wife and Daughteŕ: but the Governour refusing, suffered the Princes; and Daughter, to depart to her husband, who being presented to Mahomet, they were sent to Boetia to attend his return; an Eunuch taking charge of the young Lady, [Page] whom Mahomet took afterwards to wife. Then also subduing most of Achaia, and Elis by Zoganus, himself [...] long, besieged Salmenica there, which yielded for lack of water; but the Castle was for a year defended by Prince Thomas, whom he commended, that he found many slaves in Peloponesus, but never a man but he. Thomas getting to Sea, was at Rome allowed, for life, a large pension by Pope Pius 2. Thus all Peloponesus being subdued (except some Sea-holds holden by the Venetians) leaving Zoganus his Lievtenant, he returned toward Constantinople with triumph: catrying away with him Demetrius, his wife and daughter, &c. giving unto him the City Aenum, with the Custom of Salt there made, to live on. This famous Countrey, fell into the Turks thraldom about 1460.

The Christian Princes seeing by the Turks continual preparations, his desires to be increased rather than satisfied with so great victories, fortifying their frontiers provided for repulsing so mighty an enemy. George the old Despots Dominions lying in most danger, he left nothing undone for defence; for he had many times endured the Turks fury: then he journeyed into Hungary, to procure aid against a time of need. But they, especially Huni ades (having sufficient tryal of his light faith, neither accounted right Turk or good Christian) leaving him to his own fortunes, he returned full of indignation: and soon after died of a hurt in a skirmish with Michael Governour of Belgrade, whose brother he treacherously murdered, travelling with Michael by Wagon to Belgrade, himself hardly escaping. This was his end, living 90 years: a man of great courage, but marvellous unquiet, &c. a deep dissembler, and double in all his waies, whereby he was neither beloved or trusted of neighbour-Princes, and so detested of his Subjects, that they still tearm him in their Songs, The faithless and graceless Despot. Lazarus his [Page] youngest Son succeeded him; yet his two blind brethren fleeing to Mahomet with a masse of mony, so incited him against Lazarus, that for his friendship, he became his tributary, and dying few months after, great troubles arose in Servia: the blind brethren craving aid of Mahomet; and Lazarus his widow with her 3 sons, putting her self into the Hungarians protection, with trouble held it, till the [...], weary of the Turks harms, yielded to Mahomet's obedience; who united it to his Empire, as at this day. Mahomet now thinking no enterprize so great, which he was not able to bring to passe, ceased not to vex the bordering Princes; But his heart was greatest against the Hungarians. Wherefore, because Belgrade was accounted the Key of Hungary, he determined there to begin his wars, and levied 150000 Soldiers, in whom he repoled great confidence. He provided 200 Ships and Galleys, that no relief should be brought to the City out of Hungary, by the Rivers Danubius and Savius; and landing his Souldiers farther up Danubius, spoyled along the River side. Shortly after encamping before it, he at first terribly assaulted; but finding greater resistance then he imagined, he entrenched his Army, and provided against sudden salleys: then laying a part of the wall flat by the fury of his great Artillery, the Defendants with great labour repaired it rather stronger than before.

Huniades the while, sent a Fleet (well appointed) from Buda down Danubius, which taking 20 sail of Turks, and discomfiting the rest, they ran on ground near their camps which were set on fire, as not to come into the Hungarians power. Hereby the Christians (at pleasure) conveighed all necessaries by water, to Belgrade. Huniades also with 5000, and a Minorate Fryar (by whose perswasion, 40000 Voluntiers were come to that war) entred that way with their followers.

[Page] Mahomet resolutely bent, determined next day to give a general assault; but, as they were preparing all things for the service, Carazi Bassa, his best man of war, was slain from the Town, Mahomet being exceedingly troubled herewith as ominous; yet next day early, he with the sound of Trumpets, &c. brought on his Janizaries to the breach; who without great resistance entred there, and in divers other places; For Huniades ordered the Defendants (upon the first charge) to retire towards the City as discouraged, on purpose to draw the enemies faster on to their destruction: so that great numbers being entred, the retirers, at the sign appointed, turning again, fiercely charged them, and Huniades issuing out, [...] oppressed the Turks, that few escaped, not being slain or taken; the rest with exceeding slaughter beaten from the Walls. Huniades (with the Fryar's Souldiers) presently sallying out, so charged the Turks, defending the great Ordnance, that they with great slaughter, left them to their enemies. The Tyrant couragiously charging to recover them again, was so repulsed, and beaten with murthering shot from the City, that he was glad when got into his Trenches.

A great part of the Army was in this hurly, speedily transported over Danubius, joyning with Huniades, laying without the walls: who now assailed their Trenches, as if presently to enter their Camp: which the Tyrant disdaining, went out and valiantly beat him back to the Ordinance: from whence, he was again driven to his Trenches: which manner of fight, was indifferently maintained till the day almost spent. Chasanes Captain of the Janizaries, was herein slain, and Mahomet himself sore wounded under his left pap, and carried into his Pavilion for dead. But comming to himself, and considering his losse in that siege, &c. departed with great silence in the night, still looking behind when the Hungarians should have pursued and troubled him. Here were slain 40000. [Page] his best Souldiers, besides Commanders: so that he would shake his head, &c. wishing, he had never seen that City where he and his Father received so great dishonor. This notable Victory was August 6th, 1456. Huniades shortly after, died of a hurt in these Warres; or as some, of the plague, then rife in Hungary, who would in any case be carried to the Temple to receive the Sacrament before his departure; saying, the Lord should not come to his Servants house, but the Servant to the House of his Lord. He was the first Christian Captain, shewing the Turks were to be overcome, obtaining more great Victories over them than any before him. He was honourably buried at Alba Julia, in St. Stephens Temple, greatly lamented of all good men.

Mahomet soon after the taking Constantinople, putting a great Fleet to Sea, surprized divers Islands in the Aegeum, and hardly besieged Rhodes. At which time Calixtus the 3d Pope, aided by the Genowayes, for the grudge of Pera taken, put to Sea sixteen tall Ships and Gallies, under Patriach Lodovicus, who recovered [...] from the Turks, with other small Islands, and encountring them near the Island Rhodes, sunk and took divers, forcing them to forsake the Rhodes, spoyling for three years after, at pleasure, the Turks frontiers, along the Sea coast of lesser Asia, terrifying the effeminate people, and returning with many prisoners and much spoil.

Mahomet after that, began diligently to prepare against spring, to subdue the Aegeum Islands, chiefly those near Peloponesus: Embassadors from Usuncassanes, the Persian King arrived the while, with divers rich presents: among which were a pair of playing Tables, whose men and dice were of inestimable prerious stones and workmanship, found in the Persian Kings Treasures, that Usun had [...] and bereft, and left there by Tamerlane. Their Embassage was, that those two mighty Princes might joyn and live in amity, and that David, Emperour [Page] of Trapezond, being forced to pay Mahomet a tribute by his Asian Lieutenant, he should not now look for it: seeing that Empire, after Davids death, belonged to him in his Wives right, Davids elder Brothers Daughter, requiring him not to molest him, so should he be his faithful confederate, otherwise his mighty enemy. Mahomet, envying the Persian rising, and now disdaining his peremptory requests, dismissed them with this answer, He would ere long be personally in Asia, to teach Usun what to request of a greater than himself. This was the ground of the mortall Warres ensuing between these two. Mahomet, now altering his determination for the Aegeum Isles, most under the Venetians protection, sent his Admiral with one hundred and fifty Sail into the Euxine, now the black Sea, to anchor before Sinope Paphlagonia's chief City, to expect him with his Army by Land, who was come thither before he was looked for. Ismael a Mahometan Prince; governing all thereabout, on whom Mahomet bent his forces, as being in league with Usun, though he had 400 great Artillery Pieces, and 10000 Souldiers for his defence: yet doubting how to endure the siege, yielded to him the City with all his Dominions, in lieu of Philopopolis in Thrace with the adjoyning Country. This was the last of the Isfendiars long reigning in Pontus. Thence he marched to Trapezond in Pontus, where the Constantinopolitan Emperours had their Deputies, whilest commanding as farre as Parthia: but it declining, one Isaac fleeing from Constantinople, and taking the Government of Trapezond with Pontus and Cappadocia, &c. was first called King; but afterwards, he and his Successors, Emperors. David Comnenus then raigned: Mahomet hardly besieged Trapezond for 30 dayes by Sea and Land, burnt its Suburbs, as at Sinope. The fearful Emperour offered to yield his whole Empire to him, on condition of taking his Daughter to Wife: and for some other Province [Page] yielding a sufficient yearly profit. Mahomet perceiving his enemie's weakness, attempted the City by force, which not sorting, they again parled: at last it was agreed, the Emperour on the Turks saith for his return, should meet him without the City for some good attonement, who as soon as he came out, Mahomet (faith not to be kept with Christians) detained him a prisoner in bonds, wherewith the Citizens discouraged, yielded themselves and City into his power: who entering it, and taking his Daughter and all his Children, with all Nobles he found, sent them forthwith by Sea with the Emperour, to Constantinople as in triumph: choosing what Citizens he pleased for his own service: bringing up 800 Christian Children for Janizaries, many Citizens sent captives to Constantinople, dividing the beautiful Women to his friends and men of Warre, he sent some choise ones to his Sonnes. The other Towns, shortly submitted to the Turkish thraldom, wherein they have since miserably lived: he appointed Janizaries for the Castle, and his Admiral to govern the common Souldiers in the City. So Mahomet, having in few moneths, subdued Paphlagonia, Pontus, and a great part of Cappadocia, &c. returned in great triumph. Afterwards, Usuns Queen seeking to get some of her Uncles children, possibly by her Husbands power, to advance to her Fathers Empire; Mahomet cruelly put to death David with all his sonnes and kinsmen: rooting out all the Family of the Comnens, but George the youngest Sonne, who at first turned Turk, and whose Sister was afterwards one of his concubines. This Empire was by Mahomet subverted in 1461.

The year following, Ulanus Prince of Valachia resolving to joyn to the Hungarians, Mahomet thought to circumvent this his tributary, before wholly fallen from him: wherefore he sent Catabolinus his Secretary, to bring him to Court, promising him greater promotions than ever: and commanding by him, Chamuzes Bassa, [Page] Governour of Bidina, &c. to do his utmost for entrapping of Uladus, promising him great rewards. Chamuzes devised, the Secretary to give him notice of the day of his return from the Prince: when 'twas like, Uladus would bring him on his way of himself, or at least being by the Secretary requested; the Bassa, passing with Troops over Danubius, should lay close in ambush on the way. The Secretary forced his wit, to perswade the Prince to go to Court, &c. But he obtained no more from him wary, than good words, and in courtesie to conduct him unto Danubius side. The Secretary giving Chamuzes notice, he lay where the Secretary must needs passe: comming at the prefixed time to the place, Chamuzes suddenly assailing the Prince, slew divers. But Uladus being of great courage, and better appointed than the Bassa supposed, slew many Turks, and at length took Chamuzes with the rest: whose hands and feet he cutting off, thrust their bodies on sharp stakes fastned in the ground, hanging the Bassa and Secretary on a Gibbet, much higher than the other. And gathering his forces, passed Danubius, burning along the River side, killing man, woman, and Child, so returning into Valachia. This newes set Mahomet into such a rage, that he commanded Bassa Mahometes telling him of it, to be cruelly whipt. But when he surely understood, rather worse than the Bassa reported, it is not to be expressed into what a rage he fell. Wherefore assembling speedily his Souldiers to Philopopolis, he soon raised such an Army, as had not been against Constantinople: sending also 25. Galli s, and 150 small Vessels, to land in Danubius, and joyn with the Podolian; who for a grudge against Uladus, promised to aid the Turk: who before Mahomets comming with the Polodians help, had burnt Prailaba, the greatest TradeTown in Valachia: then besieging Cebium awhile with some losse, the Podolian departed into his Country, the Admiral to his Fleet. Mahomet got over, burnt, &c. making [Page] havock of all in his way, taking but few Prisoners; for the Valachies had retired all unfit for Warres, into strong Cities or Woods, or high and rough Mountains. The Prince kept the Woods and Mountains, following the Turks as near as with safety, and cutting off straglers many times: yet being but a handful, durst not shew himself in field. Mahomet roaming up and down, and not reckoning of so weak an enemy, pitched in open plains, not entrenched. Uladus understanding thereof, furiously assailed in the dead of night, the Asian quarter of the Camp, slaying many in their Tents; the rest terrified, fled to the European Souldiers: whom the Prince following did great harm in that quarter also: so fearing the Turks in generall, that they were on the point to flee. Yea Mahomet, fearing the Hungarians had joyned with the Prince, had fled, had not Mahomet Bassa perswaded him; and, by Proclamation, none on pain of death to forsake his place, enforced a head against the Prince: which Uladus perceiving, after great slaughter and spoil of the Asians Tents, retired into the Woods. It being day, Halybeg with select Companies, pursuing them, took one thousand, putting the rest to flight, who were presently put to the Sword. After that, Mahomet entrenched every night, keeping better Watches and Ward in every quarter. Who as he marched. came where the Bassa and Secretary hanged, and the dismembred Turks on stakes: with which he was grievously offended. Passing fu ther, he came to a plain, almost one mile broad, and two long, full of Gallows, Gibbets and Stakes, &c. hanging full of dead men, women and children, deemed about twenty thousand. Some their limbs broken on wheels, with many horrible kinds of death. All which, the cruel Prince, jealous of his estate, had for desert or suspition put to death; his Souldiers had their goods, executing the whole Family, sometime the whole kindred, [Page] with the offender. Mahomet, though by nature fierce and cruel, wondred. Yet said onely, Uladus knew how to have his Subjects at command. Then sending Josephus to skirmish with the Valachies, he was put to the worst. But Omares comming in, they were overthrown, and two thousand heads brought on launces into the Camp; for which Omares was by Mahomet made Governour of Thessalie.

Mahomet seeing it to no purpose, to hunt after his fleeing enemy, returned to Constantinople, leaving Halybeg with Vladus his younger Brother, called also Vladus, to prosecute that Warre with a party. This younger Dracula was, of a little youth, brought up in Mahomets Court: who for his comely feature, sought first by fair words and gifts, to corrupt him, at last to force him. The youth enraged, drew his Rapier to slay him, grievously wounding his thigh and fled: yet being drawn back, he was pardoned and reconciled, becomming his Ganymede, and being long beloved and honoured, was now set up for a Stale to [...] the Valachies into rebellion: divers of whom comming to Haly, to ransom their friends taken in those Warres: young Vladus declaring the Turks great power, and as lamenting the Countries endless miseries, imputed them to the disordered Government of his cruel Brother: assuring speedy relief, if the Valachies forsaking his Brother, would cleave to him as their Soveraign. By whose lively reasons, &c. they present, perswaded, and others by them, soon all forsook the elder, and chose him the younger, who by Mahomets consent, took on him the Government, yet holding it as his vassal. Vladus thus forsaken, fled into Transilvania, where he was laid fast by the Hungarian King, at Belgrade, for cruelly and unjustly executing divers Hungarians: yet after ten years, being inlarged, he died in battel against the Turks.

[Page] Mahomet sent the same Fleet into the Aegeum, to take the Islands, who before under the Constantinopolitan, had put themselves now under the Venetian, especially Mitylene pretending its Prince harbored the Italian Pirates and others, buying prisoners, and booty taken from the Turks at Sea, and along the Sea-coast: also, that he, slaying his eldest Brother, unjustly governed. Himself passing into Asia, came to Possidium, over against Mitylene; Landing his small Army over the narrow Strait, he soon over-ran and spoiled the Island, captivating all its Inhabitants, who being sold at Constantinople, were thence dispersed. Then besieging the Prince in the City Mitylene, he battered it twenty seven dayes; and the defendants, by sharp assaults, greatly diminished, the Prince offered to yield up all in the Isle, for some other Province of like value: which Mahomet accepting, solemnly sware to perform. The Prince humbly comming forth, excused himself for receiving the men of Warre, that they might not spoil his own Country: denying he had bought or shared any of their prizes. Mahomet seemingly contented, cheared him with good words: yet all being delivered into his hands, he put to death many of the chief Citizens, cutting three hundred Pirates in the middle, and placing Garisons, he returned, carrying the Prince with him, and all the better sort, with all the wealth, leaving his Garrisons with a few of the poorest people.

Being arrived, he closly imprisoned the Prince, with his cousin, used in killing his Brother; who in danger of their lives every houre, offered renouncing Christianity to turn Turk. Mahomet in rich Apparel, triumphantly circumcising them, set them at liberty: yet bearing the old grudge, soon clapt them fast again, cruelly putting them to death.

[Page]Shortly after, Stephen King of Bosna, who through the Turks support, had wrongfully obtained it against his two brethren, refused to pay Mahomet his promised tribute: wherefore entring Bosna, he besieged Dorobiza; which taken, one part of the people he gave slaves to his men of War, sending another to Constantinople, a third to inhabite the City. Marching to Jaziga (now Jaica) the chiefe City, it was delivered after four months on composition. Here taking the Kings Brother and Sister with most of the Nobles, he sent them in Triumph to Constantinople. The lesser Cityes yielded also. Mahomet sent Mahometes Bassa to pursue the King, retired into the farthest parts: who so inclosed him before he was aware, that he could not escape, a thing thought impossible. The King taking refuge of Clyssa, was so hardly laid to, that he yielded himself on the Bassaes solemne oath conceived in writing, that he being honourably used, should not be hurt by the Emperour. The Bassa carryed him about with him, till he possessed all Bosna: whose Master was offended with him for engàging his Faith so far. The poor King departing, was suddenly sent for: who doubting, carryed the Bassas Oath in writing: yet the faithlesse Tyrant most cruelly put him to death, or as some slew him quick. Bosna was subverted by Mahomet in 1464, who reducing it into a province, returned in great triumph to Constantinople, with many a wofull Captive, and that Kingdom's wealth.

Mahomet in the beginning of his reigne, sent to Scanderbeg offering him peace, so he would pay him the yearly tribute demanded by Amurath: rather to prove his confidence, than in hope to have it granted. Scanderbeg scornfully rejecting this, entred into the Turks bordered dominion, wasting the Country & returning with spoyl. Mahomet in revenge, sent Amesa with 12000 Horse into Epirus to do the like: of whose comming, he understanding, lay close with 6000 on the Mountain Modrissa. [Page] The Turks by night, being almost gotten to its rough and sleep top, were suddenly charged, and with great slaughter driven down amaine, their horses being rather their hinderance. Being come to the foot, they were againe fiercely assailed by Scanderbeg on one side, and his Nephew Amesa on the other: who before had placed themselves advantagiously: So that the Turks soone overthrowne were put to flight, 7000 were slaine: Amesa their Generall taken with divers Captaines, and sent to Croia, where was great triumph and feasting for joy: Scanderbeg then enlarging Amesa and the rest to be partakers thereof: and using them with all courtesie during their abode, Amesa requested he might send to Mahomet, how the case stood with them, and to procure their ransome, which Scanderbeg granting set downe at 13000 Duckats. The newes sore grieved the Tyrant: but seeing the Armies remainder, most of their Ensignes and Armour lost, and Amesa's messenger, he enraged, denied any thing for ransome: imputing all to his treachery, folly, or cowardise. Yet he was perswaded by his Bassaes and other Amesaes friends, to think better of him, and to send his ransome, lest he should discourage other Captaines, who might haply fall into like danger: on receipt whereof they freed, were conveyed out of Epirus: Scanderbeg dividing the mony among his Souldiers.

The Tyrant determining to send another Army, and promising great rewards, &c: to the vanquisher of Scanderbeg; among others, Debrias in great favour, by great sute obtained that charge, promising confidently to make a better beginning, than others before sent, requiring no more power than was sent the yeare before. But Amesa setting forth Scanderbegs virtues and valour, with his Souldiers courage, Debrias was content with a new supply, having 14000, with whom marching to Polagus, and encamping with great security, being not yet come into [Page] Enemies Country; Scanderbeg chose 6000 of his best Horsemen, and marching [...] all speed, came by night, where the Turks lay, to be upon them before aware. But by the Moon-light he was timely discried; yet the sudden approach, and strange attempt oismaied the whole Army. But Debrias encouraging his Souldiers, sent light Horse-men to receive the first charge, till he might set his Army in order: betwixt whom and others of Scanderbeg's, a sharp skirmish beginning, Scanderbeg doubting, seconded them with fresh Troops under Amesa: by whose comming the Turks were chased even to their main battell. In which, Moses had, following too fast, been enclosed, had not Amesa stayed his fury, blamed by Scanderbeg: commending such forewardnesse in a private Souldier, not in so great a Commander. Scanderbeg now fiercely affailed the Turks with his Army. Debrias so encouraged his Souldiers, that Scanderbegs fortune was even at a stand: till Musachius with resolute Troops out of the left wing, so charged, that he sore disordered the side of the Turks Army: which Debrias perceiving, came to that place, cheering them up with his presence and valour, seeming the life of his Army. Scanderbeg the while, mainly charging the Enemies front, they began in their Generalls absence to loose order and give ground. Moses then breaking into the thickest, threw amongst his followers a taken Ensigne: who thereby, so pressed on their Enemies, that they, discouraged and disordered, were almost ready to [...]. Debrias here-upon, hastening to encourage his Souldiers among the foremost, was by Scanderbeg encountered hand to hand and slain. Wherewith the Army discouraged, fled. Moses and Musachius killing more in [...] than was in battell: 4120 Turks were slain and some taken, but few or no Christians: so that Scanderbeg accounted it a Victory given. All spoile, and prisoners were equally divided among the Souldiers. Moses had Debrias his horse and Armour: Musachius a Prisoner [Page] seeming of some account given them: whose prisoner drawing 200 Duckats out of a little bag about him for his agreed-ransome, Musachius told him he must provide another, seeing that money was taken with his person. The Turk alleadged the agreement already made; which controversie, Scanderbeg hearing, and smiling, said, They contended for what was (by right) his: for, said he, I gave thee (Musachius) the prisoner which I knew; but not the mońey, which I knew not of. And to the Turk: the concealement makes it not thine: who by law of Armes, hast lost thy self with all about thee. Thus he brirging them both in doubt, awarded Musachius the money, and to the Turk his liberty: who departing with his horse and Armes, spake honourably of so noble a Conquerour; After this, Scanderbeg triumphantly returned to Croia.

Mahomet being very melancholly with this newes: seeing the many Souldiers that returned, he could not endure the sight of them. The Captaines generally envied Debreas his hardinesse, or hated his insolency. Amesa was glad his proud successour took part of his ill fortune. The men of war offered to spend their lives in that service, to their revengefull King: which he seeming not to refuse, had yet plotted another manner of revenge, whereby his Father had brought great matters to passe. He hoped to find some Chiefetain in Epirus, whom wealth or promotion might allure against Scanderbegs life or state. Moses of Dibria accounted the next best Captain to Scanderbeg, and most inward with him; he most desired to alienate from him, because he commonly lay in Dibria on the very frontiers. Wherefore he commanded the Governour of Sfetigrade to devise by all meanes to withdraw and allure Moses: promising him also great preferment if he could win him. Who at last thinking upon a shrewd-headed Christian in Sfetigrade (whom therefore he might use unsuspected) and winning [Page] him by great gifts and promises to undertake it, sent him away fully instructed: who obtaining to speak with Moses in private, after some discourse began to utter his poyson: shewing him, as from the Governour, that the Turks Emperour could not but honour him, though his enemie, for his valour and prowesse: and marvelling he could be commanded by Scanderbeg, whose state was by him chiefely upholden: wherèas, if he would follow Mahomet, he should soon find entertainment, to be preferred before Scanderbegs state: or, if Epirus its soveraigntie better pleased him, he might easily be advanced thereto, by joyning to Mahomet's great power. Moses praises and favour with the Turk, well pleased him: But the hope of Epirus Kingdome moved him more than all. Yet he made no semblance of liking or disliking: which the wily messenger taking for a secret consent, and departing, promised shortly to returne to him againe. After this, many troubled thoughts arising in Moses, &c: he in short time seemed to the wiser altogether metamorphosed. Some asking the cause of the Messenger's comming: he answered to receive intelligence from him concerning the good of the State; which was holden for true. The Messenger comming againe, brought presents secretly, beseeming the Great Turk, with his message better [...]. Moses is reported to have received nought but the Treason it self: answering, he could not but accept the Turks favours: and for the rest, he should not thenceforth find him any great enemy: commanding the Messenger no more to repaire to him, for feare of suspition.

Scanderbeg comming into Dibria, to see how things stood, and to consult about besieging of Sfetigrade; Moses to avert him therefrom, told him: he lately understood by a Messenger thence, that the City was so well stored of all things, that it were but lost labour to attempt it: advising him rather to besiege Belgrade (not on Danubius) [Page] but in the confines of Epirus, distant from Sfetigrade about 140 miles. Which Scanderbeg resolving on, and his Souldiers not so fit for besieging of Townes; he sent two Embassadours to pray aide out of Italy, from his old friend Alphonsus King of Naples, with presents and letters; declaring, that his Souldiers knew not how to deale with Walls, that the Italians had skill in that service, that there were certaine Townes of their enemies in Epirus: which eye-sore he long desired to take out of his sight, &c. Therefore Alphonsus should lend him Harquebusiers and Canoneers: for of other Souldiers he had plenty. That he did so lovingly embrace his former kindnesse, &c: that he could sometimes wish him that fortune, which (as the common saying is) proveth, but getteth not friends; that he might more certainely prove how much he was to him devoted. Scanderbeg purposing also to use Moses his service in the siege: he found many excuses to stay at Dibria: alleadging, it was to be thought, the Turk would invade some part of Epirus, to withdraw them from Belgrade: that no part lay neerer, and in more danger than Dibria: that he could not do better service, than to see to that Country's safety, in which [...] most of his living lay. These Treasonable excuses were thought reasonable, and he commended for his care: authorized also to augment the Garrison upon occasion.

Scanderbeg finishing his preparation, the Embassadours returned from Alphonsus, with much more aide than was requested; for he reckoned Epirus; but 60 miles from his dominions, the strongest Walls of Apulia, as it afterwards appeared when the Turks took Otranto. He wrote [...] loving letters to Scanderbeg, &c: and to make bold [...] all things as his own: merrily writing, that his Italian Souldiers could fight better with women then men and walls: therefore the Epirots were best take heed, &c.

[Page] Scanderbeg now furnished, encamped before Belgrade with 14000 good Souldiers: which he soone so [...], that the Turks promised to deliver it up, if not relieved before 16 dayes truce. During which time, Scanderbeg encamped on a hill neere the Towne with 3000 [...], and 1000 foot, appointing Musachius and Tanusius to remove into a Plain farther off, for more fresh aire in that hot season: also he ordered 25 Scouts to watch continually on the highest Mountain, to give warning of the Enemies comming by making a fire.

Mahomet, now ready to passe into Asia against the Emperour of Trapezond, and grieving to lose Belgrade, holding on his intended journey [...], sent Sebalias a Bassa with 40000 Horse to relieve it, promising him great rewards for Scanderbeg, dead or alive. This Bassa, alwayes accounted more politique than forward, came on so fast by great journeys, that he prevented the same of his comming, intercepting or corrupting the Watch on the Mountaines, that no expected signe was given. So that those in the plaines had not leisure to bridle their horses, or put on their Armour. Musachius armed, &c: as the Enemyes approach would permit, doubting whether to fight or flee: but seeing alike danger in both, he resolutely received the Enemy's charge. At length, seeing his men slaine by heapes, he fiercely attempted to break thorow to Scanderbegs Mountain: but no way being to be made, he fought till he and all with him were slaine. Tanusius also after divers vaine attempts to rescue his Cousin Musachius, exhorted all left, to [...]: in which many were slaine: for the Enemy filled all places, and eagerly pursued. Scanderbeg was about many times to descend the hill, to help them, or have died with them, [...]: his Captaines earnestly requesting him, not to thrust himself and them into perill of assured death.

[Page] Sebalias following Tanusius with most of his Army' except few, and such as rifled the dead, Scanderbeg comming downe with his 4000, slew all Turks in his way, and cut off a great number afterwards in the rear. So that Sebalias leaving the chase, turned upon his pursuing Enemy: and [...] a sharp skirmish begun, sounded a [...] to call together his dispersed Souldiers, the better to encounter his dangerous Enemy. Scanderbeg assembling his remainder, and valiantly encountering the Turks (thinking now to end these Wars) [...] with his own hand Achmat and Barach two valiant Turks, who had sworne to Mahomet Scanderbegs death, if they met him. Many Turks were here slaine. Night drawing on, Sebalias retired to a Mountaine nigh the City: and Scanderbeg to another almost two miles off: and in dead of the night returned into Epirus, leaving strong Garrisons on all strait passages, [...] the Bassa should break into Epirus. This was the onely and greatest overthrow Scanderbeg hitherto received, losing 2000 Horse, and 3000 Foot (most of whom were the Italians) with his Tents, and great Artillery, and about 80taken, 3000 Turks were slain also.

Next day, Sebalias buried the bodyes of the slain Turks: but left the yet-breathing-Christians, cutting off their hands and feet, among the dead. Musachius his head, and others thought of the better sort, were cut off: and because of the heat of the weather, being flayed and stuffed, Sebalias carried them as Tropheys to Constantinople: Repairing Belgrades Walls, and adding 700 fresh Souldiers to the old Garrison; he returned, causing as he entred the City, the Christian Captives to be led in Chaines before him, after whom were the taken Ensignes, with the heads on Launces, then all the spoil. Himself with [...] Sou diers were received, with such applause as Conquering some great Kingdome. Sebalias praises was in every mans month: he onely (they said) shewing Scanderbeg [Page] was to be overcome: No preferment or reward was thought too great, to countervaile his desert. Most of the Captives being sold, the rest were thrust alive on sharpe stakes, hang'd on iron hooks, and otherwise tortured to death.

Moses after Scanderbegs losse, thought it a most fit time now to revolt: but he thought good, if possible, to allure some others into his Treason, both to diminish his own infamy, and to appear with more credit before the Turks. Wherefore at first, seeming very pensive for Scanderbeg and Epirus; with many words, he set forth (to his utmost) Mahomets power: but to those more inward with him, he discovered Mahomets great favour, and offered [...], &c. assuring them of the like also, if they would conforme: yet he found none, but a few of the baser sort, which hearkened to, or followed him. Wherefore he fearing now to be discovered, fled by night, to Sfet'grade, with those base ones; thence, by the Governours passe, to Constantinople; where arriving a little before Sebalias: Mahomet joyfully received him, &c: At the first report whereof, Scanderbeg (as astonied) stood speechlesse: but pawsing a while, said no more, but that he could easily excuse Moses, he being carried away with that which might alienate a constant man: commanding divers aggravating his [...] to hold their peace, wishing all Treason and ill fortune were gone with Moses. Scanderbeg went into Dibria, diligently enquiring if any of his partakers [...] be found. But finding none, he much rejoyced, and things being set in order [...] to Croia.

Moses solicited Mahomet to proceed in his Warrs against Scanderbeg: promising to spend his life therein. But he delaying him till next Spring, diligently observed (the while) Moses talke and behaviour: and oft discoursed with him about that Warr's management: and finding undoubted signes of a minde for his service, he at [Page] Spring committed 15000 Horse to him, for invading Epirus, for a greater number he required not. These Souldiers through the opinion of their new Generall, and hope by his meanes, of friends there to joyne with them, were the willinger to goe. So Moses furnished [...] an Army of his own choosing, &c. marching thorow Thrace and Macedonia, came and entred into Dibria. Whom Scanderbeg stood not to encounter upon policy, he being privy to his stratagems, but with true valour. Both Armies standing ranged in order, a Messenger came to Scanderbeg to know if any one durst fight hand to hand with one of the Turks, whose name was Ahemaze, [...] the generall battell. Upon his challenge, Zacharias Groppe hastily stepping forth, requested Scanderbeg, he might be the man: who embracing, commending, and wishing him good fortune, gave him leave: Whom as he was Arming, his companions wished onely the fortune of Manessi. He put upon his Armour many rich Jewells, &c. The Turkish Champion no sooner was come forth in great bravery, but Zacharias bravely mounted, was as ready to charge him: to whom Ahemaze said, It was time enough to hasten his death, requesting to talke with him. So propounding the conditions before to Manessi, Zacharias in no better sort accepted them. Thus agreed, and withdrawing a good distance from each other, they ran together with such force, they they brake their Launces, and were both horse and man overthrowne: who nimbly recovering, assailed each other on foot, with their [...]. After many sturdy stroakes without hurt, being so strongly Armed, and their swords being beaten out of their hands, they grapled with their hands: After long strugling, Zacharias overthrowing the Turk, thrust him into the throat with his dagger and slew him, then cutting off his head with a sword: whereat the Christians shouting, discomfited the Turks. Zacharias returning [Page] with spoil, and presenting to Scanderbeg the Turks head, was by him afterwards honourably rewarded.

Into this place came Moses, and aloud challenged Scanderbeg hand to hand: but seeing him ready to come forth, he with shame returned into his Armie. Presently after, both Armies joyned battell, where at first onset, the Turks vanguard gave ground, whom Moses relieved with supplies, here and there with his presence restoring the battell. Yet the Epirots still prevailing, with great slaughter came to the strength of their battaile, Moses his best Souldiers, and last refuge: here the Turks fought very couragiously, and Moses warily observing Scanderbeg, directed his forces if possible, to slay him: one of whose couragious Souldiers, with his Horsemans staffe, bare him quite backward on his Horse: that the Turk thinking him to be slain, greatly shouted: but Scanderbeg recovering, and chafed herewith, after a furious fight slew the Turk with his sword. Divers Souldiers thrusting the Turks heads on Speares that were already overthrown: astonished the Turks: and with Scanderbeg, charged their main battell fiercer than before. Moses with his own valour staied the Victory a while: till seeing the ground covered with dead bodyes, and that he must flee or die, fled: in which many of the hindermost were slaine. Moses, with 4000, escaped by wayes well known: the rest about 11000 being slaine: not past a 100 Christians were lost, and about 80 wounded. All the Turks taken, were tortured to death in revenge of their cruelty at Belgrade, except one ransomed that yielded to Zacharias: Scanderbeg not knowing, or winking thereat.

[Page] Moses laying still on Epirus borders, would perswade his discomfited Army, Scanderbeg being departed, to follow him into Epirus, to surprize the two thousand in Garison at Dibria, before they were aware. But the Turks now contemning him: were about generally to return home. Wherefore Moses returned with them: with a countenance as heavy as of a condemned man, and the Turks now disgraced him as fast as they before admired him, speaking all evil of him; yea the Tyrant, though he could blame but his fortune, was so offended, that he had put him to a most cruel death, had not the Bassaes, &c. perswaded him, that hereby he should alienate others from revolting, or attempting any great matter for him. So he was pardoned, but had little or nothing afterwards allowed him: all which, though he outwardly seemed to bear, yet was inwardly so tormented, that he could neither eat or drink. The Tyrant's measuring all by the event, filled him with indignation; and to return to his Prince, having so ill deserved, he was ashamed. Sometimes Scanderbegs clemency, &c. heartned him to think of return; and by and by his foul treason overwhelmed him with despair: yet, at last, he resolved to submit to Scanderbeg's mercy, &c. And getting secretly one evening, out of Constantinople, travelling all night, and next day not resting he came at last by long Journies to Dibria, whom the Garison beholding full of heaviness, &c. received him with many teares and embracings, bringing him to Scanderbeg, then not far off; who falling at his feet with a girdle about his neck, as deserving death, craved his gracious pardon: which Scanderbeg granting, took him up by the hand, embraced him, and kissed him: restoring to him all things of his [...], with all promotions as before; and openly proclaiming, none to speak of Moses his trespasse.

Mahomet was much grieved, and exceedingly fumed at Moses return; for that he had trusted him, and let him [Page] slip out of his hands, being perswaded it was all but a deceit of Scanderbeg. Shortly after, Mahomet allured Amesa to himself, Scanderbeg's Nephew, promising him to be King of Epirus: hereby thinking it easier to draw the people from Scanderbeg to him of the [...] bloud, than to any stranger. Amesa fleeing to clear the Tyrant of suspition, carried with him his Wife and Children, who though low of stature, and not so perfect of feature, yet of exceeding haughty courage, subtil, &c. painful, courteous, and bountiful: he could notably dissemble his affections, being beloved and honoured of all, next to Scanderbeg. He at his first comming, filled not Mahomet with great promises, and vain prayses of himself, as had Moses; but spake to him; that if he should remember the old injuries against his Majesty, they might seem to come, rather to receive the just guerdon of their deserts, then in hope of preferment, &c. that his Father's Army was betrayed at [...], and Epirus by treachery wrested out of his hands: the cause of so much calamity and blood-shed. But this fear was vain, &c. especially seeing his then green years, &c. deceived him. He believed his Uncle, &c. but discretion growing with years, he both perceived his slie [...] dealing, and that his revolt from him, was more [...] to himself than any other, that Scanderbeg not recovering and enlarging the Kingdom without him, he long expected he should give him at least, some part of his Father's Inheritance: But marrying a Wife, he begot an Heire: assigning unto him a base corner of Epirus, &c. that he could never digest that injury: yet the times iniquity, and the mans insolency, compelled him to [...] his thoughts: lest he should entrap him, as lately he did his Sisters sonne, George Stresie, whom charging with fained surmises, he hath almost [...] of all. That he would willingly have fled to his Highness feet, &c. but the remembrance of old, and since many injuries, [Page] feared him: But now following his faith and promise, he scarcely had beckoned to him, &c. but he came with such speed, as if he would have flowen, that he lingered not, &c. as did Moses. Neither had he left any cause of desiring to return againinto Epirus; having brought unto him whatsoever is dear unto him, &c. pawns as might assure him of the faith of a most doubtful man, that if he had had time to have trussed up his substance, he should have thought it a kind of [...], to bring any part thereof, especially to him; onely his fidelity he laid down before him, &c. that, he dared not to promise to subdue Epirus with 15000 men, &c. that in him he should not want diligence or faithfulness: that for other things concerning this Warr's event, he was not to be advised by him his unskilful vassall.

This speech seeming free from dissimulation, and his Wife and Children confirming it: Mahomet with commendation, honourably entertained him; and upon the Spring's approach, consulted with his Bassaes of invading Epirus: Manesaes Counsel herein being best liked. And it was concluded, Isaac the Bassa of Constantinople, should with 50000 men, be sent; and Amesa with him, commanding 5000 Horse, Amesa to be proclaimed King of Epirus, to perswade the Epirots he invaded it more against Scanderbeg and for Amesa, than to take it to himself. Fame soon filled Epirus with the report hereof, adding much more than truth. Wherefore Scanderbeg sending without delay for his Captains, &c. to [...], declared to them, that hope and fear were the two greatest things God had left to vex and grieve the mindes of men: the first a more comfortable thing, &c. the other of more discretion and safety, &c. Hereupon the former chiefetaines have gained greater honour and victories, (by fearing what was to be [...]) than other, in shew more hardy. But that might be more [...] called discretion, or wholsom policy: from whence none can deny, but the [Page] ancient Discipline of Warre hath risen: that this cherisheth hope it self, &c. that they might perceive, his speech tended to know their opinions, before determination of the order of this Warre. That the Great Bassa, flower of Europe, &c. knocketh at their Gates: that he thinketh it better to u [...]e policy and wariness, than their wonted courage: that the events of Warre are uncertain, and it was never given to any by inheritance, to overcome: that new occurrents require new correspondents, &c. that Victory is like a Traveller, &c. that he was wont to require only valour in his Souldiers, &c. but the losse received at Belgrade hath made him deem farre otherwise of the uncertainty of fortune, &c. that he spake not this to terrifie any; but to admonish and consult with them, how some notable Victory may be atchieved without the price of bloud, or other losse, &c. that Epirus must needs be soon unpeopled, if they should so desperately only seek such glorious Victories as at Belgrade: they must fight so to day, that they may fight to morrow also, that the losse of 50000 is not so much to the Turks, as 100 of them to him, &c. yet he would gladly trie the whole fortune in plain field, if he might thereby for ever end all warres against the Turks: But when this Isaac is gone, another Isaac will ere long come in his place &c. wherefore they must so well divide their Patrimony, as alwayes to have somewhat to content their creditors, when they come upon them. Yet God would no doubt, give an end to these troubles and extremities, &c. then should it be no small pleasure to them, to remember so many labors and dangers past, &c. That perhaps some would say, they are to be overtaken by policy, of which opinion himself was. Then he thought it best to deceive them, when they think they cannot be deceived; that besides their own distrust, by others harms, they have with them his graceless Nephew, and domestical Foe Amisa, who will teach them to shun such snares, [Page] as he with them, formerly was wont to lay for them: wherefore they must tower up to the height of some strange policy, whereby some great victory without their bloodshed, seldom chancing, may be obtained: with which device, time and space, with sight of the enemy, should furnish them: that first, all things subject to the enemies fury are to be removed: all people brought into safe places, and their Towns to be strongly garrison'd, with all necessary provision: Besides, who knew whether the Tyrant would follow the Bassa at the heels or not? That, if all things be thus set in order, and they follow his directions, they shall undoubtedly be victors; and he will make the Epirots more terrible to the Turk, than ever it hath been: that every one the while, should take part in this charge, that he will command nothing, which he will not do himself, nor refuse any thing tending to their common honour and profit.

This Speech was so well liked, that many besought him to shew how he would proceed in those Warres, who chearfully answered: it was enough, if they did but believe him, &c. And dispatching his Lieutenants into divers parts, he provided, that all things were conveyed out of the Countrey, in places of refuge, as before at Amuraths comming to the Siege of Croia. By which time, Isaac with Amesa, was come into Epirus: who sent his Scouts and espialls before him, to view every corner, for fear of entrapping. Scanderbeg had his Army in readiness to use; but lay onely with 6000 Horse, in shew, as if he determined to give battel. But the Bassa being in sight, he as discouraged, fled: and to avoid suspicion of some policy therein, not into the Mountains and Woods, but towards Lyssa, a Venetian Town on the Sea-Coast, as fleeing thither for refuge. The Bassa glad, sent some Troops to pursue him, and mark the way he took: himself encamping in Dibriaes plains, and resting his weary Army, expecting his Horsmens return, who certainly reporting, [Page] he was fled out of Epirus, and no enemy to be seen, they began to rejoyce and triumph: yet grieved to finde nothing to satisfie their desires, cause enough to distrust some great matter, but they supposed it to be done for fear of them. The [...] consulted now, with his chief Captains, what were best be done? Amesa perswading him to stay, expecting a further event. But the greater number said, it was better to go farther, and take the spoil, before the people had conveighed all their substance into [...] places, as in Dibria they had done. Hereupon the Bassa setting forward early, proclaimed none on pain of death, to break his array, or straggle: yet he first highly commending Amesa, and inveighing against Scanderbeg, created him in Mahomets name, King of Epirus. Marching not farre that night for the great hear, for it was in July, he encamping kept diligent watch that night every way, chiefly towards Lyssum. Next day, the third after his comming into Epirus, he came and encamped that night in Aemathia.

Scanderbeg gone farre out of their sight, stayed there all that day. And a little before Sun's set, with a few chosen Horse, got up to the Mountains top, whence a man might well discover Aemathia's plains: where he appointed [...] Emmanuel with some Horse to mark the enemies way, and by secret signes, to give notice to the Army, comming after midnight again to the Camp: And presently fetching a compasse, secretly came as neere as possible, to those Mountains, [...] for the enemies least motion. The Bassa early setting forward, came to Pharsalia's plains, famous for the great battel between Casar and Pompey. Here being some stragling Cattel, &c. the enemy fell to seek for booty, spending that day in roaming; and at night, encamping with no great watch, but towards Lyssum: carrying Amesa in triumph up and down the Camp, as in disgrace of Scanderbeg: who perceiving by his espialls, which way the enemy lay; and [Page] with great silence bent his course the same way, till come to Mount Tumenist, and encamping at its foot: nor farre from which, the Bassa next day, came and encamped, sending Amesa with half the Army, to burn and spoil: who about noon, returned with such prey he had, and his Souldiers wearied.

Scanderbeg like a careful Housholder, to welcom so great guests, carefully viewing the Mountains and Woods thereabouts, set Moses in one place, [...] in another, and the rest in places convenient: so dividing his forces to make the most terrible shew; for which he placed more Drums, Trumpets, &c. than ever before: Then with forty thousand Horsemen, and as many Foot, speedily marching up rough Tumenist, he beheld how the [...] lay in the plains. They that lately returned with Amesa, were scattered abroad in the fields, resting themselves, &c. the rest were passing away time, with kinds of sport, for 'twas the hottest of the year and day. Where the Bassa lay, they were negligent also, little regarding Horse or Armour, for they thought Scanderbeg a great way off, at Lyssum. They were then consulting in the Bassaes Pavilion, what to do to content Mahomet, and commend themselves: some said, when they had wasted the Countrey with fire and sword, to return: others to march to Croia; to prove if the Citizens yielding, would receive Amesa as King, else to threaten them with a continual siege, and their Countries utter destruction. Scanderbeg from the Mountain, delighted with the sight of the Turks security and disorder, encouraged and martialled his Souldiers. But first, he secretly descending with a few, the rest soon following, suddenly slew all the Turks Scouts but one: who running swiftly into the Camp, crying out, Scanderbeg was comming: the Turks scarce believed he was so nigh who following as fast as he could, was in a moment fallen in among the unarmed, greatly slaying, and filling the Camp with sudden [...].

[Page] Amesa with some half armed, some on foot, first made head against Scanderbeg: the Bassa doing what he might to arm and put his men in order. But the Souldiers comming down from the Woods the while, with horrible shouts, and noyse of warlike Instruments; so dismayed the Turks, that fearing, all Epirus, with the adjoyning Countries were come, they began to flee on every side.

Amesa cryed aloud telling them, Such vain terrors were not to be feared, &c. and slaying many by his own valour. The Bassa coming to aid Amesa hardly charged Moses with his horse, Tanusius and Emmanuel with their foot, so encountred him that with great loss he retired to his Trenches.

[...] couragiously withstanding his Uncle, and heartning them on with hope of speedy relief, if they would a while endure their enemies fury; who would presently be discouraged, if not prevailing in their first attempt, the Turks were again encouraged. But Scanderbeg prevailing on them, and no help come, (for many were [...], arming, coming, and others put to flight) they fled also. Scanderbeg's horse made great slaughter in the chase, and took Amesa. Before Scanderbeg came with 1000 foot and some horse to aid Moses, he had put the Bassa with his Army to flight, whom Scanderbeg following, he looked not behind him till out of Epirus. Amongst the many here taken, was Mesites a Zanzack, 20 the fairest Enfigns were taken, besides prisoners. Other spoils taken almost incredible. Those who write most of the Turks slain reckon 30000 they who least 20000. But 60 Christians were lost. There was a sudden alteration of worldly things, Scanderbeg possessing the Bassa's rich Pavilion, his Captains enjoying Tents, &c. Amesa who the same day overran part of Aemathia, and was honoured and called a King, is now led bound to his Uncle, as a slave, speechle, confounded, whose misery moved most to [Page] compassion, and forced reares from many.

Scanderbeg (next day) burying the slain Turks, that the Country might not be infected, he returned in triumph to Croia; whom the Countrey people (from the Woods and Mountains) meeting, as others out of Cities, they were full of his praises. The Captives with hands bound behind, went before him, except those carrying the Ensigns. Next, the Bassa's Pavillion, supported as in field: Then came Scanderbeg with the Sanzack & Amesa following: for he had humbly obtained not to be carried among the captives. Lastly, the victorious Souldiers every one with a spare horse [...] with spoil. So being joyfully received at Croia, he brake up his Army. Amesa being afterwards condemned to perpetual prison, was sent to A [...], to be kept at Naples: with whom was sent an honourable present of the spoil.

Amesa, remaining a year there in prison; Scanderbeg (Alphonsus dying) requested Ferdinand his Son to restore him to him; who being imprisoned at Croia, but not so straitly as before (for Scanderbeg began to forget the injury) at last through his supplication, &c. pardoned his life, restored his liberty, and took him into former favour. But Amesa, fearing what would become of his wife and children if he [...] used it, with humble thanks brake his mind to his Uncle: That whereas he had graciously regarded his life and welfare: he ought also to to be careful of the life of others: to wit, his wife a nd children; who (when Mahomet should perceive that he was fallen from him) shall pay the guilt of his [...]. Wherefore he was by some device to be deceived to preserve those pledges, till some fit occasion to redeem them. That (by his leave) he would flee as breaking [...], making the greatest shew of his wonted loyalty to [...], &c. That at length with his wife and children, he might escape from him, wherein he might much help him, if (as grieved) he seemed highly offended with the Keepers: that [Page] in the mean time he would stand him instead of a faithful intelligencer.

Scanderbeg refused not his request, but said; Amesa, since we have granted thee life, &c: we will not prohibit thee the preservation of them who may justly call on thee as a debtor for their welfare. Go thy way, proceed, and reform while thou hast space: we now believe thee, and like of this device; thou shalt but deceive thy self, if thou longer follow the barbarous King: when thou shalt return, no greater pleasure; thou shalt be with us as heretofore.

Amesa escaping that night, and the Keepers sharply rebuked, easily perswaded Mahomet he was by chance escaped with all [...] told him; yet, for his ill success, he was not so graced of him as before. But (whether Amesa neglected his promise, or found no opportunity) he soon after dyed at Constantinople thought to be poysoned, Mahomet no longer enduring the sight of him for the notable overthrow in Aemathia: wherewith being much grieved, he justly blamed the Bassaes security; whose credit with him better passed it over than was supposed. Mahomet would have emplyoed all his forces upon Scanderbeg: but, besides great wars arising between him and the Venetians, he was informed, the Christian Princes were strongly confederating against him; wherefore he, by those sent to redeem the prisoners, & by the Sanzack, cunningly perswaded Scanderbeg to require peace of him: that if he did but ask it, it would be long obtained. Scanderbeg utterly refusing to do it: Mahomet sent Sinam and Hamur each with 14000 into Macedonia, for defence of his borders on Epirus, but by no means to enter Epirus, or provoke Scanderbeg, whereby the Epirots enjoy'd the fruits of peace almost 2 years: so that old injuries wearing out, those Captains mediating, 2 years peace was concluded betwixt them: in which time Scanderbeg notably aided Ferdinand in Apulia against the French.

[Page]The time of peace expired, Mahomet (all things going well with him) sending new supplies to Sinam, commanded him to make war on Scanderbeg: who [...] Epirus with 20000, was utterly overthrown, but few escaping with [...]. Presently after Asam was with 30000 vanquished by Scanderbeg at Ocrida, in which battel Asam sore wounded, yielded himself to Scanderbeg, and afterwards [...] by him, [...] following Asam with 18000, losing part, saved himself by flight with the rest. After which, Caraza an old Captain, & Scanderbeg's companion in Amurath's time, requested Mahomet he might prove his fortune against him, assuring him of better success: whose long experience put Mahomet in such hope, that he levied 10000 more then Caraza at first required; who setting forward with almost 40000, Scanderbeg more doubted of the man than his power, and assembled greater forces than usually, sending 2000 expert Souldiers into the enemies Country to lye in ambush, whereby Caraza must needs passe; who setting upon 4000 horse Caraza's forerunners, they were most part slain, those escaping posting back to bring tydings. Caraza was now so discomfited he could willingly have returned; yet for honours sake he came to Epirus; where long resolving what to do, he was suddenly assailed by Scanderbeg, before he could put his men in order. Then (through a vehement shower) both Armies retired before any great hurt done. It rained three days together, for it was about the latter end of Autumn, Scanderbeg not ceasing to trouble the Turks camp: so that Caraza through the weathers extremity, and Scanderbeg's restless attempts, rose, and returned to Constantinople; whom Mahomet derided, promising so much, and performing so little; yet in some sort commending him, for looking on Scanderbeg with lesse losse than other Generals.

Mahomet, not at leasure to imploy such forces wherewith Scanderbeg was to be subdued, proved, if by getting [Page] within him, he might bring him to confusion, wherefore he sent rich Presents and Letters to this purport; that He thought no acquaintance greater, or friendship firmer, than that which grew from long and mutual converse, and living together, as he knew it had been betwixt them. Wherefore remembring all those things, and also what he often did for advancement of his Empire, &c. he could not but embrace him with a singular affection, that nothing could be more welcom to him than to enjoy his company a while. Neither needed he to fear comming to him, &c. that to let passe his Souldiers late breaking into his Kingdom without his knowledge, who was not offended at their overthrow, he was perswaded to joyn with him in a perpetual league of amity. Of which these should be the capitulations, if they seemed to him reasonable: first to suffer his Armies to passe thorow his Kingdom against the Venetians: then to have his Sonne John in hostage, whom he would use as his natural Child. A free Trade of his Merchants into all parts of his Kingdom; Lastly, Himself to repair to him, and return without fear. In which things he yielding, he promised him in the faith of a King, to grant him and his Kingdom sincere peace, with perpetual tranquillity, &c. May 10th, 1461.

Scanderbeg well considering, returned answer, that He wrote of exceeding love, &c. toward him, which should alwayes retain its strength. But since among other conditions of the propounded league, that his forces may have free passage to invade the Venetians: it standeth not with equity, or his honour, they being his friends and confederates; and for his Sonne, since he hath no more but him, it is not good to have him taken from him, being as yet, a tender Child, &c. As for the Merchants, he heartily wished a free entercourse indifferently into both their Kingdoms. And for his perswasion of him, boldly [Page] to come unto him: He could not but prayse his honourable disposition, &c. whose perswasion, if other urgent affaires, and his Kingdoms Government, a fierce and restless Nation, would permit, he would follow. Yet he in a more commodious time, would come unto him May 30. 1461.

Mahomet well perusing these Letters, wrote to him again, that, he understood, he liked of none of the conditions propounded, but that of the Merchants: that, this offer he would accept of, and his other excuses admit of; promising him to keep a sincere peace with him for ever, except he first caused its violation. And that he had signed these Letters with the Imperial Seal, sent unto him by Mustapha, thereby confirming it, that he might likewise with his Seal confirm this of his; That he openly proclaim the same through his Kingdom, as he will cause to be in his; That of his meer bounty he freely granted and confirmed to him and his Heires, all the right to what he had forcibly taken from his Father in Albania and Epirus; and will alwayes account and call him Prince thereof, &c. So bidding him farewel, and render love for love. June 22. 1461.

Hereupon, a peace was concluded betwixt them, and solemnly proclaimed to the great joy of many. It was faithfully kept on both sides, till the Turks on the frontiers, began to fetch booties out of Epirus, of which Scanderbeg complaining, Mahomet as ignorant, seemed much offended, causing much to be restored: whereby the peace was still continued. A little before this peace, Warres began between the Turks and Venetians, who being in league with the Turk, followed their Traffique, little regarding their Neighbors harms; But Mahomet after the subverting Constantinople's Empire, and driving Thomas and Demetrius out of Peloponesus, now Morea, began to disturb the Venetians, who held then divers strong Towns there: Josue Mahomet's Lievtenant having [Page] through a Greek Priest's treachery, surprized. Argos and Omares first spoyling about Naupactum, now [...], made all havock about Methone and Corone. Wherefore the Venetian Senators much troubled, deliberated ost in Counsel, what course to take. Some thought it best to try if it might be fairly redressed by Ambassadors to Mahomet: others deemed it to no purpose, seeing such outrages could not be done without his knowledge and command. In this diversity of opinions, and nothing yet concluded, at length one Victor Capella, a grave Senator, franckly delivered a notable Speech unto them, calling upon them for resolution: Seeing, he said, they must of necessity take up Arms, be they never so loath, &c. and endeavouring to remove their objections, he said, when their Ambassadors not long since came to him, he dallied off the time with deceitful and glosing Speeches, doing such contrary things, as they least hoped, &c. that Argos was already taken from them: that Mahomet, it was reported, going a second time out of Peloponesus, and sounding the passage its depth, himself rode over that Sea, strait betwixt [...] and [...], curiously viewing where he might most conveniently passe over with his Army to besiege that City: and that those were manifest signes of Warre, &c. And whereas, some fed themselves and others with vain hopes, that he would never turn his forces upon them, &c. He said, it plainly appeared, that he had already proclaimed open Warre against them by invading, surprising and killing their people: whether they thought it more expedient to sit still, suffering their Dominions to be taken from them, or by open Warre to make the barbarous King kno w the greatness of their power? who if suffered prosperously still to run on, people would daily more and more fall to him, hoping to live the better as his friends: wherefore he thought it better, to prefer an honourable Warre, before a doubtful Peace. That delay had hurt many States, [Page] themselves most of all, whereby they, in a fort, had betrayed the Greek Empire; for their traffique was much holpen by the Grecians whom they left to themselves: After that, he said, they rejected the Princes of Peloponesus, who craved their aid with teares: also suffering the King of Bosna's Kingdom to be lost after a humble request of aid, and promise of requital, and himself to be cruelly murdered by the Turks: that for these neglects [...] could not escape the [...] of all other Nations [...] rope, &c. wherefore it was his opinion, to send into Hungary, with a masse of money, to stir up that warlike Nation into a fellowship of that Warre. Also to send 2000 Italian Horsemen into Peloponesus, to animate the people to revolt from the Turks, which they would undoubtedly do, when they should see them so proceed: The great Bishop also was by all meanes, he said, to be drawn as a chief man into the Warre. Hereupon most of the Senate decreeing speedy Warres, sent to the Pope, the King of Hungary, and others, to [...] their aid. Sending also Bertholdus Este with an Army into Peloponesus: who soon recovering Argos, marched with 15000 men to Corinth's strait: where Alovisius the Venetian Admirall meeting him, and joyning their forces, they in 15 dayes, with 30000 men, fortified all that Isthmus about 5 miles from the Ionian to the Aegean Sea, with a rampier and double ditch, being furthered therein by the old walls ruines: then they besieged. Corinth Bertholdus being greatly wounded in the assault by a stone, shortly died: yet Betinus, who succeeded Bertholdus, continued the siege; But Mahomet now comming with a great Army to raise the siege, and destroy the newly fortified Isthmus, the Venetians left the siege, purposing [...] defend the other; but Mahomets Army being 800000. and at hand, Betinus left the place with his small number, retiring to Neapolis to keep the Sea-coast. Soon after which, Mahomet entring Peloponesus, and roaming about [Page] Argos with the people's great slaughter, came to Neapolis, terribly assaulting it twice, and was notably, with many slain, repulsed: who departing, [...] and destroyed about Modon & Corone, assaulting Juncum, but with no better success: wherefore winter approaching, he returned to Constantinople. After which, the Venetians spoiled [...] that of Arcadia subject to the Turks: and not [...], Alovisius had Lemnos delivered him by [...] famous Pyrat, who taking it from the Turks, and distrusting how to keep it, delivered it to the Venetians. Ursatus being sent soon after, to succeed Alovisius their Admirall: Dandalus their Land-General, while he was scouring the Aegeum, inconfiderately encountring with the Turks Horse, was overthrown and slain with divers of g eat account, 1500 Venetians perishing: and then also Ursatus landing in Lesbos, and [...] [...], lost 5000 men in two assaults, and the Turks Fleet being comming for relief, he raised the siege; and sailing into [...], passed into Peloponesus, where he shortly after died for grief: the Venetians sending Jacobus [...] in his place, and labouring to draw as many Princes as they could, into the Warre's fellowship. Pius 2d at first answered their Ambassadors, He must take away the little Turk, before he had to do with the Great, meaning Sigismund Prince of Ariminum, whom he hated, because he sided with the French against the Arragonians; yet the Italian Warres being well allayed, and Pius still solicited, he made great preparation, and giving out, he would personally go unto those Warres, great aid out of Germany, France, Spain, &c. were procured: Voluntiers also greatly resorting from all parts of Christendom into Italy to that end. And then also through Paulus Angelus, Arch Bishop of Dirrhachium, the Venetians had hardly perswaded Scanderbeg to renounce his league, and enter into Arms again, who presently spoyling the Turks borders, Mahomet fearing (so dreadful was his name) that [Page] he should be made General of the Christians, wrote to him by his Ambassador to reconcile him if possible: saying, He thought it incredible, that he being a Prince of so heroical perfection, should without any occasion break the league, not long since contracted with him, &c. of which, he knew the Venetians were the onely cause on whom he said, he laid the blame rather than on him, &c. Therefore remembring the old familiarity of their tender years, whilest they lived together at Andrinople, he thought himself bound unto Scanderbeg, in all courtesie, calling him his good Scanderbeg: he most heartily entreated him, that by solemn Oath, they might confirm the former peace, wherewith if it had been established, he said he would not have suffered himself to be so circumvented, or seduced by the Venetians. So telling him if he would be advised by him therein, his posterity should alway reign in peace, &c. but if not, it would quickly repent him: and setting forth before him the Grecians, Emperours of Constantinople, and Trapezond, the Princes of Servia, and Rascia the King of Bosna, and all the Kingdom of Asia, with many others vanquished and subjected unto him, he said, he poor Princes his Neighbors, the Venetians his seducers could not deliver him from his force and power: wherefore he advised him to follow his counsel, &c. this was written May 7. 1463. To which Scanderbeg replyed at large, saying, his Souldiers had done that in the confines of his Dominions, having complained to him, that Mahomets Souldiers had before done the like in their goods and possessions: wherefore they also upon a military bravery, as was Mahomet's phrase, had done one shrewd turn for another: there was no cause why he should think it strange, or blame him: and that he would have restrained his Souldiers, if Mahomet would have but taken order for a full restitution of what they had lost, or by punishment have chastized his Souldiers insolency &c. And as sor his inveighing against the Venetians, in excusing him under colour of old friendship, he did them [Page] wrong, &c. and whereas he advised him to reject their friendship, it was but lost labour; for, said he, what man is so desperate, or hated of his subjects, that would not chuse rather to erre with that Senate, then to be in right with thee, especially himself, who had long been their confederate, and was of all other, unto them most dear: which Mahomet for all that, had no regard of, but breaking the bonds of peace, had spoyled and wasted their Territorie in Peloponesus. Neither could he make him afraid, though but a small Prince, with his honourable friends the Venetians. And that he made him smile, &c. in falsly usurping to himself the stately Style of Emperour of the World, asking him, if all were his in the lesser Asia, what he possessed in Asia the greater? nothing, What had he in Europe, except Thrasia Mysia, part of Greece, Peloponesus, with the Isle of Mytelene? And as for Africk, he never set foot therein; and supposing all were his, yet he should cease to boast, and learn if he could, the special, but true examples of humane frailty, &c. Neither, he said, was it he alone that so much stomacked Mahomet; for the whole Chivalry and glory of the Christian Common-weale was in Arms, and comming against him with all their force, &c. from which, whether he could escape or not, he knew not; yet if following his advise, he casting off Mahometane superstition, would embrace the faith of Christ, he might make his name and Empire of great, greater, &c. Scanderbeg about this time receiving letters from the Pope, that he with Christian Princes, would withour delay, come into Epirus with a strong Army, most joyfully denouncing war against the Turk, brake into his Dominion, burning and destroying before him, and returning laden with spoil.

Mahomet likewise perusing Scanderbeg's Letters, and hearing of the late spoil, became exceeding melancholy, which increased, as not seeing the wonted chearfulnesse in his Men of Warre; yet he levied a great Army fortifying his strong holds, &c. Sending also Seremet Bassa [Page] with 14000 men to attend onely on Scanderbeg, upon Epirus borders: who accordingly came unto Ocrida, now Alchria, in Macedonia, lodging some in the City, the rest in convenient places there abouts.

Scanderbeg [...] ignorant hereof, marched in the night towards Ocriba with 12000 men, laying in ambush three miles off, and on break of day, sent out 500 Horse under two expert Captaines, commanding them, if the Enemy came forth to fight, they should retire as if they fled, so to traine him on: which was so well performed, that the Bassa with all his power was drawn to the place where Scanderbeg lay: who rising suddenly up, in the battell were slaine 10000 Turks: the Treasurer with 12 of great note being taken, and being brought bound, Scanderbeg ransom'd them for 40000 Duckats. And returning with triumph, he expected the Armies comming out of Italy; But Pope Pius being on the way with a great Armie, and come to Ancona on the Sea side, whither Christopher Duke of Venice came to him with 10 Galleys, he sickning with a Fever, died in 1464: whereupon the Armie was dispersed, to the exceeding griefe of many Princes, and no lesse joy of the Turks. Lauretanus, his yeare being expired: Victor Capella was sent Generall of the Venetians at Sea, who sayling out of Euboea, soon took the City Aulis in Peloponesus, and Larsum, with the Isle of Himber. Then, he by night surprised Athens, now Sethinae, carrying away all the people as Prisoners, with its rich spoile into Euboea, where being perswaded, that if he but shewed himself before Patras, the Christians there would deliver it him, he departing thence, landed 4000 foot under Barbaricus, and 200 horse under Ragius; who being come within a mile of Patras: and many of them scattering abroad, seeking for pillage: the Turks Garrisons setting on them with Horse, easily overthrew them: Barbaricus being slaine, and Ragius taken and empailed alive upon a sharpe stake: Scarce 1000 of them [Page] all escaping to the Galleys. Victor was herewith greatly discomfited, yet, in hope, few dayes after he attempted Patras againe, but losing 1000 of his men, and the rest fleeing to the Fleet, he departed with great dishonour: suddenly dying in Euboea, oppressed with melancholly.

The Venetians being much troubled with these hard proceedings, solicited Matthias King of Hungary to joyne in league with them, and to take up Armes against the common Enemy: offering him a great summe, besides a large yearly Pension; for which he should defend all of theirs betwixt the Rhetian Alpes, and the Adriatique, against Turkish invasion.

This Matthias was the younger Son of Huniades: whose elder Brother Uladislaus having for injuries done to him and his Brother, slaine Ulricus, Count of Cilia, Uncle to Ladislaus King of Bohemia and Hungaria, was afterwards most cruelly executed in Bohemia by the said Ladislaus, Matthias being kept in Prison, and, had not young Ladislaus been taken away by untimely death, had been partaker of his Brother's fortune: But he dying, Matthias for love to Huniades, was, while imprisoned at Prague, by a military election, chosen King of Hungary, where he reigned 38 years: and was a far greater terrour to the Turks than his Father, notably enlarging that Kingdome, &c. And forgetting all unkindnesse of the Venetians, who had refused often to aide the Hungarian Kings in like case, saying, they received no harme from the Turk, &c: he undertook the protection of their aforesaid territory: and passing over Danubius at Belgrade, next Spring, with a puissant Armie, he razed the Turks Forts thereabouts: and wasting Servia, returned laden with spoil and 20000 Captives: maintayning great Warrs both with Mahomet, and his Son Bajazet, wherein he most commonly returned victorious.

[Page] Mahomet now in revenge of Scanderbegs proceeding and Seremet his late overthrow, sent Balabanus (an Epirot borne, and from a Captive Boy as he was keeping Cattell, brought up in servitude among the Turks) with 15000 Horse, and 3000 Foot to invade Epirus: who being the first that gained the top of the Wall at the taking of Constantinople, was afterwards of Mahomet greatly esteemed, and comming to [...], on Epirus frontiers, he sent Presents to Scanderbeg; as if he desired peaceably to lye upon the borders: yet waiting to do him the greatest mischiefe. Scanderbeg seeing into his malice, rejecting his gifts, sent him a Spade, Mattock, and Flaile, &c: in derision, willing him to follow his Fathers trade of life, &c: which Balabanus taking in very ill part, he determined to set on Scanderbeg suddenly in the night, who lay not far off; but he knowing thereof by his Scouts, set forward to meet him: which Balabanus perceiving, stayed, encamping within two miles of him: who lay in the valley Valchal, but with 4000 Horse, and 1500 Foot, though choise Souldiers, they thus laying in view of each other, Scanderbeg cheerfully encouraging his Souldiers, straitly charged them, if the Enemy should flee, or retire, they should not pursue them beyond the hills straits, whereby the Enemy lay, guessing he would leave an Ambush in the rough and wooddy hill adjoyning. Then retiring unto a Rising, a good way behind his former place, for the grounds advantage, if the Enemy should follow to fight; Balabanus chinking verily he fled for feare, set forward in such haste, that being come where Scanderbeg stayed, his men were greatly disordered. Scanderbegs Souldiers receiving them with great courage, there was a fierce battell a great while doubtfull, with much slaughter on both sides; yet the Turks being at last put to flight, they were with much slaughter chased to those Straits where Scanderbeg had commanded his men to stay; but some of his chiefe Captaines unadvisedly pursuing them, they [Page] were beset with their Enemyes arising out of Ambush, and after a long desperate fighting, taken and brought to Balabanus, who forthwith sent them to Constantinople. Mahomet when he heard of their taking, being reported with joy to have said, Now I am sure Scanderbeg's strength is broken. The chief taken were, Moses of Dibria, next to Scanderbeg himself, with 7 other, every one of them able to conduct an Army: all in Epirus so lamented this losse, that the victory was not accounted of. Scanderbeg presently sent to Mahomet, requesting him he might redeem them by exchange, or for what ransome he pleased; but he refusing to do either, after all despightful usage of them, slew them quick by little and little, they dying after 15 daies miserable torment: whereof Scanderbeg hearing, entred the Turks Dominion with fire and sword, sparing nothing he could by any means destroy.

Mahomet highly commending Balabanus, sent him divers rich gifts, with command to repair his Army and proceed; which Balabanus diligently performing, lying at Alchria, sent Scanderbeg again divers presents, as desirous to live in peace by him: which Scanderbeg rejecting, Balabanus corrupted Scanderbeg's Scouts with rewards (some being Balabanus kinsmen unknown to Scanderbeg); whereby he had oppressed him in the night at Orincheum, if Scanderbeg going about the Camp, had not perceived his coming by the horses noyse; wherefore with wonderful speed, he putting his Army in order, after a great fight put him to flight, slaying most of his Army in the chase, Balabanus with a few hardly escaping; which when Mahomet understood, he doubted whether to send another General; but considering Balabanus to be right valiant, knowing well the Countrey, and Scanderbeg's mortal enemy, he committed unto him 14000 horse, and 3000 foot to invade again Epirus, promising to make him King thereof if he subdued Scanderbeg; who coming to [Page] Alchria, sent a third time Presents, which Scanderbeg scornfully refused; and lying at Alehria three Moneths, he determined to adventure on him by plain force; wherefore marching into the Plains nigh Sfetigrade, Scanderbeg with 8000 horse and 1500 foot, refused not there to fight with him; and being come to handy blows, the [...] fought like raging Lyons; Scanderbeg with skill, care and valour, performing all the parts of a worthy Chiestain; But while he thus fought, his horse being slain and falling under him, he sorely bruised his Arm, whereof he long complained. The Turks also seeing him down, pressed fiercely to kill him, but he was soon rescued and remounted: forthwith slaying Sultman a great Turkish Commander hand to hand; whereupon the Turks retiring, after a while plainly fled, few with Balabanus escaping through the pursuits execution; who returning to Mahomet, he was sharply rebuked for these great overthrows; But the Kings fury being over, Balabanus cunningly excusing himself, told Mahomet, It was in vain to send such small Armies; but if he would send two Captains with a puissant Army, (who dividing the same, might at once enter in several places, and one not to accept of battel except the other were at hand) he by their thus enclosing Scanderbeg, promised him an assured victory; which well fitting Mahomet's humour, he commissionated Balabanus to leavy what Army he thought sufficient, and chuse as his associate, which of his Captains he pleased; who, choosing 40000 good Souldiers, and Jacob Arnauth, (born also in Epirus) for his companion, he sent him with 16000 by the way of Thessaly and Grecia, himself taking the nearer way through Thrace and Macedonia into Epirus, encamping in Valchal valley with 20000 horse, and 4000 foot. Scanderbeg having intelligence from the Turks Court, of all Balabanus his intent, had provided 8000 horse and 4000 foot in readiness, sending out three espialls, to discover in what order Balabanus lay; one of [Page] whom being his Kinsman, perswaded the other two, in hope of reward, to go over to Balabanus, discovering all they knew of Scanderbeg; who (his espials not returning) presently rode himself forth with 5 lusty Souldiers to discover their manner of lying; who prying into every bush and thicket as they went, descryed certain horlmen lying in secret ambush to intercept them; yet so that they coming to handy-stroaks, Scanderbeg and his followers were glad to flee into the next wood, the Turks closely following them. A great old tree being fallen a crosse the way, Scanderbeg with one of his men leaped over it: the other 4 not being able, turning and fighting were slain; one of the Turks leaping the tree, followed Scanderbeg: who seeing but one turned and slew him, the other Turks returning, and Scanderbeg with one man to his Camp; who speedily made ready to go against Balabanus, before Arnauth's coming, and came with speed into the valley of Valchal, having divided his Army into 4 squadrons between Tanusius, Zacharias, Peicus, and himself, and sending some Harquebussers and Archers before to provoke the enemy, Balabanus would not stir from before his Tents, expecting the coming of his fellow; which Scanderbeg perceiving, drew nearer and nearer to his Trenches, and by continual skirmishing with those he sent out, dared and braved him, as if he would by force have fet him out; whereat the Turks chasing were ready to rise against their General, because he suffered them to be so disgraced. Balabanus deferring time what he could, and his fellow not comming, the Turks also oft ready to issue out without his direction, went out to battel, himself leading the left wing, betwixt whom and Scanderbeg was a fierce fight, many falling on both sides; in other places they stood almost as lookers on, expecting the force of their Generals; whereupon Scanderbeg (the Turks having before given ground) drawing some Troops out of the right wing, and fetching a compasse charged the side of the [Page] enemies Army; and withdrawing, speedily set on the back of the left wing: so that the Turks there fiercely charged before and behind, fell in other places with a great slaughter. Balabanus, withstanding as long as he could, and now become desperate, fled out of the battel. The rest fleeing also (except a few escaping, with Balabanus) were most either slain or taken.

Scanderbeg had scarce divided the spoyl; but he heard from his Sister, then at Petrella, that Arnauth was entred by the way of Belgrade, burning and destroying, and encamping in the lesse Tiranua's Plains; wherefore he presently letting forward with his chearful Souldiers, soon came where the enemy lay. Jacup having removed his Camp into a corner of the Plain, Scanderbeg encamped in Jacup's former place: where resting one day, next morning, he cast before the enemies Trenches divers of the late slain Turks heads, shewing them divers prisoners, which Jacup beholding despairingly said, I see the evil hap of Mahomet: Scanderbeg sending forth 500 horse to skirmish, Jacup (seeing his fellow not now to be looked for) came readily into the field, beginning a fierce battel; but Scanderbeg singling Jacup out, slew him with his own hand; whereupon the Turks fleeing, were most slain or taken: and those that escaped, were by the Countrey people in their stragling, either slain or taken. Scanderbeg in these two battels, loosing about 1000, but the Turks 24000 and 6000 taken, the Epiruts being so weary of slaughter, that Scanderbeg (being told Balabanus might be surprized as fleeing but with one horse Cornet) said, O let some of our enemies live to report their own slaughter and our victory! Presently after he entring into the Turks frontiers, and roaming at his pleasure, made havock of all in his way. Then returning to Croia, he brake up his Army.

In the mean time, Mahomet procuring two Turks with [Page] great rewards to kill Seanderbeg, they coming to him seemed so to detest Mahomet's Tyranny and Superstition, that they were reputed to be what they would be accounted: and learning the Christian Principles were baptized; but these Traytors (while watching an opportunity) falling at variance, let some words fall whereby they were suspected by some present; whereupon being examined, they at last confessed the design, and were presently executed.

Mahomet, understanding what was befallen to Balabanus and Jacup, became almost frantiek; and, by his Bassa's advice, resolved to go in person with such an Army as should for ever end his wars in Epirus, raysing 200000 men; whereof Seanderbeg being advertized, fortified all strong Holds, especially Croia: leaving Balthazar Perduci Governour thereof, and conveighing the people into places of refuge, he left nought for the Turks to prey upon, as he did before at Amuraths coming. Balabanus entring Epirus with 80000 horse, after two days ranging, sat down before Croia; on whom, Perduci made many brave salleys, Mahomet encamping there also; who fummoning the City upon his own conditions, the Governour returned nothing but continual shot for answer; whereupon, he planting Ordinance for battery, cast other new ones there, rather to terrisie the Defendants than for any great hope of taking the City by force. Scanderbeg the while, lying abroad in the Woods and Mountains with a small Army cut off the Turks forragers &c. and breaking into one quarter or other of their Camp by night with great slaughter, suffered them not to rest in quiet; wherefore Mahomet, seeing no hope, and fearing his Fathers mischance, leaving Balabanus with 8 expert Companies under him, with a great part of his Army to continue the fiege, departed with the rest to Constantinople, and by the way took some small forts: also by fair promises corrupting the Governour of Chidna; and, his faith given, that all the Souldiers lying there, [Page] corrupting the Governour of Chidna, being 8000 and people, should safely depart, it was delivered unto him; but having them in his power, he cut man, woman and child in pieces, to Scanderbeg's great grief and weakning, who never received such a losse before; and finding himself unable to relieve Croia, his Souldiers being sore wasted, and his enemies warily encamping, he sent to the Uenetians and other confederate Princes, praying their aid at this his need, &c. all which promised him succours. Also, he passing disguised into Italy, came to Rome, craving Pope Paul 2 his aid; who being honourably entertained, yet obtained nothing of what he came for: only his Treasurer had 3000 Ducats at departure; who returning into Epirus, found all the promised aid ready (chiefly the Uenetians most drawn out of 4 of their Garrisons) so that he had 13400 choise Souldiers, wherewith marching towards Croia, he suddenly came upon Jonima with some Troops by night, who was bringing supply to his brother Balabanus, taking Jonima with his Son Hedar; whom he shewed in bonds to Balabanus. Then returning to his Army, and so to Croia, he drave the Turks from the Mountain Cruina: which Balabanus seeing, he riding with some Troops even to the Cities gates, perswaded them to yield, making them promises in his Masters name; but they sallying out, and forcing him to retire, he enraged came upon them with a fresh charge to drive them into the City; but being shot quite thorow the throat he ran as fast as he could to his Camp, where presently falling from his horse he dyed. The Turks herewith discouraged, and with Scanderbeg's coming, rising that night, silently retired to Tirana Plain, about 8 miles off. Scanderbeg entring their Tents, found store of victuals, which he conveighing into Croia, followed himself in great triumph, to the besieged's joy whom he both cōmended & rewarded; and sending some Companies to take the strait passages out [Page] of Epirus: the Turks by 2 Messengers offered to deliver up their Horses and Arms, so they might depart with life; which Scanderbeg propounding to his Captains, himself at last answered, That as they came into his Countrey without his command: so they should not by his leave depart; Whereupon, the Turks in the dead of that same night brake thorow those straits by force, yet not without their great losse; for whose escape, the Souldiers greatly murmuring, were hardly appeased. But Scanderbeg recovering all places taken from him, and putting Mahomet's Souldiers therein, to the sword, he brake up his Army except 2000 Horse and 1000 Foot to defend his frontiers.

Mahomet hearing of this evill successe, so fretted and grieved, that he could neither eat, drink, nor take rest for a season. At last he resolved to go again next Spring, with a most puissant Army; whereof Scanderbeg hearing, provided for him as formerly, who being entred Epirus, first repaired or re-edified the ruinous City Valmes, leaving a strong Garrison to trouble that part of the Country, Thence he marching to Dirrachium, (now Durazzo) a City not on the Sea-coast, possessed by the Uenetians, thought to have taken it unprovided; but (it being strongly fortified both by the Uenetians and Scanderbeg), he having to his great losse in vain attempted it, suddenly rising came again before Croia, (the chief cause being a perswasion that Scanderbeg was in Dirrachium, because he had seen some of his men in his assailing thereof) offering at first, great things to the Citizens if they would yield: otherwise, threatning all warlike calamities, vowing not to depart till he had it; he receiving no answer, but from the Cannon or brave Salleys: Scanderbeg also every night molesting his Camp; wherefore rising with his Army, he marched to Kedon, not far from Dirrachium, and in spight razed Chiurili which Scanderbeg had begun to build. [Page] Then seeking those Epirots retired into the Mountaines' he was by them with great losse repulsed. Scanderbeg at his heels daily cutting off part of his Armie. So at last despairing of any good to be done, he returned full of discontent to Constantinople.

After this, Scanderbeg riding to view the state of his Kingdome, came to Lyssa, a City of the Vinetians, to conter with the Legate and other Princes, as in generall, so how to take Valmes, which much troubled that part of Epirus; but he there falling sick of a Feaver, and sending for his confederates, and the Venetian Ambassadours, and his Wife and Son, after discoursing of his troublesome life, and exhorting them, in concord to stand in defence of their Religion, Country, and Liberty, commending his Wife and Son with the Kingdome to the Venetians tuition according to the Articles of confederation, willing them after his death to passe into Apulia quietly, to live on possessions there held by King Ferdinands gift, after prayer, departed January 17. 1466. about 63 years old, and raigning about 24 years. His death was generally lamented, chiefly of the Venetians and Albanian Princes, who had lost their Watchman and Champion: all his Subjects bewayling him as the onely stay of the Common-weale, &c. He was royally interred in Lyssa's Cathedrall: which City the Turks about 9 years after, taking, in the way of the Siege of Scodra: they digging up his bones, those who could get never so little thereof, set it in silver or gold, hanging it about their necks, or otherwise wearing, thinking thereby, to have such good hap as Scanderbeg had while he lived.

The Hungarians and Venetians, most time of these Wars, busied the Turks; for Matthias entring Bosna overthrew the Turks frontier forts, and driving them out till he came to Jaziga, or Jaitze the chiefe City, at length took it, wresting all that Kingdome out of their hands: whereupon, Mahomet hardly besieging Jaziga, it was valiantly [Page] defended, till Mathias comming to its reliefe, so troubled the Turks Campe on one sice, and the besieged with salleys on the other, that the Turk stealing away with his Armie by night into Servia, left his Tents and great Ordinance for haste (which the Turks Histories report, he cast into the River) whom Mathias following into Servia, and taking part thereof, united it with [...], to Hungarie. After which Mahomet had no great stomack to provoke the Hungarians: Mathias being now as dreadfull to the Turks as the name of his Father Huniades.

Then also the Venetians scouring the Seas, did great harme to the Turk by landing in severall places: amongst others Nicholas Canalis succeeding Lauretanus, comming into Salonichi Bay, burnt divers Townes and Villages by the Sea side. Then returning into Pelopouesus, he in despire of all the Turks could do, fortified [...], where leaving a strong Garrison, he returned into Euboea: and soon after, sayling along Macedonia and Thracia, surprized Aenus upon the River Meritza's mouth, taking its spoile, and carrying away 2000 Captives into Euboea. Then likewise the Venetians ayding Duchaine against his Brother Alexius, striving for Zadrima's principality, greatly overthrew the Turks neer Drine River in Epirus, who came in Alexius quarrel.

Mahomet perceiving that Euboea Island, now Nigropont, 10 miles long, abounded with Corne, Wine, Oyle, Fruit, and Wood for shipping, and, separated from [...] with à narrow strait of the Sea, was for its commodious [...] and strength, the chiefe place whence the Venetians wrought him all these wrongs, resolved to imploy all his forces both by Sea and land for the gayning thereof; wherefore assembling a mighty A rmie, and sending Mahomet Bassa with 300 Galleys, and other small Vessels well furnished into Euboea: himself marched through Achaiae, till he came over against Chalcis. The Venetian Admirall, finding himself too weak for the Turks Fleet, [Page] returned towards Seiros: But the Bassa comming out of Hellspontus Straits, came without let to Euboea: where taking and razing Stora and Basilicon, he went directly to Chaleis: of whose smaller Vessels Mahomet making a bridge over the Strait, passed to the City Chaleis, Rich, Populous, and very strong, besieging it round by Sea and land: where, with his battery, faire breaches by the chiefe Cannoneers giving the Turks by signes, knowledge where the Walls were weakest, being the sooner made, the Traitour, it being perceived, was executed; Yet, what he beate downe by day, they repaired by night. Thus for 30 dayes, the City being defended, to the Turks great losse in their sharpe assaults; the Venetian Admirall, comming in view of the City, shewed as if he would give the Turks battell: Wherefore Mahomet, (its reported) was about to goe over into the maine with his Armie, lest the Venetians breaking the bridge, should have shut him in: which its thought he might have done, if he would have adventured, as his Capraines earnestly requested. But comming to an Anchor, he moved not: which the Turk perceiving, brought on his men to the Wal's breaches, promising them the Cityes spoile, &c: whereof himself said, he would be aneye witnesse. Whereupon the Turks furiously assaulting, the defendants made such slaughter of them, that the ditches were filled, and the breaches made up with their dead bodys; but Mahomet still sending in fresh supplies, this dreadfull assault was maintained a day and a night without ceasing: who twice winning the breaches, were beaten out againe. At length the defendants being most flain or wounded, and the rest wearied, retiring into the Market place, sold their lives deare to the Turks: among whom were found many dead women, who chose rather to die in defence, than to fall into the Turks hands.

Mahomet, although Lord of the City, yet losing 40000 in the siege, put all men there alive to most cruel death, especially the Italians with exquisite torments. Ericus [Page] the Governour fleeing with a few into the Castle, on promise of safe departure delivered up the same, but having them in his power, the Tyrant cruelly murthered them: Erigus's Daughter being - presented to Mahomet as the mirrour of beauty: when he could not prevaile on her by flattering words, &c: to consent unto his desire, threatned her with death, torture, &c: But the constant Virgin resolutely denying, he commanded her forthwith to be slaine. And the horrible cruelty committed by the Turks at the taking of Chalcis passeth credit: the rest of the Island without resistance yielding to the Turkish slavety. This happened in 1470. Caualis the City being lost, fearing to be set on by the Turks, dishonourably returning to Venice, he was by the Senate imprisoned, and afterwards with his family banished to Utinum.

Mahomet and his Fleet soone after returning, the Venetians attempted a sudden surprize of Chalois; but the Garrison there left, was so strong, that retiring to their Galleys, they forsook Euboea.

Petrus Mocenicus being chofen Admirall instead of Canalis: the Venetians solicited Pope Sixtus the 4th, the King of Naples, the King of Cyprus, and the Master of Rhodes, to joyne with them against the common Enemy: which they promised. They sent also Zenus to Usun Cassanes, King of Persia, to incite him against the Turk, who next year taking up Arms, had with him mortall Warres, who not ignorant of these things: and knowing how he had offended Christian Princes by his cruelty at Chalsis, lay a while still at Constantinople, as if desirous to live in peace, whereby, as he wisht, nought worth speaking was that year attempted against him: who also requested the Persian King, if it were onely but for community of the Mahometan Religion, to withdraw taking up Arms in the Christians Cause, though otherwise he regarded not Religion; but Zenus so wrought wi h Usun Cassanes, that [Page] he told the Turks Ambassadors, he neither could nor would longer endure the Turkish Kings injury: and that having made a league with the Christian Princes, he would to his power perform whatever he had promised: so dismissing them discontented, as were the Persian Ambassadors before from the Turkish Court, touching the Emperour of Trapezond.

The yeare following, 1472. Mocenicus arriving in Lesbos, did great harm: and passing into the lesser Asia, sore spoiled about Pergamus. Then landing again at Cnidus, he took a great booty: so returning, having exceedingly hurt all along the SeaCoast, laden with spoil to Peloponesus: on whose Coast, he met with Richiensis, with seventeen Gallies from King Ferdinand of Naples: who joyning their Fleets in one, landed at Modon in Peloponesus: where refreshing, and new victualling, they putting to Sea, landed in Asia: whom the Country Turks encountring, they put them to flight, pillaging for four dayes, store of rich booty, especially Turkie Carpets: thence sailing to Halicarnassus, a part of Caria, they took a wondrous spoil: there comming to them the Bishop of Modrussa with twenty Gallies from the Pope, joyfully welcomed: also two Gallies from the great Rhodian Master. With these 85 Gallies, they sailed to the Isle Samos, over against Ephesus, then desolate, to consult of further proceeding. Loosing thence, they landed at Attalia, the Metropolis of Pamphilia, of great Traffique: in whose Suburbs, finding store of rich Commodities from Aegypt and Syria, taking what pleased them, they burnt the rest with the Suburbs; and beginning to besiege the City, not without great losse to be taken, they departed, and running along Pamphylia, burning and destroying, they returned to Rhodes: where meeting an Ambassador from Usun-Cassanes, for great Ordnance, [Page] they understood by him that his Master was preparing against the Turk: Mahomet the while, no lesse requiting the Venetians; for Scanderbeg being dead, he much prevailed on the Princes of Epirus and Albania, &c. but the Fleet from Rhodes landed in the Myndians Countrey: returning to the Isle Naxos with great spoil, whence Ferdinand's Galleys, the year farre spent, returned home with much spoil; but Mocenicus with the Legate, returning into Asia, took Smyrua with its spoyl, setting it on fire, much hurting also about Clazomene not farre off. So, laden with Asia's spoils. Mocenicus returned to Modon, and the Legate into Italy.

Mohomet through the insatiable desire of Soveraignty, had not long before under pretence of a friendly parley, circumvented the King of Mysia, cruelly putting him to death, and, subduing his Kingdom, slew all of his bloud. Then invading Caramania, where Pyramet and [...] reigned, he drove them both out: Pyramet fleeing to Usun-Cassaues: Cassanbet seeking to recover his Inheritance, was besieging some Towns on the Sea-coast, which taken, would draw in all the rest of the Kingdom: who requesting Mocenicus, now on Cilicia's coast, he landing some Companies and great Artillery under Victor. So battered Sichinum's walls, that the Turks yielding it up, he delivered it to Cassambet: also Corycus, which he took, then besieging Seleucia upon [...], about five miles from the Sea: the Governour discouraged at the great Artillery, delivered it to Victor: who restored it to Cassambet, who thus re-brought into his Kingdom, much thanked the Admiral, promising, himself and Brother to be alwayes the Venetians friends.

Mocenicus departing, harried all along the Sea-coast of Lycia: sailing also into Cyprus, to appease an insurrection against the Queen, left to the Venetians protection by her dead Husband: which he [...], [...] [Page] appointed Admiral, being come into Peloponesus, he hastning thither to give up his charge, returned to Venice.

About which time, Usun Cassanes, who of a small Prince, was accounted amongst the greatest Monarchs theu living, began to warre upon Mahomet. He was the Sonne of Tachretin, who with other poor Princes, were exiled by Bajazet the first his violence, and was again restored by Tamerlane: Usun Cassanes obtaining a small territory in Armenia, by Tachretin's death. Wherefore not contented, he wrung one province from this Prince, another from that, and thrusting some quite out of all; thus soone getting a great part of Armenia into his hands: So that Calo Joannes the Trapezond Emperour, whose style exceeded his power, fearing Mahomets greatnesse, gave him Despina his onely Daughter in Marriage: agreeing that Usun Cassanes (after Calo's death, and of David his Brother) should in his Wives right, enjoy Pontus: Despina freely to exercise her Christian Religion: by whom he had a Daughter Martha, Mother of Hysmael the Sophi. Usun Cassanes, now ceasing not daily to encroach, at length began to lay hold on part of the Persian Kings Dominion, in Armenia. Zenza then reigning in Persia, in a sort commanded Usun not to come within the bounds of his Dominion, threatning (otherwise) to turn his forces upon him: wherewith Usun offended, commanded the Ambassadours speedily to depart, and tell their Master, he would shortly come and debate the matter with him face to face. The Persian King moved, set forward an Army, thought sufficient to subdue a sar greater Prince. Usun Cassanes (though he had scarce one man to 10) searing nothing, set forward by great journeys to meet them: and with whom joyning [...] after a long and cruel [Page] fight, overthrew them with a great slaughter. Zenza raising a far greater Army (the very strength of his Kingdome) set [...] in person, and joyning battell with Usun, the Persians were againe put to flight, more being slaine than were in the first Army: he slaying Zenza with his own hand, and taking Cariasuphu's Son Prisoner: whom to please the Persians, he honoured with the Title of King, calling himself the Persian Protector. But having under colour of a peaceable Governour gotten the Regall City Tauris with the rest: he secretly dispatching the titular King (the last of Tamerlaines posterity) took on himself the highest place. Mahomet the while, having scornfully rejected his Ambassadours and presents, and flaine David the Trapezond Emperour his aliance: turning Pontus into a Turkish Province which Usun Cassanes of right claimed: after Usun was surely seated, through the remembrance of the former injuries, suggested by [...], and the Venetian's solicitation; he raising a great Army and passing toward Pontus, was nigh Euphrates, encountred by Mustapha, Mahomets eldest Son, and Amurath the Romanian Bassa, whom Mahomet had sent out of Europe to joyne with Mustapha, who were by Usun Cassanes over-thrown, Amurath with 30000 Turks being shine; Mustapha and the rest saving themselves by flight.

Mahomet being exceedingly troubled therear, leavied a mighty Army of 320000 men: Usun Cassanes Army being nothing in number inferiour, which two Mahometans meeting neer Armenia's Mountaines: at the first encounter a Turkish Bassa was slaine with 40000 Turks: wherewith Mahomet was so daunted that he had retired, had not some of his most valiant Captaines sharply reproved him, &c: who now withdrew his Army into a straite [Page] between two Mountains, fortifying the front with his Carriages, behind which were his Ordnance, on either side of his Archers. The Persians. encouraged, comming on without fear, were all ere they were aware, on the mouth of the Turks Artillery, which breaking their ranks, took away a number of them. Besides, the Persian Horses through the unacquainted report of the Ordnance, were not to be ruled: wherefore Mahomet fiercely charged them with his Horsemen, being by themselves now out of order: yet the Persians slew many Turks; but they were at last forced to flee: wherein a great number were slain, and their Tents taken, whose flight, Zeinall Usun's eldest Sonne labouring to stay, was slain: forty thousand Turks, not above one thousand Persians fell.

Mahomet, contented with this dear-bought Victory, returned homewards: and Usun (leaving another Sonne with his Army to defend Armenia) to Tauris. But [...] the Christian Princes expected the event of these Warres, they suddenly confirmed a peace, excluding the Christians. This last battel being in one thousand four hundred seventy four, Usun Cassanes dying in Jan. 5. 1478.

In the time of these Warres, Mustapha, Mahomet's eldest Sonne, died at Iconium, having spent himself among his Paragons; yet some write thus. He comming to Court to see his Father, became [...] of Achmetes Bassa's Wife exceeding beautiful, and Isaac Bassa's Daughter: wherefore awaiting, when she went to bathe her self, he shamefully forced her.

Achmetes comming to Mahomet with Cloaths and Hat rent, craved vengeance for the same: who replyed, Art not thou my slave? and if Mustapha have known thy Wise, is she not my bond-slave? hold thy self therefore content. [Page] yet he in secret sharply reproving him, commanded him out of his sight, & in few dayes after, to be secretly strangled: nevertheless, the haughty Bassa putting away his Wife, it caused implacable hatred betwixt him and Isaac Bassa, and was in the end the cause of his destruction.

Mahomet being at leasure through the concluded peace with Usun, determined first to subdue Epirus, and Albania standing in his way, for invading Italy, and the Venetians Territories. And seeing the strong City Scodra, possessed by the Venetians, seemed to give him the best entrance into Albania Epirus Dalmatia, &c. he resolved there to begin. Wherefore preparing all things fit for its besieging, he sent Solyman Bassa with 80000 Souldiers thither; about which, he encamping May 25. 1475. began to shake the walls most furiously, giving divers sharp assaults, and omitting nothing that could be devised for the gaining thereof: yet was still with great losse, valiantly repulsed by the defendants, Lauretanus being their Governour. Mocenicus the while, by the Senates command, joyned himself to Grittus the Admiral, who as one man, first put strong Garrisons into Cholchinum, Lyssa, Dyrrhachium, and others on the Sea-coast. Then going up the River Boliana, came in sight of Scodra, assuring them of relief, by fires in the night, &c. wherewith the Turks grieved, would have shut up those Galleys, with a Chain a crosse the narrowest of the River: in their doing whereof, the Venetians slaying 500. of them, returned to Sea. They also attempted to put a supply into the City, but it was not to be done.

Mathias of Hungary the while, made such spoil in the Turks bordering Dominions, that Mahomet called the Bassa from the Siege after three moneths there lying, and 14000 men lost, most dying of sickness taken in the moorish ground nigh the River: with which the Venetians being also taken, Grittus died thereof, and Mocenicus [Page] was dangerously sick; but returning home, he, Mareellus being dead, was soon after chose Duke of Venice. But Mahomet was so discontented at this dishonour, that he gave one a yearly fee, to mind him daily of the Siege of Scodra. Solyman the same year being sent into Valachia with a great Army, was so entangled in the Woods and Fens by the Vawod, that loosing his Army, himself escaped but by his Mares wondrous swiftnesse.

Next year 1476. Mahomet sent out a great Fleet under Geduces Achmetes, hoping to surprize the Isle of Candia; but the plot being timely discovered, the Traitors were executed, and He disappointed: Wherefore He sent Achmetes into the Euxine, to besiege the rich City Cassa, scituate in Taurica Chersonesus, by the Sea side, long possessed by the Genowaies, and of exceeding Trade: till Mahomet had by building Castles on Hellespontus and Bosphorus straits, taken away the Merchants Traffique into those Seas, and all meanes of succour to it, yet its reported, a valiant Genoway carrying but 150 men almost 2000 miles from Genoa to Cassa by Land, performed the same, Achmetes enclosing it by Sea and Land, the Inhabitants being Genowaies, Greeks, Armenians, but most Tartars, it was soon yielded to the Bassa, on condition, that the Genoway Merchants might safely depart with their wealth, which the Bassa performed, sending some to Constantinople: the rest on pain of death not to depart, or convey away any substance, all Taurica soon yielding also to the Turk. The Precopenses, and Destences; Tartars, becomming fot fear his tributaries: since which, they living a servile and troublesom life, have often done great service in the Turks Warres against the Persians, Polonians, Transilvanians and Germans, &c.

The Venetians yet holding divers strong and commodious Havens within and without Peloponesus, Mahomet, sore longed after them. Wherefore he sent Solyman the European Bassa into Peloponesus, who besieged Lepauto in [Page] the Gulf of Corinth. Lauretanus the Venetian Admirall speedily comming thither, furnished the City with all necessaries; so that the Bassa after 4 moneths lying there, in fury departed with his Army: and returning towards Constantinople, he landed some men in [...], hoping to surprize Coccinum; but being about to enter, they were resisted by those next the Gate. Where Marulla a Maiden taking up her slain Fathers Weapons, and fighting desperately with those few there, they kept out the Turks till the other Citizens comming to the Gate, forced them with some losse to retire: the Bassa departing for Constantinople, before Lauretanus his comming.

Mahomet having now subdued most of Epirus, and other parts of Albania, about this time besieged Croia; for whose relief, Contarenus the Venetian Lievetenant, comming, he gave the Turks battel in Tirana-plain: at length the Turks fled: the Venetians contenting themselves with their Tents and Forts against Croia; But while the Souldiers, being more set on the spoil than pursuit, scattered themselves, and the Captains were consulting where to lodge that night: the Turks suddenly returning on them, overthrew them, 1000 falling in the flight. Contarenus, with other noted ones, being also flain, Mahomet making divers incursions into Dalmatia, Histria and Carniola, sometimes went as farre as the Province of Frinli, part of the Venetian Seigniory, carrying away much prisoners and spoil. Wherefore the Venetians fortified 12 miles along the River Sontium, building two Forts, wherein were kept strong Garrisons: whereby the Countrey falling into security, Asabeg or Marbeck suddenly shewed himself with 1000 Horse on the farther side of the River: whereupon every man put himself into a readiness; but night being so nigh, nought could be done, yet they watched all night in Arms. In those Forts were 3000 Horse, and some Foot under Nowel Count of Verona who resolved to keep the Turks [Page] from passing the River, or to give them battel. Marbeck secretly by night, conveyed 1000. of his best men over the River, 4 miles off, where the Venetians least feared, to lay in ambush behind a hill in sight, and on a sign given to charge the Venetians: sending early next morning some Troops over the River, who by offering to skirmish, and then as in doubt whether to fight or flee to tole them to the ambush. The Venetians being in three battalions; Nowel leading the first, easily put those Troops to flight, earnestly pursuing them, especially his Sonne, who with others, thought that day to gain great honour.

Marbeck forthwith passing over with the rest of his Army, and following the Venetians, the fleeing Turks now turning, withstood their enemies: at which instant, those in ambush came down the hill with such violence and clamour, that the Venetians being on every side beset, were all slain, except a few who yielded themselves. Many also of the other two battalions being in flight slain: The Count himself, and Sonne, with half the Horsemen, were lost. The Turks encouraged, spoiled all Friuli, betwixt Sontium and Tiliaventum. So burning the Country, that 100 Villages were to be seen on a light fire at once. So, laden with spoil, driving before them great numbers of Captives, they returned to Sontium: and passing the River, that all thought them to be quite gone, they returning, passed the River Tiliaventum, no lesse harming on that side than before on the other: So returning the way they came. This overthrow being accounted among the greatest they received from the Turks. Next year about Harvest, 1478. they passing Sontium, came before the Forrs with a far greater power, offering to draw Fortebrachius into the field; but he wary, stood on his Guard, expecting to take them at advantage, wherefore the Turks durst not disperse for spoil. So going about 4 miles, they turning up into part of the Alps, towards Germany, grievously spoiled those people, [Page] strangely passing those abrupt and high Mountains with their Horses, then returning home another way about. Mahomet, determining once more to engage his whole forces, for the winning of Scodra, gave order both in Europe and Asia, for assembling his best Souldiers, seldom or never having a stronger Army: first he sent Alybeg with 80000 Achanzij towards Scodra, who are Horsemen, that having Lands for life from the King, are bound to serve on their own charge as forerunners, when he besiegeth a place: who burning and spoiling, till they come to the appointed place, may depart or stay, when all the Army is come.

Scodra's Governour fortifying night and day, provided all necessaries for a long siege, sending forth the aged, &c. into safer places: and taking in many able men about the Countrey, among whom were many Marriners, or others who got their living on the River and lake of Scodra.

The Mountains North from the City the while, shining with fires, and the smoak drawing nearer and nearer, soon after the Countrey people with what they could carry, came running to the Cities by the Sea side, crying out, The Turks were come. And next day May 14. Aly Beg with his Achanzij encamped in the Suburbs, that none could go in or out. Scander-Beg, Governour of Bosna and Malcotius (the Majesty of whose countenance and resplendent beames of his eyes were of such piercing brightness, that none was able with fixed eye long to behold them) with 7000 Horse joyning unto him; of which Horsemen, the Christians with often sallies and shot, slew many with little or no losse. Ten dayes after, came Taut Bassa of Constantinople with 25000 men, and about 12000 Came's, most laden with metall, to make Ordnance, &c. whose stately Purple-Tent was pitch'd on a hill where Solyman had layn about 4 years before, his Army encamping between that and the Town. Taut was born in Epirus, of mean Parentage, and for his wit and activity, was thus [Page] promoted, and suspected he would have aspired the Empire. Whilest the great Ordnance were casting, the Bassa made a great Bridge over the River, to passe at pleasure. The busied Christians the while were so vigilant, that no Turk stirred within shot, but he was slain. June 13. Mustapha Viceroy of Asia, came with 30000 Asians to the Siege, personable men, but not accounted so good Souldiers as the Europeans, whose rich green Pavilion was pitched in a Vineyard about a mile from the Town. Mustapha propounding a reward to whomsoever durst touch the Cities walls, two Souldiers well mounted, hastening thither, were both slain from the wall, one of whose bodies being recovered by a salley, his Head was set on a Launce upon the Wall's top. June 15. 5600 Janizaries comming to the Camp, the Bassaes wellcommed them with a wondrous shout: 3. dayes after, came two other great men, with many followers, desiring safely to speak with the Governour and Captains of the City. Which granted, the Elder, after setting forth his Master's power, and what he had done to others, perswaded them to yield, assuring them of all kind usage with rich rewards, otherwise to expect nought but extreme misery and death: in whose name, Pagnanus answered, They feared not Mahomets greatness, &c. that he should find it hard to enforce them, impossible to perswade them, &c. concluding, they should expect no answer to any such motion hereafter, but from the Cannons mouth. At this time, Croia having held out a yeares siege, for lack of Victuals was yielded to the Turk, on condition, that the hungerstarv'd defendants might safely depart at pleasure, who not withstanding, put them all to the sword: the Scodrians being much grieved, but not discouraged thereat. The Watermen comming often down the River by night, and much hurting the Camp, they builded some Gallies to keep them in, who yet stealing on them, much troubled [...] who June 22, mounting 2 great Ordnance on the [...] [Page] hill, one carrying a stone Bullet of 300 l. the other of 400, battered the Town four dayes: then planting a third piece at the Hills foot, bearing a bullet of 400 l. and next day, they planted a 4th piece about the middle of the Hill, carrying 650 weight: The while, came 8000 Asapi into the Campe, and shortly after came Mahomet with all his Army to the River Drinon, where the two Bassaes pompously met him. Who July 2, comming to the Campe, after viewing Scodra's Scituation, is reported to have said: O what a stately place hath the Eagle chosen to build her nest, and hatch her young ones in. Round about his divers rich Tents lay the Janizaries: whereinto, was but one entrance, most strongly guarded; about the Janizaries all the rest of the Army encamped: and still more resorting daily thither: it was deemed, Mahomet to have in all 350000 men. Against which terrour, the defendants were notably encouraged by one Bartholmew, who being somtimes Scanderbegs Souldier, was become a Preacher. July the 5th, the Turks mounted two other great pieces, one like the former, but the other discharging a 1200 pound shot, being called the Prince's piece, and wherewith, the Turks had from the beginning threatned the besieged. Next day a 7th piece carrying 550 pound was planted on the same Bassaes Mount: they casting in Fire-balls out of Morter-pieces by night, to fire the City; but divers Citizens uncovering their houses, and by men, watching the fall of the fire works, &c: the Enemie's device took no effect. Then also they casting huge stones out of short Mortar-pieces, which falling from on high, crushed what ever they lighted on, wondrously troubled the defendants. Few dayes after they mounting three other piece's, one was bigger then the Prince's, carrying 1300 weight: So battering the City daily with 10 such pieces as hath been seldome heard of, Arrowes falling like haile showers into the City. Yet they with their shot from the Walls, exceedingly annoyed the Enemy. [Page] July 11, mounting another like the former, they the same day battered the Walls with 178 of those shot, and having now beaten down a great part of the Wall, which the defendants had onely repaired with Timber and Earth between: Mahomet sent some Janizaries, and others to assault the breaches; so either to enter or burn the defendants fortifications; but the Turks approaching, many were on both sides slaine, especially of the assailants. Which Mahomet perceiving, sounded a retreat, renewed his battery, shaking the Wall every day, with 160 or 180 terrible great shot, and one day with 194. Then he caused a fresh assault to be given, rather with worse successe than before, being forced againe to retire with shame, though two Italian Captaines, and some of the better Citizens were slaine with great shot, 193 being that day discharged. Yet he continuing his battery, the third day after gave a more furious attempt than before; So that they comming to handy stroakes, made a most deadly fight; many of the Christians falling chiefely by the great Ordinance, but of the Turks, most; the Enemy had so prevailed, as ready to enter. But all seeming almost forlorne, a new supply of lusty Souldiers comming to the breach, drove him downe again, forcing him to retire with great losse: Wherewith Mahomet grieved, discharging 173 great shot into the City, sent for his Bassaes and other principall men, and said to them, that none were ignorant that it was the third month since Scodra was straitly besieged, &c: and the Walls and Bulworks as good as razed, having much vexed them with assaults, &c: Wherefore the morrow at day dawning, they should enclose the City round, and give them a terrible assault before the worn out Enemy could recover his strength, and repaire his breaches: that he would now prove and know them that were worthy of his pay, &c: that they were few, but the Turks almost innumerable, far passing them in Artillery wherewith many should perish in defending [Page] the breaches, that his minde gave him, the morrow before that time they should win the City; asking them, if the very name of Scodra were not hatefull unto them? remembring their Parents, Brethren, Friends or Companions slain under those Walls? that it was not [...] [...] years since, so many thousands of his people fell; that very hill, and the stones, seeming yet sprinkled with their blood: therefore they should glut themselves with Christian blood, as their lawes did so much exhort them, doing what they might, that not one of those of Scodra might be left alive: saying, all things were ready: it was easie for a strong man to overcome the weak, as they were. Hereupon, it was proclaimed, every man to be ready against the time, on pain of death: the Commanders also viewing the City on the Bassaes hill, consulted how [...] to assault it: the Defendants, alwayes expecting their hovering enemies, left nothing undone for defence. Mahomet July 22. entring the royal Pavilion on the top of the Bassaes Mount, plainly to behold all the assault; on a [...] given, they suddenly ran to the breaches thick, [...] to take the Christians at some advantage; wherein they were deceived: so there was begun a most mortall [...], especially towards the Gate, where the Cannon had made the walls most assaultable. There fighting hand to hand, a Turks Ensign was set upon the rampier's top. Mahomet rejoycing, thought the City as good as taken; [...] the Christians speedily repairing thither with new supplies, beat them from the rampiers; also they casting down timber, stores, &c. on them that were comming up: no shot likewise falling in vain, (they stood so thick) their Ensign was pluckt down, and they forced to retire: Wherefore Mahomet in a great rage, commanded his Ordnance to be discharged into the breach with greater [...]; commanding the two Bassaes standing by him, to go and force the Souldiers to return to the assault. Who [...] the hill, where perswasion would not, with [Page] their drawn Swords, forced the Souldiers: who striving might and main to win the rampiers, the walls having been there shaken with 2539. shot, the Christians with invincible courage opposed them, so that a more desperate fight was hardly to be seen, &c. In which dreadful fight, many of the Defendants were slain; but of the Turks 20 to one: the Christians with murthering shot making lanes out of the loupes nigh the Gate, [...] the ditch: yet the Bassaes and great Captains forcing them foreward, if any turned back, [...] him; so that the Turks seeing the danger in retiring, pressing on, and others stepping into the rooms of the slain, they again recovered the rampiers advancing their Ensigns: Mahomet beginning to lift up his head; but the Companies ready in the Market-place for all events, speedily comming, before the Turks had taken good footing, slew a great number, forcing the rest from the rampiers, plucking down their Ensigns, and setting up their own. Wherewith, the Turks dismayed, without a sign, retreated, in spight of their Commanders, hastily to the Camp. Mahomet returning into his Pavilion, two dayes tormented himself, not admitting any one to his presence. The Christians having taken their spoil, set dead Turks Heads on poles, round the City: 12000 of them being slain in the assault, besides wounded: 400 Christians were lost, none that came to the breach escaping without some wound. After two dayes, Mahomet resolved with his two Bassaes, to gage his whole forces on another assault; for they thought the defendants, wasted and weakened, could not hold out another. Whereupon, every man being straitly commanded to be ready, great rewards were promised to those who performed any special service. Mahomet the mean time, spared not the walls, &c. omitting his Cannon; and the Christians with restless labour, &c. omitting nought that could be devised for defence. The new Moon beginning to shew her self: the Turks Priests [Page] gave the Souldiers knowledge thereof, by singing a Song like a procession: the Army answering with a short, but wonderful noise, bowed to the Moon with great superstition. Then beginning to draw nigh the City, a mile round was thick covered with them: The Christians were ready to repulse them, chiefly at the great Gate, where Moneta and his Brother Moncinus undertook to receive the first assault, commonly the terriblest of the three which they give. Mahomet going to the top of the Mount before day, and the Signall given by 11 Cannons, and 12 lesser Pieces, the Turks assailing the City round, with a most hideous outcry and nimbleness, had in a trice set up an Ensign on the Gate's rampiers, which was pluckt down by Moneta, and the Turks driven down, with great slaughter, the assault thus continuing till day: Moneta received divers wounds, being twice beaten down, yet still recovered himself, &c. Mahomet discharging his great Ordnance on the Christians, standing thick in the breach, many were rent in pieces, and the rest dismayed: wherefore the Turks comming on again, forced to enter to the uttermost; but Moneta maintained the place till new Supplies came, not departing, nor suffering others till the assault was ended, whom nothing so much troubled as the great Ordnance, when the Turks were driven back, almost clearing the breach: but others stepping in their room, manfully repulsed the Turks. Mahomet now commanded all his forces to be drawn to the Gate, there to renew the assault. Whereupon the greatest part being brought to the place, they so furiously assaulted the breach, that soon slaying most of the defendants, they had advanced divers Ensignes; but new supplies comming to the place of danger, drave them back, clearing the breach, and overthrowing the Ensigns: which turning Mahomet's joy into choler, he discharging all his great Artillery at once into the breach, many of his own were slain with the defendants.

[Page]The great Captains, being in the eye of their Master, forced the Souldiers forward with their swords, adventuring also themselves, whereby the fight was more fierce than before. Many Turks were slain, but the Defendants being oppressed with multitude, and overwhelmed with shot, were scarce able to maintain the place; Wherefore a great cry running through the City, that every man should repair to the breach, a multitude of all sorts meeting there together, so valiantly encountred the Turks upon the Rampiers, that they began again to shrink back; which Mahomet perceiving, commanded the Ordnance to be discharged into the breach, not regarding his own men: and threatning his Captains with horrible death, if they returned without victory: wherefore the assault was [...] newed; but the Ordnance slew many Turks, as well as Christians; the shot falling thrice among the Turks themselves, rent many a sunder to the others discouragement; yet they maintained a long and terrible fight: at which time, with one onely shot 18 Defendants were slain: Arrows fleeing and lying so thick, that for a month after, they burnt nothing but Turks Arrows, nothing was to be heard, but the terrour of the ears, nothing but death and its instruments to be seen: a fearful cry running through the City, that without present help, all would be lost; whereupon not only the whole, but the sick and wounded chearing themselves, ran with speed to the place: so that the Turks were slain in great numbers; yet fresh ones still coming up, the deadly fight was still maintained, many falling on both sides; the Turks one while seeming to have the better, and streightway the worse; which doubtful fight continued most part of the day, and most (on both sides alive) being wounded or hurt, the assault began to asswage. Mahomet now despairing of victory, sounded a retreat; which the Turks hearing ran as men affrighted to their [...]. The Christians joy of this victory, [...] [...] with much sorrow, for such men as were slain; many of [Page] whose bodies they gathering up by peace-male, buried with the rest of the slain. Then also, repairing their breaches, they made ready for a fresh assault. Mahomet, much grieved with this losse and dishonour, wished he had never heard of Scodra's name, saying of God, It were enough for him to care for heavenly matters, and not crosse him in his worldly actions: and, tormenting himself again in his Tent two dayes, not to be spoke withall; On the third day, calling a general Councel, said, He determined to give a fresh assault, hoping for an easie victory, over those so weakened; but they all with one voice cryed out to the contrary, his best Souldiers being already slain, and most of those left, sore wounded, or weakned, &c. And Achmetes Bassa, the Turks great champion standing up, with pleasing speech calmed Mahomets fury, and with grounded reasons, perswaded him to desist, and to take a surer course; who (having set forch the greatness of his valour, praises, and conquests, who had gained from the Christians 20 Provinces, and 200 great Cities, saying, Caesar, Scipio, Pyrrhus, and Hannibal, &c. were all inferiour to him in victories, and Countries subdued) said, In his opinion Scodra (which should not so much grieve him, worldly things often deceiving their expectation) was not again to be assaulted; for he searching every Tent, found no place without groaning, sighing, &c. he having also lot above 30000 of his best Souldiers in the last assault; they being all now afraid and discouraged, whom, himself (he said) asking how so great a fear was come upon them, they answered, It was the very look of the men of Scodra (whose eyes seemed to sparkle with fire) that struck that terrour into them; wherefore, setting forth Scodra's strength, and how himself had subjected to Mahomet, the long desired City of Croia, he concluded, that if he would win Scodra, he must block it up, build strong Forts round about it, and make a [...] over Boliana, with a strong Castle on each side to stop the [Page] passage; then to besiege other weaker Cities of the Venetians, and subdue the Country round about, which would not be hard, he being Master of the field: so Scodra, said he, must needs yield at last, as lately did Croia by famine.

This Counsel so pleased Mahomet and the rest, that the assault being laid aside, the Bassa of Constantinople was sent to Zabiache a City in Dalmatia's borders, which in few daies was yielded to him; who thrusting out the Inhabitants, and leaving therein a Turkish Garrison, returned to Scodra. Then also the Bassa of Asia, was sent against Drivasto, whither Mahomet coming, after 16 daies siege, next day he took it without much resistance, putting those on the walls to the sword: and cruelly slaying the rest being 300, before Scodra, to terrifie the Defendants. Next day, he sending the Bassa of Constantinople to Lyssa, 30 miles from Scodra, he finding the Citizens fled for fear, fired the City, where also the Turks dig'd up Scanderbeg's bones as aforesaid. Mahomet committing all touching Scodra's siege unto Achmetes, himself departed about Sept. 7. with 40000 to Constantinople, cursing & banning by the way, Epirus and all that was therein, especially Scodra. After which the two Bassaes built a Bridge over Boliana, with a Castle on either side to hinder Scodra's relief: which being furnished with all necessaries, they returning left Achmetes with 40000 to continue the siege; who so ordering that no relief could be brought, the Christians at length were fain to eat all loathsome things, &c. a Mouse being sold at an [...] price, as also puddings made of Dogs guts. The Venetians now weary of 16 years chargeable war to their great losse, and not able to relieve distressed Scodra, sent [...] an experienced Senator to Mahomet, who at length concluded a Peace, Mahomet to have Scodra, Lemnos, and the Castle of Tenarus in Peloponesus delivered to him, with 8000 Duckats yearly; And that they might freely traffique in all parts of his Dominions, [Page] and for those of Scodra, they might live still under the Turks Government, or depart with goods whither they pleased; whereof the Governour being certified, declared to the Citizens how things stood. After a thorow debate, they concluded all, to forsake the City, and the house of bondage, and to live as pleased God, among other Christians: So receiving Turkish pledges of safety, they came forth with bag & baggage, being transported into Italy, where they lived in peace; the Turks after a whole years siege, entring the City with joy & triumph, this happened in 1478. Mahomet in 1480 sent Achmetes with a fleet against Leonard Prince of three Islands nigh Peloponesus, [...] he easily taking, Leonard fled for his life into Italy, with his wife and treasure to King Ferdinand, whose Kinswoman he had married. About which time Alis Beg & 2 others entring Transilvania with 100000 men, so feared the Country, that Stephen the Vaywod speedily fled to King Matthias craving his ayd; who, though sick of the Gout, by his Captains, encountred the Turks, not far from Alba Julia, slaying 30000 of them with Isa Beg; which victory was not without the Vaywods sore wounding, and 8000 Christians slain. Mahomet grieved that so small an Island as Rhodes should lye so near his Dominions, troubling his Merchants, &c. which being formerly unfortunately attempted by Mahometane Princes, he now assembled his expert Captains, propounding the matter. Some perswaded him to subdue it and revenge Christian injuries, not fearing a repulse; who was to bring moe assailants than was stones in the wall: Others declaring the Islands strength with the Defendants valour, &c. said; It was like to prove more difficult than some supposed, &c. alledging it was not worth engaging his honour with the lives of so many valiant Souldiers, who might conquer a Kingdom; yet Mahomet ambitious, and solicited by Meligales a fugitive Knight of Rhodes, (who having spent his great substance, fled to the Turk with two others of like [Page] who presented him with a plot of the City, with it and the Islands strength, and how to win it, offering to spend their lives therein, to repair their broken estate) he resolved to follow their Counsel who perswaded the war; wherefore committing that great action to Mesithes Paleologus his management: he sayled from Constantinople with 80000 men toward Rhodes, calling by the way Demetrius one of the fugitive Knights, to know, how safely to Land. Meligalus falling sick on the way, and growing loathsome and troublesome to the Turks, was thrown overboard alive, crying out in vain for help. Peter Damboys a Frenchman, was then great Master of the Rhodes; who having once in 8 daies intelligence from the Turkish Court, and of such judgment as scarce ever to be deceived by false advertisements, had strongly fortifyed the City with all necessaries for many years siege. Then also many valiant ones repaired thither out of Italy, France, Germany, &c. in defence of the place and Religion. Damboys had 16000 able men in the City, among whom were many Jews and other [...] men, who did good service. Mesithes landing in the Island Junt 22, not far from the City, Damboys calling the Defendants together, spake unto them; that the Turks their mortal enemies, were ready to destroy their Temples, Oratories, Religion, seeking to ruin that noble City, the cruel death of them, &c. and although the chance of war were doubtful; yet considering their courage and chearfulness, he conceived an assured hope of victory, That the Turks armed not against them so much for their desert, as for rule and spight against them, and Christianity; shewing them, they wanted neither provision, nor a most strong Garrison of divers Nations, and which was more, Christ their Captain, &c. That they were warlike, their enemies effeminate Asians, &c. that he said not this to fill their ears with windy words; but he assured them, if the siege were long, there would come such strong aid out of other Countries, as would not only [Page] serve to raise the siege, but recover the Constantinopolitan and Trapezond Empires. But supposing the hardest, would not any one account his life most happily spent in defence of a good conscience, and Christs quarrel? &c. Therefore they shewing themselves couragions, he doubted not, but time and his discretion should provide for the rest.

They resting in the assurance of their aged Governour, departed to their charge, full of hope &c. The Bassa sent Demetrius, (and his traiterous companion) to view (with some Troops and foot) where best to encamp; who being known by Anthony the Master's brother, he sallyed out, skirmishing with them; but the Turks exceeding in number, Anthony turned on those behind him with such force, that he slew or wounded most of them. Demetrius, having his horse slain, himself was trodden to death by the horses, whose bodie Murtius unadvisedly dispoiling, was slain and his head presented to the Bassa; who at his first coming, taking a strong entrenched Orchard, placed some Companies therein, with small Ordnance, (the defendants having abandoned it by night, leaving their Ordnance behind them for haste) and by one Frapaine a fugitive Christian his Counsel, he there began to batter Nicholas-Tower, 300 paces distant; but Damboyse mounting two great Basilisks, he quickly forsook it; yet shortly after, he planted a greater battery near the same, and of far greater force, and 300 smaller pieces; but Frapaine Master of his Ordnance, bestowed the shot to small purpose, whom the Bassa distrusting, he fleeing by night, again to the Rhodians, discovered the Turks secrets, who continuing the battery, had beaten down some part of that Tower,: which the Christians repaired the best they could; yet the Turks fiercely assaulting it for 6 hours, they retired having lost 800 men, with many drowned, and 1000 sore wounded. Mesithes having after this made a fair breach in the wall; Damboyse cast up [Page] such Rampires with a Countermure, that he durst not adventure to enter; the Captains helping therein, and moving the rest by their example.

The mean time, young Caly Bassa being sent to see how the siege went forward, it was given out (to terrifie the Defendants) that Mahomet was coming with 100000 men, and 150 great Ordnance; whereat some were exceedingly feared, especially the Spaniards and their neighbours of Navarre, that desiring leave to be gone, they discouraged the rest; Damboyse sending for them, and sharply reproving them promised to ship them forthwith out of the Isle, &c. commanding them (the mean time) to cease their mutinous talk, with threats: who shortly after, considering the dishonour to themselves and Nation, if they should be so sent away, craving pardon they shewed themselves most forward in all services during that siege; yet Damboyse would never trust them alone. The Bassa seeing by the Masters policy, all his devices countermanded, practised to poyson him by one Janus a Dalmatian; who being received into the City as a Christian fugitive acquainted himself with one Pythius an Epirot, familiar with Philelphus, (Damboyse his late Secretary; but then in disgrace as partaker in the late mutiny) a fit instrument to work the Treason, as being well acquainted with the Cooks and Butlers, &c. whom Pythius perswading to revenge the disgrace he lived in, shewed him how to do it, &c. Philelphus dissembling the matter, desired to know what benefit might thereby arise more than revenge. Pythius shewed him the Bassa's Letters to Janus, assuring him what he promised any one for furtherance of his poysoning, he would fully perform the same. Philelphus, discovering the matter to Damboyse, Janus and Pythius confessing the Treason, upon examination, Janus was beheaded, and Pythius hanged; but Philelphus received again into favour.

[Page]The Bassa herewith much grieved, yet still battered the City, and chiefly, Nicholas Tower, framing (besides other preparations) a great bridge stayed with strong ropes, &c. betwixt his battery & the Tower, for assailing it. But as it was making fast, Rogers an Englishman, found means by night, to break and cut all the Cables, whereby it was carried away by the Sea; for which he was by Damboyse rewarded, and publickly commended. Yet a new Bridge being framed on boats, &c. and fassoned with Cables, and Anchors, with divers Ordnance placed therein, the Tower was at once battered by Sea and Land, the Defendants with shot assailed, and the Tower desperatly scaled. But Damboyse with his Ordnance brake the Bridge sinking four foists and store of men, &c. and with shot, timber, stones, &c. overwhelmed the scalers, with great slaughter, the assault holding from 3 in the morning till 10, the Bassa giving over, having lost about 2500 men, in which night, two mercenaries of Creet, about to flee to the enemy, were put to death; and Frapine, suspected of Treason, executed also.

Then the Bassa offered Damboyse (in his Masters name) great rewards and preferments to yield the City; which the Messengers said, he could not long hold, &c. who answered, He would not in his sure estate use his enemies Counsel, nor in [...] refuse to yield his life to God, far rather then to yield though on never so good conditions in shew. Then (according to the Bassa's instructions) they perswaded him to yield to Mahomes some yearly tribute or homage. But Damboyse knowing by others example, Turkish Thraldom to lye included under that small request, utterly refused either. The Bassa exceedingly troubled, resolved, for his honours sake, to use (in that extremity) an extream remedy; wherefore mounting some pieces much higher, he battered the City day and night, for four [...]; the Christians also not sparing their shot, but women and children in the City, [Page] shrouded themselves in Cellars and Caves for the thickness of the shot. At length, a fair breach being made, the Turks so desperatly assaulted it, that they suddenly set some Ensigns on the top of the walls; but they being soon repulsed into the ditches, most never rose again. Then also in another place, they both advanced their Ensigns, and 500 of them entred comming into Jew-street, where being all slain by Damboyse, their Ensigns were thrown down, the rest yet scaling, being with wondrous slaughter rejected. So the Bassa sounded a retreat, about 5000 being lost, with small losse of the Christians: Damboyse himself receiving 5 wounds, one whereof, under his right pap, was thought deadly, but was cured.

The Bassa, having for 3 Months spent his forces and devices to small purpose, losing 9000 of his best Souldiers, and all the rest filled with heavinesse, of whom 15000 lay sore wounded, many being ready to give up the Ghost, also two ships being landed at Rhodes, (in spight of the Turks) from Ferdinand of Naples, with men and Munition, whilst he was deliberating whether to depart or not, a rumour was spread, that Christian Princes were coming for relief; whereupon he raised the siege. Some say, Mahomet hearing of his ill successe, (himself being ready to go against the Egyptian Sultan) sent for the Bassa; who, having first cut down and spoiled all the Vines, and Trees in that part, embarqued his Army, and departed, August 17.

While Rhodes was besieged, Achmetes Bassa was sent with a strong Army to enter Italy; who enbarquing at Vallona or Aulona, in Macedonia's borders, passed over that Sea, about 60 miles broad, and landed in fertile Apulia, now Puglia, nigh old and famous Hydruntum, now Otranto; where taking an infinite spoyl, which he conveighed to his Galleys, after 14 daies ranging, and seeing none oppose him, he besieged Otranto, (as it were the Key of that part of Italy;) where making a breach with [Page] Ordnance, he took it being but weakly manned, and weaklier defended, with no great losse; the Archbishop and chief of the City, being slain in the Cathedral, whither they had fled, the rest being sold for slaves in Greece; this brought such a fear on all Italy, that Pope Sixtus 4th was about to forsake Rome. Achmetes, having ransacked, victualled, & strongly fortified the Otranto leaving 8000 in Garison, he returned to Vallona, and so to Constantinople to know Mahomet's pleasure; but purposing next Spring to return against Italy with greater forces: which if he had, it was to be feared (it being then rent by the Princes discord and ambition) it had become a prey to the barbarous Turks. But at the same time, the Caramanian King, aided by the Persian and Sultan of Aegypt, had overthrown Bajazet, Mahomet's eldest Son, slaying most of his Army; Wherefore Mahomet with Achmetes as his chief warriour, passed into Asia; where falling sick at Geivisen in Bythinia, after 3 daies torment of his belly, supposed (by some) the Cholick; yet most thought him to be poysoned. He dyed about 52 years old, reigning 31, in 1481. being buried magnificently at Constantinople, in a [...] nigh a great Temple which he built.

He was but low of stature, square set, and strong limmed, his complexion being Tartar-like, as were most of his Ancestors: his look was sterne, his eyes piercing and hollow, his nose very crooked: he was of a sharp wit, learned, chiefly in Astronomy; and could speak Greek, Latin, Arabick, Chalde, and Persian, delighting much in reading of History, &c. of an exceeding courage and [...]: a severe punisher of injustice, chiefly in those to whom justice was committed, greatly favouring and entertaining men excelling in any faculty: so punishing theft, that a thief was scarcely to be heard of. But he was wholly irreligious, perfidious and ambitious, delighting in blood, (being probably the death of 800000 men); and craft, covetousness and dissimulation, were in him accounted [Page] tolerable faults: In whose love being no assurance, and his least displeasure death; he lived eared of all, and died lamented of none. Alphonsus Duke of Calabriae, taking the opportunity of Zemes, Bajazet's competitor and troubler, besieged Otranto, losing divers great Commanders, and still by the Turks worsted; till being aided out of Spain and Italy, chiefly out of Hungary, from Matthias, he straitly besieged them by Sea and Land, till the besieged (hearing of Mahomet's death and now not expecting Achmetes his return, ready to come to their rescue, yielded it up, departing safely with bag and baggage, having held it a year.

The Life of Bajazet II, second Emperour of the Turks.

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MAhomet being dead, and some great ones seeking to place Bajazet the eldest Son, others labouring to prefer Zemes Gemes, or Zizimus the younger to the Empire, two great factions arose, so that there were soon tumults, hot skirmishes & great slaughter in divers places of Constantinople, the Janizaries slaying Mahometes one of the 4 great Bassaes, for an old grudge, and spoyling all Christians and Jews amongst them of their substance, the City Merchants (natural Turks) not escaping their ravenous hands. The other 3 Bassaes Isaac, Mesithes, and Achmetes, though secretly envying each others greatness; yet to appease trouble, and assure their own, found means by their authority that Corcutus a younger Son of Bajazet 18 years old, was generally saluted Emperour with great triumph: in whose name, the Bassaes disposed of all things little regarding Bajazet or Zemes, one being at Amasia, the other at Iconium; for the Turkish Kings, send their Sons to Govern remote Provinces, where they are also under their Lievtenant Generals command, and may not depart even to visit their Father without expresse leave.

These two hasting towards Constantinople, Bajazet as the nearer, first arrived; but finding the Empire already possessed, he in grief, called Heaven and Earth to witness of the great wrong done him by the Bassaes; and what by tears, &c. what by gifts. &c. chiefly by Cherseogles, Viceroy of Greece his solicitation, and the Captain of the Janizaries his Sons in Law, so prevailed, that Corcutus resigned to his Father the Imperial Government, himself [Page] being made Governour of Lycia, Caria, and Jonia, &c. with a yearly Pension, and promise of the Empire after his decease, where he pleasantly living, and wholly given to Philosophy, was afterwards lesse favoured of the Janizaries and others.

Zemes thus prevented by his elder Brother, raising a puissant Army in the Countries under him, and marching thorow the lesser Asia, taking in strong places by the way; also Prusa in Bythinia, purposing to exclude Bajazet out of Asia in requital: fortune at first seeming to favour him therein, the people yielding him obedience, &c.

Bajazet, perceiving most of his Empire in danger, and doubting Zemes would scarce long be content therewith, passed into Asia with a puissant Army, comming to Neapolis, nigh which Zemes encamped. Bajazet being on his way, Achmetes, the best Turkish Warrior, presented himself on his knees before Bajazet unarmed, his Sword hanging at his Saddle bow, to the admiration of many: The cause was, for that in the Warre between Usun Cassanes and Mahomet, Bajazet not martialling the right wing to Mahomet's liking, he commanded Achmetes to set it in better order: which he performing, and Bajazet taking it as in disgrace, threatned to finde a time of revenge on the Bassa, who being of great Spirit, bid him do his pleasure, and laying his hand on his Sword, vowed, when he came to be Emperour, he would never weare Sword in field: So here being ready to serve, if commanded, otherwise to endure his Princes pleasure. Bajazet stretching out his Scepter, and taking him up, bid him girt on his Sword, and not remember what he had long forgiven and forgotten: making him Generall, to the Janizaries and the rest, their great content, giving great shouts as if victory had attended him: who encamping as near as possible to Zemes, for 10 dayes space, many sharp skirmishes were made with diverse fortune. At [Page] length, after a long fight and great slaughter on both sides Bajazet, by Achmetes his policy, prevailed: Zemes fleeing to Iconium: in which flight many were taken, whom Bajazet, Achmetes changing his mind, for terror of others suffered to be put to the Sword.

Zemes doubting to fall into his Brothers hands, after 3 dayes stay, trussing up his Treasure, &c. fled with his Mother and two young Children, and a small retinue, from Iconium into Syria, part of Caytheius the Aegyptian Sultan's Dominion. Bajazet came thither to have surprized him, but he, fled, he took order for the Government of that part of his Empire, returning with victory to Constantinople.

Zemes comming in 1482. to Jerusalem, stayed there, visiting its ancient Monuments: thence travelling into Aegypt, he was honourably conducted to Caire, by divers of the Nobles sent from the Sultan to meet him, & being welcomed by Caytheus, he declared the cause of his comming: which he said, was to complain unto him of the wrongs done him by Bajazet, whom he might more justly tearm his cruel enemy, than kind Brother: who had not onely taken the Empire by tumult and slaughter, but had persecuted him, &c. never resting, till he had chased him out of the Empire's bounds, moved thereto not so much by the jealous desire of Soveraignty, as by an unnatural cruelty towards all his kindred, and a mortall hatred against him in particular, &c. shewing, that he was not to be blamed for the troubles arising at Constantinople, betwixt the favourites of them both, he being then farre from thence, and was sent for by many of his good friends, but lest his comming thither might have occasioned new troubles, he returned into Bythinia to Prusa, to have rested in quiet, if his Brother would have suffered him, &c. that Bajazet would sway all things alone; and being of a farre other mind, than either Xerxes or Alexander, had rather have his Brother [Page] his enemy, than his friend, and drive him into exile, than to make him partaker of his counsels: beseeching the Sultan by the sacred reliques of Mahomet, &c. to bridle domestical wrong, and lift up the afflicted by his great Authority, or the Sword's revenge, &c. putting him in minde what deadly enemies, Christian Princes were to the Turks: who could not but be thought suddenly to invade their Kingdom, if shaken with civill Warres, seeking the utter destruction of the same: and then Caytheius must stand alone for himself, and the rest of the Mahometans against the Christians, &c. requesting him to deal with Bajazet by Embassadors, that if he would not receive him as a partner of the Empire, yet admit him into some small part of his Father's Kingdom, &c. which if he should refuse to grant, he would as at Jerusalem, so at Mecha, complain unto the great Prophet of the injuries done him, &c. but if all those proved in vain, he would go with fire, Sword, and slaughter, and vex his hateful Brother, with all manner of revenge, &c.

The Sultan comforting the distressed Prince, willed him to bear patiently his present hap, &c. commending him withall, for his courage, promising him to do what in him lay to perswade his Brother: and soon after sent to Bajazet, Zemes the while, travelling by the Sultans leave, to visit Mahomets Temple at Mecha, and his Sepulchre at Medina: upon whose return to Caire, the Embassadors returned also, not obtaining any thing, Bajazet seeming to despise his Brother. Wherefore Zemes determined to warre upon him, reposing some hope in his secret friends, and some discontented Captain's revolt. Then also fitly came Letters from the [...] Caramanian King, living then in Armenia, offering to joyn with Zemes all the power he could make, (hoping thereby to recover all the part of the Kingdom, whence Mahomet drave his Father) who both together were [...] unable by all friends [Page] they could make, to encounter with Bajazet's great power.

Zemes, with gifts from the Sultan and promised aid, met the Caramanian (perswading the contrary), on Asia the lesse its borders, where they concluded joyntly to invade Bajazet; and entring Cilicia, now Caramannia, they encamped between Iconium and Larenda. Bajazet fearing more the revolt of his Souldiers, than his Brothers power, raised an Army of 200000 men, sending Achmetes before with one part; in his march a rumour was in the Camp, that some Captains had conspired to betray him into his Brothers hands, and that many upon joyning battel, would revolt to his Brother: wherefore Bajazet doubting what to do, divided a masse of money amongst the Army, loading them with ample promises, they shewing fidelity and valour: then drawing nigh Iconium, he glozingly shewed a desire to come to some agreement with them, secretly endeavouring to stop all passages, that they might not retire into Syria. Zemes weighing his own weak forces, timely retired to Mount Amanus's straits, dividing Cilicia from Syria: perswading the Caramanian to give place unto the time, &c. So breaking up his Army, he with a few, came to Cilicia's Sea-coast, hiring a tall Ship to save himself upon sudden danger: sending the while, to Damboys, that since he had no safety amongst his own people, he would upon his safe conduct come into Rhodes. The great Master deeming his flight to be much profitable to Christians, presently sent to fetch him; but before the Gallies came, Zemes was forced by the access of his enemies, to go aboard the afore prepared Ship: and putting a little from shoar, he shot an Arrow back with fastened Letters directed to Bajazet, shewing, he fled not to the Christians, for hatred of his Religion or Nation, but as enforced thereto by his injurious dealing; but he surely hoped, that he or his Children should receive the just guerdon of that his tyranny: [Page] which Bajazet reading, it's reported, he altogether mourned, shunning for a season, as half distracted, all speech and company.

Zemes being honourably entertained at Rhodes, alleadged, 3 dayes after, in the Knights publique assembly, for colour of his rebellion, that Bajazet though the elder, was born whilest his Father lived in a private estate; but he was his Fathers first-born, being an Emperour, &c. yet he could have been content to have given him place, so he would have granted him some small portion of the Empire, &c. wherefore he hoped to finde succour in that his distress: protesting, that if ever he should by their meanes obtain the Empire, he would make with them a perpetual peace, and rest their friend for ever: Damboys chearing him, promised to keep him safe from his Brothers fury, and to commend his cause to other Christian Princes. He was now about 28 years old, tall, somewhat corpulent, and well limb'd, gray-eyed, somewhat squinting, hook nosed, rising in the middle, brown, spare of speech, chollerick, a great feeder, delighting in swimming, melancholy, &c. never to be drawn from his superstition, learned, writing the History of his Fathers life.

But Bajazet, things being well quieted, returned to Constantinople, attending some new motion by his Brother to be made; but hearing he was at Rhodes, he sent certain Bassaes to Damboys, to deliver up Zemes, for a wondrous summ of money. Which, when it could not be obtained, they concluded a commodious peace for the Rhodians; also agreeing, that Zemes should be kept in safe custody, Bajazet to pay in consideration, and for his honourable usage, 30000 Duckets yearly to the Master, Aug. 1.

While Achmetes was employed abroad, Bajazet discoursing with the other Bassaes, on his late expedition against his Brother, seemed highly offended with the untrustiness [Page] of some great Captain, seeming somewhat to distrust Achmetes: wherefore Isaac Bassae (whose Daughter Achmetes had put away, as aforesaid) taking hold of the opportunity, increased his suspition: sometimes imagining intelligence to have passed betwixt Zemes and Achmetes: and forthwith amplifying his power with the Janizaries, so that he might thereby do more in Zemes his quarrel, than should stand with Bajazets safety, &c. wherefore Achmetes at his return was to be slain: who comming to Court, was by Bajazet invited to Supper, to solace himself, as was given out with his great Bassaes; Achmetes mistrusting nothing, came, Bajazet drunk Wine plentifully, causing them also to do the like, although utterly forbidden by their Law. Supper now ended, Bajazet as a token of his grace, caused Robes of pleasing colours, to be cast on his guests, giving to every one a fair bowle full of Gold; but on Achmetes was cast a Gown of black Velvet, a token of such indignation, that its death for any man to intreat for such a one: Achmetes, now under the shadow of death, said, (Oh Cachpogli) that is, Thou Sonne of a Whore, since thou intendest such cruelty, why didst thou not execute it, before enforcing me to drink this impure and forbidden Wine? so looking on the ground, sate still. The other Bassaes kissing the ground at his feet, &c. departed, with whom Achmetes offering to go out, was commanded to sit still, &c. The executioners stepping in to have slain him, an Eunuch in Bajazets greatest favour, advised him not to be too hasty in executing so great a Man, but to stay to see how it would be digested, wresting the while out of him what might be got, by torture, &c. who was hereupon stript, and carried to be tortured.

Achmetes his Sonne, missing his Father at the Bassaes comming forth, presently mistrusted and with much adoe learned of the Baslaes, of his Fathers Estate, then also advised of the same by a secret friend: [...], lamenting [Page] and exclaiming against Bajazets cruelty, he calling on the Janizaries for ayd, and minding them of his Fathers deserts towards them, and of his eminent danger, had in the dead of the night, raised them all up in Arms: who running from all parts of the City to the Court Gate, redoubling Bre, Bre, a word expressing their greatest sury, so furiously beat at it, that Bajazet causing the outer Gate to be opened, shewed himself out at an Iron Window, demanding the cause of that uproare: who answered, they would teach him as a Drunken Beast, and a Rascall, to use his place with more sobriety, and discretion, calling him amongst many opprobrious words, Bengi, that is, Batchellour or Scholler, no small disgrace among those Martiall men; then commanding him forthwith to deliver Achmetes, or to take what should ensue. Bajazet terrified with this insolency, commanded him to be delivered to them: who in haste was brought forth almost naked, with marks in his body of hard usage. The Janizaries rejoycing, supplyed his want, with apparell taken from Bajazets minions, carrying him out on their shouldiers, crying out, How he did, &c: undoubtedly ready to have slaine Bajazet if he would, and to rifle the Court; But he laboured to pacifie them, excusing it as done to correct him, he haply neglecting some part of his duty. A heart-burning long remained between Bajazet and the Janizaries; yet for feare, he had Achmetes (in shew) in greater honour than before, but mortally hating him: and by Isaac's perswasion, all being thought to be forgotten, Bajazet had him thrust thorow, sitting at supper in the Court. This was the miserable end of the Turks great Champion: about which time also, Caigulus Zemes his Son (a Child) was by his command strangled.

Bajazet grievously offended with the Janizaries, finding upon inquiry their Officers to be the Authors of those stirs, he under colour of preferment sent them away into divers parts of his Empire, appointing to them as to old [Page] Souldiers, lands, &c: for their maintenance; but secretly sent to the Governours of the places, whither they were sent, to execute them as Traitours, which was done. The Janizaries hearing what was done, began to mutiny, uttering revengfull words against the Emperour: which Bajazet understanding, purposed to kill suddenly all the Janizaries, chiefly those about the Court and City, wherefore he sent for great numbers of the Acanzij, reputed the best sort of Common Souldiers; most of the Bassaes to whom he imparted his device, much disliked it; but Alis and Ishender Bassa of Michael Ogli's Family, disswaded him from it, alleadging their number, courage, experience, &c. And, if he should kill all about Constantinople, yet all his strong holds being holden by other Janizaries, they would take up Armes in their own defence and friends revenge, which were likely to endanger himself and his whole Empire, besides his perpetuall dishonour.

The vigilant Janizaries getting an inckling thereof, more and more suspected the matter, both by the often and secret repaire of great men to Court, and also by the unwonted multitude of those Acanzij brought into the City.

Wherefore banding themselves together, they stood on their guard, and lighting on Alis Beg, comming from Court, opprobriously demanded of him, if he were one who had conspired their destruction, and had he not greatly protested and sworn tò the contrary, they had presently slain him.

Bajazet seeing his purpose discovered, by others counsell; to colour his intention, proclaimed, that the Janizaries and others now assembled at Constantinople, should be ready against a day, to goe with him into Moldavia. But when he should set forward, the Janizaries joyned in order of battell by themselves, nor would they receive the Emperour into the mid'st of their ranks, as formerly, but shaking their weapons at him, told him, He [Page] had sought their destruction, bidding him (if he would) set his Executioners to work upon them, whom he should finde ready and able to defend themselves. Bajazet giving them good words, and using all meanes, by his Bassaes, &c: to pacifie them, swearing by his Fathers holy Soul, he would not harme the meanest of them, with much ado they received Bajazet: who passing Danubius, entered Moldavia, and besieging strong Achilleia (now Kele) a Sea-Town, it was delivered him by composition, thence going to Acgiemen or Asprocastron, it was likewise surrendred after a months siege: so returning to Constantinople.

Bajazet fearing Zemes breaking forth, or his setting up by Christian Princes, offered great summs for his delivery to him: and Charles the French King purposing to invade Greece (after Naple's its Conquest) was wondrous desirous of him; also Matthias of Hungary, sought by all meanes to obtaine him: then also Pope Innocent the 8th, no lesse desirous of so great a pledge, with the large pension, so wrought by his cunning Legate, that the Grand Master delivered Zemes to him at Rome in 1488: wherefore he was honoured with the title of Cardinall. So Zemes remaining at Rome, all Innocent's and Alexander the 6th, their time, receiving for him 20000 Duckats yearly, till Charles passing through Italy against Alphonsus of Naples in 1495, so terrified the Pope, furthering Alphonsu's title, that among other conditions he was glad to give him his gracelesse Son Caesar Borgia in hostage, and to deliver Zemes unto him.

John Castriot, Scanderbeg's Son, aided by the Venetians, while Bajazet was busied against Zemes, overthrowing the Turks nigh Croia recovered much of Epirus: then also Chernovich an Albanian Prince (by the Venetians help) expulsed them out of that part of Albania: So that Bajazet was glad to suffer him to enjoy all he recovered, paying him a small tribute for the rest.

[Page] Bajazet, in revenge of the King of Caramania his aiding Zemes, raising a great Army, and marching along the Asian Countryes in 1486, entred Caramania: whose King (knowing himself too weak) fortified his strong places, and retired into Taurus Straits, where he was in the most safety. Bajazet spoyling the Country most of the Summer, layed siege to the City Tarsus, soon making the Walls saultable by battery: the Citizens now offering to deliver it up reserving their lives, libertyes, and goods, which Bajazet accepted of and performed: not suffering any Souldiers more than needfull to enter: and Winter growing on, he dispersing his Souldiers round about, not suffering them to Till, Sow, &c: they were forced to yield to his devotion. Wherefore the Caramanian King obtaining aide of Caytheius the Aegyptian Sultan, took the field the first of the Spring, though much inferiour to his puissant Enemy. So betwixt them was begun a terrible fight, which was maintained the whole day, with doubtfull Victory and great slaughter, new supplies comming in. The Caramanian seeing his overlaid Souldiers begin to give ground, so furiously brake with his guard and other valiant ones into the mid'st of his Enemyes, that being forthwith environed, &c: his horse slaine, and fighting on foot, fell downe dead, having slaine divers Turks with his own hand: whose Souldiers now discouraged, fled, and were most slaine or taken: after which Bajazet over-running all, soon subdued the large Country of Cilicia. Then was there an auntient Mahometan Prince commanding most of Trachea in Cilicia with the famous City Scandeloro: who had long lived as a Neuter betwixt the Christian and Caramanian Kings; against which poore Prince (onely left in Asia the lesse) Bajazet turning his forces: he weighing his small power; offered to deliver up Scandeloro with all his territory, so Bajazet would give him other possessions for it in lesser [Page] Asia: which he accepting, became Lord of all the SeaCoast, from Bosphorus to Syria's confines.

After this, he descending into the lesser Armenia, subjected all thereof, as of Cappadocia, belonging to the Caramanian Kings: so leaving Mustapha Bassa at Iconium with his Asian Army to keep under his new Conquests, himself triumphantly returned to Constantinople where he was joyfully received.

After which, Bajazet swelling in disdaine against the Aegyptian and Syrian Sultan, who had aided Zemes, and then the Caramanian, appointed in 1487, Caragoses Bassa with Ishender, to invade Syria with a strong Army, who being come to the utmost parts of Cilicia, Aladenles (King of the rude & fierce people, dwelling along mount Taurus) being in league with the Sultan, lay in Ambush in the straites whereby the Turks must needs passe. Ishender marching in the Avant with many Acanzij, before he was aware, was so fiercely charged, that losing most of his men, the rest fleeing, he with his two Sons were taken: Michael the eldest being bound, was slaine by one whose Brother he had there slaine: whose head, Aladenles sending to Ishender to grieve him the more, he bid the Messenger not shew it him, but to bid his Master eat it if he would: wherewith Aladenles exceedingly moved, yet pitying the old man, set the younger soon at Liberty, sending Ishender Prisoner to Carie, where he remained 5 years; Caragoses discouraged, retired into Cilicia, and was commanded by Bajazet to Constantinople, as unfit for such an enterprize.

Next Spring 1488, Bajazet sent Achmetes Bassa with a far greater Army against the Sultan: who being come to the farthest of Cilicia, was at Tzugar Ova overthrown by the Aegyptians and Arabians: himself fighting valiantly lost two fingers, and was sent Prisoner to Caire.

Bajazet rather incensed herewith, made the greatest preparation in 1489 by Sea and Land against the Sultan: [Page] sending Alis Bassa, or Calibeus with Cherseogles his Son in Law, with a great Army by land, requesting of the Venetians (in league with him) to refresh his Fleet upon occasion, in Cyprus: which the Senate denying, yet sent their Admirall with 30 Galleys for defence of Cyprus: who considering how secret and sudden the Turks designes were, he sent sundry Companyes out of Creete into Cyprus for its better defence; but understanding all their Fleet to be met, and set forward, he hois'd saile for Cyprus: the Turkish Fleet keeping on their course, met the landArmy neere Mount Taurus. Caytheius having sent Usbeg with a strong Army of Mamalukes and others to be in readinesse. He (though far inferiour to his Enemyes) expected not their comming into Syria, but met them not far from Tarsus of Cilicia: who so soon as come together, cheerfully joyned battell: which terrible fight was maintained all day with doubtfull Victory and exceeding slaughter: The Generalls with fresh supplyes relieving their distressed. Night approaching, both Armyes (chiefly the Turks) wearied and weakened, retired to their Camps. But the Aegyptians finding all their Carriages, Victualls, &c: gone which, (some say) the robberous borderers had done to please the Turks: others, that those in charge terrified with the Turks number, and battell's doubtfullnesse, fled along the Sea-side, and were spoiled by the Turks out of the Galleys, were foretroubled, fearing great extremities. Wherefore early in the morning they braved their Enemyes: which the Turks disdayning, set foreward with displayed Ensignes: there beginning such a desperately resolved fight, that one might have said, the former was but a play in comparison; none being seen to give ground, or look back: the Janizaryes and Mamalukes Foot to Foot, spending their utmost force upon each other; Usbeg the while freshly charged the Turks with 15000 valiant Horse as a reserve, so that they began to give ground: which being made good [Page] againe by others brought on by the Bassaes, till the Sun's going downe, the battell was fiercer than before; then retiring to their Camps, not knowing yet who had the better.

The Bassaes finding scarce a third part of 100000 men, left, and most of them hurt, doubting to be set upon againe, fled away the same Night, leaving all behind them. The Aegyptians also losing halfe of 70000, and wanting provision, were retired into Mount Taurus, not knowing of the Turks flight: Some passing into Syria, reported, the Sultans Army was overthrown; so uncertaine was the event of that battell. But Aladeuses certifying them of their flight, and the espialls confirming the same, Usbeg presently comming downe, entred the Turks Camp, finding plenty of all necessaryes for refreshment.

Aladeuses with his Varsacides, robbed and slew many Turks in their returne, so stopping the passages, that the Mamalukes overtaking them, few remained alive to carry news home; Calibeus and Cherseogles being both taken and presented to Caytheius, with 18 Sanzacks Ensignes. Bajazets Navy also riding at Orontes mouth, was by tempest put from Anchor, and swallowed up of the Sea, or beaten in pieces upon the maine. Wherefore, with much adoe he concluded a Peace with the Sultan, restoring all places taken from him: the Sultan delivering him Calibeius, Cherseogles, Achmetes, and Ishander, with a number of other Prisoners.

Shortly after Calibeius died, having worthily governed Aegypt with all Africk, unto Cirene Westward, and unto Euphrates Eastward: who through Dultibe his Wife's importunity, had joyned his Son Mahomethes in the fellowship of the Kingdome, the better to enjoy it after his death: contrary to the Mamaluk's custome, who grudging to be defrauded of their wonted choice, slew Mahomethes, and soon after four more, who aspired the Kingdome, [Page] setting up a Sultan of their own choyce.

About the time of the Peace concluded, Charls the French King greatly preparing against Alphonsus King of Naples gave out, that after its recovery, he would invade Greece: induced hereto chiefly by Sfortia Duke of Millane his solicitation, whereby Italy was sore shaken, and Sfartia himself at last dyed a Prisoner in France.

Alphonsus doubting the French Kings greatnesse, entred a confederacy with some States of Italy, chiefly with Pope Alexander the 6th: giving his base Daughter in Marriage to Godfry Borgia the Bishops Son, making him Prince of Carinula, entertayning his other Son Francis in great pay, in his Wars.

And by Camillus, his Embassadour, acquainted Bajazet what the French King purposed against them both, requesting him to aide him with 1 2000 Horse and Foot: Alexander also, sending George Buc ciarde to Bajazet, to declare, with what power (after the French King had dispatched his Wars in Italy) he intended to passe into Greece: Wherefore he had been earnest with him for Zemes; yet he distrusting the French, and carefull for the State of Italy, had entred a league with Alphonsus, wanting nothing more than money: by which Bajazet (he said) might provide for the safety of Greece; Rome and Naples being the surest Walls of that side the Othoman Empire, &c. Bajazet knowing this to be true, thanked the Bishop for his timely admonition, &c: willing Bucciarde to returne to his Master with one Dautius his Ambassadour, who should carry money and other secret resolves, writing a Greek Epistle, cunningly to perswade the Bishop to Poyson Zemes: promising him for this, 200000 Duckats, and never to take up Armes against the Christians.

[Page]But George and Dautius being about to land at Ancona, were boarded by John Rovereus, pretending a great sum due to him for his service done in Pope Innocent's time, & quit of their Treasure, and whatever else aboard, which, the Bishop much troubled, could never recover, though seeking recompence from the Venetians, who were to save the Turks harmless in those Seas, for Rovereus bearing upon the French, set at naught the Bishops curses and threats. Dautius being set on shoare, went to Ancona, and thence to Gonzaga, Duke of Mantua, and was by him, for auncient-friendship with Bajazet, courteously entertained, and furnished with money and Apparel, so returning into Greece.

Bajazet forthwith sent Mustapha Bassa, to Pope Alexander with like instructions, who comming safely to Rome, among many things in charge, the life of Zemes, was, that he most sought for of the Bishop. Charls the French King then in 1495, passing thorow Italy, against Alphonsus, and so thorow Rome, so terrified Alexander the Bishop, that he yielded to all conditions he demanded (not purposing the performance of any) giving him Casar Borgia his Sonne in hostage, then a Cardinal, covering the disgrace with his Sonnes Title of Legate, and was forced to deliver him Zemes: who to the Bishop's profit, had remained seven yeares there in custody, who three dayes after, died at Caieta, thought to be poysoned before, by a wondrous white and pleasant powder, cunningly mingled with the Sugar which Zemes drank with water, whose dead body sent to Bajazet, was by his appointment honourably interred at Prusa: Borgia also deceiving his Keepers at Velitras, returned to Rome before Charls came to Naples: which wicked imp, shortly after, envying Candianus his Brother, General of the Bishops forces, then great, having supped together with their Mother, caused him to be murthered going home, and his body to be cast into Tiber. Then casting off his [Page] [...] Robes, took on him the leading of his Fathers Army. And with exceeding prodigality, exhausting his Fathers Coffers, and the Church Treasures, bound to him desperate Ruffians and Souldiers, chiefly Spaniards, his Fathers Countreymen: which proceedings, his Father winked at, fearing, it was thought, to be murdered of him, himself. He now became a terror to the Roman Nobility and Signiories thereabouts, by his Fathers help, desiring to make him great; drave the Family of the Columnii out of the City, then out of Italy: and poysoning or killing the honourable of the Ursine and Caetane Families, took their possessions: strangling at once 4 Nobles of the Camertes, and driving Guide Feltrius out of Urbin, taking Pisaurum from John Sfortia, hardly escaped his hands: and driving the Malatestaes out of Ariminum, thrusting the Lady Catherine Sfortia out of Forum Liuli, and Cornelii, shamefully leading her in triumph thorow Rome. And shedding blood without measure, he took Faventia from young Astor Manfredus, whom having abused against Nature, he caused to be strangled, and east into Tiber: But he being with his Father at a solemn Supper in the Vaticane, prepared to destroy some Cardinalls, and other chief Citizens, they were both poysoned by a waiter's mistaking the Flagon of poysoned Wine, prepared for the guests, the Bishop dying few dayes after; but his Sonne, the same being more allayed with water, died not a long time after, yet was so sick, that he was soon forsaken of his followers; seeing two of his enemies, Pius the 3d, and Julius the 2d, sitting in his Fathers place, Pius enjoying it but 16 dayes: whom Julius succeeding, caused Casar Borgia to be shut up in a Castle, whence he freed him upon delivery of some strong Holds held by his Garrisons, who fleeing to Ostia, and so by Sea to Naples, he was for fear of raising new stirs in Italy, apprehended by Ferdinand, King of Spain's Command, and imprisoned in Spain in Medina Castle: where, after three [Page] years, he escaping by a rope, from a high Tower, fled to the King of Navarre, in whose Warres he was in a hot skirmish, though he got the Victory, slain with a small shot, whose body found stript, and brought to the King on a bad Beast, was honourably buried at Pampilona.

But the French King having lost Zemes by death, and Borgia by escape, journied toward Naples, all places yielding to him as he went, without much resistance. Alphonsus destitute of requested aid, and most of the Nobility hating him, for too severely punishing the late rebellious, the Princes of Sarne and Salerne being chief: and the people murmuring at their heavy exactions for these Warres maintenance, with teares in sight of the Neopolitans, resigned his Kingdom to his Sonne Ferdinand, scarce reigning a year after his Fathers death, passing over to Mazerea in Sicilia: Ferdiuand was, to the wondrous content of the Neapolitans, with joy, &c. saluted King, returning presently to his Army: by which time the French King was with his forces entred far into Naples, and having taken divers Cities by assault, struck the Neopolitans with a general terror. Ferdinand had taken the Straits of St. Germanes Forrest, to hinder Charls his further passage; but suddenly hearing that Columna had broken by the Appenines, into Campania, he doubting to be shut up betwixt two Armies, retired to Capua, where through the River Vulturnus deepness, he purposed to stop the French; but newes being brought, that the Citizens of Naples were all up in Arms, doubting which way to turn; he, troubled, leaving his Army and Capua in charge to his Captains, rode back post to Naples: by whole arrivall, every man laying down his Arms, generally welcommed him: who earnestly requesting them not to betray him their natural King unto his cruel enemies, &c. they all answered, they would spend themselves in his quarrel, while keeping his Army whole, and defending Capua; but if the Arragonians should be overthrown, [Page] or abandon that City, and the French King approach Naples, he should against reason and equity exact his Subjects fidelity. So exposing City and Country thereabouts to be spoiled, &c. Charls the while, being come to Capua, the Citizens, though ever affected to the Arragon Kings, yet (the French King beating down all before him) they consulted of yielding up the City: and the rather, through the revolt of Trivultius and his followers, which caused Verginius & Petilianus to flee to Nola with their Companies. The French hereupon entring the Suburbs, Gothfredus & Gaspar, two valiant Germanes, sallied forth with their Companies; and having valiantly repulsed the French, in their return were shut out of the Gate, and in danger of the enemy: who on their knees, entreating the cowardly Citizens on the Walls, not so to berray their friends, &c. at length were received ten by ten, in at one Gate, and put out at another, farthest from the enemy; who going towards Naples, met with the King at Aversa, declaring what had hapned at Capua, who notwithstanding, came to its very Gates, calling on divers chief ones to be let in; but none answering him, and a French Ensign being on the Wall, he returned to Naples where he found the Gates shut against him, and all the Citizens in Arms, not willing to receive any but the King himself; for it was famed, that all his chief Captains were gone to the enemy, or fled, the Army broken up, and Capua yielded: wherefore they began to contemn Ferdinand, who fetching a compasse, came to the Castle, whereinto he was received; but foreseeing, he should there be besieged by Sea and Land, he commending it to valiant Davalus his keeping, departed with 20 Gallies, to the Island Aenuria, not farre off; But Justus, the Captain of the Castle, traiterously shut the Gates against him: wherewith the Prince wondrously perplexed, with intreaty and remembrance of his Fathers, and his own benefits bestowed on him, he prevailed with Justus so, as to [Page] come in but himself alone: So opening a Port, Ferdinand suddenly at his entrance stab'd him to the heart, in the midst of his Souldiers: the Warders dismayed with his look, at his Command let in all his followers: the day after whose departure from Naple's Castle, Charls was received with such triumph by the Neopolitans, as if restored to perfect liberty: and soon after that Castle, with all strong holds thereabouts, were yielded to the French: all the Princes and people submitting unto Charls his power. All being lost, Ferdinand, from Aeuaria, departed to Sicilie: the House of Arragon losing that Kingdom in lesse than 5 moneths; about 63 years after it was taken from the French by Alphonsus the Elder. When the Turks saw the French Ensigns displayed on the Walls, all along Calabria and Salern's Coast, many of them, along Epirus and Macedonia's Coast forsook their charge for fear of the Christians in Greece beginning to lift up their heads, chiefly the wild Acrocerauni in Epirus borders, who taking Arms, refused Turkish Tribute.

Both Christian Princes and the Turk, doubted whither Charls his greatness would grow: many thinking he affected the Roman Empire, and Monarchy of Italy. Pope Alexander, and Maximilian then Emperour, being troubled: Bajazet also fearing the turning of his forces into Epirus or Greece; and Ferdinand of Spain no lesse car ful for Sicilie; Sfortia also, shortly after, Duke of Millane, the occasion of his comming and great aider, began to doubt of the King, who little reckoned of his promise, so he might enlarge his Dominions: and the Venetians, who had stood as Newters, doubted to lose some part of their own Territory, before hoping to share something for themselves, by the Arragonians and French, weakening each other.

[Page]Wherefore the said Christian Princes, concluded a strong League among themselves, that if any one should warre on any Prince, to do it on their own charge; but if invaded by others, every one, of their own charge, to send four thousand Horse, and ten thousand Foot, to aid their Confederate: the league being for twenty years; and if it pleased Bajazet, as other Princes, especially, who for fear had offered ayd to the Venetians by Sea and Land, against the French: whose King the League troubled more, although pretended for their own safety onely; wherefore placing Garrisons in all strong holds of Naples, and Mompenser his Viceroy, he returned with the rest, purposing by the way to terrifie the Bishop, if possible, from the League, and then to deal with Sfortia as he might; but being come to Rome, Alexander was fled to Perusium. Charls stayed 3 dayes violating none, but those of the Arragonian faction. Thence marching to Pisa, and passing the Alps, he was set upon by Gonsaga Duke of Mantua, General of the Venetians and Sfortia, to stop his passage, who being in great danger, lost his Tents, with all his rich spoil; yet repulsing his enemies with great slaughter, got safely home: this was at the River Taurus, about which time, Ferdinand returning to Naples, was joyfully received by the Citizens, and by help chiefly of Gonsalvus, sent by Ferdinand of Spain, recovered the Kingdom within a year; and dying without issue, left it unto his Uncle Fredericus; the chief Government of this one Kingdom, being six times changed in lesse than threee years: Fredericus being as unfortunate as the rest, and Charls the French King soon after suddenly dying, as he came from Tennise, but twenty seven years old, leaving France with Naples its Title to Lewis, who with great trouble, conquered it, and with greater grief lost it.

But Bajazet now delivered of feares, by Bali-beg Sanzack of Silistra, invading Podolia and Russia, part of [Page] the Polonians Kingdom, did great harm, carrying away many Prisoners, but comming the second time in like manner, Winters extream cold being come on, they were, in return, denyed passage and Victuals, by Stephen Prince of Moldavia; so that going all along the SeaCoast, many straglers were cut off by the Moldavians, the rest perishing by cold, want, and waye's fowlness, so that very few came home: 40000 being reported to be lost. He sending also Cadumes into Illyria, spoyling it, with a part of Croatia, 9000 Croatians and Hungarians under Francopaine, encountring them, were worsted, above 7000 being slain and drowned in the River Morava, the rest fleeing thorow Woods and Mountains: the overthrow was imputed to the General, who would fight in field, though entreated by Torquatus to keep the Straits for advantage. Torquatus lost all his Horsemen, whose Horse being killed, he fought on Foot till he was slain. The Bassa sent all the Noses of the Christians, put on strings, as a present to Bajazet.

Lewis the 12th of France, writing himself Duke of Millan, as discended of John Galeatius, resolving to warre upon Sfortia, and seeking above all others, to draw the Venetians into a fellowship, made a firm League with them, promising them for their ayd, the City Cremona, with all about Abdua, which was afterwards performed. Sfortia farre too weak, tryed to set Maximilian with the States of Germany, upon the French King: which not sorting, he offered to hold his Dukedom of the King for a yearly Tribute: all meanes being in vain proved, he certified Bajazet of the confederation, & that their intent was, he being oppressed, and some other Italian States, to invade his Dominions, &c. The Duke hoping to busie the Venetians by bringing the Turk upon them: the Florence Embassadors also pricking the Turk forward, for malice against the Venetians, who protected the Pisans against their oppression. Bajazet calling to minde the former [Page] injuries of the Venetians, in aiding John Castriot and Chernovich, and denying his Fleet to put into Cyprus, promised, as glad of an opportunity, to do what they requested: wherefore in 1499, greatly preparing by Sea and Land, he caused Scander-Bassa with 12000 Horse, too break into Friuli, on Italies frontiers: who passing great Rivers, and entring, burned and destroyed as farre as Liquentia, carrying away all the people; but being come to late (for the French and Venetians had before, unresisted, driven out Sfortia) he at Tiliaventum, put 4000 prisoners to the Sword, and so returned laden with spoil.

Bajazet setting forth a greater Fleet than any of his Predecessors, marched himself with a great Army, along the Sea-coast of Morea; so that what they could, they kept in sight of each other: the Venetians also setting sorth a Fleet under Grimani their Admiral, for strength, skill, &c. superiour, though in number inferiour: whom the Turks braving, yet durst not (at first) joyn battel, but crept along the Coast: the Venetians troubling them, never departed from them, accounting it good service, if they could but keep them from landing in any place of their Territory. The longer they thus sailed, the more was the State of Venice offended with their Admiral, delaying to fight, suffering them to draw nearer and nearer to their Territory: while all expected some great exployt to be done, news came, that the Turks Fleet had put into Sapientia Haven, in Sphraga Island, to water, and were there embayed by the Venetians: most were joyful, as of an assured Victory; but others said, the place was such, that the enemy might depart at pleasure; yet they all thought, the Admiral would set upon them in their comming out: which he attending to do, it hapned that Lauredanus and Armenius comming from Corcira to the battel, first began the fight, and with two nimble Ships boarded a tall Turkish Ship, like a Castle, whereof one Baruch, a Smyrna Pyrate was Captain, who perceiving, [Page] after long fight, he must either yield or be taken, fired his ship, whereby the Venetians, grapled to her, were all 3 burnt, some leaping over board were taken up, and some perished. Some few other ships assailed the Turks, putting them in fear; but most of the Venetian Galleys looking on a far off, the other doing what they could, retired to them; But it plainly appeared, the Venetian Admiral let slip a notable victory. After this, the Turks holding on their course, the Venetians followed them, and faintly setting on them at the gulf of Patrus, suffered them to recover it: many lying aloof, afraid to fight, so that Dauthes the Turks Admiral purposing to run ashore, and flee to the Land Army if overcharged, now recovered the desired gulf, though with losse of some Gallies. Bajazet being come to Lepanto within that gulf, by the coming of his Fleet, hardly besieged it by Sea and Land: which they of the City seeing, yielded it to Bajazet on composition.

[...] returning to Venice, was cast into prison, and though never man in Venice was more impugned with spight, or defended by friends; yet he was banished into one of the Absytides Islands on Liburnia's coast; Bajazet returning with victory to Constantinople.

Next year 1500, Bajazet putting a stronger and greater Fleet to Sea, himself with an Army of 150000 entred into Peloponesus, encamping before Modon, then under the Venetians, where his Foot met him; who making 3 great breaches in the walls, he so terribly assaulted it twice, that the foremost was trodden to death by them which followed; yet he was glad to retire from the walls, having filled the ditches with slain Turks. Trivisamus the Venetian Admiral, lying at Zante (far too weak for the enemy) at first sent two Gallies full of men and munition in relief of the besieged, and doubting their farther wants, sent 3 resolute Captains with 3 great Gallies with necessaries; who with a full wind, &c. breaking [Page] thorow the Turks Fleet, ran a ground under Modon's walls, the besieged having so barred the haven, that they could not get in; who running by heaps towards the Sea, to receive their new-come aid, divers places of the City were left without Defendants: which the Janizaries perceiving, entred with little or no resistance; who making way for the rest, they slew all in their way, with all those newly landed out of the Galleys: also the two Governours, with Falco the Bishop in his Pontificalibus: none escaping but those reserved for slavery, or beauty to the victor's lost, 1000 of whom, being bound together in ropes were slain in sight of Bajazet's Pavilion; Corone, and Pylus (now Navarrinum) terrified herewith, yielded to Bajazet on Composition; Crisseum also, now Caput St: Galli, was taken by Cherseogles; Nauplium was besieged by Haly Bafsa, but defended by the Venetians. Bajazet fortifying, new peopling, and garrisoning Modon, returned to Constantinople.

Trivisanus dying in 1501 of grief (as some supposed) the Senate sent Pisaurius in his place; who following the enemy (then departing from Nauplium even to Hellespontus Straits) took above 20 of their ships and Galleys, that stragled or tarried behind, taking Aegina Island in his return, and landing in divers places, left the Turks a woful remembrance of his being there; then meeting with Gonsalvus the great (sent by Ferdinand of Spain to aid him) at Zante, he invaded Cephalania, in vain attempted the year before by Trivisanus; the Turks in defence of the City fighting it out to the last man, and at length, was taken by Gonsalvus his good conduct, the whole Island forth with yielding to the Venetians.

Pisaurius repairing the City, and strongly garrisoning the Isle departed to Corcyra, where being advertized, that the Turks were rigging a great Fleet against Spring, some lying in Ambracia Bay, some at Eante, the rest in Hellespontus Straits, he to avert the Turks from perceiving [Page] his secret purpose, sent most of his Fleet to Neritos Isle, to put the Inhabitants in fear, and himself coming to the Bay of Ambracia (whose entrance is but half a mile over) but by and by opening with a great widnesse, the Turks thinking him to have been at Neritos, burnt a great Turkish Galley, carrying away 11 more laded with munition, and victual, the Turks vainly endeavouring to have sunk him from shore in going forth; who returned to Corcyra, with his prey, and ere long he recovered Pylos Castle in Morea; But Camalia a Turkish Pirate, putting in there by chance, took 3 Galleys left there for defence, the fainthearted Captain, yielding him the Castle on composition, which being twice in one year yielded to the Turks, the Captains were both beheaded. Pisaurius attempted to burn the Turks Galleys in the River Eante; but they by the losse at Ambracia, did now more warily look to them: so that 200 resolute Souldiers, being sent in small vessels up the River, they being by the way encountred by the Turks, were forced to return, and the wind rising with such a stiffe and contrary gale at the Rivers mouth, they were driven a shore on each side, falling into the hands of their mercilesse enemies.

Bajazet (then about) took also Dyrrachium (now Durazo) from the Uenetians (before ruinous and almost quite abandoned) the Turks having got all the Countrey about it, who sore pressed with these long wars, had oft craved aid, and now Lewis of France, sent the Lord Ravesten with 10 Ships and 15 Galleys, to aid the Venetians; who coming to Melos, Pisaurius soon arrived there also: and mutually departing to invade Lesbos, landed, and besieged Mytilene, soon making a fair breach in the wall; Pisaurius the while, sayling with part of his Fleet to Tenedos, the French, some write, reporting, that some Turkish Galleys were coming thither out of Hellespont, to withdraw Pisaurius, that they (in his absence) might carry away the honour, and spoil of the Town. Others blame Pisaurius as [Page] departing through envy of the French their honour, which is hard to be believed. The French furiously assaulting the breach (though the Venetian Vice-Admiral earnestly requested its deferring, and to expect Pisaurius his return) were valiantly repulsed by the Turks, and (though many fell on both sides) they were forced to retire; whereupon the French Admiral purposing to depart, the Uenetian Admiral returning, perswaded him to stay: the battery beginning with a greater fury than before; and as they were consulting of a fresh assault, news came, that the Turks were coming for relief; who being but few, were partly taken and cast over board, few getting to Land, saved themselves in Woods, &c. The Venetians now couragiously assailed the breach, and having twice gained the top of the Rampiers were yet beaten down: the French looking on many valiant ones, being there slain and hurt. A Pinnace then coming with news, that the Master of the Rhodes was coming with his Galleys to the siege, the Admirals determined to maintain it till then. But Ravesten next day (changing his purpose) departed to Chios, thence towards Italy, and by a terrible tempest, the AdmiralGalley with two others and 800 Souldiers were lost, the Admiral himself (with 40 others) being (by a chance) saved, who recovered Tarentum with his weather-beaten Fleet. Pisaurius forsaken, and the Master of the Rhodes not coming, departed to Chios, thence to Paros, where finding the Master of the Rhodes, he imputed the not winning of Mytilene, to the French-inconstancy; who also, where they came, blamed him as much or more: who, in 1502, comming to Melos found one Richius a Turkish arch-Pirate; who, being driven a shore, was taken by the Islanders: whom (for his exceeding cruelty towards some Christians) Pisaurius tyed to a spit, and had him roasted to death with a small fire, so wintering at Corcyra. And next Spring, with some Galleys sent him by Pope Alexander, sailed to Neritos, now St. Maura, parted from the [Page] firm Land, (with a little fret of the Sea) by the Corinthians, who suddenly surprizing it, cast up two great Trenches: so that 3000 Turks horse coming at low water over the strait, were with losse repulsed; whereupon, the City and Island was yielded to Pisanrius.

The Venetians weary of the war, sent Manesius to Bajazet for Peace: who stood on such rearms, that nought was concluded; yet he got Ba jazet to send with him an Embassadour to Venice, to propound his own conditions; who having audience twice, his unreasonable conditions were by the Senate rejected and himself dismissed.

Next year 1503, they sent an Embassadour to Ba jazet, who (through his subjects complaints of harms received from the Venetians, and want of trade, fearing also troubles in Asia) hearkened more willingly to peace than before: Phriscus returning honourably rewarded by Bajazet, and with far more reasonable conditions, the Venetians sent Gritti, well known to Ba jazet for his former traffique, and whose life was spared at the winning of Modon at Cherseogles intercession, who concluded a peace: That the Venetians should deliver up Neritos and Leucadia, reserving the Isle Cephalenia only: and that Ba jazet should restore all Merchants goods taken in the wars, and they safely to traffique in the Euxine Sea, having their Consul at Constantinople as formerly: also their Territory to be separated from the Turks, by certain bounds. This firm peace was in 1503 after 5 years wars: in which year, Ba jazet with a great and puissant Army, (met at Sophia) purposed as was thought to invade Hungaria, but doubting the successe, he leaving Achmetes with his Asians, went with the rest to reduce the rebellious of Albania, sending a Fleet to stop the Sea passages; but the people fleeing into the rockie Mountains, did the Turks much harm; who yet, mounting those difficult places, slew an exceeding number of them, carrying away all women and children, and desolating the Countrey with fire, [Page] and sword; thence returning to Manastirum, Ba jazet (on the way) met with a Dervislar or beggarly Turkish Monk (apparrelled but with two sheeps-skins, and a great ring in each ear) who approaching him (as for an alms) assailed him with a short Scimiter under his habit; but Bajazet's horse starting at the hobgoblins approach, he partly avoided the blow (yet somewhat wounded) who being about to double his stroke, Ishender striking him down with his Mace, he was rent in pieces by the Souldiers; wherefore, all of that order were banished his Empire.

After these troubles, Bajazet quietly spent most of his time in Philosophies study, and conference with the learned (to which he was naturally most inclined, though his state and men of warrs desire, drew him oft involuntarily into the field) the Civil government being referred to his three chief Bassaes. After 5 years thus spent, of a neglected spark arose a great fire in Asia, kindled by 2 Persians, Chasen Cheliffe, and Schach Culi his boy; who fleeing thither under a shew of holinesse, raised such diversity of opinions, about Mahomet's true successour, and afterwards such rebellion, as that the one yet remains, the other was (with great blood-shed) in a good while, not appeased. The ground of which troubles, and the mortal wars between Hysmael, Sophie of Persia, and Selimus 1, was from one Haidar or Harduelles, honourably descended among the Persians, who (Usan Cassanes there reigning) contemning honour, riches, pleasure, &c. led such a strict life, that the vulgar wondring at that in him, which they neither could or would imitate, began to have him in singular admiration: Multitudes resorting to Tauris out of Persia and Armenia, to see this accounted new Prophet; who (reviving the opinion of Giuni) inveighed against the opinion concerning Mahomet's true successours, perswading the people (as if inspired) that no Mahometan should inherit Heaven after death; but the followers of Haly, Mahomets true successours and fellow in writing [Page] to whose mind he was privie, whose writings were authentical, therefore only to be honoured: rejecting [...], Omer and Osman with their writings, as accursed, whom the Turks do honour as his true successours and interpreters; as also Haly, whom the Persians only acknowledge, praying for him, and cursing the other in their prayers: which difference, is a chief cause of their mortal wars, and not the divers interpretation of their Law.

Usun Cassanes, either moved with Haiders vertues, or to win the hearts of the multitude, gave him Martha begotten of Despina, Calo-Joannes of Trapezond his Daughter; who was freely to exetcise Christian Religion as the Emperour covenanted with Usun, whereby Martha was a Christian also: who soon bare Haider a Son called Hysmael, whom she so trained up in her Principles, that he obtaining the Kingdom of Persia never found fault with the Christians Religion.

Haider, graced with this marriage, grew into greater estimation than before: so that his doctrine and followers increasing, Jacup succeeding his dead father Usun, distrusted left the Persians (secretly favouring their ancient Kings posterity) should raise some dangerous rebellion before he was well settled. Wherefore, he caused Haider his brother in Law to be secretly murdered, with fire and sword persecuted the professours of that new doctrine. Hysmael (then a child) escaping his Uncles fury, fled to Pyrchales his Fathers friend, ruling in a small Territory of Hyrcania.

Amongst others that fled, Chasan Shelif, and Schach Culi, (afterwards surnamed Cuselbas) came into the lesser Armenia, dwelling at the Mountain Antitaurus: at whose foot the broken rocks have obscure Caves, made by art and nature: which place being called Tekeili, divers historians have called Schach Culi, Techellis. The place being very wholesome, and pleasant for variety of Springs [Page] and fruits, wherewith the Plains are alway watered, and the Mountains garnished.

Here they contemplatively and austerely lived for divers years with such things as the earth of it self afforded, whom afterwards, the Shepherds on the Mountains, and Countrey people wondring at their devoutness, relieved with necessaries: Bajazet sending them 6 or 7000 Aspers as his alms. But when they told fortunes, prognosticating things to come, the people firmly thought them divine Prophets: and being first drawn into villages, were afterwards (as if against their wills) into Cities, filling the Country far and near with their fame; but publishing their doctrine about Mahomet's true successour, they wanted not followers, perswaded by them, they should be condemned for ever, if they did not only reverence, but call on Hali, next to the great Prophet himself: and commanded their Disciples to wear a red band or riband on their Hats, whereby to be known from others: whence they were, and yet are (over all the East) called Cuselba's, that is, Red. heads.

Hysmael also, embracing his Fathers superstition, being grown a man, and eloquent, comely, wise and couragious, was (of the rude vulgar) accounted of, more like a god than a man: Also Noblemen, &c. allured with his new doctrine, ceased not to commend him in the highest degree; who (as yet but a youth) seemed to make no reckoning of riches, honour, fame, or authority: some also swearing, that Haider (calculating his Nativity) said, He should prove a great Prophet, and the Author of true Religion; who subduing most of the East, should be as glorious as was Mahomet himself: which report occasioned the vulgar to talk of wonders. Hysmael, was afterwards surnamed Sophos, that is, a wise man, or the god's Interpreter. Jacup being (with his Son) poysoned by his adulterous wife, whom he forcing to drink of the same [Page] cup, and striking off her head, presently died with his Son; after which, troubles arose; divers great ones aspiring the Kingdom in order, not long enjoying it: Elvan-Beg being then mightily impugned by his brother Moratchamus.

Hysmael taking this opportunity, arming divers of his most able men, with some small aid from Pyrchales, entred Armenia; and more by fame and good will, than force, recovered his Fathers inheritance, growing stronger, & stronger by the continual repairing of such, who having received Haiders doctrine, had long (for fear) dissembled the same, and besieging the City Sumachia in Media's confines; he took and sacked it, enriching and Arming his Souldiery: after which, he thought how to compasse the great City Tauris, the Persian King's Seat, and then the Kingdom; wherefore, coming thither with his Army, before any such thing was feared, Elvan was there, who had lately vanquished Moratchamus; after which, he had severely executed divers chief Citizens of Tauris, who had taken his brother's part, whereby the Citizens were so alienated from him, that upon Hysmael's approach, they were ready to forsake him: whereof Hysmael was before informed. Elvan, as dismayed, fleeing out of the City, the gates were set open to Hysmael; for the Citizens (before suffering great calamities by the brothers contention) saw now an open way to preferment, by receiving Hysmael's reformed Religion; who entring the City, slew some of the King's Guard, raising Jacup's stately Tomb, and in revenge of his Father's death, had his bones digged up and scattered abroad, razing also his memoriall out of all the City.

Hysmael (knowing that while Elvan lived, his conquest was not assured) augmented his Army to the utmost, furnishing them with Arms out of the King's Armory: aand had news that the Persian King was coming [Page] from Scyras with a great Army against him, and that Moratchamus (forgetting former quarrels) had raised an Army about Babylon, to joyn with him; who, nothing terrified, resolved to go against them, and letting forward, encouraged his Souldiers resolutely to follow him (a leader given them of God) to an assured victory: So coming with incredible celerity, to Mount Niphates (parting Armenia from Assyria, Elvan purposing shortly to passe over it, had sent his Scouts to discover the Straits, and Pioniers to make the waies more commodious; wherefore, Hysmael advancing his Ensigns up the Mountains, and discomfiting those who kept the passages, came furiously down, assailing the King in his Camp at the Mountains foot, whereby such a hurly-burly was raised in the Camp, that the King could scarce give order what to have done &c. so that Hysmael giving a fierce on-set, a most b oody battel began: and assailing the Kings Foot, with three squadrons at once; put them to flight, before the Horsemen could arm and mount; the King was glad to run too and fro, to encourage his men, and stay his discomfited, yea, and to come to handy blows himself; But his Souldiers, not being able to execute his sudden directions, he tesolutely thrusting himself into the head of his battel, and valiantly fighting, was slain; whereupon, the Horsmen first, then all the rest, fled.

Hysmael (having had little losse) possessed the enemies Tents, not much pursuing them, but reposing there some daies with his wearied Army. Then Embassadours from divers places, yielding their Towns unto him, &c. he marched to Scyras, where he was joyfully received, and his Army relieved with all things; Hysmael there often preaching of the excellency of his Fathers doctrine, strictly proclaimed all them to be [Page] as his enemies, who, within 30 dayes, did not renounce their old Superstition, and receive his new found verity: the which, by proposing rewards, and denouncing threats, he soon drew all the vulgar to embrace. Then paying his Souldiers with Scyra's riches, and furnishing them with Armour there, cunningly made of Iron and Steel, and the juice of certain herbs, better than in Europe, he departed and took the two great Cities of Sapha, supposed to be Susa, and Sultania, deemed for its wondrous ruines, to be Tigranocertum: then passing Tigris, into Mesopotamia, to expulse Moratchamus out of Babylon: who terrified with his Brothers calamity, withdrew into the remotest parts, expecting some better fortune. Hysmael, thus become a terrour to all the Princes of the East, entred into Mosopotamia, after the flight of Moratchamus, receiving it all into subjection, every one striving to purchase his favour thereby; so that Moratchamus trussing up his things of greatest price, fled with his Wives and Children into Arabia. Some calling him Mara Beg, the Turks Imirfa-Beg, who they say, marrying afterwards [...] Daughter, and recovering part of the Persian Kingdom, was murdered by some of his Nobles, whom he purposed secretly to put to death. Hysmael returning out of Assyria into Media, took in the late Persian King's strong Holds, yet there: and returning into Armenia, warred on the Albanians, Iberians, and Scythians on the Caspian borders, who through long civill Warres, had neither payed tribute for 4 years, nor now sent any honourable message as they were wont, and as was expected. But nothing made Hysmael more spoken of, than his innovation in Mahometanism; for he brought a new form of Prayer into their Temples: whereby Ebubekir, Homer, and Osman with their writings, began to be contemned, and Haly exalted as the true Successor; commanding his Subjects to wear some red Hatband-lace, &. on their Hats, to be known from other Mahometans, [Page] which they still observing, are called Cuselba's, or Redheads, and was soon so beloved and honoured, that his sayings and commands were accounted Oracles and Lawes; they swearing by his head, solemnly to confirm any thing: saying, Hysmael grant thy desire, when they wished any one well: upon whose Coyn was on one side words to this effect, There are no Gods but one, and Mahomet is his Messenger: on the other side, Hysmacl the Vicar of God.

Chasan Chelife, and Techellis the while, in 1508, having gathered a great Army, invaded the Turks Dominion; for now, such a desire of that new superstition possessed the peoples mindes in general, that 10000 of them met first at the City Tascia, at the foot of Antitaurus, or else at Attalia, on a Fair day: where they executed the chief Magistrate, setting his quarters on 4. of the highest Towers of the City, all swearing never to forsake their Captains, nor refuse any hazard for honour of their most holy Religion, as they would have it. These Ring-leaders considering the money brought in by the Countrey people, was not sufficient to maintain such a multitude, gave their followers proclaimed-leave to [...] the Countrey, and live on the spoil of those who received not their new Doctrine: whereupon, bringing store of Cattel, &c. into the Camp, they, their multitude increasing, entred Lycaonia, and roaming up and down many dayes, the whole Country so feared them, that those in the Villages, fled with Wives, Children, and Goods into Iconium; for Proclamations were set up, proposing large blessings, spiritual and temporal, to such as followed their established Doctrine in Persia; but to the obstinate, after their Sword once drawn, utter destruction; so that the Inhabitants thereabouts for one cause or other, resorted daily to them. While the Turks were preparing to suppress them, some Troops of Horse came timely to these Prophets, from Hysmael: who a little before, by [Page] Messengers, had exhorted them couragiously to proceed in so religious an enterprise, promising them skilful leaders, and Coyn from time to time; for Hysmael bearing an old grudge against Ba jazet, for former Warres betwixt Turks and Persians, disagreeing also in their Superstition, and heat of youth pricking him on, greatly desired in this his prosperous success, to have occasion of warring with him: sending Embassadors to the State of Venice, to joyn with them in league, as before with Usun Cassanes his Grandfather, chiefly requesting them to send him men skilful in casting Ordnance, and with their Fleet to trouble Ba jazet by Sea, he promising by filling Asia the lesse with his Land-Army, to give them occasion of recovering all places they lost in the late Warres tothe Turks.

The Venetians answered, they would never forget the ancient league, &c. being wondrous glad, that Hysmael was the Turks enemy, &c. But the Embassadors, such was the badness of the Venetians State and condition, obtaining no more than the hope of a league to be in time concluded, returned to Cyprus: thence to Syria, where having secret conference with Zenus, Governour of the Venetian Merchants at Damasco, Ba jazet grievously complained unto Gaurus the Aegyptian Sultan, for suffering (not as a confederate) them to passe thorow Syria to the Christians their common enemies, to stir them up to warre; whereupon, Zeuus with all the Merchants at Tripolis, Aleppo, Beritus, and Alexandria, were carried in bonds to Cairo, where often answering in Chains to what was laid to their charge, after a year's suffering manifold despight, hardly escaped with life and liberty.

Chasan and Techellis well strengthened, and comming to Iconium, wasting the Country, drew a multitude to receive their Doctrine. Wherefore Orchanes and Mahomet Ba jazets Nephews governing those Countries, gathering their forces, came into field against them; but they youthfully, [Page] and hastily joyning battel in a disadvantagious place, were put to flight: and had not these wanted Artillery, and Engines requisite, they would have besieged Iconium. Also Corcutus then levying an Army about Thyatira, &c. [...] not set foreward against the Rebels, though dispersed fast by him. These Prophets, entring at last into Bythinia, met near the River Sangarius, with Caragoses the Asian Viceroy comming against them with a great Army, commanding Achomates or Achmates, Ba jazets eldest Sonne, Governour of Cappadocia and Pontus, with his power to follow at the back of the Rebels; but Techellis marching with all possible speed, was upon Caragoses, near Mount Horminus, before he was well aware, then taking up more Souldiers: who thought it not honourable to refuse battel, though his Army consisted most of rude Countrey people, suddenly taken up, most unarmed, and called Asapi, but he reposed his greatest confidence in his ancient Horsmen's valour; and the Rebels most consisted of Foot. Techellis exhorted his Souldiers couragiously to defend their lives and Religion by Victory, as having no new power or Cities of refuge, there to flie unto, &c. who giving a terrible shout as chearful, set upon their enemies. The Viceroy placed his foot in the middle, and his Horse in the Wings, to compasse-in his enemy; but Techellis set all his Foot in a square battel, and the Horse for a reserve, who with their red Hats, as if bloody, terrified the Viceroy's fresh-waterSouldiers, fleeing in half an houre. The Turkish Horse, although they had slain many, and somewhat disordered the battel; yet Techellis his men beginning to kill their Horses with their Pikes and lay hard at them, they fled also: then the Persian horse, as yet lookers on, following the chase, slew many, enclosing the Viceroy stayinghis Horsemen, who for the dust could not well discern them, so that he had bin taken, if not rescued by his Guard; 7000 Turks Foot were slain, all their Ensigns, with store of provision taken. Chasan & Techellis resting a day, marched to Cutaie, [Page] as it were in the midst of lesser Asia, the Viceroy's seat, who fled thither, the Countrey also, having for fear, conveighed thither most of their wealth. Techellis placing such Field pieces, he had before taken in battel, and his Archers in fit places for annoying the Defendants, caused scaling-ladders to be set up, proclaiming the Citie's spoil to his Souldiers, if they could take it, with greater rewards, to them that first recovered the wall's top. Wherefore fearing nothing, they strove who first should get up the Ladders, &c. the Defendants, casting down on them Stones, Timber, Fire, Scalding-water, Lime, Sand, &c. wherewith, though many were killed and spoiled, yet others stept up in their place, none shrinking back; for the Viceroy on one side, and Techellis on the other, were eyewitnesses of every mans valour; the Viceroy, all being in danger, personally performing all parts of a couragious Souldier; but, the Defendants at last wearied and most wounded, Techellis brake into the City in two places, over heaps of dead bodies, bringing in his Army at one of the Gates: the Souldiers and Citizens being miserably slaughtered: the Viceroy with his Wives and Children, being taken, and the stately Marble Pallace consumed with fire. Techellis, thought it was now no hard matter to take Prusa so to indanger the Turks whole Empire in Asia: wherefore, appointing when to set forward, he prepared (if he delayed not) all necessaries for its taking, being neither strongly walled, nor garrisoned. But a new Army being shipt over Hellespont into Asia, he changed his purpose; for Ba jazet had now sent Alis Bassa over with his European Army, who, though an Eunuch, yet comparable in valour with the greatest Captains, who with the choisest Horsemen, and 7000 Janizaries, passing into Phrygia, sent to all Governours of the Turks Provinces in Asia, speedily to meet him with their forces in Galatia. Techellis now thought best to depart out of Pontus, to re ire more safely, lest he should be enclosed, &c. Wherefore calling together his Captains to consult, [Page] it was thought madness or extream necessity, to joyn battel with an enemy better knowing the Countrey than he, and farre exceeding him in number and expertness of Souldiers. So trussing up his prey, he speedily returned thorow Galatia; but the Bassa having almost daily intelligence thereof, and of his way; passing Sangarius, came and encamped between Cutaie and Ancyra, supposing it the enemie's passage. Where resting, and advertised Techellis had gone another way, he after five dayes march, overtook the enemie's wearied or wounded straglers, putting them to the Sword: Techellis causing Cartagoses, carried along with him in chains, to be impaled on a sharp stake, fastned in the ground by the high way side; but Alis nothing dismayed with his horrible death, held on his, and exhorted his Souldiers patiently to endure, and strain themselves to take revenge of those rebellious robbers, who destroying the Countrey, spared not the Turks very Children nor Temples; comming next day into Ancyra's plains, to whom Achomates came with 10000 Souldiers. Alis grieved that he could not overtake them with his whole Army, leaving his Foot with Achomates, followed them on the spur, with 8000 Horse, and overtaking their rears at Mount Olyga, nigh Ancyra, he hotly skirmished with them.

Techellis, perceiving he should have to do onely with Horsemen, and that in a place of advantage, valiantly received the Turks impression, at first repulsing them with their long Pikes and Arrows; but Alis, sending in a thousand Carbines, who in order shot thick on the enemy, many were slain, and more wounded, and their Ranks somewhat disordered: so that the Horse breaking in, overthrew with great slaughter Techellis his vauntguard. Chasan himself being slain, Techellis set in order a new battel of his readiest and best armed, opposing them against the Horse, commanding them, by degrees to retire to the Mountain, hoping the Turks finding the disadvantage [Page] of the place, would leave assailing them so hardly; but the Bassa exhorting them to urge the Victory, &c. himself, with a Troop of his best Horse to animate the rest, brake thorow the enemies battel: which he attempting the second time, was enclosed and slain. The Turks now dismayed, fought but faintly, and at last fled.

Techellis his Souldiers having now thrust forward, and with a terrible noyse crying Victory, put them to flight: who notwithstanding, having lost many of his best Souldiers, and the rest sore wearied, refreshed them on the Mountain Oliga: whence he marched to Tascia, his old dwelling place, thence to the City Celenis, now Maras, then the seat of King Aladeules. Bajazet not long after, sent Jonuses Bassa, born in Epirus, in Alis his stead, who receiving the Army from Achomates, came in few dayes to the City Tascia, where burning and destroying the Countrey, he encamped at Antitaurus's Foot; he had above 40000 well appointed. Techellis terrified, nor lately receiving ayd from Hysmael, and wanting great Artillery, determined to keep the rough Mountain, and thick Woods, hoping for ayd from Hysmael, and to take the Turks at some advantage: who oft fetching a compasse, by the easie rising of the Hills, came to skirmish, and Techellis his men sallying out of those places, valiantly assailed the Turks: at length, the Turks perceiving two wayes to bring up their Army to the Mountain's top: the Bassa caused the Janizaries to march up one way, and the rest by the other, who softly climbing up, defended themselves what they could, with their Targets; for the enemy cast down on them great stones, and shot, without number; But the Turks Field-pieces drave them from their standings: the harquebuziers shrouding under the Targetiers, thickly delivered their shot: at whose approach, Techellis retired farther off into higher Mountains, and rougher Woods; and next night he [Page] with great silence, fled over the Mountains into Armania, of the Persian Kingdom; which, when the Bassa by some wounded Souldiers taken by his Scouts, when it was day-light, understood, he chafed, that he had not presently beset the Wood, and sending his Horse-men in vain to pursue them, they brought back some few straglers to the Bassa.

Jonuses, straitly inquiring thorow all Cities, for those who had professed the Persian Religion, put those who had born Arms to death, with the greatest torments, burning the rest in their fore-heads with a hot Iron, whom with the Kinsfolks and friends of the executed or fled, he transported, and dispersed in Europe: fearing a new Rebellion, if Techellis should return with new forces, but here ended this dangerous rebellion, wherein all or most of the Turks Dominions in Asia, might have been surprised, if Hysmael had thorowly prosecuted the opportunity.

Thechellis his followers fleeing into Persia, and spoiling, by the way, a Caravan of Merchants laden with Silks, &c. the Captains comming to Tauris, were executed, and Techellis burnt alive.

Next year 1509. Septemb. 14th, through a great and terrible Earth-quake in Constantinople and thereabouts, most of the Walls, with many stately, publique and private Buildings, were overthrown, and 13000 people slain, so that the people generally lay in the Fields: yea, Bajazet, very aged and gowty, removed to Hadrianople, but not safe there, he lay abroad in his Tent. It lasted 28 dayes, or a moneth, with very little intermission, accounted ominous (as shortly appeared) to the Othoman Family. Then by a great plague, the City was mostly unpeopled; but it being asswaged, Bajazet by Commissions took up 80000 Workmen, who working at once, in four moneths, repaired Constantinople's ruines.

[Page] Bajazet had eight Sons and six Daughters, Men and Women, the Sons all Governours of Provinces; (yet Utrius a Genoway, who lived long in Bajazets Court, mentions but six); Sciemscia, for his towardlinesse deerly beloved of his Father, the eldest, died before him. Alemscia also died, whereof Bajazet advertised by white Characters in black Paper (their way of writing heavy newes) he casting away all tokens of Honour, made a generall mourning in the Court, and throughout Constantinople for three dayes all shops being shut up, &c: making for some space, solemne sacrifices for the health of his Soul, giving 7000 Aspers weekly to the Poor: his body being afterwards buryed at Prusa with great solemnity. Tzihan and Mahomet were (upon their Fathers indignation) strangled. Of his other four, Machmot or Mahometes was of greatest hope, not so voluptuous as Achomates his Elder Brother, nor so bookish as Corcutus, nor so cruel as Selymus: but so lively, witty, bountifull, and of Princely a carriage, that he seemed to most, worthy of a Kingdome: wherefore Achomates, yea Bajazet himself were jealous of his affecting the Empire, soon the cause of his death: which he hastened by meanes, as he least feared. Achomates and Mahometes had one Mother, wherefore Mahometes more delighted in him than in the others, though not answered with like love. Achomates governed Amasia; Mahometes, Magnesia: who desirous to see his Brothers life and government, disguised himself with two faithfull friends, as if they had been of the Religious order called [...] (who being most comely, well borne, cleanly though homely attired, do wander up and down, making large discourses of others manners, and commonly playing on Silver Cymballs, and singing duties, they receive money as a devoutalms: they are the corrupters of Youth, defilers of others beds, wholly given to ease and pleasure) travelled up and down [...] [...] [...], and so to Amasia, where on a solemn [Page] holiday, Achomates (coming to the Temple) passing by, listened a while to their alluring harmony, most skilfully devised and performed. Their Musick ended, Achomates (spare-handed) commands 5 Aspers, that is, about fix pence to be given them, which Mahometes disdaining, would not now discover himself, as he determined; but speedily riding to Magnesia, he by taunting letters scoffed at Achomates's good husbandry, sending him his 5 Aspers, Achomates being never afterwards friends with him: diverse also diversly deemed of his purpose therein.

Not long after, Mahometes [...] himself with some followers, like seafaring men, came in a barque to Constantinople, diligently viewing Constantinople and Pera, and noting how all things were governed. Bajazet the while, assembling his chief Bassaes at the Court: Mahometes pressing in with his companions to see them, with the fashion of the Court, the Porters (as rude [...]) kept them out; wherefore buying a beautiful Christian Captive boy, he came next day with two companions (as Sea-adventurers) requesting to be let in, as having a present: So being admitted to Bajazet's [...], one of them (as a Sea Captain) reverently proffered him the present, which he thankfully taking gave him his hand to kisse, with a rich golden garment, with two of less value to Mahometes and his fellow, who stood afar off. In their return, they meeting with three Courtiers who knew Mahometes, they had done him honour, had he not by secret signs forbidden them: so speedily returning to Magnesia. The report hereof was at last brought to Bajazet, which raised in him troublesome thoughts, fearing some desperate and secret conspiracy; wherefore, after long discourse with the 3 Bassaes, he resolved to take him away, causing them to write to Asmehimedi near to Mahometes, to poyson him with a poyson enclosed in the Letters, with promise of great rewards, &c. [Page] from the Emperour, charging him (if he could not effect it without mistrust) to conceal it, &c. Bajazet also knew Asmehemedi to bear Mahometes a grudge. Mahometes, disporting himself, in his Gardens, and being thirsty, called for drink, into which Asmehemedi conveighed the poyson: which Mahometes drinking, and ill at ease, sent for his Physitians: who thinking it a distemper with the cold drink in his heat, perceived not he was poysoned, till within 6 daies he died; whereof Bajazet hearing, could not but mourn, commanding all the Court to mourn with him, and prayers to be made in the Temples, with Alms to be given for the health of his soul: he being honourably buried at Prusa. Asmehemedi was cast into prison, and never more to be seen, supposed there to be secretly made away. Of Bajazet's 3 Sons left, Achomates (politick and valiant, but given to pleasure) Bajazet and most of the Court favoured above the rest; Corcutus, for his mildnesse and quietnesse, was of most beloved, but not thought fit for the Empire, chiefly by the Souldiers, whom they thought was drowned in the study of Philosophy; yet Bajazet promised to restore it him, of whom he had received it almost 30 years before. But haughty Selimus, not brooking a subjects life under his brethren, and wholly given to Martial affairs, sought by bounty, courtesie, policy, &c. to aspire to the Empire. Him therefore the Janizaries &c. with some chief Bassa's, wished for their Soveraign.

Bajazet the while (far worn with years) and not able to help himself for the Gout, for preventing future troubles, determined while living, to establish the succession in one of his Sons to represse the pride of the other. And although he resolved on Achomates as the elder, and for affection; yet to try his subjects disposition, it was said in general tearms, he meant to make known his Successour, without naming any one Son: not the least cause, [Page] that every one with like ambition thought only on the Empire.

Selimus Governour of Trapezond in 1511, with what Ships he could, sailed thence to the City Capha, thence coming by Land to Mahometes King of the Praecopensian Tartars (whose daughter he had married without Bajazet's liking) he besought him not to shrink from him his loving Son in Law, great hope of the Empire being proposed to him by his faithful friends of the Court, &c. if he would but come nearer to his Father, by fair means or fowl, then about to transfer the Empire to some one Son. The Tartar commending him, speedily made ready store of shipping, and arming 1500 horsemen, delivered them to Selimus, promising him greater aid upon occasion, who passing Borysthenes, and also Danubius at the City Cheliae, had commanded his Flect to meet him at Varna in Bulgaria, and Thracia's confines: and levying more by the way, pretended, he purposed to invade Hungary.

But Bajazet (before advertized of Selimus his coming into Europe (Techellis his rebellion yet scarce quietted) with forreign aid, on his own head, against the warlique Hungarians, seizing also on the places nearest Thracia, and keeping the Euxine Sea with a Navy) suspected the preparation to be against himself: and thinking it better with like dissimulation, to appease his fierce nature, than by sharp reproof further to move him, sent him Embassadours, declaring with what danger the Turkish Kings had formerly undertaken those Hungarian wars, Mahomet his Grandfather being an example; wherefore, he should expect a fitter opportunity, for better advice, greater power, and hope of victory. Selimus answered, He was forced to leave Asia by Achomates his injuries, and therefore came into Europe, to win (from the enemies of Mahometanism) a larger and better Province, for that little barren [Page] and peaceable one, which his Father had given him, that he was not to be daunted, for danger of the Hungarians; yet thinking the ancient prowels of that Nation to be much changed, with the change of their Kings, &c. therefore he was resolved for his own honour, which Bajazet had some way blemished, by his brethrens advancement, to dye in field against the enemies of Mahometanism, or to extend the bounds of the Turkish Empire: who though one of the youngest, yet would not be accounted inferiour to any brother in prowesse. The Embassadours (though Selimus shewed no tokens of peaee) presented to him divers gifts to appease him adjoyning Samandria, or Schenderonia, a strong City of Servia on Hungaries borders, with other Towns, unto his Government, giving him 60000 Ducats, and 1000 cloth and silk Garments, with store of provision to relieve and content his Souldiers; who returned them to his Father with more doubtful answers than before, yet not changing his resolution secret Messengers and Letters came from Court, whetting him forward, to make quick speed; Achomates (sent for) being coming with a great power out of Capadocia.

Bajazet (now the rather moved) said he would appoint his Successout, who in his stead, should be fit to'govern so great an Empire; but the 4 Bassaes propounding it to the Court Soldiers, they cryed aloud, No Emperour but Bajazet, under whose fortunate conduct they had served above 30 years &c. saying. There was in him yet strength enough, if he would retain the aged majesty of his place, &c. and that such a one of his children, should in due time succeed him, as of right ought, wishing the old Emperour to live in health with a long and happy reign, he needing not to fear any controversie after his death; for the Othoman Progeny used to attain the Empire by right and not by faction; but if upon his own liking, he would choose such a one as the people so well liked not of, it might perhaps bring in that confusion, which he thought [Page] thereby to eschew; for the other brethren would never endure so notable an injury, &c.

The Souldiers spake these things by the instruction of Selimus, his corrupted friends; But Bajazet thinking they chiefly affected Achomates, [...], He would choose him if they liked it; but the chief Souldiers (corrupted) cunningly commended Achomates, &c. yet saying, it neither agreed with the custome of the Othoman Kings, nor was good for the Souldiery or State; for besides, that neither Selimus nor Corcutus could endure the least suspicion of infidelity, &c. it seemed to them unreasonable, that thereby the Souldiers should be defrauded of their usual rewards in the vacancy of the Empire: for then all Jews and Christians, chiefly Merchants at Constantinople, Peru, Hadrianople, Thessalonica, and Prusa, are by the Janizaries and others, spoiled of all their goods: neither will they swear allegiance to the new Emperour till he hath granted them that prey as a bounty, swearing by his head (the greatest assurance) to pardon all the offenders. Bajazet hereupon, promised to give them 500000 Ducats, if they would accept Achomates for Soveraign: yet the frowardness of these men of war, overcame his good fortune; for they conceived far greater rewards, if, instead of a peaceable Prince, a restlesse Tyrant as was Selimus, might by their help, aspire the Empire. So Bajazet concealing his grief, put up that cishonour, till a fitter opportunity.

Selimus advertized hereof, not longer to frustrate his favourites expectation by delay, &c. leaving Hungaries borders, and marching thorow Thracia, encamped on a [...] rising, nor far from Hadrianople, whence his horses neighing and Tents (from the City) might be discovered; and sent to his Father, then there, that having not seen him in many years, he desired to visit him before his return (by his appointmen) to Trapezond, never perhaps [Page] to see him again, saying, It much concerned Asia's quietness, if the controversies betwixt him and Achomates, might by themselves be discovered to him their Father, as a decider, humbly beseeching for a time and place of audience, and to kisse his hands, which his Ancestors never refused, to their poor friends, much lesse children. Bajazet had called to him certain Zanzacks, with their Companies, out of the nearest parts of Greece, setting also strong watch thorow the City, left his Souldiers about his person (upon the point of revolt) should in shew of Parley, quite be drawn away, and now blamed Selimus, that he had, on his own head, brought his Army into anothers Province, requiring audience in Arms, and insolently abusing his Fathers lenity; that he should not presume to approach nearer to him, &c. but speedily to repair to his own charge in Pontus, so he should find greater kindness with him than before; but if he proceeded in his course (not taking him for a Son, but an enemy) he would shortly chastise him for his malepert insolency, &c. Bajazet, being advertized, that Selimus, the night following, was marched towards Constantinople, hoping for some tumult upon his approach, departed by break of day from Hadrianople thither-ward; upon which, Selimus peaceably entred Hadrianople, the Citizens fearing destruction upon resistance; and refreshing his Army, set forward, by speedy marches to prevent his Fathers coming to Constantinople; who scarce come to Tzurulum almost the mid-way, warning was given, that Selimus's forerunners were cutting off Bajazets straglers troubling his rear; who commanded his Standard to be set up, that Selimus might find him in readinesse. The great Captains and Nobles, cunningly favouring Selimus, seemed not to like of his resolution of battel, the victory bringing nought but sorrow; but the overthrow threatning destruction, which seemed the more dangerous, [Page] he being then inferiour to his Son in provision and number; therefore not so hastily by a miserable death, to stain the glory of his former life; but speedily to march to Constantinople, out of which, Selimus being excluded, might (for fear) think of return, and so perish with his [...] followers, by their hands, whom he had spoiled, rather than by his Father's sword. Mustapha the most ancient Bassa gave this Counsel, who maliciously hated Bajazet, emulating the younger Bassaes, by him promoted, & secretly affected Selimus, esembling Mahomet his Grandfather, both for in favour and condition. Mustapha was a Greek Priest's Son, born in Sores, of a sly and crafty wit, subject to corruption, his froward and sainting look, discovering it. Selimus had allured also Bostanges Bassa (infamous for covetousness, ambition, and treachery) betroathing by promise, one of his daughters unto him, and by the same slight Aiax, Aga of the Janizaries; yea, the Captains either for reward or fear, almost generally leaned that way. Only Cherseogles a faithful and upright man, thought that Selimus was there by force of Arms to be oppressed, before his nearer approach to the Imperiall City, &c. not to be thought, said he, that the naked Tartarian horsemen (though more in number) would abide the charge of Bajazet's well-armed Pens oners: not doubting but the Janizaries would defend their aged and victorious Emperour against disobedient Selimus &c. Wherefore he perswaded him, cheerfully to mind his Souldiers of his former bounty, as of their duty; who reposing his trust in their fidelity and valour, in that place resolved to chastise his unnatural Son's insolence, with his followers.

Cherseogles (a Christian born) turned Turk being a man grown, alway loving Christians and their Religion, not common with such renegates. His Father was Chersechius, [Page] a small Prince of Illyria: who lustfully beholding a Lady of rare beauty and feature, to whom Cherseogles was going to be married, whom he entirely loved, took her in marriage himself, all his friends crying shame on so fowl a fact. Wherefore, he driven headlong with despair, fled to Constantinople: on whom Bajazet (liking the honourable man, and his cause of revolt) smiling on him said, Be chearful, noble youth, for thy courage is worthy of greater fortune than thy Father's house can affoord: instead of thy love taken from thee, the [...] of an [...] Prince (for she was descended of the Despot's house) thou shalt have the daughter of a great Emperour, of singular perfection: So, abjuring his Religion, and named (of Stephen) Cherseogles, he married Bajazet's daughter, deserving to be one of the greatest Bassaes; yet with a desire to return to his former profession, he secretly kept the Image of the Crucifix. This man by intreaty, saved the Venetian Senators at the taking of Modon, afterwards delivering Gritti a prisoner condemned to dye, chosen afterwards Duke of Venice; By him, the Venetians obtained a peace to their good, redeeming a multitude of Christians, by his authority and charge, from slavery: Neither is his furtherance of learning to be forgotten, as in Pope Leo 10th his time. But Bajazet encouraged by Cherseogles, and hearing (among other things) that Selimus had almost enclosed his rereward, got out of his Pavilion, (grinding his teeth with trickling tears) in his Horse-litter (not able for the Gout to sit on hors-back) saying to the Pensioners and Janizaries, Whether they his foster-children, &c. would suffer him, innocent, to be butchered by his gracelesse Son? And being old and diseased, to be murthered by wilde Tartars, little better then Rogues and thieves, &c. that many perswaded him to commit himself to flight, &c. But he, contrarily, would give the fierce enemy battel, and in this [Page] his last danger prove all their fidelity, and valour, &c. and so either break that gracelesse man, or (having reigned above 30 years) end his dayes with those that should continue loyall, and though fame would make him believe he should be betrayed by some of his Guard, yet he would not fear it, till he saw proof thereof.

The common Janizaries, to whom the Commanders had not communicated their purpose of Selimus, cryed out, He should not doubt to joyn battell, shouting, clapping hands, and clattering their armour: Others for fashion sake doing the like, the great Commanders especially, (whether for shame or fear) changing their affection, and Mustapha with Bostanges, out of a feigned loyalty, encouraged and martialled the battell: and by Cherseogles advice, the Sanzacks, with their horsmen (about 6000) being set in the front, &c. Bajazet commanded the Trumpets to sound, and a red Ensign to be displayed: Selimus placing his Tartarians in both wings, and Turks in the midst, &c. The Tartars running round in great rings, to shoot backwards and forward, annoyed the Turks greatly with showers of Arrows; the others farther off, shooting more upwards, so galled the Turks horses with their Arrows direct fall; but the old Souldiers [...]erring close, received their Arrows with their Targets over their heads, hastening to come to handy blows: the Pensioners then also bravely charging the middle of Selimus his battel; and Aiax drawing out 700 Harquebusiers from the Janizaries, assailed the hindmost of the Tartarian wing; the 4000 servants left in the rear, repulsing the other wing (with great slaughter) coming to spoil the Turks Carriages.

This fierce and doubtful battel, lasted from noon till Sunsetting. [Page] Selimus fighting and stirring as for an Empire; but the Tartars not able to abide the Harquebuziers shot, their Horses chiefly terrified with that unwonted noise, fled: the rest, who could not be enforced to stay, fled also: the Foot attired and armed like Janizaries, being sorsaken, were almost all slain by Bajazets Horse. Selimus hardly beset, was yet delivered by some Turkish Troops, staying with him, and being wounded and freshly mounted, [...] sollowed the Tartars; but doubting to be overtaken, he took another cole-black Horse of wonderful swiftness, [...] fleeing with a few to Varna, [...] by Sea, to Capha. The Horse called Carabulo, that is, a [...] Cloud, Selimus so esteemed, that covered with Cloth of Gold, he was in all his expeditions led after him as a spare-Horse, and dying at Caire, as Alexander for Bucephalus, be erected a Monument for him. Of 40000 men brought into the field, not above 8000 escaped from being slain or taken. Bajazet losing about 700, and 3000 hurt with Tartarian Arrowes, in revenge, put all taken to the Sword, whose Heads and Bodies were laid apart by heaps: old ruinous Chiurlus or Zurulum, became famous by this battel, in 1511; but more famous afterwards by Selimus, there [...] his dayes by a most [...] Disease.

Bajazet's Souldiers being after 3 dayes returned from the Chase, he went to Constantinople, rewarding them there. Achomates hearing of what had happened, came with 20000 men from Amasia, to the City Scutari, scituated directly against Constantinople, expecting what course his Father would now take: for his minde was filled with hope of the Empire for sundry reasons ceasing not to send over Bosphorus Strait to Constantinople, soliciting Bajazet to [...] the Empires resignation, importuning also his friends to commend him, and [...] to extoll Bajazet's purpose herein, that Selymus being overthrown, through them [...] might the sooner [...] the [Page] Empire, his Inheritance. Bajazet was easily entreated to hasten what he before determined, preparing Galleys for transporting Achomates to Constantinople. But the CourtBassaes and Souldiers, again resisted it, alleadging the former reasons, and saying, they would not suffer him so to disable himself, as to resign, who had lately so couragiously fought for the honour of his Crown, &c. yet not to cut off Achomates, nor he to distrust their good will, but to enjoy his right in due time as the eldest Sonne, and a man of approved valour: saying, they had sufficiently declared in the battel against Selimus, what minds they were of, &c. Oh fowl dissimulation, &c.

Bajazet again disappointed of his purpose, or as some thought, delighted with Soveraignty; for that after the Victory, he seemed as young again, &c. sent to Achomates how it stood, and to depart to his charge at Amasia, whence he would call him when he had won the Souldiers with new bounty, and procured other Courtiers liking, whereby so great and unusual a matter might the more securely be effected.

Achomates thus deceived, and complaining he was so mocked and contemned, began to inveigh against his Father, for making him a by word, &c. after by his appointment he had come so farre; but if he still so doated, reckoning so of the Court Souldiers, as not to regard his promise, or what was right, he would by Arms defend his honour and right, and revenge the disgrace: Bajazet answered him by the Cadalescher, the Interpreter of their Law, and so of greatest authority, that he did neither well nor wisely, to fall into such choler, thinking to get that by force, which was onely by love and loyalty to be gained, whereas all should be surely kept for him, if he marred not that by haste which by patience he ought to cherish: the Cadalescher telling him, he might learn by Selymus his Example, what might be for his good, &c.

Achomates enflamed with anger and grief, while he was [Page] speaking, sharply taunting him, could scarce stay from violence, threatning, that his Father should dearly buy the change of his purpose, and the Souldiers their treachery; [...] rising with his Army, he cruelly spoiled in Bythinia in his return, determining to invade the lesser Asia, to use its wealth, if he must try his right against either Brother; and being at leastwise possessed of half the Empire, he should thereby, be readier for all events: wherefore greatly complaining of Bajazets unkindness, &c. to his Sonnes Amurathes and Aladin, he declared, there was no hope left, except they with him, would arm to defend his and their own right, easie to be done by a couragious surprizing of the lesser Asia; seeing Pisidia, Lycaonia, Pamphylia and Ionia's Sea-coast, had no Army or Navy; and for Corcutus, there was no great doubt but he would either sit still, or in a just quarrel take his part; however he might easily be thrust out, doubting not but that the other Governours would yield to his Command or Fortune: wherefore he willed them to pluck up their hearts, &c. These Gallants encouraged, had soon raised a notable Army of Volunteers, most being servile men; But Achomates, besides his old Army, led against the Persian Rebels, levied new forces, with all the able men in Cities, so running and proclaiming himself King of Asia, prosecuting, with his two Sonnes, all who yielded not to him, whereby many Cities, for fear, or constraint, were delivered to him. Then entring Lycaonia and Cilicia's borders, he frequently requested Mahometes his Brothers Sonne, governing there, to ayd him in his just quarrel, for the recovering of the Empire, &c: And if Mahometes would ayd him with men and Victuall, he promised, he should finde a better Uncle then he had a Father, in time to be most bountifully [...]: who answered, he could not do it, without Bajazet, his onely Soveraign, his Command; [...] not for him to judge whether he did right or not, that in his life-time, [Page] he would resign to his Sonne. But this he knew, he was to obey no other, so long as he lived in possession of the Empire: to whom both his Father, Tzihan and himself had sworn loyalty. Wherefore, it were good to pacifie himself, lest he wronged his Father, and overthrew his hope and honour, which of right, should be great, if he could have patience. Achomates unexpectedly finding his requests more considerately denyed, than were reasonably by him demanded, entring his Province, destroyed with fire and sword: which, Mahometes seeking by power to remedy, was overthrown by Achomates: who fleeing to Larenda, not farre off, was there besieged; and at last, with his Brother a Child, delivered into his hands, the City being yielded on Composition, who put to death Mahometes his Councellors, with his foster Brother, supposing they had perswaded him so to answer, &c.

Bajazet, wroth and grieved, in old age, to be set upon by two Sonnes, sent to him, reproving his disloyalty, commanding him to free his two Nephewes, and without more stir, to get him to Amasia; and, if not, to denounce to him open Warre; but he receiving this Message, caused the chief Embassador, frankly speaking, to be put to death in his presence, threatning the rest with the like, if they voided not his Camp before Sun-set.

This unreverent outrage, and against the Law of Nations, highly offending Bajazet, and estranging many from Achomates: the Souldiers exclaimed in Bajazet's hearing, that his insolence was forthwith to be repressed, &c. Mustapha also, with Bostanges, and others, who had cunningly dispersed these things, began as it were to wonder at the fact, as condemning the deed, but not the doer; but when they saw Bajazet from sundry motives, ready to seek revenge, they bitterly inveighed against Achomates as a Traitor, commending the Souldiers fidelity and courage, who for their aged Emperour, were most ready to expose all unto new dangers. So Achomates being proclaimed [Page] Traytor, twas ordered, the Court-Souldiers, with the European Horse, to be with all speed sent against him; but choice being to be made of some worthy Generall, they all began to strain courtesie, &c. saying, It were a great indignity, for the Emperors Army to be led against his Sonne by a Servant; and the Souldiers having their Lesson, said, they neither durst, nor would draw Sword against his son & Heir, except conducted by one of the Othoman blood in person; for so had his Brother long before, and lately Selimus, been both vanquished by Bajazet's own Conduct. All this was, that Selimus, whom yet they durst not name, but in way of disgrace, might indirectly be reconciled to Bajazet, whereby comming to Constantinople, he might seize on the Empire; for besides Bajazet and Corcutus, who, it was not probable, would for age and study, undertake those [...], Selimus was only left, all the young Nephews being as yet unfit. Bajazet in a chase, flung into his Pallace, excusing himself; but complaining that Corcutus following learning, had neglected other studies, better beseeming a Prince. Mustapha the while, having drawn him into a Discourse concerning that Warres proceeding, craftily and destructively said; himself, though never so able, must not passe into Asia personally, lest Selimus should in his absence seize on Thrace, Greece and the Imperial City: nor, if he should send his old Souldiers into Asia, calling Corcutus with his Asians into Europe, would (said he) Selimus, fear these fresh-water Souldiers, or their Philosophical Generall, &c. but if Bajazet should for defence of Thrace retain his most approved Souldiers, he should see all Asia on a fire, &c. wherefore seeing twas his fate, that two begotten of him, should be adjudged Traitors: why did he not set upon them as occasion should serve, when they were by the eares betwixt themselves? At present, saith he dissemble thy grief, and taking one, in shew, into favour imploy him against the other, &c. at pleasure to oppress him, to [Page] whom he should commit his Army, his trusty Souldiers being ever ready, &c.

He scarce having don speaking, the other Baslaes, as before agreed, perswaded Bajazet to call home Selimus, and make him Generall, saying, It was like, he, now corrected, would contain himself within compasse: whereas Acho mates was not like to be brought to conformity, till by force pluckt down, as was Selimus. Bajazet seeing Cherseogles sit silent, hanging the head, as not of that opinion, stood a while in doubt what to resolve on; but the unfaithful Bassaes, Cherseogles most instantly perswading the contrary, so perswaded him, as to write himself to Selimus, that, on hope of his loyalty, he would receive him into his former favour, making him Generall against his rebellious Brother Achomates, if he would speedily repair to Constantinople.

Corcutus the while, advertised of these things, sailed to Constantinople in his Gallies, where entring the PrivyChamber with many friends, humbling himself, and kissing his Father's hand after much talk betwixt them, is reported to have said, that he above 30 years past, being by a general consent chosen and proclaimed Emperour, had chearfully and willingly delivered that glorious Empire unto him, &c. Neither did it ever repent him of that his singular kindness and duty done, when as being contented, with what he assigned him, as with a Kingdom, he thought, that his Father's great Estate, &c. not comparable to the quiet of his pleasing studies, those worldly things working no full contentment to the insariable desire of man, and that surmounting vertue, and most sweet meditation of heavenly things promised to his contemplative and ravished minde, of farre more worth and Majesty, than all the Monarchies of the World; but whilest he was for devotion and desire of knowledge, travelling to Mahomet's Altar, and so to the Indians, as more knowing and sincere men, he drew him [Page] out of Aegypt by that Sultan, into Phrygia, &c. as if he thought, the time would come, when for the ill disposition of some, an innocent man, devoted to study, might be a stay to him and the Othoman Family. Since which, he had with all possible integrity discharged his charge: and in the late Persian Warre, defended his Frontiers from invasion. But they being vanquished, his unnatural Brethren having one assailed Bajazets person and Empire, the other, setting all that part in Asia on a broil, he thought himself in duty bound to repair to his Majesty, &c. who having had too great proof of his Brethrens infidelity &c. he humbly besought him before the coming of Selimus, he hearing, that his Father's Guard and chief Commanders, did but expect a time when they might salute him Emperour, whom he sore against their wills overthrew infidels, to restore him the Empire due to him, whilest it was yet in his power, in that so momentary occasion then presented.

Bajazet moved with a Fatherly affection towards Corcutus, whose teares stood in his eyes, bad him be of good cheere, discovering his ground of calling home Selimus, and that he could be content to resign to him the Empire; but it was not at present in his power, for fear of the Court-Souldiers, &c. But by the plot now laid, Selimus should, under the Title of Honour, with the Souldiers, be drawn into Asia, whither as soon as they were passed, he promised to resign unto him: which done, although they wholly liked not, yet he feared not, that, they who had lately defended him against Selimus, should for his sake dislike Corcutus, &c. hoping rather, that if Achomates and Selimus should joyn battel, either one or both should justly perish.

Corcutus, not much misliking his Fathers purpose &c. returned to his Lodging not without hope, and remaining many dayes at Constantinople, he as a plain upright [Page] man, neither by gifts nor promises, strove to procure any ones good will.

Selimus his friends the while advertising him of Corcutus his comming to Court, advised him with all speed, to come to Constantinople, &c. whereupon, he with certain Troops commanding the rest to follow, came thither with wondrous speed: Corcutus, the Bassaes Courtiers, and most of the Souldiers receiving him, as their manner is, (at the Gates entrance) with a kisse, bringing him thorow the City, the people running to see him, who was welcomed with much thundring shot, and joyful acclamation of all Ages and Sexes: and next day comming to Court, humbly in shew, kissed Bajazet's feet, craving pardon: who smiling on this Crocodile, courteously took him up, saying, His faults were so much lesse, as finding speedy repentance; therefore he the willinglier pardoned him, henceforth to endeavour, that God may be thought to have endued him with a good minde, as with a notable courage: which, with his forwardness, he might manifest by a martial matter, worthy his hardinesse.

A Councel of Warre being called, Selimus dissembled the Generalship; not to be preferred before Corcutus, for his years and discretion; that he having his Fathers favour, could be now content with never so little corner of the Empire.

Corcutus and his friends, whose hope was in Selymus his departure with the Souldiers, instantly requested him, not to refuse that Honour, without disgrace to Corcutus, he being more experienced in Warre. So he was no sooner chosen Generall against Achomates, but the Janizaries and Court-Souldiers especially before instructed, saluted him their Emperour also, arming to defend their act: Selimus at first, shewed a half unwillingness, as to reverence of his alive-Father; but afterwards promised, besides particular favours owing to the Men of Warre, to bestow [Page] a great and general largess amongst them, which he did. Then he requested the Bassaes and chief Commanders, to go and take Orders since twas their minde, that the Empire might be transferred on him by his Fathers good will, without farther trouble.

Mustapha, whether on a new fineness of his own, or that Selimus threatned to kill him, if he did not; coming as dismayed to Bajazet, who hearing the Souldiers clamour was come into the open rooms, most unwelcomly said, Emperour, the Men of Warre have saluted Selimus, &c. requiring thy ratification, ready to break in and kill us both, if thou refuse to resign: they request that of thee, which they have already put into his hand. Wherefore its farre more dangerous to seek to recover, &c. than willingly to yield, &c. they in Arms and fury, thinking on greater mischief.

Bajazet troubled, and perceiving the treachery, after pausing, furiously brake out: False and forsworn, do you thus betray me? &c. why not also take away my life, who could not a while expect my dissolution? but must in post-hast set up a most wicked man. But much good may do you with him, &c. to whom ere long, you shall dearly pay for this treachery. And he, beginning his Empire with unnatural treason and blood-shed, shall not, I hope, escape Gods heavy hand.

Mustapha with false Bostanges and Aiax returning, told them; he, as well content, had appointed Selimus to succeed him: then those corrupted, began to look big, and others, standing before doubtful, joyned themselves to that faction. Selimus being mounted, was in pomp conducted up and down the streets, and generally by the people, yet most otherwise affected, saluted Emperour, the Bassaes and Souldiers being that day sworn unto him.

Corcutus, whether for grief or fear, (though Selimus promised him Mytilene with Lesbos) secretly returned to [...].

[Page] Bajazet overcome with sorrow; before he were enforced, trussing up store of Treasure, &c. with 500 Servants, departed towards Hadrianople, to have gone to Dimotica, not far thence, and wholsomly scituated. Selimus bringing him about two miles on his way, returned, possessing the Pallace.

Whilest Bajazet was travelling not above five or six miles a day, then about 76 or 80 years old, and for pain, &c. sometime staying two or three dayes in a place, Selimus doubted, if he should passe over into Asia, Bajazet might the while possess Constantinople and the Empire: wherefore before his going, he secretly compacted with Hamon a Jew, Bajazet's chief Physitian, to poyson him, promising him a reward of 10 Duckets a day for life, and threatning him with most cruel death, if he did not secretly and speedily work it, when he had done to return to him: the Jew comming to Bajazet very weak, told him, he would prepare a potion to restore and strengthen him, if he would early next morning take it. Bajazet, not mistrusting his old Physitian, said, He would gladly take it. Hamon comming, stood waiting till he should awake; but he still sleeping, the Jew awaking him, said, the time was almost past, &c. Bajazet willing him to bring it, Hamon took the assay, having before taken a preservative, drank it up, he bidding the waiters to keep him well covered, not to give him drink, till he had well sweat, and so fled to Constantinople. Bajazet feeling most grievous gripings in his stomach, gave up the Ghost in 1512. [...] 30 years, the Turks say he died naturally; but Genoway serving then in his Chamber, reports, plain tokens of poyson, were to be seen on his dead body: Selinus having all his Treasures, buried Bajazet's body with the greatest solemnity, in a Chappel he built nigh the great Mahometan Temple at Constantinople: all his Servants but five, who attired themselves in mourning, were restored to their former places: they being imprisonned, [Page] two of them being put to death, the other saved, by Solyman Selimus his Sonne, and two Bassaes sute; who being stript of all, were enrolled for common Souldiers. Utrius a Genoway being one, who after ten years captivity, escaping difficultly, and returning into Italy, wrote a History of what he had seen there.

Hamon, expecting his reward, was beheaded by Selimus his Command, saying, He would not stick for reward, to do the like against himself, when opportunity offered.

The Life of Selimus the I, the third and most Warlike Emperour of the Turks.

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SElimus fully possessed of the Empire, first viewed the Turkish King's abundant heaped up Treasures, and gave to the Court-Souldiers 3 millions of Duckats, augmenting the Horsmens pay 4 aspers a day, and the Footmens two: whereby he greatly assured their minds unto him, then passing with a great Army into Asia, Sloyman his only Sonne to govern Constantinople, he came to Ancyra in Galatia, hoping to oppress Achomates; but he considering his unableness, fled into the Mountains of Cappadocia, taking up men by the way, praying ayd of all sorts, though strangers to him, to make head against Selimus, and recover Asia. Selimus doing very little that Summer, because of the winter cold and snows near Taurus. Achomates also fleeing from place to place, sending his European Horse towards the Sea-coast, and the Janizaries to Constantinople, wintered with the rest at Prusa, who then continued the league concluded by Bajazet, with the Hungarian, Polonian, and Venetian: and calling to him five of his Brothers Sonnes, between 16 and 20 years old, except Musa, not past 7; Mahometes, whom Achomates had upon Bajazet's death, freed, being about 20, who for his feature and courage, was accounted the Paragon of the Othoman Family, &c. He demanded of divers Doctors and Lawyers, whether [...] not better, 5, 8, or 10. to be taken away, than the whole Empire with great blood-shed, to be rent asunder, &c. who, fearing displeasure, answered, It were better, for in a general calamity, those few must needs perish with the rest: upon which colour, he leading those five Nephews into Prusa Castle, by 5 of his Captains, they were in the night strangled. Mahometes is said, to have slain one sent to kill him with his penknife, wounding the other for dead Selimus being in a Chamber fast by, sent in others, who first binding [Page] him, then strangled him: their bodies were buried at Prusa; which cruelty so offended most, that many martial men, for some daies absented from his sight, as from some raging Lyon.

Amurat and Aladin (Achomates Sons) only remained of all the Nephews (whom he purposed suddenly to surprize) besides his two brethren of the Othoman Family. These young Princes had recovered Amasia, whence they were expulsed by Selimus, when Achomates fled: wherefore Selimus sent Usegi Bassa with 5000 horse, who (by great travel) might suddenly take them, the City being neigther well walled, nor furnished for defence, Achomates also being absent in taking up Souldiers. But Mustapha the old Bassa, now detesting his execrable tyranny, by secret and speedy Messengers, warned them of Usegi his coming, &c. who, advertizing Achomates thereof, lay in ambush for them; So that the Bassa fell at unawares into the midst of his enemies, and Achomates also following him, most of his men being slain, he, with other Captains were taken prisoners, and committed to safe custody.

But some of Achomates Souldiers, scoffing the prisoners, told them how the matter had been carried, boasting they wanted not friends, most inward with Selimus, who favouring the Better Cause, would not long suffer the Beast to rage: all which, when ransomed, they reported. But Usegi still in prison, secretly informed Selimus, that Mustapha was the only cause of that losse; who of late, envying at Mustapha's authority, caused him to be in his sight, without trial, strangled and his body cast out into the street, a rare spectacle of the worlds uncertainty, and example of disloyalty. Achomates (in revenge) executed Usegi, setting all the rest at liberty.

Selimus at Spring, resolving on the destruction of Corcutus spending his time in quiet contemplation at Magnesia, giving out, he would make a sudden inroad into Cappadocia, set forward from Prusa with 1000 horsemen, [Page] (whereof Antonius Maenavinus a Genoway, Author of this History, was one) and keeping on the right hand, the Souldiers perceived they were to go for Lydia, and Ionia. A valiant Souldier (sometimes of Corcutus his Court) secretly and speedily coming to Magnesia, gave him warning of his Brothers coming; Corcutns richly rewarding him, fled with two servants to the Sea-side, hoping for passage into Crete or Rhodes.

Next day early, Selinms came to Magnesia's Castle, hoping to find Corcutus in his bed; but being deceived, he in a rage examined his servants, &c. with cruel torments, getting it out of them, that he, warned by a Souldier, was fled they knew not whither. Wherefore Selimus caused a diligent search for 15 daies all over the Countrey, and along the Sea-coast; but not hearing of him, he sent all Corcutus his treasure, &c. to Constantinople; and leaving there a Captain with 1000 horse, he returned to Prusa, supposing he was fled by Sea into Italy. But Bostanges with a Fleet on Ionia's coast, hindered Corcutus escape; so that he hid himself in a Cave nigh the Sea-side, hoping to find some opportunity in few daies: he living thus with Countrey-Crabs, &c. a good while, and forced to send his man to a Shepherd's Cortage for relief was discovered to Cassumes, (by a Peasant) seeking after his life: and being apprehended was carried towards Prusa; and being within a dayes journey thereof, Selimus sent Kirengen Ogli called (of his squint look) Chior Zeinall to strangle him, and bring his body to Prusa, who awakening him in the dead of the night, told him, He was sent to see him executed, which must presently be done. Corcutus deeply sighing, desired to be so long spared, as to write a few lines to Selimus, which guiltlesse, he readily in Turkish verse reproved him of his most horrible cruelty, upbraiding him with his Father's, Nephews, and thirsting after his and Achomates guiltlesse blood; and concluding with bitter curses, besought God justly to revenge so much [Page] innocent blood; requesting the Captain, the letter with his dead body might be delivered to Selimus; which being next day done, (for he was presently strangled) Selimus uncovering the face to be sure it was he, took and read the paper from his hand; which done, he bursting into tears, protested he was never so troubled at any mans death, and commanding a general mourning in the Court, he Princely buried his body, and 3 daies after, struck off 15 of the Searchers heads, flinging the bodies into the Sea, saying, If he were driven to flee and hide himself, they would not stick so to serve him.

Achomates at Spring, set forward with his Army from Amasia, being frequently excited by friends letters, assuring him, Selimus might be easily oppressed, if with expedition he would come to Prusa, the Janizaries and Europaean horse being then absent, and himself as hated of God and man, could not in so unexpected danger, tell what best to do, &c. wherefore they willed him to hasten, &c. lest Selimus should call together his dispersed forces, &c. for Summer being come, he must either conquer by plain battel, which was hard, or get him out of Cappadocia, and the lesser Asia. He hoping for better success, as well for his own strength, supply of horse from Hysmael, and chiefly hoping, Selimus now hated, would be forsaken in time of battel, yielded to his friends perswasion, and being come into Galatia with above 15000 horse, left his foot for haste, to come after: wherefore, Selimus sent speedily for his horse, and while he levyed common Souldiers Achomates friends with Selimus, did by Letters earnestly perswade him, to make haste from Paphlagonia, before Selimus his Janizaries, and horsemen were come, he also making all speedy and possible preparation, &c. which letters being intercepted, Selimus executing the writers caused others to be written in their names to Achomates (and signed with their Seals) with all speed to come on, and not stay for his foot, since Selimus might be easily oppressed [Page] with a few Troops, if he would but shew himself to his friends: who on the signal of battel would tumult & kill Solimus going to & fro; and having them cunningly delivered, Achomates giving credit, & much presuming on his strength, left his footmen under Amurath, encamping with his horse nigh Mount Horminius, upon Parthenius bank. Selimus going from Prusa, 10000 Janizaries lately being come to him sent Sinan Bassa his Asian horse-General, to prove his enemies strength; who not knowing where Achomates lay, through the mornings darknesse, was set upon in a disadvantagious place, and losing 7000, fled back with other 8000. Selimus not discomfited, marched to the River Elata, which running out of Horminius into Pontus, watereth most large fields on the right hand, called, the Plains of the new Land: So did Achomates, who though Selimus was too strong for him; yet being now encouraged, and hoping upon his friends with Selimus, neither retired, nor expected his others coming: the River was betwixt them, and their number discovered, yet Achomates, to whom the open fields offered a safe retreat, could not be perswaded to provide in time for his, and his Armies safety.

Selimus, passing the River, commanded every man to be ready for battel next day, and placing 1000 horse under Canoglis his wives brother, sent a little before from Taurica, with some choise, Tartarians, in ambush in a wood, charged him to charge the enemy, (battel being joyned) on their backs; and when it was day, he put his Army into battalia, Achomates (having no Foot) dividing his Horse into two wings. Whilst they thus stood, Achomates offered Selimus to try their quarrels equity hand to hand: which if refused, he took God and the world to witnesse, Selimus was the only cause of the blood to be shed; who answered, He was not to do that at Achomates appointment, and though he could be content so to do, his Souldiers would not suffer him, &c. returning the Messenger with 1000 Aspers reward.

[Page] Achomates charging his brother's right wing, they valiantly received them; but when it came to handy-blows, they by the force of the Persians (well armed) were disordered, and forced with great losse to retire. Wherefore, Selimus to encourage them, brought on his left wing, and his Janizaries also, who with their shot enforced the other to retire. Achomates (careful) couragiously coming on with fresh Troops, the battel was renewed, and whilst he was in great hope of victory, Canoglis rising out of ambush, with great out-cries, caused their enemies to turn upon them; the Footmen, standing close, charged them a Front, and the Horse who had fled, were for shame also returned; so that Achomates, being beset, his Ensigns were taken, many slain, the rest fled: and himself fleeing, fell with his horse into a rainy and miry ditch, and being taken, could not obtain to be presently slain, but was reserved to Selimus his pleasure; who sent Kirengen, with a Bow-string to strangle him: whose dead body, being brought to Selimus was royally buried at Prusa.

Amurath, hearing on the way by the Persians (who made their way thorough the Turks) of what happened, returned to Amasia, resolving with his brother; he with the Persians to flee to Hysmael; Aladin, to flee into Syria, and so to Campsoa Gaurus Sultan of Aegypt.

Selimus, after this, soon with little trouble, bringing all lesser Asia under, and disposing of all things, would return to Constantinople; but the Plague being there hot, he came to Hadrianople, where he spent that Summer, and the next Winter, So to Constantinople, the mortality being ceased, 160000 having there dyed.

Hysmael sending for Amurath, demanded why he came? who by his heavy countenance and abundance of tears, expressed the cause; yet briefly declared, That his Father, Uncle, and Consens, had lately been murdered by the Tyrant Selimus; who sought also his and his Brothers life, wherefore they were glad to flee.

[Page] Hysmael taking him into his protection, willed him to be chearful, promising him ayd, shortly giving him his Daughter in marriage; for twas thought, if Selimus should any way miscarry, none was to be preferred before Amurat: and if he should invade him out of Persia, all lesser Asia, for the death of Achomates, would revolt from him. Wherefore Hysmael, at Spring, willed Amurat, to passe Euphrates at Arsenga, into Cappadocia, with 10000 Horsemen, to prove the Countries affection, and enemie's strength: sending Usta Ogli with 20000 Horse to follow Amurat within a dayes journey, himself staying in Armenia with a far greater power, doubting to want Victual in those vast and barren places, whereby he must passe.

Amurat entring Cappadocia, had some Towns yielded him by friends; others he took by force, sacking or razing them, and so fearing the Inhabitants, that they submitting all the way, 'twas thought that he had gone to Amasia, had not old Chendemus, Selimus his Asian Lievtenant, at Sebastia, now Sivas, met him with a great Army: who also having advertised Selimus of the Persian's coming, he came into Asia, meeting all his forces at Prusa, speedily levying thereabout 40000 Souldiers: which Amurat understanding, though desirous to fight Chendemus, yet doubting to be intangled in Antitaurus's straits by Selimus his speed, he retired to Usta Ogli. Selimus to the great joy of Christendom, converted into the East, in 30 dayes came and joyned with Chendemus at Arsenga, and in revenge of his enemies harrying the Countrey, resolved to follow them, and enter the greater Armenia, the chief Persian Province. The difficulties of this expedition were propounded in Councel, to be great and many; for the Souldiers, who had soon marched thither, out of Europe already, were to endure the pinching cold of Mount Taurus; by and by, scorching heat in plains, with thirst, hunger and want; and the more, since the [...] [Page] retreating, destroyed all, serving for the use of man, on purpose, if they should pursue them; besides, they stood in no small doubt of the petty Princes of Armenia the lesse, and Aladeules the Mountain-King, whom they should leave behind them, with no great assurance of their friendship, &c. Aladeules his forces being not to be contemned, and his command by Castles and Garrisons stretching from the Mountains Scodrisci, near Pontus, to Amanus, dividing Cilicia from Syria.

Chendemus also, of great experience, and in greatest authority with Selimus, perswaded him with a notable and grave speech, to stay a while in Cappadocia, to refresh his wearied Europeans, and to expect the coming of his enemies, disswading him from the dangerous expedition into Persia. But he doing all things according to his own direction, though not a little moved with that speech, and seeing many Captains troubled at the imagination of the danger; yet in a fume, refuting a little of Chendemus his speech, dismissed the Councel, protesting he would proceed, hap what would hap: though that old fellow he said, feared to die honourably. Whereupon, others accustomed to serve his humour, and envying Chendemus, beginning with the greatness of his forces, valour of his Souldiers, &c. laboured to lessen, what the Bassa had said, touching te enemies prowesse and power: Then discrediting him, saying, he being of known resolution, had not so said, as wanting courage, but as foreloaded with Amurat's promises, and Persian Gold. Wherefore they wished him to beware of the Fox, and proceed so much the boldlier, &c. And moreover, these flatterers suborned false accusers, affirming he received great summes from Amurat, and therefore timely went not against the Persian robbers; for which pretences, Selimus commanded Chendemus, without further hearing, to be slain, indeed to terrifie others from like liberty of speech, and to teach them to accept of their Sovernighs devices and counsels, [Page] without contradiction. The sudden death of this faithful Counsellor, struck exceeding fear into the mindes of all.

Selimus marching on, came to the lesser Armenian King's Confines, and of Aladeules, requesting them then in Arms, to joyn and go with him against the Persian: promising, the Warres happily ended, to give them all taken from the enemy, as a reward; But they hating them both for daily injuries received, and expecting the event, answered, they took not up Arms, but for their own defence, &c. yet, if he would peaceably passe thorow their Dominions, they promised a free passage, and to relieve him in Armenia the greater, with what Victual their bare Countrey afforded. Selimus thinking those poor Kings would for love or fear have done him what service they could, then dissembled his grief. Wherefore passing the Mountains Scodrisci, in 8 dayes, to the great Mountains Moschii, which famous Euphrates separates from Antitaurus; and running into Iberia and Colchis, discovereth Armenia the greater, on the right hand here; Selimus, least he should lack water, departed not from Euphrates his banks. So holding on Eastward, till he came to the Mountain Periardo, for its fertility, there called Leprus, that is, fruitful; for Euphrates and Araxis there running forth of contrary marishes, water that Champian drie Countrey.

Selimus, not yet hearing where Hysmael with his great Army was, as half afraid, encamped at the head of Euphrates, sending his Scouts every way, to intercept some that might inform him therein. But the Armenians, whether for fear of Hysmael's command, were fled out of that part, whereby Selimus was to passe, carrying away, or burning whatever was for mans use.

The Scouts after two dayes, returned to Selimus, not taking one man, shewing him how it was, and thinking either the Armenian Guides mistaking, or on purpose, had [Page] brought them into such desart places, where Horses and men must perish together: the weak Kings increasing their fear, chiefly Aladeules, who for a few dayes, helped them with Victuals; but being gone farre thereinto, Armenia performed not his promise, thinking Hysmael would vanquish the Turks, as he had most of the East. Selimus, perplexed, &c. with grief remembred what Chendemus had before told him, yet seeming chearful to his Souldiers, &c. and calling his Guides, he understood, that on the right hand beyond Periardo, lay the fruitful Countrey of Armenia; so, compassing the Hill Northward, he turn'd down toward Araxis, passing it over about the City Coy; for it is foordable, till it receive Rivers out of Periardo.

He had scarcely got over, but Usta-Ogli with Amurat encamping not farre off, quickly set forward to meet the Turks, lest Coy where the Persian Kings for fresh Fountains, &c. wholsom air, and plenty of all fruit, used to spend most of the Summer, should be suddenly surprized. (Cussimus an Armenian, probably shewed Jovius; Coy to have been famous Artaxata, which Domitius Corbulo destroyed,) Nor did Hysmael, though he lately sent most of his forces against the Coraxeni in rebellion, not much reckoning the Turks, durst come so far, delay; but forthwith came personally to his Army.

Usa-Ogli, incamping near the City, when as the Turks Scouts, upon Hysmael's coming, the dust rising, and the Horses neighing; perceived a great power was at hand.

The Turks were glad, that now they should by Victory, turn their toyl and famine, &c. into ease and plenty, or honourably end their miseries at once; for the Horsemen, especially the Europeans, whose Horses were starved, and the Foot spent with travel, and a great flux, living mostly on Crabs, &c. with a supping of meal and Vinegar, began to die in every corner. Hysmael, to terrific them the more, sent a Herald to Selimus, with some [Page] skilful Souldiers, to view what they could; his number, Artillery, and how encamped; telling him, seeing the Turks had no Title to Armenia, &c. he marvelled why he entred his Dominion; but if, as Alexander the great, he should think so much his own as by the Sword he could win, he should next day prove his fortune, and others forces not inferior to his. Selimus answered, the manifold injuries done to the Turks by the Persians formerly, and also in his Warres against Achomates, might give him just cause, yet he esteemed them not sufficient causes of Warre, only seeking after Amurat, lately spoiling Cappadocia, whom if he would friendly deliver to him, as mutual Laws of amity required, he would peaceably return: else he threatned to destroy with fire and Sword, even the heart of Persia.

Next day, Selimus set forward in order of battel against the enemies laying about two miles off, thinking, so great a Prince would fight without delay, yet what strength, &c. the Persian was of, he certainly knew not; for the ingenious Persians, generally so loved Hysmael, that not one went to the Turks: whereas many revolted from Selimus to him.

Selimus having 80000 Horse, placed Casan Bassa with his Europeans in the right Wing, Sinan Bassa with his Asians in the left; before them both, the Acanzii; in the middle, the Asapi; behind them, the Artillery guarded with 4000 Horse: lastly following himself with his Pensioners and Janizaries, compassed with his small Fieldpieces and Carriages, commanding his Vant-guard Foot, upon the enemies approach, speedily to divide, that the great Ordnance might play betwixt them.

Hysmael understanding by fugitives, his enemies devices, said to his chief Commanders, there was no doubt of Victory, if they could shun the Artillery: wherefore, when the Turks Foot divided, they should likewise withdraw into two parts, causing two great Ensigns to be displayed, [Page] whither then to retire, one for himself, the other for Usta Ogli, and the rest. He had about 30000 Horse, no Foot; among whom were 10000 men at Arms, resolute, experienced, mounted on couragious barbed Horses, and bravely armed; no Guns; in which, and number, they were inferior to the Turks: yet contemning about 300000 Turks, and little reckoning of their Artillery, they doubted not to give them battel: being also exhorted by Hysmael, to remember their former Honour, &c. telling them, they had to do with such whose Weapons were but weak Staves, and light Targets: their Horses little poor jades, almost dead with hunger.

Selimus gave notice, that the long-wished for battel, was come, wherein if they would worthily acquit themselves, they should to their immortal fame, extend the Turkish Empire from the Persian Sea, to Mount Caucasus; but if otherwise, they must not think to escape by flight, through those desolate Countries, where they either should perish, or being taken, be forced alwayes to serve the Persian Women: also, Euphrates, Taurus, and Aladeules, who had shut up the passages, did cut off all such hope.

The Asapi making place for the Artillery to play, Hysmael also dividing, charged the Turk's right wing so forcibly, that Casan Bassa, after a terrible fight with the foremost being slain, and many after them, that wing was forced to retire unto Selimus; but Usta Ogli, who had no small harm by the Ordnance, as not clearing his men so speedily as Hysmael, charged their left wing, making great slaughter, and in his couragious assail was slain with a small shot. Wherewith the Turks encouraged, who before gave ground, renewed the battel, and with their terrifying Harque-busiers, drave the Persians upon the Turk's common foot: who serring together, brake thorow them, bearing them down with a mighty slaughter, and slaying the Cannoniers, who discharging at all adventure, slew [Page] many of their own, as of enemies, so making way till they came to the right wing, where Hysmael still hardly charging the European Horses, they were forced to retire; but now charged afresh, scarce able to endure it, cryed to Selimus for help: who opening his carriages, sent out part of his Horsemen, and said to his Janizaries, that dayes Victory was reserved to their valour: therefore as fresh men, they should assail their wearied enemies, whose Horses were all on a water, and the men faint under their Armour: yet Selimus could say, they were not very forward, and whilest they leisurely set forward, the Persians slew the European Horsemen down right, and were ready to assail Selimus himself on every side; but Sinan Bassa, though his wing was sore rent, came in in good time, and with some fresh Troops, restored the battel almost lost; but chiefly by the courage of Alisbeg, and his Brother Mahomet resembling their warlike Father Malcozzius. Selimus still in hope, commanded all the Ordnance about him to be discharged: whereby such slaughter was made of his own, as well as of his enemies, that for dust, smoak, & noise of the Artillery, both sides almost losing sight, and hearing their Horses terrified with the Ordnance, not now to be ruled, the battel brake off, the Victory yet doubtful. The Turkish Histories tearm this, the onely day of doom.

Hysmael being wounded under his left shoulder with a small shot, and withdrawing through perswasion to have it searched, was the safeguard of Selimus and his Army: for they following their King, left the Victory, thought by all to be almost gotten; but Hysmael perceiving the wound was not deep, he was about to charge a fresh; but hearing of Usta Oglie's death, in whom was his greatest confidence, his Captains also perswading him not to set light by his wound, whose grief he yet felt not, being warm, he softly marched away, as not resembling flight: and passing by Tauris, willed the Citizens to open the [Page] Gates to Selimus, if he came, rather than to fall into destruction, himself marching in Media's confines.

The Turks having no hearts nor strength to pursue them, yet took their Tents, where besides much rich furniture, were many Ladies and Gentlewomen, who, Persian-like, had followed their Husbands in those Warres, whom Selimus safely freed, except a Wife of Hysmael, whom he gave in marriage to a Bassa. Some there present, reported that divers Persian women were found among the dead, armed, whom Selimus honestly buried. This notable battel in the Galderan fields nigh Coy, was fought August 7th, 1514. Selimus losing above 30000 men, Cusun, Lievetenant of Europe, being one, Seven Sanzacks, two being the Malcozzian Brethren, who were slain rescuing each other: most of his European Horse; the flower of his Army, being almost all slain, or grievously wounded: yet he having the Victory, by his enemies confession, and having Embassadors from Coy and other Cities also from Tauris, promising to relieve him, and do what he commanded, he marched thither to see and possess himself of that chief City, two dayes journey from Coy. The Citizens being ready, brought them store of Victuals into the Suburbs, Selimus not holding it safe to lodge within that populous City, only kept the Gates with a strong Guard: Some say Selimus went not into Tauris, but in a common Souldiers habit: others that he banqueted in the Kings Pallace, discoursing with the Taurisians, about his Victory. And purposing to winter in Armenia, he asked his great Captains, how they liked of it, who for fear, referred themselves to him.

Only Musthapha, chief Bassa said, twere good to know the mindes of the Janizaries, & Court-Souldiers: wherefore Selimus, commanded him out of his sight, and degraded him, sending a Jester after him in disgrace, who cut off part of his Tulipant that hung down; but the Janizaries much offended with the indignity, rose in arms, telling [Page] Selimus, they would not winter so farre from home, in the enemie's Countrey: therefore he were best betime consider of it, they being resolved to forsake him, if he did not speedily return. Selimus much troubled, and hearing Hysmael was comming upon him with a greater power, and considering with what difficulty and danger he escaped in the last battel, &c. and suspecting the fidelity of the Taurisians, he resolved to return into Cappadocia: wherefore exacting from them a great Masse of money against his promise, he speedily retired towards Euphrates, a longer way than he came, carrying away 3000 Families, the best artificers, chiefly those skilled in making Armour and Weapons: fearing to return by the head of Araxis, &c. for meeting the Albanian and Iberian Horsemen.

Hysmael followed him with such speed, that he left his Carriages, and such as could not endure such a march, behind him; yet he overtook no part of his Army, till come to Euphrates, where he was transporting his Foot in divers small Boats made, many swimming over for haste upon bladders; some on broken pieces of their Carriages burst in sunder to that end. Selimus got over in a little Boat, causing the Horsemen at once, to take the River, to break the streams force, whereby his Foot and burthened Cammels got over, lesse dangerously, and some Fieldpieces also with lesse difficulty: yet the Georgian Horsemen coming in sight before all got over, raised such a fear, that 2000 Turks were in their haste drowned, divers Ordnance sticking in the mud, and much baggage carried away with the River. The Georgians drew out the Turkish trash, pursuing them no farther. Hysmael rejoycing, that chasing away his enemies, he recovered much of the Ordnance, that did him such hurt.

Selimus his passage was much more dangerous at Antitaurus, than he thought of; for Aladeules waiting for his prey, had taken all strait passages of that MountainCountrey, [Page] whose savage people assailing them every night, robbed their Carriages: so fleeing into the thick Woods, rocky aud Mountainous: Aladeules fraudulently excusing him self, as if done by the people used to such robberies against his will, yet saying he would chastise the Authours, so soon as found. And sending a little provision for some dayes, he spoiled the Turks by night, by his Souldiers upon advantage, which Selimus could not prevent: wherefore purposing to be in time revenged, he with much adoe, came to Trapezond, thence to Amosia, repairing his sore weakened Army that winter.

Thus Jovius reports the said Warres, whom others since have mostly followed; yet Manavinus a Genoway, who served therein, doth much otherwise report the same. Selimus, saith he, with about 300000 coming to Euphrates, the Bridge was broken down by Amurat; and his enemies encamped on the farther side, having new supplies from Hysmael: so that the Persians were about 90000 Horse and Foot, most having two serviceable Horses apiece: neither could Selimus, any way learn whether Hysmael were there, of, which he most feared, raising greater forces. Wherefore, repairing the Bridge, he sent over Casan and Sinan, Bassa's, who encamped as they thought convenient: next morning, Amurat, two houres before Sun-rising, suddenly assailed Casan in his Trenches, discomfiting them, and taking their Tents: whereupon such a terror came on Sinan, that his men swam over with great danger to the rest.

Selimus troubled hereat, placed his Artillery along the hither most bank of Euphrates, and to hide them, ranged some Souldiers before them, as if presently to passe over; but upon a signall, should withdraw from the Ordnance, bent upon the enemy; many of whom being over-charged, burst in sunder, slaying divers Turks, also many Horses and Mules, terrified with the noyse, leapt into the River, and were drowned with their Riders.

[Page]The Porsians also having great losse, retired farther off for fear: So Selimus passing over, marched toward the enemy, whom the Persians notably encountred: The Fight was long doubtful, and much blood shed on both fides; and had not the nights approach broke it off, the Persians through multitude, rather then valour, had been greatly overthrown; but now they escaped the Turk's pursuit. Selimus leaving his Carriages, &c. with his Foot, marched with his Horse, suddenly to surprise Tauris, before the fame of the battel: the Persians being as careful of their affaires. The day before, 10000 fresh Horsemen were comming to Hysmael, who placing them in the Turks way, commanded them, upon their approach, to flee.

Selimus in the morning, descrying them, supposing they were such as could not follow the rest, exhorted them couragiously to pursue them; of which, being about mid day; weary, they stayed at a little River to refresh: then again pursuing, leaving those who could not follow, hoping before night to ransack rich Tauris. The Persian Horsemen in ambush, set the while on the Turks Foot, thought to be secure, greatly slaughtering them, taking all Selimus his Treasure and Artillery. Which being by Posts made known to him about two at night, and that the enemy was following him, he, wonderfully abashed, began to retire. The 10000 Persians now turning on the Turks, charged them hardly: who being enclosed before and behind, received a great overthrow; and losing their Ensigns, brake out sidewayes and fled.

Selimus also fleeing, and passing Euphrates, brake down the Bridge, fearing further pursuit, and coming to Amasia with trouble and danger, assembled the reliques of his discomfited Army: such as could not follow in flight, being all slain by the Persians.

The Genoway concludeth, that Hysmael did not more rejoyce hereat than himself, hoping now to free himself of thraldom, as he did. For, fleeing into Trapezond, he [Page] thence had passage to Hadrianople, thence by Land to Salonica; thence transported into Chios, whence he returned to Genua, after ten years captivity, part as a page in Ba jazet's privy Chamber, the rest a Court-Souldier under Selimus

Jonius compares these two great Princes together, Hysmael and Selimus, who for royal discent, strength of body, courage of mind, riches & power, were equall, thereby obtaining like fame and renown; but in conditions and qualities of minde, and Martial Discipline, much differing: for Hysmael was Majestical, Selimus tyrannical; Hysmael courteous, Selimus churlish in devotion and gravity: neither suffered he his Wives to come to Court, nor using their Company, but for procreation sake, and that, as was thought, without any great countenance; for he being more delighted with unnatural pleasure, thought a mans minde and body to be not a little weakned with the allurements of Women: scoffing also many times at his Father Ba jazet, who, he said, was so drowned in the study of Averroes, determining nothing certainly of the souls nature, and the Heavens motions, that he desired rather the name of a sharp disputer, amongst the idle professors of Philosophy, than of a renowned Chiefetain, amongst his valiant Souldiers.

A Persian Ambassador finding him pleasant, asked him, Why he wore not his beard long as Ba jazet and others, to seem of greater Majesty; who answered, He liked not to carry such an unnecessary handful, whereby his Bassaes might at pleasure, lead him up and down the Court, as they did his Father; for Selimus followed no advice but his own, in what ever he undertook.

The cause why Hysmael, out of so many large Provinces; for he had under his Dominion, Armenia the greater, Sulthania, Persia, Assyria, Mesopotamia, Media, and Parthia: Armenia being the chiefest which yields the Persian his best foot, Persia his choyce Horsemen, chiefly [Page] from Scyras; next to them, from Assyria, whose chief City is Bagdat, or Babylon: the Medes and Parthians being the best Archers next to the Scythians, brought now so small an Army against Selimus, was, because to win his peoples hearts, he had remitted a great part of his Customs and Tributes; so that he wanting money, could not raise such an Army, as otherwise he might, out of those populous Countries, yielding plentifully all necessaries for mans use.

But in 1515, Selimus wintring at Amasia, raised such a power in Europe and Asia, that at first of the Spring, he entred again into the Persian Confines with a greater Army, and that sooner than either that part of Armenia's cold would suffer; or the enemy thought he could have done: who thought in any case to be Master of strong Ciamassum, standing on the first entrance into Armenia; thereby, as of some holds thereabouts, to open a fair way into his enemies Countrey. Hysmael being then gone against the rebellious Hyrcanians, Bactrians, &c. Selimus making a Bridge over Euphrates, laid hard siege to Ciamassum, before they were well aware, driving the Defendants from the Walls, with their Harquebusiers and Archers, and still bringing on fresh men; others then also breaking open the Gates, and scaling the walls in divers places, the Defendants retired into the Market-place; where though spent and wounded, they resolutely fought it out to the last man. Having taken and ransacked the Town, with two small Castles, for fear abandoned, he thought good to enter no farther, till he had chased out Aladeules: who, fearing his own estate, hearing Selimus was come, soon raised a great Army for his defence, purposing to do as formerly. Wherefore Selimus leaving a Garrison at Ciamassum, retired to Antitaurus, where his enemies were reported to lay. Aladeule's people were fierce and warlike, who could profit little by Husbandry, yet bred Horses and Cammels in Pasture-bearing places; but most of [Page] their living stood in hunting and stealing. His chief City was Maras, which may be thought so called from the fair River Marsias, running thorow it out of the Mountain [...]; who seeing Selimus enter his frontiers, brought down about 15000 Horsemen into a large Valley, ordering his great store of Foot to keep the Mountains on the right and left, there advantagiously expecting his coming. Selimus considered the places disadvantage, yet presuming on his strength and multitude, commanded Sinan Bassa the Eunuch, Generall of his European Horse, in stead of Casan, to charge the enemy afront, with a square battel, because of the places straightness, himself with the Janizaries and Asian Horse, following after. Aladeule's Souldiers also, fought valiantly in the head of the battel; and having spent their Arrows, stood close, keeping the grounds advantage, so repulsing the Turks old Souldiers, that they seemed little or nought to prevail; for they could not enclose them on either side, and the Foot grievously wounding the Turks from the sides of the Hills, with darts and Arrows. Selimus seeing such strong resistance, contrary to expectation, sent some Harquebusiers to relieve their Fellows, and the Janizaries at that instant, to mount the Hill. The Aladeulians terrified with the shot, fled into the Mountains and Woods fast by; yet the most slaughter was of the Foot, who, the Horse being fled, and the Janizaries coming up the Hills, did with much difficulty by steep and broken wayes, clamber up the Mountains, as surprized with sudden fear: the Turks killed them to the going down of the Sun: the swift Horsemen retiring into further and stronger places, with little losse.

Aladeules, thinking it now best to protract the Warre, as the Turks pursued him, burning the Cottages, he fled from Mountain to Mountain, not offering battel, but in advantagious places; wherefore Selimus fearing want of Victual, or intrapping, on the 7th day left off the pursuit: and himself conveniently encamping, sent Sinan, carrying Victuals with him, with all speed and policy to hunt after [Page] the King himself. And the while inquiring of the Captives, of Aladeules strength, &c. found, he had taken with him his best Horse and Foot, commanding the people to forsake the Villages to leave all desolate; and intrenching himself on a strong Rock, with store of Provision, resolved not to give battel, till he had drawn them where their multitude should little avail, but to increase their Iosse: also they said, he feared to be betrayed by Alisbeg, General of his Horse, who first fled; for Aladeules had treacherously murdered his Father, upon a suspition of his aspiring the Kingdom. Selimus striking off their Irons, laded them with gifts and promises, and sent them to Alis, to perswade him in so fit a time, to revenge his Fathers death, which if he should perform by some notable exploit, he should have both credit with him and the Kingdom: these imparting the matter to Sinan, he soon wrought with Alis, pricked on with desire of a Kingdom and Selimus his rewards, that he went over to Sinan, with a great part of the best Horsemen; whereby the rest, for rewards, came all by degrees, over to the Bassa. Aladeules, thus unexpectedly circumvented, reposed his hope in secret flight; but they pursuing him as he fled, hiding himself, at last drew him out of a Cave, betrayed by the Peasants: and being brought to Selimus, was in few dayes put to death, and his head in derision carried about afterwards thorow lesser Asia, then sent to the Venetians as a witness of his Victory. Selimus reduced all his Kingdom into a Province of 3 parts, to every part a Sanzack. Alisbeg to be chief over the rest, wanting nothing of a King, but the name only. And leaving Sinan there, commanded him, after he had set all things in good order, to winter in Iconium, himself, with a few, returning to Constantinople; for he heard, the Hungarians had made incursions into Servia, and spoiled it. Wherefore least he should lose Samandria, reputed the Bulwark of Servia and Thrace, he sent Jonuses, Bassa of Bosnia, with 8000 Horse into Croatia, as far as Catinum, transporting another Army over Dannbius, into Hungary, [Page] that the Hungarians at once; doubly beset, might fear their estate: and to shew the World of what power the Othomur Emperors were, &c. Having thus pressed the Hungarians, he at Hadrianople, and Constantinople, the following winter, more prepared for Warre than ever, as being advertized, that Maximilian the Emperour, with the Germ: Princes, Uladislaus of Hungary, and Sigismund of Poland, had combined to war on him; but learning by his intelligencers sent into all parts of Europe, that their meetings proved but great words and Banquets, he turned himself with all his preparations again toward the East, to the great quiet of Christendom. Yet he strengthned his frontiers, with most strong Garisons, leaving his Son to Solyman at Hadrianople, and Pyrrhus Bassa his Tutor, which was strange, a native Turk, at Constantinople, then he sent Cherseogles, whom he was most trusted, with his Army into Bythinia, making Zafferus an Eunuch, Admiral of his Navy lately built, and with wondrous charge rigged forth, and staying a little at Constantinople, to see the young Souldiers then choosing Janizaries, he departed to his Army at Iconium, intending again to invade the Persian, Being come thither, he heard that Campson Gaurus, Sultan of Aegypt, was come into Syria with a great Army, giving out, he wou'd ayd the Persian King his Confederate, entring into Cilicia with all Hostility, if Selimus proceeded to invade him: he, perplexed, and fearing if he should passe Euphrates, Campson should break in by Mount Amanus, and indanger that part of his Dominion, stayed at Iconium, sending the Cadalescher, who wrote the Commentaries of this Warre, and Jachis a great Captain, with great presents to pacifie him, if possible, not to hinder or disturb Selimus, from warring upon Hysmael, who had so invaded his Dominions in Asia; and by a new form of superstition, had corrupted and altered the most sure grounds of Mahometanism: and if Campson would by no conditions be removed, then diligently to learn his strength and designs, and speedily to return.

[Page] Campson, though spent with age and living in worldly blisse; yet for sundry causes thought this expedition good and needful; for he hated Selimus for his cruelty, and would never renew the League with him made with Bajazet; desiring also to represse and abate his insolency, grown by success, beyond reasons bounds, &c. especially, fearing the losse of Syria, and so of all his Kingdom: for Aegypt, Judea, and Syria intollerably oppressed with the Mamalukes, were in danger to revolt, if the Persians should chance to be vanquished, with whom he h dmade a firm League: also moved with Aladin's misery, he was perswaded, Selimus might by his and Hysmael's forces be thrust out of all; for Aladin living three years in his Court, had by all means possible incited the Mamalukes to revenge. Likewise Aladules eldest Son fleeing into Aegypt, had filled so the minds of all with detestation of Selimus his cruelty, that the chief of the Mamalukes humbly besought Campson, to take on him so just a war: & if through years he thought himself unable; yet to give them leave of themselves to take it in hand.

These Mamalukes far excelled the Turks both in strength, skilful riding, goodly armour and also in courage and wealth. Many Christians of loose life, or condemned for notorious offences, fleeing to Aegypt, and abjuring their Religion, being circumcised, and meet for the wars grew by degrees to great honour, as did Tangarihardinus the Son of a Spanish Marriner, by whose advice (in Campson's time) almost all things were done, and was by him sent Ambassadour to Bajazet, and to the State of Venice, about matters of great importance; yet at length by envy he was brought into disgrace, thrust out of his place, cast into prison, and miserably died, loaded with cold irons. For appeasing the mischief arising in that servile Monarchy (for 4 years) by civil wars, about the succession of a Sultan, after Caytheius his death, to the sore weakening of the Mamalukes estate, the great Courtiers, [Page] and chief men amongst them offered the Kingdom to Campson Gaurus, or (as the Turks) Casaves Gauris a man of great integrity and courage, and free from ambition: who earnestly, at first, refused it, excusing himself as unfit for so high a place, and with tears standing in his eys, besought other great Lords to forbear to thrust him, (content with his private life) into that place subject to so many dangers, &c. (for he was terrified with the example of so many Kings slain in a short time by other proud competitors). They perswaded him not upon a foolish obstinacy or vain modesty, to refuse his good fortune; but couragiously to take on him the government of the State, sore shaken with civil discord, together with the regal dignity, promising by solemn Oath, with all their power, policy, and wealth, to maintain and defend the Majesty of his State, and that the men of war, should not demand their wonted largesse, till it might be raised out of his Customs, and other Crown-Revenues; whereby he suffered himself to be salured Sultan, and having given 10 millions of Ducars to the men of War, as a largess, and by his moderate Government, had caused men generally to admire his prowesse and wisdom, he so reformed the shaken State of that Kingdom, taking away by poyson and other secret devices, the chief Authors of that Sedition, that for 16 years, neither tumult or noise of war, was heard in all Syria and Aegypt: Undoubtedly worthy the name of a most excellent and fortunate Prince, if in the winding up of his life he had not rashly thrust himself into the dangerous quarrels of other Princes.

Campson, encamping at the River Orontes, (now Farfar) entertained Selimus, his Embassadours with more bounty than courtesie; who most temperately and calmly delivering their Embassage in his Pavilion, he answered, The Aegyptian Sultans (holding the chief place in their Religion) used to keep with all care other Mahometans in concord, whereof he was ever desirous, and was [Page] come into Syria, only to perswade [...] to peace; who, if he would proceed against Hysmael his confederate, he would not long suffer all to go to rack for the pleasure and fury of one insolent and ambitious man, saying, He had long seen into Selimus his insatiable, fierce, and troublesome disposition; who, procuring the death of his Father, slaying his Brethren, Nephews, with many other his best friends and faithful Counsellors, could make no end of his ambitious tyranny: therefore, to tell him the only condion of peace should be, If he desisted from invading Hysmael, and restored to Aladeules's Son his Father's Kingdom, long under the Aegyptian Sultan's protection, as he ought to be; whereby, besides his friendship, he should reap more glory by a sure and honourable peace, than by a dangerous war.

Though the Embassadours knew, Selimus would not, for any threats, give over his enterprize; yet that being the sooner dispatched, they might truly advertize Selimus of the Sultans sudden coming, he seemed wondrously to like of his motion, and to give good hope by their perswasions to induce Selimus his liking, &c. So being by Campson rewarded, they departed, travelling day and night till they came to Selimus, who was come to Caesaria. Campson also came into Comagena unto Aleppo, at this day a famous City, for its commodious scituation, much frequented by Marchants from the farthest part of the world; but the City Birtha at Euphrates, of late time bounded the Aegyptian Sultan's Kingdom from the Persian.

Selimus understanding by his Embassadours, both of the comming and number of his enemies, also the Sultan's proud answer, thought good to convert his forces another way than [...]; Wherefore, making shew as if he would have gone against the Persian, he sent before, part of his Army with his Carriages to Suassia, formerly Sebastae, standing in the Persians frontiers; but, turning on the right hand, purposed to passe Taurus, and suddenly [Page] into Comagena, to come upon Campson before he were well aware; wherefore he cheerfully declared to his Janizaries, & other Court Souldiers, what he resolved to do, with the Reasons, perswading them, the victory would be easily atchieved; if they couragiously and with speed, would get up to the top of the Mountains, and recover those difficult passages, not fearing the vain names of [...]; for why, said he, the strength of those horsemen is long since decayed and gone; the old Mamalukes, who in Caytheius his time were of some fame, are all dead, &c. To overcome (said he), indeed wholly consisteth in their courage and valour, who deem nothing more honourable or better than to spend their [...] for the honour of their Prince and Country. Here the Janizaries [...] their weapons, cryed our, He should conduct them whither he would, they being ready to overcome all difficulties, and endure all labours and dangers.

Selimus, by the people, finding the easiest passages, resolved to passe the Mountain in three places, and by opening streight passages, by the people and Souldiers, and making rough waies smooth, encouraging by reward those Souldiers who took extraordinary pains therein, in 5 daies, all his Army, baggage, and Carriages, got over the mountain into Comagena's Plains: for where Taurus takes the name of Amanus, it is not exceeding high, nor yet impassible.

Alis Beg the betrayer of Aladeules, being sent for, with a strong power of Horse, speedily over-ran all at the foot of Amanus and Taurus; thereby to understand, of the people and those they could take, where Campson lay: also by keeping the passages to do what possible, that Selimus his coming might not be [...].

Campson who had vainly and proudly flattered himself, could not be perswaded, Selimus was come over Mount Amanus, till he had certain news, that he was encamped with a most puissant Army, within 2 daies march [Page] of him. Then as sore troubled, he sometimes hoped well, and by and by was as half dismayed. And being exceeding careful of his honour and himself, doubted whether to retire into more safe places, or to hazzard a battel, though on great disadvantage; for besides the Mamalukes Military glory above 300 years, himself being 77 years old, was not willing to reserve his last daies to shame and obloquie.

One Jamburd Gazelles above others (valiant, experienced, and Governour of Apamia) thought, to fight with the Turks most expert Souldiers, with so small a power, was desperately dangerous: also that 'twas good speedily to retire, choosing [...] as the fittest place for war, whither they might easily retire, (the Turks not able hastily to follow them for their Foot and Carriages) and calling thither all the Mamalukes in [...] and Aegypt, and entertaining the Arabians to protract the war till Winter, when the enemy would want victual: neither was it to be feared, Aleppo (though but reasonably furnished) could be presently taken, the enemy having but small field-pieces. Besides, aid would soon come from the Persians out of Mesopotamia, and Hysmael was like enough to break into Asia the lesse: they might also, upon request, have great Artillery from Rhodes and Cyprus against the common enemy; afterwards, he said, Campson, if he saw meet might (on eeven hand) give battel; but seeing the most [...] motions of the greatest wars, did commonly by politick delay grow calm, he should not make too much haste, since the errours of war often chancing through Chieftain's rashnes, might be lamen ed and detested, but hardly or never recovered or amended. This grave speech much moved the Sultan and others; but the fool-hardy Mamalukes began to leap, dance, and rejoyce, that now they might prove their [...], and win themselves honour, a time long wished for, by notable [...] of their enemies, to advance Campsons Majesty far above the fame [Page] of [...]: Some chief ones also, upon flattery and boasting, alleadged how they overthrew the Turks great Army at Taurus, perswading him the victory would be easily gotten. Chiefly Cayerbeius Governour of the Province and [...] (afterward preferred by Selimus to the greatest honours of Aegypt) extolling the Mamalukes, and extenuating the enemy, strove to the utmost to overthrow Gazelles wholsome Counsel; for he grudged in heart against Campson, who had poysoned his brother next to himself in power, and of an aspiring mind. Cayerbeius, doubting the same on himself, when summoned to a Parliament at Caire, feigned himself sick: Campson offended hereat, thought best to wait for a fitter opportunity, to take away that proud man, &c. either coming to Aleppo upon occasion of that war, or of going in person to Euphrates; for the Sultans accounted themselves unworthy of that name before they had encamped their Army at Byrtha, and with solemn pomp forced their horses into the River to drink, thereby to shew, they were ready by Arms to prove, all to be theirs along Euphrates, from Taurus to Arabia's desarts. [...] this wars consideration, caused him to deferr his wrath against Cayerbeius, till the end thereof, lest the Mamalukes should revolt, or some mutiny be raised in Aleppo, he keeping there a strong Citidal, built on a hills rising in the middle of the City, with a sure Garrison.

Many of Campson's secret friends (the while) advised Cayerbeius to beware of the Sultan, &c. who without delay, sent secretly to Selimus, declaring the cause of his grief, promising to come to him upon occasion and to deliver to him the Castle, with the heart of the Citizens, and all his own Horsmen: & for performance of promise on both sides, required Hostages; also advertising him of the Sultan's strength, in any case to give him battel, before he had a greater power. Selimus condiscended to all, promising him far greater things than he required.

[Page] Campson, through the General consent of his Souldiers, resolved to dare him battel. He lay encamped on the River Singa, almost 10 miles from the City, that his Souldiers using the benefit of the River, and removed from the Cities pleasures, might yet be relieved with the plenty thereof.

The Mamalukes were scarce 12000, yet every one according to his place, had more servants well furnished. Besides, their cunning and furniture in their fighting, their Horses were strong, couragious and swift, and so docible, that at signs and speeches of the Rider, they would reach him with their teeth from the ground a Launce, Arrow. &c. and run upon the enemy with open mouth, lashing at him with their heels, and had learned not to be afraid of anything. Campson made 4 battels: Cayerbeius led the first, it being in his Province. Sybeius, Governour of Damasco, (called for his activity Balvano, that is, a Tumbler) the second. After them (who were to charge both the Turkish wings at once) followed Gazelles with the third. Campson, all glistering, himself led the fourth, almost a mile and half behind. The last was to defend the Camp.

Selimus ordered his Asian horse in the right wing, his European in the left, his Janizaries and Artillery in the main battel; before whom, between the wings, he placed his valiant Pensioners, serving that day amongst them, not used so to do.

Cayerbeius gave a hot charge upon the Europeans; and by and by, as if to compasse in that wing, wheeled a great way about behind them, where lighting on a great company of drugdes, &c. with Cammels and Carriages, he made there a great stir, with little slaughter. Sybeius, turning his Troops on the left hand, entred overthwart the ranks of the other wing; where, having made great slaughter of the Asian Horse, they furiously bare down all before them, till they came to their Ensigns in the [Page] midst: neither could Mustapha the Beglerbeg, nor the Imbrahar Bassa, (or Master of the horse) by any means stay the rest from flight. So Sybeius now thrusting in betwixt the foot and the Pensioners backs, brought great fear on the whole main battel; the matter being extreamly dangerous; for Selimus was hereby almost cut off from his Foot; the Janizaries being also hardly charged by Gazelles, setting on the head of their battel. But by the seasonable coming in of Sinan Bassa with many fresh troops, (being but lightly charged by Cayerbeius the traytor) the Mamalukes fury was repressed, the Turks encouraged, and the victory soon wrung out of their hands: Selimus then discharging his Artillery amongst them, their Horses somewhat troubled, could not be so well ruled as before, themselves, though wondrous couragious, being oppressed with the multitude of their enemies; yet serring close, they brake thorough the midst of them, with great slaughter of the Europeans, and hurt of the Pensioners, speedily fleeing toward the Camp and City, Sinan following with the readiest Troops; for Selimus who that day seemd greater than himself; riding up and down, called earnestly upon them to urge the victory.

Campson on the way, coming for relief, or to partake of victory, heard by those that fled, That Cayerbeius was revolted, his Army overthrown, and his Souldiers flight not to be stayed: 'twas also reported, that the enemies multitude and their Artilleries force were not to be encountred; Whereat the proud old man, who never rasted of ill hap, was ready for grief to sink down, and forthwith his own men and the pursuing enemy, coming upon him, who without regard overthrew whomsoever they met, he being corpulent, of great years, and, besides his weighty Armour, troubled with a rupture, through hear and grief, fainted in that presse, and falling down was troden to death. The [...] of Damasco and Tripolis fighting behind, to represse the pursuers force, were slain. [Page] Selymus erecting a few Tents in the field; keeping most of his men in Arms, slept not that night, as not yet assured of his victory, lest the Mamalukes should set upon his Camp, knowing they were put to flight rather by Cayerbeius his treachery, and fury of his Ordnance, than by valour. Gazelles and others hearing of Campson's death, baiting their Horses hasted from Aleppo, to Damasco. Next day, Selimus giving his enemies rich Tents, to his Souldiers for a prey, had Aleppo delivered to him by Cayerbeius, and, to win the Citizens hearts the more, granted them greater priviledges than formerly.

This noted battel (wherein not above 1000 Mamalukes were slain, but of their servants, &c. many more, whose foggy fat Horses, brought up in cold Stables, fainted, with the scorching heat, so that many betook themselves to their feet and were easily slain) was fought Aug. 17. 1516, on which day two years, he obtained the victory against Hysmael, in the Calderan fields. He lost 3000 Horsemen, although Sinan by Cayerbeius his Treason, escaped with small losse. Campson's body being found two dayes after, was laid in open place, that such as believed him alive, might be out of hope of his return from Caire; and others, revolted, might be the more confirmed; and afrer three dayes, thus laying and beginning to grow noysome, it was simply buried in the most ancient Temple of Aleppo.

Selimus sent Jonuses Bassa to pursue his enemies to Damasco, who himself came thither few dayes after, his enemies being fled to Cair. They of Damasco not thinking it good to hazard their lives with that Cities great Wealth, opened to him the Gates; other Sea-Cities, as Tripolis, Berytus, Sidon, Ptolemais, &c. yielding themselves in like manner.

Not long after, he held a great Counsel in his Camp, under its walls; for he brought not his Souldiers in, for troubling the Cities State, and the great Trade then very [Page] securely there kept by Merchants of divers Countries. And so severe was his Discipline, that [...] Orchards and [...], it being [...], rested without a [...], untouched: whereby his Camp had [...] of all necessaries, at reasonable prices. And taking men skilled in the Lawes and Customs of the Country, with Embassadors of all Cities, he decided the Syrians greatest controversies, appointing Governours, viewing the Tributes and Customs, abrogating many old ones due, seeming unreasonable or grievous.

Having refreshed his Army, especially his Horses grown lean, he most desirous of conquering Aegypt, sent Sinan into Judea with 15000 Horse, and a selected Regiment of Harquebusiers to try the passage, and open a way to Gaza, thought to be troublesome, for the wild roaming Arabians: Gaza [...] nigh the Sea, towards Aegypt, not farre from the Sandy Desarts.

The Mamalukes the while, assembled generally at Caire, without contention [...] Tomombeius or Tumanbai a Curcassian, their King, being Diadare, or next in office before. He thinking his own Majesty, and the Mamalukes remaining hopes, to be wholly reposed in Arms; with great industry provided Armor, Weapons and Horses, casting store of Ordnance, and mustering great Companies of his slaves: entertain ng many Moors and Arabians: Hiring also men skilful to go thorow the Palmyren Desarts, into Mesopotamia, and so to Hysmael, requesting him by Letters to invade Asia the lesse, or speedily to break into Comagena, then destitute of sufficient Garrisons: and that Selimus, then in Judea's [...], might easily be inclosed by them both, and vanquished or distressed for want: and the rather, for that there was no Turkish Fleet on that Coast, &c. Sinan the while Selimus his forerunner (having [...] divers Companies of theevish Arabians) was come to Gaza: the [...], (though in heart the Mamalukes) yielded him their City [Page] on composition, and relieved him, giving him great dissembled thanks, that by his meanes they were [...] from the Mamalukes bondage, & ever promised to remain faithfull for so great a benefit. Sinan commending their good will, lodged his Army nigh the Walls, within defence of the Gardens, there to expect Selimus his coming. And the while, [...] sought to get knowledge of that [...], [...] Country, chiefly of the nature of the great sanos: winning by rewards the Inhabitants thereabout, to procure the chief Arabians favour, by large offers, and to spie what the Mamalukes did at Caire, &c. and give him knowledge.

The Gazians on tother side, advertized Tomombeius of Sinan's coming, and that he might be oppressed before Selimus came, if a strong power were sent thither, and if the Mamalukes would at an appointed time, set by night upon them, they then sallying out, would do them what harm they could with fire and sword. Tomombeius presently sent Gazelles with 6000 choise Horsemen and many Arabians; who having shewn himself a politique and valiant Chiefetain, all held a great opinion of his valour and direction.

But Sinan was instantly advertised by his Intelligencers, that they were coming suddenly to oppress him, and would be with him within two dayes, being on the [...]. But Sinan, though he knew nothing, yet providently suspecting the Gazians treachery, silently betwixt 10 and 12 at night, [...] his Army, marched about 15 miles toward Aegypt, nigh which was a small Village, wherein Travellers lodged, for a plentious Spring [...] rise h; Sinan and Gazelles both, purposed to stay there: both whose fore runners brought newes that the enemy was at hand.

Gazelles not a little troubled, and unable to fight in plain battel; especially his Horses [...] sore wearied, was inforced on a new resolution; yet not [...], he [Page] chearfully exhorted his Souldiers to make ready, and perform that by force which they could not by policy. Sinan having somewhat sooner set his men in order, as taking order before, with long hopeful perswasions encouraged his, to play the men; not to think of flight, for the wayes would be shut up; chiefly to be perswaded, no one could perish, but whom the immortal God had appointed to die: that valiant men found life in the midst of their enemies, as cowards death in their safest flight.

Sinan placed his Harquebusiers in the wings, in thin Ranks, the easier to use their pieces, and enclose the enemy. Gazelles sent, before, the Arabian light Troops, to trouble the enemies wings: charging their middle battel with a square battel. The battel was long terrible, and doubtful; for the Turks being glad to give ground, and disordered by the Mamalukes breaking in, began to look which way to flee; but the Harquebusiers having repulsed the Arabians, wheeling about, enclosed the enemies battel, whereby men and Horse were a far off slain, true valour helping them not; for the Mamalukes pressing forward, the Turks retired, labouring only to gaul them with shot.

Gazelles, his Horses being spent, the Arabians beginning to fall off, and many of his valiantest men slain or wounded, (himself also wounded in the neck) making his way thorow, losing divers Ensigns, fled back to Caire: having lost the Governours of Alexandria and Caire, with 1000 more, and a great number of Arabians. Sinan lost above 2000 of his best Horsemen, some being noted Commanders. The Turks (not able to pursue) there encamped near the Fountain: and next day gathering the spoil, fastned their enemies heads, known by their long beards, upon date Trees; in witness of their labour, and to feed the eyes of fierce Selimus, shortly to passe that way.

They of Gaza, supposing Sinan on some knowledge of [Page] the Mamalukes coming, had retired, early setting upon many left in the Camp, most being sick and weak, slew them, and presently spoyled 2000 Horsemen of their Carriages, putting them to flight, who were sent from Selimus to Sinan: who fearing he had been lost with his Army, in fear retiring, were slain by the Arabians: neither had one escaped, if Juleb sent from Selimus to Sinan with Graecian Horsemen at Rama, had not repressed their fury: yet they calling for more and more, dwelling in the Mountains, were a great Army overtaking the Turks, at the Village Carasbara, forcing them to fight in a place of great disadvantage; for having taken straits, closing in the passage of a large Valley, they were before, behind, and on both sides at once. They skilfully used Bows and Arrows, with long Speares armed at both ends, upon their swift Horses; so that the Turks keeping close, hardly defended themselves, in number few: Juleb opening the way by 4 pieces of Artillery, speedily brought his men thorow those straits; then marching more safely, he skirmished a far off with them, discharging his Field-pieces, where he saw the thickest of those wild people: yet they were still hovering in their rear; slaying such as could not follow, and not suffering them to refresh or take rest: so that many through thirst, wounds and labour, died; but a great number of other Turks met them unlooked for, being even at last cast; for Selimus having left Imbrahor Bassa upon Persia's borders, and sent for supplies from Constantinople, by Sea to be transported, had removed from Damasco, and the better to provide for Victuals and forrage, every day, sent before, great Companies of his Army.

Juleb, next day meeting with Selimus, told him all that had hapned, and what they conjectured of Sinan Bassa: He now exceeding melancholy, thought good to go no further, before he knew how it stood with Sinan, in whose fortune he had put the hope of his good success; [Page] But suddenly came the Syrian Spies, declaring what Sinan had done, turning that melancholy into joy, seeing by that Victory Aegypt laid open to him, &c.

Next day removing to Rama, he burnt, by the way, the dwellings, Wives, and Children of those Arabians, who had done so much harm to his men; and sending his Foot to Sinan at Gaza, himself turned on the left hand to Jerusalem, to visit that ancient and famous City, then unpeopled, desolate and defaced, not inhabited by Jews, but mostly by a few poor Christians, who payed a wondrous yearly tribute to the Sultan of Aegypt, for the possession of the holy Grave; & reverently worshiping the Monuments of the Prophets, and having done special sacrifice to Mahomet, he gave to the Christian Priests keepers thereof, as to devout men, money to maintain them for six moneths; and afrer one nights stay, marched in four dayes to Gaza, having skirmishes day and night with the Arabians: who, where the Turks were forced for the wayes straightness, to extenuate their ranks, they would be ready to skirmish, and suddenly come to handiblows: tumbling down upon them great stones from the Mountains: their Harquebusiers through the weathers rayniness, and tempestuousness, serving to little purpose; yet the Janizaries climbing up the hills with Pikes, and driving them from their standings, near the Emperors Person, no [...] hurt was done.

Sinan, who returning, had put to death the Authors of the treachery at Gaza, confiscating their Goods, and exacted a great sum of the People in general, went to meet Selimus with his victorious Souldiers: who gave to the Captains generally, and particularly, the [...] common Souldiers, silk Garments, with a great sum of money as a reward.

He stayed but four dayes at Gaza; and although his expedition required great haste, yet his Army was to be refreshed, and great provision to be made for carriage of [Page] water on Cammels backs, thorow the drie, solitary and light [...] Desarts, by the winde much troubling the weary passengers; but such a sudden calm ensued, the great rain falling few dayes before, that Selimus wanted nothing, no not plenty of water, for the happy conduct of his Army; yet the wild Arabians all along, hovered about them for prey, snatching up, and slaying any that stragled, or stayed behind; but he provided an easie re-medy by placing his Field-pieces in divers parts to be, upon danger, discharged upon them: also strong Harquebusiers in the rear-ward, for defence of the weak who could but softly follow.

By this meanes, with small losse he in 8 dayes drew nigh to Caire; Sinan with his Europeans, keeping a dayes journey before. Into a Village called Matharea, famous for plenty of excellent balm, about six miles from Caire, nigh the Village Rhodania, Tomombeius conveighing all his new and old Artillery, had drawn deep ditches a crosse the field and high way, closly covering them with weak hurdles and earth: and he with about 12000 Mamalukes, and a multitude of Arabian Horsemen, lay in convenient places, that the Turks approaching might feel the force of his Ordnance, before come within Arrowes shot, and forthwith to set upon them, disordered and entrapped, so that none doubted of the success; a great mischief to the Turks, if the treachery of a few, had not frustrated their great endeavors. For 4 Epirot Mamalukes (grieving at the preferment of Tomombeius: whether upon malice, or hope of reward, &c. or in that declining of their Kingdom to seek new friends, fled secretly to Sinan: who being born in a Village of Epirus, a Sow kept in the House, is reported to have bit off his Genitories, being a Child sleeping in a shady place; and being brought to Constantinople, by the takers up of minions for [...] Turk, was presented to Mahomet the great: where [...] advanced him to his appointed [Page] honours whom she had before dismembered) instructing Selimus and him especially, what stratagems Tomombeius had devised, whereinto they must needs fall, if they forlook not the high way. Wherefore by their guidance, they by a great compass and unusual way, came before day, shewing themselves at their enemies backs in order of [...], with their Artillery ready bent. Tomombeius, though above measure [...] at the frustrating of all that he with such industry and labour had brought to pass, yet being of an invincible courage, entered into his wonted devices, telling quickly his chief Commanders what to do: the Signal for making ready was to be given, the battel to be ordered, the [...] encouraged: and his Ordnance to be quite contrary turned, hardly at once, to be directed by one, and hastily to be done by many; but especially the great concourse for removing of the huge iron [...] like Ship Ordnance, most troubled the well ordering of the rest with their tumultuous stir; but [...] and constancy much helped their difficulties: who although twice overcome, and in so suddain an accident, were still of greater spirit and confidence. Wherefore Tomombeius, the signal being given, commanded his Arabians to enclose the enemie's wings behind, skirmishing with them, that, if possible, the Turks Horsmen, might be [...], before he came to charge them, [...] his Ordnance presently to be discharged. So did the Turks likewise, bringing them within an arrow-shot. So that for a good space they beat one upon another with their Ordnance only: the Egyptians Cannoneers being almost all [...], and many of their Field-peeces broken, by the others shot. For Selimus had allured many excellent Canoniers, out of Italy and Germany, chiefly of those Jews who were banished Spain by Ferdinand, dispersing, [...] [...] those devices thorough the East. Jacobus Regio Lepidi was the chief, a cunning Engineer, who lately through the Turks rewards, revolted to [...].

[Page]But after the matter brought to battel, the [...] with a most hideous cry, furiously assailed the Turks in three [...]: for Selimus keeping his wont, approached his enemies in form of a half Moon: Mustapha [...] the Asians in the right wing, Jonuses the Europeians in the left, himself the main battel: Sinan the General of the field led a [...] number of selected Horsmen, [...] five hundred [...], Harquebusiers, ready against all uncertain events. So almost at once, four sharp battels were made in divers places. Some present, report, that, what for clamour, [...] of Instruments of War, and rising of the [...], all were so confounded, that mistaking one another, they sle v many friends instead of [...]: never battels meeting with greater [...], nor two Kings with lesse care of their persons and safety, [...] desperately shewed their strength and courage. Gazellus to requite the Eurepeians for the [...] not far from Gaza very suriously [...] Jonuses, and at first [...] brake his first Ranks [...] [...] of his Guidons; and the Arabians then pressing in behind forced [...] victorious, the flower of Thrace, Thessalia, Epirus, [...] and Grecia to [...], which never enemy before saw: but Sinan comming speedily in with his fresh Troops, [...] the declining battel; and while he was fighting couragiously in the head of his battel, he was by [...] Bidon coming in, slain: to rescue whose dead body, while his followers laboured, they were by Gazellus unfolding his Troops, most slain, the rest put to flight: and the five hundred choise Janizaries, now destitute of Horse, when they had done what was possible were compassed, cut in pieces, and trodden under foot in a trice. Mustapha in the other wing, sore pressed the Egyptians left wing, which valliant Helymis the Diadare, and Giapal led, who had lately received great harm by Selimus his overthwart Ordnance. Mustapha hereupon with his whole Troops, overthrew their broken Ranks, and glistering, with a lond [Page] voyce encouraged his Asians by valour or honourable death, to recover their honour lost in the fields of Aleppo.

Then also Tomombeius breaking thorow the middle battle of the Turks-Horse, entered among the Foot, giving many a deadly wound with his Scimitar, he being big and strong. The Arabians also had enclosed the uttermost of the Turks, forcing them in many places to turn upon them, being doubtfully charged before and behind. Selimus setting forward with his foot, and Janizaries, neither the couragious barbed Horses, nor their Riders could abide their force; for with their harquebusiers and pikes, they so strongly be set their front, that nothing could stand where that linked body swayed; yet this cruel battel continued doubtful fromthe fourth hour, till Sun setting, every part of both Armies with divers successes enduring the fury of that fight, both victors and [...], fighting as prodigal of their lives, &c. So that their bodies wearied and weakened with wounds, supported with anger seemed sufficient to mantain that Battel till next day; if the darkness coming on, had not ended that dayes slaughter.

Tomombeius fearing to be utterly [...], first sounded a retreat, that his Mamalukes might not seem to be put to [...]; for the fortune which deceiv'd his first hopes, seemed to promise better success, if, as not discouraged, he should renew the War. The Turks enjoying their enemies tents and Ordnance, pursued them till midnight. It was fought Jan. 24. 1517. The Diadare was taken in flight, mortally wounded, and valiant Bidon, having his knee broken with a [...] his Horse being therewith slain: both whom, Selimus next day, commanded to be slain either for their wounds thought uncurable, or to revenge Sinan's death, which he wondrously lamented.

The Turks Armies was greatly impaired even in their [Page] fortunate Battels: the fourth part was consumed by sickness and Sword, that day tyring many Horses, besides their former long journey. Wherefore not yet experiencing the [...] disposicion, nor certainly understanding where Tomombeius stayed, or what he resolved, staying four dayes at Matharea and Rhodania, he provided for his wounded, and burying his dead but not his enemies. Then for more commodious watering, he came into the plains between old Caire and Bulace.

Tomombeius, encamping between new Caire and Nilus, with his collected [...], Aethiopian slaves, [...] so is and [...]: also Jews and Arabians having opened the old Armory, [...] for a [...] War than before; but, having lost his [...], with many of his [...] Horsmen, and desiring to protract the War till heat of Summer, he thought not good to adventure another [...]: but resolved by night to [...] the Turks Camp, and if possible to [...] on fire: that he might attempt some notable exploit before the enemies should perceive his weak [...], and before grown into contempt with the [...] Aegyptians, expecting but some fit occasion to [...]: also by benefit of the night, to avoid the danger of their great [...]. But Selimus by some [...] who daily [...] him, understanding hereof, making great fires in his Camp, kept most careful watch: whereby next night Tomombeius [...] [...] with no small loss of his first Troops, unadvisedly going on too far, and misdoubting the unwonted fires, called back his hasting Troops, marching into the very mouth of the [...] [...] on [...].

Tomombeius his chief Captains now [...] him with his whole strength to man Caire and keep the Turks from entring: wherefore the Mamalukes coming thither, furnished all their [...], and flat roofs of their Houses with all [...] of Weapons: requesting the Egyptians to take arms against their antient and [...] enemies, not [Page] to suffer themselves to be slain, their goods spoiled, and their wives and children to be miserably captivated, since the merciless enemy (if they overcame) would not spare them, though they stood as newters, &c. Many of the wealthiest, as they thought the charge would be hurtful to their trades and wealth; so were they ready to help their old Lords. But many of the middle sort, and far moe of the basest vulgar, having little or nought to lose, hoped to gain by others losses, and remembring their about three hundred years slavery under the proud Mamalukes, kept close, expecting the last event, secretly rejoycing, that their cruel Masters should now be justly punished; and the more, that the revenge should be by the hazard of others lives, with which, they hoped shortly to fill their eyes.

Tomombeius with much labour and care fortified all the gates and entrances of that great and ancient City (for it was not compassed with any walls) appointing to every street a Captain, in every publike [...] encouraging the people, and omitting nothing that could be done or devised: making cheerful shew of greatest hope in so great a danger. The Mamalukes also, strivingly, according to every ones devise, caused great ditches, or Timber-logs to be cast along the streets, some setting up sharp Stakes in covert Trenches, that the enemy falling on them unawares, might be engaged; others furnished the windows and fronts of their Houses in the greatest streets, with Harquebusiers, and all (with many moe) with such speed, that none refused to put his hand to any labour. The broadest street came strait from the East gate to the Castle and middle of the City (the rest, were so narrow and crooked, that no great Artillery could be brought by them, or Souldiers enter without great danger): into this, especially, Tomombeius conveighed his chiefest strength, for the enemy must needs come in that way; but the innermost part, where the Castle stood, was kept with [Page] very great, strong and valiant Garrison: thence, on all occasions to come for relief; for why, that greatest City, could not with his then so small power, be in every place sufficiently defended. Selimus certainly understanding hereof, drew nearer to the City with his Army, exhorting them, now a little to force themselves for gaining of the Rewards due to their former labours and Victories, which he said, would be more and greater than they had imagined: telling them, there was but few good Souldiers left with the desolate Sultan, &c. making them believe, he was sent for by the Aegyptians, promising to assail the Mamalukes whose name they hated, upon occasion, out of their houses; yet saying, they were not to be accounted quite overcome, which lived in hope, with Weapons in their hands, possessed of the chief City; therefore to think, that in that day's fortune rested the good or bad estate of their lives, honour and fortunes: assuring them it would be but small labour to bring it to an end, if in that new kind of fight as in other Battels, they would but resolve to overcome.

This speech enflamed the Souldiers, but hope of such prey, much more; So that Selimus entring by the gate, Bassuela thrust in his Horse at divers places at once, but brought in his Janizaries by the largest street. At first, Horsmen with Horsmen bloodily fought in the narrow streets, but the Foot discharging their Culverings and Falcons before them among the thickest enemies, cleared the street; but coming to the Bàracadoes and [...], and to remove Timber-logs, &c. by force, they fought with force and obstinacy on both parts, never in mans memory more cruel: for they were not ignorant, that 'twas as well as for their lives and Empire, as for honour. Here the Turks received great losse, for running on, the hindermost on the formost, they tumbled by heaps into the covert Trenches, and were impailed upon the sharp stakes. The women and children also throwing down stones, [Page] tyles, &c. from house-tops and windows, upon them: they, as they could spie them, fetching them off with their Harquebusies, or breaking into their Houses and fighting with diverse successe; but most of the Aegyptians according to either fortune, assailed sometimes the Turks, sometimes the Mamalukes, Many cruel encounters were at once, in divers places; for, crossing from street to street, they both happened on new enemies, and the Victors pursuing a-front, were by others following them slain downright. The lanes and streets so flowed with blood of the slain heaps; that the dust at first, very thick, was laid as with a plentiful showr, the ayr was darkned with smoak and arrows, and through clamour, noise of Armour, and Artillary, the earth seemed to tremble, and the houses to fall down.

It thus continued two whole dayes and nights without ceasing, yet the Mamalukes few, and through such labour and watching, giving ground by degrees, retired further into the City. The third day beset with the greatest danger they so resolutely fought that the Turks retiring a great way, left some Field-pieces behind them: whereat, Selimus despairing commanded to fire the Houses, especially for that Jonuses Bassa, was in his sight dangerously wounded by a stone out of a window. The Houses burning, the Egyptians cryed for mercy: the Turks fighting, but faintly expecting a retreat: but they had sudden news, that Mustapha on their side had forced the enemies to retire and flee; for he being by some directed to a broad street, where the Mamalukes had left their Horses ready that on the worst chance, they might retire, and so haste to their appointed Refuges, took them all away, having put to flight the weak Garrison of most part Horsboies and Muletors.

This accident, daunted the Mamalukes: who now, hardly beset, and in their own judgement overcome, fled, most with Tomombeius to Nile, where being transported [Page] in boats, they fled into the Country Sigesta: others hiding in Egyptians Houses and loathsome corners of the City: 1500. of the better sort fled into Mahomet's Temple, long defending themselves, to yield on honourable conditions; at last, through thirst, wearinesse, and wounds, with the fury of the Ordnance, they yielded to their pleasure; part being slain in the porch, the rest, sent down the River to Alexandria to be afterwards there murdered.

Selimus now, sent part of his Army, to quench the raging fire, proclaiming thorow the City, that all Mamalukes yielding themselves within twelve hours, should have mercy, otherwise, no hope of life; proposing Rewards to the Egyptians revealing them, but concealing them, to impail them, selling their wives and children, and to burn their Houses; whereupon, many Mamalukes came forth, and being cast into Irons, were soon after perfidiously murdered, it being given out, they sought to escape: and many Egyptians not breaking their faith with the Mamalukes, their neighbours appeaching them, most constantly died for their friends.

The insolent Turks ransacked all the City, drawing out, and [...] the hidden Mamalukes, riffling the Houses of friends and foes: and some, in the same Houses, raged at once with covetousnesse, cruelty and lust, as every one was inclined. That day that Selimus took Caire, Gazelles, lately gone to Thebais to assemble the Arabians and new supplies, came thither; but finding all lost, &c. he came to Selimus upon faith given for [...] of him and his followers (three Arabian Captains and a number of good [...]) in the midst of his chief Captains boldly speaking to him; If fortune had not envied our safety, thou. shouldst not now have had matter (most noble Selimus) to excel others in worthinesse of mind. Whilst we were in Arms, our State standing whole we, as proudly presuming, little [...] of thee or the Turks name, yea we hated thee as enemies; but having to the utmost proved thy [Page] force, admiring thy prowesse and victories, not given without the providence of the immortal God, we [...] come to thee, to better our [...] fortune, that thou by sparing thy vanquished and yielding enemies, mayest extend thy Fame beyond the [...] of thy immortal glory. We faithfully served Tomombeius, while he held even but the name of a King, &c. But he being driven out, wandring the Desarts, uncertain whether to live or not; we come to thee, rather as forsaken than forsaking their Prince, to shew thee our loyalty and valour: if by thy goodnesse, we may serve under thy worthy conduct.

Selimus knowing Gazelles his vertue and valour, and desiring a league with the Arabians (or rather Alarbes) most to be feared; courteously received them with honourable pensions, and to sorget their old [...] looking for greater things of him. Not long after, the Moors and Arabians with some [...] fled to Achasia, making incursions about Caire, often cutting off [...] [...] [...] sorrage) he sending [...] to represse them, he quickly winning and lacking Achasia slaying most of those Adventurers, returned in lesse time then was expected.

Tomombeius the while, began to make head again, in Sigesta; for he sent for a strong company of Mamalukes from Alexandria, many great Arabians and Moors of that Country promising him their help: Besides, many Egyptians of Caire, who became a prey, promised, if he would come thither by night, they would raise a tumult, that should easily work the Turks confusion, since they could no longer endure their indignities: sending him word, that the Turks were now but a contemptible number, most being slain in the Battel, and most of the rest very weak with wounds and sicknesse: wherefore hope began to revive Tomombeius his invincible heart, above his miserable state. One [...] an Egyptian, the greatest man in all Sigesta, whether to avert the War out of his Country, or to gain Selimus his good liking, came and certified [Page] him of Tomombeius his strength, and of the Citizens practises. Who keeping strong watch and ward in all places, secured the suspended Citizens in the Castle, then also in his possession: placing along Nilus armed boats to impeach Tomombeius his passage at the further banks; yet (considering Tomombeius was still preparing greater forces in those vast and unknown Countries, and fearing the doubtful faith of the numerous Citizens his power being so small: the Mamalukes also levying supplies in divers Countries whither they fled, and the fleet in the Arabian gulf against the Portugals (wherein were 3000. Mamalukes with store of brasse Ordnance) being daily expected at Suezzia; chiefly fearing, if the Bassa, left at Taurus, should not be able to withstand the Persian King, he should be excluded both out of lesser Asia and Syria before supplies could arrive from Constantinople to Alexandria) He sent some the reverendest of his Religion, with some honourable Egyptians, Embassadors to Tomombeius, bountifully promising him on the faith of a Prince, if he would come in and submit, he should on reasonable conditions, repossesse his Kingdom, never by force to regain; but otherwise, when the matter was again tryed by Battel, he should never find any regard of his Princely State, from his angry enemy: These passing into Sigesta, were barbarously slain by some Mamalukes chancing on them, to gratifie Tomombeius now not knowing of it, and shew, they desired no peace.

Selimus provoked by so great injury, provided all things necessarie for his expedition into Sigesta against Tomombeius; and, for his honour and conveniency, mad a strong Bridge to passe over Nilus, with all small Vessels and Lighters he could gather.

Tomombeius understanding hereof, and fearing the Country-people's revolt, by means of Albucho [...]ar, determined once again to prove the fortune of a battel: wherefore by advice of his best Captains, he timely departed [Page] out of Sigesta with 4000 Mamalukes, and 8000 Moors and Arabians, travelling day and [...] to come to Nilus, the Turks suspecting no such thing from their weak enemies, hoping by his suddain approach to overthrow part of the Turks Army first passing the River, before relieved from tother side: and fitly came to the place, even as the Asian Horsmen were come over the Bridge. Selimus his harbingers and Pages being gone somewhat farther then the rest, to choose a fit place for his Pavilion, perceiv'd their coming by the dust. Mustapha suddenly raising an alarm, brought great fear, both on them passed over, and on them on the further side.

Tomombeius assailing them, while but putting themselves in order, &c. slew those that resisted, discomfiting the rest: neither could Mustapha by his invincible courage or perswasion, repair his disordered Battel, or stay their flight, all being full of tumult, slaughter and fear: and all along the Rivers Bank Turks ruthfully looking on the River, cryed to those on tother side for help: many forced to take the River, perished: Others striving to return by the Bridge,. through fear or being overborn by their fellows, sell in and were drowned. Four men abreast might pass at once; but the Ordnance passing over, fewer Horse were sent than the sudden danger required: nor could their Ordnance be discharged without hurt to the further Banks, their own men standing between.

Selimus the while, filling a number of Boats, &c. with his Harquebusse Janizaries, hasted his Horsmen over the Bridge for relief; in which Boats the Watermen were so nimble, that they soon transported divers bands of them: which wondrously comforted the Asians,, ready to give over. Canoglis also with loss of a few Horsmen swam over the River, to the Beholder's admiration; but the Tartars had oft by Troops swam over Taurus and Valga, Rivers as dangerous as Nile. For speedy Victories sake, Tomombeius strained with might and main to gain the [Page] Bridge's-head, by plucking away some few Boats, to shut in his enemies: and, by cutting the Cables fastning them to the Bank, the Bridge with Turks thereon might be carried away by the River's force: whereupon a most bloudy sight arose, Mustapha having drawn his Ensigns and best Souldiers thither. And being relieved by Janizaries and European Horse, comne over in great number, they by little and little enforced them to retire. This Mustapha the Hungarian, Baiazet's son in Law, built, for his Fame, that notable stately stone-Bridge (of the spoils of this Victory) over the River Stremon, by which men pass over into [...], wondring thereat.

Tomombeius to give a breathing rime to his Mamalukes with their fainting Horses, exhorted the Moors and the Arabians awhile to charge the enemy, which after their manner, they valiantly performed. Then the Mamalukes so suriously renewed the Battel, that Selimus doubting the Victory (though perswaded to the contrary) adventured over the Bridge in person, by whose coming, his Souldiers encouraged, repressed the enemie's fury. Who, soon after, by fresh Janizaries coming on, were notably repulsed, and at length put to flight, fresh Horsmen pursuing them all the fields over: The Tartars also (who through the streams force recovered not the further Bank so soon) were now come in, augmenting the slaughter with their swift Horses.

Selymus not assured of any thing gotten while Tomombeius lived, commanded Mustapha, Gazelles and Cayerbeius, with fresh Troops of light Horse to pursue him, not to [...] if possible: who making speed, overtook him next day at a [...] of a [...] deep Fenn; where having a [...] [...], hewas about to cut off a wooden Bridge, to binder the pursuit; some of [...] followers being flain and taken, he again fled. The third day all his men being almost lost, and he come in [...] Sucussane [...] [...] (these [...] Captains denouncing to the people [Page] thereabouts, all extremities and tortures, if they diligently kept not those Marish passages, that he should not escape) he was so [...] that he hid himself in a foul deep marsh alone: and was soon, by the Peasants search, found, up to the shoulders in water among the flags, who delivering him bound, he was with certain [...] taken in flight [...] to Caire. Selimus (resolving his death, and the rather for the injury to his Embassadors) not admitting him to his presence, commanded him to be [...], to reveal Campsons great Treasures, which he was thought to have [...]: wherein, he is reported, with great constancy and stern look to [...] nothing, but deep sighs and groans: after which he was set on a lean Camel in ragged apparel, with his hand's bound behind him, and so carried in derision thorow all the notable places of the City. Then bringing him to the chief gate Basuela, they there openly [...] him with a rope, hanging him up by the neck upon an Iron hook in an arch of that gate, so leaving him to the worlds wonder. This misery befell him April, 13. 1517. Many shed tears to behold so lamentable a Spectacle, seeming thereby to detest that unworthy death of their late Sultan; yet the Janizaries reproved them threatning them with death, who like giddy brain'd fools (they said) enured to the slavery of the Mamalukes, thankfully accepted not their deliverance; for the Aegyptians doubted, lest the Turks (no more courteous then the Mamalukes) should no less tyrannize over them under their cruel Emperour: they remembred also, that Tomombeius with a general favour rose by all degrees of honour to the regal Dignity: with which also, and his Martial [...]; his tall and strong body, grave countenance, and long and hoary beard, well agreed. Divers of the Mamaluke Princes, with some of the common sort, ran he same fortune. No power being now heard of in all Egypt to renew the War. Selimus dividing his Forces, sent them to take in the Aegyptian Provinces farther [Page] off. Alexandria after the Battel of Caire, expelling the [...], and easily surprizing the [...] of Pharus, [...] many dayes before to the Turks: Damiata [...] submitting [...] to them, and every City betwixt Nilus and Judaea and Arabia's borders yielding to Selimus his obedience. Also the African Kings boroering on Cyrenaica, the Sultan's Tributaries, or Confederates, sent him Embassadours with [...].

The wild Arabians, chiefly they of Africk, only remained, who losing many friends in ayding Tomombeius, [...] thought would never submit to the Turk. These wanderers living mostly by theft, had filled all from Euphrates running by the Palmyrens, with the meaner part of Egypt and Africk to the Atlantick Sea, with multitudes: living under divers Leaders a hard kind of life in Tents and Waggons, like the Tartars, whose greatest wealth is a serviceable Horse, with a Lance or bundle of Darts, by whose perpetual discord the Egyptian Sultans seemed to hold their Empire, rather than by their own strength. Wherefore Selimus [...] alluring many of their [...] (by faith afore given) to Caire, honourably entertained and rewarded them, whereby others came in daily, and receiving Rewards, [...] Allegiance to Selimus. Others who would not be won, being cunningly intercepted by [...] Captains, suffered for their obstinacy.

The other remote Nations towards Aethiopia being formerly in friendship, [...] than under command, through the [...] of the Victory, easily joyned in like amity with the [...].

Selimus, about this time, sent Horsmen to Suazzia (of old Arsinoc) a part of the red Sea, where Gampson had built a strong [...] against the Portugals, who by their Indian [...], [...] taken away all the Indian Trade into the Arabian Gulf, greatly hindering his customes: over [...] (a [...] before the Wars) Amyrasses and Ray [...] we e made Generals: who laying at Gidda, the [Page] port of the City Mecha (having yet done nothing) and hearing what had happened, fell at variance: one willing to obey Tomombeius, the other to follow the Victor's fortune: whereupon a [...] arising, Amyrases was forced to flee to Mecha: where Salomon requiring him with all hostile threats, they fearing the spoil of Gidda, apprehended him, sending him to the Fleet. Salomon (to be sole Admiral, and to [...] into Selimus favour) [...] Amyrases over-board by night, and giving the Souldiers two moneths pay, sware them to Selimus his obedience, and sailing bick to Suazzia, and leaving the Fleet, he came to Selimus to Caire, being graciously received; after which, all former Tributary or confederate Princes, even to Presbyter John's confines, quickly [...] to and confederated with the Turks,

All being thus subjected, Selimus (about the [...] of July, sailed down [...] to Alexandria, to view his Fleet come from Constantinople, with supplyes of men and victuals: and viewing also the Citie's Walls and [...] Castle, he returned to Caire, having slain all the Mamalukes in durance at Alexandria, in the prison's entrance. Then also 500. the [...], &c. Aegyptian Families were commanded from Caire to Constantinople, a great number of the [...], Women and children, were were also [...] thither, with the Kings Treasure and Riches, and all the publike and private Ornaments of that City: yea, the very Marble stones excellently wrought or beautiful, were rent out of the Walls to his great infamy: Laying a Caire, he pleasantly beheld the rising of Nilus, then having overflowed the adjoyning Country, most curiously enquiring of the old Countrymen, the measure and nature of the River; for by the diversity of its rising, known by certain marks and measures, they fore-tel abundant plenty, extream dearch, or reasonable store.

Selimus now resolving to return into Syria (and the [Page] rather, it being reported, Hysmael was coming into Mesopotamia, and so likely to break into Comagena) disposed of all things, leaving a strong [...] of his best Souldiers in Caire under Cayerbeius, whom he made his Deputy [...] all that great Kingdom, now turned into a Province, as at this day. Which preferment so unworthily bestowed, exceedingly troubled Jonuses Bassa, enflamed with [...] and just desire thereof; for, Sinan being dead, he, puffed up with his own worth and valour, thought himself the only man, to whom that charge should be committed, neither wanted he the general liking of the Souldiery; for after recovery of his wound, he in the Diadaries house (usurped rather than by gift obtained) keeping dayly Princely chear for all commers, giving to all, some Horses, some beautiful slaves, some Money Plate, Jewels, rich Garments, fair Armour. &c. won such favour, that when he went to the Castle to the Governour, he was brought with a great and goodly Train, in all's judgement [...] to that Government. All which highly offended Selimus.

Jonuses colouring his discontentment by faigning himself sick came not abroad for certain dayes, yet in his choler, some words fell from him, whereby it was perceived. Cayerbeius coming to visit him, and in heat of the day, calling for water and Sugar (the Egyptian drink) felt [...] ly, such grievous and unwonted torments in his stomach and belly, that many supposed the Bassa poysoned him, yet by a soveraign Remedy he was pre erved: which uncertain report sunk farther into Selimus, than any one would have thought,. He had heard also, that many of those Families commanded to Constantinople, Jonuses being to order that matter, had for great summs obtained quietly to remain still in Aegypt: which was probably alleadged by the repiners at his honour, secretly accusing him, that those Prince-like expences, not to be maintained by his pension, were supported with the imbezelled [Page] spoil and revenues of that new got Kingdom: which tending to lighten his credit, another crime coming on the neck, so wrought his confusion; for Selimus (expecting but some new occasion) waited vigilantly on his words and deeds, with a full purpose to destroy him.

The Souldiers, left in Garrison at Caire, alleadging the distance of the place, expected-dangers, and alteady endured-labours, requested of Selimus an augmentarion of their wages: who, never spare-handed to his Souldiers, commanded Jonuses, that the required summ might be added, and entered into his accounts; but he acquainted neither the Treasurers nor Pay-masters herewith that they, deceived of what was promised, might begin to hate Cayerbeius, as author of such an injury; whereby Caire and the Kingdom being disquieted by a mutiny, Selimus should in stead of him (hated by the Egyptians for his treason and not beloved of the Souldiers, as being to them a stranger) of necessity send a Turkish Bassa to govern; but Selimus now on his way (almost as far as Jerusalem) the pay day being come, and the Souldiers receiving but their old wages, began insolently to insult and threaten the Treasurer & Pay-masters, openly rayling upon Cayerbeius: wherewith he astonied, (as not yet acquainted with their fashions) with the Pay-masters, requested them not to think so hardly of them, who were innocent, and patiently to understand the truth, craving no favour, if they were found fraudulent: at last it was (with much ado) agreed, trusty Messengers to be forthwith sent to Selimus (not yet gone out of [...]) to know the truth of the matter. They making great speed, overtook him a little from Larissa, declaring the Souldiers complaints, and the others care to excuse the matter, with their danger, and all that had happened since his departure. Selimus incensed, forthwith commanded Jonuses before him to answer, who though struck with guilt, and surprised with fear, being pale as ashes, seeing in Selimus his [...] most certain tokens of [Page] veavy displeasure; yet being of great spirit, boldly answered, He had not forbidden the wages (against his Command) to invert the money to his own use, or to draw any man into disgrace, as was maliciously by some suggested; but to provice for his Majestie's Coffers wondrously emptied by those late Wars: the constant Report of new troubles like to arise out of Persia giving also occasion, &c. Whereas the Garrison Souldiers (he said) were enriched with Egypt's spoils, possessing the Mamalukes sumptuous Houses and Lands: feeding on the Egyptians goods, and had received greater pay and Rewards from him than any, from any of his Predecessors: wherefore (if not past all modesty) they might take it well enough, if somwhat restrained in their unreasonable requests: saying, that Princes [...] their Souldiers in reasonable pay, in peace and war, ought sometime for Warlike Discipline, to moderate their desires, lest striving for private gain, money be afterwards wanting for a greater and more needful Charge, Wars rising upon Wars, since none, if never so valiant, or fortunate, did ever any great matter, if he wanted Coyn, the very sinews of War: Selimus full of wrath interrupted him, lest by longer discourse, he (recounting his Deserts and worthy service, in [...] and his own time) should have had Intercessours, causing him in his presence to be there executed: saying, Others who would presume to prescribe what their Soveraigns had to do, should ever (by that insolent servant's example) be admonished of their condition and duty. It's reported, the Souldiers in [...] of Selimus, wondrously lamented his unworthy death: who by his rare valour, [...] wit, comely Personage, Military Eloquence, and gallantry of living, so won the love of all, that few or none in the Army but acknowledged themselves some way beholden to him, condemning Selimus his cruelty, beginning to tell of Mustapha and old Chendemus, not forgetting Bostanges his son in Law, nor Cherseogles, both which, about two years before, [Page] had their heads struck off, none well knowing wherefore; and their dead bodies cast out at the Court-gate to the terrour of the beholders. Yea [...], Achomates, and [...], with the other Princes of the Bloud, were presented afresh to all mens eyes. So that men generally both feared and hated him, who had set down in his ambitious and tyrannical mind; it was better (for assuring his Estate) to be feared of all, than be loved of many; therefore not sparing any mans life, whom he in the least suspected. Yet his severity against this Jonuses, may be excused (in some sort) as being justly moved thereto, by his presumption and malice underhand (contrary to his charge) to the peril of Selimus his late Conquests.

This great Bassa, by his cruelty on the fair Manto his best beloved Wife, offended (most) the people's minds. She (her lovely conditions being answerable, and a Greek born) was by Sebalia her first Husband, carried with him into the Wars as his chief delight; but, he slain, and she falling into the Turks hands, was a prisoner, till Jonuses, (seeing her far to exceed the other Captives) became amorous of her beauty, which he finding graced with no less inward Vertues, took her to Wife, honouring her above all his Wives and Concubines, she also loyally seeking to please him, lived a while in all worldly felicity; but the Bassa fearing lest that which so pleased him, gave no less content to others, began to distrust her, though he saw no cause, but his own conceit; which jealous humour more and more encreasing, he became so froward and imperious, that nothing she could say or do could please him, tormenting still both himself and her, whom he so loved, with his passionate distrust: till, the fair Lady, grieved and wearied herewith, determined secretly to depart from him into her own Countrey: which she discovering to one of her Eunuchs to whom she gave Letters to be conveighed to friends, whose help she was to use therein, he openly delivered them to his Master; who enraged, calling for [Page] Manto, stabbed her with a dagger to the heart: So curing his tormenting jeal ousie with the death of his Love.

But Selimus now come into Syria, was advertised from the Hembracor Bassa, whom he left on his Frontiers to attend the Persians motion, that the hot rumour of their preparations at beginning of Winter, was grown cold in heat of Summer, he having seen in all that time, none but stragling companies, shewing as if greater power were coming, making (oft) suddain inroads, whom he divers times had prosperously encountred, and that it was both by prisoners taken and his own espials reported, that Hysmael troubled with the Hyrcanians and Tartars, had turned most of his forces against them; so that Winter drawing on, and deep snows already fallen on Taurus, he could not that year look after Asia the less and Syria. Some said, the Tartars dwelling between Tanais and Volga, by Selymus his procurement [...] money, busied Hysmael by invading the Albanians, and Iberians, who were under his protection, and that by means of his father in law, who being of the same Nation, easily induced them (needy) by Rewards to take up Arms against them.

Many marvelled, why Hysmael neglected such an opportunity, who ('twas thought) might have thrust [...] out of Asia and Syria (while thus busied) yea, and have destroyed him, shut up, especially while Campson and Tomombeius made such resistance. But others saw, that Hysmael was not so strong abroad (as at home) most of his Army consisting of Gentlemen, or those used voluntarily to serve in defensive Wars without pay. These valiantest Horsmen of the East did worthily defend the Persian Kingdom, upon occasion Warring with near Neighbours also; but could by no means away with a longer expedition, being so addicted to their Wives, and accustomed to draw after them Carriages and Horses even for wanton uses, not to be done without wages: with which difficulty Usuncassanes was much troubled in his Wars against [Page] [...] the great; but it was harder for Hysmael to do, who obtaining his Grandfather's Kingdom, by meer good will of the people, eased them of their heavy Impositions alwayes thinking the love of his Subjects (gotten by Bounty and Justice) the surest Riches of his Kingdom, &c. Whereas Selimus, stepping into his Fathers [...] by force, mischief, &c. had (like the Othoman Kings) put his most assured strength in a mercenary kind of men, whom (for pay) he might at pleasure, draw far from home, from place to place, for enlarging of his Empire; thoreby deeming true and ready Power to stand only in money, and the severity of his own Command.

Who the Winter following, 1518. stayed in Syria, visiting its parts and Cities, and setting things in order; but Spring approaching, when he understood, that Pope Leo 10th. had procured the Christian Princes, to consult of Warring upon him, &c. he (leaving Gazelles his Lievtenant in Syria) returned to Constantinople, there, as at hand, to behold the Christian Princes motions and devices, fearing no alteration in Syria and Egypt, to arise, since he well saw, Cayerbeius and Gazelles were at deadly hatred betwixt themselves; as for old grudges, so for Cayerbeius's Treason, the great cause of the [...] ruine.

Selimus being at Constantinople, purposed thenceforth to turn all his Force upon the Christians, making wondrous preparations, chiefly at Sea; so that 'twas thought he would either attempt Rhodes, or some parts of Italy. But while he delighted himself with Gracian Cities, solacing in the pleasant Countrey about Hadrianople, he was struck with a Canker in his Reins, which contemning cure, did so by degrees eat up and corrupt his body, as that he (so honoured before) was now loathsome to himself and others. As he lay thus languishing, leaning his head in the lap of his most loved Bassa Pyrrhus: said, O Pyrrhus, I see I must shortly die without remedy. Pyrrhus thereupon discoursing with him of many matters,, perswaded [Page] him to [...] the great wealth taken taken from the Persian Merchants in divers places of his Empire, upon [...] [...] [...]: who rep yed, [...] thou I should bestow others goods wrongfully taken away, on works of Charity, for my own vain prayses? I will never do it. [...], see rather they be restored to the right owners: which was forthwith done. To the shame of many Christians, who make, of Robbery, a sacrifice, not minding restitution.

He [...] above ground in his Tent, on his way to Hadrianople, sent [...] and Achmetes, [...], before to provide for solemnizing their great Feast Bairam, as it were their Easter, keeping with him only Ferhates Bassa, to come after as his weak body would permit; but such was his Disease, fury and intolerable pains, that he soon after died in September in 1520. [...] Chiurli in the very place, where he had assailed his aged Father Bajazet, aged 46 years, reigning 8: To the great joy of all Christendom. His dead body being solemnly buried by his Son Solyman, in a Temple he built at Constantinople for that purpose. He used to say, Nothing was sweeter than to reign without fear or suspition of his [...]; and commending Solyman to Pyrrhus, charged him, to leave the Persians, and turn wholly against the Christians: and, to incense him, left his lively Counterfeit by his beds-side, with sundry bloody Precepts.

The Life of Solyman the Magnificent, fourth Emperour of Turks.

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FErhates Bassa carefully concealing Selimus's death, lest the Janizaries and Court Souldiers, should in the vacancy spoil the Merchants and strangers, and afterwards, as wont, insolently prescribe to the chief Bassaes at pleasure, sent letters in Post to Solyman, then at Magnesia, of his Father's death, and to hasten to Constantinople, while things were in good order, timely to repress the feared disorders of his Men of Warre. He perusing the Letters to his great content, yet considering his Fathers cruelty, who on a jealousie of his aspiring minde, and for some words in dislike of his Fathers extremity, had sent him a poysoned shirt, whose misdoubting Mother [...] one of his Chamber first to wear it, whereof he soon died; and that the newes was not seconded from any other Bassa, fearing some plot, durst not adventure from his charge, giving little or no credit to the Messenger. Ferhates, hearing of his wariness, ten dayes being past, sent to Pyrrhus and Mustapha at Hadrianople, speedily to repair to Court; to whom, when come, he declared Selimus's death; who all, speedily and secretly sent to Solyman Letters thereof, with their Hands and Seals: who now assured, by long journies came to Scrutarium, of old Chrysopolic: where the Aga of the Janizaries meeting him, he was [...] over the passage to Constantinople: where the Janizaries knowing yet nothing, till Solyman were ready to receive him in the midst, the Captains said aloud, Behold your Emperour! who [Page] cryed with great acclamation, Long live the great Emperour Solyman: which concent, is the greatest assurancè of their Estate. So being tryumphantly brought into the Palace, he was placed in his Father's Seat in 1520. Charls 5th, being chose Em perour of Germany that year. The Janizaries, in lieu of the spoil, received a great largess of Solyman, he somewhat also increasing their wages, to their wondrous [...].

Solyman, beginning to reign about 28 years old, the Princes to whom Selimus's name was dreadful, hoped, a quiet Lamb was come in place of a raging Lion; but they were soon deceived therein, chiefly the bordering Christian Princes, upon whom he converted his forces, most of his long reign, which Selimus almost wholly employed against the Persian and Egyptian Kings.

Gazelles, as if now discharged of his Oath to Selimus, and earnestly desiring to restore the Mamaluke's Kingdom, gathered speedily to him the dispersed remnant of the Mamalukes, and by rewards, the wild Arabian leaders, with great numbers of the discontented Syrians, driving the Turk's Garrisons out of Birtha, Tripolis, and other Syrian Cities, and possessing them. He sent also Embassadors to Cayerbeius, perswading him to revenge the wrong done to the Mamalukes, and by killing the Turk's Garrisons, to make himself Sultan of Aegypt, offering therein, his utmost service. But he, whether not trusting Gazelles, or ashamed of new [...], or [...] his own strength, presently in his sight, caused them to be executed as traitors: speedily certifying Soliman hereof, who sent Ferhates with a strong Army into Syria.

Gazelles retired with all his Army, into strong Damasce; whither Ferhates coming, Gazelles, rather than to be shut up valiantly issued forth with all his power, and gave him battel, for six houres most cruel, and many [...] on both sides: At last, being oppressed with his enemies, eight to one in number, he was forced to fight in a ring valiantly [Page] dying with his Mamalukes, in midst of his enemies, who had a bloudy Victory.

Gazelles thus slain, all Syria presently yielded to the Turks: Ferhates, taking it in good part, suffered not his men to enter Damasco, then richly stored with all sorts of Commodities from divers parts. Ferhates going to Cairo, commending Cayerbeius, confirmed him in his Government; and inveighing against Selimus his cruelty, to please the Aegyptians, bid them hope for happiness under peaceable Solyman, to whom he returned, all things being set in order.

Next year, by Pyrrhus's counsel, (the Christians mortal enemy,) and the Janizaries [...], Solyman resolved to besiege strong Belgrade on Hungaries borders, vainly attempted by Mahomet the great, and Amurath, to their great losse and dishonour: where the Turk's Ensigns were taken, with other of Huniades, and Mathias's Trophies of Victory, were reserved, to their grief. His Army sent before, was come to Sophia in Servia, the European Lievetenant's residence, before the Hungarians were aware; for, they living at ease, all Uladislaus's time, and now secure under young Lodovicus his Sonne, of no experience who being poled by his Nobles and great Clergy, could not raise sufficient power against such an enemy, especially his Nobility, promising much, but performing nothing; so that Solyman coming without lett before the City, by battery and undermining, soon became Lord thereof, and with little losse. It was won Aug. 29. 1521. The miseries ensuing upon the opening of that gap, did and do declare, how much that losse concerned the Christian Common-wealth.

Solyman returning to Constantinople, breaking up his Army, lay still almost a year, greatly preparing at Calipolis, and other Ports, for rigging up a great Fleet: which caused the Italians, Venetians, and them of Rhodes to look about them. About which time, Philip Villers, wise [Page] and conragious, was, in his absence at the French Court, chosen Great Master by the Knights of the Rhodes, who safely arrived there from Marselles, after a dangerous Voyage, hardly layed for by Cortug-ogli, a famous Turksish Pirate. Solyman knowing it, whole two Brethren the Knights had surprized at Sea, and slain, keeping the third in prison.

Pyrrhus, by whose advice Solyman was directed, consulting with the other Bassaes, what great exploit was first to be attempted, differed in opinion about Rhodes. Pyrrhus, disswading, as too full of difficulty and danger, producing Mahomet the Great for an example: But Mustapha next to Pyrrhus, extolling Solyman, said, Their [...] was not to be included within his Predecessor's attempts; as appeared by Belgrade, who should likewise prevail against the Rhodes, being able to: [...] more men before it, than there were stones in the walls, presumptuously [...], that upon the first landing of Solymans great Army, they would presently yield themselves and City into his hands.

Solyman desirous of Cortug-oglies Opinion, before the undertaking of so great a matter, Mustapha and Ferhates ushering him in, after reverence, and command to speak, said: Thy great desarts, most mighty Emperour, makes me now frankly speak, what I think may be for thy Majesties and Empires glory: I daily hear the pittiful lamentation of those of Mitylene, [...], Peloponesus, Achaia, Caria, Lycia, &c. for the spoil of their Countries, [...] their Cities, carrying away Cattle and people, &c. which they suffer by the Rhodian Pirates, none withstanding them. Often have they instantly requested me, to be a mean to thy Majesty, whereby they might be protected from these cruel rovers: wherefore I beseech thee by the most reverent [...] Mahomet, [...] by thy [...] heroicalness, to deliver thy afflicted subjects from their most cruel enemies, &c. It [Page] rending not so much to their hurt in private, as to the [...] of thy imperial Dignity which if any other [...] Prince should offer, I know thou wouldest not suffer, unrevenged. Who [...] passe to Tripolis, Damasco, &c. without manifest danger? What have we heard every Spring, this many years, but that they have taken one Port or other, & [...] and that, under thy nose in the heart of thy Empire? We thy loyal Subjects, ought not for the increase of our Religion, and enlarging thy Empire, [...] to adventure the hazard of all. If thou likewise be carried with love of Glory and Renown &c. in what canst thou easier gain the same, or better imploy us, than in subduing this reputed Bulwark of Christendom, which onely keeps us from their Countries? Thy happy fortune hath subjected Belgrade, farre more strong than in times past, and dost thou then despair of Rhodes? If thy captivated subjects, built it for the Christians, cannot they now at liberty, &c. destroy the same? If thou please, thou shalt see a divine occasion procured by Mahomet, presented unto [...], The Western Christians being at discord, and mortal Warres among themselves. Thy Majesty is not ignorant that in managing of Warres, the opportunity is especially to be followed &c.

Solyman ambitious, and pricked forward by Cortug and others, hereby seeking [...], chiefly by Mustapha, resolved to go in person against the Rhodes. And first to prove what spirit and courage Villers was of, he sent him a cold friendly Letter, thus directed.

Solyman by God's Grace, King of Kings, &c. To the Reverend Father Viller us Lilladamus, Great Master of the Rhodes and Legate of Asia, Greeting.

I Am glad of thy coming an new promotion, which I wish thou mayst long and happily enjoy, since I hope thou wilt exceed all before thee: from whom as my Auncestors have withdrawn, so I joyn with thee in friendship: [Page] joy thou therefore my friend, rejoycing also in my Victory, &c. For last Summer passing Danubius, I expected the Hungarian to give battel, taking his strongest City Belgrade with othea Holds, and destroying much people with fire and sword, captivating many more, and, in triumph breaking up my Army, am returning to Constantinople; whence farewel.

Villerius considering these Letters, perceived, Peace was offered in shew, but Warre in meaning: wherefore rewarding the Messenger, he sent with him another of his own, a private person, for they seldom sent any honourable Embassadors to each other.

Vi [...]lerius Lilladamus, Great Master of the Rhodes, to the Turk.

I Well understand thy Letters. Thy friendship is as pleasing to me, as displeasing to Cortug-Ogli, who would suddenly have intercepted me; but that failing, he tryed to rob some Merchants Ships in the Rhodian Sea, bound from Joppa to Venice; but sending my Fleet, I forced the Pirate to leave behind him the Prizes taken from the Merchants of Creet: Farewell; from the Rhodes.

Hereby Solyman perceived he should not so easily carry the Rhodes as he had Belgrade; yet resolving to try, he thus opened his determination to certain chief Commanders. Though I doubt not, ye are of the same minde as ever, in the invading other Nations; yet I thought good in matters tending to all our good to use your general advice. Since my Father left this World, we have made Warre with divers Nations, having our forces shut up within the compass of the mighty Sophi of Persia his Dominions; yet, my minde, greater in conceit than my Empire, and the blood of O [...]homan, findes no content in these Victories; all ye have done, though great, seeming but little, to your worth. This I have above all desired, to root out the very name of the [Page] Rhodian Souldiers: and how oft have I heard you crying out, The Rhodes, the Rhodes? Never a greater opportunity: much of the Cities Walls lying level, Coin wanting, the Castle Garrison but small, their French ayd far off, which will come too late, or I believe, never: that King being at Warres with the Germane Emperour, and Lord of Italy, &c. Nor do ye believe the Spaniard's distressed at home, will easily come out of Sicily and Campania with supplies: and I have prevented the danger to be feared from the Venetian Fleet. Wherefore, couragious Souldiers, chearfully follow your Soveraign, against those most cruel enemies. Admit, their Valour did gain Victory in one unluckie assault, my Great Grandfather unfortunately calling home Mesithes Paleologus: will you therefore alwayes suffer these piratical excursions, &c? So help me Mahomet, it shall not be so: I vow in despight of Christ and John, shortly to set up my Ensigns with the Moon, in the midst of their Market-place; not seeking my self, more than the honour thereof: the profit reported to be great, I give you my Fellow-Souldiers: wherefore let us now set forward with all our force and courage.

This his purpose being with one accord liked, Pyrrhus at first disswading the Warre, now said, I cannot but admire the great Wisdom and Vertues of our young Emperour: who hath declared all deep Counsels of a worthy Chiefetain, in taking Warre in hand. Blessed be Mahomet, thrice and four times blessed is this Empire, &c. with such a Prince: which manner of proceeding, if we would alwayes follow, we should soon subdue, as the Rhodes, so all Kingdoms in Christendom. Yet besides this, mine age and experience, exhorts you, by gifts, and all other meanes, to corrupt if possible, the very chief Citizens, thereby to enter into their most secret Councels: and that it may be wrought, I. as one desiring peace, will induce the Great Master to send some honourable Embassage; which if once brought unto, let me alone with the rest.

[Page] Solyman pleased above others, with the old Fox his Counsel, charged him speedily to prove what he could do: the other to prepare the greatest Land and Sea-forces: therefore it could not be kept so secret, but Febr. the 4th, the Rhodians had newes of it: which daily increasing, Villerius lent a Christian spie, who could speak the Turkish Language, to Constantinople, who secretly informed him, The Turks were preparing a great Fleet, and mighty Army, with a great deal of battering Artillery; but whether for Italy, Rhodes, Cyprus, or Corcyra, was not known; whilest every one thought, 'twas against any one, rather than himself, certain notice was given the Rhodians, that the Turks diligently kept strict Watch and Ward along all their Sea-ports thereabouts otherwise than before, which seemed to foreshew somewhat else, than defence of their frontiers: wherefore Villerius with all diligence, provided great store of Victual, Armour, Weapons, and all necessaries for defence. The new Walls, and Avergne fortress begun in Caractus's time, was laboriously set about by Basilius, an Engineer to Charls the 5th, every one putting to his helping hand: a Messenger the while, coming from Pyrrhus Bassa, the cunning fellow delivering his Field-Message by the way, painted [...] Solyman's courreous nature, greatly also, commending Pyrrhus, and delivering Letters from both, to this purport.

Solyman by God's Grace, King of Kings, &c. to Villerius Lillidamus, Great Master, &c.

I Am certainly informed, my Letters are delivered thee, which thou rightly understanding, pleaseth me beyond expression: Trust to it, I am not content with the [...] at Belgrade, hoping for another: nay assuring my [Page] self, which I will not hide from thee, whom I am always mindful of.

Pyrrhus great Councellor, &c. To Villerius Lilladamus, Great Master, &c.

THy Letters, more in meaning than Character, I have delivered to our mighty Emperour; but I would not suffer the bearer [...] come into his presence, lest too much offended with so base a Messenger: henceforth, send him men of worth, years and discretion, with whom, if he please, he may confer and conclude of publique matters, which to do, it shall not repent thee, nor me of my counsel. The Messengers brings Letters also from our Emperour; how to answer, ye are admonished.

These Letters being openly read, such as wished for peace, commended Pirrhus's Counsel, as being old, and greatly experienced, more desiring his Countries quiet than theirs: wishing to order that by wisdom, which the young Prince sought for by Warre, fearing the common chance of Warre, &c. Whereupon, Raymund March a Knight, a Spaniard, Muster- [...], eloquent, couragious and skilful in the Turks Language, was appointed to go Embassador. Many contrarily suspecting deceit, said, [...] good to beware, asking, To what end? for, Should we proclaim War, say they, against the mighty Tyrant, writing all peace? or, Should we intreat for peace, no Warre as yet proclaimed? &c. Besides, with what security or face, can he go, unrequested by the Emperour, who having him in his power shall with cruel torture force him to discover our secrets, &c. The Messenger's diligent enquiry of the state of things, confirmed this opinion: who was sent back with one private Souldier, to carry Villerins's Letters to the Turk.

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Villerius &c. to the Turk.

THat thou art mindful of me, grieveth me not, I also minde thee. Thou, as not content, hopest for another Victory, nay assurest thy self thereof, before the attempt. Beware, &c. mens expectations never deceive them more than in Warre.

Villerius to Pyrrhus the Bassa.

I Have considered thy Letters with thy Messengers behaviour: As I contemn not thy counsel, so will I not follow it, whilest my men do spoil thy Masters Countries and Ports: which I bear withall, for injuries they sustained by Turkish Pirates; but I will call them home, and send Embassadors, thou first sending me safe conduct under thy Masters great Seal.

But these were not delivered; for the Turk being come into the main, posted on Horseback to Constantinople, leaving the other behinde him: who returning, and telling what he heard and saw, they despaired of peace, and Villerius sent to hire Cretensians: he was also advertised from Naxos Isle, the Turks were ready to pu t to Sea, at first of the New-Moon; which they observe in the beginning of all great actions: Merchants also coming to the Rhodes with Corn from Euboea, brought the same newes of [...]: who being the Turks Tributaries, by his command under that colour, noted what was done in the City.

Villerius likewise sent divers Gallies to learn of the enemies doings.

Lupus a Knight and a Captain, took a great Turkish Ship laden with Corn, bringing her home; but [...] another Captain, suffering his men to straggle into an [Page] Island, his Ship in harbour, was by a Turkish Pirate taken. About which time, the Turks making great fires by night, signifying, they desired some parley, a Knight was sent with a Galley to the Main, to see the matter.

Xaycus a pay-master, skilful at Sea, and civil affaires, beloved of Turkish Merchants, whose Language he had learned, being joyned with him, drawing nigh, the Merchants, were making merry on the Main, with such Merchandize as they used to exchange with the Rhodians for Woollen-Cloth: they gaged their faith for each others safety; but being requested to come ashore, till a familiar of his was sent for, not far off, he said; not so, except a pledge were delivered on Ship-board.

These perfidious, laughing, sent their pledge and Merchandize abroad. Xaycus going ashore, and embracing the Merchants, was upon a sign given, beset and taken, and conveighed post to Constantinople, where he was, with most exquisite torments, forced to confess what they desired. Then was their wisdom commended, who occasioned the Decree for sending the Embassador to be revoked; The Turks Hostage, was found to be a Countrey fellow, well apparelled to deceive the Rhodians, who answered to all things demanded, according to his knowledge, as that the Turks were greatly preparing on Caria and Lycia's Coasts by Sea, taking up there many Souldiers, for defence of Syria's frontiers against the Persians: Solyman doing this to put the Rhodians out of suspition of invasion; but Villerius perceiving by many circumstances, chiefly by that of Xaycus, that the Rhodes was that longed after, proclaimed a Cessation from all businesses, till all things for defence of the City were accomplished. A general Muster being taken, and 5000 able free men being found, amongst whom were 600 Knights, 500 of Creete; the rest, most Marriners, who did great service: the [...] serving chiefly to dig and carry Earth: and the Citizens, except a few of the better sort, were most weak, and of small courage, [Page] great speakers, but small doers, yet hardly to be governed. Villerius rearing nought more than the faint hearts of the Citizens [...] them together, encouraged them by a speech, the [...] whereof [...], to [...] the Turks, who came out of the dark Dens of [...] Caucasus, their injury and tyranny, and [...] desire of Soveraignty; especially to exceed herein against Christ, and Christians: whose Islands and Countries he strove to the utmost to take from them, and utterly to root out the Christian name: hoping, he said, other Christian Princes would in good time, joyn with him and his Knights of the Order, who were most ready to defend them, their Wives, Children, Goods, and Temples; declaring the Cities strength, and great store of furniture of Arms and Provision, [...] as they should not feel hunger and thirst, which calamities for all that, he said some people in faithfulness and valour, not comparable to them, had most constantly endured, as they of Petilinum, when besieged by the Carthaginians and they of Cassilinum, by Hannibal, holding out till a [...] was sold for much money; who thrusting their Children and Parents [...], lived with Leather, or Hides sodden, leaves of Trees &c. till wanting strength, to hold their Weapons, or stand on the walls: that, if their Houses chanced to be beaten down, they must have patience; for they should be repaired: neither was [...] of such importance, as therefore to yield to enemies, in whose [...] and fidelity, there was no assurance; for, said he, besides Solymans being cruel and unfaithful by nature, he can by no meanes be gentle and faithful toward us who have done him so much harm: that God had hitherto protected them, so often assailed by open force, whom he wished them above all things to serve and call upon; for, saith he, except the Lord keep and defend the City, the Watchmen watch but in vain.

[Page]The vulgar especially, were much encouraged herewith; but whilest they dreamed of nothing but victory, the wiser [...], careful, did what they could to effect the forewished good.

Clement the Greek Bishop, greatly repured by them, labouring to perswade the Greeks, in that great and common danger to joyn with the Latines, whose Governme nt they many times repined at, fordefence of the City: and it was so ordered at that time, that they all agreed as one man, to spend their lives, &c. many of the vulgar, wishing his coming rather then not: And few nights after, the Turks by night fires in the Main, gave sig [...] parley: whereupon, a Galley and long Boat, setting forth, being nigh the shoare, was hailed by a Turk with a Troop of Horse, desiring to send one ashore, for more convenient parley: which the Captain refusing, Art thou, said the Turk, afraid of Xaycus's fortune? who [...] answered, Xaycus troubled him not, nor they feared him; but if he had nothing else to say, to get further off, or he would speak to them by the Cannon.

A Turk coming, layed down Letters on a stone, and said, In them was their charge: who, being departed with the rest, the long Boat was sent for them, thus directed.

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Solyman by Gods Grace, King of Kings, &c. To the Reverend Villerius Lilladamus, Great Master, &c.

THe Purport was, that, pittying his Subjects, and for his great injury, he was wroth. Therefore he should yield him the Island and City without delay: making divers protestations, that if they chose rather his friendship than his force, they should depart with all their Riches or live under him without infringement of Liberty and Religion, by any Tribute: but to those that were subdued, were all extremities from the angry Conqueror threatned, from which, neither their force, forraign ayd, nor huge Walls, which he would utterly over-throw, should defend them.

This being openly read, some thought, 'twere good to answer him roundly: Others, not further to provoke so great an enemy; at last they agreed to send him no answer at all.

The day these Letters came, June 14. a Turkish Commander, arrived at Coos-Island (part of the Rhodes Dominion) with 30. Galley fore-runners. Who beginning to burn the Corn almost ripe, and Villages; Prejanes the Governour (of great valour) with some Horse and Foot suddenly set upon the dispersed Turks, with such a cry of the people and Instruments of War; that running away amazed, many were slain, not resisting; and had not the Galleys received them, not one had escaped, who then put to Sea again. The Rhodians now (most of them) assured of the Turks coming, by Pomerolus Vice-master his perswasion, burnt down the Suburbs, utterly destroying their pleasant Gardens nigh the City, and all the rest within a mile (except things needful for the Siege, which they took in) that the enemy should find nothing there to use: A woful sight the while, more mournful than the enemie's [...], presenting it self; for the miserable Countrypeople (as Villerius commanded) bringing in wood, corn, [Page] cattel, fowls, &c. numbers of Women and Children followed them weeping, with dischivelled hair, scratching their faces, tearing themselves, wringing hands, and casting up eyes, beseeching God to defend the City and themselves: which multitude being packt into narrow Rooms, and their cattel starved, afterwards corrupted the ayr, rotten agues and [...] ensuing: but the City being yielded, there followed such a plague, as destroyed great numbers of Turks, and Christians not knowing whither to go.

The Turkish General which landed in Coos, was sent before to provoke the Rhodians to Battel, who with 20 Galleys came daily betwixt Lycia and Rhodes (leaving the rest at Gnidum [...], not far from Rhodes, to ayd him upon necessity; braving them many dayes; knowing a Victory then, was little less than taking the City; or if he could by fight but weaken their number, he should further his Masters Victory: and sometimes laying at the very Havens mouth: the Rhodians moved, as not wont to be so braved, by importunity had a Councel call'd, to consider whether to fight or not? Whereupon the Chancellour, of great authority & spirit, &c. said, Such disgrace was presently to be revenged: for, said he, the huge Fleet of the Turks is as a head to be joyned to these Pyratical Galleys as members, to which head they should give such a blow, by cutting off those limbs, that it should ever after stagger: or if no Fleet were prepared to follow that, then it being discomfited, they should be at quiet: which in his judgement, was most like to be true, the fit time of the year for a Siege being so far spent, &c. Wherefore to set upon their proud enemies: not fearing a few threatning words, and sitting still like cowards not daring to shew their heads: which forsooth, they called Fabius his policy: wishing they were as Fabius; but fearing they should prove more like Antiochus, the Aetolians and Vitellians, all whose courage consisted in words, &c. but Victory was gained by exposing themselves to danger.

[Page]Though the multitude, with these and the like [...] moved desired to fight, as not wanting Weapons, courage or hands to slaughter their enemies: yet the graver sort thought not good to adventure any great part of forces, afterwards to be wanted for defence of the City. The Turkish General deceived of his expectation, withdrew 12 miles off to Villanova where landing his men he burnt all the corn thereabouts: the people being all retired either into the Rhodes, or Castles in other places of the Islands.

Villerius careful to reserve his Souldiers for more expected dangers commanded troops (sent to skirmish with them) to return: and during the Siege, he would often eat his meat with his Souldiers: watching himself, and walking up and down, he would rest on some homely seat as it chanced, being more adventurous in time of assault than was wished; yet more allowing Counsel grounded on Reason, than prosperous actions commended but by events, he carried alwayes among so many cares, such a grace in his chearful countenance, as made him to be reverenced and loved: bestowing all the time he could spare in praying, &c. and that (oftentimes) most of the night in the Temple alone, his Armour laying by him; so that it was commonly said, His Devotion and Care would make the City invincible.

July 26. Early, news came from Stevens watch-Tower about a mile off: [...] a huge Fleet (reported, above 200 sayl) was making thitherwards along the West of Lycia: whereupon all places were full of tumult, and a pittiful cry as is usual in such cases: publike prayers were made throughout the City; [...] ended, the gates were shut up: people of all ages and sexes going forth to gaze upon that dreadful Fleet; the formost being the Admiral of Callipolis, who was to assail the City by Sea: Cara Mahometes was Rear-Admiral, with a great squadron of Galleys, and a fair wind, striking before the mouth of the [Page] Haven began to row towards the City; but many hasting unto that Bulwark defending the left side of the Haven more subject to danger than the other; the Turk fearing to be sunk, got him to the rest of the Fleet: the Rhodians deriding him with out-cryes for his folly: The Fleet passing on came to the Promontorie of Bo, about 3 miles Eastward: which Harbour being too small, many Galleys, riding it out at Sea, were by shot, often forced to get further off. Whilst the enemy was landing, and transporting all things and men; also viewing the City, and choosing a fit place for his Camp: the Rhodians sunk many soundding the Walls to discover the enemies Mines, and fortified their Bulwarks with bigger Rampires. The Master sent also, one Knight into Spain to Charls the Emperour, and another to Rome: thence into France, craving ayd by Letters for relief by Sea and Land; but they grudging against each other, or respecting only themselves, returned them with good words without relief.

Then also Preianes, forementioned, (comparable with any Captain of that age, &c.) having hid himself 2 or 3 dayes in the Rocks at Sea for fear of the Turks, came by night in a Pinnace to the Rhodes, whereat they wondrously rejoyced: whom Villerius in any great exploit, trusted above any, and who in the Siege, chearfully endured such labours as others accounted extream miseries. Also Mariningus a most skilful Engineer coming out of Creet, defeated, by Counter-mines, 55 Mines which the Turks made with exceeding charge and labour.

The City is [...] on a Plain every way to be besieged (except Northward) for its goodly Haven, thence laying all Westward: [...] it and the Hill's about it, is a stony Plain longer than broader, the Hills being full of planted Orchards; but it was compassed with a most strong double Wall, deep Trenches, having 13 sure and stately Towers, with 5 mighty Bulwarks divers fair gates: with most exact Warlike Discipline from the French. [Page] Tower (seeming to mate the skie) stood the French with the Lillies in their Ensignes, under Abimus a Knight of the Order: thence to George's gate lay the Germans with the Eagle: then the French Avergnois with the Spaniards, the Ditches being there not so deep or broad as elswhere. Fiftly, the English, whom the Master himself commanded: then they of Narbona: lastly, the Italians under Balimus and Morgutus. In every Station were divers valiant Knights of the Order.

A Turkish woman-slave, conspired with some others: when the Turks gave the first assault, to fire the Houses (wherein they dwelt) in divers places, that the defendants drawn to quench it, the Turks might more easily enter; but the Treason was revealed, and they executed.

The Turks had not placed their Battery, when as they took a Hill, whereon stood Cosmus and Domianus Temple, right against the English Station, with little hurt (so far off) shooting thence into the City. Then (having with them 5000 pioneers, whom they forced to labour day and night) with incredible speed, wayes were cut through the stony Rocks, Plaines rais'd to Mountains, with earth brought two miles off, and Mountains levelled; yet were they sadly rent in sunder with the Town-Ordnance: the Rhodians also sallying out, fiercely pursued and slew great numbers of them, and of others defending them: and when many others, thought to relieve their fellows, the Ordnance from the Walls so thundered among them, that the ground was covered with Weapons and Carcasses. After three such salleys, the Turks wrought most by night, keeping most strong watch, and doubling it by day, bending their Ordnance against the Rhodians sallying places, which kept them not so much in, as the fear of weakening themselves. Amongst others, certain Marriners having the Turks [...], by leave (disguising themselves as Turks) came forth by night, in a small Boat laden with Apples, Pears, Plums, &c. to the place where the passage [Page] is out of the maine. There (as if come from the main) the Turks bought their fruit greedily: which they having sold and now ready to depart; certain Turks, disliking the hard beginning of the Siege, earnestly requested to be taken with them into the maine; who with much ado (in shew) were entreated to take in 7 or 8, (whom they could master) bringing them prisoners to the Rhodes: Where being brought up by Preianes to the top a Tower, where they might descry all the Turks Camp, discovered unto him all he demanded: and confessing, that the Souldiers discontented with the Siege, were ready to mutiny, hardly to be commanded forth, saying, all was but lost labour, &c. Wherefore, if they were wise, they should in time depart: which appeared afterwards true, for Pyrrhus Bassa gladder, to please the Souldiers than to punish, wrote to Solyman: if he would have the Siege go forward, he should speedily come in person to the Camp, they refusing to be commanded.

The Turkish Captains heard the while, by some fugitives, that the high steeple of St. Johns served as a watchTower: Wherefore, and in despight of the Cross upon it, they laboured with continual shot to beat it down. Solyman coming to the Camp; Aug. 28. more grieved to see the signes of cowardise, and the great disorder, than he did take pleasure and hope of 200000 men in his Army; yet moderating his indignation, he called them together, causing them to be disarmed, and compassing them in with 15000 Harquebufiers brought with him, he stept up into a high Royal Seat; and pausing a good while, he thought it enough to correct the multitude with sharp words, uttering after silence made, a cholerick speech, calling them Slaves, for he could not afford to call them Souldiers, asking them, what kind of men they were become? &c. If any one (he said) at home should have but named the Rhodes among their Feasts and pots, &c. they could then brag to pull it down; but when he here proved their courage, [Page] it was nothing but perhaps they thought, the Rhodians so soon as they saw their Ensignes before their gates, would yield; but that infamous denn was full of most cruel beasts, whose madness, they should never tame without much labour and bloodshed; yet, said he, I shall tame them, or else here spend my dayes, wishing himself, his Empire, and strength for ever cursed, and if he did or said otherwise. So pardoning all their former offences, he sware them all again to his obedience: all things being afterwards done with better success and more care. First planting divers great guns, they shot up huge stones into the ayr; which might (falling down) break whatever they lighted on; Villerius was like to be slain hereby; yet with 200 such shot, there was but ten men slain, which Apella a traiterous fugitive declared to the enemy, as he confessed upon examination, for which he was executed.

The Turks planted also 40 great battering Pieces, 12 being Basilisks: (the Basilisk killing man and beast with his sight) with these they battered continually; but being somewhat far off, did little harm. They then likwise laying battery against Nicholas Tower (defending the Haven on the right hand, where stood the great Colossus) it was valiantly defended by Guido a Frenchman, with 200 Souldiers, 30 being Knights. The Turks Artillery being soon dismounted with their shot, and many Gunners slain; so that, laying still all day, they began to batter it by night; but the Defendants warily observing, so aptly placed their Ordnance, that the Turks [...], their doings were by some means discovered; so after 500 shot bestowed, and a small breach made which they durst not attempt, they abandoned the place.

Pyrrhus was busie in working Mines, 35 whereof were frustrated by counter-mines, many being lost on both sides therein; yet the English Bulwark was Sept. 4. in part blown up, the violence whereof seemed at first, an Earthquake: and divers English, were overwhelmed; the Turks [Page] attempting to enter, were with great slaughter repulsed: but Mustapha, crying out of their cowardise, renewed the assault with supplies: where for a while was a most cruel fight. The Townsmen and Women casting down upon the Turks, fire, stones, timber, &c. So that, not able longer to endure it they ran away, not looking for a signe of retreat: the Ordnance wondrously slaughtering them as they fled: some write almost 2000 Turks were slain at this assault, amongst them, the Master of their Ordnance; the Christians also losing (besides a few others) 50 Knights of the Order.

Septemb. 9. Solyman by Mustapha's perswasion commanded a fresh assault; which was with greater resolution than the first: 7 Ensignes being broken into the Bulwark, the Defendants giving ground: but the Master coming in with his Ensigne and Knights, drave them out again, Mustapha couragiously restored the Battel, with new supplies, other Captains forcing the retired Souldiers to fight. Then began a more cruel fight than ever before, and more dangerous to the Christians, for the Turks much shot; but in that extremity none regarded, either danger or life; it continued three hours: at length Mustapha, losing two thousand with three Noble men, whom Solyman specially favoured (the Spaniards beating them out of their Flankers) retired. Few Christians were slain (in comparison); but, Cluis the Ensign bearer being shot blind, had not Ruiavix a Knight most couragiously rescued it, the Ensign of the Order had been lost.

After this, Mustapha began to grow in contempt with Solyman: and Pyrrhus, to keep his credit, continually battered the Mount nigh the Italian Bulwark with 17 great Pieces. Then also Cassius Governour of Bythinia laboured by undermining to over-throw the French Bulwark: but was frustrated by Chierus his countenance: and Pyrrhus in a hot assault, gaining the Mount, and greatly affrightning the City, was with great loss repulsed, and caused [Page] by Solyman to retire: the Governour of Euboea, Solyman's Lievtenant General being slain: for which he was exceeding pensive.

Mustapha determined (if possible) by a third assault of the English Bulwark to recover his credit: agreeing with Achimetes at the same time to assault the Spanish; who suddenly blowing up part of those Walls, and entring presently in the thick of the dust and smoak; recovered the Rampiers-top. Mustapha, also hardly charging the English, a doubtful fight was made in both places. The Rhodians manfully repulsed the enemy, forcing him with shame to retire, many English were slain, and Preianes sore hurt: having slain many Turks; 2 of Mustapha's Ensignes were taken by [...], commendatour of the Germane Knights. Achimetes having set up his Ensignes; by valonr, and some Ordnance placed by Martiningus in the Houses before the breach, and by shot out of the Flankers on both sides, he was forced also to retire.

Sept. 23. They hoping through a Mine, made against the Avergne Bulwark, to win the City, were, upon their approach at the blowing of it up, met with by a countermine; so that being in a place of great disadvantage, they returned with some hurt; yet their expert Captains, conjecturing, the wall might be inwardly shaken by the mine, though not outwardly perceived; violently battered there all that day and night after, making a large breach: that night was heard, an unwonted noise in the Camp; which the Rhodians rightly conjectured a sign of some great assault to be shortly given; for Solyman resolving next day with all his Force to assault the new breach, after a melancholly walking in his Tent, sent for the chief Commanders, declaring unto them: that though they needed not any exhortation, yet the enemie's desperate madness made him speak to them a few words: by effectual persuasion and large promises to hearten on his men to the winning of the City, rent, shaken, beaten down: and they [Page] wearied and worn out, &c. worthily seeming unto his Souldiers of invincible force and courage, for in taking that one City, they should make entrance upon the matter, into all Dominions of the Christians; and enjoy store of Warlike provision with a rich City, and a Haven of all others most commodious, &c. And as for them he said, considering he had by their valour and wisdom, lately subdued Belgrade, he rested in great hope, those fierce and obstinate Christians, should not be able long to defend themselves in their Dens and lurking places.

The Captains making known the Emperours pleasure, proclaimed the spoil of that rich City, to the [...] s a prey. Solyman layd him down on his Pallet to take rest; but Villerius all night in Arms, viewed all the City, encouraging his Souldiers to remember they watched for Countrey, life, and liberty. A Christian serving a Turk, secretly warning the Watchmen of a general assault next day: Villerius calling his Knights to prevent rashness and fearfulness, said, He was glad the time was come, when in one battel, they might be justly accounted the defenders of the Christian Commonwealth: the Turks presumed upon their multitude; but if they measured valour, not by number, but courage, a few, resolute, would overcome a multitude of cowards; that they knew their manner of fight, &c. Wherefore remembring their birth, and what opinion the Christian Common-wealth hath had of them, they should furiously fight, as if their slaves bore Arms against them: necessity as well as wrong, enforcing them; for they were in an Island, whence was no escape, and in a City, whose rent walls defended them not so much as their Weapons: therefore to morrow should give them a joyful Victory, or a most honourable death.

The enemies approach made him cease, every one hastening to his charge; they with a horrible cry, fiercely assailed 5 stations, 10000 Turks being appointed to a [Page] Place: Mustapha calling on Mahomet, and promising his men the spoil, assailed the English, whence he had been thrice repulsed.

Pyrrhus [...] ed the Italian; a cruel and deadly fight was in both places: also Women, Children, and aged men, bringing stones, burning-Pitch-Barrels, hoops with wild-fire, scalding Oyl, and boyling Pitch: on whomsoever it fell, so scalded them, that [...] down their weapons to tear off their Cloaths, many rent off the skin and flesh; besides the deadly shot which fell, never in vain.

Villerius having well relieved the Italians station, at first hardly distressed, left Monterollus a Knight, with company convenient, and went to the English hardly laid to by Mustapha; but having well relieved that place, a cry ran, that the Spanish Bulwark was possessed by the enemy: at which heavy newes, he leaving Gombaulus with a choyse Company, hasted thither with his Guard: which he found taken; for some Turks at the first, hiding for fear at the Bulwarks foot among the stones, beaten down by battery: Achimetes hotly charging the Spaniards on the right hand not medling with the Bulwark it self, those in the Bulwark, seeing their fellowes distressed fast by, left the Bulwark, and went to that place. The hidden Turks, [...] [...] silent over them, secretly crawling up the battered walls, got in [...], before discovered; suddenly slaying a few [...] Souldier, in removing a great piece, and overthrowing the Christiań Ensigns: which the Turks [...], seeing, made great hast thorow the Town-Ditch, to get into the Bulwark; but were so cut off by shot from the flankers that few got up.

Villerius, nothing fearing, resolutely scaled the same, and Caponus a Spaniard, with Menotius a Frenchman, breaking in by a Gate, not yet bolted; whom they [...] not, they forced to mischief themselves for [...] over the walls. It was two [...] in the enemies possession.

[Page] Villerius leaving there a sufficient number, went with the rest, where the Spaeniards, sore charged by Achimetes, had much adoe to hold out: who encouraged with his sight, valiantly repulsed their enemies. It were long to tell the hard fight and adventures at the Avergnoys and Narbonenses stations; but the Turks laying slain by heaps: Solyman beholding it from his standing made of high Masts, and no hope of Victory, caused a retreat welcom to both sides to be sounded: divers Knights, with 150 common Souldiers, were slain in this six houres assault, and 2000 Turks.

Solyman was so much offended hereat, that falling into a rage, especially against Mustapha, as an unfaithful Counsellour, and chief perswader of that unlucky Warre, commanded him to be put forthwith to death in his presence: which sudden dreadful doom on so light occasion, upon such a man, struck such terrour in all present, that none durst so much as sigh in pittying his case.

The Executioner ready, Pyrrhus presuming of his great favour, [...] forth, earnestly requested him to spare his life: wherewith Solyman was so wrathful, and for sending for him to Constantinople, that he commanded him to be executed also: All the rest seeing the danger, fell down at the Tyrants feet, craving pardon, saying, The enemies ground, had already drunk too much Turkish blood, &c. Solyman at this general intercession, pausing a little, granted them their lives: Pyrrhus for his age and wisdom, and Mustapha for his Wife's, Solymans Sisters sake, once Bostanges his Wife.

The Turks great Fleet all the while, lay before the Haven, not doing any thing; for the Admiral no man of Warre, seeing all fortified, durst not try to enter, or besiege the Castles: suffering also Victual and Ammunition to be conveighed into the City: [...] though by Achimetes mediation, Solyman spared him from a most cruel death; yet on the poupe of the Admiral Galley, he receiving [Page] an 100 stripes with a cudgel, was thrust out of office.

The remembrance of so many unfortunate assaults, &c. so grieved Solyman, that being ready to raise the siege, he also lay [...] speechless, with fainting: and a great while alter, would not be spoken withall, till Abraham his minion, recomforted him, and perswaded him to continue the siege, time working that, which the Sword could not suddenly subdue.

Solyman building a Castle upon Mount Philermus, in sight of the City: Letters were shot in the while, revealing many of Solymans secretest Counsels, and promising a great mans revolt: which the Rhodians gathered to be Mustapha, not forgetting the late injury; but tyding: coming, that Cayerbeius was dead, Solyman sent Mustapha to be Governour of Aegypt, thereby pleasing him, no letters coming into the City after that.

It now seemed, that the Turks purposed by long siege, rather than assault to take the Town; yet the watchers in their Trenches, would sometimes offer the Souldiers on the walls, great rewards to yield, sometimes threats, and would politickly say, Solyman, desiring onely revenge upon the Latines, meant no harm to the Greeks. October was now begun, Rain, Thunder, &c. and mighty Tempests, fell so abundantly, that the wearied Turks were now discouraged: the Admiral being forced for the Seas roughness, to slip his Anchors, and run his Gallies on ground. In these troubles, Achimetes, one of his valiantest Captains, comforted Solyman, promising, if he would continue, shortly to make open way into the City: who, thereupon assembling his fainting-Souldiers [...] his Pavilion, thus [...], that he knew what great things they had endured for his honour, &c. that the threatenings of the Heavens did perswade him to give them leave to lay down Arms; but they were first to consider, whether it were not a dishonour to men of courage, [Page] &c. And if they should thence depart, who doubted but the enemy, out of revenge, and having lost what he had, would prey upon theirs, more miserably captivating their Wives and Children, than himself was now in bondage: wherefore he advised them to continue, till they attained the end of their desires. And if there were no necessity; yet the eyes of all Nations, chiefly the Christians being on them, when they should hear, they could not endure the field one Winter, would call [...] Summer Birds, &c:

If the Graecians for a strumpet, besieged Troy ten years' should not the Turks, vexed and oppressed 214 years, endure one winters siege? that [...] and thirst hath vanquished impregnable Cities, as it shall do Rhodes, telling them, there was a secret mischief [...] against it, which might not in that open audience be published. Though many thought this was spoken out of policy, and the cold courages of the Souldiers were little moved; yet in regard of duty, with an expectation of the secret, they departed at least in shew, content to endure all difficulties.

Achimetes daily assailing the Vanmures of the Avergne station, not very high, at length obtained them, desperately keeping the place till more help ran in, who speedily clapt up a strong covering, like a Pent-house betwixt the wall and the Vanmure: easie to do, the ditches there being filled so high, that the slankers could not scoure them, nor the Defendants without danger, come to cast any thing down from the walls: so that the Rhodians overtaken with a sudden mischief, were first heavily silenced, then breaking out into pittiful out-cries. The Turks under their Pent-house laboured to dig up the walls foundation: and Prejanes, what might be, threw down fire, scalding Oil, &c. upon them: who shrinking away for fear, and being beaten forward by their Commanders, [Page] and fresh men still thrust on, the fatal work begun Octob. 7th, went forward apace: The Asapi were imployed in this work, who oft serve to fill Townditches, for the Janizaries to passe over upon, shoring it up as they wrought with Timber, then firing it, hoping to overthrow the wall: which not sorting, as not being enough undermined, they tryed to pull it down with hooks and ropes; but the Ordnance soon put them off with great [...].

Achimetes disappointed, doubted whether to give over, or there to expect some better hap, knowing the Tyrant measured all things by the event; who understanding the wall to be sore shaken, however, planted his battery against the undermined part, which falling down more and more, the Rhodians laboured day and night to raise a new wall.

Solyman perswaded generally, the City was that day to be taken or never, determined another general assault, proclaiming the Cities spoll to his men, and briefly speaking to them, that fortune having proved their courage and patience, now offered them the reward of their pains, &c. that it was the time to end those mungrel-people, of whom more were slain than left alive: who, he knew, would resist, not as daring but for [...]; wherefore they should revenge themselves, and make them a woful example to posterity, saying, There was a fair breach wherein 30 Horsmen might enter, nothing wanting but their courage. The Souldiers encouraged chearfully promised to do their utmost, threatning the Christians with horrible death and captivity: the great shot the while, flying thorow the breach, beat down many Houses; but the Countermure, standing on a lower ground, it seldom touched. The Citizens were wondrously terrified with the ratling, noise, and thundring: Women and Children lamenting, and seeming forlorn: the night following was more troublesom; but the day dawning, the [Page] Turks with glistering Ensigns, and chearful with hope, hasted to the breach with great outcries and songs: setting down many Ensigns before Ambrose Gate, deckt with Garlands, in token of Victory: their Fleet also, made shew before the Haven, as if it would assail the City on that side; yet for all these extremities, the Rhodians regarding no danger, running by heaps to the walls, opposed their bodies, instead of battered walls, propounding to each other, the cruel death, servitude, and taunts, if they fell into their enemies hands, to be endured.

Achimetes fiercely assailed the breach: the deadly fight being on both sides with great courage maintained; (the dismayd Matrons & Maidens, some in their Houses, some in Temples with flouds of teares, craved the Almighties help in that distress.) The Turks hoped to win the City, if they did but a little strain themselves, therefore for terrors sake, gave terrible outcries: the Rhodians accounting them as good as vanquished, they having not yet prevailed; and by whose invincible courage the Turks were forced to retire: whom the Rhodians shouted at in derision: who disdaining, that they in number many, should be so derided by a handful of men, as good as [...], returned with a more furious assault than at first: and then had the City been taken, had not the Turks been overwhelmed with shot out of their Barricadoes, and flankers of the new walls, more slaughter for the time, was ever hardly seen: wherefore Achimetes again retired, leaving in the breach and Town-ditch, 500 dead Turks, many more dying afterwards of hurt received. This was on Novemb. the last: the Turkish Captains, though not despairing of Victory, resolved for no more notable assaults, but by great Trenches, to be made thorough the ruines, to get into the City, and with mattocks, &c. to overthrow the new wall, and another [...] without the same; and the while, to busie the Rhodians with skirmishes and Alarms.

[Page]This device served to more purpose than all done before, for the multitude destroying the new Fortifications, and creeping on further by degrees, the Defendants were glad to pull down their Houses to make new ones, lessening their City by new Trenches; so that in short time, they knew not which place to fortifie first, for the enemy had gained almost 200 paces in breadth, and 150 in length.

Soly man, though cruel, and assured of Victory, yet Achimetes and Cassius perswa ding him, nothing was better for enlarging his Empire than the fame of Clemency: commanded Pyrrhus to try, if they would by parley, yield on reasonable conditions: who sent one Monilia a Genoway to the Walls, who craving safe conduct, said, He had somewhat to say, tending to the good of the distessed City: who being commanded to speak, said, He would in secret, either by [...] or Letters, deliver his Message to one Matthias his Country-man a Citizen: Fornovius a French cholerick Knight (reported to have [...], himself, 500 Turks from Georges Tower) moved to hear a motion of private conference, bending his piece, made him depart without doing his Message. Many understanding the enemy had offered parley, conceiving some hope of life, requested Villerias to provide for the safety of his loving people, &c. most of whom left, being wounded or sick: saying, they had proved their force and fortune, wherefore he should beware left by too long consulting, the enemy conceived further indignation: with these and such speeches he was forced to send Embassadours to Solyman: Groleus the Ensign-bearer, and Barasius skilled in the Greek-tongue, for whom Achimetes kinsman, and an Epirot who had fled to the Turks because a Greek Captain struck him with his open hand, of a sharp wit, and speaking Greek, Turkish, Italian Languages; were pledges. Solyman's Interpreter came also after; for Solyman counted it a disgrace to speak any Language but his own; the [Page] Embassadours told Solyman, they were sent to know why he sent for parley: Who in a flaming heat, as if not knowing thereof, said, There was no such matter, and commanding them to void the Camp, sent them away with Letters, that they should yield speedily as he commanded: their Lives, Wealth, and choice to tarry there still, or to depart, he granted them: that they should not refuse grace frankly offered, &c. saying, it should not be always lawful for them to make choice of both. Upon their return, the multitude flocked to Villerius his House, who being dismissed, and the chief Burgers sent for, the Letter was read before the Knights and better sort of Citizens. To which the Master answered: they had heard those imperious letters, & were sorrowful, that they must resolve to yield or die except Forreign ayd come: Wherefore with Weapons in hand, letus, said he, to the last gasp valiantly defend our Faiths and Nobility received from our Ancestours, &c. never to besaid, Honours died, but with our selves.

This speech seemed to many heavier than Solymans Command: who stood silent, heavily looking one upon another, &c. At length, a Greek Priest with great compassion of mind, and tears trickling down, brake forth into a [...] speech, perswading the Great Master to yield. Most there present was of his mind; yet the speech was not liked of all; Some considering the harms they had done the Turks, doubted with what safety, they might yield unto those faithless people, rather to fight it out to the last man, and so leave them a bloody Victory: Amongst these one bold-spoken fellow stept forth, a common Souldier, and, by a most resolute speech, disswaded the yielding up of the Rhodes: concluding they should enjoy eternal fame, and glory in Heaven and earth, prepared for such as honourably dic in defence of their Prince and Country: which honour, said he, it becommeth not them to envy, who for many years enjoying the [Page] profit of peace, and being greatly enriched by the bounty of this sacred Military Order, refuse now to bear this last burden of War. At these words, an ancient Greek, for wisdom and discretion greatly reputed by Greeks and Latines, perceiving his Country-men wrongfully touched, and the desperate holding out of the City vainly perswaded, interrupting him, notably answered to his speech, and urged earnestly and affectionately the yielding of the City. Notwithstanding, Villerius, making shew of greater courage than his present State required, after thus discoursing most of the night, commanded every man to his charge, answering only, He would be careful of all their well-doing. Next morning he sent for Preianes, Martiningus, and a few other, who resolved him, the City could not be long defended. Wherefore calling a Common-Councel; it was by a general consent concluded, the City should be yielded; and a Decree by the Great Master pronounced. During a 4 dayes truce with the enemy, full of danger; divers presuming Turks, came to behold the, Walls and Rampires; Fornovius sore moved, without command, discharged a Tire of Ordnance among the thickest of them. Then also they received by night into the City, a ship-load of Wines from Creet, with Alphonsus chief Pilot of the Rhodian Galleys, and 100 voluntary Latines thence, without the knowledge of the Venetian Senate then in league with Solyman. The Turks hereby justly offended, supposing the supplies far greater than they were, without command or Ensigne displayed, thrust in, in great numbers, to the new Rampires and Barracadoes, with a furious assault, many being slain and wounded on both sides; but the Turks retired. The truce thus broken, the bloudy Captain of the Turks Senoeres, having taken 3 Christians, cut off their hands ears and noses, sending them thus with Letters to Villerius, charging him with Truce-breach; threatning, within 3 or 4 dayes to make him the like example to Posterity. None was [Page] more troubled with this breach than the 3 Knights, then Embassadours in the Turks Camp: who had been slain or tortured, had they not feared the like to their Hostages: but two Burgesses being come into the Camp with Articles of surrender, their rage was soon appeased. Solyman gave them audience, beset with his great Army and glistering Janizaries, who with great humility presented the conditions: The chief were, that the Temples should remain to the Christians [...]: No children to be taken from their Parents, nor no Christians forced to turn Turks: That such as would tarry in the City, might, at liberty, paying no Tribute for 5 years: All others to depart with bag and baggage, furnished with convenient Shipping and Provision as far as Creet; carrying so much Ordnance as they pleased; and a reasonable day to appoint for their departure: Solyman solemnly swearing to perform them all: but it seems, they were not altogether kept nor broken: many great out-rages being committed against the mind of Solyman. Fontanus a Civilian, then a Judge of the City, reports; the Turks brake in one Christmas-day by the [...] Cosqueinium, polluting the Temples, abusing the Christians, and making havock of all things: Himself redeeming himself with what money he had, not having enough to content all their desires, was hardly entreated, and grievously beaten: Villerius by Achimetes counsel, putting on simple attire, went out into the Camp, with a few Knights, where waiting most of the day in the rain, at Solyman's Tent, at last having a rich Gown cast upon him, was brought into his presence: where a while piercingly beholding each other, the great Master humbling himself, was admitted to kiss his hand; and welcomed by Solyman, thus, Though I might justly infringe the Articles, with thee especially such a Capital [...], &c. Yet I have determined to be not only gracious, but bountiful, promising, if thou [...] amend; the highest places in my Empire in time of War [Page] and Peace, thy present state perswades thee not to refuse, & the Christians deserve no better at thy hands. For what should let thee as it were betrayed & vanquished, to cast thy self into the protection of a most merciful and mighty Conquerour, Villerius answered, Most mighty, &c. Thy Favours before thy other Worthies I deserve not, nor dare I, or ought now, to refel the same; yet I will speak freely in the presence of the Conqueror (whose mercy I never despaired of, or of his faith doubted) I had rather, having lost my Soveraignty, lose my life, or for ever live in obscurity, than to be accounted a fugitive; for to be a vanquished man, is but War's chance; and of so great a Conquerour, no shame: but afterwards to forsake his people and turn to the enemy, I account it shameful cowardise and treachery. Solyman marvelled at the courage of the old Prince, in such extremity; Sent him into the City with his own guard, till come into his Pallace; every Knight, atttending him, having a rich Garment in token of his favour; and few dayes after coming into the City, he went to visit Villerius, busie in packing up his things: who falling on his knees to worship Solyman, he would not suffer him; but putting aside his Vail of Majesty (a reverence given only to God and Mahomet) took him up, saluting him by the name of Father, to whom the great Master spake: Since the fatal Destinies would needs overthrow the Rhodian State; he was glad, he was the man before all other, &c. the least of whose prayses, that should not be, that he vanquished the Rhodes, and shewed mercy. Wherefore he doubted not, but he would keep the Conventions of peace inviolate, which his Clemency perswaded him to grant, and their necessity forced them to take: saying, He should be an Example of the Turkish Emperour's Clemency and Vertue, more than if he had at first yielded. Solyman answered by his Interpreter. It was a great pleasure to him, that God had at any time put it into his mind, to chuse Peace before War: [Page] which if he had liked from the beginning, he had now received more good from him, than hurt; which that he did not for hatred, but desire of Soveraignty he might gather, because he suffered them to depart at liberty with all their substance; for he warred not to heap up wealth, but for Honour, Fame, and an enlagement of his Empire, &c. But it was commonly bruited: he had ordered a Ship and Galleys to transport the Master & Knights to Constantinople: but if he had so purposed, who should have let him? Joulus reports, he heard Lilladamus say, that when Solyman entred Rhodes with 30000 men: there was not any man heard to speak a word: and when he came to ask Solyman leave to depart, he turning to Abraham Bassa, said, Truly, I cannot but grieve to see this unfortunate old man driven out of his dwelling, to depart so heavily.

Lilladamus embarquing himself with his Knights, and such as were willing to depart, departed on New-yearsday at night, landing after long and dangerous travels at Messana in Sicily: thence he went to Rome, where he was honourably received by Pope Adrian 6, a Hollander, who if he had been so forward to relieve the Rhodes, as to maintain Charls his quarrel against the French King, its like it had been relieved. Thus Solyman, while Christian Princes were at discord, entred the Rhodes, Decemb. 25. 1522. after 214 years valiant defence against the Turks, from whom the Knights took it in 1308. It was 6 moneths besieged by Solyman, who lost a great part of his Army, 30000 dying of the flux, besides those slain.

Alis Beg, who betrayed his Uncle Aladeules, being made chief Governour by Selimus, as aforesaid; Solyman jealous of his honour (all Aladeules children being dead) especially if they should joyn in friendship with the Persian sent Ferhates Bassa, with a great Army to take him out of the way, who marching along the confines [Page] of his Country, as if but to look to those marches of the Empire, whereof he was Governour, faigning himself very sick, sent to Alis, requesting him to come to him, at the point of death: to whom he had things of importance from Solyman to impart, and would leave with him his charge, if he died, till Solyman should dispose thereof. Alis alwayes faithful and mistrusting no harm, came to him with his four sons, whom with their Father, he presently put to death, and reducing that Country into a Province, under Solyman, came to him with 20000 men about the time of the yielding of Rhodes: where all things being disposed of, Solyman returning to Constantinople, brake up his Army, and for 3 years after, followed his pleasure: in which time and many years after, Italy was miserably afflicted and rent by Charls the 5th. Emperour, and Francis the French King: This, envying of his glory: and Charls, seeking to make himself Lord of all Italy: most of other Christian Princes and States being drawn into fellowship of the War: Whereupon Solyman thought it now a fit time to set foot into Hungaria; Belgrade being already taken: for he knew Lewis that King was but young, unacquainted with War, rather over-ruled by his Subjects, than commanding them, hoping also that other Christian Princes near him, either regarding their own estate would not, or being by League bound to him, could not greatly ayd him. So setting forward from Constantinople, he was come so far as Sophia with 200000 men, before the Hungarians (so blind and secure was that State) knew of his coming. The young King was wondrously dismaied at this fame: yet he sent to his neighbour Princes with all speed, requesting their aid, but in vain. He the while summoned the Assembly of his Councel for the Wars: Thither his stipendary Prelares (bound to appear) came with ill-appointed Horsmen, the Troops not half full, delivering in far lass [...] of money than they ought. And the Nobility as [Page] fresh-water Souldiers, never seeing the Turk in his strength vaunted: That though they were but few, they would easily overthrow their great numbers, if they came to handystroaks; but above all, Tomoreus Arch Bishop of Colossa, who had been in som light skir-mishes with the Turks, so did confidently brag of the Victory, that in his Sermons to the Souldiers, and talk with the Nobility, he seemed himself sufficient to vanquish the Turks Army; but a general muster being taken, there was scarce 25000 Horse and Foot. So the fool hardinesse of Tomoreus and others, was of most wise men disliked: the old Souldiers, saying, 'Twas meer madness to give Battel with such a handful of men. Wherefore amongst others; Verbetius a noble Captain, counselled that King [...] should be kept out of danger in the strong Castle of Buda; but the unruly Souldiers said, unless the King led them, they would not fight: Of which opinion was Tomoreus, perswading them speedily to give the enemy Battel, *c. The King ruled by this unlucky Counsel set forward with his Army, & came to Mohatchor Mugace, a Village not far from Danubius, the mid way between Buda and Belgrade. Balybeus, with 20000 Turks, fore-runners was at hand, and then the Hungarians consulted, whither [...] to encamp along Danubius within their waggons, to expect Sepussius Uayuod of Transilvanias's coming with his Horsmen, or to march forward and give Battel? But Tomoreus, knowing upon Sepusius his coming, he was to give place, would not hear of delay, and by his frantick perswasions drew the young King into most apparant danger: for Balybeus making 4 Battels, skirmished with the Kings Army without ceasing day or night, keeping them in so straight, that none could water his Horse at Danubius without danger, or once stir forth; but must dig Water pits where they lay; so that Tomoreus must of necessi y fight. His Battel was ranged all in length, and his Horse placed here and there by Troops among his Foot, lest the Turks should with their [Page] multitude compass them, for Solyman was come with all his Army. Tomoreus placed a choyse Troop (nigh the chained waggons inclosing the Tents) to defend the Kings person against all events: but at the first encounter, the Hungarians, though not hurt by the Turks Artillery (being mounted too high, most of the Guuners being Christians) were easily overthrown, as oppressed by multitude: Tomoreus with the rest of the Prelates and Nobles, being almost all slain together, and the Horsmen slain or put to flight: the Turks assailed the Camp, hardly defended by the weak Garrison: whom the Kings Guard-Troop would needs go to help: the King, seeing himself forsaken, fled; but passing over a Fenny-ditch, his Horse plunging out, fell backwards upon him, where being loaded with Armour, he was miserably drowned in the filthy ditch; some few Horsmen escaped, the rest were slain or taken: This woful Battel, the ground of that Kingdoms miseries, was fought, Octob. 29. 1526.

Solyman after this, marching to Buda the regal City, it was delivered him with the Castle; on condition to violate no man or goods, and to leave it again to the Hungarians, all which he performed; he much commended the Castle, but lodged not therein, but in his Camp, the Turkish Emperour being forbidden by their Law to lodge in any walled place not his own.

He laying at Buda, 7 heads of the Slain Bishops and Nobles were presented to him, set on a wooden step, his Courtiers bending with their right hands on their breasts, and deridingly saluting them by name, as valiant Popes, whereat he smiled, and enquiring particularly what they were; he most detested Sal-canius Bishop of Strigonium, who although abounding in wealth, refused part thereof unto his Soveraign at his great need: blaming Tomoreus of rashness, who busied himself fo far in matters not belonging to his vocation: commending Perenus Bishop of Veradium, who sharply said in the Council [Page] when Tomoreus would needs fight with the Turks: that he foresaw, their friendlike General would thereby but effect one Holy-day more in the Christians Kalenders for 30000 Hungarian Martyrs slain by the Turks in unequal Battel. He called George Sepusius and others rash fools, for adventuring with so small strength to encounter so strong an enemy. King Lewis and his Wives counterfeit being shewed him: he said, he was sorry it was his ill hap to have so unadvised Counsellours in so important a matter: and that he came not to take away his Kingdom; but to revenge the wrongs done him by the Hungarians: and, had he escaped, he would have restoredto him the Kingdom, as content with a smal Tribute, &c. All which he commanded to be told to Mary the Queen, who was fled to Possonium: and he did (shortly after) give the said Kingdom to John Sepusius, not royally descended (and he then retaining the mind of a very enemy) After that he took away three goodly Brass-Images: placed by Matthias in the entrance of the Kings Pallace, Representing Hercules with his Club, Apollo with his Harp, and Diana with her Bow and Quiver, placing them in the Tilt-yard of Constantinople as a Trophy of Victory; yet they were since taken away by the Mufties perswasion (as against their superstition) and Ordnance made of them. Also he carried away 3 most curious Artillery Pieces, and certain Brazen Pillars. In his 20 daye's stay at Buda, to satisfie his cruel and greedy Souldiers, he sent divers Troops, by whom all the Country betwixt Rab and the River Tybiscus, was so destroyed, that above 15000 people were said to be slain or led Captive: all [...] being done, he returned to Constantinople.

John Sepusius Vayvod of Transilvania, coming too late to aid the King, forasmuch as the King being dead without issue; He was of greatest account among the Nobility of Hungarie: he cunningly and instantly requested divers Noble men one by one, at the next Parliament not [Page] to betray the honour of their Countrey, in suffering the Royal Dignity to be transferred to a stranger, &c. for they ought to remember what calamities they had formerly received in chusing forraign Kings to rule over them, and in following their unfortunate Ensignes against the Turks: saying, there remained of the Nobility of Hungarie, men honourably descended of most antient Houses, worthy of the Kingdom, &c. Among whom, said he, I would not be accounted so base or heavy-headed (though many for honour of house, and wealth, may seem to go before me) that I will therefore confess any to be better then my self, for conducting an Army, or Government of a Kingdom. He had hereby won many of their good wills and the easier, for that Steven Bator was gone into Bohemia to King Ferdinand, then greatly busied in procuring the Nobilitie's favour, and Commons of that Realm against the time of the Parliament, wherein he was shortly after chosen King.

Lewis his dead body, after Solyman's departure being found by the demonstration of Cotriscus quire of his Body, present when he was drowned, was buried with great solemnity at Alba Regalis amongst the Sepulchers of the Hungarian Kings; which ended, the general Military Parliament (by whose Voyce the Kings were antiently chosen) was called: where John the Vayvod was by the great Applause and Consent of all there present, chosen King: to whom Perenus [...] the ancient Crown of the Kingdom, which was in his keeping, and he being orderly Crowned, was consecrated by the hands of Paul lately chosen Bishop of Strigonium, and Steven Bishop of Vacia, whom he chose his Secretary: giving unto Gybachus Bishop of Veradium the Vayvod-Ship of Transilvania; But whilst he was thus rewarding his friends, and strengthening himself in his Kingdom; he heard that Ferdinand his Competitour was chosen King of Bohemia, who ont of the old controversie betwixt Matthias and [Page] Frederick the Emperours great Grandfather alleadged great claim to that Kingdom, derived from the time of Ladislaus, reported to be poysoned at the solemnization of his marriage, through the ambition and malice of Pogibracius, who shortly after obtained the Bohemian Kingdom. And now it seemed, that Férdinand made greater herewith, and strengthened by his Brother Charls the Emperour might on good ground claim the Hungarian Kingdom, belonging to him (as he pretended) ever since Albertus the Emperour's time: neither wanted he the furtherance of divers Nobles of Hungarie, besides Bater who were in his Court, and [...] at the Vayvoá's preferment. By whose perswasion, he (trusting to his strength in Austria, Bohemia, Rhetia, Stiria, and Corinthia) marched towards Buda. Whereat John being exceedingly troubled, as not having sufficient strength, nor greatly assured of his Subjects fidelity; departed from Buda, exhorting his Captains to follow him: And by long marches passed over Tybiscus, encamping at the strong Castle of Tocai. Ferdinand obtaining Buda without resistance; and staying a while, consulted whether to pursue John or not: It was soon resolved, he was speedily to be pursued, before he should gather greater strength, &c. Ferdinand committing his Army to the Hungarian Nobles his Friends: they with all speed passed Tybiscus on a bridge made of Boats brought with them, coming to the Castle of Tocai: John terrified, and debating with his [...] of the danger, they perswaded him to withdraw a [...] out of the Battel, and if things fell out contrary, to reserve himself to better fortunes: but they would resolutely fight against those traiterous Fugitives, &c. Bodo was chief of the Kings Army, to whom he delivered his Ensign with his own hand: who stood himself in the main Battel with the Hungarians, placing the Transilvanians in the wings. Turacous led Ferdinands main Battel, strengthened on one [...] with the Stirian, on tother [Page] with the Austrian Horse; but Bachitius (well acquainted with the Turkish Wars: lay a good distance off in ambush with light-horsmen to take his advantage upon occasion. The Ordnance discharged, they joyned Battel; the wings fighting with divers fortune. The Stirians were worsted by the Transilvanians, and Bodoes left wing being mostly [...] Souldiers, were likewise overthrown by the Austrians. The main Battels almost all Hungarians, fought most eagerly with equal courage; but Bodoes right wing being now put to [...] by a fresh charge, all his Army was put to flight. Bodo labouring to restore the Battel, and save the Kings Ensign, was by Bachitius s coming in, taken: All the Kings Artillery and Ensignes being taken also: himself fleeing into Polonia. Ferdinands Captains entring Transilvania: all the Province submitting to Ferdinand: to whom all the Noble prisoners with the Ensignes, being sent, when Bodo could not be perswaded to renounce his Oath to King John, and bear Arms against him; He was cast into a dark Dungeon, where soon after he miserably died. Ferdinand, was by common consent of the Hungarians saluted King, and crowned with the same Crown that John was Crowned, brought to him by the same Perenus. Anne his Wife, Lewis his only sister, being Crowned with him: and all at Alba Regalis. Ferdiuand leaving Bator, and the revolted Bishop of Strigonium his Deputies for Government, making Berethsaxius Secretary; and Tursonus a Moravian Treasurer, returned into Bohemia,

John thus thrust out of his Kingdom; fled to Lascius of great fame amongst the Polonians: who frankly promised him his own wealth, for recovery of his Estate; and more than that, the utmost of his Device; which was accounted wonderful in great matters. Lascus's entertainment of John was not unpleasant to Sigismund King of Poland, though, not to offend Ferdinand his Alliant; he seemed to forget himself in shewing so small [Page] kindness to John, whose Sister he had married. After almost a moneths debating, Lascus rested on this one point, that ready help in so hard a case, was only to be hoped for of the Turkish Emperour Solyman, thinking that he would not reject his humble prayers; especially if being by him restored, he could be content to hold his Kingdom as of the Othoman Kings bounty. And ere long, upon this resolution with the King; Lascus went as Embassadour from John to Solyman: It was reported that Sigismund gave him his safe conduct with Letters of Credence: who being come to Constantinople, he soon won the favour of the Bassaes, & other Courtiers, presenting them with gifts for Rareness rather than value, as might be most pleasing to theit Wives. Abraham was then Visier or chief Bassa, and keeper of the Emperours Seal, doing whatever pleased himself; and commonly said to be the Commander of Solymans thoughts: Lascus, for that he could speak the Slavonian tongue, the Turkish Courtiers familiar speech, earnestly solicited the Kings cause, wondrously commending him: for (having saluted Solyman) he was turned over (after the manner of the Turkish Court) to the Bassaes: which his request with the particular motives and Arguments thereof, being sharply delivered, and by the Bassaes reported to Solyman: who at a secret Window had before heard them heclared by Lascus: It was no great labour to perswade him, again to undertake the Hungarian War, and grant John his request according to the success of the Victory; so he would faithfully perform what he had promised, not shew himself unthankful. Ferdinand the while, fearing no force but the Turks, sent John Oberdanscus a Hungarian, Embassadour to Solyman (with gifts for the [...] [...]) by shewing to him his ancient Title and claim to the Kingdom of Hungarie, [...] desire his Friendship, and joyn with him in League upon Ladislaus, his Son Lewis, and Sigismund of Polonia, their very conditions: but though [Page] he was courteously received by Solyman, and patiently heard, yet in conclusion Solyman said, it was far from the manner of his Ancestors, to receive them into favour, who had injured the Othoman name: Ferdinand having done impudently to invade [...] Kingdom, and to think to hold it, seeing his old Claim, was lost by the Law of Arms, by his late Victory against King Lewis: wherefore instead of Friendship and League, he denounced unto him all the calamities of War: commanding Oberdanscus speedily to depart from Constantinople: who coming to Vienna and telling the Kings Lievtenants, that Solyman would shortly come thither with his Army, he was not believed, but reputed a vain man: wherefore he hastened to Ferdinand then at Spires (hoping to be chosen King of the Romanes at the Assembly of the States of the Empire at hand) for crowning his Brother Charls. This news not a little troubled Ferdinand, even fore-seeing what would happen, knowing he should come in an ill time to crave help of the Germanes, especially his Brother Charls being busied in his Wars in Italy, and himself wanting money. The Spring come, Solyman set forward from Hadrianople with 150000 men. Abraham and Achomates conducting the Europeian Horse: Michael Ogli General of the Acanzij: Becrambeius following him with his Asians: himself in the middle with his Janizaries and Court-Souldiers, [...] in 15 dayes to Belgrade: where John with Lascus, and other Hungarian Nobles, came to him, and doing him all honour, requested him to proceed to revenge his quarrel.

Solyman [...], and yet friendly, gave him his right hand, protesting, nothing was better to him, or he more desired of God, than to relieve distressed Princes, chiefly those wrongfully [...] by his enemies, willing him to be of good comfort, promising to bestow on him what in that warre he won by the Sword. John obtained this by Abraham Bassa's mediation, whom Lascus had so won [Page] by gifts and requests: Grittus, the Duke of Venice his Son, born and brought up in Constantinople, then following the Turk's Camp, and in great reputation among the Turks, and so favoured by Abraham, that he could perswade him to any thing, especially helping him herein.

The fame of Solyman's coming, so terrified the Citizens of Buda, that they almost all fled to places further off; so entring Buda unresisted, he besieged the Castle, whose Captain was Nadastus, of great account among the Hungarians: who perceiving his Souldiers, as dismayd willing to surrender, forbad them to talk with the enemy, bending his Artillery upon the Turks, and seeing his men timorous, he reproved them of cowardise and treason, threatning them with shameful death, if they held not out to the utmost, &c. But they misdoubting by the Turks running to and fro, that the Castle was undermined, & at least imagining to smell the sent of Gunpowder, were struck with such fear, that nought could s [...]ay them, but they would needs deliver up the Castle: which when they could not perswade the resolute Captain to consent unto, but sternly exclaiming against them, they bound him hand and foot, presently concluding with the enemy to yield, so they might depart with bag and baggage: and they about 700, about to depart towards Possonium: and the Janizaries loosing the Captain, were about to let him go also.

Solyman advertized of their treachery, and the Captains fidelity, in detestation, gave them all to the Janizaries to be slain; but offered Nadastus's honourable entertainment, which he refusing, he courteously sent him away, holpen by King Johns commendation, though his Sister was married to Stephen Malat, his deadly enemy. This bloudy execution, the Turks said, was not onely lawful, but also toSolyman's immortal glory, in the execution of justice. Buda thus taken, Solyman resolved forthwith to besiege Vienna, the chief City of Austria: sending Achomates, [Page] before him, with the Achanzii, who running thorow Hungary, and entring Austria, passed by Vienna, miserably burning and destroying, as far as Lyntz. The poor people fleeing as men and women dismayed, carried with them their Children, and what else they could; for whatever fell into their hands, was lost, the old men slain, the young led captive, women ravished before their Husbands faces, and then slain with their Children; Infants ript out of their Mothers wombs: others taken from their breasts, were cut in pieces, or thrust on sharp stake, &c.

Solyman shortly after, following them with all his Army, took Altenburg Castle by the way, commanding 300 of the Bohemians there in Garrison, to follow his Camp. He also assaulted the little City Neapolis, 7 times in one day, still repulsed: but he forsook that, and came to Vienna Septemb. 26. incamping in 5 places about it, with such a multitude; that from the highest Tower thereof, the ground seemed to be covered 8 miles space with [...] [...] people. Ferdinand, besides his own forces (not [...] to oppose so mighty an enemy) had craved ayd of Christian Princes his Neighbors, chiefly those of the Empire, who appointed Frederick Palatine of Rhexe, and [...] of Bavaria their General; but the Germanes (after their manner, slowly serting forward, Solyman the while, had so belayed the City, that Frederick could not get into [...] but stayed with his Army at Chremse, about [...] [...] off; yet a few dayes before, 20000 Horse and [...] [...] come to Vienna, their chief Commanders being Philip the Palsgrave Fredericks Nephew, sent thither a little before by his Uncle, with a few Companies of Horse and [...]; Nicholaus Count of Salma; the Lord [...] John Cazzianzer, a Croatian Noble, with four others [...] [...] and valour, of great account.

Vienna was somewhat strong toward the North, by reason of Danubius; but in other places, the Ditches [Page] were drie, easie to be passed; the walls of Brick, round, without Flankers, neither high nor thick: neither had they, as men secure, cast up any rampire or Bulwark, unless at the Gate of Carinthia; so that of 100 great pieces, and 300 others, lesse, a great part were of no use; yet, as the sudden coming of the enemy gave leave, they cast up Bulwarks, and planted their Ordnance thereon. Abraham Bassa encamped on a Hill, where stood a ruinous Castle, whence he might overlook all the City; yet laying out of danger of Gunshot: Becrambeius lay at the Gate Purgatoria: toward the Hill's rising, lay Michael Ogli. At the Scottish gate towards Danubius, lay the Asapi, with divers Companies of Janizaries, who powred such showers of shot and Arrowes into the City, that none could appear on the walls without danger, or [...] in the City unarmed, but he was wounded.

Solyman lay nigh St. Marks Temple, compassed with his Janizaries and Court-Souldiers, defended also with the brick walls of the Gardens: the Defendants sallying often out, slew many, while thus encamping: in one of which sallies, Hagen with certain old Spanish Souldiers, was slain, fighting valiantly at the Castle Gates; and in another, Zetlitz sallying out with 500 Horse, even to their Trenches, was taken with six others, whom the Turks compelled to carry so many Heads of their slain fellows, on poles, and so presented to Solyman: of whom he enquired many things concerning Ferdinand, and where he was, and whether the Princes within hoped to defend the City against his power. Zetlitz answered (though not so truly) that Ferdinand lay not far of at Lintz, expecting a great Army; and that divers Princes were coming to him with great ayd, And as for the Princes in the City, he knew, they and all the Souldiers were solemnly sworn, not to give it over to the last man, But as for him and the others taken with him, they were in his power to kill or save: yet he granted them their lives and [Page] liberties, charging them to wish the Defendants in his name, to yield the City: which it was impossible for them long to defend against his mighty power, &c. and to accept before too late, of safe departure with bag and baggage; for he was resolved not to depart before he had taken it. So he sent them away with three Hungarian Duckats a man. They being received into the City, related the threatnings and proud speeches of the Turk, which they so disdamed, as to send him no answer: whereat he displeased, deridingly sent them word, if they wanted help, he would send them the 300 Bohemians taken in Altenburge Castle: who answered, they needed none from him, therefore, he might dispose of his prisoners, as he saw good: wherefore he began to batter the walls with such Ordnance as he brought with him: which being not great, did not much harm, more than to beat down the battlements of Timber, hanging over the walls for small shot to play out of.

His great Artillery was coming up Danubius; but Wolfgangus Hoder going out of Possonium, with certain small Vessels, set upon the Turks with such resolution, that slaying many of them, he sunk amongst other Vessels, those battering-pieces with the Boats that brought them; so losing a few men, he returned with Victory: the City hereby, being delivered of a great danger; yet another part of the Turks Fleet, at the first coming up to Vienna, brake down all the Bridges, which joyned divers Islands together, made by Danubius; over which is the way from Austria, unto Vienna: and so kept the passage, that none by land or water could go in or out without danger.

Solyman now fell to undermining the City: which was with exceeding labour and diligence, attempted in 15 places; but was perceived by Drums on the ground, basons filled with water, and sounds made in the Earth, and so, met withall by countermines, that most were frustrated, [Page] and 8000 Turks slain or buried quick therein. Solyman, that they might not so perfectly discover his Mines, appointed his Army, divided into four parts, in order to give the Defendants a continual Alarum: whereby his works went forward with all possible speed: and one Mine was suddenly blown up, shaking and overthrowing much of the wall nigh the Gate, leading towards Carinthia: whereat, the Turks greatly shouting, pressed in on all sides by the ruines of the wall, charging the Defendants with shot and Arrowes very thick: who resolutely standing in the face of the breach, so received them with shot and push of Pike, that they began to retire: whereupon, Solyman sent in new supplies; but these also receiving a great overthrow, retired without any sign of retreat.

The ground nigh the Town lay covered, and the ditches filled with dead Turks. Ere long, the wall was blown up in two other places, by which breach not very great, they sought so desperately to enter, that they thrust one another upon the point of their enemies Weapons: who slew them without number, being mostly, without Armour, enforcing them again disorderly to retire, filling the breaches with their dead Carkasses.

Three dayes after, another piece of the Wall, not farre from the first breach, was so suddenly overthrown, that for eagerness on both sides, throwing away Guns and Bowes, they came to handy-blowes in midst of the breach, the Turks with Scimitars, the Germanes with long Swords: as their Captains encouraged (them) with chearful perswasions; so the Turks Captains forced (them) forward with words and wounds: twas thought, a more fierce and deadly fight was never seen; for many Turks Horsemen, thrust in on foot amongst the rest, and fought most desperately. At the last, after three houres furious fight, the Turks seeing no hope, retired to their Camp, many of their best Captains and Souldiers lying dead by heaps.

[Page]It were tedious to recount every assault in particular; yet Lord Rogendorff is not to be forgotten, who one day sallyed out (with some Troops) upon many stragling Turks, with such violence, that overthrowing them at first on-set, and chasing them, scarce 140, of 5300 escaped: after which his name was terrible to the Turks. Solyman exceedingly grieved with his vain assaults, purposed to prove the utmost of his forces, and calling his chief Commanders, at first, sharply reproved them as of no courage, who had turned their backs in the breaches half won: wherefore (he counting it a great dishonour to forsake the siege) they should resolve next day as Conquerors, to take the City, or as cowards, to end their dayes. Next day, Octob. 15. they with all their sorces assailed the City, thrusting their men by heaps into the breaches, as if they would with very multitude, have overborn the Christians; being at handy blowes, the fight was most terrible, the Christians still repulsing them: whose Ordnance also fitly mounted, made such slaughter among the thickest of them, that they shrunk back, and chose rather to be slain of their own Captains, as some were, then to be rent in sunder by the murthering shot; so that the Captains, seeing no remedy, retired, leaving many thousands dead in the Town-ditches.

Next day Solyman despairing, and fearing Ferdinand and the Count Palatine their coming, winter also coming fast on, determined to raise the siege: to colour which dishonour, he sent certain chief prisoners, richly appareld, and full of money, to tell them of the City, he came not intending to besiege or take Vienna; but to revenge wrongs done him by Ferdinand; and to fight with him for the Hungarian Kingdom: whom, since he could not draw to Vienna, he would remove to seek for him: wherefore they should yield, promising not to enter their City, but to receive them all into his protection, reserving them their lives, goods and freedom: which they scornfully [Page] refused, as proceeding of desperation. Next night, he slew all the prisoners in his Army: which pittiful outcries, they heard into the City, not knowing what it should be, till, after his departure, they found men women and Children wallowed in their own blood. Solyman causing Abraham, to shew himself in order, as if to give a fresh assault, rose himself the while, with the rest, returningin such [...], that he neither garrison'd or demanded tribute of any places taken. Abraham following him a dayes journey behind, he arrived at Buda in five dayes, 32 Germane miles from Vienna. He is reported to have lost 80000 men, his Lieutenant of Asia being one, and many forward Captains. Few or none of name, of the defendants were lost; but of the country, above 60000 were thought to be slain and carried captive: all about Vienna being miserably spoiled. Solyman restored Buda to King John, who by writing, acknowledged himself his Vassall, to whom he joyned Grittus as his legat, to help him in providing for that Kingdoms defence.

While Solyman lay at Buda, he was one day earnest with King John, to receive the Bishop of Strigonium and Perenus, who had taken part with Ferdinand, into his former favour, who shewing himself unwilling to be intreated, said, their mutable mindes would never contain themselves within the bounds of loyalty, but find occasion to commit some fowler treason: whereto, Solyman straining his voice a little as somewhat moved, replyed, Can any thing happen better to thee in this life, than for thy enemies by thy kindness to be accounted by all ungrateful, &c. when as in thee the commendation of a courteous Prince shall for ever remain? So fearing the cold of approaching Winter, he set forward to Belgrade, thence to Constantinople.

All this while, Charls the Emperour, lately reconciled to Pope Clement 7th, besieged Florence, by Davalus, labouring to bring them again under the subjection of the [Page] Medici's, whereof Clement was chief: which with much adoe he bringing to passe, invested Alexander the Popes Nephew in [...] Dukedom. And giving him his [...] Daughter in marriage; forgetting his Brother Ferdinand the [...] and Austria [...], with Vienna endangered. Next year, 1520, Solyman, with great solemnity, circumcised his Sons Mustapha, Mahomet, and Selimus at Constantinople. And hardly digesting the dishonour at Vienna, and solicited by John against Ferdinand, who with greater stomack still [...] him; but mostly, from an exceeding unsatiable desire of enlarging his Empire, he raised an Army, purposing chiefly, to conquer all Ferdinands Dominions, and so, all Germany; prefining to himself but three years for accomplishment. It was reported, that he would oft say, what belonged to the Roman Empire, was of right his, he being possessed of the Seat and Scepter of Constantine the great: wherefore, when he mentioned Charls, he would as in disdain, terme him, King of Spain, but never, Emperour.

Christian Princes discord, and great troubles then in Germany, about Religion, not a little encouraged him to his expedition.

Ferdinand sent him three Embassadors, whereof Noble Negarola, skilled in divers Languages, was chief, with rich presents, and reasonable offers for peace, who meeting him on Servia's borders, were courteously received and heard; yet had no answer, but to follow his Camp, and atrend his pleasure: the report whereof, brought fear on all Germany, chiefly the Austrians, in whose remembrance were the bleeding wounds of their Country &c. Charls the Emperour, had a little before, for a while well appeased the dissention about Religion, put the Germans in hope of a general Councel, for deciding all such matters; and in a great Assembly of the states of the Empire at Ratisbone, shewed them the greatness of the eminent danger, &c.

[Page]If they should then fall at variance among themselves: offering to go in person with all his old Souldiers in defence of the Christian cause; so that, highly commending him, all other matters then set apart: they agreed with one consent to send at a prefixed day, such Forces to Vienna, as they had (in any time before) sent. Whereupon he wrote to Vastius his Lieutenant General in Italy, speedily to call together the old Captains, and to leavy what Harquebusiers they could, with whom, and the Spanish, to repair sorthwith into Austria: enjoyning Auria his Admiral to rig up a strong Fleet; and to go against the Turks Navy into Greece: He sent also for his choyce Horsmen out of Burgundy, and the Low-countries: and many Noble and expert out of Spain: entertaining 12000 Germanes for his guard, commanded by famous Herbersthene and Tamisius. Pope Clement also, having exacted from the Clergy a great mass of Money (for his Coffers were much emptied by the Florentine Wars: whereto his rich Cardinals contributed nothing) sent the yong Cardinal Hippolytus, Medices his Nephew, (about 20 years old, as his Legate to Charls) accompanied with good Captains and store of Treasure, whose comming was very welcome: for besides his great bounty, he entertained 8000 Hungarian Horsmen, best acquainted with the Turkish Wars. King John thought it now a fit time to wring from Ferdinand what Towns he yet held in Hungary: wherefore he sent Aloysius Grittus, to besiege Strigonium, scituated on Danubius side, about 30 miles from Buda: the Castle was holden with a strong garrison; yet Grittus so besieged it by water and land, that the Defendants doubting to hold out, (chiefly, if Solyman took that in his way, sent for relief to Gazzianer Governour of Vienna, who sent certain smal Frigots down Danubius (well manned) from Possonium, by their unexpected coming to open a way to the Castle hindered by the Turks Fleet: but Grittus informed hereof by the Hungarians [Page] serving Ferdinand, and yet sometime fleeing to either party, sent his Fleet up the River, to oppress his enemies, as they thought to have done him (promising great rewards to such as performed any extraordinary service) who at first were exceedingly dismaied: yet thinking it a great shame to flee, couragiously encountred their enemies many being wounded on both sides in that sharp fight: at last, they of Possonium (not able to endure the shot, especially of the Turkish Archers) fled: and but 13 of 60 Frigots escaping with Corporamus their General, the rest being sunk, or run a shore, and forsaken by the Possonians, of whom almost 500 were slain. After this Grirtus hoping, they of the Castle would not long hold out, left off battering and under-mining it, by keeping them from relief to force them to yield. Thus, whilst the divided Hungarians sought each others ruine, Solyman was ready to devour them and their Country, as in fewyears he did.

The Spanish Souldiers drawn together by Vastius were, much about this time, come to the Alps: being of all sorts about 20000, yet almost the third part not serviceable. For the old Souldiers enriched with the long Wars in Italy, brought with them all their gotten spoils, and their very Women, which drew a multitude of Carriages and unnecessary people: Wherefore Vastius straitly commanded, they should leave behind all such unnecessary Baggage, whereat they murmuring, presently [...] in mutiny: for many Captains being rich, and disliking that long & dangerous expedition, covertly put into the Souldiers heads, that they all said, they would go no further before they had their pay. Vastius though he perceived the tumult was raised by some of his enemies, yet diss mbling the matter contented them with a month's pay, promising the full when they came to the Emperour; so having with much ado appeased them, he set forward,

Immediately after followed the Italians, so cheerfully offering their service that every. Captain brought twice [Page] so many as was expected; So that Vastius (who before doubted their forwardness, especially to aid the Germans of whom they had received great harms) was now glad to dismiss many Common Souldiers, and, against his will, to displace most of the forward Gentlemen, who had gallantly furnished themselves: for the Emperour had appointed the number of Italians to be led by old Captains, whose valour and discretion he had well experienced. They were 14000 select Footmen, besides many brave men voluntarily resorting to Vienna. Gonsaga followed these with 2000 Horse, and some Greek & Spanish troops, with whom came many noble Gentlemen, who served now as private men without pay, counting it shame not to be present in that religious War The Emperour also viewing his Low-country Horse, and shipping his store of bought Ordnance, departed down Danubius from Ratisbone to Lintz: which never carried so many Vessels and Souldiers since the time of the great Romane Emperours: and yet the Banks on both sides were filled with Horse and Foot, passing along under Colours with Drums and Trumpets sounding: a most glorious earthly shew.

Solyman the while, in 1532, coming to Belgrade in 56 dayes, sent a multitude of Horsmen into Hungarie over the River Savus by Bridges made, and leaving Danubius on the right hand, marched towards rich Stiria, now Stiermarke; coming by the way, to the little Town Gunza, which couragious Jureschitz kept with a smal Garrison of his own, not very strongly walled, an obscure thing, standing in a Plain. Abraham very desirous to save the said Captain, knowing him to be of great courage, and his familiar acquaintance at Constantinople; first by perswasions and offers, then by terrible threats, tried to induce him to yield. But finding him resolute: he enclosing it round overthrew the Walls (by Mines) in 3 places: which while the Garrison valiantly defended against the Janizarics assaults on the South side; the Bassa with [Page] his Field-pieces on the Hills from the North, grievously annoyed the Defendants. Wherewith the Governour troubled, though not much discouraged, raised a Curtain of Timber and Boards 12 foot-high at his Souldiers backs; so that they now shooting at all adventures at the Curtain, did nothing such harm as before; with desperate and restless labour, repairing the Breaches strong as at first: 200 Turks Horsmen the while, stragling for booty as far as Neostat, were by Hungarian Horse all slain and taken; whose Heads they bringing to Vienna, to encourage the Souldiers, set them on stakes upon the Walls: Then they knew by the prisoners that Solyman had 500000 men and 300 Field pieces; but smal'. For why, Solyman by destroying the Country, purposed to draw the Emperour to Bartel: which report was confirmed by Ferdinands Embassidours, whom Solyman granted to depart at Gunza with each of them a Velvet Gown and piece of Plate, and Letters to Charls and Ferdinand; proudly usurping the Titles of many Kingdoms: saying, he was come into Hungarie to revenge the wrongs they had done to King John his Friend and Vassal, and would enter their Country, with fire and sword: and by God's and Mahomet's power, would give them Battel, if they durst meet him in one Battel to end that quarrel, either by winning or losing the Empire of the World. Solyman having a great while sharply assaulted Gunza and still with great loss repulsed: He in 4 dayes cast up nigh the Town-ditch two great Mounts of Faggots and earth, so high, that they over-topped the highest Towers of the Town: one was against the face of the Town, the other at a corner to flanker the Wall: whence he with his shot, beat both them on the walls, and those who went to and fro in the streets. The Town-ditch being filled up, and many Defendants [...] or wounded, the Turks most furiously assaulted the place before shaken, the valiant Captain opposing all his strength left; but the Turks with their multitude, got [Page] up the walls with 8 Ensignes, whence they had repulsed the Defendants, who being all wounded or wearied, shrouded themselves under their Pent-houses, so that the Walls were now abandoned. But such a sudden clamour was make by the Women and Children, and other fearful people; that the Turks on the Walls, thinking the Town full of Souldiers, stood as men dismayed: whereupon the Defendants began again to shew themselves, at whose sight they forsook the Wall, and could by no means be brought on again. The Town was then defended in all judgement, by Gods power, not mans strength: Solyman exceedingly grieved to see so base a Town hold out so long, oft (in his rage) threatned to leave no signe thereof remaining: but Abraham Bassa waited a fit time when his choler was past; told him, it was not worth his name and greatness, to spend his time and Forces upon so smal a Town of no importance, by razing whereof he should get neither honour nor profit, &c. Wherefore 'twere more honourable to raise his Siege, and, calling the Governour, to give him the Town as of bounty, than to spend so many good men in winning it by force. The Bassa so prevailed, that the Governour was by a Herauld, sent for to Abraham, who though grievously wounded, yet refused to come to any parley, except first assured by sale conduct and good Hostages for his safety, and nothing to be exacted unbeseeming his Religion and Honour: which stout answer made them think, he was still able to hold out the Siege: whereupon what he required, was forthwith granted; So he going forth, was by Abraham honourably received, and bid sit down by him in his Tent, who courteously demanding, whether he had recovered his old infirmity which he had when sent Embassadour to Solyman, and whether his wounds were dangerous? But last of all, on what hope he alone had so long and obstinately withstood the mighty Solyman? saying, he marvelled, why he reposed confidence in the bringing King [Page] Ferdinand? Who modestly answered, he was (thanks be to God) well delivered of his old Disease: his wounds being without danger; As for his holding out, he knew (he said) it was the duty of a good Souldier, valiantly to withstand his enemies, nor to be discouraged with any chance of War, &c. That Ferdinand would ere long be there present with a great Army: he not much marvelling, he was not relieved before then, since many lets might hinder the King's purpose, considering Fortune's inconstancy in Martial assairs. The Bassa wondring at his courage, said, Although Solyman might utterly destroy the Town with all therein; yet being by nature most honourable and mild, and a great lover of valiant men, He had commanded him in his Name to give him that Town, and all the lives in it as a Reward of his Valour: yet so, as to swear to him obedience, and receive some few Turks into it in token of yielding. The Governour knowing [...] a third part of 800 Souldiers were left, and them sore weakened, thought it needful to make his peace in best sort he could: and so cunningly used the matter, that Abraham was content, he should only receive a Captain with 10 Janizaries in, at one of the gates for a while courteously entertained, and then dismissed; though he had neither Germane nor Spaniard then in the Garrison; yet he told the Bassa, he was much affraid the Turks would be ill intreated by them, who deadly hated them. So Solyman having layen at that Siege 28 dayes: and to his great loss assaulted Gunza 13 times: He rose with his Army, glad of a little seigned submission for safety of his honour. And leaving Vienna on the right hand, where was most of the Christian Army, he came into Carinthia, and so to the River Mura, thence to the City Gratia. This put all fear out of the Christians minds: for that Solyman (a little before feared) being repulsed at Gunza, shunned his enemies at Vienna, &c. Which disgrace, the Turks sought to cover, as that Neostat lay betwixt him and [Page] Vienua, not to be taken without great difficulty, nor without danger left behind him: Winter also beginning to approach. But some were of opinion, Solyman understanding that the Germane Princes had joyned Forces with the Emperour's brought from Spain, Italy and the Low-countries, which at first he least feared; and that the Christian Army great, were (mostly) not inferiour to his best men of War, chose rather to take the spoil of the Country with safety, than to adventure person and state in a most doubtful Battel. While this was doing, Cason was sent with 15000 Acanzij, to spoil all the Countrey between Danubius and the Alps: Wherefore dividing his Horsmen into 3 Companies not far asunder, he slew or carried away prisoners a multitude of all sorts of people as he went, forcing thousands of men and women to run (tied together) as fast as their Horses, burning down the Villages, and in them the children of the Parents: so that, almost 150 miles every way was covered with smoak and fire within 3 mile of Lintz, whence Ferdinand was glad to get to Strabinga to Charls the Emperour. This cruel Turk, loaded with spoil and prisoners, began to return the way he came, to Solyman: either (as he thought) at Gunza, or Neostat, coming towards Vienna; but the Christian Captains went out of the Camp, to meet with them: using such diligence in taking the passages, it was impossible they should escape unfought withal: 4 troops of Spanish and Italians under Valiant Coue, first lighting on them nigh Neostat, and charging them, were (most) slain; but Cason perceiving how he was on every side laid for: the night following slew 4000 Christian prisoners, lest he should be hindred in flight; and, dividing into two parts, set forward about midnight to escape out of the enclosed Valleys: One part of his Army led by Ferises, going Southward, with incredible labour, cut a way thorough the thick Woods, coming with little loss to Solyman into Stiria, Cason with 8000 Turks breaking out of Storamberg [Page] Valley, chanced on the Palatine, who with 10000 Foot, and 2000 Horse, and some Field-pieces, brake them, slaying a great number. Casons Ensigne being taken, and himself fighting in the rear for others to escape, was slain. Whose gallant Head piece presented to the Emperour, confirmed the report. Those who there escaped (falling into the hands of Lewis, and Marquess of Brandenburg, and of Hungarian Horsmen, led by Turacus, who killing them 7 miles, insulting over them in their own Language; and of the Countrey people, about Vesprinium, and the lake of Balaton) it was thought, not one escaped to Solyman.

The Emperour hearing Solyman was gone as far as Gratia, called a Councel in Lintz Castle, to know wherher 'twere best to follow the enemy. From Lintz to Gratia is 3 good dayes-journey of bad rough way. Some said, 'twas best to fight the Turks in that uneven Mountain-countrey: whose chief strength (being Horse) should stand them in smal stead; their Foot being in eriour to the Christians. The Emperour presently sent Apontius a Spaniard to view that passage, who soon brought word, that all the Countrey was desolate; and (sor fear) forsaken; but where the enemy lay, he could not certainly learn: whereupon they concluded to go all to Vienna, to view the Army and fight the enemy, if he returned. Some disliked that; saying, Charls should in that distress of Stiria and Carinthie, rather pursue his enemy; but others said, twas one thing to invade, and another to defend, &c.

Charls being come to Vienna, and viewing the Army, found therein 260000 men, 120000 being counted old Souldiers; It was thought, that so many worthy Captains and valiant Souldiers, were never (before) in man's memory, together in one Camp: all the Flowre and strength of Germany from Vistula to Rhene, from the Ocean to the Alps, were sent or voluntarily came thither. A thing never before heard of, &c. Besides, the great number of [Page] Spaniards and Burgundians: the Bohemians lay not far off, with the Silesians and Moravians: There were also some Troops of Polonians; as voluntary men. King Sigismund winking thereat (as if without his knowledge) being careful, not rashly to break his League with Solyman.

This Army lay in a great field near Vienna, in an excellent order; ready to receive the enemy: which many Gentlemen beholding, wept for joy, conceiving assured hope of Victory, if the Turk with all his Forces durst joyn in Battel. But Solyman advertised of the Emperours strength and manner of laying, got over the River [...], and at Marpurg, by Bridges suddenly made, passed over Dravus, and so to Belgrade, thence to Constantinople, leaving here and there some remembrance of his cruelty, and still looking behind him, if the Emperour were not at his heels, when as a few Dalmatian and Croatian Horse pursued his Rear. Its reported he carried 30000 into captivity, besides many thousand slain. Charls now determined speedily to return into Italy, though Ferdinand earnestly intreated him, first to employ those great Forces against King John, who might then have been easily thrust out of all; but Winter approoching, and the plague in the Camp, yea in his Court, he continued in his purpose; yet leaving behind him all the Italians, who with Ferdinands own Forces were thought sufficient for the Hungarian War.

One Maramaldus was appointed General over those Italians; but no order taken for their pay. Other Captains thought themselves disgraced by Maramaldus's preferment: whereby the under-Captains and Officers, said plainly, they would not go into Hungary except Ferdinand himself went, or Vastius, or Leva were their General: and the Souldiers said, They would ask leave to depart, if they had not 3 months pay, knowing they should never get it of poor King Ferdinand; Vastius greatly [Page] perswaded them to remember the faith of Souldiers, &c. saying, Valiant Souldiers never wanted pay, furnishing themselves by Victories, with all necessaries: and that they had no just cause to mislike Maramaldus, being an old Captain of great experience, and placed by the Emperour as most sufficient: having well appeased them, and being gone to Vienna, to take order for remedying of all difficulties: night the nurse of sedition, gave farther scope to the mutinous Souldiers. There was then brought to the Camp, very coorse hoary, moulded bread, which some, on their Speares point, shewed to their fellows in great choler, rayling against King Ferdinand, &c.

And a little before, a Spanish common Souldier casting the like bread at Vastius's feet in the Generalls Tent, bitterly cursing the Emperour and Ferdinand, had raised a wondrous tumult: wherefore, the Italians flocking together, gave many hard speeches about their pay, Victualls, and the War's difficulty; and setting up one Marconius upon a heap of Saddles, he was by divers Captains, requested frankly to speak, what he thought concerned all their safety and welfare: where, he is reported, to have uttered a seditious Oration unto them: at which very time, a great Blazing-Starre was seen at Vienna, which the said Marconius called a terrible and bloudy Comet, shooting he said, his Beams toward Italy. But his Speech ended, the Souldiers highly commending it; a confused noyse was heard throughout them; but the Drums presently striking up a march, they go forward towards Neostat. Six Captains drew after them 8000 Souldiers, the rest for shame, and fear staying with Maramaldus.

Vastius, and divers great Companies hearing thereof, posted after them 6 miles, requesting them to stay, and not dishonour themselves with so foul a fact, saying, their pay was ready, and mingling prayers with grievous threats; but they, as inraged, sternly discharged some small shot upon them.

[Page] Vastius was oft in danger to be slain, so that in the end, he was glad to forsake them.

Ferdinand hereby, for that time disappointed of hope to recover the Hungarian Kingdom, wrote to his Stirian and Carinthian Subjects, to shew them no courtesie in their passagee whereupon ensued great hurt on both sides: yet the Italians at length, recovered Tiliaventum in Italies borders, where disbanding, they returned to their dwellings. Charls also breaking up his Army at Vienna, appointed Gonzaga to go formost with the light Horse, with whom himself went: Vastius following with the Spaniards; two dayes after came the Cardinal with the biggest Train. Lastly, the mercenary Germans; so returning safe into Italy. This was the end of Solyman and Charls the 5th, their wondrous preparations in 1532, some marvellous alteration being expected, and the more for that, then, a great Blazing-Starre appeared for 15 dayes. In the mean time, Andreas Auria with 35 tall Ships, and 48 Galleys, and 25000 good Souldiers, greatly annoyed the Turks in Peloponesus: who near Zant Island, met with Capellius the Venetian Admiral with 60 Galleys set forth for their own defence: who though kind to Auria, yet could not joyn with him against the Turk, Solyman having lately renewed an old league with the Venetians: who bare themselves so indifferent at that time, that twas thought they at one instant advertised Auria of Hymerales, the Turks laying with 60 Galleys in Ambracia Bay, ill appointed, easily to be surprized: and warned him also of Auria's coming with a strong Fleet, wishing him to provide for his better safety: who departed to the strong Haven of Calcide: So, the Christian Princes being then either in wars among themselves, or entangled by Solyman in uncertain leagues, omitted the fairest opportunity for abating the Turks greatness.

Auria (out of hope of doing any good against the Turk's Admirall, being at Calcide) came to Corone, about 12 miles from Modon, laying hard siege thereto by Sea [Page] and Land, most terribly battering it with 14 great Pieces by Land and 150 by Sea; yet the Turks manfully repulsed the Italians, who under the Count of Sarne assaulted the City by Land. The adjacent Garrisons did what might be to relieve it, being discomfited by the said Count, and Zadares their leader slain, whose head with others were set on stakes, for terror of the Defendants: who at length, wearied and terrified, and driven from their greatest strength toward [...] Sea by some resolute Christians, fearing also to want Victual and Powder, yielded the City and Castle to Auria, to depart with bag and baggage: Corone was taken, and strongly garrisoned, and the Christian Greeks worn to them.

Auria came to Patras, which he easily took and ransacked: the Turks also, soon yielded their strong trench with the Castle covenanting, that they, chiefly their Wives, might with their Garments, only safely depart into Aetolia; so that, when some Souldiers (as they passed along) began roughly to handle some Women, and take away some Jewels.

Auria presently hanged them; And leaving his Army to follow him by Land, sailed to the Strait of Naupactum, now Lepanto, on which Strait stood two Castles: Rhium on Peloponesus Coast, and Molycreum in Aetolia, which Bajazet had greatly fortified with Ordnance.

Auria threatning all extremities to the Captain of Rhium, if he forced him to plant his battery, he presently yielded, onely him and his Souldiers safely to depart; those who came with him by Sea, had the Castles spoil: whereby those who came by Land, were about to forsake him. The other Castle being defended by old Janizaries, was not so easily taken; yet the Christians entring by a breach made, slew 300 of them, the rest fleeing into a strong Tower, and seeing no remedy but taking, blew up themselves with Gunpowder, in such sort, that all the Sea-coast seemed shaken with an Earth-quake, and the [Page] Galleys a bow shoot off almost overwhelmed with [...] some Piece of very great Ordnance here taken, were [...] Auria mounted, in token of Victory on the [...] [...] Genua's Haven.

Auria strongly fortifying and storing Corone, promised to relieve Mendoza, the Governour, a Spaniard, [...] need, if the Emperour deferred to do it.

Salviatus, Naupactum strait laid open, with the Galleys of Malta, did great harm to the Turks on both [...] of Corinthsgulfe, even as far as Corinth. Winter approaching, Auria hearing from the Emperour of Solymans departure, returned loaden with poil to Genua.

In 1533, Mendoza advertised the Viceroy of Naples, that he was hardly besieged by the Turks both by Sea and Land: wherefore, he most earnestly requested, that the Emperour, if he would have Corone kept, should send him timely relief: whereupon the Greeks were likely to help expulse the Turks out of Peloponesus: especially he put Auria in minde of his promise to relieve him, whom Charls commanded to rig up a Fleet for that service, promising him 12 Galleys new built in Spain, and requesting the Knights of Malta to aid him: who taking in his Souldiers at Naples, where the mutinous Spaniards for want of pay, having rifled Aversa, having pay given them, were embarqued for Corone under Macicaus; also Frederick the Viceroy's Son, with a Company of Gentlemen, went aboard. The Knights of Malta coming thither also with their Galleys, Auria the while, to incourage them of Corone, sent thither Palavicine, of invincible courage, with a most swift Galley, who by day-light, thorow the midst of the Turk's Fleet, recovered the Haven to their great joy; and viewing all things, and assuring the Defendants of speedy relief, he about noon, brake out again thorow them, safely escaping for all that they could do to overtake him.

[Page] Auria being informed at Messana, of the enemies force, stayed not for the Spanish Galleys, being told the enemies Fleet daily encreased by Turkish Pirates, and that Assembeg, or the Moor of Alexandria, an arch Pirate, was looked for, in whose directions, the Turks put the greatest hope; being come to Zant, he heard that Lutzis Bassa their great Admiral, with two others, and the Moor, men of great skill at Sea, lay before Corone with 80 Galleys, manned with old Janizaries. Wherefore Auria sent before Palavicine again, to view their manner of laying: who returned to Auria confirming the former report: the Turks Fleer greatly increased; seeming ready to give him battel, when he approached the City; yet Auria made no stay, and with a fair gale of wind, passing the Promontory of Acrites, came directly towards Corone. Two great Gallions cam foremost: whom he appointed to turn a little on the left hand, and when the enemy put off from shoare, to cast Anchor betwixt both Fleets, to beat the Turks Galleys with their great store of Ordnance. Auria himself was in the middle of the Fleet.

At first sight, the Turks moved not, discharging their Ordnance at them a far off; then beginning to set forward chiefly by the Moor, who [...] most courage, assail'd the side and rear of the Fleet: for the Christians keeping a straight course, seemed to flee; and the more, since the right wing Galleys, fearing the Turk's great Ordnance, fet a great compass: many also of the middle Squadron, and left Wing, having thrust in disorderly among the Ships, though they had received little or no harm.

The Moor now requested Lutzis, not to let slip so fair an occasion: who while he set slowly forward, Auria had put his Fleet in order again, and was come to Corone. Two Ships falling foul of each other, [...] behind: about which the Turks flocking, took the lesser, killing all the Spaniards therein: out of whom, boording the greater, with a [Page] bloody fight had won the fore Castle and waste: wherefore Auria caused all his Galleys to return, to rescue those Ships: which the Turks seeing and by degrees falling down with the Ships in danger of the Town-shot, withdrew themselves with their Oares in manner of flight, whom Auria pursued towards Modon, liberally thundering in their Poups: Antonius Auria the while, coming to rescue the two Ships, the Spaniards (as revived) couragiously now made resistance: and those with Antonius entring speedily on every side, slew and took 300 Janizaries, left in those Ships by the sudden departure of their fellows.

Josuphus, an old Captain of a 1000, being one, to whom Auria at Corone, gave a fair Suit, and Chain of Gold, freeing him without ransom, to provoke the Turks to the like. The Moor and the other Captains, wondrously blamed Lutzis, for not fighting then with the Christians: but he said, he had special charge from Solyman, not to come to the hazard of a battel.

The besiegers by Land, upon Auria's approach, fled, Mendoza taking great store of Victual and Warlique provision, left behind them. So Auria furnishing the City with store of necessaries, committed its defence to Macicaus, and his mutinous Spaniards, comforting and exhorting the Greeks to patience, in the calamities of war, telling them, the Emperour next Spring, would free them from Turkish bondage, by warring in Peloponesus by Sea and Land. So embarking the old Spanish Garrison, he came even braving the Turks Admiral before Modon; but seeing he could not be allured out, or assailed as he lay, he departed to Corcyra, and so to Messana in Sicilie. Few dayes after which, Assambeg, waiting for Venetian Merchants Ships from Syria, met with Canalis on Creet Coast, and fighting a cruel battel by night; of the Moors 13 Gallies, 4 were sunk, 3 taken, the rest fleeing to Alexandria, having lost most of their rowers: 300 Janizaries going [Page] to Caire, were slain, and 1000 other Turks: of all taken, scarce one was saved: the Moor wounded in the face, was, for safety, glad to discover himself, (for the traffiquing Venctians, shew least favour to Pirates) then was care taken for his wounds, and both Canalis and the Moor, began notably to dissemble the matter to each other, as mistaking, &c. yet the Venetians sought to excuse it to Solyman, as done by error and mischance: who accepted thereof, saying, Canalis had well done, to repulse the wrong offered him. Three of Auria's Gallies staying behind the rest, were on Apulia's Coast, carried away by Sinam surnamed the Jew, a notable Pirate also.

In winter, they of Corone, beginning to want Victuals, chiefly Wine and flesh, the Turks having blocked up the City by Land, the Souldiers requested Macicaus, they not hoping for relief elsewhere, before April, to lead them forth to some service against the enemy; but Macićaus; mindful of his charge, sought by many reasons to disswade them, &c. yet the matter was so urged by Touarres and Hermosilla, great Captains, and by a general importunity, that they yielded to their desire, protesting he did it against his will. A forward man herein, was one Barbatins, a valiant Greek, who speaking the Turks Language, also, best knew the by-wayes: undertaking in dead of the night, to bring them to the enemies, undiscovered.

So Macicaus charging Liscanius and Mendosius, not to suffer any to go out of the City, lest the enemy should know, set forward about 10 at night, towards Andrussa: & resting all next day in a secret wooddy valley, they set forward again at night, and came to Andrussa before day; in which Town, of no great strength, lay one Caranus with 3000 Foot, half Janizaries; and in the Suburbs, Achomates with 1000 choise Horsemen. Macicaus went directly to the Town to surprize it: Hermosilla the while, standing still with some Spaniards, over against the Horsemen, discovered them by their light matches, who awaking [Page] the careless Watchmen, an Alarum was raised in the Suburbs. Hermosilla, setting upon the Horsemen, slew many before they could arm; and firing the Stables, many Turks perished with Horses and Arms. Through the terrible noyse, (especially of the Horses, which burnt tied; or breaking loose, ran up and down with tails and mains on fire) there was an Alarum in the Town, the Turks getting to the Walls before the Spaniards could enter. Macicaus striving to break in at a Postern, was shot in the head and slain, with divers others near him: the Turks sallying out upon the small number, forced them to retire to Hermosilla, by whose direction, they retired in so good order, that those most forward to pursue, caused others by their death to make least haste.

Achomates hasting thither also with 200 Harquebusiers, taken up behind his Horsemen, and too hotly pressing on to be revenged, was slain with a Bullet; so these Horsemen returned from further pursuit. The wearied Spaniards and Greeks retiring still as ready to fight, returned to Corone. The Turkish Garrison presently after, removing to Megalopolis, now Londarium, they of Corone came to Andrussa, and buried their slain fellows, burying honourably Macicaus's Head at Corone, which the Turks had set on a pole. Not long after, the Plague growing hot, with many other difficulties: the Spaniards embarking themselves and Ordnance with such Greeks as would go in Ships come with Corn out of Sicilie, left Corone empty to the Turks: whilest the Emperour drawn diversly with consideration of his honour in keeping it, and of his profit in giving it up, stood too long in resolving; yet thought not to be done without his secret consent: and the rather, because the deserters of the place, received no disgrace thereby.

Solyman in 1534, purposing to turn his forces against the Persians, having done him much hurt in his frontiers, renewed his League with the Venetians, and some other [Page] Christian Princes; but he was most careful of his interest in Hungary it being reported, that King John, through his Subjects solicitation, [...] peace with Ferdinand, so he might enjoy the Kingdom during life, afterwards to remain to Ferdinand and his Heirs: wherefore Solyman, that nothing might be done unknown, in his absence, sent Aloyfius Grittus as his Lieutenant, to be assistant to John, and so, as that without him he might conclude nothing in matters of State. With this Commission, Grittus entred Transilvania (much about Solyman's going against the Persian) with 7000 Attendants; Batianus and Docia Hungarian Captains, with their Companies, being two, also many being Janizaries. At his first coming, he sent out his Command to the Governours in that Province, charging them to repair to him as Solymans Deputy, &c. Cibachus, Bishop of Veradium, was then Vayuod of Transilvania, whose small [...] to welcom him, &c. very much offended Grittus, who so desired, at his first entrance, to have his Authority confirme in the mindes of the vulgar, by the ready attendance of the Governour. But it was [...], that the Bishop upon a Christian Zeal, detested the Turks friendship, lest that fruitful Countrey should by some meanes fall into their hands.

Grittus at Baxonia, heard that the Vayuod was coming with a great Train, encamping about 10 miles off, with divers gallant Troops of Horsemen; insomuch, as the Bishops Retinue made shew of a good Army: which mooved Grittus exceedingly, that he should be forced openly to parley with him, as with an enemy. When these two great ones had met together in the fields, and dined without any shew of friendship, Grittus covertly threatned to be revenged on all who should make so light of his Authority: and departing, took his Turkish Cap from his head, and opening it, said, This Cap will not hold two Heads, and therefore it must be fitted to one, and so put it on again.

[Page] Docia deadly hating the Vayuod, (who long before had for his malapert Speech in a great Assembly, given him a blow with his fist) hereupon incensed Grittus against him, saying, Thy Honour makes a fit comparison: neither can this Province contain two equal Governours, nor thou ever enjoy thy power, except thou this day with speedy resolution, defend both Solyman's credit, and thy own, &c. Grittus the more enraged with his Speech, commended Docia, promising him soon to requite his good will, especially, if by some notable attempt, he would [...] the Bishop's pride. Its said, Grittus once charged him to take the Bishop, that he might have sent him in Chains to Constantinople, and bestowed the Vayuodship on Lascus: who because King John could not without danger place him a Polonian, Governour of so Warlike a people, but preferted this Bishop, revernced and feared of them: he ever complained, that John had deluded him; and though he kept within the bounds of Loyalty, yet estranged from him in mind, was now become one of Grittus his followers.

Grittus, delivering a strong Company of Horse to Docia, came secretly and suddenly to the Vayuods Camp, having learned by his Hungarian Spies, that he lay in the fields in his Tent through the heat, without Watch and Ward, his Retinue being dispersed round about; so that, laying in his bed, and fcarce well awaked by his Chamberlians, and the noise of Docia; breaking in, cut off his head as he lay: those laying near, fleeing and leaving their Horses and other things for a prey. Docia returning, presented the Head to Grittus, brought by the eare.

Lascus was present, but ignorant of the murther: to whom Grittus said, Lascus, dost thou know this shaven pate: 'tis a great mans head; but of one very ambitious, rebellious, and proud: who replyed, though I loved him not, yet I thought it not so, whilest it stood on his shoulders, disallowing therein, the fact: whereupon, Grittus [Page] began to repent it, saying, Though he was worthily slain, yet he had rather he had been taken. The Bishops friends, and almost all Transilvania rose in Arms to revenge his death, whom they loved and feared: 4000 Horse and Foot under Stephen Malat, being assembled in few dayes. Grittus perplexed, and doubting what to do, speedily got with his followers, to the strong Town Mege, till either the peoples rage were appeased, or he were relieved by King John, or the Sanzacks of the Turks frontiers. They of Mege seeing so many Turks with him, shut the Gates; yet by Docia's and Batianus's perswasion, they received him into the base Town, having retired with their substance into the higher, commanding the lower. While Grittus was fortifying, and sending for ayd, the people with hideous noyse, approaching, attempted to scale the Walls and Rampiers: which they doing, with more fury than discretion, were easily repulsed, and many slain. After which, by Malat's direction, they encamped on every side of the Town, hoping, that unprovided of Victuals, they could not long hold out: Grittus the while, fell sick, and the rather, not hearing of any expected ayd; for John, glad in mind of the distress of his Kingdoms Overseer, yet sent for fashions sake, some Troops: who not wholly ignorant thereof, purposed not to come timely for his good. The Sanzacks refused, envying his honour, to depart from their charge without Solymans own Command: and Lascus, departing to procure some relief, did in this extremity, forsake him also. The Citizens in the upper Town, perceiving their Countreymens full resolution, and the Turks difficulties, assailed them thence also. Grittus offered them a masse of money, to let him passe forward into Hungary; but they were not to be mooved from revenge, by Gold. At last, he sent rich Jewels to the Governour of Moldavia, to be ready to receive him with some Troops, when he sallied out of the Town. And sallying out at the time appointed, with his Commission in [Page] his hand, missing the Moldavian, fell upon Schenden, the Bishops Kinsman, and Maylat, his familiar friend: who running on him with tumultuous speech, caught from his head his rich Cap, and took him, weak and not resisting: all his followers, chiefly Turks, being slain or taken. Grittus beset round, and examined in the Generals Tent, why he commanded the Vayuod to be slain? protested he never commanded any such thing; but all the people cryed, that he should be sacrificed to the Vayuods Ghost: whereupon, Maylat delivering him to Schenden, his Head was presently struck off. The Nobles and the Vayuods Kinsmen, dipping some part of their Garments in his blood, the longer to keep in mind the revenge. This was the shameful end of Aloysius Grittus, a Christian, (who was in such credit with Solyman) while he climbed too fast up the ill-staved ladder of ambition.

The Executioner, found about him, Jewels, valued at 40 Millions of Duckets: ere long, Lascus was examined at Buda by John, upon torture, concerning Grittus's Commission and purposes, and in great danger of life; but by Sigismund of Poland's intercession, he was freed, so fleeing to Sigismund's Court. Docia was rent in pieces by the people.

When Grittus came into Hungary, Solyman undertook two great expeditions at once: one by Land, against the Persians, the other against the Moores in Africk by Sea, but we will first declare what his Lievtenants did against the Moors. Hariadenus, surnamed Barbarussa succeeding his elder Brother Horruccius in the Kingdom of Algiers, had by many Victories, so enlarged that Kingdom, that his name was become terrible, both to the Christians and wild Moors, and his fame in the Turkish Court, the chief Motive of Solyman's invading Africk. Horruccius and Hariadenus born at Mytilene of Lesbos, weary of their poor estate with their Father a renegade Grecian, stole a small Galliot, and by chance consorting with [...], a [Page] most famous Pirate: Horruccius became a Captain under him; and growing rich, and also strong, with Gallies and slaves taken, at last, consorting with other Pirates, over whom he commanded as an arch Pirate, sought for purchase as far as Mauritania. Then was Selimes, King of that now called Algiers, in Arms against his Brother Mechemetes his competitor, who aided by the Numidians, put his Brother in great doubt: who with a masse of money payd, induced Horruccius, and his followers, to defend him against Mechemetes: which he so happily performed, especially by his Harquebusiers, that repulsing those Savages, he set Selimes at peace in his Kingdom; but Horruccius noting the Kings mild and simple disposition, (and that the naked Moores were no Souldiers, alwayes at variance; and the Numidians divided and bare) flew him as he was bathing himself: and murthering those he thought would withstand him, also by cruelty and bounty, so wrought, that he was chosen King of Algiers: shortly after, he surprised Circello, a famous City, 60 miles off, by his Souldiers in Merchants Habit; After which, he by Hariadenus, troubled the Mediterranean, and all his Neighbors with his Galleys: and himself by Land so prevailing, that men of service resorted to him, as the chief man in those parts.

He drave the Spaniards out of Bugea, famous for great Trade, and once for a Mahometan School: there losing his righthand, he obtained many Victories with an Iron hand; for he overthrew a Spanish Army under Diega, nigh Algiers: and soon after Moncada, landing from Italy (with the old Spanish Souldiers) in his Country, he forced him to Sea again: where they, by Shipwrack or driving a shoare, were slain or taken, and thrust into his Galleys at last; and having overcome the King of Tremissa expulsing him; Charls the Emperour, stirred up the Christians and Numid ans to ayd that his consederate; [Page] so that Horruccius coming to take Ora and Portus he was first repulsed, then quite overthrown, where most of his Army being slain or taken, he fled with a few over the Sandy Desarts, scattering much Gold to stay his enemies hasty pursuit, who, notwithstanding, overtook him, and struck off his Head, which was sent into Spain and carried on a Lance thorow the Sea Towns, to the great joy of the people, formerly hurt by him.

Hariadenus not inferior to his Brother, by the Souldiers general consent, took the Kingdom, and began to aspire to the Empire of all that part of Africk: wherefore he held peace with some, and Warres with others, as best served his purpose: robbing and spoiling the Coasts of Spain, Sardinia, and the Baleares Islands, becoming famous, and fearful to his enemies: slaying Hamet of the Numidians, and chasing away Benchades and Amida, two great Princes: overcoming Moncada the Spaniard who sore wounded, hardly escaped the flight, losing divers Gallies: he also at Sea slew Pertundus, admiral of Spain with his Son, taking seven of his Gallies: sending his Ensign with part of the spoil, a present to Solyman; but was much more famous, with the Turks, when he had repulsed Auria from Cercenna, and taken two great Genoway Ships, coming to him with men and Ammunition, filling Genua with sorrow:

Solyman grieved with his losse in Peloponesus, by Auria, chiefly by Abraham, chief Bassae's Counsel, sent him Sinas an Embassador to Algiers: offering him the greatest honours, and to make him his Admiral, if he would forthwith repair to Constantinople.

Barbarussa was exceeding glad hereof: conceiving no small hope of the Monarchy of Africk, if coming to Solyman he might shew him the State of Africk, and the Christians power with their continual discord:

[Page]Wherefore committing his Son and Kingdom to two of his faithful kinsmen's Government: with 40 of his Warlike Galley's, he set forward with Sinas, taking and burning by the way (after a cruel fight) a Fleet of Genowayes bound for Sicily: then landing by night in the Isle Elba, he surprized Chium a rich City, and carrying away their wealth, and them into Captivity, he arrived at Constantinople in 1533. joyfully received, if but for the boyes and maidens richly apparelled, Eunuchs, Lions, Leopards of Lybia, which he gave Solyman; but after some dayes discourse with the Bassaes of Africks affairs, he (envy soon over-taking him) was seldomer sent for, and hardly admitted into their company, though offering himself: many saying, the Ottoman Kings used not to prefer Pirates to the Admiralship: and that there wanted not, nor ever would men [...] and valiant in the Turks- Court, &c. Whereas he, against all Right, had intruded into another's Kingdom, and persecuted Mahometane Princes, being of no Religion himself, &c. Abraham was then gone into Comagena: After long suit, Solyman answered Barbarussa by 2 Bassaes, that all concerning him should be referred to Abraham chief-Bassa, by whose counsel he was chiefly sent for, wherefore he must repair to him in Syria. Though this tended to his disgrace; yet in hope, by sufferance, to obtain another Kingdom, he posted thorow Asia the less (by land) coming over Mount Amanus (covered with Winters deep snow) to Aleppo, where Abraham honourably receiving and largely hearing him, wrote to Solyman, wishing him to place him as a 4th. Bassa of his Council; besides his deeming him the most fit to command his Power at Sea: who returning with this effectual commendation, the [...] of the Court was suddenly changed upon him. Who was now in all mens mouths, but Barbarussa. He had brought with him Roscetes (Muleasses, King of Tunisselder brother) whom he wrongfully exiling, he had lived [Page] at Algiers; but now came to Barbarussa to crave aid of Solyman. Him he set out to the Bassaes as a most fit instrument for subduing the Kingdom of Tunis, as more affected by the people, than Muleasses the Usurper. After long consultation with the Bassaes about Africks invasion, he, admitted to Solyman's presence, [...] him in a Speech from divers motives, to that War: and saying, by the way as he returned, he would so use the matter, that the Christians also should have good cause to bewail their calamities: and, if he happened to meet with Auria, he should have smal cause to rejoyce of the mischief he had done; for him alone he challenged to persecure as his peculiar enemy, both for the harms received, and for the despight he had at his Fame, who taken out of the way, the Seas should be open only to Solyman's Fleet: And believe me, said he, he that can command the Seas, shall easily subdue the Kingdoms by Land. Solyman using well to consider, and afterwards to resolve, commending Barbarussa's forwardness, then brake up the Council. Ere long a Decree was made, that he should be joyned a 4th Bassa in Council, and made great Admiral, &c. Which proclaimed, Solyman himself delivered him a Scepter and Sword, willing him by worthy deeds to perform his promise: after which Ajax and Cassimes the Bassae's, brought him with exceeding pomp to the Navy; all Tokens of his new Honour being carried before him; and having towards the Sea-ward, 800000 Duckats out of the Treasury, with 800 janizaries: Not long after he departed out of Hellespont with 80 Galleys and certain Galliors towards Italy, leaving Amurathes with 12 Galleys to transport Solyman and his Army over into Asia, for Persia: which done, he over-took him at Methone, who suddenly passing the strait betwixt Italy and Sicily, much frighted both Countries: but passing by the Bay of Hippona, he set upon the Town of Lucidius (of old Tempsa: which though standing on a Rock with reasonable [Page] walls, it was taken by the Turks violence, with the more hurt to the Inhabitants, because the Mayor had locked up the gates on the other side to keep them from flight. Thence with spoil and many prisoners he went to Citharium, where (he heard) a Fleet was building: this forsaken Town for fear, he ransacked and burnt, firing 7 Galleys unfinished, but being come in sight of Naples: all (along the coast) were so terrified, that 'twas thought, if he had landed, and gone to Naples, it would have been abandoned; but coming to Procita, he took and rifled it, and came to Spelunca, the hithermost part of that Kingdom: which the dismayed Townsmen yielded without resistance, he there taking 1200 prisoners. Pelegrinus a chief man there, fled into the Castle: whom Barbarussa promised to let go, if presently yielding: if not, to make him repent it with his own and the Town's utter destruction: who forthwith coming out and falling at his feet, he gave him his liberty, restoring him his Wife, Son and Niece, prisoners: whom he received with many tears from their eyes for joy.

The same night 2000 of those Turks came to Fundi, 10 miles off, thought to be conducted by some Italians, who through Turkish slavery, had turn'd Mahometans. They came so suddenly, that Gonzaga, Italie's Parragon, could scarce take Horse half naked, and escape. Barbarussa afterwards seeming not to deny, that for her beauty and perfection, he exceedingly desired her as a present for Solyman: [...] or taking most of the Citizens, they returned with the Cities spoil. Others came to Tarracina, all the Inhabitants being fled into the Mountains, except some sick and aged, whom they slew, spoiling the Temples. It was thought, if Barbarussa had come but to Ostia, they of Rome had generally [...] the City; but watering at Pontia, he arrived in Africk, before 'twas thought he was departed from Italic's coast; For to deceive Muleasses, he gave out, he would burn and spoil Christian [Page] Countries in revenge of Auria's harm done. The Vonetians also then preparing a great Fleet: did somewhat lessen his fear; but that which chiefly made him secure, was his hearing by especials, that Roscetes his Brother, was safely kept at Constantinople, as a prisoner at large; for he knew his State could not be more endangered, than by producing the Competitor of his Kingdom. This Muleasses was descended of the Kings or Tunis (who had ruled that great Kingdom from Tripolis to Bagia, nigh 800 miles, and into the Main as far as Mount Atlas 954 years: who being appointed by his Father Mahometes, his Successour, through his mother Lentigessia's importuniry (Maimo the eldest son being in durance for his hasty aspiring) was thought to shorten his Fathers old years: presently after murdering Maimo, executing 17 of his other Brethren, making three blind with a hot Iron: Roscetes and Abdemelech escaping, fled to Morhabitus a great Numidian Prince: where seeking by practice and poyson to take them away, at last he offered a great sum for them; which money the Numidian received; yet suffered them (as if against his will) to flee to another Prince, Bentiesses; where Muleasses practising as before, they fled (at last) to the City Biscaris, far into the main. Where Abdemelech (as one weary) became a Mahometane Monk; but Roscetes found such favour with Abdalla, the Prince of Bisearis, that he gave him his Daughter to Wife, and fearing Muleasses's practices, he seldom suffered him to eat any meat, but what himself or his Wife before tasted of. Muleasses murdered divers of his Brothers children also: torturing to death the Maniset and Mesuar, men of greatest Authority, and his chief Friends in his aspiring the Kingdom; fearing their greatness, or grieving at their life to whom he was so much beholden: and by his mothers instigation, causing divers of his Fathers Wives and Concubines to be murdered, inveighing against him as effeminate, who with exceeding charges had maintained so [Page] many, by whom he begot so many Competitors, that he had a laborious work to destroy so great a brood. Roscetes [...] by his Father in law and other Princes (to whom Muleasses was become odious) with a great Army, nigh Tunis, in a sharp conflict, overthrew his Brothers Army, forcing Dorax the General (with those escaping) to flee to Tunis: and presenting his Army before the City, hoping, that the Citizens would let him in: and laying there 20 dayes, to alienate them the more from Muleasses, he burnt and destroyed all the Olive and fruit-trees from the ruines of Old Carthage, to the Walls of Tunis, a heavy Spectacle to the Citizens; but Muleasses promising every man full recompence for all harm, and strongly possessing Tunis by his Souldiers, they would not or could not revolt: The Numidian Princes, weary (according to that Nation's levity) began to shrink home, perswading Roscetes to provide for himself in time: Wherefore he fled to Barbarussa, honourably there remaining till by his perswasion he went with him to Constantinople, where he was detained: though Barbarussa gave out in policy, he was in his Fleet, and by Solyman to be restored to his Fathers Kingdom. He landing at Biserta a famous Port of that Kingdom, the Townsmen weary of Muleasses's Government, hearing of Roscetes's name, drave out their Governour, receiving in the Turks (for he had sent Roscetes's familiar friends ashoar) saying he was there, but could not come a-shoar, being Seasick, and having an Ague; Barbarussa now sailing on, came before Gulletta-Castle (in Tunis-Bay) commanding all Sea passage unto Tunis: where, in Friendship, mutually discharging their Ordnance, and the Castle required for Roscetes: they said, he that ruled in Tunis should alway command it. Roscetes's supposed coming, and the great Fleet discovered, set all the City in an uproar, both for the love of Roscetes, and the hatred of Muleasses: which he was not ignorant of, who also had made them no recompence for their goodly [Page] Houses and Gardens, formerly destroyed by Roscetes: wherefore coming out of the Castle, and perswading them to play the men, promising them what he was never able to perform, they all departed: yet some (in a colour) and Abdahar the Mesuar (next to the King) perswaded him to flee, for all said the Turks were at hand: Wherefore Muleasses fled in such haste, that he left behind him his Treasure and Jewels, which his enemies afterwards had: Fetuches, Captain of the Castle, who with Abezes (a great man) first revolted, now brought sorth Roscetes's Wife and children (long imprisoned by Muleasses) placing the Royal Seat: and Abezes advertised Barbarussa of Muleasses's departure, and with what longing Roscetes was expected, sending a goodly Barbarian Horse richly furnished, with others for his chief Captains. Barbarussa coming to the City with 5000 Turks, was joyfully received; but Roscetes being not descried; and hearing onely Solyman's and Barbarussas's names in the Turks acclamations, they distrusted, they had received the Turkish Government, which they utterly [...] Roscetes's Friends also brought by Barbarossa to delude the people, now grieving, feared not to tell their Friends as they went, that Roscetes was left in bonds at Constantinople. Whereupon, they most furiously assailed the Turks, not yet got all into the Castle. Abdahar was the chief Leader, who now sought by all means to expulse the Turks and recall Muleasses, crying to the people aloud as he stood on high: We are (worthy Citizens) most villanously betrayed, for Roscetes whom we expected for our lawful King, laments his misery in chains; and except we presently, do valiantly fight for our liberty, we shall ever serve as slaves to these Forraign and merciless Pirates: I my self will be your Leader, &c.

Many Turks were slain before aware: the Citizens being numerous enough, but not so well armed or conducted; yet they swarmed up one of theeasi est Bulwarks of [Page] the Castle, where the Turks had set upon an Ensign; and with Darts and Arrows made them retire into a stronger place, whence with their Artillery and small shot, they wonderously slaughtered the naked Moors; Barbarussa though alway acquainted with desperate dangers; yet being suddenly shut upon in an unknown place, and Victuals but for three dayes, was not a little troubled; which his care was much diminished, by the enemies disorder'd fury, and the known valour of his Souldiers: chiefly, seeing them fight still as full of hope, and the Moors as half-dismayed, ready to retire; yet the double assault was twice as desperately renewed as at first, by Muleasses and Dorax coming in: in which danger, Halis a runagate Spaniard, said to Barbarussa: that if he would save his Honour, and hold that Fort, they must salley out upon those which had never seen a set-battel, &c. Which motion generally approved of, Barbarussa commanded Halis with other Captains, to salley out at once at two Ports, so that a multitude of Moors were soon slain: Abdahar the Mesuar being killed with a bullet, the assault being then given over: and, in the streets some hours, was fought a most bloudy Battel: at last the Citizens overcome, took refuge of their Houses: and wearied Halis with the rest, returning with Victory: 3000 Citizens were said to be slain and 9000 hurt: Muleasses hardly escaping his enemie's hands, by Dorax his Uncle's help, fled with him over Bagrada River, and came to Constantina, then part of Dorax's Dominion: and there protected till the coming of Charls the Emperour. The ensuing, both Citizens and Turks stood upon their strongest guard. And next day the Citizens craved pardon, excusing their rash attempt, by the name of Loyalty, offering faithfully to submit: Whereupon Barbarussa granted a general peace, by Oath confirmed on both sides: the Citizens being bound to obey Solyman, and Barbarussa as his chief Lievtenant. All things set in order; he won [Page] to him by gifts and rewards, the fickle and needy Numidian Princes: then sending an Eunuch and Halis, to take in the other Cities of Tunis, they were peaceably received, except at Carvenna, which holding out a while, received them also for fear. But let us return to the Wars at the same time undertaken (by Solyman in person) in Persia, perswaded thereto by Abraham the great Bassa: who being born in a Village of Epirus, and taken from his Christian Parents by Turkish Tribure gatherers, being a boy, served Scander-Bassa in Selimus his time, and there instructed in Mahometanism; but giving himself to all manner of curiosity, he was commended by his Mistress to her Husband, as a fit Page to attemper his wayward and melancholly disposition: wherein he excelling, he gave him as a rare gift to Solyman, with whom he was brought up as his companion and play-fellow by old Baiazet: where he so framed himself to young Solyman's disposition, that afterwards, he wanted nothing of the Majesty of an Emperour, but the Name only; and commonly called the Great Commander of all Solymans Forces: Also he partaked of Solymans secret Delights, that if he were present, all were well, if away, nothing pleased; that 'twas commonly said, the soul of Solyman lived in Abraham, whereat, many great Courtiers repined: chiefly Solymans mother, and fair Roxalana his dearest Concubine. This great Commander, sought many times in his discourses with Solyman, to perswade him to divert his Forces from the Christians, over whom he had sufficiently triumphed: and to turn them upon the Persians by whom he was daily injured, and who were the wicked and irreligious impugners of the Divine Precepts of Mahomet: also so famous in ancient time for their Martial Prowesse: that the so oft vanquishing them by Alexander, gave unto him the name of Great; therefore he said, 'twas not so much to have destroyed the Mamrlukes (by condition slaves) as to subdue them. Alleadging [Page] what a strong and Warlike people the Germans were: and that it were not good to provoke Charls the Emperour (of all Christian Princes the mightiest, &c.) Solyman at length beginning to yield to his perswasions: Abraham (in himself) greatly rejoyced for many thought he was only in shew a Turk, and in heart a Christian: and the rather, because he very much favoured and protected the Christian Merchants, and furthered (by all means) the Leagues of Christian Princes with Solyman: labouring alwayes to turn his Forces from them upon the Persians: insinuating into Solymans acquaintance one Mulcarabe of Damasco, famous at Constantinople for holinesse and the Art of Magick; who prophesied to him all happinesse in so religious a War, and so much (as he said) pleasing to God. Ulemas also a noble Persian, who (marrying King Tamasses's Sister) was revolted from him to Solyman) fearing to be call'd to account for extortion from the Counties where he governed) furthered Abrahams purpose: discovering to Solyman the power, and State of the Persian Kingdom: and plotting the easiest waies for conquering it; he offered also to do his utmost. So Solyman [...] a mighty Army, commanded them to be ready at Nice in Bythinia at a certain day: His mother and Roxalana mightily impugned it as that which wholly proceeded from the Bassa; but his credit was so strong, that all their devices and prayers were (by Solyman) rejected, and his Counsel regarded: who (with Ulemas) was sent before him into Syria with a strong Army at Spring, to invade the Persian: wintring at Aleppo. The Spring approaching, Abraham sent Ulemas before with the light-Horsmen into Mesapotamia as his guide, following himself not far behind, and so came to Tauris unresisted, great and rich, but unwalled and of no strength. The Persian King, Tamas, was then absent. warring with Kezien-Bassa, a Prince of the Corasine Hircanians; so that the Citizens presently yielded. Tamas hearing hereof, [Page] drew nigh with his power, expecting to take the Turks at some advantage, as being too weak for a plain Battel: which the Bassa perceiving, speedily advettised Solyman of Iunis being taken, and the enemies purpose; and speedily to repair with his Army thither. He was come far on his way, on the right hand from Nice to Iconium, and by Cesarea to Malathia, where is the notable passage over Euphrates, bursting out by the Valleys of Autitaurus, whence Mesapotamia's plains (then part of the Persian Kingdom) begin to open; through which he peaceably marched, paying for what ever he took, coming in 54 dayes from Nice to Coimini Armenia, the greater. But hearing such news aforesaid, he soon after came to Tauris. Tamas, yet expecting the Georgian Light-horse men, and hearing with what a multitude Solyman was coming, that he might cut off his spent, wanting, and diseased people, by advantages, retired into Sultania, about 6 dayes journey from Tauris: which Solyman knowing, departed thence without doing hurt, following after Tamas, to joyn Battel, if possible, leaving behinde him for haste, many of his Carriages and much baggage with 500 Janizaries and 3 Zanzacks with their Companies, near the City Sultania, ruined by Tamerlant, except the Temples. Solyman encamped many dayes, expecting that Tamas would come out of the Mountains and give him Battel; but he comparing his own strength with his enemie's, so retired, that Solyman could not learn what was become of him. And whilst he lay in those plain fields, such a horrid tempest (never before seen in the beginning of September) fell from the circumjacent Mountains (whose tops are alway covered with deep snow) with such abundance of rain, so eagerly freezing as it fell, that the depth of Winter seemed suddenly to be come; for the raging winds so swept the snow from the tops of those high Mountains, that the Turks lay, as buried alive therein; most of their Tents being overthrown: wherein a [Page] huge humber of sick Souldiers, and others following the Camp perished: Others losing the use of hands and feet for ever, through benumming: most of their beasts for carriage, chiefly Camels, being frozen to death. Yea, Solyman was endangered in his Tent; Neither was there any remedy by reason of the night's great darknesse, most of their fires being put out by the storm: a thing accounted by them ominous; They feared also the sudden coming of the enemy, till the Sun next morning breaking out, revived many ready to dye for cold, and discovered the fields clear of enemies: Many Turks vainly thought it was brought on them by the Persian Magician's Inchantments.

Solyman troubled hereat, after some refreshment of his men, took his way into Assyria. Ulemas perswading him, chiefly from hopes of taking Babylon, its Governour being his friend; But Mahometes was not to be won to betray the City. Wherefore Solyman resolving to take it by force: Mahometes hearing of their coming, (who thought they would not come so far) being neither provided nor beloved, fled out of the City: Solyman being soon received by the Babylonians, It's called Bagdat (not far from old Babylon, out of whose ruines it role) standing on the River Tygris: Solyman (according to the old manner) received of that Caliph (the chief Mahometane Priest) and greatly reverenced; the Ensigns and Ornaments of the Assyrian Kings, bountifully winning the peoples hearts, and spending the Winter there. Other Cities (Babylon being taken unresisted) yielded themselves; Yea, Ambassadours came to him as far as Ormus City, famous for great Traffique, out of India suing for peace. Thus Babylon, with Assyria and Mesopotamia, became Turkish Provinces in 1534. Solyman after Winter past, placed a Beglerbey, that is, a Lord of Lords: and under him divers Sanzacks or Governours for Government: causing his Treasurer for the Wars there to be hanged, and confiscating [Page] all his goods, for his unfaithful dealing.

Solyman being gone to Babylon, Tamas returned to Tauris: Solyman's men, there left, fleeing away in such haste, that all in their custody was left for a prey.

Solymans Army being much encreased by the coming of the great Bassaes of Caire and Syria with the Sanzacks of Alexandria, Judea and Comagena, departed, by Abraham and Ulemas's perswasion, towards Tauris; but Tamas (too weak to give battel) fled from the City into the Hircanian Mountains (destroying all as he went) and carrying away the Inhabitants: Wherefore he sent Ulemas with all his choyse Horsmen, to overtake and fight him if possible: but after 2 or 3 dayes, still finding the Countrey neither yielding forrage nor relief, and no hope of overtaking him, he in time retired back to Solyman, declaring how it was: who fretting that Tamas was not to be drawn to battel, he marched to Tauris, sparing the submitting Citizens lives, but giving the City for a prey to his Souldiers: They [...] king every corner, abused the people with all manner of insolence; Solyman razing Tamas's most stately Pallace, with the Nobles sumptuous Houses, and carrying away the best Citizens, and beautifullest of all sorts, Captives; and so returning again towards Mesopotamia, destroying all as he went, and killing the very Cattel. He was scarce past Coim, and the Calderan fields: but some Persian troops were in his rear, taking some baggage, and slaying divers sick and stragling Souldiers, troubling his whole Army with skirmishes: Besides, it was noysed, that Tamas was coming with a great power of Horsmen, and would be at their backs before they could get out of Armenia; wherefore he appointed the Bassaes of Caire and Syria, with Ulemas, to follow him in the rear with 18000 good Souldiers: so keeping on till he came to Amida (now Caraemida) in Mesopotamia. Tamas the while, return'd to Tauris with a mighty Army, hoping to surprize his enemy; but finding him gone, and the miserable desolation made, he [Page] (with indignation) resolved to pursue him: going as far as Coim, where, hearing he was hardly to be overtaken, and his Noble Gentlemen being unwilling in their heavy Armor, to undertake such a pursuit, &c. Tamas knowing their reasons were good, thought it best to stay there, till Delimenthes a Noble man, alway most forward, offered with 5000 choyse Horsmen, to overtake some part of the Turks Army, and do some good service: which Tamas accepting of, greatly commending him, and promising reward, sent him ( [...] haste) away; who used such expedition in the nearest way, that he overtook those 18000 at Bethlis a famous Town, in a pleasant Valley, bordering on Mesopotamia, with a Garrison'd Castle. The Bassaes with Ulemas (Solyman being come safe to Amida) [...] secure in that Valley, to refresh their wearied Souldiers: which Delimenthes (being within a dayes journey of Bethlis) by diligent espials, understood, and determining to assail their Camp the night following, he secretly sent to the Captain of the Castle, to salley out upon sign given upon that side of the Turks Camp; which his design was much furthered by the night's darknesse, and the abundance of rain then falling. The Persians did such speedy execution amongst the sleepy Turks, that the Bassaes & Ulemas hardly escaped, they being slain by thousands, few escaping the sword. And of 5 Sanzacks, 3 were slain, & one taken: 800 Janizaries (being forsaken) layed down their weapons, and yielded on Delimenthes's his word. The Mountain-people also joyning to the Persians, revenged their wrongs done them after Aladules's death, who had the baggage of the Camp. The Turks account that slaughter among their greatest losses: in memorial whereof, the Persians kept that day, Octob. 13. as a solemn Holiday, many years: Delimenthes returning from the slaughter, and loaded with spoils, was joyfully received, and honourably rewarded.

This overthrow so daunted Solyman, that he resolved to return, and no more to prosecute that unfortunate War: whose ill event, his mother (he said) more truly presaged, [Page] than the cold Prophet Mulcarabe; being secretly offended with Abraham Bassa. At Iconium, Barbarussa and Sinan Bassa, surnamed the Jew, met him by land, to shew joy for his Conquest of Mesopotamia and Assyria, and to excuse themselves for the losse of Tunis Kingdom, which was, before the end of the Persian war, wrung from Barbarussa, and restored to Muleasses. They declaring that whole war, shewed, there wanted neither valour, nor direction, but only fortune. Solyman accepted their excuse, taking them up, prostrate at his feet, commending them, &c. bidding them be of good cheer, saying, he would find occasion for them, to recompence that disgrace, &c. Coming to Bosphorus strait. Abraham had (in sign of triumph) caused along the shoar, Persian-silk to be laid, for him to tread upon as he went aboard the Galley; whence he passed over with triumph to Constantinople. Envy soon discovering (in Court) Solymans changed countenance on Abraham, some now sought by all secret means to work his confusion, especially Solyman's mother: and Roxalana, who perceived her design of preferring her own son Bajazet to the Empire after Solymans death, was much crossed by him, who most sought for Mustapha's preferment, the eldest son by another woman, but that which most impaired his credit with Solyman, was a report raised, that he, in heart a Christian, did in all things favour such, and therefore perswaded Solyman to undertake the Persian war: and to encrease the su pition, that he about that time, caused one Nicholas a Venetian Merchant (who came to him oft, while at Babylon, with secret Letters, &c, not unsuspected) to be murthered in the night, and cast into the sea, because he should not discover that which might hurt him. Abraham being bid to a supper about March 14. it's said, after supper Solyman fell into a great rage with him, for mis-governing the State, turning his Treasures to his own private, and having traiterous intelligence with Christian Princes: sternly shewing him for proof his own intercepted Letters, often, furiously asking him, if he knew [Page] not that hand and seal: all which he confessed, craving pardon at his feet; yet the same night, as he was slumbering on a Pallare in the Court through heavinesse, an Eunuch cut his throat with a crooked knife, which Solyman himself delivered him. He was murthered sleeping, because Solyman had sworn to him, he would never kill him whilst he lived: the Mufty saying, he might kill him sleeping, being then accounted as dead, &c, Its reported, Solyman looking on his dead body, bitterly cursed it, causing it to be cast into the sea with a great weight tied on it. His abundance of wealth being next day seized on, and a small part appointed for his Wife; the vulgar devising on him infamous songs and slanderous reports as of a Traytour, defacing, with stones and mire, the Trophies of the Hungarian Victory: which he had most statelily erected before his sumptuous House. He was murthered, March 15, 1536,

It was commonly reported, and justly feared that Barbarussa would the next Summer, with all his Forces invade Sicily, Italics Garnerie; and then attempt the Conquest of the Kingdom of Naples: To represse which, and for safety of the Christian's Frontiers (much subject to the Rapines of Turkish Pirates) Charls the Emperour whilst Solyman was busied yet in the Persian wars, resolved in person with a puissant Army to passe into Africk, and to dispossesse the Pirate of his new-got Kingdom of Tunis. Wherefore he levying 8000 foot and 7000 Horse in Spain, came to Barcelona before expectation: Among many Nobles, there was chiefly Ferdinand Duke of Alba, whose forwardnesse, with desire to revenge his Father Garcias's death, slain by the Moors at Girapolis, made his Countrey-men hope he would prove a worthy Chieftain, as he did.

Auria the while, alone knowing the Emperours full purpose, had with speed rigged up a great Fleet of Ships and Galleys very well furnished, joyning also 17 Galleys, and 3 Galleasses of his own, and embarquing therein the [Page] Flower of Genna and Liguria (they cheerfully offering themselves) and coming to Barcelona: whither came also Lewis, the King of Portugal's Brother (whose sister Charls had married) with 25 Caravels (ships used in their Indian Voyages) one being a huge Galleon, wherein were 2000 Portugals, besides Marrinets: also 60 sayl of tall Ships out of the Low-countries, with a number of condemned men, spared to serve in the Galleys. Also Pope Paul the 3d. sent 10 Galleys under Sursinus: and the Master of Malta sent his Fleet also. Then did Davalus Vastius the Emperour's Land-General, take up 5000 new Souldiers in Italy, led by the Count of Sarne, and other famous Captains. The old Spanish Garrisons in Lombardie were there left under Leva, though the Emperour's best Commander, he not daring so well to trust the French and Swissers, who were so near that Countrey. Then also came old Eberstern to Vastius, with 8000 Germans, to Genua; divers serving voluntarily of their own charges. With these and the Italians, Vastius embarquing at Portus Veneris in Liguria, had perswaded them patiently to endure the Sea, and to comfort themselves with the hope of Victory in Africa, &c. So coming to Naples the Viceroy and divers Nobles had of their own charges built or furnished, some one Galley, some more, for that service, accounted sacred: both the old Souldiers and lusty youths of that Kingdom, won by Vastius's courtesie, most cheerfully offering themselves; but some mutinous Souldiers found fault with their wages and (weary of the Sea) fearing dangers in so long a Voyage, perswaded the multitude to run away: the Authors of which mutiny, Vastius thrust into sacks, and cast into the sea, in their sight. So from Naples he came to Palermo in Sicily. The Emperour also came from Barcelona to Mago port in Minorca Isle, thence to Caralis in Sardinia, whither Vastius was a little before come. Charls (ere long) passed with a Westerly wind [Page] into the Port Utica or Farina in Africk: in entring whereof the Emperours Galley struck on the sand sticking fast (which troubled him the more, seeing his Father Philip was so like to be cast away on Englands coast, sayling out of the Low countries into Spain) yet by Aurias's direction, they quickly got off, to all their great joy; So departing from Utica, he doubled the Promontorie of Carthage, anchoring before Aquaria or the Water-Castle, so called of a Well beneath it.

The Moors, who from Hills and Watch Towers had viewed the Fleet and its course, advertised Barbarussa, that the Christians were coming against him with an innumerable Fleet, for they were almost seven hundred sayl, 82 being great Galleys: but he was most troubled, hearing often, that the most mighty Christian Emperour was personally there with such a world of people, that Italy and Spain seemed to be left bare of able men: which, certain Mahometans slaves, swimming ashoare in the night, reported; for the proud Turks, never thought the Emperour would have so adventnred, especially in an unknown, barren, and scorching Countrey, &c. wherein he was confirmed by Prefenda a German, who was a prisoner (at large) in Tunis: of whom Barbarussa [...] him with hope of liberty, if he would declare, had learned many things: but now in his rage, he charging him bitterly, that he had persidiously told him lies for truth concerning the Emperour, commanded him to be execused.

Then forthwith casting about how to withstand his puissant enemy: he first of all calling to Council his Sea-Captains, in whom he most confided; shewed them that they as valiant men, and acquainted with dangerns, were not to doubt of the Victory, since he saw it as good as already gotten; having before for the same reasons perswaded himself, that if Charls had not be in half mad, he would not have undertaken so desperate and [Page] doubtful a Warre: and encouraging them in a short speech, most earnestly required this one thing, that they should most valiantly defend the strong Castle of Guletta, as the most assured defence both of the City & the whole Kingdom, and especially their Navy, which lay there in safe harbour, &c.

They all answered, they would most chearfully perform what ever he pleased to command; nor to do any thing unbeseeming most valiant men.

Guletta Castle stands in the bottom of Carthage-Bay, on a point of Land, where the Sea on the side by a narrow strait, runneth into Tunis-Lake; but now the Castle is parted on the West side also by the Sea, begun by Barbarussa, but perfected by others, commanding both sides: He now put into it strongly fortified, Sinan of Smyrna, a Jew, of greatest account, Haidinus for his fury surnamed Caccia Diabolo, Salec of Ionia, Tabacches of Laodicea, and Giaffer a Captain of the Janizaries; most expert and resolute Captains. The Emperour commanded his men to be landed with all speed, which was so done, that the Moores terrified with their cry, and not able to abide their shot, were beaten from shoare, suffering them to land quietly: first the Spanish, then the Italians, and last the Germanes whom Vastius caused presently to encamp, strictly charging none to straggle, till the Horse and Ordnance were landed: the Emperour chearfully landing also. Vastius the while, sent out some to view the neer places, and se k out the Cisterns and Fountains of waters, once serving Carthage; with whom, the Moores (chiefly, the swift, subtile, and painful Numidian Horsemen) oft skirmished; and though but naked, yet on all advantages, furiously assailed them with Arrows and Darts unawares, and overloaded with Armour, sparing none that fell into their hands: two of whom, were Spinnula, a Ligurian Captain, and Noble Carectus, slain by Vastius's side, as they viewed; notwithstanding, Charls himself would [Page] needs with a small Troop, view the places, even in sight of the Numidians, every where pricking up and down, though he was often perswaded not to expose himself to endanger his person and the common safety.

Vastius brought the Army nigh the Castle, casting up a rolling trench as he came to defend his men: which was done by all sorts, yea many Captains set to their hands; for the Emperour was a beholder, and chearful commender of labour and forwardness, and the busie enemy ever ready to take advantage, oft sallying out and defying them, even at their very Trenches. When all Commanders were to be appointed to their several charges, the Count of Sarne, requested Vastius to have the Mount neerest the Castle, a place of most danger, but of greatest honour: whereat the Spaniards much repined, he set up his rich Tent on the top of the Mount, in the enemie's sight, there laying with his Italians. Ere long, Salec with some Companies, salsied forth upon that Mount, as if he would have assailed it, raising a great Alarm; yet after Vollies of shot on both sides, he retired, as if constrained: whereupon the Count bitterly in rage, reproving some Captains not so forward to pursue them; ran furiously down, the rest for shame following him, slaying divers enemies.

Salec now turning about, said to his Souldiers, The wished advantage is now offered, &c. wherefore, shew your selves valiant, not letting one of these proud freshwater Souldiers, escape alive or unwounded; which said, they making a stand, so hardly charged the Italians, that they fled. The Count fighting valiantly with his Kinsman, was slain, with many others, and others slain in flight: the Turks entring so far into the Trenches, that they carried away the riches of the Count's Tent: No Spaniard once stirring out of their places to help the Italians. His Head and right hand Salec sent to Barbarussa.

[Page] Vastius comforted the grieved Italians, imputing that losse onely to the Count's rashness, for which he had worthily payd the price; but he sharply reproved the Spaniards, as merciless men, &c.

The Turks by often great shot, shewed joy for this Victory; but Tabacches, soon after, sallying out in daydawning, got to the top of the Spaniards Trenches, before they were aware, slaying some sleeping, some idly sitting, others arming themselves: who with their sudden cry, made the rest which lay near, to flee out of their Trenches: where the Turks taking their trash, slaying and wounding many with Mendosa a Captain, carried away Sarmentus's Ensign, on the top of the Trench. The Alarm caused the Emperour to come running in his Armour, sharply reproving them who forsook the place, and greatly offended with those who kept such negligent watch, against such an enemy.

This disgrace of the old Spaniards, well comforted the Italians: The tumult appeased, Vastius calling their chief Captains into his Tent, said, He was sory and ashamed to say it, They who elsewhere alwayes valiant, were grown wholly out of order, and heartless, &c. the Italians worthily laughing at their negligence, who yesterday smiled at their unskilful forwardness. Wherefore he exhorted and straightly commanded them, speedily to prepare their Minds and Weapons for atchieving some new honour, &c. They all answered, they would so behave themselves, that he should not desire greater courage, &c. in men desirous of honour and commendation.

'Twas not long, but Giaffer of exceeding courage and strength, issued forth with Janizaries and Moorish Archers about noon, assailing the utmost Trenches, hoping in that broyling heat, to find them unprepared. The Spaniards then kept such negligent Watch, that they discharged their shot and Arrows on them, from the rampiers [Page] top, before they were well aware; but the Drum striking up, some Harquebusiers brake out in two places at once, as Vastius had commanded, seconding them with Halbardiers, keeping his Squadrons to rescue his Harquebusiers, if they were forced to retire.

The Skirmish was valiantly maintained on both sides, till Giaffer desperately fighting among the foremost Janizaries, was slain with two Bullets at once; for whole body, the Janizaries most cruelly fought, many being slain on both sides, upon the carcase: at length, being forced to flee, they were so fiercely followed, that they of Guletta, shut out almost a fourth part of their own men, lest the Christians should enter with them.

Abila, an Ensign-bearer, advanced his Ensign to the top of a Rampier, and was slain; but his Ensign was saved by a Souldier. Upon their retreat, they lost most; for the Turks discharged their shot on them very fast, which they could not before for their own men. This abated the Turk's pride, and gave hope, the Castle would be gained without great losse; perceiving being nigh it, 'twas not so strong as they supposed.

The Emperour after few dayes, consulting and preparing things, resolved without delay to assault it with all his forces, for many reasons, chiefly, for that his men began to grow sickly: scorched as it were, all the day, and almost starved with cold by night, and exceeding dewes commonly wetting them to the skin: neither was there good water, or fresh Victual to be had in that sandy and barren Soil, other than out of the Fleet; for the water was so unpleasant and brackish, that sick and whole were glad of a Crab to quench extream thirst; yet much relief was timely sent from Sicilie and Naples: the Bisket also chiefly in the Spanish Gallies, was grown hoary and unwholsom: about July 15th, he began to place his battery defended with Gabions and Caske of Sand.

Aurias divided his Gallies into three Squadrons, which [Page] should by turns beat on the Castle, his great Ships at Anchor thundred from their fore-Castles with great Ordnance. Vastius divided Spaniards, Italians, and Germans apart for assault. There was never strong place since Guns were invented, assailed with greater force, preparation, or industry. The Earth seeming not onely to quake, but even by and by to swallow them up: the Sea beginning to rage and foam as in a great storm: the Air became thick and dark with smoak: from day-break till noon, the Cannon and Culvering never ceased; so that the Vamures were beat down, the Castle saultable, and many Turkish Cannoniers and Cannons, buried in the Walls ruines: which being perceived, upon a Signal given, the Artillery ceasing, the breach was assailed, and the Walls scaled, and with such resolution, that the Turks having done what was possible, by casting down Darts, Wild-fire, &c. upon them climbing up, at length as despairing, fled.

Sinan and the other Captains fled forth at the further side by a Woodden Bridge, and so by Land to Tunis: which way most of his men followed him. The rest were slain or driven into the Lake, where they were slain coming to Land by Horsemen; or in swiming, shot by the Harquebusiers: the Lake being even covered with dead bodies.

This Castle, with all its Warlike Provision, and all Barbarussa's great Fleet, his and his Pyrates greatest grief, Charls gained with small losse. Barbarussa troubled and terrified, sternly and scornfully received Sinan and the rest, reviling and calling them faint-hearted Cowards, so soon giving over so strong a place. Sinan answered, when they were to withstand the Devil and his furies, &c. it ought not to seem strange, if they sought to escape. Neither did they count it a disgrace, as men that minded again to fight: from which danger, if himself had been present, he would have accounted it very good discretion to escape.

[Page] Hairadin now began more temperately to request every one of them couragiously to stand fast to him, well hoping, that the great supply of Moorish foot, and Numidian Horse at hand, once come, the enemy should not long joy in taking Guletta. Then he wholly indeavoured, to prepare things needful for Warre, bountifully bestowing his Treasures among the Moores and Numidians, to confirm the well-affected, and to win the doubtful.

Muleasses the while, with a small retinue, came into the Emperour's Camp, he sitting royally in his Pavilion, who being admitted, with a Myter, and a green and blew silk Garment, he tall and manly, tawny (so squint-eyed, that he seemed to look spitefully) kissing Charls his hand, sat down with his legs close under him upon a Carpet, on the ground, after his Countries fashion, speaking unto him by an Interpreter, that he was come thither, not by any desert of his, their different Religion so requiring, yet, he verily thought, not but by the appointment of the most high God, whom both did with like devotion worship, to take revenge of the most perfidious, cruel Tyrant and Pyrate, whom he saw as good as vanquished, Guletta and his Navy being taken, &c. which would be the more to his comfort, hoping thereby to be restored by him, into his Fathers Kingdom, which he most humbly requested of his justice and honour: not refusing to pay him tribute, and to acknowledge himself his Vassal: of which the remembrance of so great a benefit never to be forgotten of him and his Posterity, was a most great assurance, he abhorring the name of unthankful, and experimentally finding how much his State and People might be assured to him, by his near Garrisons in Sicilie and Sardinia.

The Emperour answered, he was come into Africk to revenge the injuries done oft, by Barbarussa upon his Frontiers, and to root out the most mischievous Pirates: which, by his Saviour's goodness, had taken such effect, [Page] that he doubted not soon to obtain a perfect Victory; and then he would grant him what should stand with the convenience of his affaires, &c. so he would not falsifie his faith, which he might well suspect, if he specially trusted not, that such a benefit would alway remain in his heroical mind; being assured, that that power which restored him his Kingdom, could take it from him, if his unthankfulness deserved it.

Muleasses before the Emperour used a full gravity and grace in his Speech; but exceeding courteous to the Generall and other Captains: riding up and down with them, and shewing himself a very good Horseman, and of great activity. He would also reason with learned men after Averroes, of the nature of things, the Heavens motion, and Starres power: he had a Tent appointed him, and honourable allowance.

Vastius courteously brought him, when desirous, into all places of the Camp, to see all things and orders there, demanding of him, whether that puissant Army brought to his great good, he judged sufficient to subdue the enemy? Muleasses chiefly wondered at the number and order of the great Ordnance; next, at the wondrous plenty of things, and the Souldiers quietness in buying them. Ere long they learned of him many things, well serving for their better proceeding: which things, orderly reported to the Emperour, confirmed his former hope of the desired Victory; so that carefully forecasting, he resolved forthwith to besiege Tunis. But whilest he was preparing, they daily skirmished with the Numidians: once like to come to a Battel; for the Moores planting Field-pieces among the Olive Gardens, shot continually into the Camp: wherefore the Emperour leaving enough to keep his Camp and Trenches, went forth with his Horsemen and the rest, sending Montegius General of the Spanish Horsmen before, who were most, but raw Souldiers. These skirmished a while with the enemy; but seeing [Page] themselves hardly charged, and Montegius greatly wounded, they fled in the Emperour's sight, to the men at Arms coming after them. The enemy at first, would desperately charge, then retire to avoid their enemies force, and by and by turn again with a fresh charge, the light Horsemen fleeing, Charls came on couragiously with his men at Arms, whereby they were put to flight, and their Field-pieces taken. Here the Emperour standing formost, gave the Signal, crying aloud, St. James, St. James, the Spaniards Patron. He rescued with his own hand Pontius of Granado, who, unhorsed and sore wounded, was ready to be slain. Also 30000 Moores came suddenly to surprise a small Tower, on a Hill near Carthages ruines, wherein Souldiers were placed; for it was near the Camp. Before these went a Numidian Priest, bellowing out certain Charms, and casting abroad scroles of paper, wherein he cursed the Christians: they brought those in the Tower with fire and smoak, to great extremity; but the Emperour coming to their rescue, flew the Priest with others, and put the rest to [...]. The discomfiture of the Spanish Horsemen made many think, that the Emperour's Horse were too weak for a set-battel, being but few, and inferiour to the Numidians. For which cause and divers others, some of his Councellors willed him to proceed no farther in that dangerous Warre but speedily to return, since he had won honour enough, by taking Guletta and the enemies Fleet; but he gave them a resolute answer to the contrary: willing them to cease further to [...] him, no way dismayd, or to possess his valiant Souldiers with a vain fear, and resolutely against next day, with him to expect the fortune of the field for a full accomplishment, who was set down to give battel, or he enemy refusing, to batter the Walls of Tunis, not doubting but God would stand by him in so good and godly a quarrel. So garrisoning Guletta, and repairing its breaches, laying the Ordnance on Carriages, which before, lay bound in unweldy pieces of Timber, with Iron rings.

[Page]Then causing the Country to be well viewed (which betwixt the Olive Groves, and the right side of the lake, passeth directly to Tunis) he set forward with his Army in so good an order, as still ready to fight, and in his Armour he rode from squadron to squadron, cheerfully and hopefully recounting the former Victories they had got for him, telling them, he, that day, expected of them a most honourable day's service, seeing they were to fight against the naked enemies of the Christian Religion; and to resolve to endure all difficulties, till they might joyn battel with their enemies: where, they should undoubtedly (by Gods goodnesse) obtain the Victory, comforting themselves the while, with the sure hope of a most rich prey, of a rich City. They all answered with a great shout, he should not trouble himself with those matters, for they would patiently endure all extremities, and by a valiant fight make him Emperour (not of Africk) but Asia also.

Vastius made General, chiefly for that day, withdrew two Spanish Companies of Harquebusiers to skirmish with the Moors, following in their Rear: whom, by those and some Troops of Horse, the Duke of Alba notably repulsed. The Army being come to the [...], which Muleasses and others had told them of; the extream thirsty Souldiers descrying them afar off, forsook their Colours, and ran as fast as they could unto them: Vastius laboured in vain, by fair and fowl means to stay them, a great advantage being, by that disorder, offered to the enemy, not far off. The Emperour himself hasted thither to keep them in order, yet such was their intolerable thirst, that he could not remedy the disorder, some [...] in the sands for lack of drink, and some ready to burst their bellies at the Fountains, so that he beat them away with his Truncheon: One Cicero of Arpinas, a famous Captain, died there with over drinking. This extremity seemed just; for Vastius had the day before, commanded [Page] every Souldier to carry a bottle of Wine or Water at his girdle: though he caused what water he could conveniently, to be carried in Casks for common relief, the Germans having the most. Some ready to give over, bought a draught of water of their fellows for two Duckats.

The Army being brought into order, Charls held on his march; for Barbarussa coming (with a great multitude of Horse and Foot, and a number of Ensigns gallantly displayed) about 3 miles from Tunis, and some Fieldpieces, went about to break the Christian's Battel: those Pieces doing little or no hurt, through the Cannoniers unskilfulnesse. Vastius had likewife commanded the Ordnance to be brought into the Front; but perceiving what toyl and time it required: He told the Emperour, he thought it not best to stay for them, every man desiring Battel, lest staying too long upon their great Ordnance, their enemies should gather courage, and the Souldiers cheerfulnesse grow cold. The Emperour cheerfully answered: If thou think good, I like it well, In Gods Name, give the Signal: That I shall (said he) but first 'tis reason, that thou which swayest a great part of the world, at this time obey me, whom thou for this day hast made General of so mighty an Army: wherefore since I may not request, I command thee to get into the middle of the Battel, lest by some unlucky shot, the whole Army be extreamly endangered by the danger of one mans life; Charls smiling, willed him not to fear it; saying, Never Emperour was yet slain with a gun; yet he went into the middle of the Battel. The Signal given by Trumpet and Drum: the enemy was furiously charged by his Horsmen, who, to avoid the Artillery, made all haste to come to handy-blows. Noble and valiant Gonzaga being somewhat foremost at the first onset, slew with his Launce a notable Moorish Captain, with his sword, so troubling those next him, that he opened a way to break into the [Page] enemies Battel: the Harquebufiers also discharged so fast, that 300 of them lay dead, before Battel was joyned: whereupon the other Footmen fled back (from their Ordnance) to Barbarussa: who not long enduring the Christians force or fight, but grinding his teeth for grief, retired with his Turks into Tunis: [...] himself with hope out of his enemies foreseen distresses, to take some fit advantage, if he could but a while defend the City: the Numidians and Moors retired also into the Suburbs, and other places near.

The Emperour glad of his enemies flight (thought to be a 100000) encamped that night where they before lay, determining next day to batter Tunis's walls: Barbarussa exceedingly surprized with fear, and distracted with cares, purposed to kill all the Christian-captives in the Castle; but Sinan the Jew for divers reasons disswaded him from that most execrable fact; Solyman using to derest and revenge such outrages: who living bound in Chains (if they should lust after their unlucky liberty) [...] neither give victory to the enemy, nor take it from him, or hinder it, and might shortly serve him to good purpose; whereat (he ashamed) went out of the Castle, assembling all the chief of the City into the biggest Temple, telling them what he would have done for defence, and encouraging them to fight, from whom a little before Charls his coming, he had taken all kind of arms.

A constant report of a danger so eminent, run even in the Dungeons of the Castle; by some manumissed slaves, (who had in heart returned to their old Christian Religion, secretly encouraging the chief Captives, with whom they were acquainted, to lay hold on their liberty) two of whom, Francis a Spaniard, and Caterus a Dalmatian Eunuch adventured to open the prison-doors, giving Instruments to the poor prisoners: who boldly brake off their chains and Gyves: and so, about 6000 Christians armed with what came first to hand, chiefly with stones: [Page] brake forth suddenly upon the Turks in the Castle. Ramadas the runagate Captain, stirred up with the terrible noise, with a few Souldiers, ran to the gate, where a lusty Cicilian prisoner, had with a bar thereof, struck down one or two of the Warders, and bolted the Gate. Ramadas [...] him, went forth with his few followers, carrying news to Barbarussa; the Christians now loosed, slaying divers Turks, possessed all the Castle, and breaking open the Armory, gave signs from a Turret to the Christian Army, by smoak and false fires of Gunpowder. Lastly, displaying Sarmentus his Ensign (taken by Tabacches as aforesaid) they were too far off, well to perceive these signes; yet by fugitives comming oft out of Tunis, Charls and Muleasses were perswaded some great tumult was risen: wherefore 2 Captains with their Companies were sent to discover the matter. Barbarussa the while, in his fury blaspheming his gods, and bitterly curling the Jew, came to the Castle-gate, with tears in his eyes, requesting the late-captives, forthwith to let him in, faithfully promising them liberty, with a general pardon; but they [...] stones at him, with many opprobrions words rejected him; So that he enraged, shot at them himse f; betaking himself to flight: 7000 Turks following him, intending to flee to the Citty Hippona (now Bona): for there had Barbarussa left 14 Galleys against any mischance, having laid up their furniture in the Garrison'd Castle fast by the Lake.

Charls hearing of his flight, came to the gates, the Magistrates being ready to submit: only requesting that his Sculdiers might encamp without the City, and not seek the utter ruine thereof, promising they should want nothing there to be had: Muleasses also earnestly entreating him in the Citizens behalf; but he doubting (not without cause) the Moors fidelity, they also delaying the Souldiers promised wages, expecting the utmost of Barbarussa, he could not be perswaded to promise them certain [Page] safety, moved also by the Souldiers discontenred speeches: Whilst the Emperour stood thus in doubt, Vastius came with a few to the Castle gate, and was joyfully received in by the Captives; but whilst he viewed the wealth and provision, a Ligurian-captive discovered to him a Well wherein Barbarussa had cast 30000 Duckats in bags, which he easily obtained of Charls, as well deserving them. The Captives taking the Castle's spoyl: the Army would enter the City, running after the spoyl; the Citizens in vain calling upon the faith of Muleasses. They slew many at first entrance: the Spaniards and Italians seeking most after spoyl, but the Germans filled all places with dead Mahometans, not regarding sex or age: their Temples swimming with the blood of those fled into them: which continued, till Charls, through Muleasse's pittiful request, proclaimed, None on pain of death to hurt any Citizen, or take prisoners. For all that, many young men and women, were by the Marriners carried away to the Fleet: many of whom Muleasses redeemed for a little money: one of his Wives (the dearest) being ransomed for two Duckats. The Emperour entring the Castle, commended the captives, giving them money, & promising them shipping and provision to bring every man to his own Countrey; unto the manumissed servants, he gave money and apparel, learning of them, of Barbarussas's purposes and secret disposition. In the Castle's spoyl, Muleasses chiefly lamented the loss of the old Arabian books, containing the interpretation of Mahomet's Law, and his Predecessours Acts: which losse (he said) he would most gladly (if possible) have redeemed with the price of a City: then the pretious oyntments and perfumes, with the great store of Ambetgreece, Musk and Civet. Lastly, the rare and rich Colours for painting, trodden under foot. Here were divers Head-pieces and other Armour of the French (laid up in memory of the Moors Victorie, who with King [Page] Lewis had besieged it about 300 years before.

Barbarussa easily passed over the River Bagrada or Maior-dech (though pursued by certain Namidian horse raised by Muleasses, who dared not come near him for his Harquebusiers and Archers in the rear): and so came to Hippona (yet he lost Haiden of Smyrna in that passage, who died on the bank with drinking so much) resting his men two dayes: He called them together, comforting them with good words, and perswading them, &c. for he determined (he said) to go with the Fleet he had, to Algiers: where he would (being recruited) undertake some Attempt, answerable to their desires and his own credit. It's reported, Never was vanquished Captain answered with a more cheerful acclamation, than he then was. Wherefore he most speedily weighed up those sunk Galleys, furnishing them against all assayes, casting upon the Lake's-brink a Mount, with Artillary for defence of the Harbour; not vainly conjecturing that the Christian Fleet would come to impeach his going out. And indeed, Adam, a German Captain (of no great skil, yet the Admiral's Kinsman) was appointed with some Gallions and 14 Galleys, to set forward towards Hippona, hoping to purchase great honour of the unproviced enemy; but being come near Hippona, he was advertised what Barbarussa had done: Whereat he greatly troubled, upon good advice, returned to the Fleet for more aid: Barbarussa a while doubting, whether to pursue them (more in number than his own Galleys) or to persist in his former purpose: unto which opinion the Captains inclining, he letting slip a fair occasion, leaving a small Garrison in the Castle, sayled to Algiers. Adam being returned, many great ones were exceedingly offended, that by some's negligence, and others unrulinesse, going ashear without leave, so fair an occasion was neglected: for had those Galleys been sunk or taken, Barbarussa could not have escaped, it being verily thought, the [Page] Numidians (the Turks deadly enemies) would in advantagious places, have cut off him and his followers in his long and painful travail by land to Algiers, Auria angry both with himself & those entrusted; yet not out of hope, went to Hippona; but Barbarussa gone, he took the City overthrowing its walls: but taking the Castle by force, he placed Gometius with a Garrison, and so returned. This Gometius (though valiant) became so infamous for avarice towards enemy and friend, that for fear how to answer such things, he executed himself: the Castle being afterwards razed, as not without marvellous charge to be kept: after which a Council being held touching Muleasses, Charls placed him in his Kingdom, to pay him yearly (as tribute) 2 Faulcons, and 2 Numid an [...]: also ever to honour the Emperour, and be a friend to all Christians, and an utter enemy to the Turks; and to defray the charges of above 1000 Spaniards left in Guletta: whereby he (as it were) kept the Keys of that Kingdom at his girdle. These things done, he sayled into Sicily, being received in great triumph at Panormus and Messana, whence he passed over to Rhegium in Italy, thence by Land to Naples.

Solyman, to encrease the glory of his name, and enlarge his Empire, determined to take away all the Portugals traffique in the East-Indies: It grieved him that the Christian Religion should begin to root among them, not long before, receiving Mahometanism; he was also credibly informed, that they (in his late wars against the Persians) had aided them with some Haerquebusiers: sending them workmen, to shew them the making and use of Ordnance: but the chief motive, was because the Portugals by their Traffique, had cut off all Trade into the Arabian gulf (whereby the riches of the East, used to be transported to Caire, thence to Alexandria, whence they were dispersed into all Europe) to the great binderance of his Tributes and Customes: wherefore, and at the instance [Page] of Solyman-Bassa an Eunuch, Governour of Aegypt: he built a great Fleet in the Red-sea to go against them: the Timber was cut in the Mountains of Cilicia, thence transported to Caire; where being framed, it was with vast labour and charge carried on Camels through the hot and sandy Desarts to Suetia, a Port of the Red-sea, antiently called Arsing, from whence (80 Miles from Caire) the antient Kings of Egypt, had with incredible charge (to eternize their memory) cut thorow all that main Land, so that Vessels of good burden, might come up to Caire from Arsing. Solyman Bassa severely commanding all the people thereabouts to further the building of that Fleet, had (in short time) built 80 tall Ships and Galleys at Arsing: furnishing them for so long a Voyage; at which time picking a causelesse quarrel, yet (with Solyman's liking) he confiscated the goods of the Venetian Merchants at Alexandria and Caire, thrusting the Marriners into his Galleys as slaves: so accompanied with Assanbeg, he set forward against the Portugals, coming at length as far as the River Indus, where he assaulted Dium, a Castle of the Portugals: but having besieged it many dayes by sea and Land and tried the utmost, he was so repulsed, that leaving his great Ordnance behind him for haste, he returned to Aden, a City of great Trade in Arabia Foelix: where, because he would be thought to do something, he allured the King to come to him upon Faith before given; but having him aboord, he hanged him up at the Yards-arm of his Admiral-Galley, taking the Citie's spoyl. He likewise murthered the King and all the Nobili y of Zibyth, another famous Port of Arabia contrary to Faith given; so travelling by land to Mecca (as if he had been some devout Pilgrim) he sent back his Fleet by the Moor to Suetia.

At the same time, Solyman (Lutzis & Ajax, the greatest Bassa's perswading him) purposed to convert all his Forces upon Italy: whereunto he was solicited by Forrest [Page] the French Embassadour, to incite Solyman against the Emperour, assuring him, he could not (at once) desend Apulia against him, and the Dukedom of Millain against the French King, who intended that Summer to invade it. Also, one Pignatellus, sometime Commander in Charls his Army, but then exiled out of Naples, fled to Solyman, who being like to do him great service, in the invasion of Apulia, was honourably entertained amongst his Mutfaracas, a Company of Horsemen chose out of all Nations, having free exercise of their Religion, onely bound to attend the person of the Turk, when going to Warres. He revolted, because the Viceroy had executed Andrew his Brother, a Knight of the Rhodes. He, oftentimes called to Councel, ceased not to perswade Solyman to invade the same, assuring him, that they of Apulia and Salerne, grievously oppressed by the Emperour's Officers, would at first revolt, especially, seeing any of the French to cleave unto; but the greatest Motive was, the ancient Turks telling him into what fear all Italy was strucken, when Achmetes Bassa had taken Hydruntum. Wherefore he made such expedition by Sea and Land, that he was come with 200000 men to Aulona in Macedonia, before 'twas thought he was come from Constantinople, where he stayed not long; but Lutzis his Admiral, with Barbarossa, sailing by Corcyra, where Pisaurius the Venetian Admiral lay, and, after mutual Sea-salutation done, put into the Haven of Aulona also.

Solyman now commanded Lutzis and Barbarossa to passe over with the Fleet, to Oiranto, and to prove the mindes of the people: with whom went also Troilus Pignatellus: who knowing Hydruntum and Brundusium, to be strongly kept by Charls his Garrisons, directed them to the Town Castrum, on the Sea-Coast, eight miles from Hydruntum: nigh which stands a Castle, then belonging to [...], who unacquainted with Warres, and perswaded by Troilus, yielded it up; the Turks not to violate [Page] him or his, in body or goods: on which condition, Castrum was also delivered up; but the Turks, once got in (do what Troilus Lutzis, or Barbarussa could) especially the Marriners, rifled Town and Castle, carrying away Catinarius himself, with the floure of the people to their Galleys, as prisoners; but Lutzis ashamed, presently freed Catinarius. Then also, Solyman had, by night, sent over light Horsemen: who running along the Sea from Tarentum to Brundusium, carried away people and Cattel, and whatever came in their way, for 40 miles; so that the fear and danger of Otranto, was likely to have overwhelmed all Italy, had not the rashness of one Venetian Captain, turned that Tempest from the Italians, upon the Venetians themselves. For Contarenus meeting with Turkish Galleys, which would do nothing in token of Reverence and friendship, as they ought in those Seas, fiercely assailed them, sinking two of them. Ustamenes, Governour of Callipolis, of no small Reputation, being said to have perished: which out-rage, in a most unfit time, was imputed to a private grudge, the Turks having intercepted a Ship of his, laden with rich Merchandise, from the East, not regarding what might ensue to the common State.

Auria, hearing that Solyman with his Army and Fleet, were, at Aulona, put to Sea towards the Isles Cephalenia and Zante: there chancing upon divers of the Turk's Victua lers, which he easily took, chaining the Marriners in his own Galleys for slaves, and seizing on the Victuall, fired the Ships.

Solyman the while, sending Junusbeius, his chief Interpreter, with two Gallies on a Message to Lutzis: he coming near Corcyra, offered to passe by the Venetian Fleet, without vailing: upon which his pride, certain Captains so furiously set upon him, that they were forced to run them ashoare on the Coast of Epirus: where they were [...] by the people of the Mountainscalled Acroctraumi. [Page] These people live most by theft. Junusbeius hardly redeeming himself from them, and returning to Solyman. Auria chancing on those sore bruised Gallies, fired them. For which things, the Turks greatly offended, grievously complained of the Venetians to Solyman, though the Admiral laboured to excuse the matter, about Junusbeius, as a great oversight on both sides; but the Turks sought to break the League which was the sooner don, because Auria diligently looking into every Harbour in the Ionian Sea, lighted on 12 great Turks Gallies near Corcyra, filled with their best Souldiers Horse and Foot, the Horses being sent before to the Camp by their Lackies, who with invincible courage, fought bloudily with Auria, having 30. Gallies till most were slain, the rest sore wounded: who seeing they must fall into his hands, threw their Scimiters over board, because those choyce Weapons should not come into their hands.

Auria lost many of his best men, yet with Victory anchored nigh Corcyra: where he was advertised, that Barbarussa was coming against him with 80 Gallies; wherefore, as too weak, he returned to Messana, to repair his Fleet.

Solyman now throughly junusbeius, cursed Barbarussa, who had done him no good service in these Warres, grievously threatning the Venetians, who under colour of an ancient League, being secretly confederate with Charls, had holpen Auria with intelligence, and all necessaries, &c: Junusbeius, Barbarussa, and Ajax, incensing him: the one out of private revenge; these, gaping after the spoil of the adjacent Venetian Isles: the Warres in Italy, being more difficult than they imagined; for the French King came not then into Italy: it being commonly reported, that the Viceroy of Naples strongly garrisoning all Sea Towns, was coming with a great Army; besides the Horse sent over, ranging for spoil, were oft cut off by Scipio, Governour of Otranto for Charls: wherefore Solyman proclaiming [Page] Warre against the Venetians, arose from Aulona, encamping near the Mountains Acrocerauni: where the wild people of the high and rough Mountain Chimera, for so great a prey (by meanes of one Damianus a notable Thief, and perfect in the blind and difficult passages) attempted by night to spoil Solyman in his Pavilion, hoping (though guarded with so many thousands) to steal into the Camp undiscovered, and kill him sleeping there.

But having put all things in readiness, Damianus their Ring-leader, by secret wayes, stealing down the broken Rocks, came very nigh the Camp, to view the standing of the Pavilion, with the order of their Watch, and was, by a bough cracking, espied by the Janizaries in a Tree: where, taken, and tortured, he confessed his intent, and was by Solyman commanded to be torn in pieces: who forthwith sent a great party up the Mountains, who hunted after, and slew many of those wild people: doing what they could quite to destroy them, as enemies to all men.

Solyman purposing to invade Corcyra, now Corfu, sent Barbarussa before, with his great Artillery: which Pisaurius timely foreseeing, strengthened both the Castles with good Souldiers out of his Gallies: withdrawing himself into the Adriatique Gulf, to joyn with Veturius: who kept that Sea with another Venetian Fleet, and so to defend the Venetian Coasts against the Turks: Auria's coming being also daily expected.

Solyman sending a great part of his Army into the Island, burnt and destroyed the Villages, leading away a number of people Captives. Ajax and Barbarussa, came as nigh the City Corfu, as they could, to see how fitly to besiege it; but perceiving its great strength, they advertised Solyman that it was impregnable. Ripa and Leonius Senators, were then Governours of Corfu, who, doubting of the Turks great strength, [...] down the Suburbs, very great and sumptuous, a woful thing to behold, when as [Page] then also, the Turks had fired the Magnificent Houses of the Venetian Merchants in every place; but in so great a publique danger, all was accounted lightly of, in respect of lives and liberty, since they might with new charge, be soon recovered. The two Governours fearing a long Siege, and not Victuals enough for such a multitude as were there, turned a number of weak people and Children out of the City; many, chiefly Children, dying in the TownDitches, in their Mothers Arms, not daring to go further for fear of the enemy, who had fast by planted his Ordnance on Mounts against the City: onely S. Angelo Castle in midst of the Isle, about 15 miles from Corfu, being valiantly defended against assaults, saved above 3000, which fled thither; all being made desolate elsewhere. The Turks on a Hill covered with their Tents, shot with their Ordnance from the Rock Maripetus, into the Town: and some standing close in the Suburbs ruines, did kill or wound those appearing on the Walls. The Galley also oft discharging their Pieces: more terrifying than hurting the Defendants. Solyman seeing he did but loose his labour, determined to raise his siege, and return to Constantinople, greatly ashamed he had no better sped; but being about to depart, he was told, how unfaithfully some Souldiers dealt with them of Castrum: which tending to his dishonour, and the deterring of others from yielding, he put the authors to death, and those Captives to be diligently sought out, and sent home. The Turks departed out of the Island, about Septemb. 12th, in 1537. carrying away above 16000 into perpetual captivity; so he returned, having done great harm, both in Italy and Corcyra; but not increasing his Empire or honour.

Before his departure, he commanded Lutzis to return with his Fleet to Hellespont: who passing by Zante, took divers Countrey people prisoners in the night; but, the City it self being well fortified, he departed to Cythera, where vainly attempting to take the Castle, he spoyling [Page] what he could, with 800 prisoners, returned into Aegium to Aegina a rich City, and well peopled. He approaching the Isle, sent to the Governour of the City by fair meanes, and, then by threats to have the City yielded unto him: and not prevailing, he landed his men giving the signall of Battel: whom they manfully meeting, slew many Turks. Lutzis greatly offended, still landing fresh men, oppressed them with multitude, being but few, and weary of long fight, forcing them to retire into the City. The Bassa in revenge, planted a battery against the City, soon opening the walls in divers places: then assaulting the breaches, took it, which he rifling, and burning to the ground, razed the walls, killing all the men, and giving the women to the lust of his men: whom afterwards with the Children, he shipped away into servitude: raging with much like cruelty on them of Paros, and Islands thereabouts: killing the old men, and such as resisted, thrusting the rest into his Gallies. And coming to Naxos, all the Island people fled into the City for fear: where he made havock of all in his way: sending a Messenger to the Duke, to yield himself and City to Solyman's obedience: who in blunt termes said, If he would without more adoe, yield to Solyman, he might save himself with what he had; but otherwise, he should never have the like offer, &c. That there was present a most mighty Fleet, &c. To be warned by them of Aegina, Paros, and other Neighbour Princes: That his hap was good, if he were not misadvised, &c. He being commanded to stand aside a while, the Duke with his chief Subjects, full of Heaviness, consulted for an answer: generally agreeing, that since they could not withstand such an enemy, or expect ayd, to yield to the present necessity, &c. So the Duke answered him, he was ready to yield to Solyman as his vassall, and to hold his Seigniory of him for 5000 Duckats yearly tribute: which Lutzis accepted, receiving in a years tribute: this yielding of Naxos, was Novemb. 11th, [Page] 1537. whence Lutzis returned laden with rich spoil, to Constantinople: who, ere long, fell at odds with his Wife, Solyman's Sister; for keeping in his House, a delicate youth, in whom he took more pleasure than in her: she of a great spirit, and knowing him, by marrying her, to have been, of base degree, advanced to the greatest honours: in great rage, bitterly reproved him, saying; she married him to be beloved, and used as his Wife, not to be abused by his minions: whereupon, he gave her a blow on the eare, causing her to be shut up in her Chamber; but she came weeping and complaining to Solyman, requesting to be divorced from him. Solyman was so incensed, that he took from him his Seal, and thrust him out of all, and had put him to death, had not his old love and friendship stayd him; yet he banished him into Macedonia: where he spent his life as a poor private man.

Solyman to entangle the Venetians in divers places at once, commanded his Lieutenants, bordering on their Seigniory, to vex them with all hostility. In Peloponesus, Cassumes besieged Mauplium and Epidaurus.

Barbarussa surprized ancient Botrotus in Dalmatia, razing it, and carrying away the Citizens.

Ustress of Illyria, took Obroatium, with the Castle of Nadin, in Dalmatia: the Venetians requiring the like, Pisaurius and Veturius took Scardona in Dalmatia's borders, putting the Turks to the Sword, and overthrowing the walls: they sent also Ribeus to besiege Obroatium, who upon the coming of Amurathes fled, and lost most of his men: wherefore Pisaurius had his head struck off aboard the Admiral Galley, and Ursinus Governour of Jadera upon their frontiers in Dalmatia, took Ostrovilla from the Turks, burning it down: recovering Obroatium, and by the Senates Command, razing it, as not well to be kept.

The same Autumne, 1537. King Ferdinand received a great and shameful overthrow by the Turks. After the battel [Page] of Mohathz, the Turks kept Possega of Hungary to themselves, having thereby, a fit passage from Belgrade, further into Hungary: The Rivers Savus and Dravus inclosing this rich plentiful and populous Country on both sides. It bordereth upon Croatia and Corbania, which in time past, had continual Warres with the Turks Garrisons in Illyria and Bosna. Then was Mahometes a most valiant Captain, Governour of Belgrade: having the keeping of those frontiers, and the protection of Hungary in the behalf of King John. He, the year before, by force and policy, took from the Christians above 30 small Castles in the Countrey, joyning them to the Regiment of Belgrade: one whereof called Exek, for his passage over Dravus into Hungary, he strongly fortified: whence he fetcht abundance of prey out of Ferdinands Countrey near him. Yet was there then a certain League betwixt Solyman and Ferdinand: which notwithstanding, did bear with taking of booty, and light skirmishes, without a great power or Field-pieces: which Matthias and his Predecessors had long used with the Turks, doing a like harm with their nimble light Horse; but the Germanes, now serving upon great Horses, with heavy Armour, received great hurt by those light skirmishes.

Ferdinand not well brooking these injuries, and finding his League with Solyman, at his going into Persia, to be hurtful to him, determined to take up Arms, that if he could drive the Turks out of Possega, then to go to Buda against John. There were some, who wished him not rashly to take up Arms against so mighty an enemy: foreseeing that Solyman, so provoked, would do as he had of late done against the Venetians upon a light occasion; but all Ferdinands Subjects were so earnest therein, that they said, they would never bear Arms more against the Turks, if he omitted that occasion; for they of Carinthia, Stiria, Croatia and Noricum, receiving great harms, thought they might easily be expulsed from Possega, since Mahometes [Page] had no great power, not like to have greater, Autumne being almost spent.

So Ferdinand, with the exceeding joy of his Subjects, very soon raised a good Army, yet supposed more strong than numerous most being select men: they were 8000 Horse, & 16000 Foot, with store of all sorts of Artillery: Cazzianzer (as one of great experience, and famous for the defence of Vienna) Ferdinand made his General; for he (advised by his best friends) never adventured his person in any battel, chiefly against the Turks, by whom many Christian Kings had been formerly vanquished and slain.

Mahometes hearing of this preparation against him, sent for divers Companies of Garrison Souldiers upon the borders: requiring ayd of the Governours the [...]: being chiefly holpen by Ustorf, Governour of Bosna who sent him Amurathes with a great Company of gallant Horsemen: to whom were joyned some Companies of Foot, of the wild and Mountain Dalmatians, kept in order by Janizaries: also many out of Servia and Rascia. The receiver, giving those willing to serve, two moneths pay before hand: neither wanted he ayd from Buda; so that Mahometes soon gathered an Army, not much inferiour to Ferdinands, expecting the enemies coming at Exek.

Cazzianzer, come as far as Caprunza upon Dravus, had before well provided for victualling his Army: the chief of the Countrey by the direction of the Bishop of Zagrabia, promising to serve the Camp with plenty, at a very low rate: which the people now hindered by Mahometes by Land and water, could not perform; he also alluring them for a great price, ready mony, to bring it to his own Camp.

Cazzianzer scarce came from Caprunza to [...] Castle, (but about 40 miles) in ten dayes for the troublesome carriage of some great [...]-pieces: and they [Page] were enforced to spend the Victual, provided, not for the beginning, but the difficulties of a long protracted War: wherefore he wrote sharply to the Bishop and the rest, to use all possible speed, and not to let the hope of a notable Victory, be lost for want of Victual: and there he stayed, expecting its coming, sending Bachitius before, with 1000 Hungarian light Horse, and some Italian Harquebusiers, as far as Zopia Castle, by taking some prisoners, to searn of the enemies purpose: the Turks thinking the whole Army was at hand, fired the Castle, fleeing down Dravus in Boats; yet Bachitius took some of them: of whom, Cazzianzer learned what he knew by his [...], that Mahometes encamped at Exek, resolving to give him battel: who setting forward, came in eight dayes to Walpo Castle: where he stayed seven dayes at the River Crassus, till a Bridge was made to transport his Army. Entring there into often Councel, for his better proceeding: some said it were best to leave Exek, and besiege Villach Castle thereby: others more wary, thought it best to stay there, till the expected ayd and Victual were come; but the greater number prevailed for going to Exek, delay breeding danger, saying there was strength and Victual enough, for obtaining of the Victory, &c.

The young Souldiers having no proof of the Turk's manner of fight, thought two dayes staying a long delay of so ready a Victory: wherefore the Army was mustered, and 10000 Horsemen found (for divers Germane Troops were come to the Camp): a more gallant Company seldom seen, so suddenly raised; but the Foot were scarce 8000, many being sick, and others weary, who lingringly stole away: and generally those left, moyled with dirt, wet with rain, almost starved with cold, and pinched with hunger, were thought scarce able to endure the hardness of the Warre. Command was given, every Souldier to carry with him three dayes Victuals: and Proclamation made, none on pain of death to take any Turk [Page] prisoner, though yielding, or charge himself with any spoil; for the Captains would afterwards divide that among them.

Thus setting forward, they the third day encamped in a Valley three miles from Exck: next day, some Turks appearing, were by the Ordnance repulsed: the day following, the enemy sallyed out with oft skirmishes, many being flain on both sides; but more wounded of the Christians: certain [...] being mingled with the Turk's Horsemen: wherefore the General forbad all such light skirmishes, commanding his Cannoniers so to place his Ordnance, that the Turks sallying forth, received great hurt thereby. That day came the Bishop with his Horsemen, and a certain provision of Victual, well easing their fear. Mahometes now to annoy them by other meanes, sent many small Boats, manned with Harquebusiers and small Ordnance into the lake nigh the Camp, to keep them from watering, and shooting oft into the Camp: nigh which, was a Hill, having a Village, wherein were some Turkish Companies, to skirmish upon occasion with the Christians: to displace whom, the Army was put in battalia, and the Ordnance bent upon them: whereupon, the Turks firing the Town, retired to Exek. The Christians being come up the hill; might see Exek, about two miles off in a fair plain, near Dravus: which low ground, was so subject to the Castle, that it was thought too dangerous to attempt that way to batter the Castle; but descrying a rising ground on tother side of the City, they thought best, on that side to plant their battery against it; but to come thither, was thought a matter of no small trouble, for the 3 miles foul and troublesom compasse they were to fetch: and the Army being like soon to feel want of Victual, which would hardly be had; the enemy besetting every passage, and scouring about: wherefore, some thought it best to stay there, till more supplies were come; but others said, the enemy was but barely victualled [Page] himself: which they understood by some Christian fugitives; and that Mahometes had put his chief substance into Boats, purposing to flee after 3 dayes siege: they thinking the Forrest would well enough be passed thorow; beside, winter coming so fast on, suffered no delay: wherefore next day, the Army marched in good order through the Forrest. Which Mahometes perceiving, sent forth a 1000 light Horsemen, and some Companies of Janizaries, to trouble them, suddenly charging the reareward, being Bohemians and Italians (the first quickly [...] the other hardly endured the charge;) but being relieved by men at Arms, they put the Turks to flight: so the Army with small losse, came to the place desired: where, after placing all things in order for the siege, they offered the enemy battel; But he, reported not above 16000 strong, kept within the Town, shooting at them with his Ordnance: they also, with two great Pieces on the Hill, shot thorow both Walls and Bulwark, to the Defendants great terrour. Having stood almost all day vainly expecting their coming forth to fight, returned at night into their Camp; for Mahometes, kept in his earnest Souldiers, knowing the Christians want of Victual: the fugitives reporting also, that Solyman charged him upon pain of a most shameful death, to defend it to the last.

The Christians, in few dayes, began to feel a general want: neither saw they plainly how to be relieved, so that they began to fear some general mischief. Baltazar Pamphilus, a Noble Hungarian, sitting in Counsel, advised them for relief of the Army, presently to remove to Hermande Castle, about ten miles from Exek, with whose provision (not like to be small) they might refresh their whole Army, and so proceed further, as occasion required.

Fast by the Castle, was a prety little walled Town, without flankers, easily (he said) with the Castle, to be taken, [Page] who was sent with some Companies thither: which at his first coming, was surrendred to him, but no such store of Victual as he hoped for therein; yet were there some Vessels of Wine, to the great relief of the weak men: Hereupon, the Camp removed from Exek, about 10 at night; but very disorderly: yet the Turks stirred not out, misdoubting some deceit. The Army being come, the Victual was equally divided, and next morning, battery laid against the Castle: which, but 20 Turks defended half a day, then yielding on composition; but there was found in it, but two Barrels of meal, and two of Millet. Then the very Captains hung their heads, as struck with fear, who found nought but a few Women and Children there, and scarce Victual enough in Town and Castle to serve two dayes; yet they fed the Souldiers with better hope, after the Bridge over Bodrog running by the Town, was repaired: which the Turks had broken: so, Carpenters, and every man helping, it was in 3 dayes repaired. Next day, the Bridge overcharged with the wondrous weight of the 7th Battering-piece, began to break; so that they brake it, carrying it away by pieces. All things being passed over, the Bridge was again broken, that the enemy should not pursue them, that (much the nearest) way. Cazzianzer himself, upon debate, thought the great Ordnance were best be broken, promising to new cast them of his own charge. As for scaling-ladders, &c. they burnt them; but most thought it not best to break those goodly Pieces; but to march on thorow Possega to Juvancha, which Town with Gara Castle, fast by, stored with provision, they said, would easily be taken before the Turks could come so far about the Lake: and a great shame it were, to return doing nothing. Cazzianzer with great toil, came by night to Juvancha, but 3 miles off: where the Turks with exceeding speed, at the same time arrived. The Turks fleeing out of a small Town nigh the Castle, the Christians received in the Souldiers, who [Page] so filled themselves with Wine, that they were hardly driven out to the Camp: which Town, the Turks that night burnt, with what the Christians had there left; and in the dawning of the day, began hotly to skirmish with the Christians, especially in the Bohemians quarter: whom, Rascinius (grieved) with a Troop of his best Horse, forced to flee; but they soon returning, and being relieved, beset the Bohemians, and slew many.

Rascinius with his followers, being slain, Cazzianzer purposing to retire home, placed 4 ranks of Waggons on each side for defence, the weak and sick in the Vangard; yet in the front were some lusty Companies, but in the rear the greatest strength. They met oft with wooddy Hills hindring their way; yet the Turks could not so conveniently assail them thereby: wherefore Mahometes sent Janizaries and nimble Footmen before, (knowing well the passages) with some small Pieces to take the Straits, and to gall them in their passage: and when they could keep a place no longer, to flee back to another: and in the open places, were light Horsemen busie with them, whereby they received much harm: which grieved them the more, for that the Turks were but in stragling Companies. At a strait bigger than the rest, Bachitius a Hungarian Captain (in whom they generally reposed their greatest trust) was slain with a Faulcon-shot, with divers valiant Hungarians: who seeing there more than in other places, thought to do some good service on them.

Bachitius's death, brought a fear on the whole Army; yet in revenge, the Hungarians did so repulse them, that losing many men, they ran away, leaving their small Pieces behind them; but the nimble Turks, with shot out of the Woods, stayed the Hungarian Horse from pursuit, recovering their Pieces, before the Christian Foot could carry them away; so still troubling them as before: who thus beset, and almost spent for want, did generally fear some extream calamity: and the more, hearing that [Page] Mahometes expected supplies from Belgrade, Samandria and Nicopolis: and many Hungarian light Horsemen, stealing away from them: neither saw they any comfort now, in their dismayd Captains; but being come into a fair Field near the Town Gara, they heard, the Enemy had in the Woods before them, cut down great Trees acrosse the wayes, so that neither their Ordnance, Wagons, or Horse, could passe without breaking their order. This filled them with despair; and the more, for that, Moreus and others, said, there was but two wayes to escape: one through those Woods to Walpo, about 10 miles: the other towards Zenthner-Zebeth Castle, in Moreus his Countrey, some miles from Gara, by taking whereof, the enemy (through the straitness of the passag) must needs give over his pursuit; yet it was resolved in Councel, to take the way through the Woods, there being in the Castle Victual enough, and money from Ferdinand, to pay the Souldiers for all that winter. So leaving the great Ordnance behind, and burning the Powder, with what could not well be carried, upon the sound of a Hoboy to set forward. Many much disliked this resolution: saying, (amongst other things) that to run away, would be a dishonour to the Captains, and also dangerous to them, who respected nothing but life: wherefore they thought better to fight a Battel with them, and not believe the false reports of new supplies come unto them, and that God would undoubtedly ayd them, &c. After this, they consulted and determined, that the sick and wounded should be carried on the Wagon and Cart-horses, (before carried in the Wagons or amongst other baggage) and that such as could not stay themselves should be holden by others riding behind them. Those who were so desirous to go, said, This their departure was not a shameful flight, but a right honest & necessary manner of retiring, seeing they were stronger than their enemies in Horse, and equall (if not stronger) in foot, though they were sore weakened [Page] with sickness. Every Captain the while, not regarding shame, bethought how to betake himself to flight, the uncertain hope of desired life. Mahometes using most certain spies, did by most diligent watch, and Troops of Horse, (besetting all passages) most vigilantly attend their motion, having shut them up as in a toil. It was now almost midnight, and the Army expecting the sign of setting forward, many great Captains upon a cowardly conceit, departed before the rest without leave. The Hungarian Horsemen are reported to begin it, who knowing the wayes, made haste to Walpo. Moreus going the other way to his Castle, after whom followed in great hast, Hugonot with his Stirian Horsemen: the Bishop fled also, known by his great Lanthorn, wandring in the Wood.

Cazzianzer hearing hereof, and that all the rest were upon fleeing, presently got to Horse, forgetting the Signal, thinking (as he said afterwards) they were all gone before; and unarmed, fled, leaving rich furnished Tents behind for hast. In this tumult, famous Lodronius, was called up, and told by his Servants, that the General was fled: who answered, without doubt not so, that I should be so perfidiously betrayed of him; and so as megered with watching and labour, laid down again to sleep. Mahometes hearing the stir in the Camp, rose to assail his enemies; yet for better assurance of the enemies action, he stayed for day-light in order of battel, his men very silently to expect the sign of setting forward: which was by the soft sound of a Horsemans Drum, passing through each Company. The day appearing, Lodronius awaking, heard a confused noyse of the Turks; and being forsaken by most of the Horsemen, complained, he was betrayed; yet as nothing discouraged, he cheared up the Footmen, exhorting them to remember their former valour, &c. himself who had been their happy General in many battels, being resolved (by repulsing the enemy) to bring them into a safe place, or valiantly fighting with them, to end his dayes.

[Page]The Carinthian, Saxonian, Austrian, and Bohemian Horse, came the while, to Lodronius, beseeching him, to take on him their treacherous General's place, &c. who modestly protested himself unworthy thereof; yet as a man of courage, and moved with the Armies hard estate: he solemnly promised to execute the place in best manner he could. It's reported, as Lodronius was inveighing (to his foot) against shameful flight, an old German said, Worthy Lodronius, thou canst never be thought to flee shamefully, with a Horse of such a price under thee: whereupon he alighting, hoxed his Horse, saying aloud, That, that day, they should have him fighting on foot, as one of themselves: See (saith he) ye deceive me not, &c. All his other Horses, he gave away to sick and wounded Souldiers he best knew. The first Troops and Bands were scarce out of the Camp, but the Turks with a hideous cry assayled them on every side: the Christian Horsmen repulsing the proud enemy, still busie with them. In these skirmishes as they marched, Fuchstat General of the Carinthians was slain, supposed for his brave Armor to have been General of the field: 24 Horsmen of great name being slain also (and their Guidon taken) 3 being Noble men. In another place was a most cruel skirmish with the Saxon Horsmen, and those who followed their Ensignes: above 36 worthy Captains, Lievtenants or Antients being slain: and Chuenricus a principal Captain taken, who died afterwards in bonds: Likewise the Austrian Horse, couragiously resisting a while, were overthrown: 2 Noble men being slain with others of great place and reputation: But the greatest slaughter was of the Bohemians, by the breaking in of old Garrison Troops with their Scimitars and iron Mazes. The Foot being sore gauled by Janizaries and Archers of the Asapi (discharging on them in their march from a Woody Bank) were on tother side so charged by Amurathes, troops of Bosna, that they were at last broken, and slain without mercy. Lodronius was driven [Page] into a marsh, where, after sore wounding, and almost fast in the mud, having done his utmost, by the Turks fair intreaty, yielded himself, with 3 Companies, and were all saved; for now the Turks seeking after spoyl, hunted after them who dispersedly fled, taking and leading away a great number for slaves.

Mahometes having thus obtained so great a Victory, almost without the bloud of his Souldiers, and taking the spoyl, pitched his Tents in a little Medow cleansed of dead bodies: and after feasting with his Captains, he commanded the chief prisoners, spoyls, and Ensignes to be brought; and commending the Captains that had done any good service, He rewarded the Souldiers, some with Gold, some Silver, as they deserved; and diligently viewed all prisoners, not common Souldiers, He caused every ones name and Office to be enrolled: giving one reward or other to such as brought in the Heads, Ears, or Hands of Christians with Rings upon them. Lodronius, being for his deadly wounds thought unable to endure travel, was slain by his keepers, and his Head sent afterward to Constantinople; for many (who were afterwards ransomed) have reported, that amongst the Prisoners, fair Ensigns, guilt Armour, &c. presented to Solyman; Bachitius, Macer, and Lodronius their Heads were seen & known, in a silver Bason: which after he had looked asquint upon, he sternly commanded all the prisoners to be slain: but the Janizaries, interceding for them as valiant, and to whom they had given their Faith, and might do him good service, he saved many of them; but Cazzianzer fleeing to his own Castle, was of all men accused, and commonly railed upon; so that it was reported, he durst nor shew his face for shame: Infamous Libels being sung in the Cities of Germany, of him and the other runaway Captains: Whereat he was so grieved, that he requested Ferdinand, safely to come to Court, to answer what could be laid against him; the King receiving him there with [Page] doubtful countenance. Bnt his hearing being somewhat protracted, and he the while (half doubtful whether to be quitted or condemned) kept in safe custody; feigning himself sick, by degrees brake thorow a brick Pavement under his bed, with his knife, and by his sheetes escaped, Post-Horses being ready without the Castle. Not long after, he fled to the Turks: Mahometes gladly received him and promising him the Government of Croatia, as a tributarie King, if he would faithfully serve Solyman, and help him subdue the Cities of Austria: after this agreement for his more credit, he dealt with Sirenus a Croatian Noble; and his supposed dear Friend, to revolt with him, assuring him of Solymans kind dealing with them: who promised to go over with him to the Turk, with a troop of his best and most trusty Horsmen, but changing his purpose, after he had well feasted Cazzianzer at his House, he caused him to be slain, sending his Head to Ferdinand: of whom he received in reward, his Castle, with all his substance.

In the mean time, the Venetians provoked, resolved without delay to War upon the Turk also, being animated by the Emperour and Pope Pauls who lately warned, thought it more safe to keep the Turks busied farther off, than to suffer them to be too much acquainted with the Ports of Italy or Cicilia: Wherefore, their Embassadors consulting all the following Winter; at last agreed (at Rome) the Emperour to set forth 82 Galleys, the Venetians as many, and the Pope 36; in all 200. The Venetians were to lend the Pope as many rigged Galleys as he would furnish with men: and the Emperour and State of Genna to find shipping, to transport the Land Forces and Victual. Auria was Charls his General: Grimmanus a Patriarch, the Popes: Capellus for the Venetians: to whom was joyned, Justinianus, a chief Senatour very expert in Sea-matters. Gonzaga Viceroy of Sicily was to command the Land-Forces: and what ever was gotten [Page] from the Turks in Greece, the Islands or Dalmatia; was to be the Venetians, who had been so injured by them. Charls also promising the Confederates, to have what wheat they would out of Sicily, for reasonable price, and without Custom.

Solyman understanding this, commanded Barbarussa to make ready his Fleet, and do all harm he could to the Venetian's Islands: who with 130 Warlike Galleys with the first of the Spring (in 1538) departed to Creete, where he unadvisedly landed most of his men, to surprize the City Canea. For Grittus with a strong Garrison, so vexed the Turks with great and small shot, and the sallying out of two Italian Companies, that he (having lost many) retired in such haste, that he left a 1000 Turks behind him, gone after booty; who were all slain by them of Creet. Then attempting divers other places, he was notably repulsed, with the City of Candia, not daring to meddle; but sayling almost round, took little Sicilia forsaken by the Inhabitants, which he firing, departed from Creet: for he heard, that Capellus, (come to Corcyra) would soon come to relieve it. Auria, came to Corcyra also, joyning with Capellus. Barbarussa then lay in the Bay of Ambracia, expecting the Christians entrance of its Strait, that he might sink them, with his Ordnance placed on both sides; for Grimmanus had (a little before) begun to besiege Prevesa upon the Promontorie of Actium, fast by that strait, so battering the Castle, that had not the Turks from Aetolia come to relieve it with a strong power he had probably taken it; wherefore, the Patriarch, returned to Corcyra, having well viewed the Straits of that Bay, and the Turks Fleet at Anchor therein: upon whose Relation, the great Commanders consulted what course best to take, for their better proceeding: Gonzaga was of opinion, Prevesa's Castle was with all their Force to be assaulted, which taken, all passages might easily be taken from the enemies Fleet in the Bay, by sinking [Page] a great ship in the strait's mouth: and moaring three great Galleons full of Artillary; so that if Barbarussa would adventure forth, he must needs be sunk. Auria replyed, [...] Counsel was in shew glorious; but most dangerous to execute, both for the peril of landing Souldiers and Ordnance: it being to be thought, the Aetolian Horse, would (as before) speedily come for relief, whose force their Foot could scarce abide. And if the Fleet (Autumn approaching) should by force of Weather forsake that coast: whence should the Landed men get any Victual in the enemie's Country? &c. Wherefore he thought best, if the enemy could not be drawn out to Battel, to go into Naupactum-Bay, taking that Town, not greatly fortified, so to ransack all Towns to the bottom of Corynth Bay, which the Greeks in the Fleet said, might easily be done; whereby it might happen, that Barbarussa, would for shame come out and joyn Battel. This counsel was best liked of, and Auria came to Ambracia Bay, so placing his Fleet (250 sayl) that the Turks might easily number them. At which sight Barbarussa (though couragious) was exceedingly moved: So that an Eunuch (sent by Solyman as Barbarussa's Companion) seeing him to delay the time, did uncivilly and proudly take him up, because he would not forthwith go out of the Bay, and fight with the daring Christians: concluding, he should beware, that he fearing a most honourable death (uncertain though the battel were lost) drew not on himself the sure danger of a most shameful death by Solyman's displeasure: Whereupon Barbarussa turning him to Salec, said, We ought, for that I can see, adventure this battel although much disadvantagious, left haply we perish by the complaints of this barking Demie-man; So weighing Anchor at the time that Auria was on his way toward Naupactum, thinking he durst not come out, who being come to Leucade, the enemies Fleet was deseryed from the top of [...] great Gallion, making towards them, [Page] keeping close by the shoar: the crafty Turk, counting it less losse (if the worst should happen) to lose the Galleys than the men. Auria somewhat troubled hereat, yet commanded the Fleet to prepare to battel, and follow his Admiral Galley. The Turks Fleet was come into the open [...] in such order with 150 Galleys, that Auria confessed afterwards, a more firm and orderly Fleet, could not have been brought out by any: before which came Drogut an arch Pirate with about 20 nimble Galleys. Capellus came in his long boat to Auria, requesting, that he with his Galleys might give the first charge: whom Auria thanking and praising, requested him to follow him, to whom he would give a seasonable signe what to do. The foremost of the Turks Galleys was come to the great Galleon (the foremost of the Christian Fleet) whereto were sent some Galleys from Salec, to help assayl it, which shooting afar off, did no harm, nor Bondelmerius them; who suffered not a piece to be discharged, expecting them to come nearer: who coming accordingly, were by the great and small shot glad to stay and retire: Auria the while, called back the Ships gone before, towing out his Galleon, and charging the Captains of the Galleys to make ready upon signal given; yet was he not minded to fight without his ships: which the enemy perceiving, sought by all means to fight before the coming in of the tall ships: for it was so calm, that the ships could not keep way with the Galleys and the smooth water offering an opportunity for battel: so that Grimannus ctyed aloud to Auria, to give the signal, &c. who fetching a great compass, held a strange course (hovering about his ships) of purpose to draw the enemies Galleys within danger of his great ships; but Barbarussa doubting to be circumvented with some finenesse, stayed his course, expecting to what purpose that his strange course tended: both his wings the while, had begun in divers places to encounter with the Christians: some still vainely assayling [Page] Bondelmerius: others had sore beaten two ships with their Ordnance, wherein 2 Spanish Companies were embarqued, many men being slain: 2 other ships laden with victual were burnt, and some few men saved by their shipboats, and by swimming to the next ships. In the close of the evening, Salec took 2 Galleys stragling behind: After which, was taken the ship of Figaroa a Spaniard, (though his men fought most valiantly for a time) whose son taken with him (beautified with nature's gifts) was afterwards presented to Solyman, turning Turk, and growing in credit, obtaining his Fathers liberty after 3 years miserable imprisonment, sending him home well rewarded. Whilst both Fleets lay expecting their most advantage, a great tempest os Thunder, Lightning & Rain, with a fresh Easterly gale, arose. The Christians seeing the Turks hoysing up their small sayls, hoysed up both small and great, sparing no Oar, to clear themselves of the enemy, and that disorderly and in great haste: So that Auria, (called a second Neptune) was that day accounted no Captain. Barbarussa is reported, to have pursued them a while, till through the night's darkness, he stayed his course; for the Admirals had put out their Lights in the poupes: whereat he laughing, said oft in Spanish, Auria hath therefore put out his Light, The better in the dark to hide his flight. Being come to Corcyra, they generally thought, by that sudden storm, they had avoided a great danger. The Emperials (to excuse Auria) imputed it to the Venetians; who would never take any Spaniards into their Galleys: wherefore Auria doubting of them, refrained battel: and the rather, because they had hoysed their sayls tyed to their Yards with lines: which they cutting, might flye which way they would. Shortly after, came Barbarussa to the Isle Naxus, about 4 leagues from Corcyra Eastward braving the Christians: Gonzaga grieving, requested the 3 great Commanders, for the Christian's Honour, to represse their insolence; at last (the Venetians [Page] taking in some Spanish Companies) they were to give battel in 4 squadrons; but it was so long protracted, that Barbarussa fearing Tempests, returned about Octob. 7. into the Bay of Ambracia: After which, the Generals went to befiege Newcastle, a strong Turkish Town in the Bay of Sinus Rizonicus: the people were Dalmatians; Epirots who had renounced their Religion, and some Turks: which they soon won, with a great prey, and a number of captives: and 3 dayes after the Castle was also yielded, the Turks covenanting in vain to depart with life and liberty.

This Town (for all the Covenants of the League) was reserved for the Emperour: and Sarmentus with 4000 old Spanish Souldlers left in Garrison: Capellus urging in vain the Venetians right: Wherefore the grieved Senate (now assured of an ill neighbour to their Town Castrum) decreed to sue to Solyman for peace: which they easily obtained a little while, by Grittus their Duke's son, and Ryncus the French Embassadour, who told the Bassaes, that the Venetians League with Charls, was made without most of the Senates consent.

Barbarussa putting to sea to relieve Newcastle, many of his Galleys were by a Tempest, cast away on the Acroceraunian Rocks: 20000 men being reported to be lost. Capellus would have perswaded Auria to pursue Barbarussa so distressed: which, Gonzaga well liked, to recompence the former disgrace; but Auria not liking the matter, presently hoysed sayl for Italy, leaving Capellus in such a rage, that he detested himself for submitting to another man, wishing the Captains present, never to be subject to a'stranger, &c. But Auria referring all he said, and did, to the Emperour's profit, so far, that Ursinus (then serving the Venetian) merrily said, Auria had done nothing, but politiquly to set the Venetians and Turks together by the ears: opening a gate for a long War, &c. without his losing one Galley; for many thought that would sort [Page] to Charls's great good: when the Venetians, spent with long and chargable wars, should be stripped by force, or wrung by necessity, from Lands and Territories.

Solyman grieved, determined to besiege Newcastle again by sea and land, caufing also Nauplium and Epidaurus in Peloponnesus (Venetian. Cities) to be besieged; yet he took singular pleasure, that Barbarussa (the worst fu. nished) had driven the great Christian Fleet out of the sea. Wherefore at Spring, 1539. Barbarussa repaired his Fleet, notably furnishing it, and manning his Galleys most with select Souldiers; and, Summer well come on, He came to Rizonicus Bay; when Ulames Governour of Bosna, appeared with his Forces on the Mountains, as he had in charge. Barbarussa sent before him Dragut and Corsetus with 30 Galliots who landing their men at Castronovum or Newcastle, were encountred by Sarmentus, and forced to their Galliots, many being slain and taken: After which, came Barbarussa with 60 Galleys, and 3 tall ships, which carried all warlike provisions: spending 3 dayes in landing his Ordnance, and casting up Trenches, done but by night, for the Town-shot, which slew in that space about 1000 Turks: Agis Hariadexus, as it were a King at Taiorea in Africa, being one, to Barbarussas's great grief: who gave a fourth part of his 54 battering pieces to Ulames on the North side, himself bat ering the East side in 3 places; and Salec from sea battering another part. Sarmentus thus assayled, did what he could to repair the breaches: the Turks the while taking a Tower, whence (having displayed their Ensignes) they sore troubled the Spaniards: Ulames also had made a breach, and was ready to enter. Whereupon Sarmentus commanded the hurt Souldiers to get into the Castle below, and the rest with him to take the Market-place: where the Turks (breaking in) made a most bloudy fight: the Spaniards being almost every man slain. Sarmentus (wounded in the face with 3 arrows, and wearied) seeing Fria a Captain [Page] ready to flee, sharply reproving him, caught him by the hand, making him tarry, till, both slain, many valiant Captains were there lost. Arius with the wounded Soldiers in the Castle, now yielded: whose lives Barbarussa (as he promised) spared, but carried them into captivity; and desirous to send Sarmentus's Head to Solyman, he offered money and liberty for his body, but it could not be known among so many dead heaps. Barbarussa proud of this Victory, wrote threats to Bembus a Venetian Senatour, Governour of Cattarus in the bottom of that Bay, to deliver the City, else he would assault it. Bembus answered, in so doing, he should violate the late League, and that he should find him ready to repel his Forces: He displeased, sent some Galleys, discharging great pieces at Cattarus, as if come to besiege it: Bembus discharging as many more at them, shewed his men on the Walls; whereupon Barbarussa returned to Castronovum, and (appeased with Presents from Bembus) he departed out of the Bay.

The long wars between the Emperour and French King were now well pacified, and such shew of Friendship betwixt them, that most men thought they would (as one) go against the Turk: which opinion (not wholly believed by the wiser sort) this also confirmed, that Vastius and Hanebald (2 of their most famous Captains) were sent Embassadours to draw the Venetians into the confederation of that War: who gallantly coming to Venice, were by Duke Laudus and the State, magnificently received, the people flocking together to behold them, especially Vastius with his tall and comely person. They having audience in the Senate, Vastius arising from the Dukes side, made an oration, shewing, That by Gods great Providence, two of the mightiest Kings of Europe, having had long mortal wars, were (being touched with zeal of Religion) become great friends, to revenge so many calamities received from the Infidel: that they were sent to kindle in [Page] them the like zeal, who being of such power at sea, were wished for (of all other) as their Confederates in that sacred war, and hoped Victory. As for Land Forces, unto those lately brought into the field at Vienna, should be joined all the horse & Infantry of France & all the forces of Sigismund King of Polonia. Wherefore the Victorious Emperour, and most Christian King Francis did most instantly request them to enter into the like godly cogitations, &c. For it might worthily seem a most shameful thing unto them to have renewed their League, &c. Neither did it beseem that most wealthy State, to be terrified, with any charges, from what was good and right; for by the profit of one sea or land-Victory, they should to their incomparable praise recompence all former losses.

The Duke answered in the name of the State; Never any thing happened to them more honourable, or more desirable, than the hope of such a peace, wholsome to the endangered Venetian State, and wondrously to be desired of all Christian Princes; if those two (most mighty) would sincerely, religiously, and unitedly resolve upon that sacred War: for then would the Venetians not be wanting, &c. but end their League with the Turk: wherefore it was to be requested of the Almighty God, that they would speedily and seriously fulfil that hope of Peace, which they had in shew promised.

Few dayes after, some select Senatours sitting in Council, calling the Embassadours, asked them, if they knew any thing of the Capitulation of that League: and whether they thought, Charls in regard thereof, would give Francis his son the Dukedome of Millane, as was reported? Hanebald was silent: Vastius said, He knew no more but that they had agreed betwixt themselves, and that the Emperour's desired peace, to help the afflicted &c. could not be effected without yielding in many things to the requests of the French King, &c. The Nobility and Authority of this Embassage, more moved the Senate, than, [Page] he former Embassadours, Mendoza a Spaniard and Pellicerius a French-man, then present; yet they much suspected it, because containing no certain resolution, &c. yet all seemed to rest in this point, that the Venetians in hope of this League, should neglect the renewing of lastyears League with Solyman, now almost expired. On which uncertainty the grave Senatours thought it too dangerous to depend: yet the Senate was wonderfully divided. Some inveighed against the renewing of that shameful League with the Infidels, urging with many reasons the Christian Confederation: Others of deeper reach, considering their exceeding harms by falling out with the Turk, and suspecting the Emperours drift, with the great dearth then in the City; not to be relieved but out of Macedonia and Greece: Charls having then imposed a Custome on all Corn (coming out of Sicily) amounting to the price of the Corn and fraight: which mischiefs, they said, were to be prevented by renewing of the league: They speut almost whole Winter-nights in the Court, consulting what best to do, but all there said, or decreed, was made known; not only to the Embassadours, but in Provinces far off, never before in that State known. Foscarus, an old Senatour perceiving it, said, The State was betrayed by multitude and corruption of Voyces, and must shortly perish, if not speedily committed to some few (for there were almost 200 Voyces) reducing them to 50, who were holden for men of greatest gravity & secrecy; but Foscarus, soon after fell into such hatred, that he was by the Voyces of the multitude thrust out of Council himself, and kept a great while from all City-preferments: which disgrace turned afterwards to his great honour and credit (as one foreseeing much) when they were found out and condemned, who had traiterously revealed the secrets of the State.

The result was, That they doubting of the union of Charls and Francis, yet expecting the event, they sent two [Page] Embassadours to them to discover their designes, and a third Badoerius, a wise man to Solyman, to prevent the fame of the distrust of their agreement, and to spare no cost to save Nauplium and Epidaurus, which he required of them before he would grant a peace: And if it could not be obtained, to conclude a peace on any conditions: which the Decemviri thought to be most expedient; yet gave him secret instructions for yielding up the Cities, fearing the force and tumult of the multitude; for if they had sought for peace too late, Solyman would have encreased his insatiable desire, not granting peace except they (low and forsaken) would deliver the Islands Cephalenia, Zante and Corcyra, as grievous as the destruction of Venice it self. So Vastius and Hanebald, comming to hinder the League, wrought no more by their great diligence, than for the Venetians foreseeing the danger, to hasten to conclude the same: and undoubtedly Hanebald was sent but for fashion, and secretly, by Pellicerius, perswaded them to hasten the peace with Solyman: which Badoerius carefully soliciting, and loath to yield the Cities, offered Solyman a great sum instead of them: who threatningly took him up as a shameless dissembler: protesting, he would never grant him peace without it, rehearsing the most secret points of his Embassage, which Badoerius little thought he had known: wherefore (he also doubting of his life) accepted of peace, yielding those Peloponesian Cities, and with them 2 Cities of Dalmatia, to the Senates great grief. The common people thinking he of himself had done it, were so enraged at him, that with much ado he was saved from exile, and his goods from confiscating, though the Traitours who had discovered the secrets were known: These were Leonius a Senatour and Cabatius Secretary to the Decemviri (who fled into France) and Valerius a Senatour's base son, the disperser of the Turks money: who with his complices were hanged in the Market-place. About which [Page] time, in 1540. John King of Hungaria died, after which great wars ensued, and the subvertion of that flourishing Kingdom; for Ferdinand and John had made a League profitable to them both, and most welcome to the Hungarians, who divided into factions, yet enjoyed their Estates hereby, the strong Holds being kept by them who possessed them at the making of the peace: in the Capitulations whereof, Ferdinand was thenceforth to call John a King, who before called him but the Vayuod; also if John died, Ferdinand should succeed him in the whole Kingdom, which divers of the Nobles subscribed to: which condition was kept very secret for fear of Solyman, who accounted of that Kingdom as of his own. This matter is reported, to have been revealed by Lascus unto Solyman, to bring John into hatred. Whereupon Solyman exceedingly angry, called John unthankful Churl, saying to Lutzis Bassa: How unworthily do these two Christian Kings wear their Crowns? &c. who are not afraid for shame, or fear of God, for profit, to falsifie their Faith; but John greatly afraid, did by Friends and Presents pacifie Solyman, laying the blame upon Ferdinand, as better able to bear it. Not long after, John having set all in good order, and fortified Buda, being far in years, at the earnest request of most of his Nobility and other Friends, married Isabel Sigismund's Daughter of Polonia, begotten of the Lady Bonasfortia Daughter to Galeasias Duke of Millane: which Solyman liked well of, having often condemned his single life; but Ferdinand disliked it, foreseeking if he should have a son, himself should be rejected as a Stranger. Isabel soon conceived with child, and was very big: when John was forced personally to go against Maylat and Balas, Governours of Transilvania: Maylat seeking to make himself King. But Solyman deresting his arrogancy, and hating him for the death of Grittus and the Turks then slain, wished John to be more circumspect, whom he trusted with such a Country; So [Page] Maylat fearing to be thrust quite out of Government by John, thought best to raise up all the Province into Rebellion, taking part with Ferdinand, who secretly furthered it to the utmost: (for these two Kings in heart envied each other). John then exacting (chiefly of the Transilvanians) a great summe to pay the Turk his two years Tribute, was a fit occasion to raise the people: to appease which dangerous troubles, John sent a great power into Transilvania, following after in his Chariot, not well recovered of his sickness. The Noble men entring it in two places, the tumult was by force and policy well pacified, and some chief offenders executed: Maylat retiring with all his wealth, into strong Fogaras, which they shortly after, hardly besieged: John himself laying sick of an Ague at Sibynium about a mile from Fogaras (into which he relapsed through too much care and pains in travelling in that hot season). News was brought (the while) that his Queen was delivered of a son: which once bruited, the Hungarians as overjoyed, came to the Court, discharging their pieces in triumph, with all signs of joy possible: the Noblemen came from the Camp to rejoyce with the King, and all the Army was filled with gladnesse: and a royal Feast was prepared, which they would have the King honour with his presence (though unwilling) as but a little recovered; yet he yielding to their importunity, he forgot himself, eating and drinking more liberally, than was for the health of his weak Body: whereby his Feavour was renewed; Wherefore feeling his end draw fast on, he appointed his son his Heir, committing his Tuition to George Bishop of Veradium & Peter Vicche his nigh kinsman, requesting the nobles to prefer his son before a Stranger; saying, Solyman would surely protect the Kingdom and his Son, if they in time sending Presents, promised he should reign as his Tributary; so presently after dying.

This King, besides his vigilant, courteous, gentle and [Page] bountiful Nature and Learning, used oft to say, that the love of valiant men got by bounty and courtesie was the best Treasures of a Prince: for that the thankful did oft in some worthy service, fully repay what had been bestowed: the unthankful shamefully bearing the witness of anothers Vertue. His death was concealed till the Nobles had agreed with Maylat to take the oath of Allegiance to the King and his Son, and to enjoy his former Government.

Then they decreed in Council to send the appointed Embassage to Solyman: so Exechius Bishop of QuinqueEcclesiae, and Verbetius the aged Chancellour, were dispatched with ten curious wrought Bowls of Gold, 600 of Silver-guilt, and engraven: 50 pieces of Purple silk and gold-cloath, and 30 pound of coyned Gold, as two years tribute, who came to Constantinople.

The Kings dead body was the while with much heavinesse, and most of the Army, solemnly buried at Alba Regalis: After which the young child (was Christened and called Steven, and Crowned with the Ancient Crown of King Steven, who first erected that Kingdom; yet the Royal Dignity was given given to the Queen, so as in all publique Writings, &c. The Bishop was Treasurer, and commanded the strong Holds: yet the Souldiers were at the devotion of Thuraccus: and Vicche (as a middle man) was named High Constable.

This Bishop was born in Croatia, and brought up from his youth in the House of King John, where Vertue and Industry never wanted relief. Having forsaken his Monastick Prof ssion, as weary of its straitnesse; he still followed John driven out of his Kingdom, winning such credit, &c. that he obtained the Bishoprick of Veradium after Sibbachus slain by Grittus's treachery: He was such a notable man in his religious service, and otherwise, that John would confesse himself to raign by his special industry: and King Ferdinand would oft say, [Page] he envied at John for nothing he had, but for one hooded fellow, better for defence of a Kingdom, than 10000 with Helmets on their heads. Taking on him the tuition of the young King, he was busied in all weighty causes, civil and martiall: carefully labouring for the Hungarians concord in love and unity, and that no tumult or rebellion should arise. But Ferdinand now thought it a fit time to recover that so long desired Kingdom: being prickt forward by 7 men of great account in Hungary, who having taken Ferdinand's part, lived in exile, concluding their motives to him: What could be more dishonour to him, so great a King and Emperour Elect, than by shameful delay, to forsake them, being noble and valiant, who had followed his part, and were then ready with strong Troops, to do him their best service.

The Germane Captains also perswaded him, who, as martial men, desired honour, pay and prey. But Lascus (who in matters of Peace and War saw more than they) was of a contrary opinion, telling Ferdinand plainly in a Speech, that the Kingdom of Hungary was to be obtained rather by policy than force, by craving it of Solyman, to hold it of him by tribute, as King John did: saying, that if he should once joyn battel with the Turks, if the best did happen, &c. he should have endless Warre with such an enemy, &c.

His Speech so moved Ferdinand, that though purposing to proceed, yet he thought good to prove Solymans minde also: none being thought fitter for that Embassage, than Lascus himself, who being furnished with all necessaries, departed from Vienna, to Constantinople: yet Ferdinand withall, prepared for Warres, trusting to the Emperour's Brother, and the coming over of the Hungarians for present profit; but before open Warre, he sent the Count of Salma to the Queen, to shew her the Instruments of the last League betwixt her late Husband and him, exhorting her to yield up the [Page] Kingdom, and not by delay to hurt herself and Son; for Ferdinand offered to give the Child the Province of Sepnsia, as was before agreed in the League, and to the Queen a great Revenue, beside her Dowry; but if she would forget that League, he threatned, Neither Charls his Brother, nor he, wanted force, &c.

The Count hardly obtained admittance to the Queens presence; for George and Vicche mistrusting her courage, said, she was not to be spoken with, for sorrow; and that they were of Authority to give him audience and answer: which opinion of her weakness, She of an Heroical Spirit, took so in disgrace, that she said, She would kill her self, if the Embassadors were not suffered to come into her Chamber, (dark and hung with black) she sitting on a low Pallet, negligently attired, pale-coloured, yet then shedding no teares; yet her voice and countenance such as might shew her sorrow was nothing abated; for contemning all dangers, she resolved for defence of her Soveraign, to call in the Turks.

After the Counts admittance, and delivery of his Message, she answered, Such was the fortune of her Sex and years, and griess of body and minde, that she could neither take nor give counsel: wherefore she requested a convenient time to ask Counsel of her Father Sigismund, to whose just judgement she would stand, as she thought the Nobility would also; but if they would needs forthwith make Warre upon her, she said, the Emperour and Ferdinand should win no great honour to oppugne a Widow consumed with teares, and a young Child yet crying in his Cradle.

The Count returning, told Ferdinand, he had heard and seen, that the Queen was wholly in the power of the Bishop, &c. the rest shifted among them the honours and preferments of the Realm, &c. wherefore all the hope was in speedy Warre, the Queen (with her Sonne) to be driven out of Buda, before they could take Arms, or well [Page] advise what to do: She delaying but to make her self stronger, and the while, to call in the Turk.

Ferdinand, furnished with money from Charls, soon raised a great Army, which he sent down Danubius to Strigonium, alwayes faithful to him. Velsius a Noble Rhetian was General: who to open first, the way to Buda, after nine dayes siege, took Vicegrade, (but not the Castle) with the losse of about two hundred men. Then passing Danubius, he took Pesth, forsaken by the enemy: also the City Vacia, without losse: whence crossing the River, he came before Buda, to terrifie the Citizens, and discover what he could, the Queens purpose, where Perenus, Rascaius, and Francopanes, Bishop of Agria, revolted to Ferdinand: the Bishop was reputed to go upon meere conscience: yet George challenged him by Letters, in hope to be made a Cardinal.

Velsius lay as if he would rather besiege than assault the City. the Germans fetching in great booty round about, burning and carrying away prisoners: wherefore the Hungarians fell oft together by the eares, with them; they of Buda also, with their Troops, skirmished with them, if they did but stir out of the Camp, well defending the Villages; for Thuraccus had taken into the City, a multitude of light Horsmen.

Balthasar Pamphilus coming to the Gates, desired the Warders to give him leave to talk with his old Friend Thuraccus, and confer with him concerning the good of the State, which the General granting, he was let in with his Troop: and soon returning to the Camp, he reported, that viewing the strength of the City, he perceived, it was not to be taken without greater power, and a better season of the year. Wherefore Velsius, doubtful of the Hungarian his fidelity, in anger bid him void the Camp: who without his leave, had private conference with the enemy, and discouraging the Army.

[Page]Wherefore Velsius returned to Vicegrade, taking the Castle (wherein the ancient Crown was kept) with lesse losse than he had the lower Town. Ere long, he marching to Alba Regalis through Perenus, it was delivered him garrisoning it for Ferdinand.

Then he retired to Strigonium; and the rather, because the rough Germans and Hungarians could not agree together; so that Velfius parting them, was wounded in the Thigh, and Perenus hurt with a stone: Winter was also come far on, and the Souldiers crying out for pay.

Wherefore he also sick of the stone, billited his men that Winter, about the Countrey, having new fortified Pesth; because 'twas reported, the Turks on their frontiers were preparing to ayd Buda.

While Ferdinand was levying his forces, the Queen had craved ayd of the Turk's bordering-Lievtenants: who answered, they might in no case, without expresse Command from Solyman, depart from their charges: besides, Mahometes was overcome by rewards from Lascus (in his passage) not to stir: wherefore she certified Solyman, what danger they were in, craving his speedy ayd.

Lascus falling sick by the way, sent his Physician before, to the great Bassaes, chiefly to Lutzis, by whom he hoped to obtain his desire: but in vain; for Solyman, besides defending his own right, thought it would redound to his great profit and glory, if he undertook the protection of the Widow and Fatherless Child in so great distress: wherefore he said to the Embassadours, that to declare his constancy, inseparable from his bounty, he would take such course, that the Germans should not long rejoyce of the Warres begun: and in token of friendship, gave them a royal Robe, a Buckler with a curious Bosse, a Horsemans Mace, with a golden [Page] handle, and a Scimiter with a Scabbard richly set with Stones, writing to Ustref and Mahometes, speedily to ayd the Queen: who, if harmed through their cefault, it should cost them their heads.

The Embassadors were scarce gone, when Lascus came to Constantinople: whose success he understanding, yet he proceeded in his business, &c.

But when he often mentioned the Emperour, as if he would ayd his Brother with all the power of Germany, Solyman was so moved, that he was presently imprisoned: young Rustan Bassa especially, chiding him as worthy of death, for offending by his liberal speech, so courteous a Prince, and as it were, mocking the King of Kings, requiring friendship, while his Master most impudently warred in Hungary.

Ustreff and Mahometes, assembling their dispersed forces, by shipping brought them down Savus and Dravus into Danubius; (for tis hard to perform any great matter by Warre in Hungary, without the help of a great Fleet); but Danubius was then so frozen on both sides, that the middle was scarce open: so that the Turks not daring to return, were enforced to abide the Winters incredible hardness in their Tents, to shew their readinesse: their most dear Horses starving for cold, and want of meat.

The Spring coming on (in the year of Christ 1541) they entred Hungary: with whom, Thuraccus the Queens General, joyned also: the Queen, sending presents to the Turks Generalls, victualling the Camp, and furnishing them with Ordnance, for besieging of Cities holden by Ferdinand: who took Vacia, but badly defended, putting many to the Sword, and burning the City: thence removing to Pesth, a Hungarian and a German, so vallantly defended the City, (and the Turks not well relieved with Victuall) that they passing Danubius, [Page] and restoring the Ordnance, returned home; but in their retiring the Hungarians, led by Gnarus, slew many, Achomates one of their best Captains being one.

The Turks gone, Ferdinand, perswading the Emperour not to give over the War so fortunately begun, the late supplies for Velsius, were sent into Hungary, under Lord Regendorffe; then gone as farre as Possonium, to relieve Pesth: unto whom Velsius gave place, who joyning with the old Army, marched to Buda, besieging it.

Upon a great Hill called Gerard's Mount (whose middle was equal with the top of the Castle over against it (a great Valley and deep Ditch laying betwixt) Regendorffe planted his Battery, so shaking a new Tower thereof, that it was thought it would fall: if it had, yet supposed dangerous to assault it, having a treble Wall; but he sparing the sumptuous Turrets and Galleries of the King's Pallace therein, sent to the Queen: wishing her to break [...] sunder the Bishops Fetters, and accept of Ferdinands offer: ready to bestow on her, a goodly Seigniory, honourably to live and bring up her Sonne in safety: which if she as a simple Woman, and ignorant of her own danger, should refuse, he would beat down the Pallace about her eares.

The Bishop answered in her behalf, she was not such a fool, to exchange the Kingdom of Hungary, for the principality of Sepusia: scornfully answering him, as a very doting and mad old man, &c. And above all, requesting him of private courtesie, to discharge his Pieces with a little lesse noyse, lest his Sow at home, great with Pig, terrified, should farrow before her time, to the great grief of his Guests; for he was of a sharp and taunting spirit: so contemning the Germans, that two being taken burning Houses in the Kings Orchard, [Page] he hanged two Hoggs on the Gallowes with them.

Ere long, Regendorffe removed to a place called the JEWES GRAVES, near Jewes Gate: the Bishop quipping him now, as a proper wise man: who had pitched his Tents in a most fit place, among the dead, &c.

But he battering the Walls in two places, a great part thereof was beaten down; another part overcharged with Earth (cast up within side, for strengthening it) then fell down also, to the exceeding dismaying of them in the City: which opportunity, Regendorffe let slip, either (through the smoak and dust) not well aware, or doing all things leasurely and suspiciously, and the Germans not so easily brought to a sudden assault, as Spaniards, Italians and French; so that it was deferred, (night coming fast on) till the next morning: the Budians the while, with incredible diligence, rating a rampier instead thereof.

In the morning they fiercely assaulted it, so that Fotiscus, with some Companies, entering a shattered adjoyning House, had almost recovered the top of the Rampier; but they of Buda, wondrously withstanding (the Bishop encouraging and fighting amongst them) the Germans were forced to retire, above 800 men being lost: Perenus being also repulsed, (but with lesse losse) at the breach at the Gate Sabatina.

Then he began to undermine the City; but, by countermines, was disappointed: yet, the common people in the City, pinched with hunger, mutinously cryed out, 'twas time to yield, and end those common miseries; but the Bishop shewing but himself in the Market-place, as if he would have preached, could turn the peevish people which way he pleased.

[Page]After this, the City had almost by the treason of one Bornemissa a Lawyer been lost; who hating the Bishop, for taking part with a Banckrupt Jew against him, promised Revalius the Enemies Marshal, to open a blind Postern in St. Maries yard, whereby he might enter.

Regendorffe so liked thereof, that he thought not good to use the service of the Hungarians therein: against the request of Bornemissa, that many guiltless people might not be slaughtered by the Germans; but he hoping by excluding the Hungarians to have all the glory of the Victory to himself, made as if he would use the Hungarians, glosing with Revalius, whose Sonne he took as a pledge.

About midnight, he sent four Select Companies of Germanes, with great silence to the Postern: his Sonne Condi standing ready to enter with a strong Troop, when the Germans let in, should break open the great Gate.

Bornemissa opening the Postern, had silently received in most of them; but still asking softly for Revalius, and they answering in the German Tongue, he was so surprized with fear, that as amazed, he forgot to conduct the Germans: who knew not which way first to go, stealing on softly for fear of treason, still asking for their Guide; but by their matches and noyse of Armour, being [...] yed by the Watch: they not giving the Word, an Alarum was raised, who ignorant of the way, and now chased with their own fear, ran back to the Postern in such haste, that they sadly wrung each other in getting out. And the passage being much letted by the Weapons of the first, cast acrosse the way to run the lighter.

Bacianus who had charge of the watch, first set upon them: then Vicche from the Market place came thither, [Page] with a strong company: many of the valiantest Germans were slain or taken, some being Bornemissa's Friends (himself being got out with the foremost) whom the Bishop by torture wrung the plot out of, then executing them; Revalius Bornemissa lamenting, that besides the name of a Traitour, he had lost all and undone his Friends and Kindred. Regendorff (condemned even of the common Souldiers for his foolish pride, &c.) from that time set him down (by long siege) to win the City.

Solyman hearing of the Queen's distress in Hungaria, consulted with his Bassaes of the purposes and power of his enemies, there and elswhere: and sent first, Solyman Bassa to Babylon, to defend Mesopotamia, and his Frontiers along Tygris against Tamas the Persian King: sending Mahometes Bassa into Hungaria: and after him Ustreff Bassa with another Army, to stay at Belgrade, in readinesse to ayd Mahometes upon occasion: committing his Navy to Barbarussa, for defence of Greece and Epirus against Auria: who a little before had driven the Turks and Moors out of 5 Cities, and all along the Coast of Africk called Mahomedia, except Leptis, now called Africa, causing those Cities to submit to Muleasses of Tunis. And because Maylat the Vayuod took part with Ferdinand, he sent against him, Achomates Governour of Nicopolis, commanding Peter of Moldavia, Prince of Vallachia to ayd him: who came with 30000 Horsmen. Himself also doubting more of the Christian Princes purposes, than he needed, raised a third Army, about Hadrianople, to ayd Mahometes and Ustreff, keeping with him his son in law, Rustan made 1 of his 4 great Bassaes, having thrust out Luftibeius or Lutzis as aforesaid, but at this time done. Mahometes entring Hungaria about the midst of June, 1541. took along with him the other Mahometes, Governour of Belgrade, joyning with him, the power of Bosna under Ulemas the Persian, for old Ustreff was lately dead. The Christians now consulted, whether to continue. [Page] the siege, or go meet them and joyn battel; but Regendorff prevailed for continuing the siege, though divers perswaded him to crosse the River to Pesth, or retire to Vicegrade or Strigonium: Wherefore removing, he encamped on the further side of the City at the foot of Gerrard's Mount, where the Hill leaveth a fair Plain toward the East, that the Turks, whom he knew would not go far from their Fleet and the river, should be forced to pass by his great Ordnance, aptly placed on the Front of his Trenches. On the right hand, on a small rising ground, he placed the lesser Camp of Hungarians: making also a bridge from his Camp, into a small Island in the River, and, with a Fort, commanded both the River and Plain; to beat their Fleet coming up, and themselves marching in the Plain. The Turks being come nigh the City, Valentinus Thuraccus met them with 2000 Horse, instructing them, what the Christians did, what their strength, and the most conveniently to encamp. Wherefore, the Bassa boldly came within half a Mile of the Christian Camp; strongly intrenching himself round: but Mahometes of Belgrade politiquely took the higher ground next the Hungarians Tents. The Christian Fleet had 24 Galleots, about 80 small Pinnaces, and little lesse than 100 ships of burden, and other small boats; the Turks Fleetnot thought above half so great. Near the little Island aforesaid, had the Turks taken the Island Sepelia, over against their own Camp, where casting up a great Bulwark, they thence shot at the Fort, in the little Island, and at their vessels in the River as the Christians did at them. Cepelia, layeth about 40 miles long in Danubius full of Villages: so commodiously, that if Regendorff had at first fortified it, as he was perswaded, the Turks could not have encamped in the Plain, to their great disadvantage; but he was not willing to divide his Forces, till he had some new supply from Ferdinand. The Armies thus laying, there were light skirmishes every day, and sometime one brave man [Page] challenging forth another hand to hand: which was so pleasant to behold, that both Armies many times would forbear to shoot to see those prove their manhood on each other with spears and swords only. In which skirmishes the Germans were oft put to the worst, by reason of their heavy Horses, fitter for a set-battel: but the Hungarians acquainted with the Turks manner of fight, and better Armed, did foyl them, though more in number. Noble Rayschachius (a German) his valiant son, going forth, unknown to his Father, bare himself so galiantly against the enemy in his Father's and Armie's sight, that he was highly commended (chiefly of his Father); yet was he encompassed and slain. Rayschachius moved with his death, said to the other Captains: This worthy Gentleman, whoever he be, deserves eternal commendation, and to be most honourably buried by the whole Army. As the other Captains were approving his speech, the dead body was presented to the Father, all there present shedding tears: but Rayschachius was so struck at heart, that standing a while speechlesse, with his eyes set, he suddenly fell down dead: After which, the General commanded none on pain of death, to skirmish without leave, hanging one or two for so doing. So that the enemy would sometimes brave them, on the top of their own Trenches.

Many dayes having now passed: the Turks and Budians, daily encreased in strength and courage: when on the other side, the contrary. Only the often Letters of Ferdinand, and the firm opinion, that Charls would not in so great danger, fail to ayd his brother, and the General's firm resolution, upheld their fainting minds. The Turks from the higher ground, and out of Cepelia, perceiving the Germans in the little Island as carelesse, agreed, at once to assayl divers of their Forts: landing at break of day, so closely and suddenly, that they slew 600, ere well awake or armed: the rest fleeing to the Camp in such haste, that many fell beside the bridge & were drowned. The whole Camp [Page] was wondrously troubled, the Turks with hideous cries raising the Alarm in divers places at once; yet Herbestulfe the Camp master perswading some German-companies and Souldiers in the Fleet, not to suffer the Ensignes and Ordnance to be so shamefully carried away: and Marius then landing divers Companies in the Island, they drave the Turks again to their boats, receiving no lesse losse themselves, than had the Germans before; It was said, the Turks Fleet might have been quite overthrown, if the Christians had couragiously pursued them and landded with them; yet 4 Turks Pinnaces were sunk, 3 taken, and many Turks slain, or drowned in the River. Shortly after, the Turks did so assayl the Camp on every side, that they left them almost no time of rest; so that they almost despaired long to defend it; for the Bassa at Belgrade, taking to him the sick and wounded, sent fresh men still, in their stead: and Valentinus with Harquebusse Janizaries had driven Perenus with the Hungarian Horse out of the upper Camp, so that the nether Camp was hardly beset; yet the great Artillary from Pesth much troubled Valentinus, assayling it on that side. Some say, Valentinus did privately wish Perenus speedily to provide for himself and his Hungarians: for there was a great Beast coming, which (at one morsel) would devour them all: This was Solyman coming in haste with a great Army: Wherefore Perenus told Regendorff. Except they would presently depart with the Army, he would in time shift for himself & Country-men: at last they agreed, it was best, next night, to pass the River to Pesth only the General said, he would not depart from Buda without Ferdinands command; so sending the Count of Salma swiftly up the River to Vienna, to know his pleasure (Perenus fretting at their long stay) 'twas resolved, next night when the Moon was down, to passe over in 4 Convoys: for 'twas not so easy to make a bridge over Danubius as was supposed: which being almost planked, such a wind [Page] and tempest arose, and the River was so rough, that the bridge was loosed and broken, many of its boats being carried away with the streams force. The 2 first Convoys passed well over; for though the Budians and Turks (seeing by day the Fleet drawing into one place) might suspect, yet could they foresee nothing of their sudden departure; but the vigilant eye was not long deceived, and the less, for that 2 Fugitives then discovered to the Bishop their flight: who presently certifying the Bassaes thereof, they eame to assault the Christians in their Camp with a horrible cry assayling their Trenches: The Germans began to quaile, yet, with the Bohemians, a while, notably resisted: All the Camp was filled with confusion, every man at the River-side striving to get aboard disorderly: Regendorff's Authority (through the nights darknesse, so great noise of people, and Ordnance) being as nothing: who then lay in bed wounded in the shoulder by a Faulkon-shot falling in his Tent (as he was writing Letters to Fordinand) striking a chest in sunder. The FootCaptains envying at the Horsmen so well escaped, faintly resisted the enemy: the upmost Tents were first taken, and the German-Foot chased all over Gerrards Mount. They of Buda also entred the Camp on the Cities side, burning the Tents, a little before forsaken, and the Bishop firing a great stack of straw nigh the Rivers side, it gave such a light, that one might plainly see over Danubius to the Walls of Pesth: whereby, their flight by water, and confusion by land was discovered. Then was the Ordnance from every place, discharged upon the Fleet: Cason the Turks Admiral with his light-boats, setting on the ships crossing the River, taking divers boats laden with Souldiers, sinking others with his Ordnance. After the Janizaries brake into the lower Camp: the Germans, fleeing over the bridge into the little Island, were slain without mercy by the pursuers, many leaping into the River and perishing: 300 sayl of all sorts were mingled together, [Page] covering the River as with a Bridge, but the Christian Fleet, cleering themselves, and beating the Turks back with their Ordnance, got up to Comara. The other LandForces enduring the same fortune in the Camp; the Bohemians died there in fight. Many were slain or saved by the Budians, as they fell into the hands of a merciful or mercilesse man. But the Sun rising, plainly discovered the slaughter and the Victory. About 3000 taking a little Hill by Gerards Temple, stood on their guard till above 2000 were slain: the rest yielding in hope of life, were reserved for a grievous spectacle. Cason coming to the shoar of Pesth, so feared those escaped thither only with the cry of his Souldiers and noyse of the Artillery, that the Horsmen for haste to get out, were like to over-run each other, leaving behind them whatever good thing they had; yet some Hungarians stayed behind, rifling the Merchants shops: for Pesth was now become a notable Mart-Town, as of more safety than other Cities; but Cason entring it, slew some of those greedy Hungarians: sparing neither man woman or child, except some few reserved for the Turks lust or slavish labour: Above 20000 Christians being one way or other reported to be slain in this War. There was taken 36 great battering pieces; Field-pieces 150, and wondrous store of Arms and Ammunition and Victual. Regendorff was against his will carried aboard a Pinnace by his Physitian and Chamberlain, and so was conveighed to the Island Comara; wherefore he shortly after, partly for his Wounds, but more through grief, died in the Village Samarium. Solyman still doubting the coming of Charls and Ferdinand to Buda, was coming in such haste, that he caused his Janizaries to march as fast as his Horsmen: but hearing of the Victory he came more leisurely to Buda, in August, encamping on tother side of the City (the dead bodies laying yet unburied) and making one huge Camp of both Armies. He especially commended the two Mahometes: [Page] making him of Belgrade General of all his European Horse, the Victory being gotten chiefly by his means; rewarding the other Captains as they deserved, and augmenting their pay. After which, he commanded the prisoners about 800 to be brought forth, and led in long ropes all along the raunged Army in derision, then to be slain by his young Souldiers: sternly saying, they were worthy of such death who had waged war, while entreating a peace. There was one Bavarian exceeding tall: whom (in despight of the German Nation) he delivered to a little dwarf to be slain, his head being scarce so high as the Captives knees, who being long mangled about the legs with his little Scimitar fell down, and was with many feeble blows hardly at last slain: others heartning the Dwarf on, to satisfie the eyes of the disporting Princes. This done, Solyman sent Embassadours with Presents to the young King: 3 fair Horses with Golden-bridles, their trappings set with precious stones: 3 Robes of cloth of Gold, and to the chief Nobles, rich Gowns and Gold Chains: courteously requesting the Queen to send the young King attended with his Nobility, into the Camp, and without all fear to hope that all should go well both with her, and her son, &c. That Solyman would alwayes account of her as of his Daughter; but he came not to see her, as in courtesie he desired, because, by antient custom, the Othoman Kings were forbidden to visit other mens Wives in their Houses, &c. The Queen answered very doubtfully; but the Bishop perswading and instantly requesting her, not to give the Turks occasion to suspect her distrust of them, by her delay; She sent him in Princely swathing cloaths in a rich Chariot with his Nurse, and certain great Ladies, with almost all the Nobility, to whom Solyman had sent presents, who was met on the way by Troops of the Turks brave Horsmen: and as he passed in the Camp, orderly stood the Janizaries of Solymans guard: Being brought into the Pavillion, Solyman [Page] looked on him familiarly, talking with the Nurse & commanding his Sons, Selimus and Bajazet, begotten of Roxalana, to take him in their arms & kiss him, in sure token of the love they would bear to him, whom they were in time to have their Friend & Tributary: But Solyman, while the Nobles were dining with the Bassaes, had commanded certain Companies under colour of seeing the City, to take the Gare Sabatina, and chief streets: which was so quietly and cunningly done, that a wary watchman beholding the manner of the Turks going to and fro, could scarce perceive how the gate was taken, till it was too late. The Gate, Market-place, and chief streets so finely taken: the Captains of the Janizaries made Proclamations, That the Citizens should without fear keep in their Houses, and forthwith to deliver all their Weapons: which they did, receiving the Turks into their Houses, as their unwelcome guests; but such was the severity of their Martial Discipline, that none was wronged by them in word or deed. Solyman hearing of the City thus taken, sent the child back unto the Queen; but the chief Nobles he retained with him, to wit, George the Bishop: Vicche, Thuraccus, Verbetius the Chancellour, Urbanus Governour of Buda; whose minds, this sudden and unexpected change troubled the more, because the great Bassaes began to pick quarrels with them, and as it were to call them to account for all they had done. The Queen fearing and grieving, by humble Letters, requested Solyman not to forget the Faith given, and of late confirmed; but to send back the Noble men, who for their fidelity and valour had well deserved both of him and her: This she did by Rustemes Bassa, whom she had loaded with gifts, sending him a fair Coronet of her own, of Orient Pearl, and a goodly Jewel set with rich stones, a present for his wife, Solymans Daughter. After which, Solyman consulted 4 dayes what order to take with that Kingdom. Mahometes advised him, to carry the child and all the Nobles to Constantinople; [Page] and to leave such a Governour in Buda, as might put the people out of fear of servitude and bondage: yet by degrees to lay on them the Yoke of the Turks Governmeut; but Rustemes (before corrupted) stood wholly upon terms of Honour; saying, Nothing could be more dishonourable to so mighty a Monarch, who had never blemished the glory of his Name, than after Victory, to break his Faith with a weak Woman and silly Infant, whom he had taken upon him to defend; but Mahometes of Belgrade then extraordinarily admitted into the Council among the great Bassaes, disliked of both the former opinions, as too full of Lenity: and being asked his opinion, delivered it in a mischievous speech: saying towards the latter end thereof: Every year to take in hand so long and laboursome an expedition of an Army of Horse, Foot, Artillery, and a Fleet of Ships for defence of another man (as commonly we do) seemeth to be meer madnesse: Neither do I think it to stand with the Majesty of the Othoman Emperours, thus to be moved every year at the request of a puling Woman, crying for help; except you think it more profitable and honorable to maintain a defensive than an invasive War: wherefore I think it best to turn this Kingdom (so oft conquered and defended by Law of Arms) like thy Ancestours, into form of a Province: the Queen I would have sent to her Father, and her son brought up in thy Court, and instructed in our Religion: the Nobility I wish to be slain; their Castles razed, and all their notablest Families to be carried away into Asia: the multitude kept under with good Garrisons, to till the ground and inhabit the Cities: so shall the Hungarians perceive themselves conquered, and the Germans forbear coming into Hungary, unless they will hazard both Stiria and Austria.

But Solyman, before he would resolve of so great a matter, entred Buda with his two sons, Aug. 30. 1541. and in the Cathedral (before purified by his Priest) offered [Page] the first Mahometan-sacrifice in Buda. Shortly after, he (for his own security and Honour) as it were moderated their opinions, publishing a Decree, That Buda should thenceforth be kept with a Garrison of Turks, and the Kingdom turned into a Turkish Province; the Queen with her son forthwith to depart and live in Lippa, a quiet and fertile Countrey beyond the River Tybiscus, and near her Fathers borders: safely to be conducted thither by Janizaries with all her wealth: Wherefore she and her son, with mourning and tears (detesting inwardly his perfidious dealing) departed from Buda. The Nobles went with her also, who though sorrowful for this unexpected change, yet very glad of liberty and safety, whereof they had for 3 dayes despaired: only Thuraccus was kept in safe custody, because he was a martial man; and much also hated by the Turks, for the hard pursuit of Cason in Austria.

Ferdinand hearing of this shameful overthrow, and that Solyman was coming towards Vienna, sent Velsius (who never liked of Buda siege) to Comara, to stay their further flight, and gather together the dispersed Reliques of the Army, and to comfort the men with hope of new supplies. And somewhat to stay Solyman, he sent Count Salma and Lithestaine Embassadours with Presents and new conditions of peace: The Presents were, a high standing Cup of Gold, curiously set with rich stones: and a wondrous Globe of Silver, daily expressing the passing of the Houres: the Planets motions, the change and full of the Moon, the motion of the upper Orbs: and that exactly, by certain wheels and weights within, devised and perfected by the most cunning Astronomers, for Maximilian the Emperour.

They at their landing, were first received by Cason, and brought into a rich Tent, the ground being covered with rich Carpets: to whom Rustan Bassa sent such chear as the Camp afforded, especially most excellent Wine; [Page] Next day the Bassaes feasted them: not sitting with their legs under them on the ground, as their manner was, but in Chairs at a Table; only Mahometes of Belgrade, an extraordinary guest, sat down upon a Cushion beneath the Bassaes. Their chear was but Rice and Mutton, as if noting thereby the Christians excesse: and the Bassaes drink, fair water out of Danubius. After dinner, they were brought in to Solyman, each of them led betwixt 2 Bassaes, holding them fast by the arms: so to kiss his hand; yet hath the Turkish Emperour sitting in his Throne, for fear of violence, laying by him, a Target, Scimitar, Iron Mace, with Bow and Arrows. The great Globe being brought in, filled Solyman and his Bassaes with Admiration; for Solyman had curionsly studied Astronomy, and especially Cosmography, as his leasure served.

The Embassadours desired him to give the Kingdom of Hungary to Ferdinand almost on the same conditions that Lascus had required it for him, paying him such Tribute as John had done; promising to draw Charls into the same League; so that he might then at pleasure, turn his Forces upon the Persian: and urging Ferdinand's League with John, and so excusing him of the late war, they concluded, Nothing could be to him more commendable, profitable or Honourable, than to call such a King as Ferdinand, and also Emperour Elect, and brother of the great Emperour, his Tributary. Solyman 2 dayes after, answered by Rustan, that this was his resolute condition of peace: If Ferdinand would restore all places before belonging to King Lewis, and for ever abstain from Hungary; and for his often provocations, great travel and charges, he could be content to impose an easie Tribute upon Austria. But if those conditions seemed too heavy, he would cause by continual War, that such things as were taken from Hungary, should be requited with the destruion of Austria. Though the Embassadours were much moved at the latter demand, yet they, to win some time, [Page] required a truce till Ferdinand and the Emperour might be made acquainted with the matter: which the Turk, winter coming fast on, would in no case grant. And being rewarded and sent away, Solyman commanded Mahometes of Belgrade to spoyl the borders of Austria all along Danubius: Cason also General of Acanzii, he sent into Moravia, but neither did any great harm: the Rivers rising, and abundance of Rain falling. Solyman made one Solyman a Mahometan Hungarian, Governour of Buda: who by justice and courtesie (with Verbetius the Chancellour) should endeavour to put the people in hope of long peace; which done, after about 20 dayes stay, because of the rain and cold, and fearing to be shut in with the rising of the great Rivers, he determined to return: setting Lascus (in prison at Belgrade) at liberty, who soon dyed of the Flux in Polonia, supposed to be poysoned by the Turks, whose death the King himself much lamented.

Solyman being come to the River Dravus, it was told him that Maylat was taken by the cunning of Peter of Moldavia, and that Transilvania was well pacified, yielding to his obedience; whereof he was passing glad, for he hated Maylat for Grittus and the Turks by him slain, and knew that the Transilvanians an invincible people was by him stirred up. This Peter uniting with Achomates against Maylat, they were 50000 Horse besides Foot, which (after the manner of those Countries) were not many: Maylat finding himself too weak, and despairing of ayd from Ferdinand, fled again into Fogaras: where, as in a most strong place, he had laid up his greatest substance and warlique provision, especially the rich spoyl taken from Grittus: Acho mates coming and perceiving, it was not to be taken but with much labour and time, craftily sent a Messenger to him, perswading him to yield to Solyman: choosing rather to be called his Friend than his Enemy, &c. promising he would [Page] labour for him as his Friend; that he might still enjoy the Government of Transilvania, paying him some small yearly Tribute, as he had before requested, &c. saying, Solyman was coming with his Victorious Army, who would with assured death revenge his vain hope of holding out. Maylat foreseeing it better to make a certain peace, than to endure an uncertain War, answered, He could be content to conclude a peace, so it were not on any hard conditions, &c. Wherefore, he demanded Achomates's valiant son in Hostage for his coming into the Camp: Achomates said, he had given him to Solyman, and so had over him no power, but he promised him 4 of his best Captains: which Maylat accepting, came with a gallant retinue, and was honourably received.

The Parley was deferred till next day, that the Moldavian might take him, whom he invited to a Banquet; about mid-dinner, Maylat (of a very proud and cholerick nature) was by some insolent speech (of purpose) so fretted, that with his hand on his sword, he in a rage flung from the Table: the other guests starting up also, took him fuming, and crying out, he was shamefully betrayed (his followers being stript of all): Incame Achomates the while, with deep dissimulation sharply reproving the Moldavian: whereto he scornfully (as if in contempt) answered, He had upon good cause taken Maylat prisoner, and would safely keep him for Solyman, to whom it only belonged to judge; Ere long, Fogaras was delivered with the Hostages, through fear or corruption.

This Town surrendred, almost all Transilvania was by Solyman given to the young King; to whom all the people most willingly submitted, swearing obedience, his Father having almost thirty yeares with justice and quietnesse Governed that Province: honouring him, the Queen, and his two Tutours, laying in Leppa, with many Presents:

[Page]At the same time, Charls the Emperour at the importunity of his Subjects of Spain, greatly prepared for conquering of Algiers: whose Pirates so insested all the Coast from Gades to the Pyrenean Mountains, that (all Merchandize set apart) they were glad to keep continual watch and ward: wherefore though he knew how hardly he was spoken of (for leaving his brother so hardly bestead) yet he departed out of Germany into Italy: where, nigh Verona, he was met by Farnesius his son in law, Vastius, and the Venetian Embassadours, and brought to Millane: where he was with great solemnity joyfully received, and, under a Canopy of Gold, brought to the Pallace, in a plain black Cloak and Cap, mourning-wise; when as the vulgar expected him in his Royal Robes, and the Imperial Crown on his Head: his heavy countenance presaging the wofull overthrow the day before at Buda, not yet known in Italy: Thence departing to Genua; he was advertised thereof from Ferdinand and of Solyman's coming; Whereupon, Vastius and Auria perswaded him to defer his African expedition till Spring: and with his present power to stay in Italy, making shew of returning to help his brother; and the while, to assure his State in Italy against the French: but he answered them sitting in Council; If he should then stay in Italy, 'twould be thought, he was for fear of the Turks fled out of Germany &c. hoping that Algiers might be won before the seas should grow rough and dangerous; which if so falling out, he would not much care what the French could do. There was a new grudge between him and them about the death of Rinuo the French Embassadour for certain years to Solyman, who returning to Constantinople with new instructions from his Master, for confirming a further League: he was belaid (by some old Spanish souldiers upon the River Pádus) and slain, together with Fregosius: or first tortured to get from him the secrets of his Negotiation, and then slain: Vastius in purgation of his [Page] credit, offering the combate to any of like quality that durst charge him with the truth thereof; but many thought he was worthily served, who stirred up the Turks against the Christians, discovering to them the Emperours designs; but whether well or ill, Pope Paul 3d. meeting Charls at Luca, could not, or would not determine. The Emperour there came thrice to talk with him, the Pope to him once: who not prevailing with him, for the appeasing the troubles like to arise betwixt him and the French King, perswaded him what he might, to employ those Forces in defence of his Brother Ferdinand and Austria, if Solyman should pursue his Victory; so prevailing little in the greatest publike matters, he took his leave, returning to Rome.

Charls the while, with some Italian Bands under Columna, and Spinula, and 6000 Germans came to the Port Lune, embarquing his Souldiers in Merchant-ships, and 35 Galleys; directing their course to the Islands Baleares; but were by a sudden tempest brought in sight of Corsica; and after 2 dayes tossing to and fro, the wind somewhat failing, they put into the Haven of Syracusa, now Bonifacium. Then putting to sea again for those Islands, he met with a Tempest from the West, more terrible than the first, divers Galleys losing their Masts and sayls, being glad with extream labour and peril to get into a Harbour of Minorca. Thence he passed over to Majorca, very glad that Gonzaga Viceroy of Sicily was come with 150 Galleys and ships, bringing Victual enough for a long war: Mendoza by reason of contrary winds, cut over directly with his Spanish Fleet to Algiers: so the Emperour by Auria's perswasion, hoysed sayl, and in two dayes came thither, anchoring in order before the City. Two Algier-Pyrates, not knowing of the Fleet, fell into the Bay ere they were aware: the bigger, Cycada stemmed and sunk; the other with wondrous speed got into the Haven. Mendoza having passed the Cape of Cassineus, saluted [Page] the Emperour with all his Ordnance, giving knowledge the Spanish Fleet was not far behind: which were above 100 tall Ship, and of smaller Vessels far more: besides, the Foot embarqued therein, were a great number of brave Horsmen: over whom the Duke of Alba commanded. These ships could not double the Cape, as did Mendoza with his Galleys, for it was a dead calm; but the billows went yet so high that the Souldiers could not land, but they must be washed up to the middle: which the Emperour thought not good to put them unto. He also staied for the Spanish ships, both that with united power he might more strongly assault the City, and to commuicate the whole glory of the action with them, at whose request, forwardnesse and greatest charge he undertook it: which did not only disturb an assured Victory, but opened a way to all the ensuing calamities. The Emperour sent a Messenger to Asan the Eunuch (born in Sardinia) and brought up from a youth in the Mahometan superstition by Barbarussa (whom he left to keep his Kingdom in his absence) requiring him forthwith to deliver the City to Charls the mighty Emperour, come in person to be revenged on those horrible Pirates: which if he would do, the Turks should depart whither they would: the Moors to abide with goods and Religion as formerly; himself to receive great rewards in peace and war: so he would accept of that the fairest occasion to return again to the worshipping of the true God, and to enjoy the favour of the Emperour, and to revenge himself of Barbarussa's unnatural villany on his person: who answered, he thought him mad, that would follow his enemies Counsel, grinningly asking him, Upon what hope the Emperour trusted to win the City? the Messenger pointing to the Fleet, told him, That which thou seest, &c. who scornfully laughing, replyed, And we with like force & valour will defend it, and make this place famous for your overthrows here twice, the 3d. time most famous [Page] by the Emperour's discomfiture: Its reported, there was an old Witch in Algiers, who had foretold the shipwrack and miseries of Verra and Moncada: prefixing a time, when the Christian Emperour, besieging the City, should receive a great losse by Sea and Land: which Assan so fed and augmented, that he not only encouraged his own men, but terrified the weaker sort of his enemies therewith, they being on so dangerous a coast, nigh Winter. There was in Garrison but 800 Turks; the other multitude of natural Moors, and those born in Granado, scarce made 5000: to whom was joyned many rebellious fugitives, who fled thither out of the Baleares; But the wild Numidians made up a great number, which should molest the Christians in the open fields: Assan having allured the brutish people of the Countries thereabouts to ayd him, for rewards and hope of spoyl: proposing also pain of death to any who should but look out heavily, or speak a word savouring of fear. The Emperour, after a convenient and soon landing of his Souldiers with plenty of Boats, and a little resting of them, divided his Army (which was about 20000 Footmen, besides Horsmen and other Volunteers) into 3 equal Battels: and 3 Field-pieces to a Battel, to terrifie the Numidian Horsmen still ready to charge them, if upon advantage. He encamped nigh the City between 2 deep Ditches, that none could well passe but by Bridge; and fastby on the left hand, was a Hill, whence it seemed, the City might well be battered. Algiers is like a Triangle, fast by the sea, having a Haven neither great, nor safe from the North-wind: the Houses farther off, standing in seemly order on the rising of a steep Hill, as it were by degrees, most beautiful to behold. The Emperour was in great hope to win the City; and the rather, because while he assaulted it on the East-side, his ships and galleys on the North, might with Ordnance beat the enemy all along the wall.

[Page]Nigh the Hills-rising, lay the Spaniards in the midst of the Germans with the Emperour: in the plain nighest the sea, the Italians. All that day, the Ordnance was landing, and the Horses shipping: The Numidians from the Mountains skirmished afar off, with small danger, but much trouble to the Spaniards: and at night they never left shooting, and where they saw fire, came Arrows thick as Hail; so that the Spaniards put out their fires, silently expecting the day; which being come, by the perswasion of Sandes the Camp-Master, they climbing up the Mountains, put the Numidians to flight, laying there (as it were encamped in the Shepheards-Cottages) but that day, such a multitude flocked about them, that they were glad to fight in a Ring; yet their fiercenesse was soon repressed, by the Sicilian Companies of bright-armed pike-men and Harquebusiers close by them: the Numidian Foot are most youths, half-naked, using nought but Darts; of wondrous ninblenesse, fighting mingled with their Horsmen, who use long spears armed at both ends: As the Emperour was beholding the unshipping of the Warlike necessaries: a storm of wind and rain began about 6 in the afternoon, holding on all that night with such rage, that the whole Army at land was wondrously troubled, and a great part of the Fleet, driven aground, perished: & 3 Italian Companies who lay without the Trenches against sudden assault, were exceedingly overcome with extremity of the weather; for they could neither well stand nor lye down, sinking up at every step to the calf of the leg in mire: upon these the enemy, perceiving their distress, sallyed out at day-dawning, and so charged them, that their match and powder being wet, they all fled but a few Pikemen, quickly slain, they pursuing the rest over the Trenches into the Camp; Whereupon, Columna being sent thither with certain Companies over the Bridge, the Enemy did indeed or in shew disorderly retire: Gonzaga the Viceroy comming in also, and [Page] angry with them that fled, perswaded them to recompence their flight by driving the enemy to his own door, which Columna said could not be done without great peril; but Gonzaga thinking also that perhaps the enemy being hastily pursued, they might together with them enter the City without danger of the Artillery; Spinula led forth the other Italian Companies, who put them to flight, pursuing them to the very gates, where many (shut out for fear) escaped some to another Gate, some to the Mountains. But then they began to overwhelm them with darts and shot from the Walls with terrible outcryes, and those shut out returned again to fight: they also within sallyed forth, hardly charging them: who gauled with shot from the Walls, and rent in sunder with the Ordnance, fled most disorderly; for they were but raw Souldiers: Assan also sallying out, pursued the chase with his Turkish-troops and Moorish-foot: only some Knights of the Rhodes fought valiantly (retiring orderly) and Spinula with others, making a stand at a little Bridge, somewhat stayed the enemy, saving the lives of many. The hindermost Italians covered the fields with their dead bodies for half a mile; chiefly those who fled toward the sea, who were slain by the Numidians, who beholding the ship-wrack were come down for prey; but the foremost Companies fled in so much haste, that, no Leader performing the duty of an advised Captain, all seemed at once lost both at sea and land: only the Emperour was that day the greatest Captain; for he in good time came on with the Germans, sending before 3 Ensigns to stay the flight, and guard his Camp beyond the bridge over the ditch; but these (as if afraid of the Turks white Caps, never wont to turn their backs) shamefully fled for company with the Italians: then the Emperour galloping forth with his sword drawn, reproved them, setting forward with his Germans, stoutly speaking to them: When will you (fellow-Souldiers) shew your faces? if [Page] now when you should fight, &c. in presence of your Emperour, you fear a few disordered and naked Barbarians? Immediately hereupon they issued out against the enemy, who moved with their coming, stood a while, and began to retire: many of their men hasting to the sea-side in hope of a more certain prey, where no enemy was to be feared; for the blustring winds had made such huge billows, that the ships put from their Anchors, fell foul of each other and were lost, or beaten in pieces upon the Main in sight of the Army, so that the sea-coast from Algiers to Cercello, lay full of dead men; Horses and ribs of ships; the Numidians coming down, and slaying all that came alive to land. In few hours was lost above 140 ships, and all the small Boats and Carvels. Some Galleys having from mid-night to noon next day, by painfulness and skill rid it out: being no longer able to endure the rage of the tempest, ran a ground, but the men swimming to land, were by the Numidian Horsmen slain. There did Freemen commend their lives and Liberty with tears to their own Galley-slaves, by their entreaty to be saved from the cruelty of the Numidians: yet most chose rather to abide che danger of the sea, than to hasten their end by the enemies hand; whereby many Galley's were saved, which should otherwise have been run on ground: but the Jannetin (Auria his Galley) being driven on the sands, the Emperour not enduring to see so valiant a man slain by the Moors in sight of Auria, his Uncle sent a Captain with 3 Italian Bands to the sea-side, whereby the Moons were put to slight, and they in the Galley saved; but many others trusting to the rescue of the Souldiers, ran their Galleys on ground: and had not some bold Captains with their drawn-swords threatned death to the Galley slaves and Marriners, most of the Galleys had likewise perished.

Auria angry at the Emperour, for undertaking that great expedition unseasonably, strove invincibly against [Page] the violence of the tempest, bestowing some under the Hatches, who requested him to save himself whatever became of his Galley. Also 4 Galleys of Ursinus Earl of Anguillaria, & as many Rhodian tid it out. Some also of [...], Naples and Spain endured it; yet was there fifteen great Galleys cast away, whereby, besides the losse of so many ships, the Tempest still enduring, the whole Army was utterly discouraged, for all their Victuals was lost, wanting Tents to shroud them in such perpetual rain and dirt, and a heavier care troubled them, doubting how to return home; yet the notable courage of the Emperour still kept the distressed men in hope: who having assured his Camp, He commanded the wearied Captains chiefly the Duke of Alba, to take rest, comforting the wounded, and causing them to be cherished in the Tents yet standing; not sparing any pains, being in his Armour and thorow wet. About 3000 men were lost, 5 being forward Captains, and 3 Knights of the Rhodes: but many more hurt. Shortly after, Auria foreseeing a tempest, departed with his remainder to the Cape Metafusium, advising the Emperour to march thither by land: who first commanded all the draught-Horses, then the Horses for service to be killed, and divided among the hungry Souldiers: they having plenty of the broken ships to make fire of: next day departing from Algiers, the sick and wounded being in the middle of the Army: and marching 7 miles, (the enemy hovering about him) he came to the Brook Alcaraz, which was now grown so high, that it was not to be passed over by a good Horsman: wherefore he there encamped in form of a Triangle; two sides of his Army being defended by the sea and the Brook, & the other with a strong guard. Many adventuring to swim over, were carried away by the stream, & drowned; wherefore a Bridge being made with Masts and Sayl-yards, the Italians and Germans passed over: the Spaniards foording it over higher up: after which, the Turks pursued them [Page] no further, but the Moors and Numidians following at hand, were easily repulsed by the Harquebusiers and fieldpieces: yet on such sick and wounded as could not keep way with the Army, they shewed all manner of cruelty. Next day wading up to the breasts over another little River, they came in 3 dayes to the place of the Fleet, encamping in the ruines of the old City Tipasa, serving them in stead of a Fortress.

The sea being now calm, the Emperour commanded every man to make ready to go aboard: first the Italians, next the Germans, lastly the Spaniards: but it was thought there was scarce Vessels enough left to receive the whole Army, though close crowded; Wherefore he commanded all the horses, though of great worth, to bo cast over board, to the great grief of the owners: who said, they should also lose the most notable Race of Horses in Spain. But scarce half the Souldiers were embarqued, but the East and North wind, and then contrary-winds rose: whereupon the ships already loaded, without command, for fear of being driven on Rocks, directed their course with full sayls along the Coast: who were soon dispersed with [...] Tempest into several Countries: some being in sight of their fellows, swallowed up in the sea, and 2 Spanish ships were driven again to Algiers, falling on the shoar, where the Numidians and Moors came running to kill them as they came ashoar; for the barbarous people would not receive them to mercy: which cruelty the Spaniards [...], got to shoar, and standing close, desperately withstood them, who with their multitude quickly encompassed them: yet they made their way through them unto the gates of the City; but seeing the Turks salley out, they offered to yield themselves prisoners to Assan, if they would assure them of life; so Assan comming forth gave them his Faith, and beating away the Barbarians, saved them all, to his great gain, and commendation of clemency. Above two parts of the Germans were either [Page] lost by shipwrack, or dead of sicknesse. The Emperour over-ruled by Auria, sailed along the coast Eastward to Buzia: in whose Castle, kept by Spaniards, he found some fresh Victual, while he lay here for fair weather. A great Genuan ship laded with Victual, came into the Bay; yet, through the violence of the Tempest, she was cast away upon the flats: yet part of the Victual (half-spoyled) was driven ashoar, well relieving their increasing want.

The wind, of North, being come to Northwest, he sent away Gonzaga with the Sicilian and Rhodian Galleys, putting them in hope to adventure again to sea: So with a troublesome course, they soon came into the Port of Utica, or Farinas: where Muleasses hountifully relieved them, whence they safely landed in Sicilia. The rageing sea becoming calm, they reasoned in Council often, what course best to take; but the wind coming fair at East, the Emperour sayled to the Baleares, thence arrived at length at the Port of new Carthage in Spain, greatly commended even of his Enemies, for his wondrous conrage and constancy in so many extremities.

About this time the dissembled Friendship, betwixt Charls aod King Francis brake out into open hatred; this thinking himself deluded by the other, who had fed him with vain hope of restoring the Dukedom of Millane: and lately abused by the death of Rinco his Embassador: wherefore he raised a great power in France, sending Charls his son with one part into the Low-countries, and Henry his other son with the other part, to invade Spain: setting on the Duke of Cleve in the Low-countries, and soliciting Solyman by Polinus his Embassadour, to spoyl the borders of Spain with his Galley's, while Henry was besieging Perpenna; for which he was of most discommended, as too much favouring his own grief. Polinus passing by many by-wayes to Venice, and crossing [...], met with Solyman in Misia coming from Buda, first offering him a curious Cupboard of Plate, weighing 600 [Page] pounds, and 500 rich garments for the Bassaes and great [...]. Solyman reading the French Kings Letters, and hearing what he had further to say, promised him he would not be wanting by sea or Land, to give him ayd in his just wars against Charls his enemy; telling him, when he was come to Constantinople, he should have answer (by his Bassaes). Of all Polinus chiefly desired him to send Barbarussa with his Fleet against next summer, into Provence, to be employed against the Emperour out of the French Harbour: also to request the Venetians to joyn in League with his Master against Charls, who began to be dreadful to them: when they were come out to Constantinople in the latter end of Decem. Solyman advised Polinus [...] return to France, and to bring him certain word of the determinate time of undertaking those wars: and that he would the while, send [...] to Venice, who would provide such a Fleet in readiness as he desired. He exceeding [...], speedily returned, with 2 goodly Horses and a rich sword, presents from Solyman to the French King: who discoursing with Polinus 3 days together of his proceedings, soon sent him back with full instructions of time and place, with other circumstances of the intended War. He coming to Venice, found not Junusbeius there: yet with Pellicerius the French Embassador Legier and others of that faction, he laboured with the Senators in behalf of his Master; and having audience in the Senate, notably pleaded the French Kings cause, grievously lamenting the death of the Embassador slain by the Spaniards & bitterly inveighing against the Emperor's ambition. The Senate declaring the time for Junusbeius his coming, gravely answered, [...]' [...] with the French King, ought to be an Ornament to them, but no burthen: the like they held with the Emperour, whom they would in no case seem to cast off, though they had been by him over-raught: that they were generally of opinion to preserve their peace, having in hard times of war endured great extremities, hardly to be recovered with long[Page]peace: whether 'twere good for them to thrust themselves into war, being in League with 3 of the greatest Princes of the World. Junusbeius the while arrived there, requesting, that the League made by Badoerius might be confirmed: and requested only to joyn further courtesies to that amity which they held with the French King; and the rather, because Solyman, accounting him for his Brother, had also undertaken to ayd him against Charls: but as to joyn in League, or in his quarrel to take up arms, he requested nothing: Wherefore Polinus and Pellicerius, thought the Turk, who had spoke so coldly in the cause, to be corrupted; but it afterwards appeared, there was such equity and modesty in Solyman's Letters, that he would not then exact any thing of them, not standing with the good of their State,

Polinus travelling by Land to Gonstantinople from Regusium whither he was transported, found all things more difficult than he dreamed of; for the great Bassaes said, there could be no Fleet set out that year, he being come too late, the spring being past; Polinus was exceedingly vexed with grief and care: Dixius also being come to carry newes into France of the coming of the Turks Fleet: who told Polinus, The Kings sons expected nothing more than their coming: Wherefore he wondrously tormented himself, cursed the froward and unconstant manners of the Bassaes, calling upon the Faith of Solyman, beseeching the Bassaes one by one, against their promise not to forsake the King, since by that delay his Majesty was betrayed, and a Victory now as good as gotten, quite marred. He was so [...] and [...], that becoming rather loathsome than gracious unto them, they sent for him and his followers to Court; Barbarussa sitting with them: who being entred the Council-Chamber; Solyman Bassa, the Eunuch made a sharp speech unto them, telling them: In their Demands, was no equity nor Modesty: [Page] that they Frenchman were ever forgetful and negligent in the Turks dangers, but in their own alwayes mindful and diligent: shewing themselves friends to them when need was, not in deeds and certain ayd, but only in bare Letters and Embassages, instancing in particulars: and saying. A Fleet would be rigged in Winter, furnished and set forward in Spring: In summer was safe sayling and making war: Which that it might be so, they would for the Commonwealths sake perswade the Emperour: If [...] be wise, saith he, to Polinus, take these things in good part, as friendly spoken, &c.

This severe speech troubled him the more, because they seemed to be sent from Solyman himself, who was thought to have heard all; for behind the Bassaes was a Window, where the Emperour (unperceived) might when he pleased, hear the complaints, and suits of Nations: and note the Bassaes manners: whose care was the greater, for fear of his presence, yet did not Polinus so give over his suit; but by gifts to the Capiaga or chief Porter, laboured to be brought to the speech of Solyman himself. So being brought to Solyman's presence, he most earnestly requested him not to fail the King, of the promised Fleet: who was then invading his enemies in 3 places. Solyman expresly answered, The opportunity was past, not by his will, but by his late-coming; but promised next spring to send unto his friend and brother, twice so big a Fleet as he had desired: with which answer he dispatched Dixius into France: whereupon King Francis, called back Henry his eldest son from besieging Perpenna.

The Princes and [...] of Germany, at the request of Ferdinand and the Hungarian Nobility decreed about this time, to take up Arms, for recovering Buda and other lost places: for they saw, if the Hungarians were not speedily relieved, they should soon be forc ed to fight for all they enjoyed, against the Turk at their own doors. Wherefore they sent out 30000 Foot and 7000 Horse, Joachimus [Page] Marquesse of Brandeburgh being General; yet so, that to him were 8 others (aged and experienced men) joyned, by whose counsel he was to be directed. Ferdinand's power met them at Vienna: [...] Governour of Stiria coming in with 10000 Horsmen: unto whom Seredius Bathor, and Perenus Nobles of Hungary, joyned with 15000 Horsmen: whither also Pope Paul 3d. sent 3000 choyse Footmen out of Italy, under the conduct of famous Vitellius. The Marquesse with his Army marched from Vienna, so softly that the Hungarian and Italian Captains said, The best part of summer was spent in loytering: chiefly Medices, who had perswaded the King, to be ready to set sorward with the first of the spring, before the Turks could augment their Garrisons: which wholsome counsel Ferdinand (too much crediting his great Courtiers) rejected, first expecting the assembly of all his Forces. At length they came to Strigonium: where it was reported, that Solyman fearing to lose Buda, was coming himself, or sending the General of his Europeian Horse, who never warred without 60000 Horsmen. Wherefore the Germans made no great haste, doubting how to return if they got not the Victory. Besides 'twas thought, the Marquess purposed only to defend the bounds of Austria, and by shewing the strength of Germany to terrifie the Turks; but it being certainly known that that report of the Turks Army was vain, and that there was scarce 1000 Janizaries and 2000 Horse come to Buda, the Turks Fleet also inferiour to the Kings: they set forward with more cheerfulnesse, much encouraged by the Hungarians, assuring them, if they would speedily march on, they should not find at Buda, any Turks worth the name of an Army; for Solyman used to make war but every second year: Wherefore the Marquesse appointed to pass over Danubius: which Perenus Huganot and Medices liked not of, rather to hold on his way directly to Buda: but the General and his Counsellours said, The Souldiers would with [Page] much more coutage and cheerfulness endure the siege of Buda, if they had first beaten them out of Pesth; so the Army by 2 Bridges with great labour made, was transported over. Then did Medices an Italian, the Kings Admiral take the Island of St. Margaret, a little above Buda, repulsing the Turks Fleet to the Suburbs of the City. The Marques to avoid the danger of the shot from Buda, fetcht a great compass, and came to the North side of Pesth; for Buda standing on a Hill, and divided from Pesth only with the River, so commands all the plain thereabouts, that none can stir without danger on any side but Northward: Coming thither, he was told by some fugitives that Bulis Governour of Buda (for Solyman the Hungarian was dead of the plague) had in Garrison, 2000 Horsmen, & that Ulames of Bosna was come with 3000 more: whereto Amurathes had joyned another 1000 from Dalmatia: and that Segemenes was come with 1000 Janizaries, the other foot being but Country-people: also that their Fleet was 60 smal Pinnaces, 10 Galleys, & a few great boats: that Solyman had commanded them to defend Pesth & Buda to the last man, proposing great rewards to the valiant, to the cowardly extream punishment: and if need were, to send to Sophia for Achomates General of his European Horse; Upon their approach the Turks issuing out, skirmished with the Hungarians; but some few being on both sides slain they both retired. Next day, Vitellius coming nigh the City, to chuse a place for battery; the Turks sallied out at 2 gates at once: the fight being begun with like courage & force, the Turks still sending forth supplies, forced them disorderly to retire, losing 4 Captains & 2 Ensigns: & had not Vitellius with one troop valiantly repulsed the Janizaries, the loss had been much more: Vitellius exceeingly grieved, and perceiving their manner of fight; encouraged his Souldiers, requesting Perenus to be ready to joyn with him upon occasion: and going out of the Kings walled-Orchards (where he lay encamped) with 12 Companies, [Page] he commanded the rest to stand ready at all assays: so fetching a compass, marched toward the City. The proud enemy speedily sallying out, couragiously charged them; whom Vitellius (covering his shot with his pikes & stand standing close); received by whose shot, oft on their knees, many Turks were laid on ground, while they desperately sought to break their order: when many Turks had come out of the gates, and divers come over from Buda to partake of the Victory, Vitellius (of purpose) by little and little retired: then the enemy with a great shout began more fiercely to assayl them, their Horse also clapping behind them; whereupon, Perenus suddenly clapt in with his Light-horse betwixt the City and Turks: after whom followed Mauritius (about 20 years old) afterward Duke of Saxonie, with a strong troop of Germans.

The Turks thus shut in, began to retire; Vitellius coming on, charged them fiercely, and the Horse breaking in on tother side, made great slaughter of them: who run to the gates in such fear, that many thrust each other thorow with their pikes: divers being driven into the River and drowned, a 100 Janizaries, and 400 others being lost. Mauritius having his Horse slain under him was in danger to be lost, had not Ribische covered him with his own body till rescued, Ribische presently dying of his wounds. The battery was now presently planted, at first so far off, (doing little harm) though the walls were old and thin: the Ordnance also mislaid, either shot short or quite over the City; the battery being removed nearer, a fair Breach was soon made in the wall. Vitellius first offered to assault it, so the Germans would presently second him, which they all by holding up their hands, promised couragiously; but cowardly by and by, about to break the same: the Hungarians also promising not to be behind; Segemenes receiving new supplyes from Ulames, had cast a deep Countermure against the Breach: and within [Page] that a strong Barricado, with Vessels filled with sand and earth: behind which stood the Souldiers in order with so much silence, that many thought they had been fled over to Buda. The signal given, 4 Italian Captains ran with their Companies to the Breach; but while they set up their Ensignes, and wondring at the Fortification, were ready to leap down, they were suddenly overwhelmed with Arrows and Bullets; yet Vitellius encouraging them brought them still on; but the German Foot with their General stood still under the walls, the Hungarians retiring without looking on the enemy; 2 Italian Captains were slain, and Vitellius his Nephew shot in the shoulder. The Turks repulsed and beat down the Italians: the idle Germans being more galled than one would have thought; for there they still stood for shame: Wherefore Vitellius would in no case depart from the breach, that the Germans might not say, they stayed longest; of whom he complained, he was cowardly betrayed. A Turk spake [...] in the Italian Tongue: Why do not you, valiant Italians, spare your selves, and give place to those lasie Germans? We all wish to spare you, and to beat the drunkenness out of their most cowardly heads, that they should no more hereafter provoke us. At length the Germans weary, got farther off: the Italians forthwith retiring, but very disorderly to be out of danger of shot: 700 were there slain, and many more hurt, who afterwards dyed of their wounds.

All this while, the Marquesse and Huganot were not to be seen, till two valiant Captains finding them out, wished them for shame to appear, to comfort the Army: who consulted whether to forsake or continue the siege: most of the German Captains liking to be gone, though Vitellius & others spake earnestly against it; but a Spy then bringing news (either faigned or vainly believed) that Achomates was coming to Dravus, the Germans resolsolved to return to Vienna: which made many old German [Page] Souldiers hang their heads for shame; and the Hungarians to curse the Germans, and the hard fortune of their Nation, vainly wishing for a more couragious General.

Segemenus early in the morning, sent out all the Horsmen, and after them some Foot-companies for a relief in retiring: who skirmishing with the Hungarians in many places, many of the most notable Souldiers on either side, regarded no other enemy, but him whom every one had singled out to encounter hand to hand. A notable Turk desired to see Vitellius: who being shewed to him, he ran to embrace him for his Honour, and departed. About 500 Horse encountred hand to hand, many being slain or hurt. The Turks perceiving the Christians to be departed, the night following, sallyed out, upbraiding them aloud of cowardise, and hardly pursuing their rear. Ulames, come from Buda, so eagerly followed them, that Vitellius made a stand, requesting the German and Hungarian Horsmen to turn upon them: who put Ulames to flight, slaying many in chase: then they passed on quietly: Yet 700 sick and stragling Germans were slain in sight of their fellows: who, thrice soyled by the Turks, returned full of heavinesse.

The Army coming to Vienna was broke up, and the Italian's sent home, who most dyed by the way of Infection taken in the Camp.

But to cover the shame of this unfortunate Expedition, Perenus was pickt out to fill mens mouths with: who, through envy of the Court, was for suspition of aspiring the Kingdom of Hungary, by Ferdinands command, apprehended in the Castle of Strigonium as a Traitour, and delivered to Medices to be conveyed up the river to Vienna. Liscanus the Spaniard apprehending him, took from him his rich Chain and Cloak: whereupon, above 12000 Hungarians presently returned home, cursing the Germans to the Devil. Perenus was one of the greatest Peers [Page] of Hungary, but most haughty and Magnificent, sometimes having almost a 100 goodly Horses led before him without Riders, and speaking too freely against the barrennesse of Ferdinand's Court: who, polled by his Courtiers, hardly maintained his State: Wherefore the other great Courtiers, conspiring his overthrow would also point at him; saying He savoured of a Crown. Who as he had many Vertues; so was not causelesly noted of ambition and unconstancy, as is before declared,

First it was given out, that his son, who had many years been detained in Solyman's Court, as a pledge of his Fathers fidelity: was then, under colour of a feigned escape, come into Transilvania, agreeing with Solyman; that his Father, should, by promising them all freedom, allure them to Turkish subjection: for which he should be made Governour of Hungary, and in hope to be made Tributary King, if the Child should die: Besides, he had very suspitiously, the Winter before, sent the Turks Captains great presents, receiving the like: Lastly, his Letters seeming to promise some Hungarian Captains, greater entertainment than agreed with his estate: all which, Ferdinand (hardly conceiving ill of the Germans, but any thing of Strangers) soon believed.

Perenus being come near the Gate of Vienna, hearing Torniellus with other brave ones were come to meet the Admiral; requested, he might speak to them out of the close Coach (being opened) wherein he rode: which was easily granted; he seeming to those who had charge of him, unworthy of such suspition; he made a lamentable speech unto them concerning his being apprehended: saying, As for the Kingdom of Hungary, he might well have affected it, and easily have deserved it of Solyman, when Ferdinand (John being dead) was preparing for that war; at which time his friends & followers with the Hungarians love toward him, might have ministred [Page] no unreasonable or unseasonable hope to have drawn a man into courses, not wholly beseeming a Christian: wherefore (saith he) I have, and will (while I live) fight against the Turks, if King Ferdinand shall shew himself an indifferent Judge in this accusation, falsely surmised by the malice of mine enemies.

The Admirall Medices, perswaded him to hope well in the most just King's clemency; and soon after, he and Torniellus entreated the King while hunting, to deal favourably with him; Yet Perenus could not obtain an open hearing, but was committed to perpetual imprisonment, either for surprision of new Treason, or for his old inconstancy. This end had the Warres undertaken by general consent of the Germans against the Turks in 1542. Ferdinand [...] spent in vain, a masse of Treasure, and lost the opinion before conceived of the strength of Germany.

Polinus in 1543. ceased not by all meanes to solicit Solyman to ayd his Master against Charls in Italy, Sicily, and Spain; but he was so crossed by Solyman, (then Visier) that he almost despaired; for the [...] being a great Seaman, envied the honour of Barbarussa, protesting in Councel, he saw no cause why Solyman [...] send out such a Fleet, but to serve Barbarussa's own turn; but Solyman decreed according to his promise, to send his Fleet to the French King by Barbarussa: two dayes after which, Polinus was [...] by Rustan Bassa, and Solyman the Eunuch (for it was their Master's pleasure) both joying of him for the friendship confirmed betwixt the two Princes. So after divers [...] bestowed on him and his chief followers, Solyman at his departure, gave him great charge of his Navy, after the service done, to be again returned, delivering him Letters to King Francis, to the like purpose, telling him, all things should [...] out, according to both their desires, if he took heed, that [Page] Charls did not again deceive him with the motion of a deceitful peace.

Polinus returned from Hadrianople where Solyman then lay, to Constantinople, finding Barbarussa ready to put to Sea with 110 Gallies, and 40 Galliots: so setting forward, April 28. 1543, he arrived first at Caristius, in Euboea: thence to Malea, and, cast by contrary winds into Lacedemon. Bay, staying nine dayes ere he could double the Cape Metapanium. Then from Methone, he came to the Strait of Messana, where, in sight of Rhegium, they began to land their men; wherefore they of the City, fled forth for fear; but the Castle was kept by Gaietane, a Spaniard, who refusing parley, slew certain of the Turks with shot: wherewith the rest enraged, fired the desolate City, sore against Polinus and Barbarussa's will, who sought for the Authours to punish them. Ordnance being planted against the Castle, a few shot so terrified the Captain, troubled with his Wives outcry, that he yielded it with all therein to the enemy: to whom, with his Wife and Children, he granted life and liberty, [...] up the rest, and giving the spoil to his Souldiers: there was about 70 Spaniards, and many more Citizens, all carried away prisoners. Old Barbarussa becoming amorous of one of the Captains very beautiful Daughters, entring her into Mahometanism, made of her as his Wife, bountifully entertaining the Captain as his Father in Law, who came to see her at Hercules Port in Tuscany: Barbarussa came to Ostia, in the mouth of Tiber, so frighting them of Rome, that they were ready to forsake the City, had not Polinus by his Letters to Rodolph, Pope Paul's Legate in the City, in part stayed the sudden tumult.

The Bishop was then at Buxetum, travelling in shew, with [...] Emperour to make peace betwixt him and the French; but secretly labouring to buy of him the [...] of [...], for Octavius his Kinsman, Charls's Son [Page] in Law: As Polinus comforted up Rodolph the Cardinall, so also them of [...] and Ostia; so that they brought the Turks all manner of Victuall, and sometimes four Sheep, or two Oxen, redeemed a Prisoner of Naples; yet many of the weaker sort fled out of the City by night, though the Magistrates did what they could to stay them.

Barbarussa laying there three dayes, and watring, passed along Etruria and Liguria, without doing harm, and so sailed to Marselles, where we leave him for a while.

Solyman came with a great Army into Hungary, for the more assured possession of that Kingdom, sending Amurathes and Ulames to besiege Walpo, strong, and scituate upon Dravus, not far from Exek: after whom followed Achomates with his European Horse. This Town Perenus's possession, was by his Wife and her friends, worthily defended three moneths: at last, delivered to the enemy by the Souldiers, who when they could not perswade their General to consent to a yielding, took him perforce, delivering him with the Town to the Turks, who received him with all courtesie, but the traiterous Souldiers were all put to the Sword: the other Citizens being well used; the Bishop and chief men of Quinque-Ecclesiae, not far off, now fled for fear, the meaner sort willingly yielding it to the Turks. Next strong Town was Soclosia, belonging also to Perenus, which (divers Gentlemen, encouraging the Citizens to stand on their defence) held out a while; but after much harm on both sides, they retired into the Castle, hoping to save themselves by yielding; but Amurathes was so offended, that (promising them onely to come forth at their pleasure) as they came out, slew them all to terrifie others.

Solyman giving those Towns to Amurathes, departed from Buda to besiege Strigonium, kept by Liscanus and [...], two Spaniards with [...] Souldiers. Paul the [Page] Bishop, got away betimes, despairing of mercy, who by Solyman's interposing had been reconciled to [...], [...] again revolted to Ferdinand. The Castle stood on a high Hill, overlooking Danubius underneath it: the Walls were built after the old manner, before Guns were invented: wherefore, Vitellius and Torniellus, sent the year before to view the place, thought the City could hardly be defended, if besieged by a strong enemy, being also subject to a Hill not far off; so that the old Garrison cast up new Bulwarks and Fortifications, and making great boast, seemed to wish for Solyman's coming; but when he had with his Tents, covered the places round about, and brought a [...] Fleet up the River, every man began to doubt of his own safety.

This fear was encreased by Messengers from Solyman, who hearing of what Nations the Garrison consisted, sent three Renegates of his Guard, a Spaniard, Italian and German, to speak to their Countreymen in their own Language. They offered great rewards and [...], to such as would yield in time, denouncing all torture and extremities to those who endured the Summons of a Cannon. It was answered by the Captains, those faithful and valiant Souldiers were not to be won with Gifts, nor terrified with threats. The same day, the Ordnance was planted on the Hill before the Gate, and all the weakest [...] of the Walls so well pickt out to be assaulted, that its to be thought, the Christians wanted faith among themselves.

Salamanca d strusting the Suburb's Fortifications, retired into the City, contrary to what he had boasted.

Achomates [...] that part next the Bishop's Gardens: Ulames, the Towre next the Gate toward Buda: the Asapi were brought on to dig Trenches, and cast up Mounts: the [...] was so discharged without [...] that the Towre, with much of the Wall near it, fell down, as if shaken with a terrible Earth-quake: the [Page] [...] Janizaries also, fetching off any man that stood on the Walls: many further off being grievously wounded with Arrowes falling from high; and the [...] broken with the great shot, killed or maimed the Souldiers near hand: wherefore they forsook the uttermost Wall, casting up new Fortifications within. The enemy also, thrice desperately assailed the breach, but still with losse repulsed: Bultazes Sanzack of Selymeria, a man of great account, being lost. Many the while, who came up the River, with necessaries for the Army, went ashoare, and lay in the Suburbs with great security: wherefore they in the City, suddenly sallying out, slew many before they could arm, driving the rest to their Fleet: so that there was about 200 slain. Zymar the Persian Admiral, in rescuing them, being slain with a small shot. While the Turks did with greater force, daily assail the City, and the [...] despairing of relief, more and more discouraged: an old Calabrian Engineer, fled out to the Turks, who satisfied them in all their questions, directing them in planting their batteries in the most convenient places. It fortuned, that a gilt Brazen Crosse on the Steeple of the Cathedrall, was by the Turk's shooting thereat, at length beaten down: wherefore Solyman is reported (taking it as a token of good luck) presently to cry out, Strigonium is won.

Liscanus and Salamanca secretly conferring together, resolved to give up the Town; for Liscanus was no great Souldier, yet by spoil, exceeding rich; and therefore thought it folly to buy the name of resolute Captain, with the losse of life and wealth: the like feeling was also in Salamanca.

This secret purpose was noised among the Souldiers, a third part being slain, or weak with wounds or sickness: yet they thought generally, they were able still to [...] the Town; but the under-Captains, &c. flatteringly, liked the motion, rather to yield on reasonable termes, [Page] than to expose themselves to most certain death, and not better Ferdinands cause. Ere long, an Auncient was by night let down over the Wall, and receiving the Turk's faith, called forth Salamanca; who coming out, went to Achomates, commanding, before he went, them who defended the Water-Towre (of great danger) for safety of their lives to get into the City: who hastily retiring, the vigilant Turks suddenly breaking in, slew such as were not gone, possessing the Castle; but Salamanca, when he had stood upon many nice termes with the Bassaes, obtained onely, without delay to yield, and put themselves wholly on Solyman's mercy; so being there stayed, he wrote to Liscanus, how he sped, wishing him, if he loved his safety, to yield the City without further termes.

Liscanus hereupon, declared to the Souldiers, the necessity of yielding up, and what hope of life and liberty; but whilest the angry Souldiers stood as in a doubt, Halis, Commander of the Janizaries came, not sternly requiring the Gate to be opened to him, according to Salamanca's agreement: which was done, and the keys delivered to him: they entring peaceably, possessed themselves of the Walls and fortresses, chusing all the beardless youths out of the Souldiers, commanding the rest to cast down their Weapons in a place appointedw;hich they did, expecting nothing but some cruel execution: which fear, was the more increased by a strange accident; for while with their Harquebusses, they cast their flasks of powder also, one of them suddenly took fire of a match, which firing the rest, blew abroad that heap of Weapons among the Janizaries: whereupon, they slew divers Christians; till Halis, perswaded 'twas rather by chance, than malice, commanded them to stay their fury. Then he proclaimed, that all Christians, who would serve Solyman, should have places answerable, with large entertainment; yet were there but seventy, which accepted the offer, for [Page] fear of their lives: whom Halis sent down the River with the culled out youths to Buda: the other helped the Turks to cleanse the Castle; but Liscanus was glad to give Halis the Chain of Gold he took from Perenus, he requiring it as of military courtesie, (a strange Ornament with the Turks) hoping thereby to save his other Coyn; but when the covetous Coward was about to depart with his Horses of service, and Saddles cunningly stuffed full of Gold, the Turk laughing at him, took them also so furnished, saying, He who was to go by water, needed no Horses: The rest, were conveighed over Danubius: travelling to Possonium, where Count Salma by Ferdinand's Command, committed Liscanus and Salamanca and some others to custody, to answer their cowardly yielding up the City: which Solyman entred Aug. 10. 1543, and turning the Christian Temples into Mahometane, first sacrificed for his Victory, as before at Buda, and speedily so fortified it, as if to take away all hope of recovery thereof: deriding the Germans negligence, who keeping it 14 years, had not fortified it.

Solyman leaving Ossainus Governour there, sent his Tartarian Horse to spoil the Countrey, as farre as Alba Regalis, going himself to besiege Tatta Castle, [...] terrified Souldiers, upon the first Summons yielded, and quietly departed: the Castle, (the Turks keeping their Provinces under, by few, but very strong holds) being presently rased to the ground: Torniellus causing Hanniball the Captain to lose his head for his cowardly yielding up his charge, thereby to admonish others.

Solyman marched thence to [...] Regalis, which stands more into the Land, than Buda and Strigonium, strongly seated in midst of a Lake, but not so wholsomly, especially in Summer.

From the City thorow the Lake, lay three broad and high Causies, built with fair Houses, and Gardens on each side: at the end of every Causey, toward the Land, were [Page] strong Bulwarks, which the Citizens used not to watch, but in dangerous times of Warre: the City thus standing, and compassed about with a strong Wall, with a deep ditch alwayes full of water, was hardly to be besieged: wherefore a great number of people, fled into it with their Cartel, as into a most sure hold. There was two German Companies, and 200 Horsemen, with 500 Hungarian Horsemen, who, living by robbing, are infamously called Usarous.

Tornicllus the Italian, sent in four Companies of Italians, the most forward in that service: Then came Borcocius Captain of the King's Guard, with a Company of Horse, as Generall: who no sooner come, but news was brought of Solyman's approach: wherefore he convened the Captains, with Birrous the Mayor, and other chief Citizens, what was best to be done; but chiefly, whether the Suburbs were to be destroyed or not? that the City might with lesse labour and danger, be defended.

This question was seriously debated, and great reasons alledged on both sides: at last, the Citizens cryed out with one voice against the matter: of which opinion, was Serofactus, an Italian Captain, saying, both City and Suburbs might with like danger be defended, since both were equally fortified with the Marish; and at the worst, the Defendants might safely retire into the City: at last standing up, he said [...] Gentlemen, what shew will you give of your valour, &c. If you shall defend so famous a City, by deforming it your selves, &c. before the danger? Verily ye shall do nothing, &c. un ess this City (if God please) be of you whole and sound, valiantly defended. Hereupon they all rose, the wiser yielding to the [...] of the simple: Barcocius also, setting a good coun enance on that which liked him not) declared to the Souldiers, the reasons thereof, exhorting them with the like valour, to answer that honourable [...], promising to provide all necessaries for a Victory, [Page] and [...] those deserving of great rewards. The Suburbs were quickly fortified, the Ordnance conveniently planted, and Watch and Ward kept by turns, day and night.

The Turks bent their forces onely against the Suburbs of the Gate, towards Buda, because the Lake was there driest, and the ground sandy, more unfit for Fortifications.

Barcocius drew all the Italians and Germans into the Suburbs of that Gate, leaving the Countrey people in their places. At first, they sallying out, made light skirmishes for three dayes, without any great harm on either side; but Solyman himself being come, and besetting the City far and near with his Tents; they shut up the Gates, and sallyed no more out: wherefore the Hungarian Usarons, that they might not be coupt up, as they termed it, asking-leave for fashion, sake, by night departed, though entreated to stay, escaping thorow the Woods from the enemy. The Turks the while, being come with Winding Trenches, within shot, so scoured the top of the Bulwark, that none could appear but he was wounded: the Ordnance also soon battered asunder the Planks and Timber, which kept in the sandy mould; and the shot flying quite thorow, slew and wounded many far off, the Asapi the while, in 12 dayes, making a way to passe over to the Bulwark and Suburbs, with Earth and Wood, brought thereby, in 600 Wagons, thought impossible to have bin done. The Ditches [...] filled up, the Turks sought by force to enter the Bulwark: first the Asapi: then the Horsemen now on foot, covering the Janizaries, who on their knees with Harquebusses, sore gauled the Defendants: they fought above 3 houres with equal hope; but the Turks still [...] afresh, gained the uttermost Bulwark; yet the Italian Fort was valiantly defended, the Women and religious helping; and a tall Hungarian Woman, thrusting in upon the top of [...] Fort, struck off two Turks Heads with a Sithe at one blow.

[Page]This assault was Aug. 29. on which day they took Belgrade, and slew King Lewis, hoping to take the City then, as on a fortunate day, but they were forced to retire. Solyman [...], sharply reproved Abraham Achomates, and Halis, because, the Bulwark being won, they had not more couragiously prosecuted the Victory, &c. sternly commanding them to prepare for a fresh assault within 3 dayes, uever to return to him without winning the City: who answered, They would in short time accomplish his desire; and encouraging the Souldiers, they terribly assayled the Rampires: and (through a thick mist) they got up to the top thereof with great silence, coming to handy blows ere they were well discovered. The fight was for the time terrible; but the Janizaries at length put the Germans, then the Italians to a hasty flight, which [...] availed, seeing they were to passe thorow a little narrow Gate; and they in the City, without regard of them that fled, had plucked up the draw-Bridge over the Ditch; so the Turks pursuing them all along those Suburbs, many notable men, some fighting, some fleeing, were slain; Serosactus being one: Barcocius fleeing to the little gate not to be passed thorow on Hors-back, and crying in vain to have the great Gate opened, was by the Janizaries slain, whose Head and right-hand full of Rings, was carried about in derision on a Launce. The rest finding the little gate shut up with dead bodies, and the Bridge drawn up, threw themselves into the Ditch: where some taken hold of by others that could not swim, were drowned together. Some hardly crawling over, were shotwith arrows: others sticking in the mud, were shot to death also; some few got over & were saved. The General of the German-Horse and Uscasades an Italian, gathering the remainder, placedthem on the Walls: but Birrous, the Aldermen and others, were now so overcome with despair, that they thought of no hope but in the mercy of Solyman; wherfore Birrous spake from the Wall, safely to send to Solyman; to treat upon [Page] reasonable conditions of surrender: which Achomates easily granted. The General of the German Horse, and Rufus an Italian (the most valiant men in all the assaults) went with the Embassadours: who requested (upon yielding) for their lives and Liberties: who so answered, as that it seemed all should not be pardoned. Rufus easily obtained, the Italians to depart with bag and baggage to Vienna: so did the German General for his. Rufus refusing to serve Solyman, as bound by oath to Ferdinand, Solyman Bassa gave him a rich Cloak in Honour of his Valour. The Embassadours returning, and telling their successe, freed the Citizens of a great fear.

The City yielded: Achomates openly proclaimed, the Italians and Germans to be ready to depart next day, and to beware that no Hungarian went with them: the Citizens also to keep their Houses till they were departed: whom Homares faithfully defended against the roaming Tartars: losing nothing but their dags, carried at the Germans saddle-bow: The Turks delighting to see them shot off with a Fire-lock, as a Novelty; but they (after Homares departure) had hot skirmishes with the Hungarians, in their passage, being rescued from danger by the Kings Garrisons: which remainder came to Vienna more like ghosts than men.

Solyman entring the City, and visiting the King's Sepulchres: proclaimed, the Hungarians should not fear; for he came not to Conquer them, but to free them from German-bondage; so to restore that Kingdom entire to young Steven. But 3 or 4 dayes after, he called out the chief Citizens into a field, where condemned men were buried, as if to swear them to fidelity: whether they coming as to a solemn feast, the Tyrant slew them all; yet some report, they were only such as bare Office when they revolted from the Queen, and Infant-King to Ferdinand, the rest being exiled to Buda and Belgrade. So leaving Balibeius the Governour, and Mahometes of Belgrade [Page] his Lievtenant, for the whole Kingdom, he returned to Constantinople. All this while, Ferdinand had no power worth speaking of to withstand so mighty an enemy. While Solyman lay at this siege, he sent his Tartarian Horsmen to spoyl the Country round; about 3000 in divers places were slain by the Hungarians: one of them being taken, had half a child of two-years old in his Snap-sack.

Barbarussa fretted exceedingly, that he had all this while layen at Marceilles, doing nothing: the blame whereof, he said, would be imputed to him: and that Solyman would take it ill to have it reported, that he had set out so great a Fleet, and so far off to help his Friend, and to do nothing; also he took on like a Turk, that he should now blemish his former credit, by laying still all that Summer, where his Souldiers grew lazy; Wherefore Polinus told the King hereof, bringing order to Barbarussa to besiege Nice a sea-City in Provence, pawned by a French King to the Duke of Savoy for a great summe of money; which Francis had oft offered to repay, but could not get it out of his hands. He sent also 22 Galleys, and 18 ships of his own, with 8000 Foot and much Victual: 2 dayes after which, came Barbarussa also to the Port of Monoc with 150 Galleys; whence Polinus wrote to the State of Genua not to fear, that Fleet being not to hurt so much as them of Nice, if they would yield: and for more assurance, had divers Genua captives freed out of the Turks Galleys without Ransom. Then he friendly exhorted them of Nice, to yield to their [...] and Lawful Prince, rather than to adventure all extremities for that distressed Duke, between the Emperour & French King, spoiled of most of his Dominions, &c. The Magistrates answered, They knew no other Soveraign but Charls their Duke: wherefore he should desist further to solicite them, &c. Wherefore they besieged it in 3 places. They had lately new fortified their walls by Simeon Capt. [Page] of the Castle, and an experienced Knight of the Rhodes his direction: who for their more resolute withstanding the Turks, took their wives and children and the weaker sort into the Castle, thence furnishing the Citizens with all necessaries. The City being battered in divers places by sea and land at once, the Turks had much beaten a new Bulwark, attempting to enter: Leo Strozza with a Band of Italians, seeking also to enter, but they manfully repulsing both, caused them to retire, about 200 Turks being slain, and of Strozza's men 22. Barbarussa battered it afresh, so terribly, that their walls being opened, the Souldiers sore wounded, and no hope of timely relief: parlyed with the General from the wall, to yield the City, living under the French King in all respects, as they had under the Duke: for which he gave them his Faith: but fearing the Turks would violate this Composition, he entreated Barbarussa to cause his Souldiers to go aboard: Wherefore, the Janizaries deceived of their hoped prey, were about to have slain Polinus and Strozza comming from Barbarussa.

The taking of the Castle now, consisted in assailing the Castle it self, and defending the City from salleys, and from an enemies raising the siege. Barbarussa put the French to choise which to take: Who standing in doubt, he scorning their slownesse, conveniently placed 7 battering-peeces, 2 being very great, in a trice to their admiration: wherewith he quickly beat down the Battlements and Sentinel-houses, so that none could appear on the walls: the French also bartered the Castle; but through long shooting, Polinus requested to borrow, or buy powder and shot of Barbarussa: who fumed exceedingly, that they in their own Country should want provision, &c. not forbearing to taunt them, and oft complaining, that he was deluded with hope of great matters promised: threatning to lay hands on Polinus, who had brought him, where he must lose his Honour; or, having spent his Ammunition, [Page] expose his Fleet to all dangers: Wherefore, calling a Council, He gave out, presently to return to Constantinople, seeing, among those cowardly and unskilfull men, he found nothing ready, or according to promise; yet by entreatance and large promises, he was perswaded to continue the siege; but presently Letters were intercepted from Vastius to the Captain of the Castle, to [...] out a while, till he (who had sent his Light-Horsmen before) might come with his men at arms, who would in 2 days (with slaughter of the Turks) put him out of fear: Whereupon, such a fear came on the besiegers (next night being also very rainy and Tempestuous) that leaving all, and by narrow-paths, climbing over the High-Mountain, they came down to the Fleet; but at day (no enemy to be seen) they (ashamed) came again to the siege: Ere long, when the Castle (standing on a Rock) was judged hardly to be battered or under-mined, they thought good to depart: the Turks then, taking the spoil of the City, set it on fire. Barbarussa retiring to Antipolis, came to Anchor at the Island Margarita: Vastius the Duke, with Auria, then arriving at Villa Franca. In which Haven's entrance, the Galley wherein Vastius went, was like to be lost: 4 other being, by Tempest driven upon Rocks, and so suddenly beaten in pieces, that the Galley-slaves could not strike off their Irons, but were drowned.

Polinus hearing hereof, sent to Barbarussa, perswading him to hasten thither, as to an assured Victory; who promised to go, yet moved [...], letted as was thought by contrary weather. But the wind fallen and sea calm, and he setting slowly forward, coming again to an Anchor: the Turks Captains scoffingly said, Barbarussa did but reason to deal kindly with Auria, who had received the like Friendship at his hands, in letting him escape at Hippona: who answered then and afterwards, only, That [...] an old Commander and half-blind, [...] more in the matter than all those green Captains with their sharp sight.

[Page]Ere long he returned into the Haven of Tolon. Vastius and the Duke coming to Nice, commended Simeon, preferring the Turks Fortifications before the Christians; Barbarussa, with all courtesie entertained, sent Salec and Assanes his Kinsman with 25 Galleys, who riffled some sea-Towns in Spain: taking great prize about the Promontorie of Creum; and a Merchant-ship, and a Galley in Paiamos-Haven: passing to Algiers to winter, and at spring to return to Provence.

Barbarussa that Winter repairing his Fleet, had many necessaries from the Genowayes: especially from Auria, and that under colour of redeeming prisoners: for he would not shew an enemies mind by denial of a little sea Furniture, lest he should have hurt his Native Country Genua.

But Muleasses hearing of Barbarussa's coming with this great Fleet, doubted (not without cause) lest it was prepared against himself. Besides, five of his great Cities (Constantina, Mahemedia, Mahometa, Leptis, and Adrumentum) were then holden by the Turks: Wherefore about the time that he sayled along Italy, himself passed into Sicily to have met the Emperour at Genua for greater ayd against the Turks: committing the tuition of his Kingdom to Mahometes (Manifaet) to Govern the City; Corsus or Fares to keep the Castle, whose brother Mahometes and son Fares were left pledges to Tavarres (Captain of Guletta-Castle) of his Faith; but to his son Amiva, he committed the leading of his men of War.

Passing out of Sicily, he was driven by contrary winds (at length) to Naples: being Honourably entertained by the Viceroy: The Citizens wondring at his people's strange Attire, with their costly Dishes, putting therein Odours of exceeding price; so that a Peacock and two Fea sants dressed, cost above 100 Duckats: all dwelling [Page] near partaking of the smell. While he abode at Naples, (the Emperour from Buxetum so willing him) attending what course Barbarussa (disappointed at Nice) would take; he was advertised out of Africk that Amida his son possessing his Kingdom, had slain his Captains, polluted his Wives, and taken Tunis-Castle; Wherefore Muleasses exceedingly troubled, with all haste opened his Coffers, entertaining Souldiers: the Viceroy giving leave to all banished men to come and give their name to go into Africk: whereupon a great number of Malefactors and condemned persons flocked to Naples: of which infamous men, one Lofredius (of a fierce and covetous disposition) undertook the leading; who having three moneths pay before hand; leavying 1800 men, and keeping most of their pay, passed over with the King into Africk.

Amida rose up against his Father by means of certain Noblemen about him, who ruled him at their pleasure: the chief was Mahometes son of Bohamer (Manifaet) in the Raign of Muleasses's Father, whom Muleasses reigning slew, by cutting off his privities, for deceiving him of Rahamana a maid of exceeding beauty whom he most passionately loved: for which Mahometes had long conceived a dissembled deadly hatred against him.

Next was Mahometes Adulzes, whom Muleasses used to call his worst servant These two with others, gave out that Muleasses was dead, having first revolted to Christianity, perswading him quickly to enter into his Fathers seat, lest Mahometes his younger Brother in Hostage at Guletta, should by the hélp of [...] be preferred before him; for he was 18 years old, resembling (every way) his Grandfather, and therefore best beloved of those of Tunis. Wherefore [...] came in post to [...], to lay first hand on the Kingdom.

[Page]The people as yet hearing not of his Fathers death, marvelled at his rashnesse: Mahometes the Governour sharply reproved him of Treason, perswading him to return to the Camp; and seeing him stay, thrust him out of the City: who got him into the pleasant Countrey of Martia: but the Governour got him speedily to Touarres, to know more assuredly if there were Newes from Sicily of the Kings death, complaining of Amida; where staying somewhat long, and then returning, the Voyce went, he had practised with Touarres, to make Mahometes King; whereby some Citizens (hating the very name of Muleasses) speedily certified grieving-Amida how all stood, &c. Who now revived, and encouraged by his followers, returned to Tunis; and entring in at the open Gate, ran to the Governour's House, who not at home, he slew all his Houshold, going presently to the Castle: Where, Fares, the Captain, laying hands on his Horses-bridle to keep him out, was by an Aethiopian thrust thorow with a sword: over whose sprawling body Amida riding, brake into the Castle with his followers, where he slew the Governour of the City: after which, murdering his yonger brethren, he polluted his Fathers Concubines.

Muleasses (landing at Guletta) was advised by Touarres not to go to Tunis with so few men, before assurance of the Citizens good disposition toward him: being the more earnest with Lofredius: because the Viceroy had written, he should in no case go further, except the the King (as he promised) had also a good strength of [...]; but some Moorish Nobles fleeing under a colour, out of the City, putting their swords to their throats, and (swearing to be faithful) [...] [...] them forward: saying, [...] ( [...] the [...] of his Father) would flee; so they [...] [...] with [...] displayed; Touarres requesting [...] [...], [...] [...] of the Moors treachery.

[Page] Muleasses being now descryed from the Walls, a strong Troop suddenly [...] out with a terrible cry, and a fierce assail, many falling on both sides. Muleasses fighting couragiously, was wounded in the face, bleeding exceedingly, whose men doubting of his life, fled: a great number of Horse and Foot, suddenly besetting Lofredius round, out of the Olive Gardens, on whom the Italians discharged some Field-pieces; but had no leisure to charge again, they coming on so thick and fast; so the Italians, discouraged, let fall their Weapons, and cast themselvs into the Lake, to save themselves by swimming, and taking hold of small Boats, which furnished with small Pieces, did repulse the Moores pursuing them into the Lake with their Horses.

Lofredius was unhorsed in the Lake andslain, as were divers with him. A few, chose rather to die in midst of their enemies, than to be strangled in the stinking Lake.

Muleasses soyled with blood and dust, was taken: nothing bewraying him more than his odours. 1300 Italians were slain: Touarres relieving the rest, shipped them into Sicilie, who came to Naples exceeding poor. Amida, victorious, cut out his Fathers eyes with a hot Pen knife, to make him unfit for Government: so he served his two Brethren, taken with him. Then he certified Touarres, he would deliver to him a few youths, taken prisoners; & that he had bereaved his Father of his sight, deserving worse, as having done the like to his Brethren, &c. confirming, upon conditions, his Fathers League with him: which Touarres refused not, as profitable at present; for he was to give him money to pay his Souldiers: to deliver the prisoners, with the Ensigns and body of Lofredius, giving Sehites his Son, nine years old, in hostage for more assurance yet, Touarres safely to restore him, if they must needs enter into War; but Touarres thought it not wholly agreeing with the Emperours honour, that he should [Page] enjoy the Kingdom, who treasonously and villanously, had thrust himself thereunto, without his leave. Wherefore (there being among the Numidians, one Abdamaelech, (an exile ever since Roscetes fled to Barbarussa) Muleasses's Brother) Touarres [...] for him, putting him in hope of the Kingdom, supported by [...], a great Numidian Prince, who had long [...] him: he was encouraged also by predictions of Astrologers, who foretold him, he should die King of Tunis. Amida was gone to Biserta (casting no peril) to take order for his Customs there great upon fishing: wherefore; Touarres sent back Sehites in a Boat to Tunis, and received [...], secretly come thither, and after a few [...] rest, he posted with [...] Numidian Troop to Tunis, entring the Castle without resistance, the Warders thinking him to be Amidae, come from Biserta; for Abdamaelech had [...] their manner, covered his face with a Scarfe, as if to keep him from the Sun and dust. The Warders perceiving their errour, in making resistance, were soon slain by Abdimaelech's Numidians: who letting his many friends in the City, into the Castle, was presently saluted King, the rest well [...] it, or not daring to stir. But this new King sickned, and died, having reigned but 26 dayes, and was royally enterred: whose friends encouraged by [...], chose Mahometes his Son (scarce twelve years old) to reign: [...] Abdalages (Maxiphaethis his Brother, whom Amida slew), Abdelchirinus, Mesuar, Schyrifsus, and Perellus a Christian Knight, to be his Directors and Governours; but Abdelchirinus, devising how to set up one of the Royal blood, able of himself to govern, was by the other three slain, with all his Kindred and known friends: so setting up a kind of Triumvirate Government. Amida thus shut out, wandred up and down to many places, [...] ayd of all to recover his Kingdom, miserably rent (he said) by most wicked men, tryumphing over the boy-King: [Page] which they of Tunis knew to be true, complaining of [...]'s death, whom they called the Father of his Country: [...] the while, obtained of the young King some time to go out of the Castle to the Temple, [...] colour whereof, he took Sanctuary, a most inviolate refuge to all as fled thereto, [...] long, when Mendoza the Spanish Admiral, came to Guletta with his Fleet, Muleasses at Touarres's request, was conveighed out of the Sanctuary, to Guletta, to be present at a consultation, for the utter subverting of Amida, and driving the Turks out of some Cities along the Coast.

Muleasses hardly escaped before at Tunis, an old Woman hiding him under a heap of Garlick; and had he not now escaped to Guletta, he had again fallen into Amida's hands, who soon after recovered his Kingdom (saying, he would not have spared him for reverence of any Sanctuary); for the Citizens weary of the ill Government, and offended also with the King himself, for espousing one of Muleasses's Daughters, his Cousin, secretly encouraged Amida to repair to the City, &c. who came in such hast, that the young King had scarce time to get away.

Amida easily obtaining the Kingdom, exercised most exquisite cruelty, causing some enemies to be devoured of fierce Mastives, first kept hungry: torturing Perillus, cutting off his secrets, and burning him to ashes in the Market-place.

But Muleasses stayed not long at Guletta, offended with Touarres, who had avaritiously deceived him (he said) of a part of his Houshold-stuffe, pretious Stones, and some Treasure, with which he entrusted him; for deciding whereof, they were commanded to repair to the Emperour in Germany: where in conclusion, Touarres was discharged of his Government; and Muleasses sent into S [...] to be kept at the common charge thereof: who coming to Rome, by the way, was honourably feasted by [Page] Cardinal Fernesius; but would onely kisse Pope Paul's knee, not his foot.

Barbarussa in 1544, requested King Francis, thorowly to employ him, or to let him depart, offering to spoil all along the Coast of Spain; but he knowing what hard speeches ran of him in all parts, for bringing in the Turks, was loath to leave such a slaughter to the memory of Posterity: besides, the Turks did much harm in the Province where they lay, being reported to snatch up now and then one, for slaves in their Galleys: wherefore, the King giving Barbarussa about 400 Mahometan slaves, for the Turks that were dead, with all kind of provision, and great gifts to him and his Captains, sent him away, and Strozza with some Galleys, his Embassador to Solyman; so [...] being come to Savona, the Germans sent Presents and fresh Victuals to Barbarussa; for which, he protested not to hurt any of their Territory: thence sailing to Elba Island, belonging to the Duke of Florence, he wrote to Appianus the Governour by promises and threats, to deliver a Son of Sinan the Jew, there kept prisoner.

Appianus shewing his men on the Walls, as not afraid, answered, The young man was become a Christian, and so might not be delivered to the Turks, but he would in any other thing gratifie him, and for his sake use him as his Sonne, sending him fresh Victuall and Presents; but he offended, landed his men, commanding them to make what spoil they could, who hunted the people up and down the Rocks and Mountains, till Appianus doubting an utter spoil, delivered the young man to Salec, who brought him to Barbarussa gallantly attired, of whom he was joyfully received, giving Appianus great thanks.

Barbarussa gave him Command of 7 Galleys, and afterwards sent him to old Sinan, at the Port of [...], Solyman's Admiral against the Portugals; but he overjoyed with the unexpected return of his Son for many [Page] years counted lost, in embracing him, fainted, and presently died.

Barbarussa came from Elba, into the Bay of Telamon, in Tuscanie, taking, spoiling and burning the City, chiefly the House of [...], whose late [...] body, he pluckt out of the Grave, and scattered his bones, for (he being the Popes Admirall) wasting his Fathers poor possession in Lesbos. He surprized also Montenum by night, captivating almost all the Inhabitants: doing the like at Hercules's Port; but was repulsed from [...], by Luna and Vitellius, before sent thither; yet having done great harm, and exceedingly frighted all Tuscanie, he landed at the Island Giglis, about 12 miles from Hercules's Port; where, [...] the Town, he carried away a huge number into captivity.

Passing the Cape Linar, he had burnt Cantumcelle, for the same reason as he did Telamon, had he not been perswaded by Strozza, fearing his Masters further obloquie. Thence he came to the Isle [...], where, in the night, he intercepted most of the Inhabitants fleeing into the Mountains: and, in revenge against Vastius, about the Siege of Nice, he burnt three chief Towns thereof; but Pithacusa, Vastius's dwelling places, standing on a Rock, and somewhat from the Sea, he durst not attempt; then doing lesse hurt along Prochita, because most of the Inhabitants were fled to Pithacusa, he put into the Bay of Puteoli, sending Salec to try if the City might be battered by Sea: who shooting into it with his Ordnance, slew Saiavedra, a valiant Spaniard, on the walls, putting the unprovided Citizens in great fear of the whole Fleet's [...]; but the Viceroy coming with a power from Naples, Barbarussa discovering them, re-called [...]. Then he was about to seize on Salernum; but a sudden Tempest dispersed his Fleet, driving him upon the Coast of Calabria, where he did exceeding harm, chiefly [Page] at Carreato. Departing to the Isle Lipari, he miserably spoiled it; so battering the City with 40 great Pieces, that they were constrained to yield: whom he carried all away (about 7000) burning the City; so he returned towards Constantinople, some Captives almost every hour being cast dead overboard, who were all shut close up together among their excrements, all detesting the hatred betwixt Charls and Francis, the grounds of these, and thousands of other calamities. He arriving at Constantinople, in beginning of Autumne 1544, was honourably received of Solyman, and highly commended for his good service.

Solyman, while tryumphing for his good successe in Hungary, was advertized of the death of his eldest and dearest Sonne Mahomet, whose body was brought from Magnesia; and with exceeding solemnity and mourning, buried at Constantinople.

Solyman not onely built him a stately Tombe, but a Temple, called the Temple of Mahomet the lesser: annexing thereto, a Monastery and Colledge, with many things more, for the health of his soul. After which, he ceased from Warres two years: in which time, Francis the French King died; also Barbarussa, of great years and Fame in 1547, buried at his own House called Bejactas, about four miles from Pera, on Europe side, where he at one time sold about 16000 Captives from Corcyra: he there also built a Mahometan Temple, yet with his Sepulchre to be seen, that place was called Jasonium: about which time also, famous Vastius, at 45 years old, died of conceit: at which time Charls the Emperour, concluded a peace with Solyman for five years: Ferdinand being included, which was broken by Solyman, at the request of Henry the French King, before its expiration.

[Page] Ercases Imirza, King of Sirvan, through the often injuries of his Brother Tamas the Persian King, fled to Solyman, craving ayd against him.

Solyman glad of the occasion, used him with all courtesie, promising to take his quarrel upon him; And making all things ready, he passed into Asia, entring at last into Armenia, besieging the City Van, yielded to him after 10 [...], on condition that the Persian Souldiers might with life, liberty, and Arms, depart. Thence he sent his chief Commanders to burn and spoil the enemies Countrey: who running far, strove as it were, who should do most harm: Imirza being as forward therein as any, presenting the richest things he got, to Solyman, to draw him on still in that Warre; but Tamas, without shewing any power had (as he was wont) withdrawn his people far into the Mountain-Countrey, leaving nothing behind, but the bare ground; so that, the farther the Turks went, the more they wanted, without hope of better success than formerly: wherefore the Captains and Souldiers, (to end such a War, taken in hand for anothers good) consulted either to kill Imirza, or disgrace him with Solyman: some cunningly filling Solyman's Head with distrust of Imirza's treacherous dealing, and others Imirza's with fear of danger he was in: they perswading the Hare to flee, and the Hounds to follow.

Imirza doubting some sudden mischief, fled to a Chaldean Prince, his old acquaintance, who treacherously sent him in bonds to Tamas: who glad, cast him in prison; and there murthering him, that none should in his behalf, prosecute the Warre, or by his meanes hope for Victory.

Solyman was occupied a year and 9 moneths, in this expedition: the Turks enduring great troubles, and hard distresses by the Persians: till he weary, returned to Constantinople, having got neither honour nor profit.

[Page]In the mean time, one Raises a notable Turkish Pirate, craftily surprizing the City Africa in Tunis, and also Mahomedia, there setled himself, exceedingly troubling the Christians by sea and land, chiefly those trading in the Mediterranean; so that the Emperour moved, commanded the Viceroy of Sicily, and Anria, to leavy a sufficient power to represse him before he grew stronger. Whereupon they, ayded also by the Knights of Malta, passed into Africk, besieging the City, and making it saultable with battery: and hearing that Raises was coming to relieve it, they speedily assaulted it by sea and land, taking it in few hours, Sept. 10. 1550. many enemies being slain, the rest taken. Auria, considering the City was not without excessive charge to be holden there, razed it to the ground, carrying away 7000 Captives, and all its spoil: doing also, all harm he could with fire and sword all along the coast, that the Turks might find no relief, taking 12 prisoners out of Monasterium, and returning to Sicily.

Raises thrust out of all, [...] with a few to Solyman, and so incensed him with complaint of the wrong; that he resolved to make War upon the Emperour and Ferdinand, though the 5 years-League was not expired. So comforting up the Pirate, the spring following, 1551. he furnished him with a great warlike Fleet, 140 Sail, Sinan Bassa commanding in chief, who arriving in Sicily, suddenly surprized the Town and Castle of Augusta, which they sacked. Thence they came to Malta, landing their men in the Port of Marza or Moxet, battering the Castle with Ordnance to no great purpose: yet some Turks running farther up, made havock of all in their way.

A few dayes thus spent, and they valiantly repulsed, and in other places by Ambushments, &c. cut off; they removed to Paul's Road, landing their Ordnance to besiege the City; but perceiving small hope, and their men dyng through the extream heat, they went to the little Isand Goza 5 miles off, westward (subject to the Knights) [Page] miserably spoiling it, and carrying away of all sorts 6300 captives, whence they sailed to Tripolis in Barbary (then kept by the Knights of Malta, given them by Charls) for taking whereof, landing their Forces, they drew as near it as they could by long-winding Trenches, not without great loss; for they of the Castle with continual great shot often enforced them to retire: yet they came at last within 800 paces of the walls: where the Bassa by night, planting his battery; next day, Aug. 8. the Canon began to play, and was answered with the like, every hour some of the Turks being slain; 4 of their best Canoniers were that day slain, with others of good account; the well-beloved Clerk General having his Hand shot off: breaking one of their best peeces, and dismounting four others, which made them that day to leave the battery.

Next night they approached nearer: the Christians (in day-break) sallying out to their very Trenches, and so retired. The Turks at Sun-rising renewed a more forcible Battery; but the fire happening into their powder, 30 were burnt, many hurt, and one piece broken. At length, the Turks continuing a furious Battery within 150 paces of the wall, made a fair Breach: but they repairing by night what was beat down by day, it was not to be assaulted. Yet a corrupted Souldier, fleeing out of the Castle, declared to the Bassa the weakest places thereof, ispecially that against the Governours Lodging, which standing toward the Ditch, and Cellars to retire the Ammunition into underneath it, could not, if battered, be well repaired or fortified: Wherefore, the Bassa laying the pieces low, did easily so beat the Cellars, that the rampiers above the walls, greatly sunk, which so amazed the Souldiers, that they requested the Governour, since the matter began to grow desperate, &c. he would, in time, take some order with the enemy for their safety: Whereat, Vallier was exceedingly troubled; which Peisieu the most antient Knight perceiving, declared, in the others [Page] name, unto them, that the Breach was defensible enough, if they would couragiously repair it: saying, It was more Honourable to die, fighting against the Infidels, &c. than to yield to the mercy of those, from whom [...] cruelty was to be expected, perswading Vallier to hold out to the last; yet he overcome with the importunity of those who would needs yield, consented, A [...] Ensigne to be displayed, in token of parley; whereto the Bassa willingly consenting, 2 Knights were sent out, offering him the Castle, so he would [...] them with ships to bring them with bag and baggage to Malta: who answered, if they would pay all the charges of the Army, he would grant it, or all within the Castle to remain his slaves and prisoners: yet he would exempt 200 of them, if they would incontinently yield. But afterwards he solemnly, though dissemblingly sware twice (first to the Messengers) then before Vallier the Governour himself, whom by a subtile Turk he drew out of the Castle, and who had answered the Bassa warily, that they should all be delivered and set at liberty without paying the charges of the Army: which good news being reported to them, they ran in press who should first get out with their wives children and moveables: but, being issued forth, they were spoiled of all, and taken, part of the Knights being sent to the Galleys, the rest to the Bassa: whom the Governour (minding of his Faith twice given) he answered, there was no Faith to be kept with dogs: they having first violated their oaths to Solyman, at giving over the Rhodes, never to bear Arms against the Turks. Thus the strong Castle and City of Tripolis, was delivered to the Turks, Aug. 15. 1551. the Castle being spoiled, and about 200 Moors, who served the Knights, cut in pieces: with a great peal of Ordnance, and great cryes and shouts in token of Victory. Lord Aramont, the old French Embassador, sent again by Henry 2d. to Constantinople, came to the Turks Camp at the great Master's request, to disswade [Page] the Bassa from the siege, but not prevailing; yet grieved at the faithless Bassaes dealing, he put him in mind of his promise by oath, at least to release 200, as he offered: but [...] still said, no faith was to be kept with dogs, &c. yet he freed 200 of the eldest and most unfit for service: of whom were the Governor and some old Knights transported to Malto in Aramonts Galleys, but hardly welcome for that cowardly surrender, Aug. 16. The Bassa for joy made a solemn [...], inviting the Embassadour and Vallier. It was kept in the Castle-ditch against the Breach in 2 stately Pavillions: one for the Bassa, the other for Aramont and his company, feasted with great [...] of flesh, fish, and wines found in the Castle, with Musick, and above 100 Officers most in rich long Gowns: all the Ordnance of the Fleet being discharged. After dinner, Aramont and Vallier entred the Bassaes Pavilion, obtaining 20 more to be released upon the Embassadors promise of 30 Turks, taken at Malta, to be released at the Feast.

The Turks bringing forth John de [...] (an antient Gunner of the Castle, who shot off the Clerk Generals hand) into the Town cut off his Hands & Nose, and setting him quick into the ground to the waste, shot at him with Arrows for pleasure, and then cut his throat. The Bassa departing, left Raises Governour of Tripolis, giving him the Title of Zanzack; whence he many years greatly troubled the Moors nigh him, by Land, and the Christians by Sea. That year, 1551. Solyman for all the peace with Ferdinand, at his going into Perfia, sent Achomates into Hungarie with a great power, who with Hala the Bassa took Temesware (slaying the Garrison contrary to their Faith given) then also Zolnock Castle, first forsaken, with other small ones; but besieging Ersam, they were by the Defendant's valour, and winters coming on, forced to get into their wintring-places.

Queen Issabel, seeing the Turks daily encroaching on [Page] that little they left her, by George the Bishop his advise delivered to Ferdinand the Government of Transilvania, with all the royal Dignity of Hungary, for Cassovia and 100000 Duckats yearly pension and so returning into [...]; but the Bishop (made a Cardinal) being suspected by Baptista the Italian, to favour more the Turks than Ferdinand, thereby to get the Governmeut, was by his device murdered at his own House at Veradium.

Haly Bassa of Buda proud of his success, purposed (in 1552) to besiege some chief Hungarians withdrawn into the Castle of Agria: so, aided by Achomates, Chasan, and others ready at his call; he came with 35000 Turks, Sept. 10. round the Castle, beginning a most furous battery:, attempting also to undermine it. But all in vain, for the Hungarians by Dobus the Captain's good direction, very manfully repulsed them, Sept. 29. they with 28 choise Companies gave a fresh assault, and were forced to retire; 24 Barrels of Gunpowder firing, blew up divers with much harm to the Castle, and to the great dismaying of the Defendants, Octob. 12. they assaulted it fiercely from morning till night, leaving nothing unattempred; but were forced at last with great loss to give other. Then he would by large promises and offers have bought them out; but his Letters being scornfully burnt, he brought on his Souldiers most furiously again, but with no better success than before. So after 6 weeks siege he retired to [...], having battered the wall with 12000 shot, 6000 Turks being slain, and 300 Defendants: Ferdinand making the Captain Vayuod of Transilvania and bountifully rewarding he rest.

Henry the French King, so wrought with Solyman by Aramont, that in 1553, he sent a great Fleet into the [...] sea, doing great hurt, that and the year after, on Calabria and divers Islands and places on the Emperours Frontiers; yet were the Turks in most places notably repulsed by the people. In which year Solyman seduced [Page] by Roxalana then his imperious wife, not Concubine, and Rustan Bassa his son in law, murdered his eldest son Mustapha, the mirrour of the Othoman family: who was begotten on a Circassian Bondwoman, and for his towardliness and perfection, had in the greatest expectation and admiration among the Turks: while he thus grew, Solyman became amorous of Roxalana, Rosa (or rather Hazathya) a captive, but so beautiful and Courtly, that she soon was commandress of him: having made him a Father of 4 fair sons, Mahomet, Selimus, Bajazet and Tziander, and one Daughter married to Rustan, called Chameria: Mustapha embarring one of Roxalana's sons (she thought) of the hope of the Empire; she procured him and his mother (with a Princely allowance) to be sent to govern Caramania afar from Court attended on (after the manner of sons so sent) with a Bassa, and a grave Doctor of their Law; but she saw, Mustapha's utter destruction was not to be brought to pass without some Complices: pitching at last on Rustan (her son in law, among many conceited of) who was of a mean birth in Epirus, and though none of the best Souldier yet by dissimulation and flattery, grew to be the greatest man in the Court: and whom she knew was especially odious to Mustapha, for attempting to cut off some part of his allowance (as he did the pensions and fees of the Officers and Servitours at Court) thinking, if he obtained the Empire, he would not forget it. Having broke with Rustan upon the matter, she suddenly became very devout, and being exceeding rich, pretended (as for the health of her soul) to build an Abbey, with an Hospital and Temple, demanding of the Mufti or chief Priest, if such works of Charity were not acceptable to God, and available for her souls Health? who answered, They were gracious in Gods sight, but not meritorious for her soul, being a Bondwoman, yet very profitable for Solyman's soul, to whom she and all she had appertained. Whereupon, she became wondrous [Page] pensive and melancholly, her eyes flowing with tears, &c. which Solyman perceiving, sent her word to be of good cheer, promising shortly to ease her of all her griefs, which he did, manumissing her from her Bond [...]: wherefore she began those intended works: and hoping thus a good while, busied her self; Solyman, not able longer to forbear her company, sent for her by an Eunuch to his bed-Chamber, to whom she with eyes cast-upward, demurely answered, All was at her Soveraign's command; but to yield her body to him being now free, she might in no case do without the great offence of the High God, referring her self to the judgement of the Mufti, with whom she had fully conferred. Solyman ravished with her love, required the Mufti's judgement: who agreed with Roxalana, aggravating the fact, if he should enforce her as his slave, whom being free, he might not touch unmarried; Whereupon, he became a fresh Suitor to her for marriage (the mark she aymed at) and speedily (contrary to the manner of those Emperours) solemnly married her; with 5000 Sultanyns yearly for her Dowry, who now became the greatest Empresse of the East; yet Noble Mustapha, Heir of the Empire, in midst of her blisse, suffered her to take no rest: Wherefore she laboured cunningly by degrees, to breed in Solyman's Head, no small suspition of him, that he haughty, and generally beloved, &c. left nothing to be expected of him, but when (as did Selimus) he should lay hand on the Empire, and work his aged Fathers destruction. Rustan also omitting nothing that could be slily devised for disgrace or confusion of the young Prince; for he secretly told all, [...] Governours into Syria, that Mustapha was suspected by Solyman of aspiring to the Kingdom, charging them to observe his actions, &c. and to advertise him of whatsoever he should see or hear: and saying, The more odiously they should write of him, the more acceptable it would be to the Sultan? Wherefore, he oft certified [Page] of his Princely disposition, &c. whereby he had won all mens hearts, saw plainly he would at length be preferred to the Empire; yet durst he not adventure to tamper with Solyman, but still delivered the Letters to the malitious Woman: who ceased not upon occasion with pleasing Allurements to infect Solyman, that whenever he spake of Mustapha she might the fitter produce those Letters; and with trickling [...] told him in what danger he stood: recounting, how his Father Selimus had dealt with his Grandfather; instantly (as if out of a careful love) beseeching him, to look to himse f; but she little prevailing by those light Arguments of suspition, sought how to poyson Mustapha: and rich apparrel being sent him by her in his Fathers Name, he fearing, would not touch it before one of his servants had worn it. Yet was she still plotting new devices, and obtained that her sons might (by turns) be present in the Court: thereby, more and more to procure their Fathers love; and if Mustapha should chance to come thither, that she might the better dispatch him; if not, to expect some other fit time; but he never coming (as not having leave) she devised that her sons should wait on their Father into the Provinces also; so that Ttzihanger, surnamed Crouchbask, alwayes followed his Father in the Camp: at length, she got suspitious Letters from the Bassa (who governed Mustapha and the Province Amasia) that there was a speech of a marriage betwixt Mustapha and the Persian Kings Daughter: which he thought good to give the Council notice of. Rustan receiving the Letters, opened the matter to [...], both of them going and declaring it to the Emperour; forcing their wits to fill his suspitions Head with the fear of his most dutiful son; by their accusations so prevailing, that at length, he resolved to work his safety by his sons death: Proclaiming, almost in all his Provincos in 1552. that since the Persians invaded Syria, burning and destroying, &c. he was forced to send Rustan Bassa [Page] with an Army (which was soon raised): commanding Rustan with what secrecy and quiet possible to apprehend and bring Mustapha bound to Constantinople: otherwise by any other means to take him out of the way. Mustapha hearing of his coming into Syria, made thitherward with 7000 of the best Horsmen in Turkie: Wherefore Rustan returned to Constantinople so speedily, that he endured not to see the [...] raised by his men, much less his presence giving out: He heard the Province was in quiet, as indeed it was; but he maliciously told Solyman, he manifestly perceived the whole Army so enclined towards Mustapha, that if he had attempted any thing against him by force he had been utterly forsaken. This raised in him new and great [...]: Wherefore in 1553, he raised a great Army (giving out the Persians had with greater power invaded Syria) and therefore he determined to go in person to repress the attempts of his enemies) so coming at length into Syria, he (by trusty Messengers) commanded Mustapha to come unto him to Aleppo, where he encamped; yet [...] his close hatred against him perceived by great men about him: Wherefore Achamat Bassa, secretly gave him warning thereof. Mustapha himself also marvelling; that his aged Father should come so far without apparant reason, with so great an Army; yet, being innocent, though-much perplexed, he resolved to obey his Fathers command: thinking it more commendable to incur the danger of death, than, living, to be suspected of [...] Loyaltie: and after much discourse with himself what best to do, He asked the Doctor (alwayes in his Court) Whether the Empire of the world, or a blessed life, were most to be desired? who answered, the Empire (on due consideration) brought no felicity more than a vain shew of good, nothing being more frail than worldly Honour, bringing with it, fear, vexation, murder, wrong, captivity, and abundance of like mischiefs, whereby the blessed Life was to be lost, and [Page] not gained; but those to whom God had given Grace rightly to consider these things, and striving against the Vanities of this world, and to embrace an upright Life, had surely a place prepared in Heaven, where they should at length enjoy life and [...] eternal.

This answer very much satisfied his troubled mind, foreseeing as it were his end approaching; and so, hastening towards his Father, pitched his Tents in the open field, not far off from his Camp; But this his hasty coming, the more encreased the [...]: Rustan craftily encreasing the same. For he caused the Janizaries and chief men to go meet Mustapha, as if for Honours-sake: and the while, with troubled countenance, came in haste to Solyman, falsly telling him, that almost all the best Souldiers of the Army were without leave gone to meet him, he fearing what would ensue: Whereat, he became pale for fear, and going out of his Tent (finding them gone) he easily believed all to be true. Mustapha also, the 3d. day before his setting forward, falling asleep in the evening, seemed to see Mahomet in bright Apparel to lead him by the Hand into a most pleasant place, with most glorious Pallaces and delicate Gardens: and pointing to every thing with his finger, to say, Here they rest for ever, who have led an upright and godly life, &c. Then on tother side, to have shewn him 2 great and swift Rivers: one boyling with water blacker than pitch, and in them numbers of men, tumbling some up and some down, crying horribly for mercy: saying, There are all punished, who have been malicious workers of iniquity, the chief being great men of the world. He awaking, asked his Doctor what it might signifie? who musing a great while full of grief, answered, This Vision was to be feared, as [...] the extream peril of his life, and therefore requested him to have great care of Life and Honour: but he stoutly replyed, Shall I suffer my self to be terrified and overcome with childish and vain fear? Why rather haste I not? &c. [Page] and the more boldly, because I know I have alwayes reverenced his Majesty, never turning eyes or foot against his Royal-Seat; much lesse affecting his Empire, except God had called him to a better Life; nor then without the general choice of the Army, that I might without murder, bloud and tyrannie, well and justly reign; and, in love and peace inviolate, live with my brethren, &c. So he came, as was said, to the Camp all in white, in token of Innocency, and wrote Letters (as the Turks superstitiously do, when going to any dangerous place) and, putting them in his bosom, came with a few trusty followers, with great reverence towards his Fathers Tent, to kiss his Hand: and remembring his dagger girt about him, entred not till he had put it off; being come into the inner-Rooms, he was sutably received by Solymans Eunuch's; but seeing but one seat, he perplexed, stood a while musing, then asking, Where his Father was? who answered, He should by and by see him: and looking aside, he saw 7 Mutes (strong men bereft of speech) whom the Turks hath alway ready for the more secret execution of their Butchery, coming toward him: saying no more, but Lo my death, and arising was about to flee; but, he was caught hold of by the Eunuchs and Mutes: and being drawn to the appointed place, they cast a Bow-string about his neck, he striving and requesting to speak but 2 words first to his Father. All which the Murderer heard and saw by a Travers on tother side, saying to the Villains, with a most terrible Voyce; Will ye never dispatch what I bid you? will ye never make an end of this Traitour for whom I have not rested one night this ten years in quiet? Whereupon, they threw the poor Innocent on the ground, and withthe Eunuchs help drawing the knotted string both wayes, strangled him, he doing the like to his Son shortly after. But presently commanding his Bassa to be apprehended, and beheaded in his presence: Then sending for [...] the crooked, bid him in sporting-wise, go meet his Brother Mustapha: [Page] which he (ignorant) hasted to do, as glad of his coming; but when he came to the place where his brother lay dead on the ground, he was beyond measure tormented. Solyman sent to him, offering him all Mustapha's wealth with his Government; but Tzihanger calling his Father ungodly Caint, and Traitour, and most highly commending Mustapha: said, Himself would provide, that none should so shamefully triumph over a poor crooked wretch, stabbing himself with his dagger, and shortly dying: Whereat, the old Tyger exceedingly grieved: His Body being Honourably buried at Pera. He forthwith commanded all Mustapha's riches to be brought into his Tent: which the Souldiers hoping for, hasted to perform; but Mustapha's Souldiers, not knowing what was become of him, [...] such a multitude thrust into their Camp without order, notably repulsed them, not without much bloud-shed. The rest of the Kings Souldiers hearing the stir, ran to help their fellows: so that in short time 2000 were slain, and more wounded: neither had the broil so ended, had not Achomat Bassa, a grave and experienced Captain of no small Authority, kept back the Janizaries, and likewise appeased the rage of Mustapha's Souldiers by gentle and mild words, and courteous perswasions: whereby they were so mollified, that they suffered all that was in Mustapha's Tent, to be carried into Solyman's; but when Mustapha's death was blown about the Camp, another worse tumult arose; They in a rage breaking into Solymans Pavilion with drawn swords: which so frighted him, that he was with extream peril about to flee; [...] being holden by his Friends, and making a Vertue of Necessity; he went forth of his Tent, but with a pale countenance, speaking unto them: What broil is this? &c. What means your fierce and angry looks? know ye not your Soveraign? Have ye resolved to stain your own and Ancestours invincible Honour, with the bloud of your Lord and Emperour?

[Page]They boldly answed, He was the man whom they had long before chosen; but they had got and preserved for him a large and mighty Empire, that he should govern them virtuousty, and not lay his bloudy hands on every just man &c. and that they came thither armed justly to revenge the death of guiltless Mustapha, for which he had no just cause to be angry: protesting they would never lay down weapons, till the Accuser of him for treason appeared commencing his accusation judicially, upon pain of the like punishment, if he [...] in proof.

The late hainous fact made every man the while, to shed tears, so that Solyman seemed to be sorry for his murder: promising the Souldiers whatever they required; yet lest he should slip away, and deceive them of what he had promised, they kept most diligent watch and ward: Wherefore to appease them, he deprived Rustan Bassa of all Honours, and of his Seal which he delivered to Achomates; But Rustan, now in no safety in his own tents: secretly asked Achomates, what course best to take in so dangerous a case? who answered, to do what the Emperour advised and commanded: Which was, without delay to get him out of his sight and Camp: which he said he could not do conveniently, being disfurnished of all necessaries: Solyman sent answer again, He were best to be gone for fear of further harm. Whereupon, the guilty Bassa, but with 8 Friends posted to Constantinople: where, with Roxalana, and other contrivers against Mustapha, he in great great fear expected the event.

Mustapha was generally beloved, for his Vertues; but of the Souldiers, most for his Martial disposition, and readiness to shed Christian-bloud: When in private or publike actions they fail of any great hope; They use to say, Gietti Sultan Mustava: Sultan Mustapha is dead. When Achomates Bassa received the [...] from Solyman; he told him, as he did frankly bestow it on him, [...] he would to his disgrace take it from him: who sware to him, not to displace [Page] him so long as he lived; yet Solyman falling in dislike with him, and willing to promote Rustan to that the greatest Honour, to save his Oath, he resolved to put Achomates to death: whereof, he (ignorant) came (as he was wont) into the Divano; receiving word from Solyman, he must presently die, the Hangman being ready to strangle him: whom he thrusting away with his hand, (shewing no more trouble than if it had not concerned him) looking round, at last espyed an honest man, whom he had often pleasured; He earnestly requested him to strangle him as the greatest good turn he could devise, detesting to die by the Executioners hand: which he at last undertaking; Achomates willed him not at one twitch to do it, but slacking the string agaiu, to let him once breathe and then dispatch him: being (it seems) desirous first to taste of death, and not to die all at once. Rustan was presently restored to the Visiership, which he enjoying about 6 years, died of the Dropsie. Solyman is reported to say, 'Twas better for Achomates once to die, than to die 1000 times, in seeing his Honour bestowed on another.

The Turks Galleys brought by the French into the Tuscane-sea did much hurt, in 1554, and divers years after; Then did Contarenus the Venetian Admiral, chance to meet with the Bassa of Calipolis (who the year before had rifled certain of their Merchants) and having greatly spoiled them, he ransacked Dyrrachium a Turkish Port in Dalmatia. Next year 1555 that Bassa recruited, surprizing the Isles Plumbis and Elba, subject to the Duke of Florence: and perswading Solyman to take Arms against the Venetians, who had broken the League.

Then also did Haly by policy surprize Baboza-Castle in Hungarie, hoping to do the like to Zigeth Town and Castle: but his purpose failing, he in 1556 encamped before it with a great Army, June 13: wherein was valiant Horwath, and a notable Garrison. During his terrible battery, [Page] they sallying forth slew many: yet June 20. they won the uttermost wall, hoping at the 6th. assault to win the Castle also: but the Christians sallying out, slew 800 of them, driving the rest from the wall; yet the Turks with abundance of Carts laboured to fill up the Marsh and Ditches about the Town, which they also [...]. The Bassa now perswaded them to yield on composition; but failing therein, He beginning July 12. assaulted the City 5 dayes together without ceasing, still sending in fresh men, yet was the City notably defended; so raising his siege, July 21. He in 6 dayes after returned from Quinqe [...], assaulting it afresh, but at last was glad to be gone, losing above 2000, his best Souldiers, & but 120 of the Defendants being slain: He had battered the Town and Castle with 10000 shot found. The Turks the while, did what harm they could in the Tuscane-sea, miserably again spoiling Corsica; for withstanding of whom, the Pope exacted of his people a great subsidy, stripping the Jews of their money, and seizing on their rich Merchandize; at whose earnest suit Solyman wrote to him briefly: requesting him (having called him most mighty Lord of the professours of the Messias Jesu) to restore them their goods, that they might pay him his tribute: which if he should do, he should feel his favour.

Haly Bassa grieved, besieged Zigeth again next year; when as Ferdinand sent Polwiler and Count Serinus with a power to recover Baboza Castle: Wherefore Haly rose from Zigeth, and met with them not fat from Baboza: who after a sharp fight, put him to flight. Upon [...] Victory, and young Ferdinands coming with new supplies, the Turks for fear forsook Baboza, Samartin, San-Lawrence, and divers other small Castles, [...] to Quinque Ecclesiae; the Governour of Zigeth, slaying many in their flight overthrew a Troop, and taking the money they were bringing for [...]. Then also the Governour of Rab, or [...], burning the Suburbs of Alba Regalis, [Page] and driving away 1000 of Cattel: and at Sian overthrew 500 Turks, and as many fugitive Christians: so with little or no loss returning.

Henry the French King, troubled with the overthrow of his Army by Philip of Spain, not far from St. Quintins (Duke Montmomence the General, with his son and divers Nobles being taken) solicited Solyman by [...] to invade Naples and Sicily by sea, to withdraw the Spanish out of France: which, he (offended with the Embassadours insolence) refused; yet commanding his adventurer's along Africk, to do what harm they could; so that the Viceroy of Silily was fain for defence of those Countries to lay with his Galleys in the Port of Caletta and Naples.

The Grand Prior of St. John's Knights in France (brother of the Duke of Guise, General of the French in Italy, who upon the overthrow at St. Quintins, called rhence, soon after took Calis) went Eastward with 4 Malta Galleys to wait for the Turks: meeting with 2 great ships of Merchandize, which he took, and by and by had a great fight with 4 Turks Galleys, sinking one, burning another, and taking the rest: but, in his return, 4 other great Galleys met with him, in revenge setting upon him: who seeing no remedy, encountred them: but before, losing some men, and 72 Knights laying sore wounded, he re urned towards Malta: one of his Galley's with 52 Knights being taken by the way; yet he brought away the prizes, staying that Winter at Malta: then sayling into France to partake of long troubles shortly beginning.

Solyman had now only remaining alive, Selimus, and Bajazet his younger brother, both men grown, but very much differing from each other, both in feature and disposition. Selimus (most like his mother) was secretly determined Heir of the Empire by his Father. Bajazet (much resembling his Father) was strongly supported by the [...] love of his Mother, whom she would have [Page] preferred before Selimus, if it had layen in her power. Bajazet, not ignorant of his Fathers resolution towards Selimus: (being comforted by his mother Roxalana and Rustan Bassa) resolved rather to end his dayes by proving his Fortune, than upon the death of his aged Father, to be but jeered by his Brother, being already fallen out with him. He knowing the disposition of the people for the unworthy death of Mustapha: and some fearing to be called to account for their immoderate affection they had born towards him; found out a notable bold obscure fellow who should take on him the name and person of Mustapha: from whose stature, countenance, and proportion, he not much differed: who came (as if by chance escaping) into a part of Thracia (not far from Moldavia and Valachia) best stored with Horsmen, and most Honouring Mustapha (slenderly accompanied, as if, at first, not desirous to be known); his followers rather fearfully giving them that asked, occasion to guesse, than plainly to tell them, it was Mustapha: neither did he himself much deny it, whereby the people were more and more desirous to know him. Afterward he began to give God thanks for his safe arrival there, telling them, that when he was sent for by his Father, he by his friends counsel, perswaded (with great promises) one mavellous like [...] to go in his stead: who, before he was admitted to his speech, was strangled, and cast out before his Pavilion, the greatest part being deceived in the miserable dead man, who was much altered with the terrible pains of death: wherefore he presently fled but with a few, and passing above Pontus and the people of Bosphorus, was now come thither, where he hoped to find much help from his Friends: whom he requested not now to forsake him, or less to account him, disgraced by the malice of his stepMother, than they had in his prosperity; for he was minded to revenge the wrong done him, &c. who had the Janizaries, with most of his Fathers family, and great multitudes [Page] on his side: giving out those things, at last, openly wherever he came. The same also did they report, whom he said were the Companions of his flight, confirmed by divers of good account, whom Bajazet had dealt with to that purpose; so that a great number were hereby seduced. And Mustaphas followers who knew the deceit, yet blinded with fear, grief, and desire of revenge, were the first who offer'd their service to this Counterfeit: who kept with, or entertained, some with fair promises, some with courteous speeches, and many with Rewards; which he said, he had still reserved. So in few dayes, enow almost for a whole Army resorted unto him. Solyman advertised from the Zanzacks thereabouts, of the danger like to ensue, and suspecting it was not done without the privity of one of his sons, reproved the Zanzacks by Letters that they had not in the beginning suppressed the same, grievously threatning them, if they did not speedily send that Counterfeit with his Complices, bound to Constantinople: promising to send them Partau Bassa (who had married Mahomets Widow, Roxalana's eldest son) with a strong power; but if they would be excused, to dispatch the matter before his comming. Partau's squadrons of Court-souldiers, were not so many, as notably faithful: for the common Janizaries, standing in suspense at the fame, and expectation of some Novelty, favoured that broil. The Zanzacks began now to encourage each other to bestir themselves, and (with all possible speed and power) to oppose the attempts of this new-found Mustapha: by labouring to stay such as were comming to him, and to disperse those already come, by shewing them the danger, and threatning all the extremities: Partau the while, being come not far off, the Counterfeit's Souldiers, seeing themselves beset, a few slipt away, and afterwards every man fled whither he thought best: the Captain also seeking to do the like, was with his chief followers delivered by the Zanzacks to the Bassa: [Page] who sent them to Constantinople; where Solyman by most exquisite torments, drew from them all the secret devices of his son Bajazet: causing them to be drowned in the sea, at mid-night, that his domestique, yea bleeding wounds, might not be laid open to his Neighbour Princes.

Yet being greatly offended with Bajazet, he cast in his mind how to be revenged on him; which Roxalana not ignorant of, when his fury was over-past, fell into talk with him about it, alledging in her sons behalf, the undiscreetnesse of youth, the necessity of the fact, and example of his Ancestours in like case, &c. That it was reason he should forgive him this first fault; but if he should again relapse, time would be to punish him for both faults: that if he would not pardon him for his own sake, yet for hers, &c. requesting him to preferre Clemency before just Indignation: since God himself did deal with finners for most part in mercy, else all mankind would not suffice his wrath: And would mercy in any place be more fit, than in the Father towards his child? promising, he should thenceforth remain in most dutiful obedience toward his Majesty; the remembrance of which Fatherly forgivenesse, should be a stay to him for ever doing the like: which, and such like words, with tears and other gestures, so wrought, that Solyman resolved to forgive the fault: but he should come and submit, and receive from him his charge. Wherefore, she speedily and secretly advertised Bajazet, not to fear coming to his Father when sent for: assuring him, she had made his peace. Bajazet comforted, resolved to go when sent for: yet full of fear, oft looking back to his brother Mustapha. Yet he came to a common Inne at Carestan, a few miles from Constantinople, the place appointed; for the Turk in these times suffers no son, when a man, to come into Coustantinople: Bajazet alighting, his Fathers guard were ready to receive him, commanding him to lay aside his [Page] Sword and Dagger. But his kind mother (foreseeing in what perplexity he would come) called unto him (in passing by) out of a little Casement, covered with a thin linnen-cloth: saying, Corcoma Oglon, Corcoma: that is, Fear not my son, fear not; not a little comforting and encouraging him. But having done his duty to Solyman, he bid him sit down by him, reproving him of [...] and want of discretion in taking up Arms, &c. And so having in other words also reproved him of disloyalty, pardoned him: and telling him, if twere his destiny to enjoy the Empire, it was not by mans power to be kept from him (as ordained by God for him); but if otherwise appointed by God, then were it a mad thing for him, to labour in vain against Gods will; Wherefore, he should cease to rage and molest his brother and aged Father; for if he should raise new stirs, no place of mercy would be found for his second offence. Ba jazet, rather craving pardon for his trespasse, than excusing himself, promised thenceforth to live most loyally: Solyman calling for drink for Ba jazet, who drank what he thought good; doubting it might be his last, but his Father forthwith drank a good draught of the same Cup. So Ba jazet returned to his former charge, behaving himself with all dutiful and brotherly kindness from that time, 1555. while his mother lived, rather to keep her favour, than for any confidence in his Father, or love to his brother; but she dying about 2 years after, he, by secret practises to make away his brother, and by open force entred his Province not far off, evil entreating some of his followers: omitting nothing tending to his disgrace, whom he wished (of all other) dead. He sought also to gain the Souldiers love by some favorites at Constantinople, passing thither himself upon occasion, secretly there lurking with those of his faction: Of all which (chiefly by Selimus, his Letters, wherein he also advised him to have a care of his safety, &c.) Solyman had knowledge: Wherefore, he by Letters put Ba jazet in mind of [Page] his duty, promise, and his courtesie towards him: that there would not be alwayes place for forgiveness; and that, after his death, God would assign them both their Fortunes: But Ba jazet was fully set down to hazard all, rather than to be slain by his brother: yet answered his Father not impertinently, but his deeds agreed not with his saying; Wherefore Solyman gave his sons to understand, that both of them within a prefixed time should remove their Governments farther off, Ba jazet from [...] to Amasia, [...] from Magnesia to Iconium: He commanded them both to remove, to seem indifferent, adjoyning this: that the farther they were off from each other, they should be so much the nearer in mind and brotherly love, &c. to do in any case as he commanded, and he who stayed longest should not be free from the suspition of contempt. Selimus made no long stay; but Ba jazet hung back, staying a little way off, complaining of the unlucky Province of Amasia: stained with Mustapha's blood, &c. requesting, to Winter in those places where he was, or there from whence Selimus was departed: but Solyman would not hearken to him.

Selimus with some Troops from his Father beside his own, returning and fetching a compass, appeared at his [...] brothers back, marching towards Prusa, not without his Fathers privity: who thought it best for Selimus to stay there, the fitter to help one another: if Bajazet should, as was feared, turn upon either of them.

But when he saw this contrary to his expectation, and that Selimus should be Heir of the Empire: He wrote unto his Father, accusing his Brother that he thereby declared how maliciously he affected him, only to aspire to the Empire; and have a short cut over to Constantinople, if his Father dyed, which he gaped after: but otherwise, by secret Ministers of his Treason, to dispatch him, &c. yet this man, as a most dutiful son, to be much made of: whereas he, meaning well, &c. was not [Page] had in any regard, whose greatest request was but to shun an ominous Province. Then he prayed, requesting his Father to gratifie him, if it were but with that Province which his Brother left, or any other more lucky than Amasia, &c. However he was ready to go whither he should command: It's the manner of the Turks, of the smallest things to divine upon the greatest; but Solyman not ignorant of his sons teares, knew he sought but for a more fit place to raise new stirs in, nearer Constantinople. So Bajazet the while, augmented his strength, and whatever else served for his own defence, and impugning his Brother: which Solyman took as intended against himself; but would not, by taking notice thereof, drive his too hasty-son head long; knowing also, the eyes of all Nations were bent upon this discord: Wherefore, he answered Bajazet courteously, they should both do well to go to their appointed places, which he could not alter. For the rest he would so order it, that neither of them should justly complain: Partau Bassa was sent with this Message to him; and Mehement with the like, to Selimus: who were commanded not to depart from them, till come to [...] assigned places of Government. Selimus took it in good part, but Ba jazet thought nothing more unfit for his designs, than to have one of his Fathers greatest Councellours still at his elbow, as a Censor: Wherefore he dismissed him (though unwilling) with this excuse, that he would use him as his Patron, having none other to defend his cause in Court, promising not to be to him an unthankful Client; and to carry word to his Father, he would (above all) have care of his command, if he might for Selimus: whose wrongs and treacheries he had much ado to brook. Partau assured Solyman of Bajazets very purpose: and, although he made shew to go to Amasia; yet Solyman made all preparation against him, sending the Beglerbeg of Greece with his Horsmen, and Mehemet with some trusty Janizaries, to ayd Selimus: [Page] himself making semblance, as if he would have gone over: but the Court-Souldiers detested that War between the Brethren: saying, It might well be let alone, and not they to be forced to embrew their hands in each others bloud: saying, What Bajazet did, was to be excused as from necessity: which speeches Solyman declared to the [...] as to a most sacred Oracle; demanding How he was to be entreated, who of himself levyed Souldiers, and troubled the State of the Empire; and what he deemed of his followers, and of those who refused to bear Arms against him: saying, He had not offended? Who answered, That he and his partakers were worthy of death: and those refusing to take up arms, &c. as profane men to be accounted intestible.

Which answer published to the people, was sent to Bajazet by the chief Chiaus, to see if it might move him: who in few dayes after sent to his Father by an intercepted Chiaus sent to Selimus, That he was in all duty his, but he had only to do with his brother, and with him to fight for his life, by whose sword he must needs die, or he by his, &c. Therefore, he should do best not to meddle in the quarrel: but if he would needs passe over to aid Selimus, he knew, if the worst came, how to escape: and would (ere he could get into Asia) spoil with fire & sword more then Tamerlane or any other: which not a little troubled Solyman, and it was reported that Axuar, where Selimus's son was Zanzack, was taken by Bajazet and sacked. But Selimus hearing Bajazet, was gone as far as Ancyra towards Amasia, being now out of danger on the way, hasted towards Iconium, kept with a strong Garrison for him; for Solyman feared, lest Bajazet intercepting it, should get into Syria, thence into Aegypt, not yet forgetful of the Mamalukes Government: and therefore desirous of change: out of which open Countrey it would be hard to drive him out; chiefly the Arabians being ready at hand: and whence he might transport himself [Page] into any Christian Kingdom: Wherefore, he also commanded most of his Asian Commanders, to be alwayes ready to ayd Selimus: with whom he lay under the walls of Iconium, attending Bajazets motion, and expecting more ayd from his Father.

Bajazet the while, first entertained Chiurts Horsmen, supposed to be of the Gordions (famous for their known [...]) laying in the fields by Ancyra, in whose Castle he put his Concubines and Children: taking up money of rich Merchants, to be re-paid with use upon the success of the war: taking thence also all needful Furniture for his men: Besides his own very great Family, and those Chiurts; many repaired unto him both of valiant men and expert Souldiers, and an exceeding Rabble who desired some change: many were drawn out of pitty to him, who [...] resembled his Father, but Selimus his mother, who was generally hated of the people: He went heavy with a fat paunch, blub-cheeked, and very red-faced: the Souldiers saying in sport, he was [...] with green Malt, he was given to eate, drunkennesse and sleep, not courteous, who would not, He said, offend his Father, by being popular: so he was of all other men hated, he most misliking those who hoped in a bounteous and couragious Prince. They us'd to call Bajazet Softi, or one quiet and studious; but now they began to admire him as a man of valour: asking each other: why his Father should reject him his express Image, preferring that gor-bellied sluggard, in whom no spark of his Fathers valour was to be [...]? saying, This was no fault in Bajazet, being necessitated to take up Arms: for, did not Selimus the Grandfather the like? &c. yet this man, they said, intended no harm against his Father, nor yet his Brother; if he might by his leave but live, he ceasing to do him wrong. By such affections, Bajazets power daily encreased almost to a full Army, who marched forthwith against his Brother; for whose comming Selimus waited before Iconium, with an exceeding [Page] strong Army, and many notable Commanders: who lay covered, with their Ordnance conveniently planted; But Bajazet, come within sight of them, exhorted his Souldiers to play the men, for now the time and place was come, where they should shew themselves couragious and valiant, and he would make them all rich and fortunate, &c. saying, It was only Selimus who withstood his welfare, and theirs, whom they should seek for as their common enemy, and not fear his multitudes: since Victory was to be gained not by number, but valour; and the most mighty God was present not with the most, but best; concluding, if they fought for his Honour, as they should see him do for their profit, he dared assure them of Victory: which said, he performed all the parts of a worthy Captain: so that he was alike commended of his own, and enemies. The battel was terriblo, many falling on both sides, 40000 Turks in all being slain, but at length the Victory enclined to the stronger, juster, and better Counsel'd-side. Bajazet retiring, but so leisurely, and without shew of fear, that he seemed well near to gain as lose the field: neither durst Selimus pursue him, being most glad to see his back. But Bajazet thus disappointed of his journey into Syria, began now in good earnest to go to Amasia.

Solyman speedily hearing of the [...], passed into Asia, his great Bassaes now thinking it not good for him longer to stay, left Bajazets overthrow might occasion his secret Favorites to raise greater troubles: but hastily to pursue Bajazet, and not suffer him (as his Grandfather Selimus) to gather greater courage; and indeed this battel got Bajazet great admiration and love, though unfortunate, who with so small a power durst encounter, and so behaving himself in fight; men saying, Selimus might boast to his Father of the Victory; but Bajazet deserved to overcome, &c. These speeches doubled his fathers care, encreasing his hatred; so passing into Asia, he purposed [Page] not to go far from the sea-coast, but, as it were, a far off to countenance Selimus's proceedings: doubting (by coming too near with his Army) of the sudden revolt of his Janizaries. Augerius, the Reporter of this History, saw him depart out of Constantinople, June 1. 1559. who himself was sent for within few dayes, the Bassaes thinking it not amiss to have him in the Camp & use him as their friend who was assigned to lodge in an Inne near the Camp: he descryed the good order, & great quietness and cleanliness of the Turks Camp, who when they disburthen nature, dig a hole and bury it: Also their opinion of those dying in their wars, that no souls go more speedily to Heaven than of such, valiantly dying; for whose welfare their maidens make daily prayers & vows: He also saw their Butchery, but very small, the Janizaries using a spare diet, & in their Fasts being very precise, preparing themselves to abstinence the day before: not, as a Turkish Embassadour reported of the Germans, saying, The Christians on certain dayes did riot & become mad, till besprinkled with ashes in the Temple, they came to themselves again; meaning their disorder at Shrovetide, and the Ceremonies used on Ash-wednesday: whereat the Turks marvelled the more, as having many Medicines to drive away madnesse, but few or none which presently ease the same. While I lay here, saith he, one learned Albertus came from the Emperour, with Gilt-plate, and a rare Clock, carried on an Elephant, and Crownes for the Bassaes, presents for Solyman: who, that their friendship might the better be known, and that he needed not fear Christian Princes, would have them presented, in the Armies sight.

But Bajazet retired to Amasia, as if he would there have lived quietly, if his Father would suffer him ceasing not by Letters and fit men to prove his mind: who at first easily heard the Messengers, read the Letters, and courteously returned answer; so that it was commonly reported, the Father and the Son would agree; but this was but [Page] (by the Bassaes counsel) dissimulation, till he had got him into [...] hand; fearing lest he, despairing of pardon, should break with such a power into Persia, as might prevent the diligence of the Lievtenants on those Frontiers: whom Solyman charged to [...] exactly all passages.

Solyman the while, torturing an making secretly away all in his reach, that were but suspected to take his part: and some, whom Bajazet [...] sent to excuse themselves. Bajazet was often warned by some friends, not to trust his Father, but speedily to provide for his [...]. But Solyman thinking he could now by no means escape, returned to Constantinople the day after their Easter; but Bajazet upon the very Feast-day after its solemnities, trusted up all his things, setting forward towards Persia: who though he went to the antient enemy of the Othoman Family; yet resolved to prove any mans mercy, rather than to fall into his angry Fathers-hands: some weak ones were left behind, amongst whom was Solyman, his son, newly born (with his mother) whom Solyman commanded to be nursed at Prusa. Bajazet used such speed, that he lighted on many appointed to stop him before they were ready or aware: deceiving [...] Bassa of Sebastia by seeming Fugitives, telling him, he was gone the other of the 2 wayes, only to passe: and him of Erzirum under the pretence of desire of leave to shoo his Horses and refresh them, in his Territory; who hearing he came still on, made all haste, joyning his Forces to the Bassaes, following fast after him: who with Zanzacks, were on pain of their Heads, to bring him back, alive or dead; but he made more haste to flee than they to follow; yet the Bassa of Erzirum was displaced, and afterwards slain by Selimus with his 2 stripling sons, in despight having abused them against nature. Solyman was grieved above measure at his departure, and would presently have gone against the Persian to terrifie him from relieving his rebellious son: but these raging fits, his grave Councellours for 2 weighty [Page] reasons, moderated. Bajazet, as he went, wrote on gates and doors, he would give double pay to those who would follow him: Wherefore the Captains distrusted their Souldiers, who also heard their often speeches of great love towards him. Being come to the River Araxis, he left certain followers upon the Bank to keep the Zanzacks, who still pursued him, from passing over, whom they repulsing, passed the River, entring far into the Persian Kingdom: till some Persian Nobles with great Troops, met with them, demanding what they meant and sought for in another Kingdom? who answered, they pursued their Kings-fugitive son: they replyed, they did not well, against the League to come Armed beyond their bounds, &c. As for Bajazet, their King would consider what was meet for him to do; in the mean time to be gone, &c. whereupon the Turks retired. King Tamas sent Messengers to salute Bajazet, to know why he came, and see his strength, which some reckon about 20000: who declared, through his Brothers injuries and Fathers hard dealing, he was fled to the Persian-King, as his most assured Refuge, &c. but otherwise wholly destitute. The Persian replyed, He had done very unwisely, in respect of his and his Fathers League: being, to account the eenemies of one, the enemies of the other, and on the contrary: yet since it was so, he was welcome as to his Friend, who would leave nothing unattempted to reconcile him to his Father, which he despaired not of.

At their first meeting there was friendly countenance, often conference, and great Feasting each other: Also there was a motion, one of the Kings Daughters to be promised to Orchanes Bajazets son, and he put in hope that Tamas would never be quiet till Solyman made him Governour of Mesopotamia, Babylon, or Erzirum far off from both Brother and Father: where his Brother the Persian-King might be his sure Refuge from danger.

[Page] Bajazet seemed by these speeches, so assured of Tamas's love, that when his Embassadour went to Constantinople for a reconciliation (as was supposed); He bid him tell Solyman, he had lost a Father at Constantinople, and found another at Persia; but (the while) all things were plotted tending to his destruction: which being ripe, a motion was made, that it was more convenient to have Bajazets multitude, billeted thereabouts farther asunder, both for the better Victualling them, and other purposes also. And indeed Tamas (unlike his Father Hysmaell) was in fear of Bajazet; yet many thought he was enforced to destroy him (not at first so minded) by reason of some of his followers: who perswaded him to thrust him out of his Kingdom, whereof there was many tokens: Tamas hearing also, that a chief Captain said, Why stay we to kill this Haeretical King, and possess his Kingdom, by whose treachery we shall surely be all destroyed,

Bajazet might not (then) well gainsay the dispersing of his Forces: though many of his wise followers did shrewdly suspect the sequel; They so being bestowed in Countrey-Villages where the Persians saw good: ere many dayes, they few and scattered, were enclosed and slain: and whatever they had, became a prey. Then was Bajazet and his sons cast into bonds; and that (as many say) while merrily at dinner, at the Kings Table: who seemed to foresee, that it stood far better with the safety of his estate, that Selimus should raign, than Bajazet a couragious Prince, and much better Souldier than his Brother.

Bajazet imprisoned, Messengers ran to and fro betwixt, Solyman and Tamas; This sending the Turk curious Tents, costly Carpets, one of their Alcorans, and strange beasts by a solemn Embassadour, pretending to reconcile Solyman and his son: Solyman craving to have him delivered to him, and the Persian seeming to defend him: whom Solyman sometimes spake fair, minding him of his league; otherwhile denouncing War, strongly Garrisoning all [Page] his Frontiers towards Persia, filling Mesopotamia and Euphrates [...] with Souldiers: Mehemet the 3d. of the [...] Bassaes, and the Beglerbeg of Greece commanding them; inciting also the Georgians against the Persians: who answered, they were not so confident in themselves as to provoke Tamas: but when they saw Solyman himself in field, they knew what to do, &c. He made shew as if he would go in person to invade Tamas on the side of Aleppo (who was somewhat fearful) having proved Solyman to his cost; but the Souldiers unwillingnesse (many of whom without leave returned to Constantinople yet unwillingly going again to the Camp when commanded) easily staye the raging Turk; who perceiving that Bajazet could not be got alive from the Persian, excusing himself by fear of his revenge, if he should any way escape, thought best to have him there slain: which he hoped the rather, because Tamas lately wrote to him, He could not but marvel he dealt so slenderly in so important a matter: That he should do well now to send him men of account, with whom he might conferre and conclude according to the weightinesse of the cause: Bajazet having also been to him no small charge, before he could get him into his power: whereby Solyman perceived money was the thing sought after. Whereupon Hassan Aga, and the Bassa of Maras departed towards Persia in the depth of Winter, and with great speed, losing many followers by the way. Being come to the Court at Casbin; they desired first to see Bajazet, close shut up, wan and pale & not to be known before he was trimmed; and then Hassan knew it to be him, who was brought up with him from a child. But after long discourse with the King: it was agreed that Solyman should recompence all his charges and harmes, since Bajazet came into Persia, with a reward sutable to so great a good turn: and then Solyman might have him made away.

Hassan posting to his Master, he forthwith made all [Page] ready, sending it to the borders of Persia by a safe Convoy, the Persians receiving it, Hassan coming presently after, and [...] him (with a Bow-string) himself, as Solyman had straightly charged him, not being suffered to see his Children first, as he requested, as is reported: 3 of his sons, Omer, Amurat, and Selym, being there also strangled, whose bodies with their Fathers were buried at Sebastia; but young Muhamet at nurse at Amasia, was now commanded to bestrangled also: the Eunuch sent, loath to do it himself, took with him a hard-hearted Porter of the Court, who coming, and fitting the string to the Childs neck, it swiled on him, and lifting it self up as it could, offered to embrace his neck and kisse him: whereat the stony-hearted man fell down in a swound, & lay for dead. The Eunuch standing without the Chamber, and marvelling at his long stay, goes in, where finding the Ruffian on the ground, strangled the guiltlesse child himself. So long as it was uncertain what success Bajazets attempts would have, Solyman spared the Infant, lest upon his good hap, he might seem to strive against the will of God: but his Father being dead, and his quarrel by the ill success condemned as it were, by the Sentence of the Almighty, he though not good to suffer him longer to live, lest of an ill Bird might come an ill Chick; for the Turks judge all to be well or ill done by the good or bad success, though brought to passe, or endeavoured by never so bad or good means; as appeared by a Chiaus in his talk with the Author of this History, who justified Selimus, Solyman's Father, but exclaimed against Bajazet.

This Year, 1558. the Emperours Charls 5th, who had 2 years before, delivered all his Haereditary Dominions to his son Philip: on Febr. 24. the day of his birth, by his Embassadours, resigned the Empire to his brother Ferdinand, requesting the Electours to confirm him therein, which they did March 13. following; so [Page] as a private man in a solitary life, whereto he had certain years before retired himself. He died Sept. 21 after, living 58. and raigning 39 years: About which time also died Mary Queen of Hungarie, and Eleanor the French Queen, his Sisters.

The Knights of Malta, had at length so prevailed with the Pope and King of Spain for recovery of Tripolis in Barbary: and the Island Zerbi betwixt Tripolis and Tunis (then also surprized by the Turks) whence they much troubled the Christians; that the King made ready a great Fleet in Septemb. 1559. unto which, the Pope, Duke of Florence, the said Knights, and others, joyned their Forces, there being 100 Galleys and ships met together in Sicily, Gonzaga being General; but whilst they wintred in the Haven of Marza-Moxet in Malta, many Souldiers died.

Spring being come, the Captains consulted, whether first to set upon Tripolis, or Zerbi, otherwise Mening. The Knights thought best to besiege Tripolis speedily, before Dragut should come to furnish it. Others rather, first to invade Zerbi Island, where the Army might be relieved with plenty, and whence they might, in danger, safely retire, & thence go to Tripolis as time should serve: Which most agreeing to, in Feb. 1560. they sailed to Zerbi. Dragut the while being come to Tripolis with 800 Janizaries had also notably sortified the City, certifying Solyman of the Christians Fleets arrival: who at their first landing on Zerbi, were encounted by the Moors, whom they repulsed, and landed at pleasure. It is not far from the main, no River in it but boggs ond Marshes, and somewhat Hilly in the middle. About 30000 men inhabited it, dwelling in low Cottages, yet is the Island, reasonable fertile. The Christians sent for Carvanus thither, a poor King, from whom Dragut had taken it, to use his Counsel: & going with 8000 to besiege the strongest Castle in the Island, they lighted on 10000 Moors; [Page] which lay in ambush in a Wood: 700 of whom being slain in skirmish by the Spaniards, (who went foremost) the rest fled; so laying hard siege to the Castle, the Captain fled secretly with his Turks, leaving it for the Moores to defend: who (to depart in safety) yielded the Castle: three Spanish Companies being there left, Caravanus the Moor-King (with the King of Tunis's Sonne) came the while, to the Camp, sitting on the ground, and wisely discoursing with the Generall, how the Turks were to be removed out of Africk; but suddenly, a Pinnace brought newes, that Piall the Turk's Admirall, was coming with 85 Galleys (more repairing to him daily) with a number of the Turk's best and most approved Souldiers (for the Turks had a great opinion of the valour of the Spaniards: they were doubtful also of the long journey; so many of them before setting forth, making their wills; so that all Constantinople was in a confused fear). The Christians were not a little troubled hereat: yet they new fortified the Castle, agreeing with the chief Moore in the Island (who had set up the King of Spain's Ensigns, instead of Draguts) to pay yearly tribute to the King (as before to Dragut) 6000 Crowns, 1 Cammell, 4 Ostriches, 4 Sparrow-Hawks, and 4 blew Faulcons.

But May 9th, the Master of Malta gave those at Zerbi to understand, that the Turk's Fleet was even at hand, advising them to get them to some more safe place, or come to him for fear of being by so great a power oppressed: whereupon, Auria the Admirall requested the Generall presently to come aboard; but he for all that, stayed at the Castle, where they had built four strong Bulwarks, not yet all perfectly finished; but whilest he is thus busie, next day, descrying the Turks from far, he hasted to be gone, with the Admiral, and was twice by a contrary wind, driven again into the Haven; so that with much adoe, they got into the Castle; for the wind brought the Turks so [Page] fast on, that the Christians dismayed, knew not well which way to turn; but most of the Ships and 14 Gallies, were gone the night before, and the Master of Malta had called home his, in April: of the rest, some few Galleys escaped, others ran aground, 10 whereof, were taken by the Turks; and the rest that were left, though they (awhile) did what they might to save themselves. The night following, the Viceroy and Admiral, secretly got away to Malta.

Auria gathered together the remainder of the dispersed Fleer, having lost 17 Galleys, and a good part of the Ships. Don de Sandes was left as General in the Castle, with 5000 Foot, some Germans and Italians, but most Spaniards: besides 1000, no Souldiers.

The Turks besieging it May 17. were notably encountred, and repulsed in their assaults. Dragut came at length to the siege, encreasing the battery with 15 great Pieces. The Christians also with 40 great Pieces, slew a number of Turks and Moores, and sallying out, fought with them, slaying and wounding many. Thus the siege continued three moneths; but in the Castle was but one great Cistern, which though yielding some store of water, yet was not enough to suffice so great a multitude in that hot Clymate and season; but was sparingly measured our to the Souldiers, as far as it would go: which some augmented by distilling Sea-water, mingling it with their allowance, till they had spent all their Wood. Many half dead lying on the ground, gaping and crying, water, water, into whose mouthes, if any one powred a little they as revived, would sit up, till for thirst they fell down again, at length giving up the Ghost.

The Governour considering the great extremity attempted with Doude Leyva, the Neopolitan Admiral, and Bellingerius the Sicilian Admiral, and others to escape by night, into a Galley under the Castle; but, in so doing, were all taken: whereupon, the Souldiers, covenanting [Page] onely for life, yielded themselves into captivity. In this expedition, about 18000 Christians one way or other, perished.

Psall sent newes hereof, by a Galley, to Constantinople, dragging (as a token) at its Poup, a great Christian Ensign, having the Picture of Christ crucified, the Turks exceedingly rejoysing for so great a Victory; yea, many came by heaps to the Emperours Embassador his Gate, deridingly asking his servants, if they had any Brethren, Kinsmen or friends, in the Spanish Fleet at Zebri, saying, if they had, they should shortly see them there: bragging also of their own valour, and scorning the Christians cowardice, asking, Who could withstand them, now the Spaniards also were overcome.

In September, the Victorious Fleet returned, with the prisoners, spoils, and Christians Galleys, anchoring that night near the Rocks in the face of the City.

Solyman, from a Gallery near the Havens mouth, joyning to his Garden, beheld the coming in of the Fleet, De Sandes, De Leyna, and Don Bellingerus, being on the Poup of the Admiral Galley, to shew; the Christian Galleys difarmed and unrigid, were towed at the tail of the Turk's Galleys: no man perceiving in Solyman's countenance, any sign at all of insolent joy: so capable was the great heart of that old Sire of any fortune.

Few dayes after, the Captives (almost starved) were brought to Court: many could scarce stand, some fell down and fainted, others died: they were scornfully led in triumph, with Arms disorderly put upon them: the Turks insulting about them, promising themselves the Empire of the whole World, and asking, What enemy they were to fear, now the Spaniard was overcome: De Sandes was brought into the Divano, and demanded by Rustan Bassa, What his Master meant, being not able to defend his own, to invade other mens? Who answered, that it beseemed not him to judge of it: himself to have [Page] done but his duty, &c. though he had no good fortune therein. Then he besought the Bassa on his knee, to speak to Solyman to spare him, for his poor Wife & small Children's sake at home. Rustan answered courteously, his Soveraign was of a mild nature, and that he was in good hope of his pardon: So he was sent to Caradines Castle; but not gone far, he was sent for back again; for the great Chamberlain had not seen him: whereat, he was much troubled, fearing the Bassaes would have put him to death. The rest, of the bettersort, were committed to Pera Castle; yet the three chief aforesaid, were with much adoe, at the Emperour's request, and his Embassadors dexterity set at liberty, though Solyman had denied them to the French Embassador, an earnest intercessour; yet the Mufties opinion was first asked: whether many Turks might be changed for a few Christians? (for 40 common Turks were to be freed for them) who answered: some of their Doctors said it was lawful, and some, not; yet himself then resolved on the more favourable part. There were two other noble persons taken at Zebri, Don John Bellingerius's Son in Law, and Don Gasto, the Duke of Medina's Son, yet a youth. Don John had ordered a great sum to be left in Chios, as the Turk's Fleet went by, whence he got into Spain; but Gasto was by Piall (in hope of a great Ransom) hidden; but Solyman having an inkling thereof by Rustan, laboured to have Casto sought out, to have a more just occasion to put Piall to death; but Gasto was dead, either through the Plague or Piall's meanes, lest the truth should be found out: whose Fathers servants seeking for him with great care, he could never be heard of: yet Piall took occasion with a few Galleys, to wander among the Isles of Aegeum, as if he had something to do; but indeed, shunning the sight of his angry Lord, lest he should have answered the matter in bonds: till at the request of his Son Selimus, and Suleiman Bassa, the Eunuch and Chamberlain, he was [Page] appeased, saying: Well, hath he from me pardon for so great an offence; but let God the most just revenger of all villanies, take of him due punishment after this life.

Busbequius the Emperours Embassadour, easily obtained of a Turkish Colonel, the Emperial Ensign of the Galleys of Naples, containing within the compass of an Eagle, the Arms of all Provinces belonging to Spain: an Ensign of Charls the 5th, by sending him 2 Suits of Silk, (such as the Turks make reckoning of) for it.

Novemb. 25. this year, died Andreas Auria. 94 years old, of great fame and reputation, chiefly with Charls the 5th, in whose service he did much; yet the notablest thing, was the kindness he shewed to Genua his Native Countrey, which he freed from French oppression: not taking on him the sole Government, (as others had done); but appeasing the great long dissention there, he established such a wholsom Government (no mans liberty infringed) as that it hath ever since flourished in Wealth, State, and Freedom.

In 1561, the Turks robbed and spoiled upon the Coasts of Italy, Sicily, and Malta, against whom Philip of Spain sending his Galleys, lost 25 by Tempest, with Mendoza the Admiral, Septemb. 18. Ferdinand the Emperour, having with long suit, and much intreaty, obtained peace of Solyman; and being well stricken in years, commended to the Princes Elector, his Son Maximilian, King of Bohemia, to be chose King of Romans: whereupon, an Assembly of them met at Frankford; and November 24, they chose Maximilian accordingly, solemnly crowning him: who Sept. 8th, 1562. was crowned King of Hungary at Presburg. Unto this Assembly, came Ibraim Bassa, or Abraham Strotzza (a Polonian born) Embassador from Solyman, with Presents and Letters to Ferdinand, to confirm the aforesaid peace for 8 years: where having audience, after much speech in setting forth his Masters greatness [Page] with his love towards the Emperour, and his Sonne the new chosen King, he delivered his Letters of credence to the Emperour, notably shewing Solyman's most insolent pride and presumption, and miserable Estate of Hungary, divided as it were at his pleasure, betwixt him and the Emperour: laying down the several conditions of the peace to be observed: promising toward the conclusion, that he should give unto that new-made friendship, so great Honour, Reverence, and Authority, that what might even in the least things be had, should not on his part, be wanting: in token whereof, (saith he) we have suffered certain Christian Captives, to return unto [...] without ransom, as thou requestedst by thy Embassadour, who could never have been redeemed, if in regard of this amity we had not granted them liberty: trusting thou wilt likewise set at liberty, such of ours as thou hast Captives.

The gifts presented, were two naturall Crystall Cups, curious, and set with pretious stones: a couragious Horse, with a golden wrought Saddle, and Trappings set with pretious stones, and chains of pure Gold, and 4 very fair Cammels: the Bassa making excuse, that the Horse and Cammels had lost their beauty, being somewhat lean and weary, with 4 moneths Travel. This peace held firm till the death of Ferdinand, who about two years after July 25. died, (being 60 years old) in 1564. In whose place succeeded Maximilian his son. Then began the Emperour's Captains on one side, and the Turk's Captains, with the Vayuod of Transilvania, on the other, to surprize strong Holds in each others confines, in Hungary.

Melchior Balas, first surprized certain Towns, on the frontiers about Transilvania: in revenge whereof, the Vayuod set upon Sackmarin, the Emperours Territory, which he took, with Balas his Wife and Children: wherefore, Balas ransacked and burnt [...], a great Town [Page] of the Vayuods. Ere long, the Vayuod aided with 4000 Turks, and 3000 Moldavians, did much hurt on the Emperours Frontiers in Hungary, taking Hadad, and besieging Ungar: wherefore Maximilian sent Suendi with 8000 men, besieging, and taking the Castle of Tokay, Feb. 5th, 1565. and afterward rich Erden.

Solyman the while, to stay the Emperours proceedings, till he had better leisure to be revenged, (for he was then preparing for Malta) sent Lilinesius, a Renegate Transilvanian, his Embassador to Maximilian, to minde him of the League with his Father, &c. Whereupon, he commanded Transilvania, nor the Turk's part of Hungary, to be no more invaded; yet while this Embassadour was at Vienna, the Bassa of Temeswar, made divers incursions, besieging Jula Castle with 6000 men, many Turks coming daily into Transilvania. Then also Suendi, by Messengers, wished the Emperour not to give credit to the Turks Embassador, who under colour of peace, sought but to take him suddenly, unprovided. But in June, the Transilvanians besieged Erden, before taken by the Imperialls, and after two moneths, had it yielded to them: Chernovich also, the Emperour's Embassadour, returning from Constantinople, assured him, that the Turks meant nothing indeed, but Warres, greatly preparing by Sea and Land: Whereupon, he raised new forces, divers Nobles coming to him with their followers; and Romerus, a Knight of Malta, and divers of his Brethren, sent by Rochenheim (their grand Prior in Germany, and then confirmed a Prince of the Empire).

The Turks being then busie upon the borders of Stiria, and thereabouts, were oft cut off by Charls the ArchDuke, upon advantage, [...] 3000 at one time; yet was the Turk's Embassador at Vienna, intreating for peace, and so cunningly, that Salma a valiant Captain, having corrupted the Judge and others, of Alba Regalis, to have betrayed it, (giving their Wives and Children as Hostages) [Page] and was on his way from Rab (but 8 miles off) was by Post-letters called back by the Emperour, for corrupting the hope of peace; the Turks afterwards, of 40 of the conspirators, impaled some on sharp stakes, hanging others on Iron hooks, by the jawes, till they were dead. The Turks shortly after took Neostat, which was ere long, recovered again. At the same time, a Turkish Spie was taken at Zigeth, who was sent from Constantinople, to view its strength and scituarion: who said (before the Arch-Duke) that Solyman would personally come at Spring, to besiege the Castles of Zigeth and Jula.

Count Serinus took also other spies, by whom he was advertized of Solyman's coming: besides, the CountreyContributors to both parties, were straightly commanded to pay no more Contribution to the Imperials: whereupon, what Suendi had often written, was easily gathered to be true: Also the Turks made daily incursions into the Emperours Territories: wherefore (being also warned by many letters) put strong Garrisons into his Frontier-Towns, chiefly Rab and Zigeth; but he likewise resolved to call (against the next year) a general Assembly of the Princes of the Empire at Augusta, for the better withstanding of the common Enemy. Solyman at that time, in revenge of the manifold injuries done to his Subjects, by the Knights of Malta, made great preparation by Sea and Land: whereunto he was much incited by Cassanes Barbarussa's Son, King of Algiers, and Dragut of Tripolis; and having understood in what forwardness things were, he called a great Assembly of his chief men, making known his minde in a speech for the invasion of Malta: calling the Knights crossed Pirats, whom utterly to root, he thought by God and his Prophets favour, he had now obtained leisure, which he wished for alwayes, 40 years: neither could any thing happen more pleasing or honourable, than before he died, to win Malta, and leave all things in order, in Hungary and Polonia. But some will say, (saith he), Malta [Page] is nearer Italy, than the Rhodes, Syria, or Jerusalem, whence ayd may be easily sent, &c. Believe me, they will never fight with us at Sea, who have been there so often by us overthrown: nor can so small a place contain any great Garrison, or (if it could) could it long feed them, &c.

After the matter well considered, and they which best knew the strong Holds, and manners of the Malteses, had declared what they thought most expedient, it was decreed speedily to set forward.

John Valetta a Frenchman, Grand Master, being adverrized hereof, by his fit Intelligencers at Constantinople, was not afraid; but assembling his Knights, briefly said, The enemy, with his insatiable ambition, strength, and mortal hate against them and the Christians name was known: wherefore they should by amendment of life, and religious worshipping of God, first reconcile themselves to Him, by which meanes, their Ancestors obtained many Victories against the Infidels in the East; but since God usually helped not the negligent and sloathful, they must joyn those helps which their profession and the course of War required, consisting in themselves and other Christian Princes: saying, The cruel Tyrant should feel the sting of the Crosse, which he so much contemned, even in Constantinople, and his Houses of pleasure; for, (saith he) we shall not have to do with him now in the Island of Rhodes, far from help of friends', inclosed with enemies by Sea and Land; but in the eyes of Italy and Spain, in strong places, whence the enemy may be easily circumvented; for which, let us not cease to pray unto Almighty God. This said, all present promised rather to lose their lives, than to fail the cause, or come into Solyman's power. Then was publique prayer made throughout the Isle, and three most expert Colonels chosen, diligently to provide for all. Warlike necessaries: by whose appointment also, the supposed hurtful Suburbs and Trees were overthrown: [Page] Letters being sent from the Grand Master to the Pope, and other Princes, requesting their ayd: Messengers also into divers places, certifying the Knights of the Order, and others of the Turk's preparation, who departed from Constantinople March 22, 1565. And at Methone, Mustapha Bassa, 75 years old, and General, mustered the Army, 7000 Horsemen, called Spahi, 500 out of the lesser Asia: out of Mytilene 400, Janizaries 4500, (whose Aga, or chief Captain, leaveth not the City, but when the Sultan himself goeth) 13000 who lived of the Revenues of their Church, who had vowed their lives for their superstition: 1200 Horse from Thrace and Peloponesus; and 3500 Volunteers out of divers Countries. In Piall's Fleet were found about 77 Galleys, Ships, and Galliots, beside one ship cast away near Methone, with 6000 Barrels of Powder, 1. 3000 great [...], and 400 Spahi. This strong Fleet arrived at Malta the 18th of May, and put into the Haven Marzasirock; but not being there safe, they removed to the Port Maior.

Malta layeth betwixt Africa and Sicily, and is twenty miles long, and 12 broad: looking to Africk Southward, and `Sicily Northward, seeming to be called Melita, from Mel hony; whereof it yieldeth plenty: it is in some places stony, gravelly, and bare of Wood, great Thistles serving for fewel: fresh water is exceeding scarce, their Wells filled with rain in Winter: in Summer being dry, or the Water braccy: the Inhabitants differing little in colour from the Aethiopians: their Buildings, except the City, in midst of the Island, being long and low, covered with Turf or Reed. Its rather to be thought from Act. 27. and 28. that Paul was cast upon the other Melita, between Corcyra and Illyria: the trouble and ship-wrack being in the Adriatique Sea, out of which, ' [...] not to be gathered they were driven.

That side of Malta towards Sicilie, hath many good Harbours and Havens; two whereof, Maior and Marzamoxet [Page] are divided by a narrow piece of ground: on the head of whose high ridge stands St. Elmo Castle, of great strength. On the left hand of the Haven Maior, are promontories: on the first standeth the Gallows, whence its named: on the point of the second, on a rough and high Rock, stands the most strong Castle of St. Angelo, the Town adjoyning, in which resideth the Grand Master, and the Souldiers in the Town or Burg: on the 3d, stands the strong Castle, or Burg of St. Michael. Valetta had to defend those three Castles and Towns, 1300 Mercinaries, Spaniards, French, Florentines, and Neopolitans: 1000 Seamen of the Knights Fleet, and 500 in St. Angelo, 5000 Countrey people, which fled into the strong places: 500 Knights, besides Priests and Squires; (for these 3 sorts are called Brethren of the Order.)

In the City Melita it self, was 200 Souldiers, and as many Citizens, with 300 Country Horsemen, commanded by valiant Vagno: Every place being furnished with whatever was needful for a long fiege; and minds armed with invincible courage against all chances: 200 Turks going ashoare, met with Riverius & 8 Knights more, whose Horse being killed, and one Knight slain, they were all taken.

The Turks returning with their Fleet to Marzasirock Port, landed 2000 Souldiers, and 5 field-Pieces, so intrenching themselves, Piall Bassa went to view Michael Castle, but for fear of great shot, durst not come nigh it; yet they sallying out, skirmished with the Turks.

Curfelinus, and but one Spaniard with him, taking an Ensign from them, and slaying a Sanzack with divers others: Piall being returned, the General in consultation, agreed with the Captains to besiege Elmo Castle; and going up the Hill to view it, they were encountred by the Garrison Souldiers, some few being lost on both sides. Things growing hotter and hotter, Valetta sent Salvagus a Knight, in a Galley by night, to certifie Garzias, Viceroy [Page] of Sicily, how things stood, that he might the sooner come to their rescue.

The Turks the while, cast up a Mount to batter the Castle, and beat the Galleys in the Haven Major, for their Fleet to enter; but it was forthwith beat down again by thundring shot from the Castle, much abating their courage.

[...] came to them with 6 Ships, and 900 Souldiers: They cast up another Mount on higher ground, annoying with 3 great Pieces, not onely the Haven, but Angelo Castle, and with a rowling Trench, drew nearer and nearer to Elmo Castle: which, though at first hindered by the Defendants, yet at last, they brought to perfection, and soon so planted their Ordnance, that they batter both Elmo and Michael Castles.

A Spanish Gentleman, then a slave to the Turk advertised Valetta of the Enemies purpose: who sent forthwith two Spanish Companies into Elmo Castle, a great strength thereunto. At length came Dragut long looked-for, with 13 Galleys, and 1600 Souldiers: 10 Galliots following him from Bona, with two Companies.

Salvagus having done his Message at Messana, was commanded to return to Malta in a Galliot, conducted by 2 Galleys: who bringing him near the Island, returned; but he in the 3d Watch of the night brake into the Town thorow the midst of the Enemie's Fleet, losing but one man: where delivering the Viceroy's charge to Valetta, he was sent that night, back again into Sicily: to request him with all speed, to send him supply: who soon arrived at Syracusa, sending thence in the two Galleys, 400 Souldiers, divers being Knights, and some skilful Canoniers: willing them to shun the West part of the Island, and passe by the East end thereof, farther about, but safer.

Then he went to Messana, declaring to Garzias the danger, requesting 1000 foot: which with those already [Page] sent, he thought would hold out, till he might with his Fleet relieve them; but while these things were slowly providing: the Turks June the 3d, assaulted Elmo Castle, hoping with short Ladders, to get over the Rampiers, nearest to the Castle-Bulwark; but the Defendants having made a large strong Flanker, the Castle also helping them, filled the ditches with their dead bodies: who thrust still on with their multitude, till they had gained the Flanker: where they so speedily fortified themselves, that they could not be hurt: their Ordnance on the other side of the Haven Marza, driving the Defendants from the place, beating down the corner of the Rampire, and battering the front of the Bulwark. But night coming on, five thousand of the nine thousand Turks, tarried there, the Christians being forced to retire into the Castle.

The Turks filling up the Ditch under the Bulwark, with Sacks of Tow and Earth, gave a fresh assault, 800 Janizaries and Spachi being slain, and many wounded, most of whom remained in the Ditch, where they perished: 45 Christians were lost, 5 being Knights of the Order.

That night, Valetta sent 200 Knights, and as many Souldiers into the Castle: who, if they had been more, with the 400 there before, might perhaps have driven the Turks from the Rampiers and Flankers, and kept the place longer. But the grand Master, marvelled exceedingly, that no [...] came; for [...] two Galleys (through the Master's fear) kept not the appointed course, he vainly affirming, he saw some Turkish Galliots before the Port Milleria, shaping his course to the Island Gaulos: which much grieved the Viceroy and others, especially Salvagus; for he saw what would come to passe. Yet in the mean time, six hundred Souldiers were taken up at Rome, by Pope Pius the 4th, His Command, under Columna: whom [Page] his Legate Me dices accompanied; and for example to other Princes, gave 100 l. of Gold to the Legate of the Order, with Gunpowder, and other Warlike necessaries. With these went many Volunteers, and that with a most ardent desire: who found John Auria and others, at Naples, with 36 Ships, wherein these Footmen being imbarqued, were transported to Messana, where the King's Fleet was providing. But the Turks, resolved to prove the utmost, before the slow Christians strength were ready, assuring themselves more easily of the rest, Elmo Castle being once taken: wherefore they began again to batter it furiously for four dayes, without ceasing: the night following, giving a great assault, almost gaining the top of the wall: the Defendants driving them down with such force, that they never durst set Ladder to the wall, till the last conflict.

Dragut's Souldiers the while, upon a bravery, went to Martia Scala, (betwixt the Gallows and [...]. Thomas Road) as if to do more than the rest; but, they of St. Angelo sallying forth, they were glad after a great losse to retire whence they came: Bonnemius one of the Knights, and 7 others, being slain.

Monferratus was then sent into Elmo Castle as Governour, instead of Brolia, sick through watching, and pains taking, who had oft written to Valetta, that he thought it unpossible to be won.

The Turks not discouraged, battered the Castle with greater fury than before, and presently gave an assault, having made a Bridge over the Ditch, that ten men might go abreast: placing 4000 Harquebusiers about the Ditch, with their Fleet at Georges shoare, not far off: And hoping even presently to win the Castle. Beragamus a Knight, and Medranus a Spanish Captain, with others, ran to the Bridge with great admiration, opposing the multitude: the fight hand to hand, being on both sides terrible: a Turk advancing an Ensign on the Bulwark, Medranus [Page] laid hold on it: who in striving together, were both slain wth a Turks Bullet. Some of the 400 sent in a little before, thrust Barrels of Gunpowder under the Bridge, some cast down Wild-fire, Stones, &c. on the enemy; others gauling them with Harquebusses. So the Bridge was burnt and blown up, overwhelming 800 Turks in its fall: the rest retiring, most being wounded: The Defendants having plucked down Mustapha's and Dragut's two Ensigns, set upon the very Battlements of the Walls. Toward the South-west, some Turks got up to the top of the highest Rampier, whom they of Angelo Castle, thinking to beat off, slew seven Defendants thereon; but at the next shot, they rent in sunder, four Turks Captains, and twelve the most forward Souldiers: other Turks casting up a Trench on that side toward St. Angelo, they were soon driven forth by fire, &c. cast down upon them. They retired, having lost 2000 of their best Souldiers: almost 100 Christians were slain, and as many wounded The same day, Valetta had a sight Brigandine, carried over Land to Martia Scala, thence to send into Sicily, to certifie by Letters the Viceroy and Pope, what was done, and the danger, requesting speedy relief, saying to the Viceroy, Our lives lay in thy hands, on whom next unto God, resteth all our hope: wherefore, we most instantly request thee not to forsake us.

Garzias greatly moved, seemed desirous to bring forth his whole Fleet against the Turks; but seeing the supply of Ships from Genua and Spain, was not yet come, he sent Cardona with 4 Galleys joyning Robles Camp master, with a choise Company of Spaniards; also 80 Knights went wth them, staying at Messana for a fit time to passe over: who letted by Tempest and otherwise, came not before Elmo Castle was lost; yet served they in great ste [...]d.

The Turks desperately renewed the fight, first thundering day and night with their Ordnance on the Castle, then [Page] assaulting the breaches, with an exceeding multitude and force, five houres endured that most terrible assault; at length, the Turks repulsed, retired; yet the night following, they did so beat the Defendants with their Ordnance, that they had much adoe to keep them from scaling the Walls: the Christians lost two hundred, and the Turks an exceeding number: Dragut himself, dying two dayes after of a blow in the Head with a stone: whose body was buried at Tripolis.

The Turkish Commanders, more and more enraged with the Christians valour, and their own slaughter, commanded their Fleet to compass the Castle, purposing by Sea and Land, to send in fresh supplies, till they had taken it; with great industry, preparing what ever was needful for the assault: which Valetta perceiving, and fearing they should not be able longer to endure such a fury, called his Knights together, requesting them to declare, what they thought best to be done for their safety: whose [...] [...] delivered, a Decree was made, that 12 Pinnaces should be sent to fetch them away; But first, 3 Knights were sent thither the night following, to tell them what was agreed on, and carefully to consider the state of the Castle, which if the Defendants thought was to be abandoned, then to poyson the water, and clay the Ordnance.

The Knights, oftentimes shot at by the Turks, got into the Castle, declaring the care taken of them: who all gave thanks therefore, saying, if they considered the places straightness, the few Defendants and the enemies multitude, they should well perceive the danger they were in, if such assaults should be [...] renewed; yet since they had hitherto felt the help of God, present, &c. they, for all the most manifest danger of their lives, would keep it to the last man; for perhaps the like honourable occasion to shew themselves in, [...] never be offered, &c. [Page] requesting the great Master, not to be too careful of them; but promise himself of them what beseemed resolute men.

The Knights having diligently viewed the Castle, returned to Valetta, who with his Knights, heard the answer of the besieged, and would needs hear the three Knights Opinion: Castriot, thinking the place was still to be defended, &c. But Recca was of another minde, saying, If Julius Caesar were alive, he would not suffer so many valiant Souldiers to be lost, but reserve his men to further service.

Medina said, he thought it not good, the place should be so easily forsaken, since the Ditches and Bulwarks were yet defensible; and there being so great a consent among the Defendants. So it seemed good to the greater part, that they should for certain dayes hold out, that the enemy might see his pride abated; for the Knights used not easily to abandon their strong Holds. But the Turks, June 23. in the dead of the night, battering the rest of the Walls yet standing, presently gave a most terrible assault: the Defendants beating down, repulsing, and slaying. Great were the outcries on both sides, mixt with exhortation, mirth, and mourning: it was now the third houre of the day, when still the Victory stood doubtful; but the very Rock bared of Walls and Defendants, above four hundred being slain, a man could scarce appear, but he was struck in pieces.

Montferratus the Governour, and Garas of Euboea, were both slain with one shot: yet the rest fought with greater force than before, overthrew the Turk's Ensigns, set up: slaying the Ensign-bearers, Captains, and Colonels: by which time it was noon, very hot, and men exceeding [...]: the Ordnance never ceasing, and the enemy sending in fresh men: and so the Castle was won; but it was a wonder, that so many should be [...] of so [Page] few: the Defendants were every man slain in fight.

The Turks, finding certain Knights yet breathing, and but half dead, cut out their hearts, then their heads from their bodies, [...] them up by the heels, in their red Cloaks, with white Crosses, (black in time of peace) in [...] of other Castles.

Mustapha, commanding them afterwards to be bound together, and cast into the Sea: who being cast up in the Haven Major, were honourably buried by sorrowful Valetta: who, moved with such [...], put to the Sword all Turks before taken, casting their Heads over the Walls, and every one that should be taken, to be presently slain.

From the first of the siege, to the taking of the Castle, were slain 1300 Christians, 130 being Knights of the Order.

Valetta, though exceedingly grieved, yet seemed otherwise, because of daunting his Souldiers: telling them, nothing was happened unprovided for, or unforeseen: that it was the will of God, and chance of Warre, sometimes one, sometimes another, to be overcome, &c. so encouraging them: then withdrawing aside, he (among many things cast in his troubled minde) determined to write to Mesquita, Governour of Melita, to certifie him, the Knights at Messania, and the Viceroy, of the losse of St. Elmo, saying in his Letter, He for all that, thought it not lawful, to doubt of Gods mercy and power, though yet, he might complain, that they were forsaken of whom it least beseemed: saying, all their welfare consisted in celerity of relief from the Viceroy, bidding Mesquita to send him three Captains, with their Companies, and praying God to send them ayd from some place.

[Page] Mesquita sent Codonellus a Knight, in a Galliot into Sicily, requesting him with all possible speed, to passe over with those Letters: Mustapha the while, sent a Messenger to Valetta, promising a Spanish captive liberty for going with him, to try if he would come to any agreement for yielding up the Town: whereinto the Christian being entred, (the Turk waiting at the Gate) declared his Message to Valetta, who was so angry at the name of composition, that had he not been a Christian, he would presently have hanged him: giving him his choyce, either to tarry still in the Town, or to go tell his Companion, if he packed not quickly away, he would send him farther off with a great shot.

The Turk returning with this answer, Mustapha, enraged, protested, never to forbear any kind of cruelty against the Christians.

One Philip, of the Grecian Family of Lascaris, then with Mastapha, (who had been courteously used by the Christians in Patras, by whom he was taken prisoner of a boy) had oft attempted to flee to St. Michaels Castle, at length, July 1. he swum to the Castle, being many times shot at by the Turk's Arrowes, and small shot. He revealed to Valetta, many of the enemies secrets, [...] him, how to srustrate the enemies purpose, for assailing Michaels point, with other things, no small help to the Defendants, fighting himself valiantly during the Siege.

Codonellus, coming safely to Messana, found the Christian Fleet not ready: wherefore, the Knights, after debate, resolved by all meanes possible, to help their Brethren: choosing two Generalls of their own fellows, the Commanders of Messana and Baroli, who declared to Garzias, what the Knights of their Order had done for the King of Spain and the Christian Commonweale, and what charge they had been at the year before, in the [Page] Pinionian expedition; beseeching him also to consider, of what concernment the losse of Malta was: therefore requesting of him four thousand Footmen, with whom all the Knights there, and many Volunteers would make all speed to relieve the besieged.

But whilest the Viceroy considereth of an answer, a Messenger came from Spain; whereupon, he answered, he could not grant their request; for so he should disfurnish his Fleet; but they might transport the Knights, with part of the Bishop's Souldiers, with their own two Galleys, to whom he would joyn another.

Those four Galleys aforementioned, with the eighty Knights, and six hundred Souldiers, (through a great tempest, hindering the Frigot's return, which they sent to see whether Elmo Castle were still holden; and afterwards, by mistrusting a fire, which they saw within two Leagues, where they thought to land, (which yet was made as a sign, that they might without fear, come forward) arrived not at the black Rocks, on the South side of the Island, till June the 29, about midnight, getting unseen to the [...] Malta, there expecting what Valetta should command: in the mean time, a great fogge (seldom there chancing) arising, a Boy looked out of a Window in the Castle, crying out (as afraid) that he saw a Turk going from the City, to Michaels Castle: wherefore some of the Knights running out, found a Greek of the City, who upon examination (for none [...] to go forth without a Passe) confessed, he intended to give the Turks notice of those Souldiers coming, that they might be intercepted as they came to the grand Master; for which, he was cut in four Pieces. Three dayes after, in the first Watch, they came safely to Valetta, except two or three Boyes, who charged with Armour and Baggage, could not keep way with the rest, The besieged, incredibly [Page] rejoyced at their coming, chiefly Valetta: who with teares trickling down, and eyes caft up to Heaven, said, I thank thee (O Heavenly Father) which hearest my prayers, and forsakest not this thy little Flock, beset round with most ravening Wolves: these are the works of thine everlasting goodness, mercy, and providence.

Valetta easily granting their desire, to be put into St. Michaels Town; (yet not removing the old Garrison) they next day sallyed out; and having slain 200 Turks, and wounded as many, returned without a man lost. Mustapha knowing it was they which came lately in, fell in rage with his Captains, as that they entred by their negligence. But the suspition was the more increased on them, which kept the uttermost part of the Island, because 3 Galliots of Algiers had withdrawn; so that he neither trusted them, nor the Renegate Christians, who fled daily from him: wherefore he proclaimed, those who lay out of the Galleys by night, should be burnt, or impaled on stakes; and changing his Warders, appointed Sales with his Galliots, to keep the Island: chaining together divers Galleys in the entrance of the Haven Marza-Moxet, causing the rest of the Fleet to ride nearer together than before. Three places were also assigned for the wounded: and the then exceeding many sick in the Turk's Camp. Mustapha then appointed Ochiall Bassa, Governour of Tripolis; who going thither, and setting things in order, returned again: having carried two Ships of Corn there, to make bread, whose want they began to feel. He sent also a Colonel to Solyman, to certifie him of the winning of Elmo Castle, with a description of the Isle, as they found it: and to declare, that the Malteses were stronger and [...] provided, than was supposed: wherefore if he should continue the siege, he should send a new supply of Men, Victual, &c. and while he expected an answer, he would do what possibly he might: who began [Page] his battery in fourteen places, with seventy great Pieces, three being most huge Basilisks, so incessantly battering the Towns and Castles of Michael and Angelo, that scarce any could be safe therein: which most troubled the Women and Children. But the Turks were far more safe in their Trenches; yet they durst not stray farre from the Camp, but with a multitude, and then also were cut off by the Horsemen of Malta, who were ever ready at their heels.

At Rome, some were sory for the dishonour at the losse of Elmo Castle: others, fearing lest the calamities of the Malteses, should redound unto themselves: There were also a sort of men, unacquainted with Martiall affaires, who shamed not to lay the blame upon Valetta: whom his own valour, the testimony of so many famous men present, and this History shall now and hereafter acquit of so false a slander.

But when the three Galleys (containing besides Knights, six hundred Spaniards, and three hundred of the [...] Souldiers) which through diligence, departed from Messana, July the 7th, with five hundred bushels of Wheat, (beside Gunpowder, Saltpeter, and Lead for shot) approached the Island; their Scout perceived by the sign, that they should retire: the Turks presently obscuring the Air with smoak, &c. that those Signes should not be discerned; but they were already descryed: so they returned to Sicilie; about which time, those in the City Melita, pursued the Turks, when they were fetching in booty of Cattel, slaying divers, recovering the prey, and chasing them even to their Camp; but the other Turks, seeing them flee so hastily toward them, raised an Alarum, ran to the [...] Tent, and for that time, ceased their battery.

[Page] Valetta, conjecturing, the Turks would soon assault the Town and Castle of Michael: was about himself to have gone thither, by a Bridge made of Boats, from one point to the other; but hearing the certainty thereof, returned into his Castle.

Some think it had been full of danger, for him so to have done; and therefore to have been discommended.

Others think the Generalls presence, chiefly in great dangers, is prayse-worthy and most necessary: after the examples of Alexander the great, Julius Caesar, Themistocles, Marius, and others: who said to their Souldiers, I my self will be your Conductor in field, in the Battel partaker of the same danger, ye shall be in all things as my self.

The King of Algiers came to the Turks, with seven Galleys, ten Galliots, and 2200 Souldiers: who requested Mustapha, for the first place in besieging Michaels Castle, which he granted him, joyning to his forces, two thousand of his best Souldiers: who commanded 90 small Vessels to be carried by Land out of MarzaMoxet, to Aqua Martia, on that side, to besiege the Castle by water: Wherefore Valetta demanded of two skilful Shipmasters, what they thought best to be done, to keep the Turks from landing: who thought their purpose might be defeated, if a Chain of Masts and Sailyards, joyned together with Iron Rings, were drawn from the corner of St. Angela, to the place where the Enemy thought to Land, which was done the night following: the Turks perceiving this barre, when 'twas day, knew not how to Land their men; but a desperate Christian fugitive, promised the King to break the Chain, and swimming to it, two or three more following to help him, they got up upon it, hewing apace with their Hatchets.

[Page]Wherefore five or six Malteses swam thither with their drawn Swords, slaying two, and causing the rest to flee: after which, none attempted the same; yet the barbarous King, diligently prepared for the Siege, which July the 15th, began by Sea and Land; but the Defendants (in the three houres assault) slew with their Ordnance two thousand Turks, and sunk twelve Gallies: the rest, coming to the Chain which stopt them, turned their prows on the corner of the Castle, but were glad at last to retire.

The Land-assault, endured also five houres: many Turks being slain, and two hundred Defendants, four being Knights: Medina was also wounded, whereof he died.

But Valetta considering what danger was like to be, if he should fight many such fights: July the 17th, sent a Messenger into Sicilie, who swam from the Castle to Aqua Martia, thence escaping unknown, thorow the Enemies, to Melita, and so came to Messana: [...] Letters, requested the Viceroy, to send Valetta his own two Gallies, with those Knights there, and what Souldiers might be transported therein: at which time, the Fleet from Spain came to Messana, with many Knights from divers Nations.

The Viceroy sent Letters before, to Valetta, in Caracters, by two Frigots, requiring some sign from him, whereby the Galleys at their coming, might know whether to enter or retire: one of which Frigots, laden with Medicines, was intercepted, the other came to Melita; yet since all passages between that and St. Michael, were shut up, and the Haven straightly kept, there could be no further direction from Valetta, for their safe sending; yet the Knights of Messana, thought good to adventure 40 Knights, with other Souldiers.

[Page] Salazar a Spanish Captain being sent with them to be landed in the Isle Gaulos: who should thence in a boat passe over to Malta as a Spy, to view the City and enemies Camp: The Turks the while, in revenge of the former losse, so battered the Castle, that they beat down by day what was repaired by night, laying a Bridge over the Ditch, July 20. that they might come to fight hand to hand: which seen, Parisot and Agleria Knights, with some Mercenaries, sallyed out to burn the Bridge, but they were (with the Knights) almost all slain, and the exploit unperformed. The Turks battered without ceasing, till July 28: which afternoon, they assaulted it in divers places, with 3 fresh supplies: but the Defendants so repulsed them with weapons, shot, fire and force, that with no small losse they enforced them to retire: Wherefore now they made small reckoning of the enemy, who now determined to prove what might be done by undermining, which they almost perfected undiscovered; for they caused 2 Galleys to come as near as they could, and to batter that place, hoping thereby that the Defendants should the lesse regard what they were working in secret; yet the besieged, perceiving their purpose, with a Countermine, defeated their Mine; One Antient, especially, casting pots of Wild-fire before him, and following after with a firework in his hand, forcing them out; for which he was rewarded with a Chain of Gold weighing 5 l. And next day, Aug. 1. the Bridge, was (by a salley made) burnt down with fire and Gunpowder cast thereon, seasonably done; for next day the Turks again assailing that part, where Rufus had the charge, were valiantly repulsed, 300 being slain in that 3 hours assault, and Rufus himself with Baresus Knights, and some Mercenaties. At this time, the Christians could not look into the Ditch or shew themselves, but they were set off with great Ordnance; yet Calderomus a Spaniard, seeing some viewing that part of the wall, most battered at, the Castle-Bulwark, sallied out, [Page] but was presently slain with a bullet: which did the more incense (not terrifie) the rest so that when they saw the enemy busie in filling the Ditch, 100 Knights and Souldiers sallying forth, made the enemy betake himself to flight, slaying 80, and losing ten. men, 2 being Knights, whose Heads next day, the Turks set on spears upon their Trenches. The same day, they of Melita (at night) made many fires, discharging great Valleys of small shot, &c. done only to shew their cheerfulnesse, and keep the Turks in suspence: who for all that filled up the Ditch at the Castle-bulwark, whereby they might without stay passe unto the over-thrown Wall: with 2 great peeces from a High Mount cast up, playing upon the Castle, shooting at first shot in Castilia's Loupe, a Spanish Knight being there slain with a small shot: on which day a Spanish Souldier fled out of the Town to the enemy, assuring them, they should by a fresh assault win the Town; there being but 400 alive in it and they (he said) almost spent with labour and wounds. Wherefore Aug. 7. they at one instant assaulted the City at the Castle-bulwark, and the Castle at the Breach, with an exceeding multitude; the noise of Warlike Instruments and cry of men on both sides, being exceeding confused and great: which the Knights in Melita hearing, and seeing the smoak, fearing the worst, All the Horsmen issued forth to avert the Turks from the assault by setting upon those at Aqua Martia; who fled, these hardly pursuing them with bloudy execution, who pittifully cryed for help: whereby the other gave over the assault, to rescue their fellows; having lost 1500, besides those slain in chase: the Defendants in both places losing above 100 and almost as many wounded. Valetta going that day and certain others, to the Temple to give publike thanks for that Victory; Garzias was advertised, that some ships with men and warlike provision were coming from Constantinople to Malta: who sent 2 Noblemen with 5 Galleys to meet them: who met only [Page] one Frigot and a Galliot, taking the one, the other escaping to Malta. Mustapha commanded his Souldiers again to assault the Breach at Michaels Castle; where they were (with no small slaughter) soon repulsed; He gave so many assaults, more to shew valour, and satisfie Solyman, than for hope of Victory, who had commanded, either to win the Island, or to lose all their lives. Mustapha also sent in haste to Solyman, shewing the state of the Fleet, the Armies difficulties, their small hope to win, how well the Christians were provided, &c.

The 2 Galleys aforesaid going out of the Haven of Syracusa met with a Maltese, coming from Pozalo in a boat sore wounded, telling them, that landing by night with one Companion, he was requested by 2 Sicilians to rest there that night, and 5 Turks breaking into the House, killed his Companion, carried away the Sicilians, wounding him thus, who hardly escaped by benefit of the night; Moreover, that the Sicilians told the Turks, two Galleys were come into that Port, bound for Malta: whereby they perceived their coming would be discovered; yet they kept on their course as far as Pozalo, whence they certified the Viceroy what had happened, and the South-wind blowing stifly against them, they returned to Syracusa expecting his further direction, which was to stay for the coming of the whole Fleet, ready shortly to passe to Malta: but Salazar in his little boat, from Pozalo, soon arrived at Malta, and came to the City, and in Turkish Apparel, with a Companion who could speak their Language, by night got into the Turks Camp, where they perceived there was scarce 14000 Souldiers in all, many being wounded and sick, the rest but unserviceable and feeble. So they returned to the City, whence Salazar with one Paccius a Spaniard, went to a place nigh the Watch-Tower of Muleca, which they curiously viewing, Paccius was there left, that observing the signes from Gaulos and Melita, he might give knowledge to the Viceroy [Page] at his approach: Salazar himself returned to Messana in his little boat, declaring to the Viceroy all he had seen; and affirming, the Turks Fleet was far unable to encounter with 10000 Christians: one of the 2 Frigots sent to Malta, returning with another Spaniard and a Turkish fugitive, and 4 Galleys coming in with 14 Turks taken about Malta, confirming the same, and saying, that the Turks seeing the Christians invincible courage, and skill in shooting, repented that ever they took in hand that expedition; many stealing away, especially the [...] of the Christian Faith, &c. There was in the Castle one Givara, Captain of the Vaunt-guard, who about 10 foot from the Wall beaten down, drew a Curtain 50 foot-long, and 5 foot-thick, with Flankers at both ends, a great help to the besieged: the enemy the while began a Mine under the Corner of the Town-ditch, defeated by a counter-mine. As a fugitive was swimming to the [...], he was taken by the enemy, which much grieved the besieged. Now part of the Turks assailed the Castle, and part thought to have blown up the Castle-bulwark; but many were in both places slain, and some baggs of powder taken from them in the Mine. Mustapha and Piall disappointed of their hope, consulted with the other great Captains, whether to continue that desperate siege or depart; most thinking, it was best betime to depart, yet Mustapha said, He would stay till the Galliot were returned from Solyman: and the while, by force and policy to seek after Victory: which he did too often, either for his Armie's or the besieged's estate, bringing all to such perfection in short time, as might have carried a stronger place, had not the Defendants valour far exceeded all his devices. Robles Governour of the Castle viewing by night the Walls-ruines, was struck in the Head with a [...] shot and slain, A man for his many good parts beloved. In whose stead, Valetta, sent an expert and resolute Colonell, who so vigilantly discharged his place, that [Page] the Turks were repulsed with losse, so oft as they attempted the place.

Two Galleys with a Galliot [...] by the 2 Galleys of Malta, told Piall, The Christian Fleet was ready to come forth: Wherefore he caused 70 Galleys to be in readinesse, keeping himself by day in the Port Maior nigh the shoar, putting to sea by night, expecting their coming; but (after long looking) when he saw none, he landed his men again, taking out of every Galley most of the powder for the Bassa, [...] land. After which, they (with a greater fury) battered the Walls of both Towns, especially with Basilisks, whose shot was 7 hands about: the Walls of Michaels-Castle being [...] flat: and the Castle Bulwark of St. Angelo was almost fallen quite down, Wherefore Aug. 18. (at noon) they fiercely assaulted both Towns, being thrice repulsed, and still coming on afresh; yet at length with greater slaughter they gave over the 5 hours assault: Wherein Valetta armed with a [...], was still valiantly fighting in the face of the Breach, so encouraging even the boyes and women to fight, yet part of the Turks stood still in the Town-ditch, having cast up a defence of earth, faggots, &c. to save themselves, in approaching to undermine the wall; but the besieged bending their Artillery upon it, slew many, [...] what was left. Next day the assault was renewed at the same places: first battering both Towns all day, and the Moon rising, about mid night with a horrible cry, began a most terrible assault; yet the Christians (at first much troubled) with weapons and fire-works, made the enemy after 3 hours fight, to retire ill-intreated: on which day a Mine was perceived at the Castle-bulwark, wherein 100 Turks were almost all slain, and the Mine destroyed; yet next [...] did the enemy, give 7 assaults, using fire-works also, Bobinsegna losing one of his eyes therewith. The Turks also mightily laboured to enter the Castle at the Spur; but Centius a [...], with a pike, thrust them down [...] [Page] were climbing up the Rampire, thrusting one thorow; but himself shot in the arm, who withdrawing to have his [...] bound up, returned to the Rampire, never departing, till (as a Conquerour) he had preserved the place. So the Turks with great slaughter, left the Christians Victors of whom almost 100 were slain: one Knight at St. Angelo, and divers at St. Michaels, where the Turks also having wrought a Mine, it was destroyed.

Certain Knights fearing, lest that so often attempted by the enemy, should at length be effected, told Valetta, they thought it meet and needful, to remove all the Records, Pictures, reliques of Saints, &c. into the Castle of S. Angelo, a place of more strength: He, exceeding moved (though he knew they spake it of a good mind) answered, So to do, were but to discourage the Malteses, and also the mercenary Souldiers: Wherefore, he would keep all, or lose all. And because none should hope in the strength of that Castle, he would bring forth all the Garrison into the Town, leaving nothing but Gunners in it, to shoot at the enemy as need required. But with the dawning of this day, the Turks assayled the same places with the greatest fury, chiefly at the ruines of the Castle, where Romanus an Avergnois lost his transitory life, and at Michaels divers Knight were grievously wounded; for the enemy suddenly retiring, mightily thundred into the breaches with great and small shot. Valetta thorowly wearied, had withdrawn himself but a little when a Priest came roaring out, that all was lost, 3 or 4 Ensigns being by the Castle breach, broken into the Town: whereupon he clapt on his Helmet, and with pike in hand, uttered a brief comfortable speech to those about him, concluding, Wherefore follow me, valiant hearts: and so hastened to the place of most danger, with Souldiers, Citizens, men and women, old and young, yea the very Children. There was a most dreadful and dangerous battel: within, without, all was covered with Darts, Weapons, dead bodies [Page] and blood: Valetta being every where present, commending, exhorting, directing as occasion required. At length the Turks with sun-setting retired, above 2000 were slain, besides every one of them who were entred: Valetta losing in this fight above 200 men.

[...] the Viceroy, Aug. 20. with 72 Galleys, set forward ftom Messana to Syracusa, with 1000 select Souldiers, above 200 being Knights of St. John, and about 40 of the order of St. Steven, instituted by Cosmus Medices, Duke of Florence in 1561, and residing in Cosmopolis, a new-built City in the Island of Elba. There were also divers noble and valiant men. The Viceroy sent Auria from Syracusa to land a man, to know of Paccius what news, or what he had seen? who said, there was but one Galliot seen at sea, which Aug. 21, made towards Gaulos, and the same day 16 Galleys came to water at Saline, but the nights coming on, hindred a further deserying of them. The besieged had notably repaired the breach at the Castle-bulwark, placing Ordnance in divers places to flanker the Ditches, and beat the Mount cast up by the enemy to annoy the Castle with small shot: who, at once to assault both Towns as before, brought an Engine to cover 30 men under the breach at Michaels; so that the Defendants could not (without danger) there appear: Wherefore sallying out, they put them to slight under it, burning the Engine. So also they did at the new City: and next night some issuing out of the Castle, destroyed the Engines prepared, slew the keepers thereof and safely returned: but the enemies [...] not, but repairing things, laboured to beat the Ch [...] from the walls in both places, and were by valour and industry frustrated. The besieged made a Mine at the Castle-breach to blow up the enemy, if he should again assault it; but the Turks there working a Mine also, lighted on theirs, spoiling it & carrying away the powder. Mustapha considering the summer to be far spent, determined with all his [Page] power, once more to assault Michaels Castle: Wherefore displaying of his Emperours stately Standard, he commanded his men to enter the Breach, where was made a most terrible and doubtful fight; but the Turks having been twice beaten down, Mustapha came himself to the places, praying and exhorting his Souldiers, faintly fighting, not to be discouraged, but to confirm their former labours and Victories, and not suffer their vanquished enemies to triumph over them, &c. promising Money, Honour and Preferment, threatning and requesting. Who, moved, gave a fresh and fierce assault; yet the Turks were again forced to retire, for the Defendants with 2 Field peeces from a Rampire, at first shot, struck in sunder their strongest wooden-Engine (covered with raw Hides) with 40 Souldiers under it: and they in the other Town, sallying forth, destroyed all their defences: and (though but 25 of them) they drave almost 300 Turks from a Mount. The Defendants had made another Mine at the Castle-bulwark, but seeing it in danger to be found, they fired it, 60 Turks within danger being slain.

Garzias the while, departed from Syracusa to Pachinum, overtaking a tall ship driven thither by Tempest, who was carrying shot and powder to the Turks, which he sent to Syracusa. A Tempest arising from the East, drave the Christian Fleet to the Island Aegusa, 220 miles west of Malta, whence Valetta had Letters, Sept 1. that the Viceroy would shortly come and relieve him: on which day a Christian captive, fled to St. Angelo, reporting, that the Turks had few men able to fight, and that great numbers died daily, yet that they determined to besiege Melita, and had already mounted 5 great peeces for battery: Having taken first 12, then 14 Horsmen of the Garrison. The Fleet coming from Aegusa to Drepranum, thence toward Gaulos, 2 Malta Galleys (by the way) took 2 Turks Galliots. The Viceroy perceiving not the appointed signes, returned from Gaulos to Pozalo, but [Page] Auria following, and telling him, he had seen the signs of safe landing, he next day returned again to Gaulos. On which day, a Christian captive fled to St. Angelo, and told Valetta, the Turks would prove their last fortune in astaulting Michaels Castle next day, and if they had not answerable success, forthwith to be gone: Mustapha promising 5 Talents of Gold to those who first advanced their Ensigns on the Walls, and promote them higher, and to reward the rest according to their desert. Valetta first gave thanks to God, for such discoveries from time to time, then preparing necessaries for repulsing the enemy: but the Turks all that day battered the new City, and the shipping in the Haven, sinking one great ship. Garzias in the morning arrived at Malta, landing his Forces, and going forward with them about half a mile, instructed the chief Commanders what was to be done; all things to be in the King of Spain's name, but till they came to the Great Master.

So exhorting them to play the men, he left them marching to Melita, in sight whereof he came with all his Fleet: they of the City discharging all their Ordnance, which was answered from the Fleet twice. Then he returned into Sicily to take in the Duke of Urbins companies, and some Spanish Bands, and so to return to attend the Turks Fleet's departure, as good as half overthrown. Assoon as the Turks heard the Army was landed, there arose a wondrous confusion among them: some crying Arm, arm, and others To be gone; the greatest number, burning the Engines and Fortifications, with all speed embarqued their Ordnance and baggage: which they in St. Angelo perceiving, sallyed out (without command) to Burmola: where some Turks fleeing from a huge piece of Ordnance which they kept, they drew it within their Walls: and, had the new-come Forces charged the enemy, as they disorderly ran to their Galleys, perhaps they had found occasion of Victory, or taken most of their Artillery: [Page] but they thought it not convenient to leave the things brought for relief of the besieged, which for roughnesse of the way, and want of Horses, were hardly carried, Sept. 11. a Genuan fugitive came in haste, telling Valetta, that 1000 Turks were marching to meet with the Christians on the way: whereupon, he sent Souldiers to St. Elmo Castle, to set upon an Ensign of the Order: who found 24 great Peeces which they could not (for haste) remove.

Mustapha being landed from Marza Moxet at St. Paul's Port (with 7000 men) by the Fleet; and being falsly informed, the Christians were not above 3000, marched toward Melita, and at the rising of a Hill, both Armies meeting, gave a great shout, the formost beginning Battel, a few being slain on both sides: but the Christians growing on them in number and strength, they fled, the Christians killing of them to their Galleys, where, striving who to get in first, about 400 were drowned, besides 1800 slain. The Turks lay in the Haven all next day, and most of the night following: and upon shooting of a great piece, hoysed sayl, leaving Malta sore wasted, losing in all about 24000, most being their best Souldiers, About 5000 Christians were slain, besides 240 Knights, honourably buried. The Turks spending 78000 great shot in battery. All things considered, a man shall scarce find a place these many years more mightily impugned, or with greater valour and resolution defended.

Valetta thus acquitted, commanded publike prayers with thanksgiving to be made to the giver of all Victory; then rewarded the Valiant, commended the rest, thanked all, relieved the sick and wounded, bewailed the spoil, provided for reparation of Breaches, &c. And yet in all this was not secure; but because of the great harms, and the enemies return, next year feared, He by Letters to divers Princes, chiefly to the grand Priors of the Order in divers Countries, requested help: containing also [Page] briefly in his Letter to George, grand Prior of Germany and founder of Elmo Castle, what hath been largely written in this History. And being bountifully relieved by those he wrote to, he both repaired and with Fortifications strengthened places, subject to the enemies force.

Solyman exceeding angry with the Governour of Chios Island (who during the siege had intelligence with Valetta, revealing many of the Turk's designs, also for detaining 2 years Tribure, 20000 Duckats, and not sending his wonted Presents to the Bassaes) commanded Piall to prepare his Fleet, and take that Island into his own hand: who April 15, 1566. with 80 Galleys, there arrived: Whereupon, the chief men, sent him Embassadours with presents, offering him the Haven, and whatever he should require; who kindly accepting thereof, and landing sent for the Governor and 12 Citizens, as if he had some special matter to confer about from Solyman, before he went thence for Malta or Italy: who coming to him with great fear, he cast them into Irons; the Souldiers taking the Town-Hall, pulling down the Towns-Ensign, having in it St. George with a Red-crosse, and setting up one of the Turks, and so was it thorow the whole Island. Then rifling the Temples, they consecrated them after their manner. The Governour and Senators with their Families were sent to Constantinople: the vulgar to tarry there or depart. So Piall placing a Turkish Governour, and a strong Garrison, departed from that fertile Island for Italy: burning and destroying the Villages along Apulia, and carrying the people into captivity, so returning. John the Vayuod of Transilvania grieved with the harms from the Emperours Captains (whereof he was the cause) and vainly hoping (from Solyman) to have most part of Hungarie, calling himself King thereof, ceased not to solicite him to come personally to make a full Conquest, summoning the Nobility and Burgesses (as if by Solymans appointment) to meet at Thorda, March 9. about matters [Page] for the common good; which Swendi the Emperours Lievtenant hearing, counter-manded them, perswading the Hungarians not to listen to the Vayuods and Turks charms tending to destruction, but to obey Maximilian, who purposed to protect them in peace.

Hence it was, that the remainders of this sore-shaken Kingdome (divided) began afresh to work each others confusion, serving the Turks for a further encroachment: who then surprized Ainastch (in the Captain and some of the Souldiers absence) putting all to the sword: but they were by valiant Serinus at Sigeth after 4 hours hard fight overthrown and put to flight; not long after, they ranged up and down fetching in booty, and doing much harm; Wherefore, Maximilian appointed his Captains to raise such Forces in Germany, as were lately granted him by the Princes and States of the Empire at Augusta, going himself to Vienna; for Solyman was set forward with a mighty Army, and come to Belgrade, where the Vayuod of Transilvania met him, kissing his Hand, and commending himself and all his State to his protection. Then did Swendi hardly besiege Husth in the borders of Transilvania: and the Bassa of Buda (on the other side) besieging Palotta, had, by 8 days continual battery, greatly endangered it, though valiantly defended by Thuriger; but the Count of Helffenshein approaching with some Companies, he rose in such haste, that he left some Ordnance and much baggage behind him. The Count had the Breaches repaired, strengthening the Garrison with a supply. After that, he strengthened by Count Salina, with some Companies from Rab, came to Vesprimium about 2 miles off, which he taking by force, June 30. left not a Turk alive, who had lately slain some Christians which they took: so leaving a strong Garrison they returned to Rab.

Shortly after, Count Salma besieged Tatta or Dotis, taking it by assault, July 28. slaying all the Turk's but 50, [Page] who fleeing into a Tower of the Castle yielded on composition, the Governour and 2 other chief ones being sent prisoners to Vienna. He was on his way to besiege Gestes nigh Palotta; but the Turks seeing his Army, left all and fled to Strigonium: 3 other Garrisons of Castles, firing what they could not carry, doing the like; for which good success, Maximilian caused publike prayers and thanksgiving to be made all thereabouts.

Count Serinus certainly advertised of Solymans comming to Zigeth, sent 2 of his Captains with 1000 Foot, and 500 Horse to lie in wait for the fore-runners of his Army, who not far from Quinque Ecclesiae, next day about night, suddenly set upon them, who disorderly fleeing several wayes, were most slain or wounded in flight. Halibeg sore wounded, perishing in the Marshes: whose son and many others were carried prisoners to Zigeth: beside store of Plate and Coin, they took 8 Camels, 5 Mules, and 6 Carts laden with all manner of spoil, and many rich Garments, with 2 fair red-Ensignes. Maximilian besides his own Forces, procured great aid of the States of the Empire and other Princes, who met at Rab; beside which Land-forces, he had 12 Galleys and 30 ships: so made, that the men could not be hurt with Arrows: wherein was 3000 Souldiers, most Italians, under Flachius a Germane, and a Knight of Malta; afterward, one of the number of the Princes of the Empire.

Solyman commanded a bridge to be made over Dravus, and the deep [...] on tother side, for transporting his Army, so difficult, that [...] thrice begun, it was given over as impossible. Solyman swearing in his rage to hang up the great Bassa who had the charge thereof, if he did not with all speed-perfect it: whereupon all boats to be found, were taken up, and timber brought from far, not only the vulgar, but the Gentlemen of the Countrey were forced to work day and night, till the Bridge was, in ten dayes space (by such a multitude) finished: Over which [Page] (a mile long) Solyman passing, encamped at Muhatchz [...] staying till his huge Army was come together. July 30. 90000 (the Vantguard) encamped within a mile of Zigeth: 100000 more following soon after, many in their approach being slain from the Castle, yet they encamped and began the siege: Zigeth is strongly scituate in a Marsh on the Frontiers of Dalmatia, denominated from the Countrey it commandeth, and a strong Bulwark against the Turks further entrance that way towards Stiria. Serinus the Governour seeing that huge Army, called together the Captains of the Garrison (being 2300 good Souldiers (into the Castle, making a short but comfortable and resolute fpeech, saying toward the end, I am resolved, as I hope ye are, that as I am a Christian and free born so (by Gods Grace) in the same faith and freedom to end my dayes: neither shall the proud Turk, while I can hold up this hand, have power to command over me, or the ground whereon I stand: which to perform he solemnly took oath, perswading them to the like; so every one returned to his charge.

Aug. 5. The Army encamped a mile off, and next day Solyman came into the Camp, the great Ordnance exceedingly thundering, and the Turks (as they were wont) crying aloud, Alla, Alla, Alla, the Christians answering with the Name of Jesus, Aug. 7. They cast up a great Mount, planting some great Ordnance. Next day, they most terribly battered the new Town in 3 places, casting up a Mount in the midst of the Marsh: whence, next day and night, they battered the inward Castle without ceasing, greatly hurting both Castle and Defendants. Serinus seeing the new City was not now to be defended, set all on fire, and retired into the old, Aug. 10. they furiously battered the old Town in 3 places, bringing their Ordnance into the new Town, and making a bridge the better to go over the marsh: 2 plain wayes of wood, earth, stones, faggots, &c. being (with wondrous labour) made [Page] thorow the deep Fenne from the Town to the Castle, where the Janizaries defended with Wool-sacks, &c. (the Defendants could not shew themselves on the Walls without great danger for their small shot. So the Turks (yet with great lols) by force entred the old town, Aug. 19. and with such speed, that rhey slew many of the most valiant before they could recover the Castle. Next day they planted their battery against the Castle in 4 places, making 2 plain wayes to it thorow the Marsh; and Aug. 29. they flercely assailed the Breaches; but having lost many men they were forced to retire, a great Bassa being also lost.

Solyman (the while) distempered with long travel fell sick of a loosness, retiring for Health-sake to Quinque [...] near Zigeth, where Sept. 4. 1566. he died of the Bloody-flux, 76 years old, Raigning 46. who was tall and slender, long-necked, pale and wan, long and Hooknosed, ambitious and bountiful, more faithful of his promise than most of his Progenitors. Muhamet the Visier Bassa, fearing the insolence of the Janizaries, and some tumult in the Camp, concealed his death, and to that end, had his Physitians and Apothecaries secretly strangled: willing Selimus then at Magnesia by a [...] Post to hasten to Constantinople, to take the possession of the Empire, and so to come to the Army; but the Janizaries began to mistrust the matter. Wherefore Muhamet caused the dead body of Solyman to be brought into his Tent sitting upright in his Horse-litter, as if sick of the Gout, whereby he contented the Janizaries, who began now to undermine the greatest Bulwark, whence the Defendants did most annoy them; and Septemb. 5. had set all the Bulwark on a light-fire. Whereby possessing it, they with all their force assailed the Bulwark next the Castle-gate, whence they were with great slaughter twice repulsed; but the fire encreasing, Serinus was [Page] was forced with those left, to retire into the inner-Castle, where was but two great pieces, besides fourteen others.

Septemb. 7. They furiously assaulted the little Castle, whereinto they cast so much fire, that it set all on fire. No place being now left for the Count safely to retire unto, He went into his Chamber, putting on a new rich suit, and came presently out with his Sword and Targuet, speaking a few, his last words to his chearful Souldiers: That the hard Fortune of that sinful Kingdom, with their own, had overtaken them, but they should with patience endure, and since the place was no longer to be kept, &c. They should valiantly break into the utter Castle, there to die and live with God for ever; saying, He would go out first, they to follow like men.

So with Sword and Targuet, calling thrice on the Name of Jesus, he issued out of the Gate with the rest, where valiantly fighting on the Bridge, slaying some Janizaries, he fell down dead with a shot in the Head (being first wounded twice with small shot) the Turks crying for joy, Alla: the rest fleeing back, were all slain, but a few whom some Janizaries (for their valour) by putting their Caps on their Head, saved from the others fury. The Turks reported, they lost 7000 Janizaries, 28000 others, beside Volunteers not enrolled, and three Bassaes.

Serinus Head was cut off, and next day (with the other Heads) set upon a pole; then, by Muhamet, sent tothe Bassa of Buda, who sent it to Count Salma in the Camp at Rab, covered with a fair linnen-cloath, with a few quipping words in a Letter: Whose death was much lamented of all the Army, and his Head honourably buried with many tears by his son among his Ancestours.

Solyman purposed (before his return) to Conquer both the remainder of Hungary, and to attempt Vienna again.

[Page]To which end, he sent Parthau Bassa with 40000 Turks to help the Bassa of Temesware, and the Tartars besiege strong Giula, in the Vayuods behalf; not far from whence, Swendi in Aug. before, had slain 10000 [...], called in by Solyman to ayd the Vayuod. He then also sent Mustapha of Bosna and Carambeius with a great power, who with the Bassa of Buda, should busie the Emperour, whilst he besieged Zigeth. Parthau was still notably repulsed by Keretschen the Governour, before Giula, having some of his Ordnance taken from him, and the rest cloyed; but this brave Captain, was at last perswaded by his Kinsman Bebicus (from whom Swendi had taken some Castles for revolting to the Vayuod) for a great summe to deliver up the Town: the Souldiers all to depart with bag and baggage; who were not gone past a mile, but they were all slain by the Turks, but a few who crept into the Reeds in a Marsh. Keretschen himself being carried in Bonds to Constantinople, where, upon complaint, how hardly he had used some Turks taken, he was by Selimus's command rolled up and down in a closed Hogshead stuck full of Nails with the points inward, till he died, with this inscription, Here, Receive the reward of thy avarice and Treason: Giula, thou soldest for Gold. If thou be not faithful to Maximilian thy Lord, neither wilt thou be to me.

Many hot skirmishes passing between the Emperours Camp at Rab, and the Bassa of Buda and Bosna at Alba Regalis, Septemb. 5. The Turks came in great number out of the Camp, lighting on a few Forragers, slaying some, the rest fleeing and raising an Allarm: whereupon, some issuing out, pursued the Turks, and slew divers: Thuriger descrying the Governour of Alba Regalis, never left him till he took him, and presenting him to the Emperour, he was Knighted and rewarded [Page] with a Chain of Gold: When a Spaniard charged the prisoner before the Emperour; that he heard him say openly at Constantinople, He with his power only could vanquish the Germane King (as the Turks term the Emperour.) The Turk answered him: such is the chance of War, Thou seest me now a prisoner and able to do nothing.

Muhamet Bassa, repairing, strongly Garrisoning, and placing a Governour in Zigeth, call'd back the dispersed Forces, and retired towards Belgrade, carrying Solymans body sitting upright in his [...]- [...], he having been many yeares so carried; whose fortunate presence, though he could do nothing, the Janizaries still desired.

The Life of Selimus the Second, fifth Emperour of the Turks.

[Page]

SElimus hasting from Cutai in Gallatia, was from Scutari conducted over the Strait to Constantinople, by Bostanges Bassa, where he was conveighed into the Pallace, Septemb. 23. 1566, and by the Janizaries, saluted Emperour, a man unconstant, hasty, wholly given to wantonness and excess, never going to Warres himself, contrary to his Grandfather's charge to Solyman, of which he was alwayes mindful.

Next day he came abroad in his Majesty, causing prayers and Sacrifices to be made for his Father in the Temple of Sophia, then giving 100000 Sultanies to the Janizaries, with promise to augment their wages; and setting forward Septemb. 27. he met the Army a little from Belgrade, Octob. 20. gallantly coming from Sigeth, with Solyman's dead body, whom the Souldiers supposed to be alive.

Selimus coming in mourning attire to the Horse-litter, looked upon, and kissed the dead body, weeping over it, as did the other great Bassaes; and to make known his death, the Ensignes were trailed on the ground, a dead march sounded, and a heavy silence commanded. Shortly after, Selimus was with great applause, proclaimed Emperour, his Ensigns advanced, and all the great Commanders admitted to [...] his hand. So returning to Constantinople Novemb. 22, and thinking to enter the Pallace, or Seraglio, he was by the discontented Janizaries (demanding a greater Donative, and the confirmation of all their priviledges) prohibited; against which presumption, [Page] the Visier Bassaes, and Aga opposing, and seeking to [...] them, were fowly intreated, and well rapped about the pates, with the Stocks of their Collivars; chiefly Muhamet and Partau, as chief Authours, that their Lord dealt no more liberally with them.

Selimus not a little troubled, demanded of the Aga, the cause of that mutiny, who with teares, told him 'twas for money: which he promising them, with the confirmation of their liberties; and the Aga with fair words and heavy countenance, entreating them, and assuring them to content them to the full of their desires, all was [...], and Selimus into the Seraglio received; yet Muhamet, chief Visier, kept himself close for certain dayes, for fear of greater mischief.

Selimus now buried his Father with all royal solemnity, in a most stately Chappel, which he had in his lifetime built, with a Colledge and an Hospitall; for maintenance whereof, the Revenues arising about Sigeth, were given. Fast by Solymans side, is the Tombe of Roxalana, and certain of his murthered Children; and by him hangeth his Scimitar, in token, he died in the Warres. That great Army withdrawn by Solyman's death, somewhat asswaged, but not wholly appeased, the troubles of Hungary.

Maximilian on the one side, and the Vayuod with the Turk's Captains on the other, renting it in pieces; The Vayuod hardly besieged [...] Castle in his Frontiers, lately taken from him by Swendi, and brought it to great [...], though notably defended by Raminger; but the Tartars (whom he had called in to his ayd) burning and destroying his Countrey, so that the people were glad to take up Arms against them; he left the Siege, and after much bloud-shed, overcame them with much adoe, ridding himself of them.

[Page] Swendi (the while) had taken the Castle of Zackmar, and had Muncatz Castle yielded unto him, then besieging Husth; so that the Vayuod craved ayd of Selimus: who sent Partau Bassa his Lievtenant in Romania, with his forces into Transilvania; but Embassadors being coming from Maximilian, he recalled him, till he had heard the effect of that embassage.

The Bassa of Buda also sent Presents to the Emperour, requesting him to remove some Captains from the Frontiers, lest they should interrupt the Treaty of peace purposed, promising to put to death all Turks, as should raise any new troubles: he wrote also to Count Salma, marvelling, why Maximilian was about to treat with his Lord of peace, whilest Swendi raged in Transilvania, then under his protection, saying, If he proceeded, Selimus would turn all his forces that way: requesting him to perswade the Emperour to take some easier course, promising, he would travel with his Master, better to like of peace than Warre, wishing him to do the like. Which the Emperour hearing of, commanded Swendi from the siege of Husth, and to be quiet, till he might understand what the Turk proposed.

Both Maximilian and Selimus, were secretly desirous of peace; for Maximilian wanted money: and Selymus, (beside other troubles) was to appease a great and dangerous Rebellion in Arabia faelix, where the people having slain the Bassaes and Zanzacks, were ready to cast off the Turkish obedience, the Persians being reported ready to warre on him: neither could he send any [...] Army into Hungary, for want of many necessary [...] in a Countrey so impoverished.

So it was at last concluded, (by Messengers sent up and down to Constantinople) that if Maximilian would send Embassadors with the Tribute yet behind for Hungary, and a large Commission for a Treaty, Selimus should give [Page] them his safe Conduct, with liberty to return, in case of Peace or Warre: which agreed to, Selymus set at liberty L. Albert de Vuis, Embassadour Lieger six years in Constantinople, who had been so closely imprisoned in his own House, that beside Watch and Ward there kept, his Windows were boorded up, that neither he, nor any of his Houshold, should look out any whither, but into the Court onely.

Maximilian, for the bringing so weighty matter about, chose Lord Verantius of Agria, (of his Counsel for Hungary) his Embassador, who being 63 years old, besides his great learning, had the experience of 27 Embassages, alwayes contenting his Prince, (and now returning from Selimus, with good success, was by Maximilian created a Prince of the Empire, and Bishop of Agria) to whom he joyned Teusenbatch, a most honourable Baron, one of his Counsellors also for the Warres: who, with full instructions, taking leave of the Emperour, (then holding a Parliament at Presburg) set forward with a great and honourable Retinue, July 1. 1567, and came to Comara, but a League from the Turks Frontiers; and being met by an Aga of the Turks, with a Chiaus in some Galleys with Turkish Souldiers, they sailed to Strigonium, by whose Governour they were denyed landing; for which he was [...] rebuked by the Bassa of Buda.

Next day, they, with five Leagues-sailing, came to Buda, (in whose Castle layeth a Captain, with 500 Souldiers, or not so many, who loseth his Head, if he stir from his charge, having also Commission to deny the Bassa himself entrance, unless he come very slightly accompanied); and next morning after, [...] the Bassa with two great gilt Cups, a Clock all curiously wrought in Gold, and one thousand Dollars, they delivered a Speech in the Italian Tongue, (after the Emperours Letters and greetings) that for the common benefit of their [Page] Subjects in Hungary, the Emperour requested him to continue his dealing for peace, and to give safe conduct unto them, till come to the Turk's Court: and so having stayed two dayes at Buda, the Bassa sent with them his Chechai (the Steward of his House) and Becram the aforesaid Chiaus, with a Guard and some Janizaries, who were also to provide all necessaries for them and their Horses, at the Turk's charges; so they came down the River to Belgrade, July 18. thence ( [...] their Coaches) they gathered fast upon Constantinople, Aug. 22. where many Spabies and Chiausais of the Court, with a number of Janizaries and other Souldiers, came to meet them, conducting them to their Lodgings about the midst of the City: where Lord De Vuis, having long looked for their coming, most joyfully received them: who Aug. 28. went all three to visit Muhamet, or Mehemet, the chief Visier, giving him Presents; and besides the Contents of the Emperours Letters, declared to him the cause of their coming, &c. turning the blame of the late Warres upon others. Neither was the Bassa to seek of good words.

That day also, they saluted Partau and Ferat, Bassaes, giving them Presents: and next day visited Acomat, Piall, and Muhamet, the other three Visier Bassaes, with Presents.

Then to set their [...] on foot, they Septemb. 4th, closed with Mehemet, who had the especial ordering of State-matters: yet because they must first do Selimus Reverence, and deliver him the presents, with the Emperour's Letters; for few dayes, there was no point of their business handled; but Selimus returning from hunting Septemb. 21. they were appointed to have audience [...] Court, chusing but 12 persons out of their followers, to attend them; for they to whom this charge was committed, said, they might bring no more before so great a [Page] Prince. The Presents were 15 Cups, all of silver, and guilt; two exceeding pretious Clocks; and 45000 Dollars, for the Tribute behind.

They were honourably conducted to the Court, and thorow two Gates of the Pallace, before they entred the third Gate. Which leadeth into the privy Pallace of the Turkish Emperour, into which, none entreth, but the Capitzi Bassa, or chief Porter, who keeps this Gate, and the Cesigniers, that serve in his meat, with the Bassaes, and some few great men, and that onely when they have some great business, or sent for by the Sultan: who himself, with his Eunuchs, and the young Pages his Minions in the Eunuch's Custody, have here continual abiding.

Being entred in, the Capitzi caused them to stay, setting them about five paces asunder in a little room, passing delicate (between the Gate and the more inward Lodgings): on both sides whereof, certain little Birds onely, were heard to warble out their sweet notes, and flicker up and down the green Trees of the Gardens.

Selymus was in great Majesty, set in an under-Chamber adjoyning to the Room, where in the Embassadours followers attended, whereinto he might look thorow a little Window.

The Embassadors entring in, were led one after another, to make their Reverence [...] him; and the while, certain of the Capitzi, with the Presents in their hands, fetching a compass before the Window, mustered them in his sight: all this while not the least sound being raised.

Their followers were fetcht in one by one, and having done their Reverence, were sent out another way into the Court: the Capitzi Bassa, and the Odda Bassa taking them by the Arms and Neck, leading them apace; and, by the way, softly feeling their wrists and hands, lest they [Page] might have some short Weapon in their sleeve; yet were they not all thus groped: who kneeling down, and kissing the hem of his Garment, he not daining to give them a look, they were led back again, going backwards, till out of his presence; and then the Embassadors delivered to Selymus, the Emperours Letters, briefly declaring to him their Message: who answered in four words, Confer with my Bassaes, and presently they were dismissed; and coming out of the two inner-Gates, they mounted on Horseback toward their Lodging, being accompanied with the Aga and his Janizaries. Among whom were certain of their Religious, called Haagi, (who use to follow the Janizaries) continually turning about, and in their going, singing, or rather howling out, Psalms and Prayers, for the welfare of their great Sultan: Many more also on Horseback, attended their forth-coming: The Embassadors, to requite their greedy courtesie, distributing among them, above 4000 Dollars, and yet not well contented them.

The Embassadors after this, having divers times conference with the great Bassaes, concerning peace, they among other unreasonable requests, demanded to have their Subjects freed from paying any Taxes or Tributes unto their old Lords, living in the Emperour's jurisdiction in Hungary; and yet the Emperour's Subjects to pay their Lords in the Turks jurisdiction as formerly: to which, the Embassadors would by no meanes consent, till they knew Maximilian's further pleasure therein: whereupon they dispatched one Odoardo a Mantuan, who had been employed divers times from Vienna, to Constantinople, in the Emperour's service.

Selymus, Octob. 20. departed in great magnificence to Hadrianople: after whose departure, the Embassadors having fully viewed the City, embarqued, and crossed the mouth of the Haven betwixt Constantinople and Pera, [Page] passing all along the Coast on Europe side, unto the [...] Sea, and back again by the other side thereof, noting the great ruines of the Cities of Bythinia, with others along the Asian shoare, with their former pleasant scituation, and so returned; but while they lay long expecting their own Messengers return, and of Selymus himself, they were advertized in haste, to repair to Hadrianople, whither the Messenger was now come with full instructions: who setting forward, Jan. 1. 1568. arrived at Hadrianople, (about 153. Italian miles from Constantinople) after nine dayes; and Febr. 17. the peace was concluded: whose chief capitulations were, that both Princes, should hold what they had got each from other: the Emperour to pay 30000 Duckats, yearly Tribute to the Turk for Hungary, to begin January last 1568: that either Subjects should be free from the payments aforesaid; and so firm a peace to be betwixt the two Monarchs for 8. years: wherein the Vayuod as the Turks Tributary was to be included. Yet the Turks raising sundry Cavillations, and many doubts, did what they might, to have somewhat altered what they had agreed upon: and with many unreasonable demands, stayed the Embassadors, till March 20 following; and then with Hebraim Beg (Selimus's Embassador to the Emperour) they returned to Vienna, May 10th, with joyful newes of peace, being two dayes after, most honourably received at Court; five dayes after which, Hebraim had audience: who well rewarded, soon returned with a full conclusion of peace.

But whilest the Embassadors were resident at Hadrianople, February 16th, came an honourable Embassage from [...] the Persian King to Selimus, to entreat, or rather to conclude a peace with him, before agreed upon controversies, for which they afterwards fell to open Warres.

[Page]He was with the greatest pomp entertained by the Turks at his first coming to Hadrianople: who seeing some of the Emperours Embassadours Retinue before their door, asked of the Capitzi Bassa, what people they were? Who told him, they were the followers of the Christian Emperours Embassadour, who was desirous to make peace with his Master: the Embassadour replyed, he would willingly salute them; the Capitzi turning his Horse toward the place, the Emperours Embassadour went forth upon the Threshold, and so they with signes and words saluted each other. He said also, he would gladly talk with them, if it might please the Grand Seignior, but they never after came together. Two dayes after, his Steward presented all the Visier Bassaes with divers rich Gifts and Presents: and the day after going to visit them himself; a Giamoglan meeting him, shot at him with a Harquebusse, but missed him, hurting one of his followers in the Arm, He supposed he was betrayed, turned his Horse to go to his Lodging, but the chief Visier sent out his men to guard him, and excuse himself of the fact; so he held on his way. The fellow being apprehended, was asked by the Bassa before the Embassadour, why he did it? why boldly answered, because the Embassador was an Heretique, and sent from an Heretical King, and an enemy to their Religion: Wherefore 'twas not meet he should come to treat with his Lord of peace; adding, he was not worthy of any peace; Wherefore the Bassa adjudged him next day, to be drawn at a Hors-tail thorow the City, then to have his right hand cut off and afterward his Head, which was done. Febr. 22. he went to deliver the Presents sent to Selimus, and to kiss his Hand, sending them before upon 34 Camels of the Persian King, and 10 of his own. There was an Alcaron with the Anthority of Hali (for they alwayes present one such Alcoran to whom they send Embassadours). It was rich with Gold and precious Stones: also a rich Book of Histories: a [Page] Box with a very fair precious Stone, call'd Balasso, and 2 wondrous great Pearls, with 2 purses of a handful-long full of Jewels: 8 Firvari or China dishes: 2 most stately Pavillions: 20 great silk Carpets, & many other less of Silk and Gold: also 9 fair Canopies to hang over the ports of their Pavillions: 9 very fair Carpets of Camels-hair: 9 Saddles set with stone after their fashion: 7 Staves of silver: 7 Scimitars with red Scabberds: 7 Bowes with Arrows and Quivers richly wrought: also many other Carpets called Testich, of the finest Lawn, 7 men could scarce carry one of them: all the Faulcons died by the way. In his own name he gave an Alcoran, a large and fair Pavillion, Scimitars, rich Bowes and Arrowes: some Carpets of Silk and Camels-hair.

After which, and reverence done to the Sultan by him and 30 of his followers in cloath of Gold, he returned to his Lodging very Honourably accompanied, both by the Turk's and his own retinue: and although the Persians (as may be thought) shewed all their pomp, yet they made nothing so fair a shew as the Turk's: nor are they so fair, but most of a swart and brown colour, and rather little men than otherwise, not much unlike the Spaniards. Selimus allowed for their ordinary charges, 500 Duckats a day, their number being great, and their beasts many: which expences do begin assoon as Embassadours do enter into the Sultans Dominions: and end assoon as their businesse is finished. He having concluded a peace beewixt Tamas and Selimus, ere long returned into Persia. The Venetians also sought to renew their League, now expired: which was easily obtained, but of small assurance.

Selimus now, in 1569. purposed to build a Magnificent Temple at Hadrianople for his own Sepulture, with a Monastery, a Colledge, and an Alms-House; but was troubled how to [...] them with Revenues sufficient; for the Mahometan Kings are forbidden to convert any [Page] Lands or Possessions to such holy uses, but what they have won from the enemies of their Religion; which is as a Spur to prick them forward to add to their Empire; Nothing that was presented so pleased him, as the taking of the rich Island Cyprus from the Venetians: which Conquest would be enough, with a large over-plus to supply what wanted in his Fathers devout works: but that which moved him most, was the glory of such a Conquest. His Predecessors usually in the beginning of their Raign, doing or attempting some notable thing against the Christians. The matter being propounded to the great Bassaes, Muhamet chief Visier, and a secret friend to the Venetians, perswaded him not to yield thereunto, alledging, besides the danger, that Solyman at his death, charged him, the League with the Venetians to be religiously kept, which he also had lately most solemnly confirmed. But Mustapha with Piall, Bassaes, so [...] what he said (envying at his Honour), and so shewed both the Honour, profit and easinesse thereof (much of the Venetian Arsenal being also burnt) that Selimus calling Muhamet in his choller Christian (no small disgrace) presently prepared by sea and land for performance of his resolution: which was discovered by Barbarus the Venetian Embassadour, and suspected by their Merchants; whom the Turks began [...] cut short in their Traffique, looking big on them, and giving them hard speeches.

The Embassadour came to Muhamet, complaining of the breach of the League, and remembring him of the Venetian State's fidelity, requesting Selimus (before he began that War) to declare his mind to the Senate, that so happily all might be [...] to the good of both parties: which he did not for hope to avert the War, but to win time, till the State might make ready their Fleet and Forces: neither left he the Bassa, till he procured Cubates to be sent Embassadour to Venice, to prove, whether the Senatours, would deliver the Island, or adventure the taking [Page] it from them by force. These, and such like things made known at Venice, brought a general heaviness on the City. Cubates, come to Ragusium, Surianus sent to meet him, brought him to Venice in his Galley.

The Senators the while, were divided in opinions; some thought it not good to wage Warre against such an invincible Enemy, &c. alleadging, they had alwayes in the winding up of the Warres, lost something, besides losses already sustained; that it were better to part with Cyprus, so they might quietly enjoy the rest: saying, time would give them some fit occasion, to recover what they had lost: to trust in their confederates, was but to deceive themselves, destruction having come thence, whence ayd was alwayes to have bin hoped for. Others said, nothing could be more dishonourable, than without Fight, to [...] with so notable a piece of their Seigniory, &c. that the Turks would afterwards seek also after Creet and Corcyra, and so they yielding one thing after another, to spoil themselves of all, &c. that hard beginnings had oftentimes merry endings: that the favour of that insolent and greedy Nation, was not to be gained, but with such a costly peace, much more hurtful than Warre it self. Besides, it much concerned Christian Princes, to have their State preserved: wherefore 'twas to be hoped, they would ayd them to the utmost. In the end it was resolved on, by plain force to withstand the Turks. So when Cubates came to Venice, no man met him, or shewed him common courtesie; but being admitted into the Senate-house, with his two Interpreters onely, he delivered Selimus's Letters, which whilest they were breaking up, and translating, he delivered also his Message, the effect whereof was, that Selimus worthily grieved, that the like care of keeping faith, did not appear in them, as in him: who harboured Pirates in their Havens, murthering his Subjects: which injuries longer to forbear, might rather be imputed to him for cowardise, than courtesie: that the [Page] onely remedy of falling out, by new quarrels daily arising, was to deliver to him the Island Cyprus, the cause of all those grievances: to which small request, if they did not yield, he purposed not onely to take it from them, but prosecute them with most cruel Warre by Sea and Land: taking God to witness, all the calamities to ensue thereof, to be imputed to themselves. Then, he in Muhamet, the Visier's name, told them, that he was right sory for this breach, &c. most instantly requesting them, and advising them, not wilfully to plunge themselves into such dangers, as they could hardly or never finde the way out, &c. telling them, Selimus did nothing but thunder out most cruel threats; which his indignation was raised of the manifold complaints brought against them.

Selimus's Letters were also full of false surmized grievances, as that they had in Warlike manner, entred his Frontiers in Dalmatia, doing great harm: that they had put to death, certain Turkish Pirates: that Cyprus was a Harbour for the Pyrates of the West: wherefore, he required them to yield it to him, or else he would by force, take it from them: saying, he renewed his Fathers League with them, not for any liking thereof; but because, he had resolved, at first, peaceably to endure all things.

The Venetians answered the Embassador, that they had alwayes inviolably kept their Leagues with the Othoman Emperours: in regard whereof they had let slip many opportunities to augment their Dominions in: That they had never passed their own bounds or invaded the Turks: only to have taken order, that no Pirates should roam up and down at pleasure: taking God to witnesse, they were the Authors of Peace, and Selimus of War, who contrary to the League, had denounced war against them: Wherefore, they would defend that Kingdom, which they by Ancient and lawful right possessed: and that the same God would be present to their [...] complaints, &c.

[Page] Cubates departed at a secret Postern, guarded for fear of the people; who in great numbers were assembled to the Court-Gate, muttering, It were well done to rend him in pieces, that accursed Turk the Messenger of his faithless Master: he as he went, storming and swearing by his Mahomet, to be revenged of so great an indignity. The Senates answer, was of some highly commended: others deemed it too sharp, to the further incensing of the Turk, thinking they might have obtained a more indifferent peace by courtesie, &c.

The Venetians forthwith, sent Letters to the Governours of Cyprus, with all care and diligence to prepare to withstand the Turk: and made choice of most valiant and expert Captains by Sea and Land, for the defence of their dispersed Seigniorie, with the leading of their forces. Zanius was Admiral: Noble Singliticus was sent with 1000 Footmen into Cyprus (who led also all the Horsemen in the Island). Martiningus, promising to follow with 2000 more. Their strong Cities were new fortified, and provided with all necessaries, for defence of their State; earnestly soiiciting the Christian Princes, to give them ayd against the common enemy; but Maximilian excused himself by the 8 years League made with the Turk: as also Charls the French King, and Sigismund of Poland, upon the same account, yet seeming very sory for the breach betwixt them: yet Charls offered to be a Mediator, (if they pleased) betwixt them and Selymus.

Sebastian also of Portugal, made an excuse from the great Plague that had lately raged in his Kingdom: also that he was to maintain Sea-Warres, against the Turks in the East- [...]. Onely Pope Pius the 5th, and Philip of Spain, with the Duke of Savoy, Duke of Urbin, and Duke of Florence, and Knights of Malta, promised them, and performed their ayd.

Selimus was with the Venetian's short answer, and Cubates's contemptuous usage, farther enraged, they also [Page] having in their Letters omitted his glorious Titles: wherefore he imprisoned their Embassador, and all the Christian Merchants of the West, throughout his Empire, staying their ships under Arrest, setting himself wholly to prepare things needful for the intended Warre.

Cyprus layeth in the farthest of the Cilician Sea, between Syria East, Pamphylia West, Aegypt South, and Cilicia (now Caramannia) North. It is in length, (after Strabo) 175 miles; in breadth 65, in circuit 427. It abounds with what ever is needful for the sustentation of man: sending forth great abundance, and craving no help again.

The people generally lived so at ease and pleasure, that the Island was dedicated to Venus, who was there chiefly worshipped, and thereof called Cypria: Marcellinus saith, that Cyprus is, of it self, able to build a tall Ship from the Keel to the Top-sail, and put it to Sea, furnished of all things needful: In the heart whereof, stands Nicosia, sometime its Mother-City; and in the East end thereof, Famagusta the chief and onely Port of all that most pleasant Island. It came first into the hands of the Venetians, as hath bin before declared, by Catherine Cornelia, the Wife of James the King thereof, and adopted Daughter of the Senate, who (her Husband being dead) by the perswasion of her Brother George Cornelius, (all the Island being ready to revolt, after the death of her young Sonne a Posthume) coming to Venice, and with the greatest honour received; in the Senate-House, before the Tribunal of Duke Barbaricus, laid down her Crown and Scepter, and, as a loving Daughter, resigned up her Kingdom to the great honour and profit of her Countrey, (in one thousand four hundred seventy three) then paying to the Sultans of Aegypt, such yearly Tribute as James did; and afterwards the same, to the Turk by Law of Conquest. But now, this Selimus the 2d, made no account of the accustomed [Page] Tribute, but of the fruitful Island itself: who, in the beginning of February, 1570, sent a great power into Epirus, and the Frontiers of Dalmatia to forrage, especially about Jadera, to withdraw the Venetians from the defence of Cyprus, so far off: and in April following, he sent Piall, (who was a Hungarian, born of mean Parents) with 80 Galleys, and 300 Galliots, to keep the Venetians from sending ayd to Cyprus: who coming to Euboea, so lay certain dayes, as if he would give them battel; but understanding that they, grievously visited with the Plague, and slowly relieved by friends, were not like in haste to come out, he sailed to have taken the Island Troos from them, stronger by the Defendants industry, than by nature: who (though far from Christian Countries) could neither for fear or danger, be removed from Christian Religion, or submit to the Turks Government, as most of the Cyclades had done.

Piall by fair meanes and fowl, perswaded the Inhabitants to yield their Town; but getting nothing from them, but fowl words again, he valiantly assaulted it two dayes; but seeing how little he prevailed, and the Defendants resolution, he abandoned the Island, sailing towards Cyprus; for Mustapha (a hater of the Christians) was made General, who appointed Piall to meet him at the Rhodes, where, he that came first, should tarry for the other, to sail together to Cyprus.

Mustapha having sent a great part of his Army by Land into Pamphylia, departed in a royal and wondrous great Galley, (together with Haly Bassa, General of the forces at Sea and the rest of the Fleet) from Constantinople May 26, meeting with Piall at the Rhodes, and to colour so manifest a wrong, according to the Turkish manner, a little before his arrival at Cyprus, sent Letters to the Venetians: that Cyprus, together with Aegypt, which was conquered by the Turks, was become of right, a part of [Page] the Othoman Empire: which they came to challenge, leading after them 200000 valiant Souldiers, &c. And if they should prefer their vain hopes before the wholsom Counsel of leaving the Island without resistance, they were to expect all the calamities of War, &c. he giving them a moneths space to bethink themselves. The whole Fleet consisted of 200 Galleys, divers Galliots and small Men of Warre, with divers Vessels for transporting of Horses; whose coming, the Islanders from their Watch-Towers, first discovered at the West end: whence, (on the right hand) passing the promontory of Del legate, they landed divers of their men: who, burning and spoyling some Villages, with spoil and prisoners, returned to the Fleet, which coming to Salinae, a place (so called from abundance of Salt there made) they came to an Anchor in an open Road, landing their Army on a plain shoare, unresisted: which exceedingly encouraged the Turks, thinking they should not have so done, without a bloudy Fight; but the Christians (all whose hope was to have [...] them from landing) either terrified with the greatness of the Fleet; or prevented by their celerity, to their great hurt omitted so fair an opportunity.

The Bassa entrenching his Army, sent the Fleet to transport his other forces out of Pamphylia into the Island; and Scouts to take some prisoners, of whom they might learn many things of concernment; but the greatest question among themselves was, whether they should first set [...] Famagusta or Nicosia? Famagusta standing low, and wholly subject to the then scorching heat: the Bassa for fear of Diseases, thought it better to begin with Nicosia. So put ing all things in order, and well viewing the Countrey, he set forward: it was about 30 miles distant, being the chief and richest City of the [...]. The spreading Army, the neerer it came, the greater was the [...] of the people, and the number of prisoners; but [Page] the Enemies approaching, a general fear possessed all men: there being in the City no renowned Captain, nor any strong Army without, to oppose the enemy.

Dandulus was Governour of the City, too weak for so great a burthen, being brought up in civil Affaires: who had taken up 4000 Foot, and 1000 Horse, raw Souldiers, commanded by the Gentlemen of the Countrey: The greatest hope being reposed in 1200 Italian Foot, and 600 Horse: the whole number of Souldiers in Garrison were deemed about 8000 Horse and Foot, too weak a Company against so fierce and strong an enemy, under an old and expert General.

The Venetians having ever great care of Cyprus as remote, oft intended to have fortified it; but, lest they should seem to distrust or dread the Turks, left it still undone.

Nicosia stands in a Champain Countrey, about five miles in circuit, magnificently built, and for its wholsom and commodious scituation, notably peopled: the Venetians had fortified it lately with new Walls, thick Rampiers, 11 strong Bulwarks, and 3 great Fortresses, for defence of the Wall: which they did well furnish with Men, and Warlike Provision; yet they found that Fortifications are strengthened by Defendants, rather than Defendant, by Fortifications.

July 22. the Bassa encamped within a mile and half of the City: the Turks issuing out, rode before the Walls and Gates, and with often and lowd out-cries, upbraided the Defendants: whose silence was taken as a token of fear.

Mustapha also coming, and fully viewing its Walls and Scituation, shortly after, they drew nearer, filling with their Tents the lower part of the Hill Mandia: setting the Bassaes Tent upon the Hill, to the terrour of the Defendants, and encouragement of the Turks, who brought their Trenches from far, casting up a few Forts; [Page] but, as their Army increased, many more; which they raised above the Walls, making the City more dangerous to defend.

There, with 70 great Pieces, they battered the City day and night, without ceasing: many being slain with the shot, and the pieces of stones beaten out of the walls. Never such a fear as then, within Nicosia: the enemy with restless labour, bringing his Trenches to the very brim of the Town-ditch, which had not been well scoured. Being so nigh, they first skirmished a farre off, with small Pieces: but afterwards, they battered with their great Artillery, and overwhelmed the Defendants with thick small shot, Arrowes and stones, to drive them off the Wall and Rampiers. Not onely the Curtains betwixt three Bulwarks, were soon [...] down; but all places thereabouts, lay full of the dead bodies of Assailants and Defendants. These (through desperation, joyned with necessity) besides, defending their Walls, with small shot, stones, &c. oft made great slaughter of them, with their Artillery and murthering Pieces; dismounting also many of their great Pieces, and with Feather-beds, & Sacks of Cotton-Wooll, making up the breaches: which the Turks laboured to burn with Pitch Barrels, and Pots of Wild-fire; and after long fight, entring the Ditch, made two wayes to the Walls, which they so fortified on both sides, that they were safe from the loups of the Bulwarks, flankering the Ditch: presently setting up Scaling Ladders, filling the Ditches, and were digging down the Foundation of two Bulwarks.

The Christians in the first assault, struck many down dead, climbing up the Ladders; and soon [...] more than themselves were, forced the rest to give over the assault: in these first and hard conflicts, a number of Souldiers were lost, and most of the Cannoniers slain. After this assault, both parties were busied a while, in ingenious devices.

[Page]The Venetians had in good time, put their Fleet to sea, but being too weak, they lay still about Jadera, expecting the coming of the Spanish Admiral with his Galleys: Two moneths were past, and no news thereof; so that the Venetians speed and industry was marred by the Spaniards delay and lingring; besides the plague (at length) grew so hot in the Fleet, that there was neither Marriner nor Souldier left in many Galleys: 20000 dying thereof, among whom were many of great account. The plague well ceased, and Zanius weary of expecting the Spanish Admiral, collecting his dispersed Fleet, sailed to Corcyra, where he met with Venerius, who had lately taken from the Turks, Suppoto a sea-Town over against it. All their Fleet was now 117 sayl, 12 being Galleasses, but too weak for the Turks, they being weakly manned; yet the Admiral sorry for Cyprus's spoil and the distresse of Nicosia, landed at Suda in Creet, Aug. 12. In the latter end whereof, Columnius for the Pope, and Auria for the Spanish King arrived there also, welcomed with great triumph; so that there was now 192 Galleys, 12 Galleasses, [...] Vessels laden with provision, and Ammunition, &c. The Pope set forth 12 Galleys, the Spaniards 42, proportionably manned. The 3 Commanders after long consulting, by Zanius's perswasion, about the midst of Septemb. (with a fair gale of wind) set forward for Cyprus, keeping such order as if they should presently have met with the enemy: Loredanus Duke of Venice died in these troubles, leaving the rest of the care to Moscnicus his Successour.

While the Christians slowly proceed, Mustapha dividing his Army into 4 parts, assaulted 4 Bulwarks of the City with greater force than before: the presence of the General, besides their natural fiercenesse, carrying the Turks head-long without peril, and the fear of life and liberty, with hope of relief, encouraging the Defendants to dare any thing: many Turks were slain and their Ladders [Page] overthrown: the poor Defendants being brought to a small number, few or none escaping unwounded: many thought the City might then have been taken, if the Bassa had still brought on fresh men: but his loss was such, that for that time he gave over the assault.

After this, some thought good (whilst they had some reasonable strength) to salley forth upon the enemy, which Dandulus in no case liked, as loath to diminish the number of the Defendants, yet he yielded to the desire of the Captains: so in the hottest time of the day, some Italian Companies under Caesar and Albertus, issued forth, and suddenly brake into the enemies Trenches, where the Turks were playing and sleeping. At first, the Italians brought great fear upon that quarter, and slew many: but the Turks running in on every side, they were glad to retire, divers being slain and their 2 Leaders; so that this salley only weakened the Defendants, and caused the Turks to keep better watch and ward.

All hope of long holding out now almost lost, the Defendants scarcely shewing their Heads without danger, They sent out skilful Scouts to the Country people (who in great multitudes had [...] [...] the Mountains) to tell them, if they came not in time to their relief, their wives and children sent into the City, must shortly fall into the enemie's Hands or perish with Hunger; but these being intercepted, were in sight of the [...] tortured to death.

When divers Letters were shot into the City, perswading the Christians by mild promises and extream threatnings to yield, but in vain; Mustapha called forth certain Souldiers on a Bulwark, to parley, some being sent to him, who complained that no answer was given to his Letters, setting forth the power of the Turkish Empire, propounding great miseries, and shewing the profit of yielding up the City; offering them large entertainment: concluding, they should never find so much offered [Page] grace afterward. The Bassa did this, doubting the coming of the Christian Fleet, and his Army being exceedingly troubled with diseases; but the Souldiers answered, they yet doubted not of their own strength, being ready to endure any thing, rather than prefer the uncertain friendship of an unknown prince, before the favour of such worthy Princes as they had so good experience of.

The Bassa grieved and enraged, made ready for the assault, promising great things to those who should first or second mount the Walls: encouraging them with the small number and feeblenesse of their enemies, the approach of hoped rewards and end of their labours, &c. Some he reproved in that general assault; some mindful of promises, others of disgrace, with their thick shot and Ordnance suffered none to stand safely on the walls: by whose ruines, and in other places they attempted with scaling-Ladders to enter, which they maintained for divers dayes without intermission, fresh men still coming on: yet the Defendants performed what was possible for so few to do: still in hope that relief might come by the approach of the Christian Fleet. At length, when the Turks were in great hope to gain the walls, and Mustapha guessed the Christians to be weary, and sore weakened, which was also confirmed by some fugitives: yet he sounded a retreat, laying still all next day. The Defendants thinking he had given over, because of some ayd coming to them, upon that vain Hope became more carelesse. But the Bassa choosing out about 200 of his best, valiant and [...] Captains and Souldiers, sent them early next day, to try if they could without noise, set up Ladders and get into those 4 Bulwarks, before-shaken. These getting up, others followed, so taking the Bulwarks, and presently other Companies standing ready in divers places with Ladders, recovered the top of the Walls. In every Bulwark was 140 Italians and Epirots, who part asleep, [Page] as fearing no danger, and part laying on the ground, were surprized and slain; other-some, awaked with the noise, leapt down out of the Bulwarks at places next to them, some running unawares into the midst of their Enemies. Upon the Alarm, some Captains came speedily with their Companies to the Walls, as Eugenius who crying out to some he met, not so cowardly to flee, and staying others, was slain with a small shot: Other Captains also in other places labouring in vain, to stay the fleeing Souldiers. The Defendants now gathered into the Market place, but the Citizens stood in the entrance of their Houses, fearfully expecting their own and their Countries destruction. The Governour of Aleppo the while, scoured the Walls round, putting all to the sword they met; a Company of the Italians at the Bulwark Earbarus, fighting desperately a while, but were at last overthrown and slain. After this, he came down into the City, and seeing those in the Market-place fight as desperate men, in a Ring, he bent murdering-pieces upon them: Whereupon they laid down their Weapons,, yielding to mercy. By and by all the Gates were strongly guarded, that none should go in or out. Dandulus with the Bishop of Paphos, and the other Nobles, and better sort of Citizens, stood on their guard in the Town-Hall: to [...] Mustapha sent word, he would take them all to mercy, if they (without more resistance) would yield; but while Messengers ran to and fro, the Turks breaking in, slew them every man: after which they spared none, and slaying those in the streets, brake into the Houses, making havock of all things. Babes were taken from their mothers: Virgins ravished: women before their Husbands faces abused, Temples spoiled, and all places filled with mourning and dead bodies, for in the City was slain that day 14866 persons. Its reported, the prey there taken amounted to 20000 millions of Duckats: 200 of the most goodly youths were chosen to be sent a present to Selimus: [Page] 250 pieces of Ordnance were taken, some being carried away, the rest left for defence. Thus famous Nicosia, fell into the Turks Hands, Septemb. 9. 1570. Mustapha with the terrour of his Name, rather than by force, brought most of the Towns under his obedience, and by promise of good usage, brought back the Countrey people (who had fled into the Mountains with all they had) to their dwellings, to till and sow as they were wont. He sent a Sanzack to summon the City Syrene, strongly scituate and well furnished for a long siege; but Palacius the Governour, no sooner saw the enemy, but he delivered it up to him, only to depart thence with all his Garrison, which was easily granted.

Ere long, Mustapha leaving a strong Garrison in Nicosia, marched to besiege Famagusta: for terrours-sake, sending to them by a Country fellow in a Basket Dandulus's Head, sending before him divers Horsmen, who upon their staves, carried the Heads of many slain Nobles: so riding in triumph about the Walls: but they of Famagusta not terrified thereby to yield, he encamped about 3 miles off: and casting up divers Mounts, he placed battery against the Tower defending the Haven. Himself the while, battering the Gate leading to Amathus. But perceiving by their desperate salleys, he was like to have much more here to do, than at Nicosia, and Winter drawing fast on: it being reported also the Christian Fleet was at hand, he rose with his Army further off, billeting his Souldiers in the Villages round, for that Winter.

Haly and Piall, in doubt of the Fleets coming, then at Creet, sent out 6 Galliots to discover the Christians doings, who returning with some prisoners taken in Creet, declared what they heard, and that the Christian Fleet was on their way to Cyprus: Whereupon, the Bassaes set forward from before Famagusta towards Limisso to meet them: who were coming between the Isles Caprathos and Rhodes: but there hearing that Nicosia was lost, and [Page] that the Turks were come to besiege Famagusta, they called a Council, to consult what best to do. Columnus then chief Commander, and Zanius, thought it best to hold on and relieve Famagusta, because it was like, that the Turks proud of Victory, for desire of prey, had left their Fleet but slenderly manned: alledging also, the Senates express decree, to give The Turks battel; but Auria thinking of the matter as it was: said, He marvelled how the Venetian Senatours, sitting at ease in Counsel, before knowledge of their own and enemies strength, the nature of the Countrey, and purpose of their foes, could determine what were fit for martial men to do, to whose actions no certain Rule could be prescribed: and besides, divers difficulties and wants alleadged; he said, he had express command from the King of Spain to return to Messana before Winter: Wherefore, when the month was out he would depart. Zanius urged Auria to proceed: saying, So great ayd was not sent from the Pope and King only for reliefe of Nicosia, but to deliver the whole Island from the danger of the Turk. Divers great Captains were of Aurias's opinion, as Sfortia: who said, Nothing was to be done as might rashly expose unto casualty or power of the enemy; the Fortune & Majesty of the Christian Common weal, greatly hazarded in that Fleet: that longer stay might bring further danger, &c.

Upon which so fowl a disagreement, the Fleet began to return back, every Admiral now by himself leading his own Fleet: Auria after 2 dayes wondrous tossing at sea, came to Caprathos: thence with much ado arriving in Creet: whence by a Messenger, he requested leave of Columnus, presently to return home: who answered, He would give him none, charging him to keep company with the rest of the Fleet till it were past Zant; for if they should not passe safely by their enemies Countrey, it should be imputed to his dishonor, who had forsaken his friends, and not to them; but Auria answered, The welfare of Sicily and Naples consisted in that Fleet's safety, [Page] and therefore he could not stay to go with their heavy Galleasses and other ships, which must oft be towed. Yet it was deemed he sought occasion (accounting himself the better man at sea) to withdraw from the command of Columnus. After a while thus reasoning the matter, Auria without leave came to Messana in Sicily: the other two not staying long after him, but with much trouble at sea, Columnus arrived in Italy, and Zanius at Corcyra. In this idle expedition many thousands of valiant men lost their lives of divers diseases, from change of diet, and the weathers unseasonablenesse in that hot Climate: Marteningus with most of his 3000 Souldiers, sent for defence of Famagusta perishing also. Barbaricus was sent to Corcyra to discharge Zanius of his Admiralship, and send him prisoner to Venice; Venerius Governour of the Isle being put in his room.

The Bassaes at sea, were not a little proud of the Christians Fleet's departure; yet the seas growing rough, and no enemy appearing, they left 7 Galleys before Famagusta to hinder it from relief that way, departing themselves: Piall with the greatest part to Constantinople, and Haly with the rest to the Rhodes: fraughting a great Gallion and 2 tall ships, with the richest of the spoil of Nicosia, and choise of the prisoners for a present to Selimus; but being ready to hoyse sail, as they were carrying out of the Gallion, some barrels of Gunpowder, which Mustapha had commanded to be landed, a Noble Woman Captive fired the powder, which rent the Gallion with the other two ships in pieces, blowing up all that was therein, none escaping with life but the Master of the Gallion and 2 captives; but the Bassaes following their resolution, Piall came to Constantinople, where such preparation was then, and all winter making, as if Selimus (next year) purposed some greater matter,

While Venerius yet lay at Corcyra, the theevish and needy Acroceraunians, promised to deliver to him the [Page] strong Castle of Caymera kept by 300 Turks, if with a few Galleys and fit number of foot, he would come into the Bay of Ambracia, offering him good Hostages for performance: who forthwith went thither, landing a Company of Horsmen and 3000 Foot, and presently 1000 of those Mountain-people coming to them, they took the Hill, repulsing the Turks coming for relief of the Castle: they therein next night let themselves down with Ropes, but were all taken or slain: a strong Christian Garrison being put into it. Ere long, Couragious Quirinus the Vice-Admiral besieged a strong Castle in Peloponesus, by sea and Land, which the Turks had built 2 years before to trouble the Christian passage. He took it in 5 hours, putting 500 Turks to the sword, and razing it, carried away 25 great Ordnance into Zant.

While Mustapha lay before Famagusta, Bragadine the Governour, and Balcone a most expert Captain, beholding the Turks great Army, with-their cunning Fortification, were much moved: Wherefore, they entreated Ragazonius Bishop of the City to go to the Senate, in so great danger to crave their ayd (joyning to him Donatus a noble Cypriot); he was at first loath, in such danger, to leave his Flock, but was at length overcome by entreaty and tears: and loosing out of the Haven about Sun-setting with a fair gale, passed thorow the Turks Fleet laying at Anchor. Being come to Venice, he declared to the Senate (as before to Zanius at Creet) the danger of the City, the Enemie's strength, and Defendants weaknesse against such a multitude, and want of necessaries to hold out &c. Zanius then Admiral, sent 4 tall ships (laden with Victual and Gunpowder, with 1700 choise Souldiers) from Creet to Famagusta, appointing Quirinus with 12 of the best Galleys to conduct them thither. Zanius at his departure to Venice, though he knew it required haste, yet left it to his discretion when and how to perform that service, who (the seas being then full of the [Page] Turks Galleys) stayed till Winter was well spent, and so setting forward, Jan. 17. 1571. He kept aloof from the ships, who came directly before Famagusta, hoping, the Turks Galleys might be drawn further into the sea in hope of booty, himself fitly staying out of sight. The Turks upon Day-dawning, made hastily toward them from the Harbours mouth; but Quirinus desirous to fight with them, shewed himself before the enemy came nigh the ships: who presently with all speed retired. But Quirinus following them faster, they were glad to run 3 Galleys aground, and get ashoar, which 3 he beat to pieces with his Ordnance, sore gauling the other 4. The Haven cleared, he brought the ships with the supply to Famagusta, for which there was great joy. Quirinus coming forth again, and roaming up and down at pleasure, took 2 enemies ships coming to the Camp, richly laden; enriching his Souldiers therewith, doing great harm in divers places along the coast of Pamphylia: so returning to Famagusta, he perswaded the Garrison to remember their wonted valour, that the Christian Fleet would be with them next summer to raise the siege. So having in 20 dayes dispatched that he came for he departed to Creet in 5 dayes.

Selimus having knowledge hereof, was so highly displeased, that he beheaded the Governour of Chios, disgracing the Governour of the Rhodes, who should have kept those seas: He displaced also Piall Bassa. making Partau Admiral, because it was supposed he might have (the year before) discomfited the Christian Fleet at Creet.

As for Philip the King of Spain his joyning with the Venetians and Pope Pius 5th. (who greatly favoured their cause) in perpetual League and Confederation (as it was tearmed) against the common enemy; he referred it to 2 Cardinals, and Zunica his Embassadour sent to Rome for that purpose: where also to that end, then lay Surianus the Venetian Embassadour: to whom the Pope [Page] joyned divers Cardinals, to compose such differences as should arise betwixt the Commissioners for the King and the Venetians: but so soon as they were set together in Consultation, They began to jarre about the capitulation of the said League. The ostner they sate, the farther off: if one difficulty were by the discretion of some appeased, at the next meeting arose 3 others; but the chief difference was about the proportioning of the charge, the Spanish seeking to turn the greatest part thereof on the Venetians, and they on them: and with such earnestness, as if they had met for bettering their particular states, rather than for the common good; for the Spaniard (the War being risen between the Venetian and Turk, and, through the Popes indulgence, raising vast summs of mony upon his Clergy) cared not for entring into any further League with the Venetians: but as it were in courtesie to send them a yearly ayd for a defensive lingting War: and so to keep the Turk's busied upon them farther off from his Territories: but the Venetians were even for the same reasons moved to shorten the War, whose Customs also were greatly impaired, and their Traffique almost quite cut off. Thus was all the last year, and a great part of this, spent in turbulent conferences, but uothing concluded, which troubled the Venetians not a little, being of themselves too weak for so mighty an enemy as Selimus; but on a sudden and unexpected, they might choose either to joyn in League with the Pope and the King, or agree with Selimus: for Muhamet the chief Bassa devised how to cross the rising of Mustapha the Competitour of his Honor, and to help the Venetians, to whom he was much beholden. He by secret Messengers had oft put the Venetian Embassadour in hope, that if suit were made to Selimus for peace, it would be granted, promising himself to be an Intercessour; but finding him to give small credit to their talk, who had before deceived them: he did not so give over the matter, but for the [...] took opportunity [Page] to tell Selimus, that it was reported, the Venetians weary of their long Altercation with the Spaniards, and now destitute of all hope and ayd, would happily grant him that they had before denied.

Selimus not unwilling so to hear; he proceeded to know what he would have done therein, by the way perswading him to what he most wished himself; secretly advertising the Embassadour, there was great hope of peace: Wherefore, the Senate (under colour of exchanging prisoners, and redeeming Merchants goods) should send one to Constantinople, with whom he would secretly confer of what might further the pacification. The Senate (thinking it much to concern their State to have a way, on tolerable conditions to make peace, if the League with the Spaniard could not be concluded) chose one Ragazonius, a man of great dexterity and wit in any matter, and exceeding rich, and of a very good carriage; (things thought of great moment to win the favour of that covetous and barbarous Nation; certifying the Pope and Spaniard, and other Christian Princes of his sending; yet of purpose concealing the secret drift of his going: who with thorow-Instructions, was in a Galley conducted to Ragusium, and was met by Cassan-beg Muhamet's son (by his Fathers appointment) upon the Frontiers, safely to conduct him, and have him convoyed, till out of all danger. Ragazonius was, by night, [...] received into Constantinople, and brought into an obscure Inne, with a guard over him, that he should speak with no man; but after 3 dayes, he was removed much better, and presented with divers kinds of dainty dishes. Having access to Muhamet; after his Message delivered about prisoners and Merchants goods; He asked him, if he had nothing from the Senate concerning a pacification? Who answered he had, but he must [...] speak with the Embassadour, without whom he was to do nothing, The Bassa, to terrifie him, declared the exceeding strength of the Turks [Page] both by Land and sea: yet so, as not to cut off the hope of a pacification: saying, The Venetians had done better, if they had at first listened to him; yet, as the case stood, it should be to their great good, by yielding up Cyprus, to gain to themselves perpetual tranquillity: the Island it self being now not worth the hazarding so many dangers, &c.

Ragazonius being cool, and advised, and perceiving the Bassa was not to be contraried; so answered, as that he shewed no token of fear, nor let any word fall that might offend his eares. This was at their first meeting: Ragazonius having leave to speak with the Embassadour (who lay at Pera under safe keeping); in passing over, the Turks of purpose with a Fleet of Galleys encountred each other like a sea-fight: who smiling said, 'twas a pretty childish sport for him that never saw the like, but not to them, who were acquainted with these things in earnest, as the Turks should well know, when ever they would prove the Venetians at sea. Coming to the Embassadour, he by large conference, resolved with him what to do, and returning to Muhamet, easily dispatched with him about prisoners and goods: but as to the Capitulations of a pacification; They were at first as if they would never agree: but after much conference, they were likely enough to have agreed. Pope Pius, and Philip of Spain, began to imagine that Ragazonius was sent about some [...] of Peace, what ever colour it was covered with; Wherefore, doubting [...] the Turk having made peace with the Venetians, should turn his Forces, upon one or both of them, they speedily hastened the former delayed League, the Pope sending Columnius to Venice; who declared to the Senate, how matters had passed at Rome concerning the League, what harm might ensue of the same neglected, and how much it concerned the common good, but them especially, to have it speedily confirmed, &c.

Though many enclined thereto, yet many could not be resolved, whether it were better to embrace peace with [Page] the Turk, or the League with the Pope and King? and that for divers reasons on both hands: and after so weighty a matter, had been with great contention thorowly debated in the Senate; the League was by most voices, as most honourable, received, and the Turks peace rejected: a Decree being made to that effect. Ragazonius (by secret Letters) understanding hereof, dealt more warily with Muhamet, and more hardly to yield to his demands: and devising many difficulties, requested that he might return to Venice to be resolved of many things by the Senate, whereof he of himself could not judge; and so to return again with more certain Instructions, &c. His request obtained, he speedily got out of Constantinople, but was scarce out of the Gates, when the report of the League was brought to Court. Which made his way the more troublesome, and frustrated the exchange of prisoners and Merchants goods. Ragazonius declaring to the Senate, the Turks drift, his conference with the Bassa, and the forwardnesse of the peace, was by them highly commended, and honourably rewarded.

The Commissioners at Rome the while, concluded a League, which they would have perpetual, for invasive and defensive wars against the Turk: which the Pope & King of Spain, and Senate confirmed by oath, May 20. 1571. The sea and Land-Forces were to consist of 200 Galleys: 100 ships: 50000 Foot, 4500 Horse, with necessaries proportionable, yearly to be ready in March, or April at farthest, to meet at an appointed place in the East, to be employed as the state of things required. The King of Spain to defray half the charge; the Venetians 2 parts of the other half, and the Pope a third, which if too heavy for him, then the Spaniard to bear 3 parts of that left by him undischarged, and the Venetians 2. Victuals was also to be taken up at a reasonable price in any of their Dominions, where the Forces should stay; yet the Spaniard was first to Victual Guletta, Malta, and his own Navy [Page] out of Naples and Sicily. Also if the Spaniard should (when there was no common War) invade Algiers, Tripolis, or Tunis; the Venetians to ayd him with 50 well appointed Galleys: he likewise to ayd them, when by the Turks invaded. But if the Roman Territory should be invaded, then both to the utmost of their power to defend it, and the Pope's person: and in managing the confederate war, what most of the 3 Admirals should agree upon, to be reputed as agreed by all: That Don John of Austria, Charls 5. his son, should command in chief all the Forces, but to display the common Ensign: Also all places (except Tunis, Algiers and Tripolis) gained from the Turk, to be divided among the Confederates: the Pope to decide all controversies of the Generals: to whom the Venetians should lend 12 Galleys, which the Pope should supply with men and Victuals, and deliver, as they were, at the end of the War. That Maximilian, the French King, the Polonian, and Portugal, should have a place to enter into the League, whom with other Christian Princes, it should beseem him to stir up in so good a quarrel. None of the Confederates to treat of peace, or enter a League without the others consent: Every Autumn, their Embassadours being at Rome to consult of the next years Wars, and determine whether their Forces were to be encreased or diminished. This League was in June with great pomp and triumph, proclaimed in Rome, Venice and Spain.

The Venetians (in the mean time) tryed if they could stir up Tamas the Persian King against The Turk; whom he exceedingly hated for the difference about their Religion, and for manifold injuries sustained: One Alexander a Secretary of State (escaping lately out of prison at Constantinople) being (for his several Accomplishments) thought fittest for so great a matter: who thorowly furnished and instructed, came to Moncastron in Turkish Attire, a Port-town at the mouth of the River Borysthenes, [Page] embarquing for Trapezond; but was driven by a contrary wind to Sinope, whence he travelled to Cutai, keeping on the left hand, because he would not fall upon the Turks Army, marching thorow all those Countries, yet he fell on a part thereof, but being taken for a Turk, he thorow Rocks and Forrests arrived at length at Erzirum a Frontier City of the Turks. His journey was vented at Constantinople, by a Spie: who, as a friend, haunted the Venetian Embassadours House at Pera: Whereupon Currours were speedily to beset the 3 straight passes into Persia, with his favour, stature, &c. But he fearing such a thing, leaving his Company, posted to Tauris, whom the Courrours followed as far as they durst. At Tauris, Alexander hearing, the Court lay at Casbin about 12 miles Journey, he came thither Aug. 14. 1571. meeting with English Merchants of his acquaintance; by whom, he got to speak with Aider the Kings third son, learning of them also the fashions of the Court, and how to bear himself therein. The Persians (through the intolerable heat) doing most business then by night. Alexander about midnight declared to Aider the cause of his comming, and next day to his Father, delivered his Letters of credence; declaring to him in the Senate's name how perfidiously Selimus, was about to take away Cyprus from them: with what greediness and pride he had set upon the Christians: and that, discharged of that war, he would in all likelyhood set upon the Persians, through an ardent and insatiable desire of Soveraignty: Then setting forth the prowess of the Christians, and their wondrous preparation both at sea and Land; he perswaded the King, with all his power to invade the Turk, now wholly busied in the Wars of Cyprus: using divers motives and arguments. The King willingly heard him: saying, He would consider what to do; A fair House, and a bountiful Allowance being appointed for him and his followers: who also requested the Nobles (who feasted him oft) to [Page] be Mediatours to the King therein: who had a son called Ismael, whom he kept in durance, for making in-roads into the Turks Frontiers, to the disturbance of his League with Solyman; he fretting and languishing for very grief of revenge upon the Turks, wished to Alexander, that either his Father had his mind, or he the powre of a King, and that if ever he obtained the Kingdom, he would shew what he then thought. While the matter went slowlier on than the Embassador would have had it, news was brought to Court, of a great Victory obtained by the Christians of the Turks at [...]: Whereat Alexander solicited the King more earnestly than before; but he then troubled with the rebellion in Media, or weary of former Wars with the Turks, answered him, Since the Christians had made a perpetual League among themselves, he would for 2 years [...] the event, and then, as occasion served, resolve on peace or war. Which improvidentact, brought afterwards a too late Repentance unto the whole Persian Kingdom, all the calamities which the Senate foretold. redounding in few years to the shaking thereof.

Mustapha furnished with all necessaries for his siege, and Souldiers daily repairing to him, besides great supplies brought by Haly from Constantinople, (being thought to have 200000 men in his Army): In April. drew nearer to Famagusta, casting up Trenches and Mounts so high against it, that the Defendants could scarce see the points of the Turks spears or top of their Tents; for the Bassa had 40000 Pioniers ready at his command. Famagusta standeth at the East end of the Isle, low, betwixt 2 Promontories: it's 2 miles about, almost four-square: Almost 2 parts whereof is beaten on with the sea, the Land-parts being defended with a ditch but 15 foot broad, a stone-wall, and Bulwark and Parapets: Towers also stand out scarce containing 6 Ordance a-piece. It's Haven South-Eastward is defended by 2 great Rocks, betwixt which the Sea cometh in but about 40 paces over, [Page] but then opening wider, giveth a fit Harbour for ships (though in no great number) and was now strongly chained. Near the Haven, is an old Castle with 4 Towers. There was one Bulwark so built after the manner of the Fortification of our time, that it seemed almost impregnable: yet there wanting many things, the City was thought too weak long to hold out against so great a power; but they had therein 2500 Italians, 200 Albano's Horsmen, and 2500 Cypriots, all resolutely bent.

Mustapha planted 64 great pieces, 4 being exceeding great Basilisks: wherewith he, without ceasing, battered the City in 5 places, chiefly the wall between the Haven and the Gate leading to Amathus: and with great Morter-pieces, cast up huge stones, which from on high brake down Houses, falling oft-times into the bottom of their Cellars to their great terrour. Then he assaulted the City: the Defendants both valiantly repulsing the Turks, and furiously sallying out, slew and wounded many, much disturbing their Fortifications, and abating their courage: they so sent also their great shot into the thickest of them, that in few dayes 30000 were lost, and The Turks Captains wondring at their valour, began to despair of [...] the City: The Christians the while, made up their breaches with earth, baskets, wool-sacks, &c. not sparing their Houshold-stuffe: their greatest want feared, was of powder, wherefore they thought best to shoot more seldom; but the Turks still drawing nearer, & raising Mounts higher than the walls, filled up the ditch: and making walls on either side, of the broken stones, to defend the [...]- [...], gave a fresh assault, not only with missive Weapons, but fighting hand to hand in the breach: which they did daily, for 6 hours: and though they we e divided into many parts, and fresh men still succeeded the weary, yet the Defendants requesting for the most [...] places, thence couragiously repulsed them with [...] [...]; yet the enemy by often [...] in [Page] the night also, kept the Christians in continual suspence of an assault, and day appearing with fresh men, desperately assailed them, almost spent for lack of [...]. There grew in the Island great plenty of wood much of the nature of the Fir-tree, yet in this differing, that in burning, it cast such a noysome smell, as was not well to be endured. The Turks brought a great quantity hereof to the Gate Limosina, which fired, could not be quenched: though the Defendants cast whole Tunns of water at once into it, but terribly burning for four dayes: the heat and smell so troubled them, that ever and anon forsaking the Wall, the enemy was like to have leave to enter.

Bragadine the Governour, ceased not going about from place to place, encouraging the Italians from divers motives: praising also the fidelity and courage of the Greeks, who could never be removed, from the Venetians, or submit to the Turks Government: perswading them with the same resolution to defend their own City; that they saw in the Venetian Souldiers, fighting for them, &c. Baleonius also General of the Garrison Souldiers, by being present in every skirmish, by careful foresight, & encouraging his men, appeared to be a worthy Commander and valiant Souldier. The Women also brought meat and Weapons to the Defendants, also stones, beds, chests, &c. to make up the Breaches: but Victuals beginning to wax scant, 8000 of the Vulgar were turned forth: who safely passed thorow the Turks Army, to seek their living in the Countrey.

Force not prevailing, the Turks undermined the City in 4 places; but the Defendants by sundry means discovered their works, frustrating them by [...]: yet in so great a stir, all things could not be discovered; so that while they were defending the Walls a Mine not perceived, was suddenly blown up nigh the Haven-Tower, overthrowing much of the wall with most horrible noise: [Page] the Turks with a horrible [...] mounting the wall, and setting up their Ensigns in the Breach: Count Peter commanding there, being now not able to defend the same; which Martinengus perceiving, came speedily from his own station. The fight was there most terrible: hope of entring on the one side, desperation on the other, encouraging their minds. In the mean time, Andrew Bragadine, with some great Pieces out of the Castle slew a number of the Turks as they were coming to the Breach: Baleonius hearing of the danger, came in haste with a Company of couragious Souldiers, and cheering them up, thrust himself with the foremost into the face of the Breach, both appointing what was to be done, and encouraging his Souldiers, and, slaying many himself, tumbled a Turks Ensign into the Ditch, having slain its bearer: whereat others encouraged, made a notable Battel; the Turks retiring, leaving 4000 slain in the Town-ditch, with 14 Ensigns brought into the City; above 100 Christians were slain, among whom were 4 Captains. Yet they in the City took small rest, for the Turks continual great shot, on June 8. 5000 such shot being sent into the City, one of the round Bulwarks being so shaken, that a part of it's Front was fallen down, and another part stood leaning: the Christians seeing it was not without danger to be defended, undermined that Bulwark, placing some barrels of Gunpowder in the Mine; The Turks coming to assault it, they retired as if for fear after a small resistance, to draw them the faster on: who coming to the place, the Mine being fired, blew up the Bulwark with all that stood thereon: about 600 Turks perished at this assault, 2 being of great note; but about 100 Christians perished also by the hasty firing thereof, some being of great account.

The Turks enflamed with their great losses, being more enraged by the speeches and perswasion of Mustapha (asking them what place was impregnable, for the Turks?) began [Page] a more terrible siege than ever, and speedily making and blowing up 3 great Mines, overthrew a great part of the Wall with the Castle, the notable defence of the Haven: then with all their force oft assailing the City night and day; that part also on the sea being assailed by them in the Galleys also; so that the poor Christians spent with wounds, labour, and watching, and brought to small number, held out that tempest rather with courage than strength; the enemies Army encreasing daily in hope of the like spoil as at Nicosia. The Captains (seeing there was not above 300 sound men left, but 7 Barrels of powder, want of all things daily encreasing; and the relief from Venice staying at Creet, because the Turks Galleys, laying before Famagusta, nothing could safely be brought thither, began to quaile in courage; which being (ere long) perceived by the Citizens, they flocked to the Governour, with abundance of tears, beseeching him to take compassion on them, their wives and children, a people alwayes so well deserving of the Venetian State; [...] open their own weakness, & enemies encreasing strength: so that they must needs soon all perish with the sword, if the City were by force taken. Wherefore, they besought him not to refuse any conditions, how hard soever. Bragadine perswaded them to be of good cheer, for that he would so provide for them, that they should [...] repent of their fidelity to the Venetian State; and calling a general Councel, after a little debate, they all agreed to yield: only Baleonius at first dissented, as doubtful of the Turk's Faith, but afterwards yielded to the rest. So a Truce being taken to parley in, and mutual Hostages given: for the time neither Dart or Arrow was sent from either side. After few dayes, the Conditions were agreed on: The Inhabitants safely to enjoy lives, liberty, and goods, with free exercise of the Christian Religion: the Governour, Captains and Souldiers, to depart safely with bag and baggage; with 5 great Ordnance, and any 3 Horses they should [Page] choose, the Turks to conduct them to Creet with Victuall and shipping: which things conceived in writing and by Oath confirmed; the Governour requested he might come to see the Bassa, and deliver him the keyes of the City. Leave granted, himself with Baleonius, Andrew Bragadine, Theupolus Earl of Paphos, Quirinus, Martinengus, with many other Captains came into the Camp, delivering their weapons before they entred the Bassaes Pavilion: who at first entertained them courteously, extolling their valour and courage: saying, He was glad to know them by face, whose valiant minds before he knew by their most valiant deeds; but after a long discourse, the false Bassa complained, that some of his men taken at the siege, had been against all reason and order slain: which they utterly denying, he started up as in a rage, urging the fact, & commanding them to be cast into bonds, brought them forth, and in sight of the Army caused them to be slain.

Bragadine and Theupolus were oft commanded to lay down their Heads: yet was their execution deferred for a more exquisite punishment and torture; for next day, Bragadine having his eares cut off, was brought forth to be wondred at, and dispoiled of Jewels and Attire, he was forced to carry baskets of earth to repair the Rampiers; as he passed by, the proud Bassa insulting to have him kisse the ground at his feet. And so, buffeted with their fists, and spurned with their feet; he was asked, Whether he hoped Christ would come to help or not? whose comly countenance and long beard, even in that extream misery, added to him a certain grace. The Christians could neithis well stay tears, nor let them fall, fearing the Turks displeasure; but the cruel and foresworn Bassa, caused that noble and worthy Bragadine to be set in a Chair, and his skin to be flain off quick, in which horrible torture, he was not heard to let fall any unbeseeming word, but calling on Gods mercy, and detesting the Turks perfidious treachery, he breathed out his life: the Tyrant setting [Page] his Head on a spear on high to be beheld, and hanging up his skin stuffed with chaffe, at the yards arm so to be carried about: 2 dayes after, Theupolus first most shamefully entreated, was hanged in the market-place; of the mean sort of Citizens, some he slew, chaining some in the Galleys, and carrying away the rest into bondage: 300 Citizens and Souldiers who came forth with the Governour to see the Camp being there slain; one Nestor Martinengus being hidden by an Eunuch of the Bassaes, by help of a Greek Fisherman got to Leptis, and so to Venice from Creet; where, he reported to the Duke the whole process of the War, and that in 70 dayes there was above 140000 great shot discharged against the City. Such chief ones as escaped, lived afterwards a banished miserable and vagrant life, though some were credibly reported to be well maintained by the Venetian State. The Countrey people and Artificers were generally spared. This was the fatal ruine of Cyprus sometime a Kingdom, and now a Province of the Turkish Empire. [...] Mustapha lay against Famagusta, Partau and Haly, Bassaes, about mid-May arrived in Eubaea with 230 Galleys: whither divers notable Pirates with galleys resorted to them: who departing toward the Rhodes, 30 Galleys more (adventurers) met them: then leaving some to lay before Famagusta, they June 13. in the Bay of Suda in Creet landed 12000 men. This Island now called Candia had once 100 Cities therein, as witnesseth (amongst others) Seneca: now only 3, Candia, Canea and Retimo. It's 520 miles in circuit, fertile, Hilly: Wherefore, the people much delighted in hunting; It hath no Navigable River nor venemous beast, and is now famous from it's abundance of good Malmesey, and great plenty of Cyprus-trees for shipping. The Turks ranging up and down burned and spoiled all as they went, till Justinianus (lately come thither with 100 men) and now joyning with the people slew many, they being dispersed [Page] for prey, forcing the rest to retire to their Galleys.

Next day landing again in great number, they burnt divers Towns, ransacking Setia and Retimo, and carrying away many prisoners; but loaded with booty, dispersed, and fearing nothing, Valiant Michael slew 2000 of them, ritiring with loss of booty and prisoners to their Galleys. Then sailing to Cythera, Zante, and Cephalenia, besides other harms, they carried away captive 6000 Christians.

Thence coming to Suppolo (before taken from the Turks) they now recovered it: Then coming to Dulsigno, which the Turks besieged by Land, because it's Governour, and of Antivari (another Venetian-Town) agreed with 300 Epirots, to stir up a Rebellion, and revolt to the Venetians: who promised them 6000 Souldiers to make head. They raising most of Epirus in Arms, one Company of the Italians was at first sent them; but vainly expecting the promised ayd, being hardly beset, they yielded to the mercy of Achmetes Bassa Lieutenant of Greece coming thither with 80000 Turks. They of Dulsigno hardly beset by sea and Land, delivered the Town to Partau upon safe departure,: The Governour and Garrison being in 4 ships conveyed to Ragusium: promise being kept with the Citizens after the Turkish manner. They took also Buda and Antivari, which though strong and a good Garrison in it, yet Donatus the Governour, no Souldier, through fear yielded it to the enemy: for which cowardise, the Senate confiscated his goods, put him out of the Senate, and exiled him. After this, the Turks going into the Bay of Catharo, hardly besieged the strong Town (so called) by sea and Land: planting 9 great pieces upon 2 great Bulwarks: but the Defendants by a resolute salley, put them from their Ordnance, forcing them to their Galleys. Uluzalis & Carracossa got leave (the while) for 10 days, with 60 Galleys to spoil the Venetian's Islands there abouts who coming to assanlt Curzola in the Isle so called, Contarenus the Governor, fled away by night [Page] into Rocks and safer places, the Townsmen following, not above 20 men & 8 women being left, who came armed to the walls; but while the women with stones, fire, and weapon, swere beating the Turks off, with more courage than was in their sex to be expected, a great tempest suddenly arising from the North, so tossed the Galleys, that théy were glad to give over the assault: and sailing along they spoiled Lysna, Bracia and Lisa, small Islands upon Dalmatia's coast, carrying away 1600 captives. They roaming up & down, took a ship bound from Messana to Corcyra, and in [...] it found Letters to the Governor, certifying him of the late League concluded among the Christian Princes, which they sent in post to Selimus; Who wrote to his Admiral's, to infest any Dominions of the Confederates. The Turks Fleet brought great fear also upon the sea-coast of Apulia & all along that side, yea upon Venice it self; so that they new fortified & garrison'd both the City & their frontiers. For every ship or galley looking out, was presently surprized, so that the Venetians seemed rather to quake for fear, than (as wont) gravely to consult how to repulse the enemy; yet they strongly fortified the bank, defending the City from the sea, keeping 12000 men in readiness in Venice for its more assurance. All the Turks Fleet (met together) departed from Aulona, Aug. 26, to Corcyra. Partau landing 800 Horse & 1000 Foot, doing great hurt, and burning the very Suburbs of the City; but the Garrison Souldiers sallying out with 1000 Horse and 500 foot, slew a great number, one being Rays, a man of great name. Thus the Turks (having done much harm) enriched with spoil, & carrying away 15000 captives, arrived in the Bay of Corinth, now the gulf of Lepanto. When this Fleet first put into the Adriatick, Venerius the Venetian Admiral, laying with 50 Galleys at Corcyra, departed thence to Messana the more commodiously, and safely to attend the coming of Don John with the Spanish forces. Columnius meeting him with 12 galleys, which the Duke of Florence had sent for aid, & 3 Malta galleys.

[Page]Ere long, Quirinus and Canalis came thither with 62 Galleys, and in short time the Galleys of Sicily: at last came Don John in the latter end of August with the Spanish Fleet; about 24 years old, wanting no honourable parts, his mothers blemish only excepted. The Venetian and Pope's Admiral went to meet him, all the heaviness of his long-staying being turned into triumph and joy; with a most assured hope of Victory. The Venetian Fleet consisted of 108 Galleys, 6 Galleasses, 2 tall Ships, and a great number of small Galliots: 12 Galleys of the Pope being joyned to them under Columnius. Don John and Auria had 81 Galleys, 3 being from the Knights of Malta. In the Fleet besides Marriners were reckoned 10000 fighting men, old beaten-Souldiers being almost throughout that Army intermixed: divers coming as voluntary men; who being noble persons, had many favorites and followers, strong, and of their own charge bravely armed; and seeking for no pay, but honour of Victory, or to spend their lives for defence of the Christian faith. Of these honourable and resolute men, Fernesius Prince of Parma (whose untimely death in the Low-countries, even his honourable Enemies lamented), Maria Prince of Urbin, & Ursinus of the Family of the Ursini at Rome, were of greatest mark. A Councel was now called, to which was admitted only Don John (the General) Rechizenes or Requizenius the Generals Lievtenant, or rather Directour: Venerius, Barbadicus General proveditour to him, and one Secretary, Columna the Pope's Admiral, with Colonna his kinsman: the chief point to resolve on (being) Whether they should adventure a battel against so strong an enemy, or only seek to defend their own Frontiers? Requisenius speaking first, said, The Enemies strength was before battel necessarily to be known, wherefore delay was to be used, lest improvident care overthrew all, highly commending the advice of Scipio Africanus, who counselled great Commanders not to sight with the enemy, [Page] but upon some great advantage, or forced by necessity, shewing they had neither: and propounding to them the uncertain events of things, and the enemies strength by sea and Land much exceeding theirs, and what a heap of miseries was like to overwhelm the Christian Commonweale, if they should miscarry in any thing; he said, Safe advice was to be preferred before that attended with greater danger.

But the Venetians, Venerius and Barbadicus, most instantly requested the General and the rest, so soon, as opportunity served, to commit the matter to triall of a battel; saying, If desire of honour moved them not, should not the spoiling of their Frontiers; the insolency of their enemies which they encreased by delay, move them? So urging battel from many Arguments: then they began to entreat & beseech them not to suffer the Christian Commonweale to receive loss upon loss, but to repose their only hope in the good success of one worthy battel, and never look for the like opportunity, if they let slip the present: After a thorow-debate, They heard the opinion of other notable Captains in the Fleet: Whereof Cornea and Sebellio Spaniards being asked, With most substantial reasons declared the necessity of giving battel; and that it was not so dangerous as to be shunned or delayed: since the violent enemy must not fight at sea (as at Land) with his huge multitude of men: which their opinion, generally well liked of, was soon after by the General and the rest approved, and a resolution taken to give battel; which known, every day seemed to the rejoycing Army nothing but a delay of a most assured Victory.

Next day, the Admirals brought forth their Fleets into the open sea: Auria was placed in the right-wing with 53 Galleys, Barbadicus with so many in the left: in the middle stood the General with 70 Galleys, on his right hand Columnius, on his left Venerius, betwixt the Wings and middle-Battel, was space but for 3 Galleys to row [Page] in the rear followed Requisenius, great Commander of Castile; Fernesius followed Columnius with the Admiral Galley of Genua: and the Prince of Urbin with the Admiral Galley of Savoy. Jordanus was betwixt the middle-Battel and left-wing. Justinian betwixt that and the right with the Malta Galleys. About half a mile behind, followed Bacianus Admiral of the Neopolitane Fleet with 30 Galleys, to be at all times ready for relief of this or that part: the 6 Galleasses like Castles, conducted by most expert Dodus were before the Fleet about a mile, 2 before each Wing, and 2 before the middle-Battel, with equal space, answering the whole breadth of the front of the Fleet, almost 5 miles: serving it instead of Bulwarks.

All the Galleys kept a convenient space one from another. In the Wings, as in the main Battel, were the Pope's, Kings, and Venetian-Galleys indifferently intermixed, for the more mutual care of reliefs-sake. Cordonius with 8 Sicily Galleys, and 2 Galliots was to go 10 miles before to descry what he could, and returning to joyn his Galleys equally to the wings. In this sort they ere long came to Paxo: and next day Don John finding (upon view) the Venetian Galleys to be but weakly manned, ordered 4000 Spaniards and 1000 Italians to be put aboord them where most need was. There was one Company under Mutius their Captain, an unquiet and furious man, who aboord the Galley of Galergus, first fell to words with the Captain, and after much stir to plain fight, as well Souldiers as Captains, Mutius being Author of all the stir: Venerius hearing hereof, sent his own Captain to appease the tumult, who in the midst of the furious multitude, was fouly entreated by Mutius and divers that came with him shrewdly beaten: which Venerius (of a hot nature) taking, as done in disgrace of the Venetians, having hung up Mutius and his Ensignbearer at the Yards-arm, to the great offence of all the Spaniards; The General also full of choler and indignation [Page] complained, that himself was not a little wronged therein; that it became every Commander to know what belonged to his place, and not to encroach upon his betters: so would the conditions of the League be the better kept, &c. threatning (if he had not a publike and honourable amends) by force of Arms to redresse his wrong; and, the League being broken, to carry away with him the Kings Galleys: Some also laying more coals upon the fire. Venerius sent him word, He should do well to moderate his anger, and advise at leisure, &c. so should he plainly see, never was more just or wholsome execution done on any than on those mutinous: but if through the heat of youth, he should attempt any more violent course than stood with the common quiet, no marvel if he afterward repented, he being also in Arms, and ready to shew himself a man. The matter was not far only from breaking the League, but even at the point to have set all on a broil; but Columnius with all his power laboured to cure the wounded mind of Don John, and by divers Arguments to appease his anger, using also this Similitude; King Philip had many Kingdoms: Now, if any Millanois had committed any capital crime in Naples, should the Judgement thereof be of right referred to the King himself, or to the Governour of Millane? or rather to the Magistrate of Naples, in whose jurisdiction the fact was committed, and so of, right there to be executed? [...] then, but that Mutius might seem justly to be punished by Venerius, who though a Spanish Captain, had yet raised a mutiny in the Venetian-Galley under his command; besides, the discipline of War (he said) sometimes required a severe and exemplary kind of punishment. Wherefore Clearchus notably and truly said, A General ought to be more feared of his Souldiers, than the enemy, &c. concluding, he had discharged his own duty in dealing plainly and faithfully, only he would pray to God, with merciful eye to behold the troubled Christian Common-weale [Page] in such a most dangerous time. Thus was the mutiny hardly appeased: yet, Don John not enduring so much as to come into Venerius's company; all things of Counsel was done by Barbadicus, not beneath Venerius in valour, but far beyond him in discretion: of a tall and goodly personage, and of temperate speech, being greatly honoured and beloved of all; He also chiefly endeavoured to further the attonement between the Spaniards and Venetians; so they came from Paxo to Corcyra, thence to Cephalenia, where, by Letters from Contarenus Governour of Zant, they heard, that the Turks Fleet (333 sail of all sorts) lay in the gulf of Lepanto: Whereupon, purposing to go to Petala a Haven opposite to the Rock, Corzulares, and so to Lepanto, they (by contrary winds) put back again into another Port of the Island Cephalenia) heard (by the way) from Creet, that Famagusta was lost, whereat they were rather enflamed with desire of revenge; so staying at the good Harbour of Galanga one night, they purposed next day to go to the mouth of the gulf of Lepanto to dare the Turks to battel. Partau & Haly, upon the approach of the Christian Fleet, consulted with their Captains, whether to give battel, or keep still within their safe Harbour, who were of divers opinions. Chiroche a most Noble and ancient Captain, exhorted the Bassaes, in no case, when no need was, upon vain glory to adventure all to the fortune of battel, and that on divers considerations: not to go out (he said) at the enemies pleasure, but when they saw good themselves, when the enemy was not so well provided; so should they without great labour or danger, attain to the full of their own desires. Partau thought, the Christians would not at all offer him battel, and as one indifferent, and loath to incurre blame, appeared ready to stay or set forward, as the most part should think best; but Haly of a hotter spirit, could not endure to hear but of present battel: the pleasure of Selimus, hope of Victory. the displeasure Piall Bassa had incurred, inducing him [Page] to accept thereof, if offered; Caracoza also a famous Pirate, in a swift Galliot viewing the Christian Fleet, had reported it to be much less than it was, deceived ('twas thought) by not fully viewing it through his posting haste, or blinded by the Island laying behind the Fleet; Whereupon, the Turks greatly rejoyced, dreaming now onely of Victory; so that Haly would needs fight, hoping the Christians at first sight of them, would retire or flee, or fighting at so great odds, receive a notable overthrow: which opinion was also confirmed by the perswasion of Cassanes Barbarussa's son, Uluzales and Chais Beg Governour of Smyrna, all of great experience, chiefly in seamatters; So that though Partau stood wavering, and Chiroche with the Governours of Cicilia and Euboea were against it, yet Haly's Authority or rather importunity, prevailed, although 2 other espials returning, told the Bassaes (as it was) that the Christian Fleet, with much more number than was supposed, were coming with Ensignes displayed, to fight: whereat, they exceedingly troubled, demanded, whether the formost galleys were all Venetians or not? who answering, they were intermixt with Spanish and others, they became exceeding pensive; yet being well furnished and Victualled, taking in 12000 Janizaries and Spahies in the Bay out of divers garrisons, and 4000 other Souldiers, and that they could not with honour shrink back, they held their former resolution; So Partau calling together the chief Commanders and Captains, by a speech encouraged them: concluding, they should so set forward, as if they saw the Emperour himself encouraging them, and giving them the signal of battel, of his bounty, and the present Victory, expecting all felicity and bliss; which comfortable speech so encouraged the Turks, that with one voyce and mind (and still possessed with the first report of Caracoza) they seemed to desire nothing more than battel, and thinking only of present Victory; and coming out of the gulf with great cheerfulness, [Page] they made for the little Islands Echinades or Corzulares about noon, betwixt Lepanto and Patras: the Christians also coming still on, Octob. 7. in the afternoon, and understanding by espisals, that the Turks Fleet was even at hand, the General commanded the common Ensign to be displayed (the signal of battel) and a warning piece to be discharged out of his galley, and himself in bright Armor with Cordona, and his Secretary, went in a long boat all to the squadrons of the Fleet, cheerfully exhorting them to follow their Leaders, and play the men, &c. To which and other such speeches, they (before cheerful enough) gave such applause with the cry of Victory, Victory, so often and so cheerful, that it was taken as a lucky aboadment of the same ensuing. Likewise Auria and Barbadicus ceased not by all comfortable speeches to encourage their followers: concluding, to make (they said) the enemies (rejoycing for the Conquest of Cyprus) short, before they had well tasted the pleasure thereof: and all the Captains left nothing unsaid that might hearten their men on; or undone, that might further the Victory. The Turks also (though it was fallen out much contrary to their expectation) encouraged with former Victories, with a fair gale, came orderly and gallantly on in form of a half-Moon; their fortunate Ensigne: yet the Sun shining full in their faces, so dazled their eyes, that they could not well see to direct their galleys to their most advantage; They had 250 galleys, 50 galliots, 20 Brigandines, and other small Vessels: the middle battel was conducted by Haly and Partau; attended on by many of great account and place, and for experience at sea, the chief strength of the Turkish Empire. Mahomet Bey commanded the right wing with 56 galleys, and Uluzales Viceroy of Algiers, an old Arch-Pirate, the left, with 95 galleys. In the rear came Dragut with 30 galleys & other small vessels. The middle battels, and wings came directly against each other: whose signal given, by discharging some great pieces; the Turks [Page] coming on with a hideous cry, first lighted on the 6 galleasses: which in their passing by, so plagued them with their broad-sides of murthering shot, that with great loss and divers galleys sunk, they were forced to break their order, and fall further off: which great Carts and unserviceable Ships (as the Turks accounted them) they supposed to have carried little or no great Ordnance on their sides; yet were they (to the Turks great trouble) of greatest importance for gaining of the Victory. The wind also which all that day had favoured the Turks, now was come about to the West, pleasantly carrying the smoak (in time of fight) upon them. The fierce enemy [...] passing by these galleasses, soon made good their disordered squadrons, and with all their force assailed the Christian Fleet. The Instruments of War had scarce well sounded, but all shook with confused cries & noise, flames of fire, thundering of Artillery, many being so astonied, that on a sudden, they almost lost the use of sight and hearing: even showers of Arrowes and Darts being mixt with shot: the Masts broken, Sail-yards struck down, Tackle rent, and all confused with horrour and fear. Haly ran upon the Admiral-galley with such violence, as if he would have presently stemmed her; but being with like force opposed, they met so violently, that, both their beakes fell into the sea with the feaze. In the Admiralgalley of the Christians were 400 select men, most Captains and Antients, who forcing the furious enemies to shrink back, entred their galley even to the main-Mast, who by new supply repulsed the Spaniards: clearing their galley again, many on both sides being wounded and slain, Don John sending in new supply, the other more lustily than before charged the Turks, who with like hope and [...] encountred them: being thrice driven even to the main-Mast, and by new supplies with great slaughter repulsing the Christians back again.

Venerius seeing the danger of the General, was about [Page] to have assailed the poupe of Halyes galley, but Partau opposed himself against him with his galleys so speedily, that shewing as if he would charge a Front, set upon his side, which at first much troubled the Christians, but afterwards they notably defended themselves. Venerius being above 77 years old, performing all the parts of a brave youthful Commander, by entreating, threatning, and fighting in the midst of his men, much moved their minds.

The enemy having slain many, pressing on more furiously, and fighting close together, entred the prow of Venerius's galley, now bared of Defendants: who had been overcome, had not Lauretanus and Malipetra speedily come to their relief: whereby they which fiercely assailed the Venetian galleys, were now glad to defend their own: but in process of this indifferent battel, these 2 worthy Captains, were slain with small shot, which rather enraged than discouraged their Souldiers; so that they desperately pressed in upon the Turks: the terrour of the batrel being turned upon the Victours: 2 of their galleys being taken after their great slaughter, and Partau in a Long boat escaping out of the battel. Columnius also hardly assailed other Turks galleys, and made great slaughter, taking one, and disordering the other: Lignius also in the thickest of his enemies made a notable fight; many an enemy falling about: Fernesius, Rueres, Ursinus, Cornea, and Justinian most couragiously fighting. Chiroche or Mahomet Bey, coming forward against the Christian's left-wing, was (ere aware) beaten with the Ordnance from the [...], many being slain, and divers of his galleys sunk and torn, they standing so thick: divers being also burnt with pots of wild-fire from the Galleasses: to avoid whose danger, and shun the dangerous shelf which the River of Achelous (there falling into the sea) maketh, he sent a great part of his galleys under Alis to come aloof upon the back of Barbadicus: who forthwith [Page] turning his [...], received his first onset: and divers galleys fast grapled together, they encountred each other, not only with missive weapons, but with swords: 6 Turks galleys fell upon Ciconia's galley, and 5 upon Barbadicus's yet did they most valiantly endure that most dangerous fight. Barbadicus, whilst encouraging his men and fighting where most danger was, was struck into the brain with an Arrow thorow the left eye, being taken up for dead, yet living till 3 dayes after. The Turks now as Conquerers Iustily boarded the Galley, and the Venetians as discouraged gave way: the galley had been lost, if Nanius and Porcia had not speedily come for relief, and not onely clearing her, but divers Turks galleys were boarded also, some taken and great [...] made; Silvius was here grievously wounded in his thigh and right side. Barbadicus is reported, the battel ended, Epaminondas-like, to ask which part had got the Victory, and being told, the Turks Fleet was most taken, the rest sunk or burnt, He with eyes lifted-up, gave unto God immortal thanks, and, ere long joyfully departed this life.

Ciconia (as was said) hardly beset, was sore burnt with wild-fire, and hurt in the face, and was now even at the point to have been lost, but was saved by sudden relief, who encouraged, with his weary and wounded Souldiers charged a fresh, taking a principal Turkish Galley and Ensign. In the same wing, Contarenus doing exceeding much harm with his great [...], Chiroche enraged, ran so fiercely upon the side of his galley, that with his beak he had well nigh stemmed her: and grapling fast with her, was like to board her: whom yet the Christians repulsed, with greater slaughter than was thought possible for so small a number, to make; the enemies, being also embrewed with their bloud. But after a long doubtful bartel, many Turks being slain or wounded; and both parties, seeing Chiroche slain, and the enemy destitute of fresh supplies: the galley also in danger to sink, through [Page] great shot, they reposed their trust in [...] nearness of the Main; but turning about toward the shoare, the Christians entring the galley, and slaying or driving over-board almost all lest, made an end of Chiroche half-dead, with fresh wounds. Divers and doubtful was the whole face of the battel: in one place the Vanquished lifted up, and in another, the Victorious overthrown: All was full of terrour, errour, sorrow, and confusion; yet the [...] at length began to appear much superiour in strength and courage, the Turks seeming rather to defend themselves than assail their enemies. Bacianus in the rear, ever as need required, sent in ayd. The Turks seeing the Christian General's galley (hardly charged on the prow by Haly) almost bared of men in the poupe, fetched a compass to board her abath: whereupon, Bacianus comming speedily in with some galleys, stayed their course, and having discharged many vollies of shot, and a multitude of Arrows and Darts, grapling together, they came to the sword: where Bacianus much encouraged his men, by words, presence and valour, and received 2 shot in his Targuet, many were slain on both sides: the Spaniards (though with great loss repulsed, in attempting to enter the Turks galleys) yet overcame valour by pertinacy and overthrowing and slaying their enemies, enjoyed their galleys. After 3 hours dreadful fight between Haly and Don John, the Christians began to faint, and were in danger to have been overcome: but the Don upon a sign given to the 400 of his best and select Souldiers, reserved under the Hatches against all events, they started out, and with a terrible cry desperately assailed the enemy, almost spent with labour and Wounds: who astonied, confounded, and with great slaughter vanquished the Turks, possessing the galley: Haly shot into the Head, and all bloody, was brought to Don John: who seeing him ready to die, had his Head struck off, which on the point of a spear, himself held up aloft as a Trophey of Victory, and to terrifie the [Page] other Turks, who fast by, fought yet right valiantly: which they beholding, and a flag of the Crosse being in the top of their General's Galley, the Christians also crying Victory thorow the Army, they with might and main, made towards the Land, not much above a mile off: whom Canalis and Quirinus, hardly pursuing, sunk and took divers of their Galleys: Partau's Son, by staying the rest, had time to run his Galley on ground, and forsake her with his men, as did others also, the Galleys becoming a prey to the Christians.

Caracoza in this hot conflict (a famous renegate Pyrate) who had long done exceeding mischief, was slain by Buzzacharinus of Padua. Requisenius also took the Galley of Haly's two Sons, with themselves, one being 23, the other 13 years old, and the Nephews of Selimus: who though strongly guarded with Janizaries, fled (as exceedingly afraid) upon this discomfiture of the main Battel. The chained Christian slaves breaking off their geives and loosing each other, with any Weapons that came to hand, notably furthered the Victory: yet was the Battel doubtful (betwixt Auria and Uluzales), in the right Wing the Turks having almost two Galleys for one. Auria, (whatever the cause was) upon signal of Battel given, shrunk farther from the rest of the Battel, but it seemes his purpose was to countervail by policie, what he wanted in strength: it seemed most strange to the Turks: yet he fell off farther, hovering aloof, and seeming to wait some advantagious opportunity; a galeasse of Pisa (the while) laying before him with [...], much troubled the Enemy.

Uluzales also so extended his Wing, as if he would have compassed in Auria, yet offered not Battel, but rather expected some advantage might be given him: who had not lain so, long, but 12 Venetian Galleys withdrawing from Auria, and roaming without order, fell into his danger: which he speedily enclosing, boarded [Page] them, [...] the Defendants, and took the Galleys: many of the Knights of St. Stephen being here most valiantly fighting, slain. Superantius, (most of his men being slain, and himself mortally wounded, and his Galley almost taken) blew up themselves with a great number of the Enemies [...]. The Victors in the middle Battel hearing the noyse, turned thitherward, to ayd Auria, but one after another, as they had cleared themselves of the Enemy.

Justinian, Admiral of the Malta Galleys, being foremost, most terribly encountred with three Turks Galleys: Uluzales sending in three others to help their fellows, so Justinian hardly beset with six Galleys, having lost 50 Knights, and an Ensign, with much adoe, hardly defended himself; but the Galley given for lost, two other Malta Galleys, who were upon point, by fight, to take three other Turks Galleys, with all speed came to relieve their Admirall (who was yet alive, but shot with three Arrows) whereby, the Turks were repulsed, and the Galley rescued:

Uluzales hearing of the overthrow of their main Batrel, and right Wing, leaving the Galleys he had taken, was the first in that Wing that fled.

Cardonius, suddenly appearing at his back, labouring to stay the flight of the hindermost Galleys, till other victorious Galleys were come in; but 15 of the Turks Captains, enraged with such unwonted disgrace, unexpectedly turned about, renewing the Battel, and in a trice, almost all Cardonius's men were [...]: the Galley was not taken, for that (the three Admiralls being near at hand) and Auria coming fast on, Uluzales giving over the fight fled apace; yet carrying away a Galley of Cyprus, and a Knights Ensign, as a witness of his valour to Selimus. The Christians pursued them, so long as there was hope to overtake any, though weary of almost five houres fight; but it was more than time, to see to their weary and wounded, [Page] men; and night coming fast on, the old Pyrate under its Covert, escaped into the Bay of Lepanto, with 30 or 40 Galleys. The number of Turks lost, could hardly be known, many being drowned, and some slain swimming, (though some, mercy most prevailing, took the Turks prisoners).

Guarnerius reporteth, 32000 to have perished; others, not past half-so many to have been slain: the chief being Haly the General, Chiroche, Cassanes, with his Son Malamur, Gider, Cassambeius, Governours of Islands: Provi Aga, Mustapha the Treasurer, Caracozae, with many others; chief prisoners were Halies Sons, sent as Presents to the Pope, the eldest dying by the way at Naples, the younger he kept prisoner, and Mecbmet Bey Governour of Eubaea: and about 3500 taken also. The chief escaping, were Partau Bassa, and Uluzales, afterwards certainly known to flee but with 25 Galleys and 10 Galliots, 16 Galleys were taken, 40 sunk or burnt; of Galliots and other small Vessels were taken about 60. The Admirall Galley taken, scarce any in the whole Ocean for beauty and richness, was comparable unto her.

Haly's Casket, with 600 Duckats therein, and a yearly Pension of 300 Duckats being given to the Greek that slew him, and was also Knighted by Don John, he had also the burrel of the Turks Standard, which at his return to Venice, he sold to a Goldsmith: the Senate redeeming it for a Duckat an ounce. It was massive silver guilt, and engraven with letters: on one side, God doth conduct and adorn the faithful in Warlike enterprizes: on the other, God hath no other God, and Mahomet is his Prophet.

Don John, Venerius, and Columnius came together, whom the Don embraced, chiefly Venerius, calling him Father, and attributing to him most of the Victory. Afterwards, they on their knees, with hands and eyes cast up, gave thanks to Almighty God: as did the other Captains and Masters, commending each others valour and [Page] good service: especially theirs, who had spent their lives, which were about 7566: the chief being John and Bernardine, Spaniards; Caraffa, Bisballus, Virginius, and Horatius, Romans: Barbadicus, Superantius, Quirinus, Lauretanus, Contarenus, Malipetra, two other Barbadicusses: Landus, Bonus, another Contarenus, Paschaligus, Jerome, Venerius, all Venetian Senators, besides others. The chief of the German Knights of Malta slain, were Spart, Commendour of Moguntia and Franck fort: Ro: Commendour of Hemmendorf and Drost: the chief wounded were Don John, Venerius the Admirall shot thorow the foot; Jordanus, Savel, Molinus, and others, almost 7000: 12000 Christians were by this Victory delivered from most miserable thraldom. Two dayes after, Venerius sent Justinian with newes thereof to the Senate: who, by shooting off Ordnance, gave warning to the City of his coming: which then hung in great suspence. The Citizens came flocking to the Adriatique Port, longing to hear the first newes. When Justinian was come nearer, they perceiving the Marriners attired like Turks, and four Turks Ensigns hanging at the Poup, their mindes were filled with hope of good newes; but being with much adoe landed for the Prease, delivering his Letters at Court, and discoursing of all the success, which was blown abroad, the Marriners also having reported the Victory, the people as overjoyed, ran up and down, doubling and redoubling the name of Victory: the Senators also gave publick thanks, by prayers and Hymns in every Temple: then by ringing of Bells, Ordnance, Bonefires, &c. setting all prisoners at liberty, and paying all debts not above 25 Crowns, out of the common Treasury, throughout all the Venetian Seigniory: decreeing, that Octob. 7. the day of the Victory, dedicated to Justina, should be ever kept Holyday; and a masse of money was coyned, with Justina's Impression, and an Inscription of the Victory. Many also their Neighbour-Princes, sent their Embassadors [Page] congratulatory to Venice: no man putting on mourning-Garments, or shewing heaviness, though many had lost their friends and Kinsmen, whose lives they counted given to the Christian Commonwealth. The like joy was made in Rome, Spain, Naples, Sicilie & Malta, especially, when Neighbour-Embassadors came to joy them; yea, and afterwards in remoter Countries, as here in England. This is that Battel of Lepanto, fought near the Island Curzolari, Octob. 7th, 1571, the like being never fought at Sea against the Turk.

One of the Turks chief prisoners, hearing this Victory compared with the losse of Cyprus, said, It was to Selimus, as the shaving of ones beard, which would ere long grow again; but the losse of Cyprus to the Venetians, was as of an Arm, which, cut off, could never be recovered.

Of the spoil taken, the Pope had 19 Galleys, 2 Galliots, 9 great Ordnance, 42 lesser Pieces, and 81 prisoners: The Venetians had 39 Galleys & an half, 4 Galliots and an half; 39 great Pieces, and an half, 5 great murthering Pieces and an half; 86 lesser Pieces, and 1162 prisoners: The King of Spain had 58 Galleys and a half, six Galliots and a half, 128 lesser Pieces, and 1713 prisoners: the rest were bestowed on ayding Princes, or those otherwise deserving in that service.

So soon as Selimus (then at Hadrianople) heard that his Fleet was overthrown, and almost all sunk or taken, he was exceedingly grieved, and melancholy, and that day would not be spoken withall. Some in all places bewailing their Parents, Children, Husbands, Friends, or Kinsmen, lost: but Selimus's greatest grief, was for losse of so many expert Captains, skilful Masters, and notable Souldiers; besides, the perpetual disgrace of him and his Posterity: Wherefore, full of wrath, he was about to put to death the multitude of Christians in his Dominions: doubting indeed, that they weary of Turkish thraldom, would rise up armed against him, and take part with [Page] the other Christians; but whilest the other Bassaes (as dismayed) stood silent: Muhamet, for his former deserts in great favour, thought good to prove if his fury might by reasonable perswasion, be mitigated, &c. Yet knowing the danger of an open contradiction of him, he, leaning as it were to his opinion and pleasure, by little and little, to draw him from himself, cunningly disswadeth him by a speech from so rigorous a resolution, by filling his head with most necessary considerations: whose grace and Authority was such, that the Tyrants wrath was well asswaged; but by Uluzales's coming, he was fully quieted; who after excuse of himself, and declaring what himself had done in the Battel, presenting an Ensign of the Knights of Malta, told him also, the Christian Fleet was so torn, that it could not possible be made serviceable against the next year.

Selimus the while, placing Uluzales in the stead of Haly Bassa, straightly commanded new shipping to be built night and day, and enjoyned every Governour to have a Galley or two ready by next Spring, out of his Province: many of his great men, putting to their helping hands; new supplies of Souldiers, Ordnance cast, and all necessaries were put into his frontier Towns, & provided. So the Turks had reason and industry, but the Christians, (some note) wanted discretion to use the Victory.

The three great Commanders consulted, what further course to take; but Winter beginning to approach, and the Fleet wanting Furniture and Men, Don John, and Columnius returned to Messana; and thence departing, the Don came to Naples, the other to Rome, where they were with great joy and triumph received, having resolved with Venerius, to meet next April at Corcyra: yet the Venetians grieved with the losse of Cyprus, added to their Navy 30 Galleys, with 6000 Souldiers, winning Margarita Castle in Epirus, and recovering Suppato, which the Turks now upon their approach forsook, Canalis also [Page] with the Galleys of Creet, took many Vessels passing from Famagusta to Constantinople, laden with the spoils and Captives. An inward heartburning stil remaining between John and Venerius, the Spaniards requested the Venetians for another Admirall: who were wonderful loath therein to gratifie the Spaniard; yet not forgetting what Commodity came by Concord, and what evils of discord, they chose one Fuscarinus, their chief Governour in Dalmatia, (who for 14 moneths, had notably repressed the furious incursions of the Turks): which honourable place, with the belonging Ceremonies, he received not at Venice, as the manner was, but at Jadera: whence, sailing in the Admiral Galley to Corcyra, he found old Venerius, providing for all things, as if himself should still have continued Admiral.

Fuscarinus, preparing at Corcyra against Spring, Martinengus, who had the Charge of the Adriatick, by the counsel of Venerius, (now returned to Venice) landed his men, befieging Castronovum on Istria's borders: where he took the Suburbs, and soon brought the Town to great extremity; but the Beglerbeg of Greece, being coming with a great power, he with all speed returned to the Sea. The Turks likewise, built a great strong Fort, to hinder the strong Town Cataro, from any relief by Sea; for by Land it was already environed by them.

Superantius hereupon, with 20 Galleys, manned with the most choise Souldiers, and some other Galleys which met him by the way, came by night before the Bay of Cataro, leaving one part at Anchor before the Fort; himself, with the other, passing further into the Bay: the Turks shooting at them from the Fort, to small purpose in the dark, after viewing of the Fort; he battered it on that side, as did the Galleys on the other side, and landing their men on both sides, by plain force entred it, putting every one of that Turkish Garrison to the sword: the Fort was five hundred paces long, not strong towards [Page] Land, whence was no such fear: they took seventeen great Ordnance, much Armour, and abundance of Victuall, and seven Galleys under the Fort; so Superantius returned to [...].

Fuscarinus, in 1572, (all things being ready) sent Superantius the Providetor, to Messana with 25 Galleys, to hasten Don John's coming, and attend him; but he there found such small preparation, as well shewed the Spaniards small care for repressing the Turks: who with grief and indignation, complaining to himself of their unfaithfulness, bewailing his Countrey and the Christian Commonwealth; for the Don had solemnly promised, all should be in readiness, but much of the Summer was past, when scarce a few Companies, and 50 Galleys were met at Messana.

Selimus fearing to be driven quite out of the Sea, had built and repaired 200 Galleys, charging Uluzales, to beware of the like danger, not to go out of the Archipelago, or fight but upon advantage, or even hand.

Uluzales now Admiral, threatned revenge upon the Venetians, with fire and sword: which much troubled them at Venice, as well acquainted with his fury; besides, Barbarus their Embassador, in safe custody at Constantinople, certified them, that he told 250 Galleys, when they set forward, besides some others to meet them: therefore to beware of encountring, but on equall strength.

It was also reported, that King Philip, careless of the other Warres, was about to turn his forces upon Tunis, and Algiers, (as he did the year following.)

The Venetians were even at their wits end, the Senate sitting and consulting from Sun-rising to Sun-setting, daily: commanding Fuscarinus, whether the confederates came in or not, to set forward, and not refuse Battel with the hovering Enemy, if he saw any good hope of Victory: calling also earnestly on the Pope and King, to [Page] hasten their forces to encounter their Enemy, before he should come out of his own Seas. They put also Don John often in minde of his place, the time, and danger of the time; entreating him, if possible, to add something to that haste, which so important a cause required: who nevertheless, delayed from day to day, telling them, he would by and by come, &c. which was so far from his thought, that he called back Requisenius also, whom he had sent with 20 Galleys to Corcyra. Superantius, (two moneths, fittest for Warre, vainly spent) with great instance, importuned him to hasten: who answered, The Venetians requested but reason, but he was advertized, that the French King pretending the suppressing of Pirates, had a great Fleet at Rochel, intending to invade Spain, now they were busied against the Turk, he being commanded from the King, not to depart from Messana till he had other order: The Venetians much doubted of this excuse; for the French King hearing hereof, was exceedingly offended, protesting, if troubles at home would permit him, he would gladly give them ayd in that religious War: many thought, also, that had a great power in this delay. Superantius weary, and almost out of hope of any help in time from the Spaniard; yet would not give him occasion in so dangerous a time to fall quite off: however, he spake not flatteringly of the matter, but gravely declared, he thought Heaven would sooner have fallen, than Don John, not at the appointed time have come to Corcyra: beseeching and wishing him to beware, he brought not the common State into some great danger, pressing him with divers reasons drawn from the common good and truth it self; but the Kings pleasure was to be preferred before all reasons and dangers. Yet hearing the resolute command of the Senate to their Admirall, he fearing, if without his help, he should gain the Victory, he wou'd take all the glory to himself; but if overthrown, it would turn to his utter reproach, who had [Page] in such a time withdrawn himself, stood a while, as perplexed, and in doubt what to do; yet at last he sent 22 Galleys, under one Lilly, to the Venetian Admirall: with whom went Columnius (whom Pope Gregory 13th, entertaining the same League as Pius that was dead, kept still for his Admiral) with the Popes Fleet. August was come, but not such ayd as Fuscarinus expected; yet he [...] perswaded Columnius and Lilly, to sail with him [...], and give the Enemy Battel, telling them, that if they were all of like courage, they should go both to the glory of the present Battel, and to the great honour and advancement of the whole Christian Commonwealth: then he extenuated the power of the Enemy, from divers grounds, saying, his Provision was, by flying fame, made far greater than it was, or possibly could be: wherefore they should set forward with the greater courage, because the last years Victory, had opened the way for another: which if it should so fall out, the Enemy could not (but in a long time) recover his strength at Sea; so that they the while, might take the rich Islands in the Archipelago: and if the Turks, declining Battel, should retire into Hellespont, they might spoil with fire and sword, all their frontiers on this side the Straits, and open a way to the Christians to do great matters. They were hardly perswaded, nor did they consent, till 'twas decreed not to joyn Battel, but with their Galleons and Galleasses in the front; so sailing to Commentitia, Don John wrote to them, He was commanded by the King, to come and joyn with them, which he promised, so soon as possible to do, being first to be provided of all necessaries; they the while, to be careful of all things.

Columnius and Lilly hereupon doubted, whether to go or expect his coming; but he not having written expresly of their staying, and Fuscarinus urging them on, they went, divided into 3 Battels, consisting of 155 Galleys, 6 Galleasses, and 20 tall Ships: Superantius in the [Page] right Wing, Canalis in the left, the Generalls in the middle, Quirinus in the Reare. Two Galleasses going before each Battel: thus they came to Zante, so to Cerigo; next day to Colubraria, or Dragonaria, over against it: Surianus, here sent to discover the Enemie's strength returning, declared, that the Turks Fleet, (being 160 Galleys, 60 Galliots, 4 great Ships) lay in the entrance of the Bay, called Sinus Argolicus, about 50 miles of them: which being soon discovered to make for Malea, the Christians made with what speed they could, toward them: the Enemy being more in number, but inferiour in strength: his Fleet being rather nimble than strong; but the Christians more firm and forward: who fearing to be circumvented, by the others multitude, set their Ships and Galleasses before them; and the Turk, by how much he had the worst before, was so much the carefuller of the reach of the Galleasses: the Christians, very much desirous of fight, and to come to handy-blowes; but the Turks sometime made away a pace, then stayed, if perhaps they might take the Galleys seperated from the Galleasses going more slowly: and seeing the [...] Fleet still coming on for [...], they seemed to do the like, but turning on the right hand, kept aloof along the Coast of Malea, and were quickly gone too far for the Christians to follow them, especially with their heavy Ships; towards Sun-setting, the Turks put into a [...] betwixt Cerigo and Harts-Island, about 10 miles broad, and filling it overthwart, ( [...] prows being turned) as [...] they had purposed nothing more than to fight; but they pretended that, fearing by open flight to dishonour Selimus: the Christians with much labour and rowing, came so near them, that the great shot began to fly on both sides; but when they came to dint of Sword, the Turks keeping their prows upon the Christians Galleys, by [...] [...] back; and night approaching, discharged all their Ordnance onely with Powder, retiring in the [...] [Page] unseen, shewing by lights left in their Cock-boats, as if the whole Fleet had still stayed: neither could the Christians (through the heaviness of their Galleasses) but softly pursue them, who returned to Cerigo: The Turks 2 dayes after, staying in the Bay of Taenarus, now Metapon, the Christians very desirous of battel, the 3d day after, went from Cerigo, being by break of day, descryed from Land by the Turks: Uluzales, by Warning-pieces commanding his men to go aboard and make ready: who, coming out of the Haven in 3 Battels, (no faster than the Tide drave them, and oftentimes staying to draw the Christians Galleys from the Ships); Uluzales fearing much the Galleasses, commanded both Wings, (80 Galleys apiece) to fetch a great compasse, on the right and left hand, so to assail the Christians Wings on the sides, or behind: which they perceiving, turned about their Galleys in the Wings, their main Battel facing the Turks middle Battel.

Euscarinus, now requested and perswaded Columnius and Lilly, that not staying for the heavy ships, they would with him assail the Enemies middle Battel, destitute of the Wings: not doubting to overthrow their greatest strength there, before the Wings (gon so far) could joyn to the Battel again, urging it with other motives: his counsel was well liked, with a great and general chearfulness of the Souldiers; but Columnius and Lilly, said flatly, that without those Vessels, (so much feared of their Enemies) they would not hazard the fortune of a Battel. The Christian's Wings in turning about, were a little disordered: whereupon, the Turks with 15 Galleys, were about to charge the stragling Galleys: hereupon, Superantius went and fought couragiously with them, with four Galleys; but seeing 40 more of the Enemies making towards them, he sent for 20 Galleys, and two Galleasses, which came presently in: 18 Galleys being soon all reut and torn, the dismayed Turks returning in great [Page] haste; Superantius with but one Galley shot thorow, returning also. The Christian Fleet, in following the Turkish, came so nigh, that they oft changed Bullets, small and great. Uluzales, the better to frustrate the Christians endeavours, who with great labour, drew with them their heavy Ships, sent his great Ships to Malvasia, to be unrigged, whereby he was able at his own pleasure, to leave or take fight; supplying also his whole Fleet with the Soul diers & necessaries therein; so that if the Christians would needs fight, they must forsake their Galleasses. The day declining, the Enemy in seemly order, as not afraid, sailed to Corona: the Christians retiring to Cerigo. Don John the while, gave the Fleet knowledge, that he was come to Corcyra, sharply blaming the Commanders, that they stayed not for his coming; and commanding them, forthwith to meet him at Zante, there to resolve of all matters. Columnius, was in such haste, that he would, Fuscarinus (leaving all other Vessels at Cerigo) should return to Don John with 100 of the best Galleys: Lilly was also of that opinion. But Fuscarinus, more careful than the rest, whom the danger of so doing more concerned, would not yield to that perswasion for divers reasons; but they (resolved, hap what would) told him flatly, if he would not yield unto them, they would forthwith leave him, and with their Galleys return to Zante, as the General had commanded. Newes being now brought, that the Turks were in the fret of Cerigo, they all resolved to passe by the Enemy in order, as for Battel; before, having determined to leave their Ships and Galleasses at Creet, and then to return to Don John. The Enemy in their passing by, [...] as it were, stood on their Guard, than resolved for Battel. Being come to Zante in 3 dayes, the Don was not there, but gave a command, leaving there their heavy Ships, to come to Cephalenia, where they should not fail to meet him: whereupon, the grieved Venetians generally muttered, that the Spaniards bearing upon their [Page] wealth, were too proud, in respect of themselves, regarding neither the conditions of the League, nor any other mans credit, but trod all men underfoot, &c. yet they went to Cephalenia: whither Don John was not yet come, but, that if they would joyn with his forces, they should come further back to Corcyra: which Message much troubled the Venetians, fretting, & complaining, as of divers things, so that they had long agoe, by many secret signs conjectured, the Spaniards had more care to hinder and crosse other mens doings, than to do any thing of themselves; and that the Turks of late discouraged with the fortunate proceedings of the Christians, might again rejoyce at their mishaps: yet being loath to fall off from the Spaniard, they kept on with the rest to Corcyra, the Don laying at Spilca with 53 Galleys, and 18 Ships, in the utmost end of the Island: who at first, seemed not a little offended, that they had not with more duty attended his coming, and they as much complaining of his long stay, and many other grievances.

The Fleet now consisting of 200 Galleys, nine Galleasses, and 36 tall Ships: they all agreed to set forward against the Enemy, two espialls bringing newes, that the Turk's Fleet (weak of men) was at Navarinum, they well hoped, upon the sudden, they might easily oppress them: wherefore (not to be descried) sailing by night, they kept aloof upon the right hand, coming with great silence to the Strophades, and the evening following, loosed thence, that, the more to terrifie the Enemy, they might before day, fall upon him; but, it being day long before they could come to the mouth of the Haven, the Turks from their Watch-Towers, discovering them a far off, gave warning: whereupon, an Alarum was raised in the Town, but the Turks not daring to trust [...] their ill-rigged Fleet, and that weak Harbour, ran consusedly aboard, hastening forth, as men chased, and going into the safe Harbour at [Page] Modon, about six miles off: recovering the same, before Columnius, sent before, could overtake them.

The Christians came before the Harbour, and leaving a space as it were, for the Enemy to come forth, dared him Battel; but after almost a dayes laying, and none coming out, signes of Tempest appeared: wherefore, they put further off to Sea: Uluzales sending out some light gallies to follow in their Reare, the Confederates driving them headlong again into the Harbour, and retiring into the Islands Sapientia. Next day, they removed to the Bay of Messana, to water in the mouth of the River Pamisus, there falling into the Sea: where passing by Corone, they were oft shot at from thence; and landing to water, were encountred by some Troops, sent by Uluzales: Many were slain on both sides; but they prevailing, watered, so returning to the Islands Sapientia. And coming to the mouth of the Bay, (the Turks having planted Ordnance on the little Hill Albus and St. Bernards Rock, to keep them from entring both wayes) doubted as they lay, what to do, the entrances being but narrow, and far more dangerous for the Ordnance; yet Fuscarinus, loath to let the Enemy escape, would fain have had the Generall to enter the Bay, and in the Harbour to oppress the Enemy: which he shewed to be no matter to do, the Enemy being but weak, and not to be by Land relieved: pressing it on by divers motives; and saying, I my self in person, will be the first that shall enter, and adventure the first danger, &c.

The Spaniards heard him with ill-liking and Don John deeming both the time and place, unfit for so great an attempt, rehearsed the Enemies strength, the places disadvantage, the difficulty of the Battel, with the manifold and great calamities received by the over-hasty and rash attempts of their Enemies, &c. concluding, the Christians [Page] had sufficiently prevailed, if those things fell out well, which were warily and advisedly considered and resolved upon.

Nothing thus done, they returned into the Port of Navarinum: which Proceeding, as it diversly moved the Spaniards and Venetians, so every one spake in favour of his own Nation.

Laying at Navarinum, and consulting of many things, they resolved at last to besiege the Castle of Modon, which kept the passage into the Bay: so returning thither, they landed 7000 of their best Souldiers, appointing the Galleasses with some Galleys, to batter it also by Sea, and fastning two of their greatest Galleys, side to side, boarded them over: where they placed gabions filled with Earth and Ordnance betwixt, to have battered the Castle; but this Engin, (like a floating Fort) proved unserviceable, being ready to sink with the weight of the Ordnance, and other things: wherefore, and a number of Horsemen being come into the Town, they gave over their Siege, and put to Sea. A tall Ship of Venice, coming from Zante, with provision for the Fleet, was descryed by the Enemy, who sent out some light Galleys to take her.

Uluzales with the rest, laying ready to come out, if the Christian Fleet should stir to relieve her: wherefore the Christians sent Columnius to rescue the Ship, and others also to get in betwixt the Turks Galleys and the Bay: Don John and Uluzales laying ready for Battel, if Uluzales should come forth; But he (afraid) by Warning-Pieces, in time called back those Galleys (already gone out); but one Mahomet, Barbarussa's Nephew, stayed a little while with more courage than discretion, expecting who should [...] him: whom a Marquess set upon, with a terrible fight; but at last, flew Mahomet, with all his Turks, carrying away the Galley.

[Page]Next day, because the hope of so great preparation should not come to nothing; he determined to besiege the Castle of the City Navarinum: which place some being sent to view, brought word, the Castle might in 3 dayes be won, which was committed to Farnesius: who landing 2000 Italians; 500 Germans, and 1000 Spaniards, with 12 great pieces battered the Castle yet far off; but the passages thorow a rough & thick forrest being left free, the enemy sallying forth, gave the Christians a hot skirmish, and the while, by a Port toward the forrest on tother side, received in a great number of Horse and Foot: Whereupon, Farnesius went aboard again with his men; but there was not small hope of gaining the Town by the Fleet, for the Turks received not Victuals by Land, nor could they by sea: being troubled with a plague and famine, who seeking for Victuals further off, the little that came, was oft intercepted, by Souldiers in the Villages, wanting no less than they in the City. And what a death the mortality had made, the want of men in the galley; declared, for lack whereof, many were sent away or left at Malvasia: those galleys at Modon being scarce 100, with 40 galliots, the biggest galleys having scarce 120 men therein, and those very meagre and faint: Wherefore, the Christians hoping for a notable Victory upon continuing the siege; Fuscarinus perswaded the [...] resolvedly to hold it out: for the Turks (except changed into Fishes or Birds) could not escape out of the Bay, without a notable overthrow; but they, whether for tediousness of the siege, or want of Victuals, or Winter's approach, or other reasons, thought diversly thereof: At first there was a report, that the Christians would shortly return home, because they wanted bisket, and had scarce Victuals left for 15 dayes, Winter also approaching: and having done what they could, the enemy could never be drawn out to battel; wherefore, they would now also regard the safety of their Fleet.

[Page]These speeches were afterwards divulged, not only by common men, but by those also of better place; yea D. John himself, began to blame others: Why he, so lately come from Messana, should so soon want Victuals and all necessaries. Hereat, the Venetian Commanders were exceedingly troubled and grieved; for it seemed not credible, that they which were but a little before come from the most fertile Country of Sicily, could so soon want Victuals; so murmuring by divers expressions against the Spaniards, they said, Verily, they by the infamy of a voluntary return, shewed themselves not so willing to have the Turks power abated, as the strength of the Venetians not encreased. Sometimes they fretted at these things among themselves: and other whiles, Fuscarinus expostulated the same with Don John and Columnius, in the presence of the greatest Councellours: shewing, not only how profitable, but how necessary perseverance was in Martial affairs: perswading the Spaniards for many reasons, in no case to return from the Enemy; and promising, that till the ships laden with Victuals at Tarentum, were (being first sent for) come, himself would supply their wants out of his own store. Don John replied, among many things in answer, That the action in hand, no less concerned the Spaniards than the Venetians: and that he had in his life, desired nothing more, than to stand the Commonweale in stead, &c. neither desired any thing more, than indeed to be a most constant upholder of the most Christian League, and that beyond expectation, even in the judgement of the Venetians themselves: who yet, must now pardon him, if he gave place to the necessity of the time. As for their offer of Victuals, that would not be a help, but the destruction of both Fleet's: Wherefore, 'twere much better to preserve the Fleet which they might use next year, than to cast it away by famine & rage of the sea; saying, What an indignity should the Christians sustain, if themselves should be overthrown, by that [Page] means, whereby they [...] to have overthrown others.

Secret command being given to the Masters of the Galleys with all haste to depart to Messana; Fuscarinus troubled as with an unexpected matter, came aboord the General, greatly complaining of his so sudden purpose, requesting him to stay till the 2 fastned Galleys aforesaid, with the Ordnance thereon might be secured (with all things else) from the enemy; so, with much ado, he stayed that night to that end, and in debating the matter to and fro, the Don would needs have it conceived into a publike writing, that the Fleet by consent of the 3 Admirals, retutned for lack of Victuals; the Venetian Apmiral hardly consenting. But when the Instrument should have been made, one of the Dons Secreraries, advising him of the great dishonour to be to the King and himself, that the Fleet coming out of fruitful Sicily, should (in a months space want Victuals) changed his mind, only requesting Fuscarinus to credit him and Columnius concerning that want: promising, if he met with the Victuals sent for on the way, he would forthwith return; but the while, to proceed by common consent to what was most needful; so returning at Corcyra, they met the ship with Victuals: Whereupon, Fuscarinus put Don John in mind of his promise: telling him, 'twas not unlike, but the enemy upon their departure, would come out of the Bay for Constantinople, who might easily be overtaken and overthrown; but he was not to be perswaded, pretending the Kings command forthwith to return; so the expectation of great matters this year (through jealousy of self-Honour, or Envy) came to nought.

The Don departed to Messana, Columnius to Rome, Fuscarinus with more honour than success, to Venice, where he was with great joy received, with the good likeing of all, giving up his charge in few years after, to receive a greater.

[Page]About this time, Amida King of Tunis, a little before driven out of his Kingdom by the Turks (who by degrees had encroached upon him), and living in Exile with his 2 Sons at Guletta: hearing of the great overthrow of the Turks at Lepanto: sent Embassadours to Don John at Sicily, humbly requesting his aid, promising to defray all the charges of the War, and for ever to hold his Kingdome of the King of Spain as his Vassal and Tributary: which request being thought of no small consequence for the safety of the Christian Countries laying over against that part of Africk; He next year in Octob. 1573. by the King, his Brother's command, with 105 Galleys and 40 Ships, arrived next day from Drepanum at Guletta, where the Malta Galleys came to him, and shortly after, Auria with 90 more, and Columnus with 14 more. Don John understanding by Amida and Touares the Governor, the whole state of the City & Kingdom of Tunis; and that the Turks terrified, were about to forsake the City; He next day landed his forces about 4 miles off from Tunis, sending 2500 Footmen before the rest, who found the Turks and Moors fled for fear, and coming to the Castle, 200 Moors therein said, they kept it for Amida, [...] would not suffer the Christians to enter: all which being made known to Don John, he early next morning set forward with his Army, finding nothing in the Castle but great store of oyl, butter, and wool.

While the Don was at Tunis, he had news, Octob. 13. that the fled Turks with some Moors coming to Biserta, were kept out by the Citizens; Wherefore, they began to burn and spoil [...]: Whereupon, he sent Touares with part of the Army, who overthrew the Turks, [...] had the City peaceably delivered to him.

Don John informed of the faithless and cruel dealing of Amida: and that in detestation of the Christians and their Religion, he by Intelligence already with the Turks, had procured some of their deaths: sentenced him, being [Page] yet in the Castle of Guletta, that since he had bin the Author (long) of great discord, and endless troubles there, depriving Muleasses his Father of his Kingdom and sight, and so also tyrannizing over his brethren the rightful Heirs: whereby (the Turks took occasion to possess the Kingdom) he by the King of Spain's command should with his 2 Sons be carried into Sicily to perpetual imprisonment: who, though he cryed out for mercy was thrust into a Galley, and transported with Wife and Children accordingly.

After which, Mahomet his elder brother and right Heir, was appointed King in his place, by Oath promising, to be ever the King of Spain's Vassal, and to do whatever he commanded. 40000 Moors before departing from Tunis, now supplicated Don John, that they might return and live with their new King: which granted, they returned every day into the City. Shotly [...], 1500 Turks, with 3000 wild Arabians or Alarbes, sore troubled all passages about the City; who were at last overthrown, and 150 Christian prisoners rescued. After that, the Don by advice of his most expert Captains, left Serbellio (with 2000 Italians) and Calazar with as many at Guletta, for building a strong Castle betwixt that and Tunis. Thus disposing of all things, he returned into Sicily.

So fit opportunity of doing great things, by the most famous Victory of Lepanto, being let slip, and passed over so lightly regarded, made the Venetians now to have no other hope of welfare, but in concluding a peace with the Turk. They thought honourably of King Philip, yet greatly blaming his Officers, and others of great Authority about him, as men more regarding their own private, than the good of the Christian Common-weale. Philip promised them a greater and stronger Fleet against the next year and to be sooner in readiness: who, for all that gave small credit thereto, because they had bin oft before deceived: Wherefore, trusting most to their own strength, [Page] they entertained more Souldiers, placing some in their Fleet, and others in their Garrison of Creet, Dalmatia, and their Frontiers of Epirus. The Turks also of purpose gave it out, that they would next Spring with divers Armies invade the Venetian Territories, in Creet, Dalmatia and Epirus: yea, and in Italy it self, and overwhelm them with their multitude; this (and more too) they vaunted of; but Uluzales brought his Fleet to Constantinople so shaken and weak, that it seemed not possible, but in long time to be again repaired, & furnished with Souldiers and Marriners: but however it stood, the Venetians comparing their own strength with the Enemies, were also no less discouraged with the delayes and cross dealing of the Confederates, than with all the provision of the Enemy; many things sticking in their minds, they doubted also, lest the Flemmings with their Confederates should so intangle the King of Spain, as that he should not be at leisure to send any ayd into the East. And in revolving many things among themselves, one only Remedy seemed most effectual to cure their afflicted State: to wit, to conclude a peace with the Turk; of which, they the rather hoped, for that divers speeches of the same had passed at Constantinople. The Senate referred the proceeding therein to Barbarus their Embassadour (who all these Wars had layen in safe custody at Constantinople) willing him to make use of the French Embassadour therein, who had alwayes bin a perswader of peace: who it was thought, might have got an indifferent peace (Selimus being also desirous enough thereof) had he but expected the opportunity of time; but he in making too much haste, much hurt the cause of the Venetians: which he most desired to have furthered. Selimus having found him, resolved with Muhamet Bassa what he would have done, who craftily told the Embassadour, he had often moved, yea, and so far as he might, importuned Selimus for peace, but could never find him willing to hear thereof, [Page] till now wearied with the solicitation of such as might do most with him, he had yielded thereto. At first, the Bassa with fair and cunning speech, promised him the matter should soon and easily be composed: This being only on both parties consented to, That the Venetians should send an Embassadour for the full concluding and confirming of the desired peace: who committing that charge to Superantius; he was no sooner come to Constantinople, and the Confederation being dissolved, but the Venetians were glad to endure proud looks, disdainful eares, despightful speeches, long and insolent attendance, with many other indignities: yea, the Bassa asked them, How they durst be so bold as to impugne great Selimus's Fleet? Superantius answered, The Venetians had alwayes honoured the Turkish Emperours, never taking up Arms against them, but in their own defence, a thing lawful even for the wild Beast in the Wildernesse to do.

The Bassa at first seemed to put him in hope, that the Venetians should enjoy all their Territories in Dalmatia as formerly, whereof they had lost some part in these Wars about Jadera, but at the shutting up (though the French Embassador complained that promises were not performed, and the Venetians so fretted, that they were about to return as shamefully deluded) they concluded a peace by the Senat's appointment, upon the Turks hard terms, Febr. 11. 1574. The chief Capitulations whereof were: That the Venetians should give Selimus 300000 Duckats, 100000 to be presently paid, and the rest by equal portions in the 2 years following: That the Merchants goods should be indifferently on both sides restored: and that such places of the Venetians as the Turk's possessed, should still remain unto them, but those the Venetians had taken from the Turks, should be forthwith restored: The Turks being earnest for the first payment as an honourable Fine for an offence committed; The Senate confirming the same by a Decree, it was proclaimed [Page] at Venice, Apr. 13. following, to the great wonder of the other Confederates: for whose better satisfaction, the Duke (though many things grieved the Venetians) with calm and temperate speech declared to the Pope's Nuntio and Spanish Embassador in the Senate-House the causes thereof. The Venetians were for this, generally hardly spoken of, as if they had betrayed the whole Christian Common-weale, or at least their Confederates; for men, for the most part thought, that the Turks, peace would be but faigned and deceitful, &c. Yet the Venetians, besides a present ease of many heavy burdens, thereby enjoyed the fruits of a long, happy, wholsome, and profitable peace.

Selimus shortly after, turned his Forces against John Vayuod of Valachia, antiently called Dacia, having on the West Transilvania, on the North Russia, and is divided into Transalpinia, which Mahomet the great subjected to his Empire, and Moldavia of its River Moldavus, which far passeth the other in greatness, and much pasture: on which Mahomet only imposed a Tribute of 2000 Duckats yearly; after which, the Vayuods thereof, sometime by Hungarian, sometime by Polonian ayd, rose oft in Arms, refusing Homage to the Turks. Bagdanus a Vayuod hereof, joyning in League with the Polonians, lived much in Russia, purposing thence to take his Wife: which Selimus suspecting, chased him into Exile; placing in his stead one John or Iwan the supposed son of Stephen, sometime Vayuod there: who with Czarnieviche a Moldavian, having long lived among the Turks, turned Turk; becoming a Merchant of such fame, that he became very familiar with the Bassaes of the Court, and at length with Selimus: whose purpose he understanding concerning Bagdanus, got by rewards the Bassaes to be his Mediators for the Vayuod-ship of Moldavia, encreasing Selimus's suspition of Boguanus, that he supported by the Polonians: was like enough soon to reject his Obedience to him. Selimus [Page] nominated this John to be Vayuod, who entring Moldavia with a great power of Horse (Bogdanius being in Russia) suspecting nothing, easily possessed the Country: which Bogdanus, by help of the Polonians, vainly attempting to recover, fled into Muscovia, where he long lived. John after some few years, repenting himself, and embracing again the Christian Faith, [...] also too severely, those who had withstood his coming thither; and now not favouring The Turks as he was wont, but crossing them in many matters, became suspicious to Selimus and the Bassaes: Whereupon the Vayuod of Transalpina, became an earnest Suitor for his Brother Peter, that as John had by Selimus his help expulsed Bogdanus, so Peter by his help might drive out John; and, besides malicious suggestions to encrease the suspicion of John, offered, that Peter should pay twice so much yearly Tribute as John did, to wit, 120000 Duckats.

The Bassaes corrupted, and moved with the great. Tribute, perswaded Selimus to send for John, and command him to give place to another of his sending, which if he refused, to denounce to him open War.

Selimus having much emptied his Coffers in the late Wars, sent his Embassadour to the Vayuod, who Febr. 21. delivered his Message, the summe whereof was: Either to send him twice so much Tribute as he was wont, (another being ready to give it for him and his posterity) or else to return with him to Constantinople, to answer the matter: Otherwise, He was to denounce to him and his Countrey all Hostility.

John dissembling his grief, had him brought to his appointed Lodging, telling him, upon mature deliberation had with his Nobility and Council in so important a matter, he would soon answer him: and deeply considering, that in the Turks Faith was no assurance; and if he should grant to pay so heavy a Tribute in so great poverty of his Kingdom, wasted with civil War, Selimus happily, [Page] so long as any man would give more, would next year exact a greater, and in the end, such a one as he with his Subjects could not pay, He call'd together his Nobility and States, declaring to them the sum of the Embassadours Message, and his own considerations thereof: saying, 'twere better for them in his opinion (for he was not to pay it) but they and their posterity, to lose their lives with Wives and Children, than to suffer so great an Indignity: which base servitude if he heard from them, that they listed not to endure, He would so provide as to pay the barbarous Tyrant no tribute at all, so they were not wanting to themselves; he being always ready to lay down his life for the welfare of them and the Common-weile.

A secret sorrow, and unwonted silence as it were oppressed the whole Assembly: at length, they murmured against the Turks unreasonableness: and thought, the Vayuod had truly spoken of the intollerableness thereof: Whereupon, they offered him upon their owne charge, to meet the Enemy upon the bank of Danubius, and in defence of life and liberty to fight it out to the last man: He commending their fidelity, and taking of them an Oath for performance, gave the Embassadour a short answer: saying, Himself would willingly yield Selimus the required Tribute, did he not know the minds of his people to abhor the same, &c. Wherefore, he should tell his Lord Selimus, That he most humbly requested him not to take it ill, whose amity he wished, might rather be to him an Ornament and Refuge, than a disgrace or hinderance, &c.

The Embassadour being sent away unrewarded: the Vayuod began forthwith to raise his Army; sending to Henry Valoys, King of Poland (afterward the French King) certifying him of the dangerous estate of Moldavia, the surest Bulwark of the Polonian Kingdom: requesting him, That as those Kings for their own safety had anciently protected that Country, so he would [Page] now give him aid: or, at least, to give leave to such of his Subjects as were willing to serve for entertainment, to come unto him: Who answered, Since his Predecessours had for above a hundred years been in League with the Turk, he could do neither. The Vayuod was much troubled with this answer; yet he sent to 1200 Polonian Cossacks, Suiercevius being chief: who having long layen in hope of prey upon the side of Borysthenes, were returning empty home, offering them great entertainment, of which they gladly accepted without the Kings knowledge. They are light-Horsmen laying most commonly upon the Borders of Poland towards the Tartars, hardy and valiant men, whose best living is spoil taken from the Enemy; for though the Turks and Tartars are most commonly in League with the Polonians; yet do they oft in great numbers suddenly break into Podolia and Russia, part of their Kingdom, and do great harm, if they be not in time repressed, or cut off by the said Cossacks.

Selimus being exceedingly enraged with the Vayuods answer, and the more by the angry Ambassadour, who because he was no more regarded, nor rewarded, incensed him against him to the utmost, sent 30000 Turks and 2000 Hungarians to the Palatine of Transalpina, who joyning them with his own Forces, should take John, and, sending him in Bonds to Constantinople, place his brother Peter in his place.

He with an Army of about 102000 fighting men, swimming over the River Moldavus, and little fearing or regarding the sudden comming of the Vayvod, let his men lay disorderly and dispersed along the River side, to refresh themselves being weary: Whereof, some Scouts certifying the Vayuod then at dinner, He glad, forthwith sent Suiercevius with his Cossacks, and 5000 other Light-Horsmen more certainly to descry the [Page] Enemie's doings and manner of laying, Himself with the rest following [...] after.

Suiercevius approaching very silently, enclosed 500 of the enemie's Scouts ere they were aware; taking them all, and straightly examining them of the state of their Army and Camp: who for fear, confessed, the Palatine [...] securely, resting his Army chiefly; that with greater strength he might set upon John with his fresh Souldiers, declaring their number, and that they might easily be overthrown.

Suiervercevius requested John with all speed to hasten his comming for a most notable and assured Victory; Who comming without delay, commanded Suiercevius, to give the first onset upon the Enemy (purposing himself to charge them on the other side in three places) who, with a terrible out-cry, set upon the secure Enemies: who, dismayed with the unexpected danger, knew not which way to flee or how to resist.

The Vayuod the while, on the other side of the Camp, came and bare down all before him; The Enemies Horses being far from them in rich Pastures, they unarmed were miserably slain; few or none escaping, besides the Palatine and Peter, who with much ado getting Horses, swam over the River, and came to the Castle of Brailovia in Valachia: The Vayuod giving to his Souldiers the great Riches there found, and staying four dayes to refresh his wearied men: then entring the Palatine's Countrey, he took many places, putting all in his way to the sword, of all sexes and Ages: and burning all as he went: so that all that part of the Countrey was terribly covered with smoak and fire.

John commending his men in executing all kind of cruelty, and perswading them so still to prosecute the Victory for enriching of themselves; and hearing that [...] Palvtins and his Brother were in Brailovia Castle; [Page] he forthwith marched thither. The City stands upon Danubius: the Castle having a strong Garrison of Turks as the Key of the Countrey. The Vayuod sent Letters by two Valachian Captives to the Captain, to deliver to him the Palatine and Peter, his mortal Enemies; who, never wronged by him, had invaded his Countrey: otherwise, he threatened never to depart, till, to his farther hurt, he had constrained him to yield them; whereto, he bluntly answered, by four Turks, by whom he sent twenty great and small shot, with two Arrowes; saying, Except he did raise his siege betime, he would feed him and his followers with such Dishes as those: whereupon they, gorged, should all dangerously surfeit and cast.

The Vayuod moved, commanded their Noses, Lips and Eares to be cut off, and their seet to be sastened with Nailes to a long piece of Timber, so to be set up before the City with their Heads downward; shewing also to the Captain that sent them, That himself with his Guests, should be so served if they fell into his Hands: Immediately after, he taking the City by assault; no Man, Babe, or Mother were taken to mercy, nor any living thing spared. Much rich spoyl becomming a prey; for it was a place much frequented, and had enjoyed long peace: which John razed to the ground, not daring to adventure upon the Castle, being well fortified and furnished.

While he was busied in the spoyl of Brailovia: newes came of 15000 Turks, comming to relieve the Castle; Who, forthwith sent Suiercevius with his Cossacks, and other 8000 Horse against them: who suddenly comming upon them, slew almost fourteen thousand, chasing the rest unto Teina Castle; Whereof Suiercevius certified John, and of another great Turkish power comming, which might easily be overthrown, if [Page] he leaving the siege, would, without delay, come and joyn Forces, who went accordingly to Suiercevius: and upon conference, besieged Teina: which City taken without much labour, he left not one alive therein, and by the service of Suiercevius, overthrew the Turks, coming towards Brailovia.

Selimus much troubled, and doubting to be thrust quite out of Valachia, prepared new Forces: appointing general supplications to be made to Mahomet for his better successe; the undoubted sign of his fear.

John, now purposing for a while to break up his great Army, called to him Czarnieviche his old Friend, to whom he with a kind speech committed part of his Army (to wit thirteen thousand of his choise Souldiers) to lay upon the side of Danubius: to keep the Turks from passing again over, charging him to let him from time to time, understand with all expedition of every motion of the Enemy: and taking his leave of him with a kisse; gave leave to most of his Souldiers to depart, yet to be alwayes ready upon occasion.

Czarnieviche, promising the utmost of his Faithfull devoire, went towards Danubius, most carefully there keeping the passages.

Ere long, great numbers of Turks were come, and coming down to the other side; yet none adventured the River, because of Czarnieviche: Wheresore, the Bassa (sent with the Army) dispatch to him some pickt-out men, to sound, if he might be drawn over, in secret, to talk with him; sending him, besides his safe conduct, [...] thousand Hungarian Duckats for a present: who shortly after, secretly passing the River, had conference [...] Peter the Palatines Brother. To whom he declaring, in how great danger the Vayuod stood; and how highly Selimus was offended with him, cunningly [Page] from divers Motives, perswaded him to give the Turks passage over Danubius.

Czarnieviche overcome with his Golden Promises, withdrew his Forces further off from the River, as if it had been for his more safety: two hundred thousand Turks well appointed of all necessaries, passing quietly over.

Then he posted to, and certified John, that the Turks, trusting to their multitude, had passed the River, against whom he could not make Head: Wherefore, he should speedily go against them with what Forces he had ready, which joyned to his, might easily overthrow them. The Vayuod glad, demanded, what strength they might be of? Not above 12000 (said he) already come over, but are still comming, and will before thy comming be above 15000. John raising his siege from before Teina Castle, in four dayes came and encamped within three miles off the Enemy, sending Suiercevius with his Cossacks, and Jeremias with six thousand Horse, to view their Camp, and understand (what might be) of their designes, who lighting on about six thousand Turkish [...], after a light skirmish, put them to flight: and taking one who felt himself wounded to death, he told them, the Turks were not many: but the Cossacks conjecturing by so great a number of Scouts, the untruth of that report; soon certifyed the Vayuod thereof, wishing him in time to provide for safety, and not too much to trust Czarnieviche, whom they had a good while suspected; but he answered only, He knew whom he trusted; [...] that it was not now time to doubt or be affraid, &c. So fortifying his Camp near a Lake for more convenient watring of his Army, he set forward with all his power against the Enemy: and coming to a Hill, whence he thought to have descried his enemies number and laying, he could descry but four Companies of Scouts; who, [Page] withdrew also on purpose, out of sight to the Army, which lay in a low Valley behind a Hill. John suspecting the enemy to be at hand, divided his 30000 Horse into 30 Companies, placing Field pieces before each of them: and placing his many rude and homely, but most faithfull Foot, by themselves. So marching on from another Hill he might easily descry the Turks huge Army, and how Czatnieviche's treason had deceived him: whereupon (he sending for him) he sent back word, he could not then come, the Enemy being so nigh; but he should forthwith see him in field, as forward as the forwardest (against the Enemy); but upon the signal of Battel given on both sides, he first setting forward, as if to have given the onset, caused his Ensign to be let fall, and his men with their Caps on the points of their speares and swords to bow down: whom the Turks with speares and Lances on High joyfully received. The rest of the Army almost discouraged, hastily retired to the Vayuod, crying out, All was lost, all was lost; but he nothing discouraged, willed them couragiously to follow him: They in all things exceeding the Enemy except in number: which alwayes gave not the Victory: The Turks upon joyning of [...], thrust the revolting Moldavians shrinking back, perforce into the front, slaying them that hung back: on whom John most furiously discharged his Field-pieces: most of them being [...], over whose dead bodies the Turks coming on, were at first notably encountred, begining to retire but indeed on purpose to draw the Moldavians within danger of their Ordnance & Ambushes covertly placed: which Suiercevius perceiving, with [...] ado stayed their further pursuit. The Turks comming on again with no lesse fury than at first, the Christians made with them a most cruel Battel; many falling on both sides: but, after long fight, the [...], [...] with multitude, gave ground: [Page] and then betook [...] to flight, most of them being [...] in a hard [...], and but 250 Cossacks left. The Vayuod with 20000 [...], and such [...] as had joyned to them after the [...], retired, and fortified himself in the ruines of a Town, which he but a little before razed: the Turks the same night, so besetting his Camp, with a multitude of men, that no man could go in or out. Next day, June 11th, the Turks shooting divers great shot into his Camp, to small purpose, and considering the danger of [...] him in his strength, sent to him to perswade him without delay, to yield himself, and repose more trust in the mercy of the Turks, than in his own broken forces, [...] being so beset, &c. Who answered, he knew into what danger he was brought, rather by treason than the [...] valour; yet had he a strong power of most valiant [...] [...] men, who would sell their lives dear to the Turks; however, to avoid the further shedding of blood, he could be content to yield on reasonable conditions, [...] the great Commanders of the Turks would seven times [...] swear to perform them: they willed him to set them down, which were, that the Cossacks might safely depart with Horses and Armour: that they should send him alive, and in good safety to Selimus, to [...] his own cause: covenanting nothing for the Moldavians, whose injury (he said) tended to the hurt of the Emperour himself, and of him that should be Vayuod: these [...] being seven times confirmed by Oath accordingly, the Vayuod brought all his Army out of their Trenches, taking with heavy heart his last leave of them, to their [...]: dividing his money and Jewels among them: and disarming himself, went onely with one Polonian, like a Suppliant to the Turk's Camp, talking four houres with the great Commanders: till at last, Capucius Bassa, with his Scimitar, struck him a great blow acrosse the face, and another acrosse the belly: whom yet but half dead, the Janizaries took, and cut off his Head, which [Page] was set on a Lance for all to behold: they tearing his body to pieces, having bound his feet to two Cammels, and happy was he that could get any little piece thereof, or embrew his Sword in the least drop of his blood.

The Turks forthwith set upon the Moldavians, and slew them down-right: whereupon, the Cossacks thrusting in among the thickest of the Turks, and valiantly fighting, were all slain, except a few of the better sort, Suiercevius being one: who were afterwards, for great sums redeemed, when they could by no meanes be perswaded to turn Turks.

The Turks over-running all Moldavia, put all the Nobility, with many Countrey people to the Sword: sending great numbers in Colonies, into the farthest parts of the Turkish Empire, and placing strong Garrisons in the Towns and Castles.

Thus all Valachia, was by Selimus joyned to the Turkish Empire, in 1574: opening also thereby, a fair and easie way for his Successors to enter into Podolia, or Russiayea, and into Poland it self.

Selimus, not a little grieved with the losse of the Kingdom of Tunis, cast in his minde, how to recover the same, and thrust the Spaniards out of Guletta Castle, of no small moment: which with Malta, served as two most sure Bulwarks against the Turks and Moores adventures, by whose meanes, they many times came short home: wherefore, Selimus having made great preparation, commanded Sinan, Piall, and Uluzales, speedily to passe over with his Fleet into Africk, to besiege Tunis, and Guletta, before which, they came with 300 Galleys, July 13. Other Turks men of Warre, from Alexandria, Algiers, &c. [...] unto them. At first, they besieged the water-Tower, wherein were 800 Souldiers, well provided: who maintained the place, till most were slain by often assaults, the rest retiring by Command, into the Castle: the Turks losing 3000 men in taking of it.

[Page]Then besieging the Castle of Guletta, they from divers Mounts, most terribly battered it: whence the deadly shot was sent again among them not sparingly; but after many surious assaults, and much harm done on both sides, the Turks took the Channel of the Lake of Tunis, and to hinder the [...] relief, assaulted them day and night without ceasing; yet some Companies sent from the New [...], got in; after which, the besieged, sallying out, Aug. 20, repulsed them with an exceeding slaughter; but the Bassaes without ceasing, still bringing on fresh Souldiers, after a most terrible assault all day, about two houres before Sun-set, they took the Castle Aug. 23. scarce 200 Souldiers being alive therein: who with the other weak people, were cut in pieces: whatever other wealth the Turks there found, they had great store of Victualls, Armour, Ammunition, and 400 Pieces of Ordnance. They forthwith laid siege to the new Castle, betwixt Guletta and Tunis, not yet wholly finished, wherein Serbellio and Salazar, lay with 4000 good Souldiers.

Serbellio answering the Bassaes first summons, Aug. 24, that he had promised the King his Master, to give him a better account of the place; and being also very old, could not endure the Turks yoak; but would hold it out to the last man, which by sallies and repulses they truly persormed; But the Turks little feeling, or regarding the losse of men, to gain the place, at length, Septemb. 13th, after six houres furious assault with all their force, slaying most of the Defendants, took it.

Serbellio, shot with two Bullets, would have [...] in the midst of the Turks; but by Piall's hasty coming in, both he and Salazar were taken alive: all the rest were put to the Sword.

The Bassa in his rage, struck Serbellio, causing his Son to be murdered in his sight: yet the Turks lost above 30000 [Page] men, in lesse than three moneths space. Then they marching to Tunis, easily took it, overthrowing its Fortifications, because it should no more rebel.

Mahomet the young King, being sent with Carrera, Captain of Guletta, in bonds to Constantinople. The Bassaes departing thence, came with 400 Sail, Octob. 4th, within sight of Malta: nevertheless, they turned aside, sailing directly to Constantinople.

Shortly after, Selimns, spent with Wine and Women, died Decemb. 9th, 1574, 51 years old, reigning eight, buried at Hadrianople; of a mean Stature, heavy disposition, his face swollen much like a Drunkard: of least valour of the Othoman Kings, leaving his Empire to Amurath his eldest Sonne, more temperate, but not much greater in courage.

The Life of Amurath the third, Sixth Emperour of the Turks.

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SElimus's Death, was, for fear of the Janizaries, concealed by the Bassaes, till Amurath, speedily advertized thereof, arrived at Constantinople, out of Asia, about 12 dayes after, taking possession of the Empire in the Seraglio, Decemb. 25: being about 30, or (as some) 27 years old: of a manly Stature, pale and corpulent, his beard thin and long, not of so fierce a countenance as the Othoman Princes, being of a peaceable disposition, loving justice; and in his superstition very zealous: reforming the riot and excesse (grown by his Fathers ill example) by his own, and the severe punishment of notorious Drunkards; yet he is reported to drink oft, plentifully of Wormwood-Wine, much subject to the Falling-sickness, and sore troubled with the Stone; and yielding more to the counsel of his Mother, Wife, and Sister, than of his great Bassaes, which many imputed to him for simplicity.

To appease the murmuring of the Janizaries, disappointed of the spoil of the Christians and Jewes, he besides the usual largesse, augmented their wages; and granted their Sons at 20 years old to be enrolled among the younger Janizaries, and partake of their immunities: whereby he won their favours exceedingly. And, to rid himself of all competitors, he caused his five Brethren, Mustapha, Solyman, Abdulla, Osman, and Tzihanger, to be strangled in his sight: Osman, and Tzihanger, [Page] to be strangled in his sight: Solyman's Mother overcome with sorrow, struck her self to the heart with a Dagger: at which, Amurath is reported to shed some teares, as not delighting in such cruelty, but that his State and Government so required. At first, he established divers wholsom Lawes, altered the Coyn, and relieved the poor; and because he would not seem to degenerate from his Progenitors, he prosecuted his Fathers Warres by the Tartars Praecopenses, in Octob. 1575, entring Russia, of the Polonian Kingdom, burning and destroying two hundred Noblemens Houses, with a multitude of Towns and Villages, making great slaughter of the people, and carrying away great numbers of Cattel, and prisoners bound in thongs of raw Hides; but whilest they divided the spoil with Peter, Vayuod of Valachia, who had promised to give the Tartars no passage that way, the Cossacks brake into their Countrey, requiting them with like harm, and bringing back a number of old Captives.

At this time, the Polonians were at variance, about the Election of their King (Henry Valois after Charls his Brothers death, stealing away from them, into France, to take on him the Kingdom) some making choyce of [...] the Emperour; others no lesse inclining to the Duke of Muscovie, and some unto others.

Amurath, loath that either of those two great Princes should be strengthened with so great a Kingdom, so near to him, in the beginning of his Reign, wrote to the Polonians to that purpose, commending to them Stephen Bator Vayuod of [...] for their King: and threatning, if they did otherwise, to give all their Wealth and Goods, Wives and Children, for a prey to his Souldiers: with the chief men of their Cities of Cracovia and Leptis: which Letters so prevailed with them, that both Maximilian and the Muscovite being passed over, Anne of the Jagellonian House, was chosen Queen of Poland, [Page] yet so as to marry Stephen the said Vayuod, who, afterwards elected King, worthily governed that Kingdom all his life, and enlarging it with Territories by force of Arms gotten from his Neighbours, especially the Muscovite; Amurath would often boast and say, he had given the Polonians their King.

The year following 1576, great and sore shaking troubles arising in Persia, Amurath took opportunity to invade the same to the long quiet of the Christian Commonwealth. Old Tamas the Persian King, after above 50 years glorious Reign, died May 11th, 1576, leaving 11 Sons.

Mahomet the eldest (of an infirmity in his eyes, surnamed Codabanda) being of a peaceable disposition, was most delighted with a contented life. Ismael the second Son was of a more fierce and troublesom nature: whom his Father (outwardly seeming to mislike of his youthful pranks aforesaid, tending to the breach of the league betwixt him and the Turk) sent to the Castle of Cahaca, where he remained at the time of his death: Aidere the third Son, was as ambitious as Ismahel, but not so valorous.

Tamas had by his last will appointed Ismahel to succeed him, as of all his Sons, the fittest for so great a charge: which Mahomet seemed not much to dislike, as contented with the honours bestowed on him by his Father. Ismahel being sent for by the Sultans to take on him the Kingdom at Casbin, there arose a great tumult in the City and Pallace; for Aidere (who, in his Fathers sight, when he lay drawing toward his end, had presumptuously set the Crown on his head; for which he was reproved) now supported by Zalchan, and other mighty favourites, had so dealt with Periaconcona his eldest Sister, and the other Sultans Counsellors of State, that the succession could not be any longer kept from him, but by some fine deceit:

[Page]Wherefore this Lady Periaconcona of great Spirit and deep conceit, left in trust by her Father with the Sultans; resolved with them upon a thorow-debate, that Aidere in Royal Apparel, in the great Gallery, should attend the acclamation of the people, and be there openly Enthronized as the very elected King: which done, she by their advice ordered the Gates of the Pallace to be presently locked, and surely guarded with Souldiers, wholly devoted to Tamas and Ismahel: to suffer every man to enter in at the open Wicket, save the known Friends of Aidere, who is now in conceit a King; but perceiving the prohibition of his best friends, and moved with the great stir of Zalcan, who discovered the deceit; and crying upon King Aidere, threatened the Lady: the Sultans and the rest (that waited on the feigned succession) through fear and sorrow, withdrew closely among certain Women of the Court, hoping to find some way to escape.

In the meantime, the cries and threatnings of Aidere's Friends so encreased, that the Counsellours with the Ladie's consent were enforced to take order, that Aidere should be deprived of life: Whereupon, Sahamal, his Uncle by the mothers-side, after long search found him hidden amongst the Women, who taking him by the Locks, struck off his head, and among the thickest press, where Zalchan and the rest stood crying and threatning, flung the Head all bloudy, crying aloud unto them: Behold, there your King! enjoy him at your pleasure; Whereat, every man burned in rage and anger: and many vainly threatened most cruel revenge: but at last, perceiving Ismahel's succession inevitable, and Aidere's death irrevocable, every man departed scattering themselves as they thought best for their own safety.

[Page]Shortly after, Ismahel arrived at Casbin, where he was joyfully received and saluted King: whose power being answerable to his desires, he beheaded his eight younger Brethren, and bereaved not onely those rear him in blood and affinity, but all the favourites of Aidere, of their lives; so that Casbin was defiled with blood, and filled with mourning and complaints: which unexpected cruelty, so altered the mindes of his Subjects, that their hopes were turned into new feares, and their joy into mourning; but much greater did the miseries grow, when 'twas given out, that he would change the Religion of the Persians, into the superstition of the Turks; for hereby, and by force of an edict by him published, many of his Priests and Governours of his friendly and subject-Cities, were some exiled, some imprisoned, some (as the Caliph of Casbin) had their eyes pluckt out, and not a few, sundry wayes slain, yea, many Ladies, and divers others of Ismahel's Kinsfolks, endured sundry torments, and strange calamities.

There went abroad withall, a general rumour; even as far as Constantinople, that Ismahel, with a puissant Army of such as favoured this new proclaimed vanity, determined to go to Babylon, there to receive the Crown of the Empire, from him who should be the Successor of their great Caliph, as Solyman the Turk, and the Persian Kings had of old done.

The fear of further miseries incresing rather than otherwise, he was by the help of the aforesaid Periaconcona (whether through poyson, strangling, or otherwise) taken out of this World November 24, 1577, to the exceeding joy of all those Nations, having reigned one year, seven moneths, and six dayes.

The Lady forthwith perswaded the Sultans, that as they had for the good of all Persia, contrived the death of Ismahel, so they would take on them that Kingdom's [Page] Protection, till 'twere known, who should worthily succeed.

Emir Chan was in hope, by meanes of a match with a Sister of Periaconcona, greatly enclining unto him, to be exalted to the Soveraignty: Mirize Salmas, chief Sultan, hoped to advance, either Mahomet Codabanda, or else Hamze his eldest Sonne, and by bestowing on him his Daughter in Marriage (as he did) to increase the glory of his House: others thought they could draw Abas Mirize, Mahomets middle Sonne, out of Heri, and make him King: neither wanted the Infant Tamas his aspiring friends, whose Tutor waited for some opportunity to settle him in the Kingdom: many others waiting secretly on every occasion, for their preferment: howbeit, the Sultans promised the Lady all the protection their forces could afford; and yet did every one, both in word and action, clearly dissemble their severall Imaginations.

Amurath, by these things awakened, thought hereby a fair occasion to be ministred unto him, to take up Arms against the Persians; for 'tis an ancient custom amongst the Othoman Kings, that they may not challenge their due honours in their life-time, nor their proud Monuments after death, unless they perform some exploit conformable to their Majesty.

As soon as Ismahel was dead, Mirize Salmas, after many Letters to and fro, at last assured Mahomet Codabanda, that with all quietness and security, he might come and possess the Kingdom: advertising him also of the whole conspiracy against his Brother, and how the fraudulent Lady (with the Sultans) had capitally consulted against himself, and how she favouring Emir Chan, and Abas Mirize his Sonne, more than became her, little regarded the rightful succession of him.

[Page]So Mahomet, (desiring also to see [...] Mirize advanced, who was virtuous and prudent, both in civill and warlike matters, and seemed jealous, least some other should usurp upon his honour) wrote back again, that he was minded to take the rightful succession upon him, and to that end, was putting himself upon his journey: but with straight charge, that Salmas should before his entrance into Casbin, present him with the mischievous head of [...].

Salmas, secretly performing whatever Mahomet had enjoyned him, he was thereby presently and solemnly proclaimed King: then with many Squadrons of Men at Mahomets devotion, he met him on the way, carrying the Head of Periaconcona upon a Launces point, with her hair dispersed, and some other uncouth sights. From which novelties arose much civill Warres, Mahomet, by the [...] of Salmas seeking revenge on the Sultans for his Brothers death, and they opposing with all their power against him. Also the neighbour Nations to the Turks, and the people of Sirvan, disliked of this new King; so that under him, the State of Persia was more weakened, than of long time before.

Amurath had more particularly intelligence of all these things from [...] of Van, a City of Armenia the greater: discoursing unto him also of the King being diseased in his eyes, little esteemed of his Subjects, besotted in affection to his Sonnes, the facility to overrule the chief Governours of the Georgians, and those of Sirvan, ill-affected towards him: wishing him in any case, not to let slip so faire an occasion, as the Othomans had never before, for overcoming that King.

[Page] Amurath, now stirred up with these Advertisements from Ustresse, setled himself more deeply in his former [...] to prove his great forces for subduing the Persian King, being also then wholly in league with Christendom: and although this Warre could not be moved, either against the Persians, or Christians, without breach of Faith; yet there was no Bassa that made any account of that defect: but after long consultation, the three Bassaes, Mahomet, Sinan, and Mustapha, agreed, that it would be better and lesse danger, to attempt Warre against the Persians, than against the Christians, whose valour Mustapha having well tried, chiefly at Famagusta, preferred before the forces of the Georgians and Persians.

Amurath, greatly urging upon what Coast to begin their journey (protesting he would not enter into Warre, except he had great hope of the Victory); Some thought it best to send the Army to Babylon, thence to Syras, the chief City of the Country of Persia: others to send it directly to Tauris: and some (tis reported) would have had two several Armies sent to the said places, so to bring the Enemy to a straight. But Amurath, not daring to repose such confidence in his forces so divided, resolved to send one onely Army, for conquering Sirvan, and the chief Cities of Media the greater, reposing also great hope in the notable help promised him by the Tartars Praecopenses: determining not to go in person with his Army, (a matter most strange to them, especially to Siman); for he was troubled with the Falling-sickness, and much feared his Sonne Mahomet in his absence, who was much favoured of the people, besides the suspected dangers from Christian Potentates, perswading himself also, it would be his great honour to perform those things by his Servants: which had been unfortunately attempted by his Predecessors in person.

[Page]Whilest they were thus consulting, and divers made meanes to be sent as Generall, he sent divers Posts and light Horsemen to the Governours of Van Babylon, and Erzirum, by often inroads to spoil the Persian Holds and do them all harm they could: which they were not [...] to do, especially Ustreffe, both in the Countries Tributarie, and subject to the Persian.

In these great preparations, Stephen Bator, now King of Poland, in the beginning of his Reign, by his Embassador, entred into a strong league and confederation with Amurath at Constantinople, in many Capitulations, shewing on what termes that Kingdom stood, if not yet standeth, with the Turks great Empire: which League, after Stephen's death by Sigismund the 3d, renewed, hath been commodious to the Polonian Kingdom; but so bound it, that in the hardest distresses of the Christian Commonwealth, (and most indeed concerning itself,) it hath afforded no help at all, as too plainly appeared in the Warres between the Emperour and Turk about Hungary. But for all this League, in the great consultation of Amurath, with his Bassaes, after the Persian Warre, for the invading of Christendom, the Polonians were laid in the same ballance with the rest, and, had not'the Turk been led against the Emperour their Neighbour, they were scarce to have looked for peace: to whom for all that they lent no great ayd in a long and most chargeable Warre.

But the great Bassa Mustapha, was appointed by Amurath, Generall of the Turks Army into Persia; and to provide whatever he should think needful for so great a Warre: with command to the Commanders of he greatest part of the Turkish Empire Eastward, with their Souldiers of all sorts, bound by their annuities to go to Warre, at Spring 1578, to repair to Erzirum, bordering upon Armenia, to attend their [...] Command: [Page] who passing thorow Amasia and Sivas, in the very beginning of Summer, arrived at Erzirum, there staying till his people, and necessary provision was come thither: whence he departed for Sirvan; having first mustered the Souldiers of every Nation by themselves: in which general survey were found about 110000 men, most Horsmen: yet none stirred out of places along the sea-coasts: neither were the Provinces whence these came, left destitute of their ordinary Garrisons,

Mustapha also brought with him 500 small pieces of Artillery with many loads of mony to pay his Souldiers, with order to take up more at Aleppo and other places upon occasion.

From Erzirum, he in 8 dayes in seemly array, arrived at the consines of Chars, resting himself in the fruitful Country thereabout, but was surprized with such a tempest of wind and rain, as rent in sunder his Tents, and doing great harm: whereby, many through sickness forsook the Army. From Chars, the bounder of the two Empires; He after 3 dayes departed, lodging that evening under the Mountains of Cheilder: where, hearing the Persians to be in Arms, lest he should be assaulted unawares: he planting himself in the Plaine, ordered two Bassaes to keep two Hills on the right and leftHand: and with them three Bassaes adventurers, with many others, both Stipendiaries and Volunteers: so that making as it were a Wings to the Camp, they might discover every ones coming, and yet himself lay unperceived of any.

Mahomet, as yet scarce setled in his Kingdom, resolved to stand upon the defence of his State, and to make some shew that he was reconciled to the Sultans of Persia, and Princes of Georgia: so that almost all the great men of account undertoke the protection of his State and Kingdom.

[Page] [...] the Chan and Governour of Reivan, was chosen General, with charge, that, gathering together what men he could out of places near the Turks, he should by all means stop their passage into Georgia and Media Astropatia: Whereupon, Precepts were sent into all parts, for all Sultans, Chans, and Souldiers, to come and attend their Generall. Many came, but many would not stir: for their obstinacy in the broils begun, and suspition of unlooked-for mischiefs: at whose Disobedience, the King much grieved; yet Tocomac was dispatched with above twenty thousand about this businesse. They were all Horsmen, well armed, but above all couragious and resolute, & the more for the valour of their General; so comming to the turning of Chars, they were advertised that the Enemy was passed.

Being come within a dayes journey of Cheilder, they sent Scouts to bring them certain newes of the condition and number of the Turks Army: who, discovering the Turkish Host aloft, perswaded themselves, that was all the Battel which they saw upon the Hills: whereof, with all speed, they returned newes to Tocomac sostly following his Scouts afar off: Whereupon, boldly holding on his way, and discovering their Tents upon the Hills, he was confirmed in the Scouts relation, setting forward the more confidently to assail them: but Beyran and Dervis perceiving from the Hills the Persians comming in the Plain, confiding in their General's Battel, speedily ran to meet them: so in those Plaines was joyned a most bloudy Battel, seven Turkish Zanzacks being slain a very great number of Souldiers, without any apparent loss to the Persians.

But Mustapha, who stayed waiting till the fight was at the hottest, now seeing his men could not longer endure the Enemies fury, [Page] ran with grievous cries and exclamations, upon his adversaries, so renewing a most terrible battel.

The Persians, with incredible signes of valour, for that little time of day light that was left, continued their slaughters, and, at last, through the night's darkness, withdrew with as little losse as possibly they might: neither durst Mustapha any longer pursue them.

The Persians certified their King of their success, the Turk's number, with their further purpose to annoy them.

The Turks presented to Mustapha (who had sent away Posts to Amurath) five thousand Persian Heads, and three thousand Persians alive. He greatly rejoycing at this Victory, to make it seem greater, had the heads of those three thousand alive, cut off, ordering a Bulwark to be framed of those Heads in those fields, for a most horrible spectacle: on the day of which barbarous work, Messengers came from Manucchiar (a younger Brother, but great Prince of Georgians) telling Mustapha, that their Master, with his good leave, was coming to salute him, and offer himself as his devoted servant.

Mustapha redoubling his joy, commanded all the Cap ains with all Warlike pomp, to meet Manucchiar, and accompany him to his Presence: which they did, saluting him again with like triumph, before Mustapha's Pavilion.

Manucchiar beholding against his will, the strange and uncouth pile of heads; yet doing his reverence to the Bassa, and placing himself next to his side, after presenting him with his Countrey gifts, told him, that for his esteem of the Turkish valour, he was alwayes devoted to the Othomans, and as he had often desired to spend life and goods in their service; so now allured by the same of his victorious Army, [Page] and through a phantasie to learn the hard precepts of Military Art under such a General, he offered him all service; consecrating his life to his commands, &c. beseeching him to accept of him in Amuraths name, whose obedient vassal he vowed to remain for ever. Mustapha graciously receiving all this discourse, shewing him again the pile of Heads, with his Battels, Armour, &c. told him, all those Forces were Gods gift, who alwayes favoured the just Counsels of the Othomans: so that, they Lord it over all the world, to the astonishment of all therein: That had he chosen the better part, though it had bin better if he had yielded himself before; and that he did very friendly accept of his desire to be his fellow in those Warlike affaires, promising him all good entertainment and safety; So, apparelling him in cloath of gold, he gave him a Battel-Axe and Target, wrought with Gold and Ammel: never going from his Pavilion without a Train of his slaves after him.

Mustapha gave order, that next morning the Camp should remove; and as they were preparing, there arose a most terrible tempest of Wind, Rain, Thunder and Lightning for 4 dayes together: Whereby, out of the dead Carcasses and Heads, issued a most horrible stink, so by it and with other annoyances, divers diseases arose among the Turks: but the weather breaking up, he set forward towards Teflis, staying that day in the Plaines through the fowlness of the way, refreshing his sick and wounded at the Lake Chielder Giol; next day he came to Archichelec Castle, taken from the Georgians by Solyman: Where, surveying his Army, he wanted 40000 of his Souldiers: thence the Army removing, lodged at night near Peruana Giol, or the Lake of slaves, coming next day to Triala, where are yet to be seen the ruines of a great City and Temples, some being yet maintained by Christians, the Reliques of those Forces that passed those Seas and Mountains into the Holy Land; Next day, the Turks [Page] ascending the High and craggy Mountain standing upon Teflis, whence descending next day, they seized on a Castle, called by them Giurgi Chala: then lodging in certain Plains, the day after they came to the River running by Teflis: but in these 4 dayes march, many Turks stragling for Victuals and Provender, were cut off by the Georgian Captains: who, with a number of Souldiers secretly followed the Army, and lay in Ambush upon such places as the Victuallers were to pass thorow.

Mustapha coming to Teflis, found the Castle empty: Daut Chan Lord thereof, having betook himself to the fields. Mustapha for its convenient scituation, repaired and fortified it, planting therein 100 pieces of Ordnance, appointing Mahomet Bassa Governour of Teflis, with 6000 Souldiers, so departing for Sirvan: at which time 1000 persons of Soria, that had brought a 1000 loads of Rent-corn to the Camp from Aleppo, with 500 others of Omps (anciently Hus Jobbs) City and other places of Soria, returning Homewards, were all slain by Alessandro and 2 other Georgian Lords, except a few escaping with Nassardin their Captain.

While Mustapha lay in the Plaines after his descent from the Mountains of Teflis, the Embassadors of Alessandro the Great, came and told him, their Lord, if he pleased, was ready to come to do him reverence, and to promise that devotion he had alwayes born to the Othoman Emperours. He gladly and cheerfully sent them back to will him to come, and that his Friendship should be to him most dear and acceptable; Ordering all his Commanders to receive him with all possible signes of joy: who coming, and presenting the General with rich gifts, offered him his obedience, with the most lively speeches: calling Amurath his Lord, seeming to take it ill, that he passed not through his Territory: where he should have had plenty of all things: yet hoping, that in his return, he would take it in his way, where he should be ready [Page] to bestow all upon the service of his Lord: and although he could not for many urgencies go with him into Sirvan; yet he would always have himin mind, & pray to the Creatour for his most happy success. Mustapha courteously receiving all, and re-bestowing on him gifts, promised in his return to pass thorow his Countrey: so dismissing the Georgian Duke with like Honour as at first; and in 12 days after he departing from [...], came unto the confines of Sirvan, resting on this side the River Canac one day, at which time the Citizens of [...] came to offer themselves as subjects to the Turks: the General gladly promising them his assured protection. The Turks over-wearied with travel, but far more afflicted with Hunger; whilst they were enquiring among themselves, who could conduct them where they might supply their wants, some Persians were taken: who being straightly examined, after much resistance told them, that not far off, over Marshes, where Canac dischargeth it self into Araxis, were many fields full of Rice and Corn in the Blade; and a little further, some fat Herds of Cattel. Though Mustapha much doubted the subtilties of his Enemy; yet to gratifie and make his men more willing to follow him into Sirvan, suffered all that would to go for Viotuals: about 10000 servile Persons with Beasts went to fetch away this provision; but Toconac having gathered together the remainder of his Army, devised how they might in some measure revenge their loss, and impeach the Turks entrance into Sirvan, but [...] strength, they stayed in Ambush, till some part of the Turks Army should for relief descend into those fields: sending out divers men, who, as if they had by chance lighted upon the Turks Camp, revealed unto them as a great secret, what a good prey was hard by them, and within 3 dayes, the said ten thousand Forragers at the wished place, were surprized by the Persians and all slain, save a few, who by hasty flight saved themselves. Mustapha hearing the noise of this [Page] hot skirmish, hasted with all speed to have succoured them, and though he came not timely enough for their relief, yet fitly to revenge their death upon the Persians, staying too long about the spoil. The place of the booty was almost enclosed with Araxis and Canac: whereinto Mustapha entring in battel-array, the Persians in those difficulties began every man to betake himself to his own private conceit and fortune. Tocomac Emirchan, and other great ones first turned their backs, and by help of their couragious Horses, got over Canac, but others attempting the like, their Horses not of such courage, and out of breath, many of them were drowned, which others perceiving, ran in rage and fury upon their Enemies, and were there all slain. The Turks in this conflict losing not above 3000 men besides the Forragers; though Tocomac, that his loss might seem the more tollerable, reported (a greater slaughter) to the King. The Persian Captains full of sorrow, with license of Tocomac (who himself went to Reiuan) departed to their several Governments, expecting the Kings further pleasure from Casbin.

Mustapha straitly proclaiming, that every man should be ready against next day to pass over the River Canac into Sirvan; all his people arose in a tumult, injuriously to his face reproving his folly and inhumanity, as utterly to [...] himself and confound the whole Army: praying him to surcease, unless he would cast them all away; but he resolutely answered them, that he would persist, concluding, that the desire of his Lord, was not in any sort to be frustrated, for his making too great account of his own life.

For all the sundry murmurings and whisperings upon this speech; Mustapha next morning first waded over the River himself, the Bassaes with their slaves following him, (the rest doing the like) and so continued until night; whereby, above half the Army could not then get over.

[Page]This passage being tumultuous and disorderly, above 8000 carried away with the violence of the River, were drowned, with the great outcry of the Hoast: also many Beasts (on whose backs divers hoped to have passed dry over) were over whelmed therein: That night being spent with great complaints and cursings, by those yet on this side, whose feares were encreased by example of their fellows: some [...] sedition was likely to ensue; but that the gravel of the bottom of the River being removed by the hooves of the Cattel of them which followed, Mustapha was driven to a place where there happened to be also a Foord; which gathered in a heap, made as it were a shelf, so that the rest of the Army, Carriages and Artillery passed over, not one man perishing; so resting that day and the next, till the Army was mustered and put in order, next day they encamped in Barren Champaines without Corn or Cattel: neither could they learn where were any Villages, whereby they were forced to give their Horses and Mule, leaves and stalks of withered trees, &c. And the men for Hunger-sake, eat the Reliques which they picked out of corrupted and loathsome Victuals, neither saw they any end of these miseries, yet was there now no looking back. Mustapha before all the rest setting forward, who had not long marched, but store of sundry plants were discovered, and soon after, A large Plain and green Country, by the sight whereof every one was refreshed: hasting into those Champaines abounding with all kind of Corn and Fruits. Here every man satisfying his Appetite; Mustapha at last arrived at Eres, the chief City in that Coast of Sirvan, which a number of her Inhabitants had forsaken, following their Governour Samir Chan, who with other Governours of Sirvan withdrew into the Mountaines, attending the Events of those great motions, but they found no rich prey therein, the people having carried away the best things they had. Mustapha here staying 22 days, erected a fortress [Page] with 200 small pieces of Ordnance, appointing Cartas Bassa with 5000 Souldiers to keep it, commanding also Osman Bassa with 10000 to possess Sumachia, with the Title of Visier of Sirvan, charging him to clear the passages to Derbent, and advertise the [...] of his arrival there, whom he supposed by that time to be come into those quarters. Osman was friendly entertained by those of Sumachia, he suffering no outrage to be done upon them: whereupon, they of Derbent offered him their City, beseeching him to defend them from the Persians: to whom, though they long were subject, yet better agreed with the Turks in their superstition.

Mustapha, having thus subjected Sirvan and put all things in order, importuned by the Janizaries and Graecians, and through the season of the year, departed from Eres homeward toward Alexander the Great his Country, sending some before him to make a Bridge over Canac, which he passing over, gave Sahanial notice of his Arrival, who came yielding himself the Turks Vassal, and being pompously entertained and rewarded, returned into his Mountain of [...]. Mustapha setting forward by night for the fair weather-sake, by errour of his Guides, fell into difficult passages, being forced to stay waiting for day-light, which shewed them that they were entred into the Countreys of Alexander: Wherefore, he proclaimed, no man on pain of death to molest any of his Subjects; Next day, travelling on, Embassadours came to him from Alexander with abundance of Victuals and relief, excusing that he came not himself through the infirmity of his body: wherewith he satisfied, caused the Messengers to guide him to Teflis, so that in 3 dayes they conducted his Army thither without any annoyance, being well rewarded for their pains: who, come to Teflis, found the Garrison there so pinched with Famine, that they were glad to eat Cats, Dogs, sheep skins, &c. For they durst not go out of the Castle for the Enemy; neither [Page] if they had, had it any thing availed, but by Mustapha's coming they were relieved with all plenty. After 2 dayes he removed thence, destroying all in his way with fire and sword in the Champains subject to Teflis, onely the Sepulchres of Sinions Progenitors (Lord of that Countrey) were left untouched. Next day, they travelled over rough Mountains full of difficulties, and the more for the great snows there fallen, whereby many men and beasts perished: In which 2 dayes distress, the Souldiers without regard of the Enemies Countrey, wherein they were, lodged some here, some there, where was some thick Bush or Cottage, or quiet Valley to shelter in: Whereupon, some Georgian Lords joyning themselves together, expecting to perform some notable exploit, and observing that Nosaine Bey had withdrawn with his Regiment under Mountains from the storms of wind, they assayling him, slew his men, taking Loads of Money and Apparrel, with all his Horses, and what ever they could find, himself scarce escaping into the Tents of Begran Bassa. Next morning the Turks removing, came to the Castle Chiurchale, & sending abroad many slaves for viotuall, conducted by them of the Castle, were all cut in pieces by the Georgians. Hence the Turks departing over divers rough places, were fain oftentimes to rest; at last, coming to the Confines of Deddesmit, of her called The Widdows Country, into which they must needs pass thorow a Narrow Strait between Mountains, where, Araxis greatly winding it self in the Valleys, but one man could pass thorow at once, between this and a thick Hilly-Wood: they lodging on the Bank of the River, removed next morning, travelling over steep Mountains and rough Forrests, hard Ice and Snow, and hanging Rocks, so that many Beasts tumbling down into the River, there perished through these and other miseries: They marched the 2 next dayes, at last, arriving in the Territories under [...], or Golden Castle Deddesmits Palace, where they [Page] had all manner of relief, for all the miseries of their six dayes travel from Chyurchala: which, had it bin a fair way, might have been performed in one.

The Widow with Alexanders her eldest son came unto Mustapha's Pavillion, offering him Presents, and promising all obedience; whom he courteonsly receiving, declared, what Honourable entertainment he had given to [...] her younger son there present, and then dissembling his displeasure against Alexander, whom he thought was one that spoiled the Sorian's; in their return embracing him, prayed her to be content to leave him also, there with him: saying, he would send both her sons to Amurath, with Letters of Credence for their yieldded obedience, and that for their good deserts, they might of him be Honourably rewarded and entertained. The Lady, (though inwardly sore troubled) yet seemed courteously to yield to what necessity constrained her; so leaving them behind her, she returned heavy to her Castle.

After 2 dayes refreshment, he departed towards Chars, arriving at last at Erzirum to the great joy of the Army, which he there presently discharged, dispatching Posts from thence, with Letters to his Great Lord of all things that had passed, exceedingly magnifying his own exploits; propounding also unto him what he thought convenient to be attempted next year, for strengthening the places Conquered, and preparing way for new enterprizes, and sending to him the Widows 2 sons, certified him of their submission, and his good entertainment in their Country; declaring withal his opinion, that Manucchiar was fitter for Government, and readier to do him service then Alexander. Amurath greatly commended Mustapha, pleasing himself that of these beginnings might grow mighty Conquests, whereby he should surpass the glory of his Predecessours.

Not long after, Mustapha departed from Eres: the Tartars arrived upon the Confines of Sirvan, attending the [Page] command of the Turks, to the number of 30000, conducted by Abdilcherai, a young man of great valour, comliness and fame, according to the promise of [...] Chan Osman hearing of their approach, invited them into Sirvan, to further these beginnings of Amurath. Abd lcherai entring the Iron Gates of Derbent (called by the Turks Demircapi, that is, the Gates of [...]) passed thence into Sirvan, giving Osman advertisement thereof. Ares Chan late Governour of Sumachia, resolved, upon the departure of Mustapha, with the Governours of Eres and Sechi, to return again to their forsaken Country, and prove if he could revenge the injury done him by the Turks: so having put to the sword some of Osmans Victuallers that were gone stragling out of the City, he encamped a little from Sumachia, and surprized some Messengers sent from Abdilcherai, to certifie Osman of his arrival, and know his pleasure, who, after much torture disclosed their Letters: which Ares reading, and considering the great number of the Tartars that were come, he presently raised his Camp, retiring towards Canac, thence to certifie the King of the Novelties, and there to attend his answer. The Tartar coming to Sumachia, the Bassa appointed him to pass over Canac into Genge, the Country of Emanguli Chan, to inrich its self with its spoil; who with posting Journeys came to Canac, and most furiously assaulring Ares, discomsited all his Host, sending Ares alive to Sumashia, where Osman hanged him by the neck out of a lodging in the State-House, where he not long before had sat as Governour. Abdilcherai swimming over the River, found Emanguli Chan with his Wife and Family, and a great part of the Nobility of Genge hunting the Wild Boar; putting him to flight, taking his wife, all the Ladies, many slaves, and slew many that were come to see the sport.

Then going to Genge, he took it, whose barbarous Souldiers left no manner of inhumane cruelty unattempted, [Page] so loaded with spoiles, and weary with slaughter, they returned merrily towards Sirvan. And at the higher side of Eres in low Champains invironed with Hills, they pitched their Tents without fear, to sleep and rest their weary bodies.

The Persian King having gathered new Forces, dispatched Namze Mirize his eldest son with 12000 Souldiers to see what hurt was done in Sirvan, and attempt revenge; but especially to punish them of Sethi, and other Cities, who had so voluntarily yielded to the Obedience and Religion of the Turks: He departing from Casbin with his Mother Begum, would needs follow her beloved son, who was on his way under the guidance and Government of Mirize Salmas, and was certified from Ares Chan of the arrival of Abdilcherai with his great number of Tartars, being thereby at first almost out of comfort: yet out of desire of glory and revenge, he hastened and came to Eres, long before his Father thought he could have so done. Caitas Bassa was gone out spoiling the Country, carrying away whatever he met withall, and committing such insolencies as hungry Souldiers use to do, but was suddenly assailed by the Prince; and after a fierce and bloudy Battel (wherein the Turks, though few yet shewed many effects of Valour) he was slain with all his Souldiers, leaving all to the pleasure of the Victor. Whereupon, the Prince sent the 200 pieces of Ordnance left in the Fort by Mustapha to Casbin to his Father; and now encouraged, leaving his Mother at Eres, went on towards Sumachia, but descending the Hills he discovered the Tartars Camp. Whereupon, he greatly doubted whether to adventure on so mighty an Enemy, or content himself with the Victory already gotten: but thinking it too great a shame to return into Persia, he defended the Hill, perceiving the Army was all laid down to rest, and their Horses all unsaddled; Whereupon, he pricking forward. most terribly assaulted the Tartars: and slaying [Page] their first and second Watch, though with some loss, put some to slight, killing others, and taking divers of them Captives; Abdill Cherai being one, who was sent alive to the King.

After this, the Prince encompassed Sumachia, wherein Osman Bassa sat as Governour to the reproach of Persia: to whom he sent word, If he would yield, he should depart with life and goods; otherwise he should be constrained to surrender the City and his life withall. Osman knowing nothing of the Tartars overthrow, but hoping of their return, gave him a courteous answer, that he was ready to yield, but entreated him to stay but three dayes, to put all things in readiness for his free departure. The Prince glad, expected of the Turk the performance thereof: but Osman, the Tartars not appearing, resolved secretly to flee, doubting, if he should longer stay to be betrayed by the Citizens: Wherefore, before the 3 dayes end, he by the help of a dark night, and the cover of High & rough Crags, silently withdrew out of Sumachia, carrying away all his substance and safely arriving at Derbent: Next morning the Inhabitants opened the Gates to the Prince; Who seeing their infidelity, first, by entertaining Osman, & now helping him to escape without giving him knowledge thereof, with great cruelty did punish them, razing their Houses with the Walls of the City. The strength of Derbent, Winters approach and his long Journey home, perswaded him to lay aside his enterprize for that City, and to return to Casbin; Yet first repairing to Eres and Sechi; he spared neither Sex, Age, nor condition. Which done, he with his said Mother & Victorious Army, somewhat diminished, returned to Casbin.

Abdill Cherai was kept safe at the Kings Pallace at Casbin, but with very easie Imprisonment: which was daily so inlarged, that he seemed rather as a Companion of those of the Court then a prisoner; Whereby, insinuating into the love of Queen Begum, he spent his time in [Page] courting of her, and she in all secret entertainment of him: yet was it a rife report in Court and City, that the shameless Lady had participated her bed and self with the Tartarian prisoner. Howbeit, the King and Prince knew nothing of it, but the King perceiving the young Gentleman to be generally commended, valiant, courreous and comely, also nobly born; for he said, he was the Brother of Tartar Chan, was perswaded, it would stand with the great good of his State, of a Captive to give him his Daughter in marriage: whereby, he hoped the Tartarian Praecopenses, would thenceforth both refuse to favour Amurath, and in favour of Persia turn their Armes against him; which his purpose so displeased the Sultan's of Casbin, that they sought by all means possible to avert the King from so strange a policy: but he, fully resolved, and upon the point to conclude the Marriage; the Sultan's entring the Pallace with their followers, ran the Tartar through the body, and cutting off his Privities, flapped them about his mouth. Its reported, the Queen was also then murdered by them: However it was, the Lady after that day never saw the Sun, Upon these murders sprung up much civil dissention to the singular benefit of Amurath. All which disorders, the King by bridling of his own affections, and the motions of his Son well appeased, procured at last a perfect Unity.

Osman Bassa being in Derbent, devised with all care possible to assure Sirvan, now again almost lost, under Amurath's Government. Wherefore, he thought good to enter into friendship with old Sahamall the Georgian Lord; These two mutually practising many Tokens of good will, and in short time Osman took to Wife a Daughter of the said Sahamall: yet he soon began to suspect that Sahamall for all the fair shew of Friendship he made, might receive some secret order from the Persian King to betray him, and free the City from the Turks: and so reduce all that Province, in which he was fully [Page] confirmed by the speeches of his Wife, who frankly told him, that her Father being secretly reconciled to the Persian King, Letters went between them of great matters, and particularly of the affairs of Sirvan. The Bassa kept this in store, to his own safety and the destruction of Sahamall: and inviting him, according to the custom, to a Feast, he enjoyned certain Companies of his Souldiers, that as soon as Sahamall was entred into his Court, even in his very dismounting, to fall upon him, cut off his head, and put all his retinue to the sword: which being done accordingly, he forthwith sent 2000 Horsmen to spoyl and sack all his Country, to the great marvel both of far and near. The Persian King took this most grievously, foreseeing, that the recovery of that Province would prove very difficult, and fearing it would still remain as it doth in the Turks possession: This was the end of the Turks attempts against the Persians in Sirvan, this year 1578, wherein one way or other they lost above 70000 men.

Amurath advertised from Mustapha, who, for the advancing of his own credit, had described these successes to be far greater than they were, began to devise touching the next years attempts: and upon his better consideration, ceased further to think of sending Forces again into Sirvan for the recovery of the lost places there, because Tartar Chan, had faithfully assured both him and Osman to over-run that Province anew, and do great matters: which for all that, fell out to be but windy words.

So Amurath devised for sending his Army to Tauris, to erect a Fortress there, which, being also strongly Garrisoned should never be again subdued: And, hereby to keep under all those Countries between Tauris and Erzirum, which important conceit was much encreased by others: who almost thought it was very easie for so great an Host, both to perform that service, and pass whithersoever he would desire; yet, having with more indifferent [Page] judgement, compared his own Forces with his Enemie's: to wit, the Georgians on one side, of whom he had yet no great assurance, and the Persians on the other: He found many difficulties and dangers in that tedious Journy; which at first, he saw not. Whereupon he concluded: first, to make sure his own borders, and afterwards, by little and little to enter into the Enemie's Country: still fortifying in convenient places as he went; Hereof, he wrote to Mustapha, charging him against next spring to provide all things necessary for building certain Forts between Erzirium & Georgia, to secure those ways, and bring those people first under Obedience: Whereupon, Mustapha presently directed precepts to divers places, for taking up 20000 cunning Pyoneers, &c. and writing to all the Countries, whence he raised his Army the last year, that a greater number of Souldiers should be ready against next spring, which he caused to be spread as far as [...]: commanding also the Taxes and Tenths to be collected, and using the Chambers of Aleppo and other places, for what mony he thought necessary.

Alexander and Manucchiar the while, in doubtfull hope at Constantinople, were examined and exhorted to embrace the Mahometan Religion. Manucchiar easily yielded, but Alexander would by no means consent, though he knew he should be deprived of his Estate, and protesting his Obedience at all times to Amurath, and his love to his Brother, requested only but as a private man to go and live in his own Country, there to be buried among his Ancestours: which request the Turk referring to Manucchiars discretion, he consented thereto.

Manucchiar was circumcised and called Mustapha, with the Title of Bassa of Altan Cala, and of all his Mother and Brother's Countries, so they both returned home.

[Page]Now in the Persian Court were many consultations for repressing the Turks Invasions: Imanguli Chan, doubting to lose his Government of Genge, by reason of the late sacking of his City, and spoyl of his Countrey, offered to the King on pain of his Head to defend Sirvan against Osman's further Fortifications or Conquests: Whereupon, the Government of Genge, and guarding of Sirvan, was committed unto him; and divers other Governours and Captains, that were nearest commanded to assist him, if either the Tartars or Turks with any great power should enter therein,

But how to protect the Georgian Country was thought a matter of greater importance, because most thought some great Turkish power would be sent thither to assure the Conquest begun, and to succour the Fortress of Teflis, which must else fall again into the Georgians hands.

Simon a famous Georgian, once a prisoner with Ismahel at Cahata, and by him seduced from the Christian Faith, for defence whereof he had chosen to live, deprived of liberty and estate; thinking it now a fit time to obtain from the King long desired help to recover his Dominion, usurped by Daut his younger Brother, who for obtaining thereof of Tamas, had renounced his Religion, offered the King his faithful service for defence of that part of Georgia, wherein Teflis stood against the Turks, reproving his younger Brother by way of disgrace of cowardize. The Persian King with great content consented to his request, naming him Chan of all that Kingdom, which he possessed whilst he was a Christian, and sent with him Aliculi Chan with five thousand Horsmen, and certain Ordnance taken at Eres.

Simon comming to Georgia, was joyfully received, pressing about three thousand Souldiers of his owne and [Page] his Neighbours, excusing his becomming a Persian, as no preferring Mahometanism before Christianity, but thereby to be delivered from long imprisonment, and to maintain his estate.

The Spring approaching, all the Turks Forces in 1579. met at Erzirum, with all necessaries for the intended Warre, ith this Army equal with the first. Mustapha in twelve dayes [...] to Chars; and, since they were to fortifie that City with Walls and Ditches, and that with all speed, many of the Spaoglani, yea, and of the Janizaries also must needs be set to work: whereupon, they tumultuously and bitterly protested to the General, that their stipends were not bestowed on them to employ them in such servile works, but only with their Weapons ro exercise that force for which they were esteemed worthy of that honour, but he using most haughty terms, and all means of Authority and Terrour, they wrought as much as he desired: so in 23 dayes all was finished and the Water brought round it; whilst they were busie in this work, amongst many inconveniences the Souldiers endured a most sudden cold, by reason of great abundance of snow falling August 25.

Mustapha resolved to send succour to Teflis, but how to relieve it he was doubtfull; yet to preserve his credit with Amurath, he sent Nassan Bassa, of Damasco, Mahamet the Visier his Sonne of great valour with between eighteen and twenty thousand Souldiers, with one Resvan Captain of certain Adventurers, who freely offered themselves, assigning also to him forty thousand Duckats, and many loades of Corn with other necessaries.

Nassan, resolving to put these succours into Teflis, or to lose all, came to the Strait of Tomanis, where the over grown Woods on one side, and deep Valleys and craggy Rocks on the other, would astonish a constant Beholder.

[Page] Simon and Aliculi Chan with eight thousand Souldiers, understanding by their espials of his comming with this ayd, had scattered themselves all along the said Strait; but Nassan to avoid that danger, entred with his Army into the Wood, to discover what might be plotted against him, and was hardly charged by the Enemy and constrained to fight with a 1000 windings and turnings, with great slaughter of his men, who in the skirmish were driven so far that down they fell, and were presently slain.

Nassan having with much ado passed this Strait, burning with desire of revenge, would needs stay near those Straits, as if to refresh his [...] Army; appointing Resvan with some Bands of Souldiers to lay in ambush attentive to every stir of the enemy.

Simon and Aliculi Chan, on the third day, imagining this their stay was for fear, gave a fresh onset upon the Flank of Nassan's squadrons, who giving Resvan a signe speedily compassed in his Enemies, taking some alive, cutting in pieces others, and put the rest to flight. Aliculi rashly charging upon the face of Nassan, was taken. Next day the 11th. after his departure from Chars, he arrived at Teflis, where he found some besieged Turks dead, some sick; for, through Famine, they devoured even the very skins of Horses, sheep, and dogs, whom Nassan comforted with gifts and good words, exhorting them to constancy in the service of their King, whose honour was never more then there to be respected: and because the Souldiers did all mislike Mahomet Bassa whom Mustapha had left Governour of that Fort, he put Amet Bassa in his place; and so having filled up the Garrison and set all things in order, he returned, and being come to the Strait of Tomanis, was advertised by Scouts, that it was so strongly possessed by the Enemy as not to be passed thorow.

Nassan perplexed, and doubtful which way to turn [Page] himself, Aliculi Chan, to purchase his liberty, which he covenanted for before hand, offered to shew him a safe and short cut; whereby he might without danger pass with his Army: so bending on the right-hand, he guided him through strange and uncouth places, not meeting so much as one Enemy; but when the Persian Duke put the Turk in mind of his promised liberty, he with deep and fained sighs protested, he was sorry he could not perform what he had promised, since it lay not in his power to free any man taken in battel by the Souldiers of his Soveraign; yet gave him his Faith to use all the most earnest means he could with Mustapha to procure his liberty.

Simon imagined, that the Turks had taken this new way, but being certified by his spies, that it was so indeed, he, enflamed with rage for their great fortune, fell upon the rear, which he wholly destroyed, leading away all the People, Horses, and all the Treasure of Mahomet and Nassan Bassaes; As for Aliculi, he was sent away in the Front, and so not to be rescued.

Nassan came from Teflis to Chars in 8 dayes, presenting Aliculi to Mustapha, and recounting unto him whatsoever had happened in that expedition. Allouli was sent prisoner by Mustapha to Erzirum Castle: and ere long himself returned to the said Erzirum with his Army sore weakened and discontented, which he presently discharged.

About the time that these things were doing, Amurath to make a safer and easier passage for his Forces into Georgia, sent Uluzales with a great Fléet to Mengrelia (of old, Colchis) who fortifying in the River Fassa, laid such a beginning, that it is now one of the Turks Beglerbegships. Though those Fortifications were soon after his departure for the present demolished by the Mengrelians: and here ended the stirs of this Year, 1579.

[Page]Of all these successes, Mustapha sent advertisement to Amurath, and because he had the yeer before perswaded him that Georgia and its people were brought under his Obedience, that he should not marvel at so many losses and Battels; declared unto him, that all these troubles were not raised by the home-bred Georgians, but by Aliculi and Simon sent out of Persia. Amurath reading all that Mustapha had written with great delight, sent to Nassan a Battel-Axe all gilt and full of Stones: A Target of Gold and Pearl, and a rich Garment of Cloth of Gold in reward of his good service; and ordered Aliculi to be kept where he was, in diligent and safe custody.

The Persian Kings care for Turkish Invasions, which much troubled him, was doubled with domestical fears. Mirik Salmas his chief Visier still filling his Head with jealousie, that Abas Miriz his son, Governour of Iteri, was about, in these troubles, to proclaim himself King of Persia, to the great Ignominy of his Father, and prejudice of Emerhanze his eldest Brother, to whom Salmas had married a Daughter of his; who, the better to perswade the King to commit Abaz to prison, or bereave him of all Authority, discovered unto him, how little Abaz had respected him in divers occasions, not having sent forth one man in these late Wars: but forbad those of his Jurisdiction to come to Casbin, when summoned to have passed with Emer Namke into Sirvan; they answered, Abaz their Lord, who enjoyned them not to stir, was not only called King of Iteri, but had given out he meant to claim the succession in the whole Kingdom. The King, carried away with leight belief of these complaints, made more effectual by means of divers great Ladies, and other usual devices continually, thought to repress the boldness of his disobedient Son; yet not forgetting to prepare against the Turks, as might stay their passage to Tauris, if they purposed so to do.

[Page]But Mustapha laying at Erzirum, many grievous complaints were made of him to Amurath, whereby he took from him his General-ship, calling him to Court to give accompt of his actions: who sending such a strong power to succour Teflis, Amurath conjectured the affaires of Georgia not to be so secure as he had informed him, whose Souldiers also in an uproar accused him of improvidence and prodigality: because now this second year he had with so much ado, gathered such a number of Souldiers together, to the vast charge of their Lord, and yet performed nothing worthy the glory of Amurath, or answerable to so great a charge.

The Emperour for the great favours he bare unto him, his antient Tutour, would never have construed these complaints so hardly, as to have deprived him of his place, if the inveterate envy of Sinan Bassa had not ministred force to these hard accusations.: for he was a most ancient enemy to Mustapha, and in all things thought himself his match both in courage and years; yea, and did not stick to think himself his better to: for in the enterprize of Glamen in Arabia, he did that which Mustapha neither durst, nor knew how to put in execution: for which, ever after one envying at anothers glory both in word and deed, opposed each other upon occasion. At last Sinan taking this occasion of so many complaints against Mustapha, caused a great number to supplicate Amurath, which himself did most malignantly exaggerate against him, accusing him, that this second year he had most manifestly shewed, he went not to the Wars as a worthy Generall, desirous of noble enterprizes, but as one that would make Merchandize of bloud, his Souldiers, Pages, Corn, and Money, &c. These and the like complaints, with the hard opinion conceived against him by Amurath, occasioned his resolution. Besides, he deemed it not so much for [Page] his honour, still to employ one man as to shew that he had choice of Subjects, worthy of so great a Charge: Wherefore, he sent the chief of his Gentlemen Porters with fifteen others, to bring him with his Chancellour and Treasurer to the Court, to give accompt of money received; and of their whole Office; he delivered three Letters to this Messenger, which he should warily shew: One was so written, that Mustapha, in receiving it, might by them be strangled: In the second, was their warrant to do what they were commanded: The third contained, that Mustapha should forthwith send his Chancellour and Treasurer to the Court by them.

Mustapha, by divers means, especially guilt, suspecting his life was by those Messengers sought after: When the Captain-Porter came to the Camp, put him off with delayes, and would not be spoken withall: but when he would endure no longer delay, he was admitted to his presence, having a Circle appointed him, out of which, he and his Companions might not stir: the Bassa being guarded round about: Whereupon, the Porter plucked forth the third Letter about the sending of his Chancellour and Treasurer, which the Bassa found many excuses to delay: but being hardly pressed, he delivered them both: agreeing with the Messenger to have their lives spared, who at Constantinople were clapped into the Tower Jadicula, to have been severely examined of all the Bassaes doings: but Mustapha comming at length to Constantinople, April. 9. through the potent mediation of divers great Ladies, and other friends was again at length received into Amuraths favour without any further proceeding: his Chancellour and Treasurer being afterwards also enlarged.

While Mustapha lay at Erzirum, Muhamet the Visier was slain at Constantinople; after whom, shortly after died also Achmet Bassa, who succeeded in his place; [Page] the death of Muhamet, is worthy to be registred as a mirrour for all that administer Justice in so great a place: he had for some leight causes, deprived a Souldier of Constantinople of his yearly pension, bestowing it upon another, so that the other poor soul remained in misery; who not guilty to himself of any fault worthy of so great punishment, determined to bereave him of life, who had bereft him of living: which because he could not fitly do, by reason of the Guard of slaves that keep the Person of the Vissier, he taking upon him the Habit of those Religious, called Dervis [...]ars, and after their manner with a kind of folly and lightness of mind, to present himself every morning in the Divano before the Vissier, by his appointment with others, to say his prayers, and in singing prayses to their Prophet, to intreat God for his salvation, and so to ask his Alms: At last, the crafty Hypocrite, with a very sharp Dagger in one of his sleeves, being admitted into the Divano, according to his Custom, where Muhamet set in his House to give publique audience, sate right against him, as he was wont, powring out those vain devotions; which finished, while the Vissier reacheth him his wonted Alms, he once or twice stabd him in the breast: the standers by astonied, ran in; but lo, the hoary Vissier, lay breathing forth his last gasp. The murderer being bound fast, the Emperour suspecting, that some other great Bassa desiring that high Dignity had provoked him to do this, would needs understand what had moved him so treacherously to kill his Vissier; who answered, he did it to free the City from the tyranny of him, by whom he was undeservedly deprived of his Pension: when he could get no other answer, he delivered him to the Vissiers slaves, who with most exquisite torments, put him to death.

Achmet Bassa, succeeding him, and shortly after dying, Mustapha being the third Bassa in order, should have succeeded in his room; but he could by no meanes, finde [Page] so much grace in Amuraths sight, as to have it under seal, though all State-matters were brought to him as chief Visier; but the Seal was sent to Sinan, now Generall for the Persian Watres, which not a little discontented Mustapha, fearing some other strange Accident, soon to befall him.

Sinan, being nominated Generall against the Persians, and full power given him in 1580, determined to build a Fort at Tomanis, to assure the passage thither from Chars, and by all meanes, to induce the Persian King to send Embassadors for peace, with conditions acceptable to Amurath. Of these changes and alterations, the Persian King being advertised, and being perswaded by Leventogli, the Georgian, and Miriz Salmas, he dispatched Maxut Chan, or Maxudes his Embassador, to demand peace of Amurath; and by Letters to him, to labour for pacifying all those troubles. Maxut in any case to conclude a peace, so Amurath would be content with Chars and Teflis. He coming to Erzirium, was thence conducted towards Amasia; but at Sivas, he found Sinan there, collecting his Army, for execution of his designs. Of this Embassador's coming, newes was in Post joyfully sent to the Court, Maxut informing Sinan, of all he had to treat with Amurath, on behalf of the King, declaring unto him, that since both Nations were conjoyned under the Law of Mahomet, though there seemed some small difference, not worth those troubles, it were very inconvenient for them to seek the utter destruction [...] of another: wherefore, he was in good hope to obtain of Amurath this desired peace, if he had no other cause, for which he was agrieved, as in truth he had not: wherefore, he besought him safely to conduct him to Amurath, that, if it were possible, those bloody Warres might end.

Sinan, thinking the very fame of his valour to have wrought this demand of peace, granted him a safe Convoy, writing to Amurath, what he thought was fit to be [Page] demanded, and what great matters might now be obtained; but he advised the Embassador, not to go without resolution, to yield to Amurath all that Country which he had before conquered, for he knew his mind very well.

Maxut hereupon, doubted whether to proceed on his Journey, or return back into Persia; but hoping to receive more reasonable conditions from Amurath himself, he gave Sinan large words, and so departing from Sirvas, arrived at Constantinople Aug. 4th. The Persian King the while, stirred up with a report of the Turks preparations, commanded all his Chans and Governours, to meet him and the Prince, with all their forces at Tauris, and after many consultations there, he resolved to send Souldiers towards Teflis, whither succours must needs be sent by the Turks, determining also to go himself to Carrach with his Army, a place commodiously scituated between Tauris and Sirvan, and there to expect Sinan's remove, who, he doubted, to surmount Mustapha, would attempt some great enterprize; but into Georgia, he sent such as had best experience of those Countries, and were nearest unto him, with whom he sent Tocomach also; and others, whose service he had before used, that they joyning their forces with Sinan, if the Enemy should bend to Tauris, they should follow him, that so they might joyn together with him, and so incounter the Enemy: the forces that these lead, were 10000 men, which with them of Georgia, made 13000, who arriving at Genge, gave Simon knowledge of their coming, and that in his behalf, they were ready to do great matters.

The Persian Embassador, was honourably received at Constantinople, and honourably entertained by the great Bassaes, but chiefly by Mustapha, who, two dayes after, suddenly died, surfetting of immoderate eating of Muskmillions, and drinking of Zurbet, a pleasant drink, made [Page] of water and Sugar; but most, thought he poysoned himself, as [...] new complaints of the [...] against him, for suppressing Embassages in [...] [...], sent from the Persian King: [...] his death, it was commonly reported, that if he had longer lived, he should have been undoubtedly strangled; and i deed, his [...] of [...] was [...] [...] into the Kings Treasure, only a sma l portion left to his Nephews, a most certain token of Amurath s indignation.

Maxut, [...] audience, Aug. 7th, with [...] lively reasons, and [...] [...] [...] the Turk to [...] [...] the Warre began, as [...] to the will and pleasure of their Prophet Mahomet: as also to the Peace [...] and largely concluded between Tamas and Soliman, not to have been broken, but upon some great injury [...], which the Persians [...] never offered, but had declared by an [...] sent by Sultan [...], that they had [...] wished him all happiness; and though there was some [...], that Ismahel in his short Raign, would go to Babylon, &c. yet he had received due punishment for that you [...] part and abuse of his liberty, after long and straight imprisonment; but their present King did above all others, imbrace amity with him; and therefore did most earnestly desire him to emper his anger, conceived against him so much his friend, and of the same Religion.

Amurath, onely [...] order, that he should communicate whatsoever he had to say with his Visier, who required all those Cities and Countries which the Turk had [...] that time, conquered: or, whereon his Generals Horse [...] trod, to be yielded again unto him, which the [...] had no warrant to do: whereupon, he [...] to be evil [...], as suspected for a Spie, wherewith he was too plainly charged by he Visier's Speech. And perceiving himself strained to grant these demands, and receiving also some threatnings, he gave the Visier good [Page] hope he should perswade his King to yield up so much as Amurath did demand: hereupon, he was in friendly manner, sent from Constantinople to Chars, where Sinan was Commissioned speedily and faithfully to have the Embassador conducted to Van, thence into Persia, wheresoever he did desire. But Sinan the General, who from Erzirum, was now come to Chars, dispatched thence the Embassador, much discontented that no other conclusion for peace could be wrought.

Maxut, arriving at Court, reported to the King, all that had happened in this his Embassage, who for the present, was well satisfied with what he had done, giving him in reward, the name of Chamberlain of Tauris: of which great Office, he took small pleasure, for that Emir Chan, his ancient Enemy, was chief Governour of that City: wherefore, leaving a Deputy to execute his Office, himself withdrew to Cassanggith, a place of his own, till the King should otherwise dispose of him; but Emir Chan certified the King, that Maxut had in contempt of his rewards, abandoned Tauris, substituting a most base person, to represent his Majesty, and mannage his Treasure; and that he had no doubt, withdrawn himself into the Confines of Turkey, either to yield himself to them, or have intelligence with them, and was likely enough to be guilty to himself of his great errour, in promising so large conditions to the Turk, whereby as a Traitor to his own King, he had obtained such a safe Convoy: wherefore it were good to try his inclination, &c. whereupon, the suspicious King, commanded Emir secretly to apprehend him, and bring him to Court; and if he could not by other meanes then by torture, to wrest from him the truth of all: glad was Emir hereof, but Maxut having some inckling, when 15 tall Fellows were sent to him from Emir, in the Kings name, to summon him to Court, he in shew, courteously entertained them with great Cheere; but when sleep had overcome them, [Page] by reason of excess, he had them straightly bound, and with long Cords, hanged down into a deep Well, which he secretly covered: then withall his most precious things, he fled with all his Family in the Evening, and was next day friendly entertained by the Turkish Bassa at Salmas, so also at Van, whence he was sent to Sinan, honourably accompanied, who very glad, sent him with all diligence to Amurath.

Sinan, after eight dayes stay at Chars, went to Tomanis, there to build a Fort, but he could not perform it for the immoderate Rain, which for eight dayes space, continually fell, besides, he greatly feared, least the Enemy, taking the opportunity of the rain, and building, suddenly should assault his Army, and greatly endammage it; wherefore he removed thence, to carry succours to Teflis, but as soon as he was past the straight, [...], Capta n of the Janizaries of Damasco and Homar a Sanzack secretly hearing that a [...] out of the way was good store of Corn and Cattel, with 2000 Souldiers went to [...] in that [...]. Now Simon and the Persians had divided their Souldiers into all places, where there was any thing to allure the Turks to scatter from the Camp, who suddenly fell upon these [...] Turks, being [...]; so that of that 2000, all were slain, except Ta-logli, who escaped.

Sinan coming to [...] in two [...], in reproach of Mustapha, who falsely had informed Amurath, that Teflis was as great and [...], as Damasco called a Councel of his chief Captains, ordering every man to depose upon Oath, the [...], touching the greatness thereof, then dividing the Treasure and suckers brought amongst the Souldiers of the Fortress, he cheared [...] with good words, and great promises, and [...] they greatly complained against their Bassa, he caused a [...] to be framed against him, and [...] he had converted pay to his own use, he condemned him to restitution, and [Page] placed Guisuf Beg a Georgian, in his room, who for the ancient enmity between him and Simon, had most welcomly yielded himself to the Turks.

Sinan departing thence, and passing the straight of Toman's, Mustafzad Bassa declared unto him, that not far off, was great store of Corn and Cattel, and none but a few Georgians to keep the same.

Sinan was well affected to this Mustafzad, but remembring what had hapned to Talzogli and Homar, he ordered 10000 Horsemen, and their Servants under Mustafzad, to go forth, who being come to the desired place, and having almost charged all their Horses and Mules, the hidden Persians suddenly issuing out, with great slaughter put them to flight, pursued them with such fury, that they slew 7000 of them, carrying away many prisoners, and the laden Beasts. Mustafzad first fled, and first brought this unhappy newes to Sinan, which being forthwith confirmed by others that escaped, he dispatched away the Bassa of Caramania, with a great power and charge to set upon the Enemy, following him himself with his whole Camp; but the Persians had speedily withdrawn themselves into their strong places, and disposing of their prey, were returning to wait for some fresh occasion; but descrying the Turks whole Army, upon the rising of the Hill, they retired again into the strength of the Mountains; yet the Turks overtook some few of them, slaying about 50 or 60, whose Heads they carried upon the points of their Speares, in sign of Triumph, and took prisoners about 70 more.

Sinan having passed these dangerous places of Georgia, arrived at Triala, where it was told him, that the Persian King in person, was coming from Tauris, with an exceeding Army, to bid him battel: whereupon, he made Proclamation, that every man should be ready for the voyage to Tauris, to go to meet with the King; and the while, as is reported, he dispatched Posts to the said King, [Page] then at Caracach, intreating him to send another Embassador to Amurath for peace, thinking thereby, as some guesse, to remove the King from that his resolution, if he had any such: then he descended into the plains of Cheilder, where mustering his Army, he gave out, that before he would set forward, he would try the readiness and nimbleness of his Souldiers, as if they were presently to joyn battel; so next morning, ranging his whole Army in order of Battel, and then sending out some few to shew themselves upon the Hills, as if they had been Enemies coming upon them, he caused such a medley of all things to be made, as if it had been the turmoyl of a Battel indeed, then he sounded a retreat; and setting his Army in order again, made the like shew the second and third time, which the Souldiers performed, but with great scorn and derision deeming it rather Childrens play, then any commendation to him: neither did he set forward towards Tauris, but loytered eight dayes in those plains; where arrived from Persia, an Embassador from the King, propounding divers things to Sinan, such as Maxut had done; but the conclusion was, that the King would be content to relinquish Chars and Teflis, and so remain in amity with Amurath, desiring Sinan to conclude a peace, if it might be.

Sinan promised to deal with Amurath, so the King would send another Embassador to Constantinople: upon which conclusion, he returned into Persia: after this, when the rumour of the Kings coming, was found to be false, Sinan, instead of going to Tauris, returned to Chars, where he stayed a whole moneth, the whole Army marvelling, and murmuring to see themselves brought forth to their Kings great charge, and disturbance of his Kingdom, not for any honourable [...].

Winter being come on, he came to Erzirum, presently dismissing every man: but remained himself in the same City; whence by speedy Posts, he informed Amurath [Page] of all that was by Mustapha misreported, and of all his own actions: also that the enterprise of Persia was very hard, [...], and difficult; and that which needed another manner of preparation, then had been as yet appointed for it: sending several Messengers to solicite them for his return to Constantinople, telling him, it was not possible to signifie by writing, what he purposed verbally to report to him for the better accomplishing thereof; but Sinan abhorred this Warre, having his mind bent wholly against the Christians in Europe, at last he solicited the matter so much, and so earnestly, that Amurath was perswaded to send for him, as soon as ever he was certified of the Arrival of the new Embassador from Persia, who at length, came to Sinan, who gave present inrelligence to Amurath, beseeching him again, to suffer him to come to Constantinople, which he then granted. At his first coming to Amurath's presence, the conditions were [...] down for reducing the capitulations of peace with Persia, to a good end: after which, Ebraim Chan, Embassador (being now come) had audience: who with much glorious speech, laboured to perswade Amurath, that his King had a most ardent desire to be reconciled unto him, and to joyn his forces with his, against the Enemies of Mahometisme, &c.

Amurath onely answered, [...] should treat of all matters concerning the peace, with his Visier.

Amurath circumcising his eldest sonne Mahomet the nabout 16 years old, at Constantinople, many Christian Princes were invited to the solemnity, who sent thither their Embassadors with great gifts and presents; beside the Embassador of Persia, and those of the Kings of Morocho, and Fez: this Circumcision was for 40 dayes and 40 nights, with all tryumph and joy solemnized in the great Marketplace, where all the Embassadors had their Scaffolds furnished according to their degrees: onely the Persian, whose Scaffold was severall; but he not regarded as the rest, rejoyced[Page]not at these Feasts and Tryumphs; for, besides sundry storms done to the Persian Nation, as by hanging up Pictures of Persians, made of Laths and sticks; and then burning them, and scornfully abusing them. Amurath, for the great displeasure conceived for the harm done to Osman, and the Turks in Sirvan, and for his disdain against Ebraim Chan, who yielded no more to any conditions of peace, which he expected, then Maxut had done before, commanded his Scaffold to be cast down, and himself and followers, to be shut up close prisoners in the House of Mahomet Bassa, where, though a thousand of his followers dyed of the Plague: yet he was there inforced to tarry it out, till afterwards he was ordered to be carried a prisoner to Erzirum; to end these Solemnities, Mahomet was circumcised in his Fathers Chamber by Mechmet, an inferiour Bassa, sometime Soliman's Barber.

Whilest Sinan sate as great Visier there, the Garrisons in Chars and Teflis, kept in by the Enemy, were thought to be driven to great wants: wherefore Sinan counselled Amurath, to send a new Garrison to Van, for safety of the Countrey thereabouts; and then by some valiant Captain, to send Suckers to Teflis: Amurath willed him, to think of some fit man, who propounded divers, but none pleased him; for he was resolved to bestow this charge upon Mahomet Bassa, Nephew to Mustapha; and for his sake, hated of [...].

Him he sent to Erzirum, as Bassa of that Province, and as Gen. of the Army for Teflis; commanding Hassal Bassa of Caraemit, Musta. the Georgian, all the Sanzacks, the Curdy, and Souldiers of Erzirum, to follow [...] their General to Teflis: whereupon, there assembled about 25000 Men, with all necessaries for relief of that Garrison: he commanded also the Bassaes of Aleppo and Maaras, to repair to Van with all their Souldiers, and there to abide till Winter, which they did, not molested by any Enemy.

[Page]Mahamet departing from Erzirum, in the end of August, came in eight dayes to Chars, thence to Archelech, where he found [...], otherwise Manucchiar, with all his Souldiers, whom he joyfully honoured with gifts, admonishing him to continue in his obedience, and conduct him with his Army the shortest and safest way to Teflis.

Mustapha resolved him, that the easiest, shortest, and, in his Opin on the safest way was [...] his own Countrey; so [...] greatly pleased, resting wholly upon his good airection, and having passed Mustapha his Countrey, abounding with all sustenance they came to a friendly Castle, called Gory from whence they discovered a great Army of [...], mingled with Persians, who were [...] like Georgians, that the reaty of peace might not be disturbed, and their King accounted unjust of his word: these seeing the Turk's Army and themselves also to be discryed, sent them proud words of defiance; and so to offer them Battel, the [...] was grieved herewith, but pursuing onely to bring his Succours safe to [...], he studied by all meanes, to shun the Battel: the great rain which fell that evening, served him for a reasonable excuse of delay; but next day, the Sun [...] bright, both Armies marched in sight of each other, till some houres before night: at which time, the Turks arrived near a River, separating both Armies.

Mahamet consulting with Mustapha, he advised him to stay on this side the River, till next morning, lest the Enemy should annoy the [...], disordered in passing the River; but he having a strong conceit, that there was some compact between Mustapha and the Persians, and therefore he had perswaded him to come that way, and not by Tomanis, commanded with all speed, his Souldiers to passe the River, that before [...], he might encamp on the other side, in some good place, to the derision of his Enemies: his Lievtenant first ventured over, and after him the Carriages of Money and Corn, and then the whole Army, with such speed, that some were drowned [Page] rather, being trodden down by the Beasts, than either by the depth or [...] of the River: as soon as they were passed over, the Georgians, in great hast and fury assailed them, while they were yet out of order, whereby the Turks, though they made some good resistance, yet the banks of the River, were soon stained in many places, with Turkish blood, without any apparent losse to the Enemies: a number of Sanzacks of the Curdi and Mesopotanians fell; which the rest perceiving fled, and at last, the whole Army, whom the Georgians pressed so soar in flight, that many took the River, hardly escaping with their lives: the losse of the Kings money and Corn taken, was greater then their shame and confusion, every man saving onely so much for himself, as he could secretly hide, or convey by the help of the swift Horses of some trusty slave.

The Turks next morning, gathering themselves together, cursed the Heavens, their King and adverse fortune: some also threatning Mustapha, as though all this mischief hapned through his treachery; yet when they found that they had still so much money and other things left, as would comfort the afflicted Souldiers besieged in the Fort, they journied so speedily towards Teflis: that next day in the Evening, they arrived there; but when they of the Fort, saw their long expected friends in such a bad condition, they were astonied, and wonderfully grieved, confusedly protesting to Mahomet, they would abandon the place, if necessary provision were not forthwith made for them; but he, mitigating them with large promises, called a Councel in the morning, of his chief men into the Castle, where he made an Oration unto them, that since such sad disasters had befallen them, who would needs passe over the River, and joyn battel with their Enemies, he advised them every one, to put his hand into his private purse, and with their own money to succour the necessity of those men, as regarding the honour [Page] of their King, so said he, shall we make our flight lesse blame-worthy, justifie our actions more honestly, and which is of greatest importance, better to pacifie the wrath of Amurath, which he might most justly conceive against us, saying, I my self am most ready to disburst 4000 Duckats towards it, if you all shall please to follow me accordingly: hereupon, one whi pered many a curse and shame upon the King, upon Mahomet; yea, and upon God himself: another denied to disburst any thing, another determined to steal away; some saying one thing, some another; but in the end, 30000 Duckats were collected amongst them, and word sent to Levent Ogli, at Zaghen, to lend thither necessary Victualls, for the better continuance of the defence of the Fort.

Mahomet stayed but two dayes in Teflis, where changing some Souldiers, and appointing Homar Bassa the Governour, instead of Giusuf, before his departure, they consulted which way to keep, and in the end, resolved upon the way of Tomanis; whereupon, they were all ordered to passe the River, the Curdi first went over, and had pitched their Tents on the further side, when the General sent them word to return, because he would go back the same way he came: the Sanzacks in a rage, answered, these mutabilities were rather Childrens play, then manly resolution, and that they were not minded to change their Journey; so setting forward, they arrived at Chars, long before Mahomet, who was much grieved at this their disobedience. Mahomet arriving at Altun Chala, the chief Castle of Mustapha, in desire of revenge of those losses, which he thought he had received by his treachery, or as some thought, thereby to make Amurath believe, that all those mischiefs had hapned through all his malicious devices, and not through their cowardice, devised a plot, how to take him suddenly away, as guilty of so foul a Treason: he called a Counsel into his own Pavillion, as if he had received some command from Court, [Page] with whom sate the Bassa of [...], some Sanzacks belonging to Erzirum, the chief Gentleman Usher, and his own Lieutenant, having taken of them an Oath for secresie of his deceit. Mustapha was also called, who having heard some privy [...] of such a matter, yet thought he might not deny to go to the Counsel, least he might seem guilty of the fault, whereof perhaps not without cause he was suspected, wherefore chusing out 50 of his most faithful and resolute Souldiers, commanding them to follow him to the Generals Pavillion, and there to stay attentive, and at his first call, to rush into the Pavillion, and rather then any wrong should be done him, to shew their valour against any Turk whatsoever: these 50 taking some others also of their trusty friends followed Mustapha accordingly, who entring into the place of Counsel, desired of Mahomet, to know his pleasure, who caused the counterfit Command to be read, Mustapha giving an attentive eare; but when the rest began to sit down [...] to the Turks manner, who use alwayes to stand up, till any Command from the Emperour be fully read, the Georgian took his leave, promising to be ever ready to perform whatsoever the King should command; and so being about to depart, the great Usher, plucking him by the sleeve, would have forced him to have sit down: indeed that the Lievtenant, with those of Mahamets chief band that stood about him, might cut off his head. Mustapha crying out, with his Sword (having wrought the Role from his pate with his left hand) at one blow, cleft the [...] head down to his very stomach, to the great astonishment of all there present: then [...] at the head of he [...] of Charemit, it being defended with the roles of the Turbant, the stroke slipt down by his care, which it carried quite away with a peece of the [...], and a peece of the flesh of his cheek: eagerly assailing Mahomet himself, whom, risen up in the [...], he wounded with five mortall wounds, [Page] which yet were afterwards cunningly healed, when they had brought him even to deaths door, upon the rushing in of the Georgians, and the fear that Mustapha had struck into the Turks, every man speedily departed towards Chars, whither also was brought the two wounded Bassaes, and the rest that were ill handled, and greatly scared.

Of all this treachery, Mustapha sent present word to Amurath, as much grieved at the false suspicion conceived [...] him, and so wrought, that [...] sent him both Cloth of Gold, and a Battle-Axe, all guilt. Mahamet on the other side, wrote at large of all his misfortunes, and aggravated to the King both the treachery of Mustapha, and the slender security of those wayes and Countries. When Amurath understood of these calamities and losses, and the apparent danger of the Fort of Teflis, then like to be abandoned, he in a rage rated exceedingly the Bassaes of his Court, reproving their lewd Counsel, and recounting his losses from time to time, as if through their defaults; especially of Sinan, who like an improvident fool, he said, would needs leave his Army, and like a King sit idle at Constantinople, &c. who when Mustapha was General, most vainly boasted with the like power, to fetch the Persian King out of Casbin, in bonds to Amurath, but had indeed performed nothing worth remembrance. Sinan peremptorily answered, that seeing he would needs make choyce of Mahamet Bassa, an unfit man to convey this year's Succours to Teflis, he was to blame none but himself. As for his coming to Constantinople, it was long before thought most needful, both that the matter of peace might come to some good passe, and if not then he had to talk with him, how to compass his Enemies overthrow, which yet he had no fit time to declare, but was now ready to reveal, if it were his pleasure.

[Page] Amurath was wonderfully grieved with so arrogant a reproof from a slave of his own, yet he disembled his discontentment against him, commanding him to disclose those his devices: who propounded [...], not to proceed in this Warre, as they had done with [...], to hold the Enemies Countries; their Treasures [...] not able to maintain so many and great Garrisons. [...], for Amurath to go in person himself, and so aganst so mighty a King, by opposing the person of a King the Persians would easily come to an agreement; or if ot, he might then proceed in his Warres, and obtain [...] glorious Conquest: the effeminate King now concived an envious affection against him, and a further [...] fostered by great Ladies, especially his Mother, [...] Sinan had counselled him to go in person, onely [...] meanes for the Prince his Sonne, to make him [...].

Sinan and the Prince, carrying great [...] towards each other: wherefore, depriving him ofall charge, he presently banished him to Demotica of [...], whence he, by most humble supplication, obtained terward to be removed to Marmara.

Siaus Bassa, who married Amurath's [...], being preferred to the Visiership, a personable and [...] Hungarian, but the greatest seller of Justice [...] preferments, yet a great friend to peace with the Chrians, which Sinan had alwayes maligned.

The Persian Captains the while, [...] spoils, and Enemies Ensigns, were with great joy reived in Persia, which was redoubled, when the [...] betwixt Mahomet and Mustapha was reported, wereby every one thought the next years dangerous attents of the Turks into Persia, which were feared, migl be hindered: whereupon, the Persian King determid to march toward Heri, against Abas Meriz, hisonne then with him in disgrace, being earnestly solicid thereto by his [Page] [Page] [Page] [...] [Page] [...] [Page] elder Sonne, especially by Salmas his Visier; so committing his defence of that side of his Kingdom to Emer Chan, Governour of Tauris, Himself with his Army, arrived at length at Salvar: which principal City, he taking by force, beheaded the Governour thereof, though he alledged a thousand excuses, and objected as many accusations against seditious Salmas; and having put to death some great ones, accused by the Visier, as confederates in his Sonnes rebellion, he arrived at last at the City of Heri, very strong by situation, a good Wall, and deep Channels of water, conveighed into it by Tamerlain: there was also therein many valiant Captains, Enemies to Miriz Salmas.

The King approaching the City, left in himself many troubled passions, grieving to think he should beget so graceless a Sonne, and to remember the blood of his Subjects, spilt upon so strange an occasion; yet being more and more solicited by Salmas, he attempted to understand the mind of his Sonne, and if possible, to get him into his hands; but Abas in the mean time, wrote divers Letters to his Father and Brother, beseeching them to make known unto him, the occasion of this their stir, for if desire of rule had moved them to seek his deprivation, he was alwayes ready to spend and be spent in their service, acknowledging his Father to be his good Father and King; but if they were induced hereto for revenging some trespasses committed by him against the Crown of Persia, he was most ready to submit to any amends, and yield up all, the more fully to satisfie their minds: with twice and thrice reading over, were these affectionate Letters considered, and at last, both Father and Brother determined to attempt the reducing the young mans mind to some good passe; whereupon, they wrote back [...] him, that his causing himself to be called King of Persia, and the not sending them so much [Page] as one Captain to ayd them against the Turks, had onely induced them hereunto.

Abas, glad when he understood his accusations, wrote back unto them, if they would faithfully promise safely to receive his Embassadors, he would send them so clear information, touching those accusations, that they should clearly perceive he had alwayes desired and laboured the contrary, and would open to them such matter as in respect of other men, might cause their coming to prove profitable to all Persia: which request, they solemnly promised to perform, being very desirous to know what those strange novelties should be; whereupon, Abas sent unto them two of his chief Counsellors with full instructions, who after many speeches, swore by the Creator of all things, by the head of Hali, and by the Religion of Mahomet, that such perverse thoughts never entred into Abas Miriz, alledging many manifest proofs, that when the King was advanced to the Kingdom, and in his battels against the Turks, his Sonne had alwayes caused devout prayers to be made for his prosperity, and never desiring to hear but of his happy success, they brought with them abundance of precepts and loyall Letters from Abas to the Governours his Subjects, for Government of the State, never naming himself King of Persia, but onely your King and Governour of Heri, they prayed the King also, if there should be found any shadow of such a suspition in his Sonne, upon a diligent process framed against them, to take from him his Estate and liberty, offering themselves as his Hostages; but if Abas should be found free from these accusations, then [...] the Earth, they besought him to take information upon what mind his Counsellor had advised him to undertake so dangerous a voyage, &c.

[Page]And as for Abas his forbidding the Governours to go to Warres against the Turks, that was onely in respect of an invasion, justly feared in those quarters, by the Tartarian Gesselbas, who by divers inroads, had already done great harms thereabouts: all which, was by writing signified unto the Visier himself, which he maliciously concealed to try if he could bring to passe that Abas, and the King might be taken away in those troubles, whom Emer Hamsey succeeding, himself might remain the superintendant of his Sonne in Law, &c. which they imputed not to the Prince, altogether ignorant of such a purpose, but onely to the ambition of the wicked Traitor Miriz Salmas: the King by nature credulous, made great construction of these grave Speeches, and could not chuse but harken unto their so earnest and upright requests: wherefore, calling unto him, all the chief Officers of all the Cities of Heri, he demanded of them, how they esteemed of Amas, and in what degree he desired to be esteemed of them: who all answered, they held him, and he desired to be taken for, their Lord and Lievtenant to the King of Casben, bringing forth divers papers, wherein he entituled himself only. Your King of Heri; and demanding of them, whether those Tartars had attempted any such Warres, they largely informed him they had, to the great dammage of all those Territories, though he might justly now have put Salmas to death, as the Authour of so great troubles and bloodshed: yet, for better information sake, he first of all in great secresie, examined the Prince why he had advised this Journey against his guilty Bro: Abas, who answered, onely from the credit he always gave to his Father in Law Miriz Salmas, as to a chief Counsellor, &c. touching whom, the King diligently inquiring both of Courtiers and Army-men, found him guilty of all that the Embassadors of Heri had accused him; for which so foul a Treason the false VISIER by [Page] the Kings command, had his Head struck off; so the 2 Brethren being reconciled, and the Son to the Father, after Abas had again promised Obedience, which he most dutifully performed; the King returned towards Casbin, where, by reason of the Turks unexpected motion, he had bin long looked for.

Amurath, through the rough speeches of Sinan was more and more setled in his purpose for continuance of the Persian War; Wherefore, he resolved at last to make choice of Ferat Bassa, for his general; fierce in courage; tough in opinion, hardy in Counsel, but especially devoted to the King: Who, calling him apart, encouraged him to take the charge upon him, with a firm resolution to perform all things answerable thereunto, with the Opinion he had of his valour. Ferat promised to do his utmost, to execute whatever should be offered him, either by occasion, or his real command. Amurath at first onely intended to employ him in assuring the passage to Teflis, and so into all Georgia, and to have destroyed Mustaffa his Country, who had put his whole Army into confusion: but hearing of the troubles between the Persian King & his Son, he commanded Ferat to erect a Fort at Reivan belonging to Tochmac, and to assure the passage from Chars thither, so should they be revenged of many harms received by him, and lay open the way to Tauris, he willed Ferat to dissemble his ill Opinion of Mustaffa, and if possible to make use of him for convoying succours to Teflis, whereby all Georgia would be won without any more Fortresses: and next year they might attempt the enterprize for Tauris; In the beginning of the year, 1583. all Cities that used to appear at these Wars, were commanded upon Summons, to be ready to execute their new General's Injunctions: all which sent their Captains and Souldiers accordingly. So Ferat coming to Erzirum viewed all his Army and provision; thence arriving at Chars, conducted by Maxut-chan, he set forwards [Page] Reivan but 3 dayes before he came thither, he erected a Fortress of some ruines of an old Castle, leaving in it 400 Souldiers with a Zanzack and some Ordnance: Between Reivan and Tauris 8 or 9 dayes journey distant. are Stannasivan, Chiulfal, Maraut and Sosian, having goodly Gardens and Greens: but in the way are many craggy Mountains and sundry hard passages. Here Ferat consulted with his chief Captains where to build the Fort, who advised him to fortifie the Houses and Gardens of Tochomac, which he did; and enclosed the Gardens with strong Walls and deep Ditches, whereinto he conveyed water from a certain River. This Fortress was finished in 15 dayes, being 750 yards about. Tochomac, exceedingly grieved, so suddenly to lose his Country and dwelling, sought at least in some part to be revenged of so great an injury: Wherefore, he wrote to King Emerchan, and Simon gathering Souldiers out of the Villages, but he could receive no help: the King being so far against his son; the Georgian being bufied by hindering the relief of Teflis; and Emer-chan either would not, or could not stir from Tauris, having as some supposed secret intelligence with Ferat, not to disturb him in this work. So Tochomac not able of himself to do much: yet by privy Ambushes, killed sometimes a 100, sometimes 150 Turks, and sometimes more, and dispatched Horsmen in haste to the King at Chorazan, amplifying by Letters, the cowardize of Emer-chan, with some causes of suspition, that he had some Intelligence with Ferat: who, having built this new Fort, and furnished it with all necessaries, appointed Sinan Bassa, son of a Runagate Genuan with 8000 Souldiers to keep the same; and so departing, he arrived in 10 dayes at Chars: where, he had not long stayed, but newes was brought, that Mustapha, to whom Amurath had sent 30000 Duckats by 2 Capigi, and 2 Chiaus, for him to convey to Teflis, was revolted from the Turkish Obedience: having left that [Page] Fortress in manifold danger to yield. Ferat, exceedingly troubled to know the certainty, called for all the Messengers of this misfortune: who certainly informing him, that Mustapha with the Capigi & Chiaus, being upon their way with the Treasure, guarded with 500 of his Souldiers, met with his Cousin Simon, who perswaded him to return to his ancient Religion, which to the great perill of his soul he had abandoned, and to shake off Amuraths service, which would yield him but some infamous Captivity, and in the end some fraudulent death. So that Mustapha had beheaded Amuraths Messengers? and dividing the Treasure with Simon, had vowed a perpetuall Confederacy, laying in wait for succours brought to Teflis.

Ferat, in a fury sware, that he would not return to Erzirum, till he had put all Mustapha's Country to fire and sword: yet first he thought it [...] to relieve Teflis; Wherefore, he assigned to Hassan Bassa 40000 Duckats with other provision, appointing him 15000 of his most choyse Souldiers to conduct the same: who went and came from Teflis in 10 dayes, losing but some few men in his many skirmishes with the Georgians. After this, he sent Resvan Bassa with 6000 Souldiers to spoyl the [...] of the Rebell Mustapha; who over-run all his Territories, burnt his Towns, and committed most uncouth outrages, which extended to the very Trees, and carried away much corn and Cattell, and so came to Ardacan to the General; but Winter approaching, they retired to Erzirum, whence all the Souldiers were licensed to depart, and a memorial sent to Amurath of all actions: especially, of Hassans good service, for which he again Honored him with cloth of Gold, a Battel-Axe, and guilt Target.

About this time, Amurath in revenge of an outrage by the Cossacks against the Turks, whereof he had then newes, stayed 4 Podolovians: a Pelonian in his return [Page] home, sent by his King to buy certain Horses in Anatolia, with the Great Turks leave and pass; all his men 34 in number being slain, except one boy who escaped into a Wood, himself being beheaded: the 24 goodly Horses, he bestowed some into his own Stable, the rest among the Bassaes, who pointed at them with fingers in derision of the Polonian King. Novemb. 29 of this year died Itama Chadum the mother of Amurath, who layeth buried by her Husband Selimus, and his 5 Sons strangled by Amurath.

Ferat from Erzirum summoned the Souldiers of all the accustomed Cities against next Spring, 1584. collecting more Pioneers and Engineers then ever had bin in these Wars before: and gave it out that he would do great matters at Nasivan: whereat, the Persians cast many things in their heads, but especially the King, who began to fear they would this year pass to Tauris, or at least to Nasivan, and build new Fortresses to the great danger of the Persian Empire; Wherefore, retaining his Forces brought from Heri, and commanding as many more as he could to follow him to Tauris; his comming thither with so great an Army, made the world expect great matters would be done by him against the Turks: so that Ferat advertised Amurath, that his desire was to go to Nasivan and build Fortresses there, but the Persian King being come to Tauris with a huge Army, and resolved to encounter him, he thought it his duty not so to do without his express command. Amurath wrote back he should not go to Nasivan, but assure the passage to Tomanis and Lori: that so the Fort of Teflis might next year be relieved by some small Band.

Ferat kept this secret to himself, encreasing the rumor of his going to Nasivan more and more, that so deluding the Persians, he might with less danger build the Forts intended for assuring those passages: upon which resolution he removed with his Army from Erzirum towards [Page] Chars, where he stayed ten dayes, to take a new survey of his Souldiers and provision. So setting forward towards Lori, he sent Hafsan before him with 5000 Light-Horsmen to scour the Country, and learn what he could of the Enemie's purposes and the state of Georgia: which Hassan did, even to Tamanis, without meeting with any more then certain Robbers upon the high-Way, whom he slew, setting their Heads on the tops of their Lances, and so returned, recounting all that had happened in his excursion, Ferat encamping at Lori, which sometime belonged to Simon, seized upon the High Castle, there enclosed with very deep Ditches and a thick Wall, almost a mile about: which he repairing, placed thereon Ali Bassa of Greece with 7000 Souldiers, and 200 small pieces of Ordnance, and so departed toward Tomanis: commanding Ali at some fit time to fortifie the Castle Saitan about ten miles off, with a convenient Garrison and Artillery. The General made 4 dayes work of going from Lori to Tomanis, being ordinarily but one, to take the spoyl of those rich Fields of Corn, Cattel, and Fruit. At Tomanis was a Castle of Simons, but now by him abandoned: after many discourses where to erect their Fortress, they concluded not to fortifie in that Castle, as being too far from the Strait, but to fortifie upon the very mouth of the Strait. So marching forward at the very entrance of the narrow-passage, they found the ruines of another steep Castle, so compassed round with a thick Wood, that their Ordnance could not avail them, to whom the defence thereof should be committed: Wherefore, Ferat commanded every man to lay his hand to cut down that Wood, the receptacle of a 1000 dangerous Treacheries which was done in a very short space: the plot of the old Castle was encompassed with a Wall of 17000 yards: in the midst whereof was erected strong Lodgings and Chambers, and 200 pieces of Ordnance distributed upon the Walls.

[Page]Then Ferat sent Resvan and the Bassa Charaemit with 20000 choyse Souldiers with succours to Teflis: who, in one day arriving at the Fort with their supplies, substituted one Bagli in the Governours room. Whilst Resvan lay at Teflis, Daut-chan Simon's Brother, who, at the coming of Mustapha had fled out of Teflis, came with all his Family, offering himself a Subject and Vassall to Amurath, whom Resvan entertained with great promises and large assurances.

Simon, [...] newes that Ferat had sent Resvan with a far less number to Teflis then indeed he had, without delay, with but 4000, partly of his own, and partly of Manucchiars subjects went against him; but the while, Ferat fearing the worst, had dispatched away 2 Bassaes with 10000 Souldiers, at all adventures to make Resvan the stronger.

Simon found Resvan encamped with 6000 at the foot of a Hill, the rest of his Army laying behind it. And charging upon him, those behind the Hill were ready also to receive him, who now repented himself of his rash assault, but since he could not but encrease his grief by flight, he with the strange and unusual valour of so few Christians, joyned a most cruel battel with that great Army: yet the Turks with a huge number of swords and spears so prevailed upon them, that they were brought to a great extremity, yea, Simon himself having his Horse slain, fell to the ground and was very nigh bein graken prisoner with his Lievtenant, and many others: but, while the battel was even at the greatest heat, Resvan discovering the 2 Bassaes with the 10000 sent by Ferat, thought them, as did his Army, to be Persians: whereby, being surprised with fear, they became now very doubtfull of the Victory; so that the battel was also intermitted, and the Georgians, especially Simon, had the opportunity to escape, leaving behind them most sure signes of their valour among the Turks: but when Resvan discovered the [Page] Bassaes, to be his friends, he fretted exceedingly at Simons escape; yet he went to Tomanis in great triumph, drawing Simons Standards on the ground, and carrying many of the Georgians Heads upon Lances, to the great Joy of Ferat: to whom he delivered all the prisoners taken, and Daut-chan, who of a Christian was first become a Persian, and now disploding their superstition, had yielded to the Turks vanity, and made himself a slave to Amurath.

Every man fearing Winters approach, the Generall determined to draw into places of more safety: So appointing Hassan Bassa of Tomanis with 8000 select Souldiers, he resolved not to return to Chars or Erzirum till first passing into Manucchiers Country, he had most cruelly revenged those notable injuries received from him; and arriving at Triala in 3 dayes, such a death and scarcity of all things arose, chiefly of Victuals; that 5 Bushels and a half of Wheat was sold for 500 Duckats.

While Ferat was raising his Tents to go on towards the Country of Manucchier, Veis Bassa of Aleppo told him, 'twas not good now to spend time in wandring about those Countries, both for the season of the year, now full of Snows, Frosts and Tempests: the want and scarcity of all necessaries, and the Georgians, who by a common uniting, and perhaps ayded by the Persians, might notably mischief the Army. Ferat was so offended herewith, that he bitterly reproved Veis: telling him, He well perceived he was brought up among Villages, and of a Villaine, upon some superfluity of grace or foolish importunity, advanced to be a Bassa: Wherefore, he should not have presumed even to think it lawfull for him so impudently & malepartly to advertise him but rather to have held his peace, and hearkened to the command of his Superiours, &c. So he passed to Archelech, burning & destroying the Country before him, though it was confederate with the Turks, [Page] but those of Archelech had for fear abandoned the Cityand withdrawn into the Mountains.

Ferat staying here 4 dayes among the rocky Brags, and in a barren soyl for man and beast: the Souldiers for those 4 dayes space endured patiently unspeakable miseries, but a huge snow falling, so greatly encreased their griefs, that all the Janizaries & Spaoglans of Constantinople arose in a tumult, and in despightful & contemptuous manner, very haughtily and resolutely asked him, Where was his due pitty, which he a rustical and unreasonable Captain, ought to bear towards the Vassals of his Soveraign: twitting him with his fat harlots, delicate Viands, Sugars, spices & Conserves, Meat and precious Wines mixt with pleasant Water provided for him by Doyters, and also brought him from far, whilst others lived in misery: saying, It would be no longer endured, &c. Wherefore, he should return towards Erzirum, or they should be forced to do that which would breed him more displeasure then any man alive; He in a great agony calling a Council, They concluded, to send their strong Sumpter Horses to Ardachan, and the rest to follow him into Manucchers Country onely to take the spoyl and booty thereof, to refresh his afflicted Souldiers: This they readily obeyed because he promised them a speedy voyage, and desired the sacking of Altonchara, & other of Manucchiers Territories: So holding on his way with great Famine and scarcity, he came to Clissa belonging to Manucchier; whose Inhabitants with Wives and Children, and all their best stuffe were fled into remote and safe places in the adjacent fields of Corn, Cattel, and Fruit: he refreshed his whole Army, determining to erect a Fort in that place, and commanded Resvan, to set up an Ensign on the top of the Tower with Proclamation: That he would in Amuraths name, there erect and fortifie a Fort as he had in other places. Resvan, with the Bassa of Caramania, set up an Ensign or two; which being [...]; those Janizaries and [Page] Spaoglans thinking themselves too much abused, ran up in a rage to take down the Ensigns: and taking them in their hands, rapt Resvan once or twice on the pate, sharply rebuking him with a 1000 injurious and despightfull words, and returning to Ferat, now come thither to continue the action, with despightful and disdainfull gestures, with many shamefull terms, they protested unto him, They were not come to the Warres to exercise the occupations of Masons and Dawbers, &c. Wherefore, if he loved his Head, he should resolve to leave the new Buildings and Designments, and to have due care of their common desires and necessities: One more bold then the rest, did not stick to assault him, and threaten to wreak his fury upon him, which haply had bin done, had not the Bassa of Caramania, with his own Horse conducted him to his Pavillion; yet they still pursued him, and sharply accused him for his stay: then, after many reproachful speeches, expresly told him, if next morning he removed not out of those quarters, he should without fail lose his life for it. Yet Ferat disdaining to yield to them, and seeking by all means to stay long enough to build a Fort that would so much offend Manucchier, answered them, He accompted not of their threatning of him, of his life, which he alwayes offered to lay down for any security of his King; but if they cared not to serve him in this new-building, they might go: but he was resolved to obey his Lord in whatsoever he commanded, for whose Honour, they all ought to think their lives very well bestowed. Upon this answer were divers railings, and cursings against the King, the Generall, and them all: every man betaking themselves to their Weapons; wrathfull whisperings and grumblings in every corner; a great fear of some dangerous event, but greater suspition of the Generals life; every man had withdrawn to the guarding of those things he most esteemed; and in a trice all the Pavillions fell down to the ground, all the [Page] coards thereof being cut in funder by the wrathful Souldiers: by whom also all the Cattel for the Generall and Bassaes ordinary use, were seized on and guarded with all diligence: and turning afresh upon Ferat, now in a maze and deadly fear, they threatned him, if he did not forthwith remove towards Erzirum, those Vallies should without fail become the Sepulchres of the Bassaes, &c. The Generall being loath to gratifie them with any liberality, was forced to his great shame to obey them, whom with right usage he might have made Obedient: Wherefore, removing, he arrived at Medachan with the great trouble of his Souldiers, for he would make but one dayes journey of 2 dayes ordinary work, the rather to grieve them: but he received the just reward of his wilfulnesse; for that day, the Charriots wherein his Women rode, with the Eunuches, their keepers, were conveyed away: some say by the Georgians, who lay in wait: Others, by the Janizaries, the more to dishonour their Generall. Who, was far more reproached at Constantinople with these newes then in the Army: but he must perforce, now discontented as he was, keep on his way towards Erzirum. In Ardican, surveying his Army; he gave them leave to depart, and arrived himself at Erzirum; hated of his Souldiers, envied by his Captains, derided for the loss of his Women, and in disgrace with every man: and no less was Amurath discontented with him also in that he did nothing worth the speaking of, in the revenge of the injury done by Manucchier, and yet so mightily discontented his Souldiers, and had suffered Aliculi- [...] to escape, about whose flight ' [...] thought, he must needs have some Intelligence: for when he diverted his journey from Nasivan to the Straits of Georgia, he took Aliculi out of prison, to use him as his Guide in those dangerous wayes: carrying him under a guard, and entreating him well, at last, being come to the aforesaid Castle of [...]: some say, Ferat to perform his promise for his [Page] good direction, gave him his liberty: Others, that Ferat for mony gave him opportunity to escape; but others more probably, that he started away into Persia in the night by his own vigilancy, and the sleepinesse of his Keepers. Ferat by commanding Ali Bassa, left at Lori to fortifie Saitan-chas, or the Castle of the Devil, which he diligently performed, leaving 50 pieces of Ordnance and a 1000 Souldiers under a Zanzack therein, caused all the wayes from Rivan to Chars, and from thence to Teflis to be made safe; no small piece of good service.

In the mean time, the Persian King laying at Tauris, and hearing that the Turks had changed their purpose from Nasivan to Georgia, licensed his Souldiers to depart, and applyed himself to more private revenges: for he required of Emer-chan, why he had not endeavored to hinder the Turks Fabrick at Reivan? and why he went not out with other Souldiers, and namely those of Turkoma, as he had promised, to revenge what he could, so great an injury. Emer alledged sundry excuses for himself, but none sufficient to clear him of the Crimes objected: Wherefore, the King adjudging him, to have his Eyes burnt out with a hot Iron, and to be dispoyled of all his goods and shut up in close prison, in a few monthes space he miserably died thereof; yet a famous Souldier: who being in great esteem with the Turkoman Nation, he absolutely denied their defences for the Crown of Persia, and the more, when they heard the King had bestowed Emers place upon Aliculi, who being an ancient Enemy to some of their Captains, though he was very deserving, would in no case endure he should be so exalted. Hereby the Persian forces became more weakned and divided.

For all the League between Amurath and the Christian Emperor, the Turks made often incursions into the upper part of Hungary, burning the Villages & carrying the people captive, but in their return were often cut off by the Emperors Souldiers, which report much moved the Turk, [Page] but understanding that his men had cauflesly made those inroads, he was appeased, and in the beginning of this Year, 1584, renewed the League between him and the Emperour for 8 yeares more.

Ferat advertised Amurath of all that happened in his late Expedition, defiring him to command what he would have taken in hand the next Spring; but many others also informed him, and that in an odious sort of the particulars, of all such actions as had not altogether so honorably bin performed by him that year, and with his falling out with Vies Bassa, a man well regarded of Amurath himself; with the disorder of his whole Camp for want of discretion. Amurath also ever since the last departure of Ferat from Erzirum, had thoughts the next year to attempt the enterprize of Tauris, to stir up through the world a famous report; bethinking himself of Osman Bassa, to whom he might commit so great a trust, who, having remained at Sumachia in Sirvan, since the first year of this War, had without any help of the Tartars, brought that large Country into a reasonable Obedience, and at so far a distance maintained his Army without any expences to his King; having levyed a good while his Souldiers stipends upon that Region: still exercising a kind of Soveraignty over it, of all which he had from time to time sent intelligence to the Court: Where, by help of other favourers which he had about the King, he had a wondrous good Opinion of him: wherefore, he had dispatched some Chapigi and Chiaous to call this famous Warriour unto him: yet some, and those not of the meanest sort, went about to hinder his comming to Court; and also these important designs; for [...] the chief Visier greatly feared, lest Osman, whose course it was to sit next him in the Order of the greatest [...], should perswade the King to what he listed, and so perhaps take from him the chiefest Office, whereby so great wealth was to be gained; wherefore, in consideration of [Page] many gifts bestowed on him by Mahomet the Cuman Tartar King; he having many times excused him to Amurath, of divers accusations laid to his charge by Osman for not aiding him in subduing of Sirvan, according to his promise and duty; and having so far proceeded in countenancing this Tartarian, that there was confirmed between Amurath and him a mutuall [...] and confederation; he imagined to find him ready by all means to hinder Osman his comming to Court, if he were but made acquainted with the matter: so he secretly wrote to the Tartar, who lay encamped upon the Fens of [...], that Osman was to come to Court: wherefore, it were good for him to call to mind, how much he had [...] by Letters to turn all Amuraths displeasure against him. And, if he could do so much by Letters, as, if he had not excused him, the King had executed his wrathfull displeasure against him: he should then imagine what Osman could do when he came in person to Amurath, &c. These and perhaps worse Letters, caused the Tartar to send 12000 Souldiers: who, changing their Weapons & Apparrel, should lie in wait for Osman in the Borders between Colehis and Iberia, by which way he was to come, and so assaulting him to bereave him of his life: hoping such an outrage could or would be rather imputed to the Tartar Nomades, Melgrellians, &c. or to any body then to himself.

Amuraths Messengers coming to Osman, he presently set forward towards Constantinople: having first taken a very good Order in Derbent and Sumachia, and an assured establishment of all places which Mustapha had subdued in Sirvan, and himself maintained; he chose out also 4000 tried Souldiers, through whose Valour he doubted not, but to pass thorow the treacheries of the Albanians: and the [...] squadrons of the Tartarians and Mengrellians.

Thus coasting along, even at his first entrance unto [Page] the shoares of the Euxine-sea; he was by the said twelve thousand Tartars, apparrelled like Theeves, suddenly assailed, who stood so fast and firm, turning the bold countenances of his resolute Souldiers against them (who, at first as their manner is, used great force) that they began at last to quail; Whereupon, Osman couragiously forcing upon them, very soon, and with a very small loss put them to flight, killing a number of them: and taking many, by whom he was informed of their Kings treachery; whereof, Osman [...] a perfect process to be made, with the dispositions of the prisoners, which he sent the shortest way he could to Amurath; declaring all that had passed, enflaming him to revenge so dangerous an injury: Who, took order that Uluzales his Admiral, with some Galleys should fetch Osman, and carry with him Island a Brother of the Tartar Kings; commanding Osman, to the terrour of others, to put the treacherous King to death and put his Brother in his room.

This Mahomet was one of those mighty Princes, who led a most violent troublesome life, as Tributaries and Vassals, under the Othomans power; whose younger Brother Island became a Sutor to The Turk at Constantinople, to be placed in his Brothers Kingdom, who was for his ill Government hated of his Subjects: which his suit was so crossed by the Kings Embassadours, who spared for no cost, that the ambitious youth was sent to Iconium, and clapt fast up in prison: where, apparrelled like a Hermite, he led his life altogether conformable to his misery: but whilst he thus lived separated from all worldly cogitations, he was now in post-haste sent for to Constantinople to the end aforesaid.

Now, in the mean time, Osman had cunningly got into his hand, this Tartar-King, reported to be betrayed by his own Counsellours, corrupted by Gold; whom, with his two Sonnes, Amurath caused to be presently strangled with a Bow-string, and Island to be saluted [Page] King, yet as Vassall to Amurath.

This was thought justly to have happened to this Tartar-King: who, not long before, supported by Amurath, had most unnaturally [...] his most aged Father.

Osman, embarquing himself at a Port of Caffa, arrived at Constantinople: where, he was received with great pomp, and singular signification of love; but with most express kinds of Joy was he received by Amurath himself. When he had declared unto him the particularity of matters that happened in his long and important Voyage, and his Conquests in Sirvan; afterwards he conferred with Osman about the enterprize of Tauris, and in the end, would needs know of him what issue he could promise him of this his desire; and how by his advise, the Forces should be employed and disposed for subduing that City, which was so famous, and so great an honour to the Persian Kingdom? Who answered, that since the matters of Georgia were now well setled, and Sirvan under his Obedience established, there was no cause why he should longer fore-slow so famous an enterprize; but by erecting a Fort in that proud City, to bring a terrour upon all Persia, and raise a glorious Renown of so mighty a Conquest among the Nations of Europe: thinking either the same Army, or a very little greater, so it were of the best Souldiers, would suffice to do it, by reason of one of the Letters which Sciaous wrote to the Tartar; and by the [...] of Mahomets mother, jealous of his near alliance with her Husband, as prejudicial to her Son.

Amurath had in the open Divano deprived him of his [...], and hardly pardoning his life, at the intercession of his Wife, his Sister, had banished him; so that he lived about Chalcedon, in a close Pallace he had [Page] there built for his own pleasure, appointing Osman to be chief Visier and General of his Army, against the Persians: Truth it is, that from a private Souldier, though well born, he by degrees grew up to the highest Honour of that so great an Empire. Great was Osmans joy, and great his desire to be worthy of so Honourable a favour; Wherefore, since the greatness of the Enterprize required a greater Army, it was needful also for him the sooner to send out his advertisements into the Provinces, and by his own example to stir up others even in Winter to pass over to Seutari, and in the Territories of Angori, Amasia, and Sivas, to drive out time, till his Souldiers were all gathered together. And that it might not fall out by this great speed, that the Enemy misdoubting his purpose for Tauris, should provide the greater Army, he had it given out, that he must go for Nasivan: notwithstanding, the Persians being very jealous of the City of Tauris, ceased not diligently to enquire about it, and sent divers Messengers to Osman, as if he had meant to feel his mind touching a peace; but indeed only to sound his designments: which, for all that, he could not, with all his cunning, discover, but still remained doubtful; the fame still running for Nasivan.

In the beginning of this year, Amurath sent Ameanechias to Stephen King of Poland, to excuse the death of [...], as if it had happened not by his command, but by the insolency of some Souldiers, bringing with him 2 base fellows as authors of that outrage, for the king to take revenge upon; who were indeed no such men, but rather, as was thought, condemned for some other fact worthy of death; for whom the Chiaus proudly and threatningly required present restitution of all goods which the Cossacks had taken from the Turks: and their Captain to be delivered also unto him to be carried to Amurath: which he so hardly urged, that all the goods [Page] were forthwith restored, which he almost triumphantly presented unto Amurath: who disporting himself with his Mutes this Summer, was almost dead. They are lusty fellows, deprived of speech who ye by signes, can aptly express both their own and others meaning: who for their secresie, are the Ministers of the Turkish Tyrant's most horrible commands; and therefore greatly regar ed by them. With these, mounted upon fair, but heavy Horses, was Amurath upon a ready Hore, sporting himself, riding about one and another, and striking now the Horse, now the man, at his pleasure, and was taken suddenly by a fit of the Falling sickness, and falling from his Horse, was taken up for dead; whom the Janizaries, supposing to have been dead, fell to spoiling of the Christians and Jewes; and had not their Aga hanged up one of them, taken in the manner, and others in Janizaries habit, to the terror of the [...] they had proceeded to further outrages: yet Amurath soon recovering to appease the rumor of his death upon their Sabbath, which is Friday, rode to the Temple of Sophia from his Palace, his countenance yet all pale and discoloured.

This year also hapned such a chance as had like to raise new Warres betwixt the Turks and Venetians. The Widow of Rimadan Bassa, Governour of Tripolis in Barbary, with her Sonne Hamili, and a great number of slaves, being about to depart from thence to Constantinople, rigged up a fair Galley, [...] to be worth 800000 [...], joyning two others for her more safety, and sailing by Corfu, she was by tempest, driven into the Adriatick Gulf: at which time, one Emus, a Venetian [...] had charge to keep that Sea against Pirates, and all other Enemies, who without delay, set upon the Turks, and took them all, exercising most barbarous cruelty; for, having slain 250 men, and Ramadans Sonne in her lap, he caused [Page] the Women, being first ravished, to be cast overboard, being about 40.

Emus his Brother was most earnestly intreated by a beautiful Virgin, to spare her Honour; and the rather, because she said she was a Christian taken in Cyprus, about 12 years before: since which time, she had lived in most miserable Captivity; and being now fallen into the hands of a noble Venetian, was in good hope to be set at liberty inviolated, which she most humbly [...] him for the love of God to do, and not imbrew his hands with her guiltless blood: but the cruel and unbridled youth, after he had abused her, cast her with the rest into the Sea. Its thought that Emus suffered this so great an outrage to be done, that none should be left alive to betray the great booty or villany committed, which yet was revealed by a Turk, who saved by a Surgion of [...] that knew him, [...] declared it at Canstantinople, whereat the Turks were so inraged, that, in every corner of the City; they threatned unto the Venetians, most cruel revenge; yea, they could scarce hold their hands from Mowro [...], the Bilo, or Governour of their Marchants, or forbear to [...] in his face as he went in the street, who hearing, that Amurath in his rage, was about to send one of his great Gentlemen, whom they call Zansi the Turks usuall Embassadors found meanes, that another of lesse Authority was sent to the Senate to Venice about it, and to require the offendor to be punished, and the Gallie slaves and goods to be restored; so should their mutuall League continue firm, otherwise he should be constrained by force, to revenge the wrongs done to his Subjects: the Senators, after diligent examination of the matter, answered, that the Widow with her Family, was honourably entertained at Zant, an Island of theirs, and had courteous Presents; but coming to Sefalenia, another of their Islands, her people running on Land, spared neither Man nor Beast, the Providitor making after them, found [Page] them in Arms within the Gulf, whom they neither saluted, nor struck any Top-sail, to shew that the command of that Sea belonged to the Venetians, which by the League they ought to have done; for which out-rages and contempt, he took so sharp a revenge; yet they promised in that case, to do what [...] them in reason and Justice: wherewith Amurath seemed to be well contented; but indeed, loath to intangle himself with Warres against that mighty State at Sea, because of his Warres against the Persians: yet shortly after, Emus was worthily beheaded, and the Galleys with all the goods and slaves restored.

This great Woman had therein, four hundred Christian slaves, which were set at liberty; for whom the Venetians restored as many Turks.

Ramadan Bassa himself, having Warres with a King of the Moores, went out against him with all his forces, wherein was certain Companies of Janizaries, sent from Constantinople. Ramadan entring the great and sandy Desarts of that Countrey was unprovided both of Victualls and skilful Guides; so that at length, he could neither go forward, nor without losse of his men, return; yet he got home, but with the losse of some men, and the manifest danger of his whole Army; for which his imprudence, the Janizaries in a rage, fell upon him, and slew him. Let no man marvel, that Amurath winked at their insolency; for those martiall men are now not as in former times; grown proud and insolent, by living in continual pay, doing whatsoever seemeth them best, though never so foul or unreasonable.

Not many years before, the Janizaries in Cyprus flew Achmetes Bassa the Governour, pretending he had defrauded them of their pay, and intolerably exacted upon the Countrey. Amurath highly offended at their killing their Generall, whom they never before complained of, for his own Majesties sake, and the repressing of the like [Page] insolencies in others, sent a new Governour into Cyprus, with such a number of Souldiers, as might seise upon the chief offendors; who dissembling his Commission by certain trusty men, gave it out amongst the Janizaries, that Amurath was so far from being angry for the death of Achmetes, that he thought him to be worthily slain; this was to put the Janizaries in security: hereupon, they chearfully, and with all due reverence, received their new Governour; but shortly after, by an unexpected guil, they compassed in all the new-come Souldiers, and slew them every one, seizing also upon the Gallies that brought them: by which second outrage, though Amurath saw his Majesty contemned, yet was he content to passe it over, being loath to add domestical troubles to the great Warres he had with the Persian.

To end this matter with the opinion of Rustan Bassa, concerning these masterful men. Whilest [...] the Emperour's Embassador, lay in the Turks Camp, when Solyman went in person into Asia, to countenance Selimus against Bajazet, upon a light quarrel, (though heavily taken between his followers) and some Janizaries, washing themselves at the Sea side: the Embassador, for quieting thereof, was glad to use the help of Rustan, who understanding the matter by a Messenger sent on purpose, advised him to cut off all occasion of contention, with those most naughty fellows, asking him further, If he knew not that it was now the time of Warre, in which time they so raigned, that Solyman himself was not able to rule them, but stood in fear of them.

But let us return again unto the Warres of Persia: According to the Commands gone out through all the Cities of the Empire, the Souldiers began to flock together, and all that were [...] to be established in their former places, or sought to be now promoted, repaired to Osman, as unto a King, presenting him with very large gifts, whereby he collected a huge heap of Treasure; and [Page] so entertaining them with courtesie, and promising rewards and honour to such as would follow him, he levied a wonderful number of men and monies; and notwithstanding the great dearth that commonly raigned in those quarters, yet to Erzirum, he must; where he was greatly expected of his huge Army, where he arrived about the latter end of July, in 1585, and there viewing his whole Army, with all its necessary provision, he laboured to hasten his departure: there was met together at Erzirum, a greater number than ever before; for every man [...] his own private business, and upon sure hopes of new rewards and unwonted honours, followed the fame of their new Visier and Generall: onely those of Egypt and Damasco, were now busied with more private quarrels at home, which I will rehearse as briefly as I can.

Amurath had sent Hassan Bassa the Eunuch, from his charge in the Queens Court at her instance, as Bassa to Caire in Egypt: which great office, besides the honour, is beneficial to them that are advanced thereunto; the Riches and multitudes of people therein, being so great. Hassan, being exceeding covetous, sought by all manner of meanes, to oppress the whole Nation, and by all importunities, to wring & extort from them rewards and bribes, whereby he was so odious and intolerable to the people, that they in great number, and many times, began to go to Constantinople, with humble Petitions to request the King to take from them so cruel and unjust a Governour; so that the general talk in Court, was of the villanies and mischiefs reported of the covetous Eunuch. At last, Amurath for shame, sent him certain Messages, sundry times, to return home; but he, loath to leave so fit an occasion to inrich himself, still delayed his return, by many fained excuses: which when Amurath understood, he determined by punishing him to satisfie in some part, the discontented minds of his oppressed [Page] Subjects. There was then amongst the chief Bassaes, one Ebrain, or Ibrahim, a young Sclavonian, about 32 years old, judicious and well conditioned, on whom Amurath had determined to bestow his Daughter to Wife: wherefore, now minded to remove the Eunuch from his Office, and willing withall, to inrich his said Sonne in Law, resolved to send him as Soveraign Judge into Egypt, charging him to remember how wickedly his Predecessor had dealt before him: at the rumour of whose coming, and of his great Authority, as the Egyptians were joyful, so the Eunuch was sorrowful, as perswaded, that this change could not but ingender some strange Issue against him: whereupon, he resolved not to stay the coming of the new Governour; but departing with great care, for fear of meeting Ebrain, he travelled towards Constantinople, hoping to appease the Kings wrath, or at least by bribes, and the Queens intercession, to finde him [...] favourable then he should Ebraim, who withou doubt, would have bereft him both of goods and life.

Amurath advertized from Ebraim, of his sudden flight out of Egypt; and withall, that he kept not the high way to Constantinople, feared, lest when he came to Soria, he should flee to the Persian King, and so work him double and treble dammage, as one that had gathered a huge Treasure, and had long lived in the Court: whereupon, he dispatched the Master of his Horse, with 40 Chapigi, charging them, if they met him, to bring him to Court, using all the assistance of his people that might be requisite, delivering unto him, very effectual and large Letters to that end; who departing, without any extraordinary inquiring, found the Eunuch encamped in the plains of Soria, near the City Aman, once called Apania; who hearing of his coming, gave order to his Guard of slaves, not to suffer any to enter into his Tent, but onely the Imbrahor himself, who, as soon as he had [Page] discovered his Tents, hastned towards the same, and would have entred the Eunuchs Tent, with all his followers; but the armed slaves opposing them, permitted onely the Imbrahor to enter, who read unto the Eunuch, the Kings Command to bring him to Court, most instantly moving him, without further resistance, quietly to go with him, who warily answered; behold, without the Kings call, or your conduct, I come of my selfe, well assured to finde favour and grace in the sight of my Lord, whose upright and mild nature, the treacheries of my false accusers cannot abuse to the prejudice of me an innocent; so they went all to Constantinople, the Eunuch still standing upon his Guard: who, the mean time, had certified the Sultan Ladies, by Letters of his coming; but chiefly, beseeching the Queen to appease the Kings wrath, that happily might be conceived against him. When Amurath heard he was come to Scutari, he caused all his Treasure and private substance, to be taken from him, and himself to be clapt up in the Jadicula, where he many dayes fearing some deadly blow, at length received from the Queen, that he should be of good cheere, for that his Wealth had saved his life, and she hoped also to procure his liberty also; so she earnestly petitioning her Husband, that since he had bereft her Eunuch of all his goods, he would yet deliver him out of prison, and restore him to her again; the Eunuch was enlarged accordingly.

But Ebrain now arrived in Egypt had soon by far more sinister devices, then the Eunuch, scraped together, a huge heap of riches; wherefore he was called home to Court, to accomplish the intended Marriage, receiving also in charge, to make his Journey through the people of Dru [...]in, to confirm the loyall in their obedience, and payment of their ancient duties; but quite to destroy the stubborn and disobedient. Ebrain, packing up all his Riches, raised good store of Souldiers in that Province, taking [Page] with him 13 Sanzacks, that used to sit as assistants under the Bassa [...] Caire. So coming to Gaza, and [...] the Sanzack thereof with him, he went to Jerusalem, and causing that Sanzack also to follow him he took with him the Sanzacks of Zafetto, Lezium, and Naplos [...] old Samaria; [...] that before he joyned with the band [...] Damasco, he had 18 Sanzacks with their Squadrons: he had also his own [...] Court very populous, and 200 Janizaries, which he brought with him at [...] from Court in all almost 20000 Horsemen: Vies, Bassa of Damasco, met him as far as Jerusalem, with about 2000; and, by the way of Sidon, came the Aga with his Janizaries, transported into the main, in [...] Gallies sent to fetch Ebrain.

These Drusians against whom the preparations was made, are supposed to be by descent Frenchmen: the reliques of those who, in times past, did fight he Christian Battels in Jury; but being [...] low by the Plague, and fury of the Barbarians mingled with the circumcised Nation, and so lost their Religion and Command together: yet hating the Turkish Superstirion, and the Jews Circumcision, they follow a new Prophet of their own, called Isman; for the right Grecians are uncircumcised, not [...] Wine as the Turks, and making it lawful to marry their own [...]; who notwithstanding all the attempts of the Turk, especially Selimus the second, they would never admit any Turkish Governour within their Countrey: they inhabit all the Countrey within the confines of Joppa, above [...] and Palestine, and within the Rivers of Orontes and Jordan, [...] it self even to the plain of Damasco, near the Hills that encompass it on the Coast of Mount Libanus. They were once much esteemed for their Conquest; but now [...] at variance, through covetousness, one sought the [...] of [...] her: they were at this time, governed by 5 Emirs, or Princes, Ebneman or Manogli; Serafadin Mahomet, [Page]Ebne Mansor, Ebne Freck Ali, Ebne Carfus, who have divers Deputies, called their Macademi [...] Agents: Manoglies [...], lay under the jurisdictions of [...], [...], [...] and Sidon, residing for the most part on a Hill in the Town [...]; mighty in Men and Armour, and alwayes a deadly Enemy to the Turk, since his Father was murdered [...] the treachery of Mustapha, then Bassa of Damasco. Freck, Carsus, and Mansor, were alwayes friends; but at the com ng of Ebrain, more straitly confederate: [...] and Manogli ever opposing [...], whereby they [...] their [...] to defend themselves against the Turks. The three [...] above named, to turn all the intended mischief upon Serafadin and Manogli, met Ebrain at Jerusalem with store of Money loads of Silks, with Cloaths and other things of exceeding [...], with [...] 2000 another 3000 men; whose coming, Ebrain took in very good part, courteously receiving their presents, and by the offers of their fidelity, and their grievous accusations against the other two, conceived great hope of his intended enterprize, who incamped in the Champain of Bocca, whither came people all thereabouts with Presents to the Bassa, to whom he likewise yielded such small favours, as his covetous nature could afford: who presently sent to Serafadin and Manogli, inviting them to come in to acknowledge their obedience, otherwise they might be sure to be soon deprived of Estate and life: Serafadin poor and weak, packing up divers the like Presents as aforesaid, and attended on with divers of his Subjects, arrived at Ebrains Pavil ion, whose Presents were readily received, and himself attentively [...] : who said in effect, he had alwayes been a devo ed Vassall to Amurath, &c. and being now assured of his favour, by his courteous offers in his Letters he profered him whatsoever lay in his [...] power to perform: Ebrain made no answer, onely asked him, why he lived in continual discord with the three Emirs, [Page] then in the Pavillion, Who answered, it was not long of him, who never took up Arms, but in his just defence against their injuries, who being more mighty then he, [...] continually to oppress him: hereat the [...] arose, and with grim looks, falsely charged him to have been ever the authour of those brawls; adding, that at that time, no strange Vessel [...], for fear of him, arrive at Sidon, Tyrus, or Berito, nor any Marchant or Marchandize, passe over the plains, but that those Countries [...] generally [...] both by Sea and Land, to the great hindrance of the Sultans Customs. He would have gladly replyed; but by Ebrain, was with many injurious words, committed to the Custody of the 200 Janizaries, who bringing him into a rotten Tent, he was every night put in the Stocks fast chained, & continually guarded by them: in the mean time, Manogli wrote back to Ebrain, excusing his not coming first, because of his three Enemies there present with him, and from the ancient Oath that he took, when he was but a Child, to keep himself alwayes out of the hands of a Turk, when he saw his own Father so villainously betrayed by the murdering Sword of Mustapha: saying also, He had alwayes so carried himself toward his Lord, that he was not his Debtor one Asper, in the managing of his Customs; whereas Ebner Mansor, though he would make a shew of fidelity, yet did he detain from the King 200000 Duckats of his Customs; so he hoped he would pardon him in that his seeming disobedience, assuring him, that all whatsoever he had, was his. Ebrain perceiving the resolution of Manogli, resolved either by force or slight, to get him into his hands; or at least, to draw from him so many Harquebusses, great gifts, and Tributes, as possibly he could: wherefore turning himself towards his Countrey, he burnt and destroyed 24 of his Towns; and so on the top of a large Hill, he encamped himself; but whilest the Army was thus marching forward, Veis Bassa with [Page] his Sonne, the Sanzack of Jerusalem, with a good number of Souldiers, in manner of a reare-ward, being busie in raising their Tents, were [...] assaulted and discomfited by the Drusians of Manogli's faction, putting to the Sword 500 persons, leading away [...] Horses and Carriages, and possessing their Pavillions Wealth and Armor; and scarce gave leave to the Father [...] escape, or to the Sonne, who fleeing to Jerusalem, returned not again to Ebrain; but Veis still followed the Army, with those that he had left. Ebrain stayed 24 dayes upon the Hill, attending nothing else but to try all his advices upon Manogli. Wherefore he dispatched one Gomeda Ebne, Mansors Agent, to tell him, that since he would not adventure himself into the hand of his friend, he should send him all the Harquebusses he had; [...] it was the Sultans pleasure, that his people that went not to his Warres, should not be furnished with so great store of Weapons. Manogli, with great grief, beheld the Agent of his deadly Enemy: yet in regard of him that sent him, he forbore any injury or reproach, telling him, All his people and Weapons were dispersed; he could not tell what Harquebusses to send him: wherefore Ali, Bassa of Aleppo, offered the Generall to go to him, to some better purpose: who used many reasons to perswade Manogli to come and yield his obedience, swearing no harm should be done to him, and promising him great favours, but he could never win him so to do: yet with much adoe, he prevailed so with the Drusian, that he gave him 320 Harquebusses, 20 [...] of Andarine Silks, and fifty thousand Duckats for a gift; and to reconcile the Bassa unto him, sending also his own Mother, who excused her Sonne in respect of his Enemies, who sate there so near him, and in regard of his former Oath, beseeching him to accept of the gifts, and a minde most ready to serve and obey the King, and to [...] him, whose excuses were just and reasonable: the Turk replyed, though she had [Page] found so foul a fault in Mustapha; yet she ought not to fear any such act at his hands, who stood upon his honour and the word of a Souldier, and so, by Oath, protesting all [...] towards him, he in token thereof, cast a white vail about her neck, and another on himself; and a third he gave into her hands, willing her to report the Oath to her Son, and carry him that vail, and bring him with her, protesting to intreat him but as a friend and Brother; but she neither could, nor would go about to alter her Sonnes purpose; but returned Ebrain an answer not greatly pleasing. After which, he sought more then before, to get him into his hands, or at least to draw from him more Presents and Weapons, sending again the crafty Gomeda, to exhort him upon faith given, to come unto him; but he could obtain nothing of the Drusian but good words, onely yet at last Manogli was contented to send another Present to Ebrain, on condition that he should cause him to depart out of those quarters, and himself not to come to him with any further request: so he gave him 50000 Duckats more, 480 Harquebusses, 1000 Goats, 150 Cammels, as many Buffs, 1000 Oxen, & 200 Weathers: Gomeda came to Ebrain with this rich Present, declaring his promise not to molest the Drusian any more: who sharply reproving him, threatned to make him know what it was to take upon him so dangerous a liberty; and, in despite of them both, would needs have Gomeda return to the Drusian with the same Message; but Manogli was so moved at the very sight of Gomeda, that he was about to dispatch him with a dart, had not more dangerous effects stayd his fury; yet he gave him reproachful words, and deadly threats: notwithstanding, Gomeda so wrought with him, that he sent four burdens more of Harquebusses, 10 Swords, and 10 guilt Daggers, some silver Belts, 10 Packs of Silk, and some few pence, causing him to protest never to be perswaded to come again to him; for if he did, he threatned to kill him, hap what would. Ebrain with exceeding joy, [Page] received this Present, rose with his Army, and being conducted by [...] Frec, burnt Andera, and in two dayes burnt and destroyed nine other of Manoglies Towns with fire and sword: After all this, he sent divers Messengers to Manogli, to try if he would yet come; but nothing could move him, his constancy being rather increased, to avoid a most certain death: now the Bassa un erstanding by a spie that the Captain of Andera with 350 Souldiers, was gone up a Hill, for more security; he sent Ebne Frec to tell him, that since his Lord would not come unto him, he should: which if he would do, he would in despite of Manogli, make him a Sanzack of some of those places. The [...] and unheedy Macademo, with his followers, went with him, causing his men to stay in a Valley two or three miles off; but Ebrain would not so much as see him, though in respect both of his nimble person and fierce looks, he was worthy to be beheld, commanding him to be kept apart from Serafadin; and in the mean time, trained his 350 followers, by meanes of Ebne Frec, into a Vineyard, suddenly setting upon them, and killing them every one: Then he commanded the Macademo, to be brought before him, and flaid quick; who stourly upbraided Ebrain of his promise and Oath; and while they stripped him, amongst other speeches, he [...] one, though not seemly, yet very reproachful unto Ebrain; and to the Executioners he said, It was their fortune indeed, that with such needless deformity, they were now able to take his life, whereas none once durst, Man to Man, to have drawn one drop of blood from him, no, nor to have indured his countenance: But they should proceed to fulfill the cruel Command of their Visier; for, in the end, there would also light upon them the just reward of so villainous a fact: So 3 great slashes were made on his back, where they began to flea him: he the while, blaspheming their Religion, cursing their King, and false Prophet also; but the Souldiers made other like gashes upon his breast [Page] and stomack, and drawing the skin downward, before it was brought to his navel, he was with the extremity of pain dead; after this, he caused Serafadins 150 followers to be cruelly [...], and most miserably wasting his Countrey; and the while, sent Post to Sidon, where his Galleys lay, that [...] 4000 Souldiers, they should sack all those Countries along the Sea-Coast, even as far as Caesaria, sparing neither Age, Sexe, nor condition, which was done, 3000 souls [...] away Captives, and much rich Marchandize, and the whole Countrey of Serafadin and Manogli, laid utterly wast. But Ebrain thinking what he had hitherto done, would be little or nothing accompted of, unless he in some sort, provided for quieting those people under Turkish obedience, nominated Ebne Carfus, the richest and most obedient of the three Emirs, to be Bassa of all those Regions; yet not without a bribe of 100000 Duckats: wherefore he apparelled him in Cloth of Gold, gave him a [...] Mace, a Sword all guilt, and the Kings Commission to whom he sware faith and obedience, and so he returned to Damasco, staying 12 dayes, and by shameful shifts, extorting monie from divers persons: at last, he turned towards Gazir, and Barento, places under Ebne Mansur's Government, finding his Gallies in the Haven of Barento, as he had commanded, Ebrain had pitched his one Tent onely upon a Hill near the Sea: under which base Tent, himself onely shrouding, he called Ebne Mansur, pleasantly telling him, 'Twas now time to pay the 160000 Duckats which he owed his Lord for the Custom of Tripoli and Bareuto; for he was now to return to Constantinople, which he knew not how to do, [...] that was discharged: he answered, Ere long, his Maccademoes would come with his money, and then without delay make payment: which Ebrain knowing to be but an excuse, determined o thrust the debtor into his Gallies, for lack of the debt; but for fear of some insurrection, he being in his own Territories, [Page] and greatly beloved of Frec and Carsus, he thought it better outwardly to shew him all good countenance, and secretly and [...] to take him prisoner; so he told him, that since he was next day to make a Road into Manoglies Country, he prayed him to be his guid; for which end, when he should send for him at midnight, that he would come to him very secretly, because he would depart without any stir, onely with 500 men. The Drusian believing the matter, and withall, in hope thereby to find some way to escape his hands, went to his Tent, when called; who presently charging him with many abominable and foul termes, sent him into his Gallies with a Chain about his neck, and Arms, and took the spoil of all his Countrey, a prey of Money; Clothes of Silk and Gold, as was marvellous to behold: which being conveighed into his Gallies, he sailed to Tripoli, where he found Serafadin in the Custody of Veis and Ali; and staying there a few dayes, committed sundry villanous robberies: he pursued Serafadin into the Gallies, with all his Wealth, and so departed to Constantinople, where entring the Channel with 24 Gallies, he was received by a great number of his friends and favourites, and saluted with an honourable peal of Ordnance out of the Seraglio, Minadoi, who saw the presents which the ravenous Bassa gave the Turkish King, reports the sum thereof to have been a million of Gold, besides the yearly Revenue of Caire, amounting to 600000 Duckats, 60 most beautiful and rich garnished Horses of the Arabian Race, a live Elephant, [...] a Beast like a Cammel, and a Panther, two great dead Crocodiles, a Chaire of Massey gold, richly set with precious stones, a rich Casket, many packs of most fine Cloaths, woollen and silks; other Cloaths, with Gold and Silver fringe, and the Barbarian cutwork, most fine [...] of Alexandria, and all the Harquebusses, besides sundry rich presents he gave to the great Ladies, reported to be worth 200000 Sultinues.

[Page]But it shall not be altogether impertinent, to declare what passed between the aforesaid Zanzack of Jerusalem, and the Arabians of Palestine a little before the coming of [...] into those quarters. In the [...] of Sodome, and in the [...] not onely [...] the Lake Asphaltites and Damasco, but also in the Plaines of [...], Samaria, and divers other Townes; there do haunt and live certain Arabian Captains, who over-run at pleasure all the Countries round about, even as far as Rama and Joppa, committing grievous out-rages against the Inhabitants, and upon their goods and wealth, as also on strangers and travellers: yea, they dare to assault the fenced Cities, they are good Horsmen without Armour, their Horses very swift, themselves bold and [...] Thieves: who, having Intelligence that the strong Zanzacks of Jerusalem, would joyn with all the [...] thereabouts, and with his Father Veis, to work their destruction by sundry Invasions upon him, even to the Gates of Jerusalem: They provoked him to come out into the fields, compacting with a Subbassi of [...], their friend, to animate the Zanzack thereunto, by promising him good success; Whereupon, the ambitious young man, having armed a hundred of his Vassals, and raised all the Horsmen under his Government, in number 600 made a road towards Jericho, sending before defiance unto the Arabians: who, comming with their Arrows and Indian Canes, overwhelmed his Harquebusiers; and the [...] being yet at the hottest, the Traiterous Subbassi fled towards Bethlehem, leaving the Souldiers of Jerusalem in the Arabians hands, [...] most of them, and the Zanzack scarce saving himself by flight: who, informed of the Subbassi his fraud, fained that he would try his Forces against them: Whereby the Subbassi came armed unto him, suspecting no mischief; but being come, the Zanzack took him, and presently caused him to be flayed quick.

[Page]But Osman having gathered together too huge an Army, [...] [...] should want victual for so great a multitude, neither so fearing the Persian forces; drew out about 4000 Persons, such as he thought least able to endure travel, who according to every ones ability redeeming the ordinary perills of the Warrs, returned home. So Osman had about 180000 men in his Army, with whom he departed from Erzirum in Aug. 1585 towards Tauris, yet continuing the speech for Nasivan; but he had scarce marched two dayes, but divers Souldiers of Greece and Constantinople upbraided him of great improvidence: and telling him, They had already that day wanted their allowance of Corn for their Horses: so that, if in the beginning of so long a journy, they began to feel such want, they could not tell why he meant to lead so great a Company so far as Nasivan, nor by what cunning he had presumed to sustain so great an Army. Osman quietly heard them, causing the Barley desired, to be delivered among them, and severely punishing the Officers for allowance of Corn, who began to make Merchandize of the common provision. So proceeding on his journy, he arrived upon the Calderan Plaines, where he took a generall view of his Army, wanting a number, who by reason of sickness were forced to stay behind: from hence he went not towards Nasivan, but directly to Tauris: which, the a foresaid Souldiers hearing, fell into a great rage reviling Osman with most insolent speech, to his face, calling him Villain and [...], as not brooking his Lyes and Deceit. But if he had changed his Opinion upon good advice, for the enterprize of Tauris; why did he dismisse so many Souldiers? Did he think by suffering others to redeem their Liberties, to encrease his Riches, to set their lives to sale, and make them [...] to the Persians? At these arrogant speeches, the Generall was exceedingly troubled; seeing his good meaning to advance the Majesty of his King so ill [Page] taken by his best Souldiers, and upon good advice he sorbare [...] and punishment; but sending for many Captaines and chief [...] a [...] those seditious, he perswaded them that the former speech for Nasivan was not raised by him, nor was he minded then to go to Tauris: but all he had done was [...] fulfill the command of the Sultan, who had charged him so to do, to lessen the Persians preparations: neither need they to fear that the Souldiers dismissed might weaken the Army, for they themselves were not only sufficient to pierce into Tauris, but to daunt their Enemies even with their Looks: and those that were discharged, had but purged the Hoast of all cowardice. By this mild answer, the Souldiers were sufficiently pacified; but much better, when he had bestowed amongst them all a small quantity of monies: for now they became so willing and couragious, that they durst venture to the [...] parts of all the Persian Kingdom. The General went towards Coy, in the midst between Tauris and the Marshan Meer, where he refreshed his Army with all things: then he passed to Maraut plentifull of all necessaries: thence towards Saffion a fruitful place, whence he began to discover Tauris. Great was the joy of the Souldiers; and those of Greece and Constantinople, did highly commend the advice, in giving out the rumor of Nasivan for Tauris, as the onely meanes whereby they were in quiet come so far, so that every man without fear proudly plotted to themselves, all insolent and outragious actions that use to proceed from those barbarous Victors, especially the Van-guard, who descended down towards pleasant Gardens full of all sorts of Trees, Springs, and Fruits; and, satisfying their Appetites, they withdrew to a little River, near a Bridge, called the Bridge of salt Water, at pleasure attending the comming of the Army.

But the Persian Prince Emir Hamsey, having closely couched himself with 10000 good Souldiers suddenly set upon them, with such speed, courage, and fury, that in a [Page] manner without resistance, he dispersed them, killing about 7000, and with many Prisoners, Horses, Slaves, sundry Ensignes and Drums, he withdrew back towards his blind Father, who lay encamped about 12 miles from Tauris with about 50000 Souldiers. Aliculi had but 4000 left in Tauris, for the Persian King could not leavy above 64000 men: for the Turkomans, because of the death of Emir-chan, would not be brought to defend that City, whereof Aliculi their Capital Enemy was Governor, and from Isheilam and Meri, there came not one Souldier: so that the Persian King had [...] stomack to meet the Turks in plain Battel, but sought by all politick meanes to weaken and annoy his strong Enemy.

Osman, dispatching Sinan Bassa, and the Bassa of Charaemit, with 14000 Souldiers to pursue the Victorious Prince, they used such expedition that they overtook him in the way towards his Fathers Camp: who, seeing he could not avoid Battel, without a shamefull and dangerous flight, joyned with them a most bloudy Conflict for 2 houres, till the darkness of the night enforced both sides to retire; the Turks losing, as was commonly reported 6000 men, so that hitherto they lost above 10000 Souldiers, and yet had scarce discovered or seen the City, they so greedily longed after. Next morning, the Turks encamped within 2 miles of Tauris, but whilst they were setting up their Tents, Aliculi issuing out with all his Garrison, and Citizens fit to bear Arms, with many cunning turnings and windings, so charged the Vanguard now renewed, that he [...] them to retire even to the main Battel; they being disordered, and almost 3000 [...] in a very small time. Aliculi spying the Ordnance, withdrew himself without [...] into the City, but in the shutting in of the evening, he sallied out again, and swif ly running along that side of the Army towards Tauris, he slew the Bassa of Maras, and did great hurt: which done, he fled to the Kings Camp, not being able to hold the City, yet the Taurisions that remained therein, gathered together [Page] to the Gates, to make a bloody entrance for the Turks: And upon the break of day, a great multitude of the servile and rascàll Turks, without order from their Captains, with Corstets, Spears and Swords went to that Wealthy City, thinking to have sacked it; but, contrary to their expectation they were forced at the Gates to joyn a hard and mortall Battel: so that the Vallies entrance, and ground thereabouts was bathed with bloud, and as it were covered with Weapons and dead [...]: yet, at last, the Persians was constrained to yield entrance, a multitude out of the Camp flowing in upon them, who retiring into the City astonied and amazed, fortified themselves in their Houses under ground, and in the corners and windings of the streets, whence they did the Turks great harm: who at last were too mighty for them, and wrought many grievous mischiefs in that wofull City; and so a great number of this rascall people returned to the Camp with manifest tokens of the oppressed City; wherein, the women and impotent souls stood embracing and straining their doors and posts, and kissing their native soyl with prayers, mournings, and complaints: bewailing their present misery, and yet fearing worse to come. Osman, acquainted with these calamities, proclaimed, that [...] should be so hardy as to molest the Taurisians; going about the City himself, and thorowly viewing its scituation, and wherein he might safely encamp, and more securely erect a Castle or Fort. The buildings in Tauris, which is seared at the foot of the hill Orontes, after the manner of the East, are of burnt-clay rather low then high. It carrieth the name for all things, and was the Persian Kings place of residence, till Tamas removed his seat farther into his Kingdom to [...]: yet though it hath bin sundry times [...] by the inroads & fury of the Turk it was stil in great estimation & renown. Osman [...] his Tents to be pitched on the south-side thereof, where was a spacious Garden, replenished with sundry [...] of Trees and sweet smelling plants, & many Brooks [Page] derived from a pretty River, which divided the Garden from the City: for the delicacy thereof, it was called the 8 Paradise; & was in times [...] the standing House of their Kings: but after their remove to Casbin, became the Habitation of the Governour of Tauris. Here Osman would build his Castle, giving the Modell himself, and commanding all those pleasant Greens, to be environed with walls and Trenches, to convey the water from the said River, which whole work was finished in 36 dayes: store of Artillery mounted on the Walls, and divers Baths, Lodgings, and such other Houses built within: the first day of which building, Osman sickned of a Feaver with a bloudy Flux. Five dayes after the Castle was [...], newes was brought to the Camp, that 8 Janizaries and divers Spaoglans were seen strangled in a Bath within the City: whereupon, the Janizaries and others came to the Generall, telling him, That although, according to his pleasure, every man had used modesty towards the Taurisians, yet themselves had strangled in a Bath 8 Janizaries and certain Spaoglans: which injury and insolency, in their judgment was not to be suffered. Osman was so moved, that commanding the City to be sacked, he left it wholly to the [...] of his Souldiers: Whereupon, every place was filled with [...], ravishment, rapine, & murder: Men-Children, most horribly defiled; younglings snatched out of their Parents arms: Houses burnt and destroyed; Riches and Money carryed away, and all things ruinated. Thrice were these mischiefs committed, one exceeding another. This wo sore troubled the Persian King, but the Prince much more, who resolved to attempt any thing to requite so great a wrong, and commanded 500 Horsmen to present themselves even to the very sight of their Enemies Tents, & as it were to dare them Battel: the Turks imagining that the Persians were in great number come to affail the Army, the sick Generall ordered Cicala Bassa, and the Bassa of Careamit, with near 40000 [Page] of those of Greece their own Forces, and servile people to go to encounter the Enemy: the 5000 Persians with a cunning kind of skirmishing drew the Turks forward above 8 miles, where, the Persian Prince with about 20000 of his Army couragiously [...] upon them, with the cruellest Battel that ever was written of: who, having done great harm, it was thought, as content, they would have [...] retired, which the Turks to prevent, hardly pressed upon them hoping to put them to flight, & give them a deadly overthrow; but the Persians having endured their charge, began a most deadly Battel afresh, wherein the Bassa of Careamit being wholly discomfited, fled back to the Camp with most manifest Tokens of the unhappy issue: yet Sicala valiantly and cunningly still [...] their fury, labouring by all meanes to encourage his men and restore the Battel: but at last was forced also to flee, comming to the Camp without any Ensign, having left behind him 8000 of his Souldiers dead upon the ground: The Prince herewith encouraged, speedily sent to Osman, (whom he thought had been in health) that if he would sight he was [...] how he pleased to accept of Battel, and make him know, both that Amurath had most unjustly raised this War, and also that it had bin good for himself not to have taken the same in hand.

Osman [...] this offer sent out 60000 men, the Bassa of Careamit, and Sicala leading the main Battel: the Bassa of Natolia the left-Wing, and the Bassa of Caramania the right-Wing. The Prince lay about 10 miles off from Osman's Camp: who had of Persians, Hircanians, Parthians, and Meropatians, in all 40000, himself being in the midst of them. The Turks feared, lest the Persians fetching a great compass should set upon their Tents and Riches: wherefore, retiring what they might, as if they had given place, they had well-nigh brought them even within the mark of their Artillery, which the Persians perceiving, hardly began to assail their main body: into [Page] the midst whereof, the Prince entring, dispatched every man that came in his way, and singling out the Bassa of Careamit, who sustained Osman's place, smote off his head & gave it one of his followers to carry upon the [...] of his Lance, which brought a great terrour upon the Turks, and exceedingly [...] the Persians: who intermingled themselves more and more amongst them, made of them a most confused and general slaughter, there dying also the Bassa of Trabszonda, and 6 Zanzacks with 20000 Turks more as was commonly reported: the Bassa of Caramania being also taken with divers other common Souldiers: but night comming on, and the Persians come somewhat too nigh to the Turkish Artillery, they withdrew themselves back to the King, Camp.

The Fortress of Tauris being fully finished; the Souldiers of Greece and Constantinople wearied to see their fellows thus [...], and having laid up the prey and booty gotten in Tauris, Winter also comming fast on, by [...] trusty friends about Osman, who was in despair of life, represented [...] him the [...] of their return: and after many reverend [...] [...] unto him, that if he would needs [...], dallying out time in those dangerous places where no need was, they should be forced to forsake him. Osman promised to satisfie their request by departing the next morning. So he made Giaffor the Eunuch Bassa of Tripolis, a crafty and cruel man Governor of the new-built Fortress: whom, to encourage to undertake that charge, he gave him for 3 whole years the Office and Revenues of the Bassa of Careamit [...] slain, Honouring him also with the Title of Bassa of the [...]; so that after his 3 yeares Office of Careamit, he was to sit amongst the Soveraign seats of the Bassaes of the Porta. The Bassa hereupon dispatching his Lieutenant for Careamit, [...] a 100 of his own followers, setled himself in the said Fort with 12000 Souldiers, furnished with all necessaries till the next Spring: so the General departed [Page] the same morning being the 87th. day after his departure from Erzirum, came to Sancazan, 7 miles from Tauris. The Tauris being now ready confusedly to encamp; There was heard the neighing of Horses, and noise of Drums and Trumpets: which when the whole Camp understood, they ran disorderly to rescue on that side where those noises were heard: but whilst the Turks intentively expected the Enemies comming on that side the Prince with 28000 Horsmen was ready upon them on the other side; and with a safe Convoy, had taken 18000 Camels and Mules well loaden with Booty and Victuall: which he sending away with 6000 Souldiers, Himself, [...] 22000 Persians entred into the Turks Army, who, now on that side also had made a Head against him. In a moment the Tents and Pavillions were turned upside-down, and replenished with dead Carcasses, and bloud, and so generall a slaughter made, that the Turks themselves marvelled at, and do to this day with great admiration recount, the Valour of the Persians: but they doubting, lest the enemy should have entred the Lodgings of the sick Visier, now at the last [...], He that commanded in his Name, ordered the Artillery to be forthwith unbarred and discharged, which in that medly, overthrew both friends and foes, & did perhaps most harm to the Turks: For the Prince with his followers at the noise thereof, speedily retired; so that the Turks left behind, were more annoyed then the Persians: the Turks made shew, as if they would gladly have overtaken them, but night coming on, they feared to proceed any further. In this Battel were slain 20000 Turks, [...] any notable loss of the Persians. Osman, the General also here at Sancazan, died through the violence of an ague, & a flux of bloud, which was kept secret from the whole Army, because the Charriots wherein he lay were stil kept close. And in his name Cicala Bassa for so he had appointed, gave out commands to the Army; yet 3 young men, who had the charge of Osmans Jewels [Page] & Treasure, fleeing to the Persians with the best therof, and the fairest of his Horses, disclosed to them the death of the Generall, who were thereby encouraged to attempt the utter overthrow of the Turkish remnant: whereupon, the Prince with 14000 followed the Turks, who were removed to a certain River of salt water, not far from Sancazan, where he pitched a few Tents about 4 or 5 miles distant from the Turks camp (the said brook running betwixt the 2 Armies) Now the Prince purposed to assail the Turks in the morning, while they were loading their Carriages; which his design was revealed to the Turks by one of his Spies, which they caught: wherefore, they neither rose so early as their manner was, nor loaded their stuff, till they were all ready to receive their Enemies: yet, the Persian considering, they should find no other good opportunity to annoy them before next Spring, resolved to venture the assault; and, observing the Enemies Artillery to be on the right side, they began to enter on the left: but the Turks presently so turned their Artillery against them, that it was to their great loss & danger, yet were they so nimble to shroud themselves under the Enemies Army, that being now come very near them, they must needs joyn Battel: they had purposed, as soon as they saw the Turks begin to stir, to retire; so to draw them on into a filthy and deep Marsh, which being then dry, was not doubted, but onely by those that were well acquainted therewith, or born thereabouts: which policy Maxut and Dant-chan perceiving, gave notice thereof to Cicala. Who caused a great compassing-wing to be made, and to charge the Persians home, which they did so, that their fore-front opened with very large corners upon the Prince; who, by and by perceiving that his purpose was discovered, without stay, began to retire, which could not so readily be done, but that 3000 Persians were over-trodden and [...] in the mire with very little loss to the Turks. This onely Battel of 5, that were fought in those Quarters, being least hurtful to the Turks.

[Page]The Prince returned to his Fathers Camp, recounting unto him the whole action and the Enemies departure. The Turk came to Salmas, where Osman's death was published, thence they went to Van, where, surveying their Army, they missed about 85000 persons or more: at Van they were all dismissed, whence Sicala gave notice to Amurath of all that had happened. First was published Osman's death at Constantinople, with many signes of great sorrow, also the bloudy and mortal actions that were performed in that Expedition: the whole City seemed much discomforted, and in many places were much secret railings on the King, many curses of these wars, and of those manifold mischiefs; after which, was dispersed the great fame of the [...] at Tauris, with all the losse that had happened to the City, & an Edict published, that through all the Cities of the Empire, they should make solemn Feasts and other Tokens of joy, which was done accordingly: Word was also sent to the Embassadours of divers Countries to do the like, but they all answered, It was never the custom of Embassadours so to do, but when the King in Person returned from such Victories.

In the mean time, they consulted at Van to send succours to Teflis, Daut-chan, to deserve some reward, offering himself; to whom Cicala delivered 30000 Ecchines to be conveyed to the Fort, which he performed, and without trouble relieved the Souldiers, for which good service Amurath made him Bassa of Maras. Maxut also, that guided the Turkish Army to Reivan and also to Tauris, was by Amurath made Bassa of Aleppo, a great and rich Office. The Zanzack of Aman, a City of Soria, present in all this Expedition for Tauris, reports in a Letter to Ali Bassa of Aleppo, that the Turks were forced to give their Camels Bisket and Rice: which failing, they gave them their Pack-saddles, to eat: then Wood beaten to powder, and at last the very earth; which dearth, endured till they arrived at Van: and while the Fortress was building at [Page] Tauris; they gave their Horses their [...] in very dry powder, whereby there followed a grievous mortality of Beasts, and Men: the [...] became so great, that every man was fain to carry a piece of a strong Onion under his Nose.

The late-built Fort in Tauris, exceedingly grieved the Persians, but especially the King and the Prince, reckoning it too great a shame to let it alone, and not well knowing how to demolish it, as destitute of Artillery, and also of sufficient strength: yet prickt on with the desire of glory and necessity; they determined even in Winter to gather new Forces, and with Trenches to approach the [...], and try if they could advance a Counter-mure as high as their Walls: but to hire any Souldiers either from [...], or Gheilan, Abass and Amet-chan denied them: and the Turkomans for the death of Emer-chan, and the succession of Aliculi, were grown very contumacious: so that, neither they nor the Governours could tell which way to turn. At last, for the common safety, the King sent kind Letters to the Heads of those Nations, and chiefly to Mahomet-chan, and to Califf the Sultan, declaring the perills of his State, and Liberty of the whole Kingdom, with his confidence in their valour: Wherefore, forgetting what was past, as not done in shame or scorn of their Nation, but for love to the Kingdom, that they would demand what satisfaction they desired: and that he would be ready to agree to any just request; They readily answered, They would come unto him to execute whatever he should command, for the common Necessity or Honour of his State. Now, they had concluded amongst themselves, to suffer none to fit in Emir's room but young Tamas the Kings third son, in the end, to cause him to be accepted for King of Casbin in despight of the King and the Prince being bent to revenge the death of one only Emer chan. So 10000 Turkomans, under the conduct of Mahomet, and Calife, went to the King, offering themselves [Page] with all readiness. The credulous King, not suspecting any rebellious plot, was greatly comforted at their coming: and although by some Sultans that had felt some inkling of this conspiracy, he was advised not to commit any matter of importance to their trust; yet did he think it long till he had offered them satisfaction: promising them, whatever Captain they desired in the room of Emer-chan, if 'twere possible, they should have him? Mahomet dissemblingly answered, Their chief desire was to do him pleasure and service, not doubting but he would appoint them an acceptable Chieftain. The King frankly declared, that to give them a pawn of his good Will, He had chose young Tamas his son to succeed in Emers room: which voluntary and unexpected grant of the King Mahomet hearing, became more jocund then he was wont, and seemed ready for whatsoever the King would command him; yielding also in the others Name large promises of Fidelity and Obedience, so the thing promised might be performed. The King against the advice of the wisest Sultans, and the Prince, secretly gave Tamas into the hands of Mahomet as chief of all the Turkomans: who, in a colour with his followers lustily began with Trenches and Rampiers to approach the Fort, neither was there any great time spent therein: so that there wanted but little more labour, to begin the desired assault; but the Traitor Mahomet-Chan with the Turkomans, & the child Tamas, unexpectedly & suddenly departed in the night silently removing from the besieged walls, and went on towards Casbin, terming Tamas the King of Persia, and abusing and mocking the old King and Prince. By which so sudden and dangerous a Rebellion, they and all good men exceedingly grieved in the huge waves of contrary thoughts; whether to Abandon that important siege, or to suffer so pernitious a Rebellion to go forward. The Prince at last resolved, to suppresse that Rebellion as most dangerous to the State; and so with twelve thousand Souldiers, and a part of the Kings [Page] guard, he followed after them, overtaking them at [...], a dayes-journey on this side Casbin, and joyning Battel with them; wherein, many being sorry for what they had done, would not draw their swords against the Prince; many also fled for fear, so that (he easily obtaining a Victory) Mahomet-chan was taken, and by the Princes command, presently beheaded: so was also Calife and divers other Captains: and young Tamas he sent to the Castle of Cahaza; 5000 of these Turkomans that fled, went and yielded themselves to Solyman, Bassa of Babylon: and his rightfull succession, who afterward repenting, sought to return into their kings favour', but in vain; so, that they did at once lose their Country, Liberty, Honour, and the favour both of friends and foes. The Prince, after this Victory, went to Casbin, labouring to gather the dispersed Turkomans, chiefly those that would not bear Armes in so unjust an action; intending afterwards to attend the Conquest of the Fort of Tauris. Thus ended this dangerous rebellion, the chief cause that Tauris was not recovered out of the Turks hands, to the great weakening of the Persian Kingdom.

Now Giaffor, Governour of the Castle, fearing, left the Prince would with a greater Army return to the Siege, and waxing weaker and weaker, many of his men secretly fleeing from him, besides those that dyed with sicknesse, and others slain in adventuring abroad too bold for Victuals, signified to Cicala at Van; that if the Prince should return again, he should be forced to yield the Fort: Wherefore, as he tendered the Honour of his Sultan, he should be carefull to send him succour: adding, it was now most easy to be done, because there was none but a few Forces in those Quarters, which lay with the King twelve miles off from Tauris. [...] with three thousand Harquebusiers, and good store of munition, set forward towards Tauris: whereof the King being advertised, sent out spies to learn which way [Page] they held, meaning to set upon them, but they, near Salmas, were apprehended by the fore-runners of Cicala, and through torture revealed at last, that their King was on his way towards Santazan: Whereat, Cicala was greatly astonied, both for the danger of his Forces and Munition; as also for that by any loss which his Troops should sustain, the City of Van, the best Frontier-Town in all those Countries must needs be in hazard, he having left in it but a very few Souldiers: Whereupon, he withdrew himself back to Van. But the preparations of the Prince were so long and troublesom, that the Turks new Generall had time enough to go with a strong Army into those Quarters, and preserved all that which the only Expedition & celerity of the Persians, might have put in great hazard. In the mean time, Amurath, was much troubled in his choyce of a new General. Osman, having by will left Cina Cicala to be his Successor, a man of approved valour, and the danger he had run through, with his great favours in the Court, not a little enclined the King to his Election; but he heard of a publick rumour, that the Souldiers could not endure to be commanded by so young a Captain; and, that some should say, they would not obey him. Ferat Bassa also now very ambitiously sought again this Honour, having lately performed some good service to the Kings good likeing; so because he was in good time to provide for his affairs, he chose Ferat Bassa, granting him Authority to manage at his pleasure such affairs of the Empire as concerned his Journy: Whereupon, Precepts were sent out to all Bassaes and Governours of Cities, that all their Souldiers with their Taxes, Tents, Artificers, and all their necessary provision upon the first warning to be sent them the next Spring in Soria. Besides all the Revenue of that Country for the yearly pay of Souldiers in Reivan, Erzirum, Lori, [...], Teflis and Chars, with the revenue of Tripoli, amounting to 600000 Duckats; there was taken [Page] up of private Merchants of Aleppo only 60000 Cecchines, to be re-paid with the first mony received from the Kings Custom-Houses, a matter that moved an extraordinary grudging among the people: who, besides so many grievances laid upon them, should also lend their mony without hope of restitution; yea, and every man did much wonder, how they were so ill advised, to make known to Christian Princes what want of money they had. The Ceneral also had 400 pieces of Ordnance: and did so work, that Maxut chan was granted to be the Guide of his Army, as he had bin of Osman's: and that Cicala, Bassa of Van, scarce his good friend, was sent out of his way as Bassa to Babylon. So all things being in readiness, he departed from Constantinople in April, 1586. coming to Sivas somewhat later then he should, partly through the plague, which then raged in Constantinople, and partly by other occasions at Sivas; He stayed so long for the coming together of his Army, and in mustring men, and indeed by the exceeding dearth at Erzirum, that it was the latter end of July before he departed thence; which dearth was also so great in Aleppo, that a Venice Bushell of Wheat was sold for 12 Cecchines.

Ferat ready to depart from Sivas, was advertised from Giaffa from Tauris, that the Persian Prince was hourly expected with a great Army, greatly doubting, if he did foreslow to send succours, and give the Prince time to assault the Castle, how he could hold the same; whereupon, Ferat so hasted his journy, that about the beginning of August he was at Erzirum, and hearing more & more of the Princes coming, hasted to Van: whence, collecting all his souldiers, & surveying his Army a-new, he departed, & being come into the large Champains to prove their readiness, he marshalled them, as if he should forthwith [...] Battel, and so marched on. Ferat alway feared some sudden assault of the Persians; which the constant report of the Princes coming to Tauris much encreased; yet he [Page] reposed much confidence in the conspiracy, now plotted against the Princes life, with the privity of Aliculi, the Protector of Heri, who under colour of assisting the Prince, had concluded with himself, and promised Abas, having given notice thereof also to Ferat, to rid Prince Hamsey of his life; or, at least, in the variable chances of Battel, at some time or other, to make him fall into Ferats hands, and so settle his Lord Abas in his Estate: hereupon, Ferat more confidently disposed his designments, and somewhat lesse feared the great preparations of Persia: which preparations in truth, were by most wicked devices and conspiracies, turned from the end whereto the Prince had appointed them: and since Rebellion and Discord have for the utter undoing of the glory of Persia, alwayes favoured the Turks Army, its no marvel, that our Writers cannot chuse but write of the undoubted Victories of the Turks, and the bare shadows of the Persian exploits, which yet many Christians vainly believe, because they most earnestly desire them to be true, although they do see the contrary manifest.

The Persian Prince, about the latter end of July, arrived at Tauris with most of his Army, where he, contrary to all mens opinion, stayed not; the cause is uncertain; but hearing that Zinel Bassa of Salmas, who of a Persian, became a Turk, and had done great harm, encamped before the City, he with 12000 Souldiers, road to Salmas, and gave him the assault, who with the Souldiers, fled presently, and fell before the Persians, so that Zinell himself, with a few others, had much adoe to escape, leaving his City unto the angry Enemy, who sacked and spoiled it, exercising all such cruelties, as partly the desire of Souldiers use to do, and partly such as the Turks shewed unto them, in sacking of Tauris the last year: the like spoils did they in all those Quarters, and perhaps had returned to Tauris, but that some spies advertized them, that the Bassa of Reivan, with 1500 Harquebusiers, had committed [Page] the like outrages thereabouts, wherewith he greatly moved immediately marched towards Rievan, and incountred the Bassa, not far from the City, who discovering the Enemy afar off, disorderly retired into his Fort with such speed, that he left most of his Souldiers to the Prince's fury, who slew them all, and did what harm possibly he could all thereabouts.

At the same time, Manogli the valiant Drusian, in revenge of the injuries done him and his people, by Ebrain Bassa, and to recompence himself of all those bribes and presents, which he wrung from him, had wasted and sacked all the Territory of Ebner Mansor, and of his other Enemies, who had yielded their obedience to the Turks without let, doing exceeding harm, by sudden inroads, even very near unto Balbeck and Tripolis; so that Amurath was glad to dispatch away Ali Bassa, with the [...] of Bassa of Damasco, to muster fresh Souldiers, and attend the utter subversion of Manogli; but coming thither, he found all quiet again: so that his presence was for a peace-making amongst them rather then for prosecuting any further Warre; which, for want of money, and exceeding scarcity of Victuals, was then most necessary for the Turks to be avoided.

Now the Persian Prince, retired toward his Fathers Camp, where the rest of his Army was arrived, being about 40000, of whom he dispatched away 8000 Souldiers of Heri, under the conduct of traiterous Aliculi, and part also of the Turkomans, under Emanguli Chan, with special charge, that they should, in places of most advantage, meet the Enemy, and do him what mischief they could, thinking hereby to weaken his forces, and so at their arrival at Tauris, with all his power utterly to destroy them. Both these Captains made shew of all affection to accomplish his Command; but Aliculi, after their departure, alledged many forced reasons, why they should surcease from meeting the Turks; and Emanguli, as yet ignorant [Page] of the treachery of Aliculi, was mis-lead by him also: by which negligence, Ferat took leisure, without any hindrance at all, to arrive at Tauris, and put succours into the Fort: at which time, the Prince had got knowledge of the treachery of Aliculi, and of the designs contrived by many Sultans, for betraying him alive into the hands of Ferat; so that he quite abandoned this noble Enterprize, as not daring to trust himself to perform his determined Battels, and imployed all his study for the safegard of his own person, who pursued Aliculi and his complices, as Rebels and Traitors; and Abas Mirize of Heri was discovered for a contriver of his Brother's death, whereby the common mischiefs were increased more then ever, and yielded greater hopes to the Turks, then they ever had in all these Warres.

Ferat having thus relieved the Fort, returned towards Erzirum, having first erected a Fort at Curchive-Tauris, near to Tauris, and two others at Coy and Cum, leaving in them all convenient Garrisons, with all things necessary: he sent also succours to Teflis, which they had long expected, and now most [...] received; but the Persian Prince having hunred Aliculi out of the Quarters of Tauris, thought he was now delivered from the great fear of his life: wherefore he journied in haste towards Genge, where having collected a good number of Souldiers, he determined to remove to intercept the Succours, that were to be brought to Teflis. He had alwayes found Emanguli to be both faithful and wise, putting confidence in him for performing any enterprise, and communicated unto him all his [...]: wherefore he joyned with him, and lodging in his City, he stayed there to set in order, and dispose of his aforesaid designment; which when he was even at the farthest to put in execution, and least of all feared any treachery, he was suddenly in the night, as he slept upon a Paller, struck by an Eunuch of his that attended on him; and so the most bright lustre that ever shined [Page] in Persia, was extinguished: some think that his [...] Abas of Heri, had now by money and gifts, induced the Eunuch thereunto; others deemed it not to be done without his Fathers privity, as most desirous to prefer Abas Miriz to the Kingdom: divers others do diversly reason of the matter, wherefore we leave the certainty thereof with the further process of the Persian State, to the further discovery of time.

For all the League betwixt the Emperor Rodolph the second, and Amurath; many sharp skirmishes, oft fell out betwixt the Christians and Turks upon their frontiers, especially in Hungary, Croatia and Stiria. And in December 1586, the Turks making an inroad into the borders of Croatia, received a notable overthrow by the Christians, though much fewer: where, amongst others, the Bassa of Bosna, (with his Brother, reported to have been the Sonnes of Muhamet the great Visier by Amuraths Sister) was slain, whose head with certain prisoners, was sent to Vienna, to [...], arch Duke of Austria: the Emperours Brother. Amurath, divers years after, did no great matter worth remembrance, contented, it seemes, with what he had already got from the Persians; and holding his League in some reasonable sort with the Christians: yet many a bloody broil, tending at last even to the breach of the League, passed betwixt them, which we will briefly set down.

In February 1587, the Christians provoked by the Turks outrages, surprized the Castle of Coppan in Hungary, not farre from the Lake of Babylon, then frozen; in which there was three Sanzacks, and about 1000 Turks, of whom 190 of the better sort, with 70 Women, besides some of the meaner sort, fell into their hands, the rest saving themselves by flight, or creeping into corners, 100 serviceable Horses were taken also, and a booty reckoned worth 40000 Duckats. Alis Sanzack of Coppan was taken, and afterwards presented to the Emperour: [Page] another was smoothered in a vault, standing in his defence: the third escaped by flight; but was the same year taken, with divers others. For Aug. the 8th following, four Turkish Commanders in Hungary the Bassa of Ziget the Sanzacks of Mohas, and Quinque Ecclesiae, and the new Sanzack of Coppan, with 5000 Souldiers, brake into the Christian Borders, distroying 17 Villages about Limbath, and carrying away all the Countrey people, with the [...] therefe; wherefore George Serinus, Sonne to that most valiant Serinus slain at Ziget, Governour of Chanina, speedily raised such forces as he could out of his Territory, and calling unto his Ayd, the Count Nadasty, the Lord Bathian, and some others that had the chargeof those frontiers, took the strait passages, whereby the Turks must needs return amongst the Marshes, who being in the break of day hardly charged by them about a mile from Chanina, were at length put to flight with such a slaughter, that many yielded up their Scimitars, crying for mercy; others fled back into the Woods, and many running into the Marshes perished, or stuck fast in the deep mud, crying for mercy and help of their Enemies: the Sanzack of Quinque Ecclesiae, Son to Haly Bassa, slain in the Battel of Lepanto, was taken: the Sanzack of Mohas stuck fast with his Horse in the Marsh: and being shot through the head, dyed: the Bassa of Ziget, with the new Sanzack of Coppan, seeing all lost, fled away betimes; but he of Coppan, was next night after, taken with others wandring in the Woods: the Bassa of Ziget, with great hunger and grief, came on foot seven dayes after to Bresansa; 1300 Turks were taken, of whom many died of wounds; about 2000 were slain, and perished in the Marshes and Woods, above 1500 Horses being takeń, all the Prey with their Captives, was again recovered: there was but 1500 Foot, and 500 Horse that performed this service; eleven being slain, but most of them wounded: 400 heads of the slain Turks, were carried for a shew to [Page] Canisia with 500 prisoners: the Christians and Countrey people hunting after the Turks, fled into the Woods, found a great number; divers also seeing no meanes to escape, came forth and yielded themselves.

Amurath hereupon, commanded Ali Bassa of Buda, to be strangled, for that he had broken the League, in not restraining the insolency of his Sanzacks, and placed [...] Bassa in his stead, whom he had now again by the request of his Wife, received into favour. About this time also, Sigismund the King of Swedens Sonne, chosen King of Poland, even in the beginning of his Reign, wrote to Amurath, to renew the League which his Predecessors had before made with the Turkish Sultans: unto which his Request and Letters, Amurath, not long after, returned answer, that he took it well that he had sent his Embassador, with Letters to his Court, who had requested in his name, that no invasion should be made in his behalf, into the borders of the Kingdom of Poland, or any harm there done between that time, and the confirmation of the League: wherefore as it beseemed him, that nothing be on his part done, either much or little, against the League: so should it be on his part, most inviolately, observed: to which end, his Letters were directed to Isban Gerai, the Tartar Prince, straightly commanding him not to make or suffer any incursion to be made, into the Borders of Poland, telling Sigismund, that it was on his part requisite not to forget oft to intimate to his Court, such occurrents and newes, as should happen in those parts, which should be unto him a signe of his sincere love and friendship.

Sigismund, according to his promise, being crowned at Cracovia, sent Dzioursius his Embassador to Amurath, for confirming of the League; which he so firmly kept, that he could never by the intreaty of the Emperour or others, be drawn into the fellowship of that long Warre, which he and a few other Princes, his confederates, hardly maintained [Page] against Amurath, while he lived; and also against Mahomet his Sonne: the year following 1588, Ferat took the City of Genge, being for fear quite forsaken by the Inhabitants; who yet upon his faith given for their safety, returned again, yielding to pay the Turks 5000 Duckats, yearly tribute; but going further into the Enemie's Countrey, and having part of his Army cut off by the way, he was by his Souldiers ill-intreated, wounded, and forced to retire.

Cicala also passing over Euphrates, had bloudy skirmishes with the Persians, sometime having the better, sometime the worse, till Amurath himself, as weary as his people, of that long and chargeable Warre, and the Persian King, inclining also to the peace, by Sinan Bassas perswading, was intreated to hearken thereunto, both for new troubles then arising in other places; as also for the great Famine and Plague then in Constantinople.

Sinan also wisely told him, he could not confirm his new Conquests in Persia, without peace: wherefore, Embassadors passing to and fro, a peace was at length concluded on betwixt these two Mahometans: the Turks still to keep Tauris, Genge, Sirvan, and Chars, with all the profits thereof, to maintain his Garrisons and Timariots there: whereof, although it was thought, new stirs would soon arise, yet the League was on both sides for 10 years space, orderly confirmed; for the more assurance of which, one of the Persian King's Sonnes or Nephews, was given in Hostage to Amurath, as he required.

Shortly after, there was a great sedition, at Constantinople by the Court-Souldiers, who, returning out of Persia, insolently demanded their pay: wherefore Amurath [...] to inhaunce the value of the Coyn, and a new kind of Subsidy, imposed upon all without exception, who standing upon their old Liberties, refused to pay it, chiesly the Souldiers of the Court: wherefore the Aga [Page] of the Janizaries, was commanded to appease them, and perswade them to pay, and was in danger to be slain in the attempt: yet for prevailing no more with them, he was thrust out of his Office, and another placed in his room, that should have married Amuraths Daughter, whom for all that they would not accept of, but threw stones at him, and threatned to kill him. Next night, a great fire arose in the City: to quench which, the Janizaries were commanded to help, which they both refused to do, and kept back others that brought water, to that end; and with the other Court Souldiers, did what they might, to make it burn faster: the fire consumed seven Temples, 25 great Inns, 1500 Houses, with many Shops and Ware-houses. Commandment was given to a Beglerbegge of Greece and Passi a Jew, the first Authours of this new Imposition, either to gather the said Tribute, or by some other meanes, to content the Souldiers; but the Priests publickly perswaded the people from paying of this new Tribute, or any other such like: whereupon, the Temples were shut up by the Priests Prayers, for the Sultans health intermitted, the Bassaes Houses assaulted, and all the City in a new hurliburly; so that Amurath was glad to pay the Souldiers out of his own Treasury, to revoke his Mandates for the new Tribute, and to deliver the Beglerbegge and the Jew, to the will of the Janizaries, who drew them up and down at Horses Tails, then cut off their Heads, tossing them from one to another, like Tennice-Balls.

About the latter end of September, Sinan Bassa of Buda, by the help of other Sanzacks, raising 11000 Souldiers to spoil all the upper part of Hungary, summoned the Castle of Putnock, October the 6th; but they being better provided, and more resolute then he supposed, he departed thence; and passing the River Sachayo, came to Sizo, a small Town, which after soar battery, [Page] he took burning it to the ground: Russel the while, Generall in that part of Hungary, came upon him, and after hard fight, put him to the worst, having slain about 2500 Turks, besides 300 drowned in the said River.

Shortly after, the Christians breaking into the Turks Frontiers, took the Castles of Blavensten Gestes, with some other small Forts thereabouts. Sinan having against the League, and without Amurath's Command, so unfortunately attempted Warre, was in 1589, sent for with great displeasure to Constantinople, and Ferat Bassa of Bosna placed in his room at Buda.

Amurath, not ignorant of the ill success of the invincible Armado (as it was termed) of Philip of Spain, set forth to invade England in 1588, and of the purpose of Queen Elizabeth, to trouble his rich Trade, especially into the West-Indies; and for relief of Don Antonio, by him driven out of Portugal; wrote unto her about this time, confirming those and such like matters, as had been moved by her Agent, telling her, that since he had for many years past, made Warres in Persia, with a full intent utterly to subdue the Kingdom of that accursed Persian Heretick, and now was upon point of satisfying of his desire, that once done, provision should be made for all things she had desired of him, who by her Orator, had requested him, at the first of the next Spring, to send out his imperiall Fleet against the King of Spain, exhorting her in the mean time, to be alwayes vigilant; and according to the conventions betwixt them, to be favourable to his friends, and an enemy to his foes; and to give notice to his Court, of all new Warres which she should hear of, concerning the said King, for behoof of her self and him. So commending her Embassador, for his good and faithful service there done, who having left Bardon his Deputy, was returning towards England, that he, or some other principal Embassador, should without delay, [Page] be sent to his Court, to continue the Office of Legation. Yet for all these fair shewes, it may seem by the state of the Turkish affaires at those times, and what hath since ensued, that Amurath, glad of the [...] of those two great Princes, and not well yet assured of his Conquest in Persia, had no great minde to invade Spain, as too farre off, and not to be so easily managed at Sea, as the Warres he shortly after waged against Rodolph the Emperour by Land.

About this time also, the Cossacks making an in road upon the Turks and Tartars, surprized [...], a PortTown, where they spoyled many rich Ware-Houses of Turkish Merchants; and rifling some Ships in Harbour, burnt the rest, with great booty returning to their lurking places: wherewith the Tartars provoked, and set on by the Turks, forty thousand of them brake into Podolia, and the Provinces near Poland, burning the Countrey before them, slaying the poor people without mercy; and besides spoyl, carried away many thousands Captive: yet most of them, the Polonian rescued with the notable slaughter of his Enemy in his return: whereupon, it was thought, open Warres would have broke out betwixt the Turk and King Sigismund, had not he by his Embassadors, and the Queen of Englands mediation, appeased the angry Turk, and renewed his League.

Amurath, now at peace with the World, and sitting idle at home, was perswaded by his Bassaes, to take some new Warre in hand; for that great Empires, they said, could not without the continuall use of Arms, long stand, as appeared by the Roman State: which whilest it was at Warres with Carthage, or their great Captains, occupied in Arms against Neighbour-Princes, still remained triumphant; but giving it self to ease and pleasure, and the Martiall-men not imployed as they were wont, [Page] it soon, by civill discord, fell; and the Mistris of the World becam it self a prey, even to the basest Nations: which old [...] foreseeing, cryed out in the Senate, that the Souldiers were to be still busied in Arms farre from home; for in so doing, the glory of the State should increase: whereto, Amurath's Progenitors, having respect, propounded not peace as the end of their Warres, as do other weak Princes; but as invincible Conquerors, still made one Victory the beginning of another, &c. which, and the like reasons, they alleaged not so much, for love of their Prince, or zeal to the State, as their own particular profit, especially the two old Bassaes, Sinan and Ferat, the envious competitors of each others honour: these perswasions well pleased Amurath, who though he were no Souldier himself, yet was he desirous of new Conquests; and to increase his name, accounting it no lesse honour by his Servants, to perform great things, then it was to his Ancestors to do that they did in person; but Amurath could not at first, tell what to resolve upon, for the great Bassaes, concerning the intended Warre, were of eight sundry Opinions: The first was, that the Wars against the Persians should be renewed: The second, for the invading the King of Morocco and Fez: The third, for Warre against the King of Spain: The fourth, for the besieging again of Malta: The fifth, to set upon the Venetians: The sixth, for invading some part of Italy: The seventh, for the King of Poland: The eighth, for Warre upon the Emperour and Kingdom of Hungary: with all which aforesaid Princes, (except the Spaniard) though the Turk were then in League, yet was that never made question of; but onely which might best stand with the profit of his State, for him to set upon: his barbarous Law, allowing him that liberty in such cases, to break all faith and promise, especially with Christians. Sundry reasons were alleaged by the Bassaes, for every one of [Page] these Opinions, too large here to relate particularly.

But the Reasons for the eighth Opinion of making Warre upon the Christian Emperour, whom the Turks call King of Vienna, were, for that Uschocci were grown so insolent, as to make prize of the Turks, both by Sea and Land; so that, for both the harms they did, and for the honour of the Othoman Empire, they were no longer to be suffered; for hereby, especially the Merchants great hindrance, and the Sultans great losse, had removed their Mart from Narenta, in the Turks Dominion to Spalato, a Town of the Venetians; and yet were not so secure, though there were peace betwixt the Emperour and Venetians: because these unruly men troubled all, both by Sea and Land, with their robberies, driving away Cattel, burning Villages, and taking away babes out of their Mothers Arms; so that it was no doubt, but if occasion should serve, they would attempt to surprise with all their power, the Turks strong Holds upon the Frontiers; nor was it unknown, how little the Emperour esteemed the Turk, when he warred with the Persian paying Tribute too late, at his pleasure: neither was this Warre to be deemed difficult or doubtful, because they might attempt it by Croatia, Hungary, and Austria, Countries abounding with all necessaries, they being also to travel almost all the way in the Turks own Territories; besides the chief fortresses of Hungary, with many other strong places they already held, whither their Armies in all cases, might retire, or repair their losses out of the same. They said, the Roman Empire desired peace more then War, that the Princes were very careful to heap up, and preserve their Treasures; and the Germans having had no Warres a long time, were now lesse fit for Arms, and worse to be commanded; alwayes distrusting the Hungarians, Italians and Spaniards, whom they rather hated then loved, [Page] being divided also amongst themselves, chiefly about Religion: neither were forraign Princes to be feared, to give the Emperour ayd: the Polonian and Transilvanian, lived [...] in peace with the Turk, and therefore would by no meanes, turn the heat of this Warre into the rown bosoms, &c. And though the King of Spain might afford the House of Austria great ayd, yet he was now too much busied elsewhere, and the Bishop of Rome could not be ready in all places to serve his turn: the Italian Princes would not spend themselves, to pleasure another man; and the Venetians would not rashly stir up the Turks against themselves, but rather at ease expect the effect of the Warre.

All those Opinions of the great Bassaes concerning the Warre, proceeded not so much from any sound advice, as commonly [...] do; but rather from a certain barbarous insolency and contempt of others.

Amurath stood long in doubt in such diversities of Opinions, what to resolve upon; but contenting himself with what he had already done in Persia, having as he boasted, by his Servants there performed more than his Predecessors could do in person: wherefore he resolved to turn his forces against the Christian Emperour; for first, it grieved him to see the honour of the House of Austria, and that he durst make head against him; besides, it would be farre lesse difficult, to make Warre upon a Countrey so near him, then upon Persia, where his Armies were still to be led through his own Countries, whence they were to be at all times plentifully relieved.

Sinan confirming him also in this Opinion, who having vainly perswaded him to Warre against the Venetians, now furthered this, hoping thereby, to recover his credit, impaired by the little he did in [...]; as also by the discord betwixt him and Ferat, (commonly [Page] called the black Serpent:) as also to increase his Wealth, who was shortly after made Generall by Amurath for those Warres; but above all, Hassan, Bassa of Bosna, furthered this matter, in hope to gain great Riches with the greatest honours of the Field, as he was vainly perswaded by his bold Prophets: wherefore he daily certified Amurath, of the burnings, spoylings, and robbings of the Uschocci, and other the arch-Dukes Subjects, upon his Frontiers; inciting him to begin his Warre in Croatia, and continue the same, either against the Emperour, or Venetians, or that way to break into Italy, as had sometimes before been done: by which his importunity, he got leave to begin those stirs, in the Frontiers of the Empire; yet unto this leave, was this condition annexed, that he should not seem to do it, by Amurath's Command, but of himself, under colour to restrain the Uschocci, who both by Land [...] Sea, as he pretended, spoyled both the Christians and Turks, whom the Princes of Austria had small care to chasten: neither was it any great matter for Hassan so to do, for disturbing of the peace: the Turks Leagues with their Neighbours, being seldom so, but that their Souldiers in Garrisons, and adventurers by Sea might, to keep themselves doing, upon a Military insolency, as they terme it, now & then make incursions for booty by Sea and Land; so that the Venetians, wronged at Sea by their Embassadors, complained at Constantinople, of injuries done them by Turkish Pirates, [...] to have them called home, and justice done upon them.

The Emperour also, seeing many things, both this year, one thousand five hundred ninety one, and the next, attempted by Hassan in Croatia, and the other Turks in Hungary, by his Embassador then laying at Constantinople, complained of these outrages, desiring to know, whether they were done by Amuraths consent [Page] and knowledge, if not then, that order may be taken for restraining thereof, which was accordingly done for a while.

Amurath making shew, as if the League of eight years, should not on his part, be in any wise infringed: at which time, the Persian King's sonne dyed in the Turks Court, where he lay in Hostage, whose dead body, Amurath honourably sent home to his Father with an Apology of a suspicion of some, that [...] should be the cause of his untimely death, still urging withall, the confirmation of the League, which by the death of the Prince, had like enough been broken: whereof, Amurath was the more desirous, because perswaded to make Warres with the Emperour, he hoped thereby, to add the Reliques of Hungary to his Empire, with a good part of the Territories of the House of Austria, and so open a way into the heart of Germany: wherefore he raised a strong Army, putting a great Fleet of Gallies into the Achipelago, for the safety of his Islands there: So the Bassa of Bosna in 1592, entred Croatia with 50000 Men, burning, destroying, and sparing nothing that came in his way; and also besieged Wihitz, the Metropolis of that Country, strongly scituated, as incompassed about with the River Una, which he [...] soare battered, and twice assaulted, was by the distressed Defendants, yielded on Composition, that the Germans in Garrison, might depart with Bagg and [...]; and that such Citizens as would, might still remain there, without hurt in body or goods: the Bassa faithfully and safely conveighed the 400 Souldiers into their own Territory; but exercised afterwards all Turkish Tyranny upon the Citizens: the Emperour, upon this unexpected invasion, sent the Lord Petzen to pray ayd of the German Princes, against the common Enemy, who largely promised their help first: Ernestus Arch Duke of Austria his Brother, with five thousand [Page] Souldiers came to Gr [...]ys, the chief City of Stiria, to whom more, daily repaired out of Carinthia: the Turks Army the while, daily increasing, inclosed six thousand Foot, and five hundred Horse of the Christians, who had taken the Woods, Mountains, and strait-passages; and so that few of them escaped with life: amongst whom, many valiant Captains and expert Souldiers, were slain: the Bassa, to make his Victory more famous, lading six Waggons with the Heads of the slain: the Turks thus raging in Croatia, brought a fear upon all Hungary, and divers Provinces of the Empire: whereupon, the Emperour assembling the States of Silesia and Moldavia, declared unto them the eminent danger, perswading them to joyn their forces with the rest, for repulsing the Enemy.

After long delay, Ernest the Arch-Duke, August the tenth, came to the Emperour his Brother, with the Embassador of Hungary; and the seventh day after, were called together: the Embassadors of the Kingdoms and Provinces of the Empire, thorowly debating, How the Turks were to be resisted, and, from whence forces, money, &c, were to be raised; for now longer delay did seem dangerous; and the rather, for that the Beglerbegge of Greece, with 60000 select Souldiers, was ere long expected; for preventing of which so great and manifest dangers, they sate daily at Prague; yea, even from morning to night: for the Hungarians (especially the Lord Nadasty) instantly urged to have succours sent into Hungary; for if the Turk should get into his hands, the rest of the Towns and Castles there, 'twas to be feared, lest he should soon after indanger all Germany; whose strength the Turk lesse feared, than the reliques of Hungary: others were as careful of Croatia and Stiria, as more proper to themselves, the Enemy now there raging: the Hungarians with the other distressed, crying to the Emperour [Page] for help and he also calling upon the Princes of the Empire; divers Assemblies were had in divers places, and Embassadors sent to the Emperor from almost all the German Princes; all was full of consultation, but help came in slowly: yet that which was, was sent into Croatia, to defend the Fortresses against the furious Enemy.

September the 18th, the Turks on a sudden, by night, assaulted Toccay Castle in upper Hungary, hoping to surprize it, but finding it a more difficult matter then they imagined, they departed, attempting the lesser Comara, which standing in a Marsh-ground, was easily defended: then also the Bassa of Buda, entred the Christians Frontiers; but upon viewing the strong Holds thereof, finding nothing for his purpose, he returned without doing any thing.

Septemb. 26. Hassan encamping betwixt the Rivers of Kulp and [...], by night passed over part of his Army into Turopolis; with fire and sword, spoiling all that fertile Island, the Lord of Bonny labouring in vain to defend the same.

About the end of this moneth, the Bassa of Ziget, the Sanzacks of Mohas, Koppan, and Quinque Ecclesiae, and others, encamped with a strong Army betwixt Ziget and Rodesto: soon after which, the Emperour had newes that Kainsia. a City of Stiria, was hardly besieged; and that the Turks in coming thither, had taken many Captives, whom they had sent to be sold at Constantinople, and that their Army were about one hundred and sixty thousand; but since the Christian Army, increasing also, was now grown to sixty thousand Men, he hoped well, that their Enemies rage would be stayed: about which time, Ernest, appoin ed Generall with the Marquesse, sonne to Ferdinand, the arch-Duke his Lievtenant, came to the Army.

[Page]About the beginning of October, the Emperour had sad news, of 7000 men slain, whom he had sent into Croatia, men the conduct of Beane, and 2 others, to hinder the Turks proceeding, encamping between Wyhitz and Carolstat: and, having Septemb. the 12th, discovered from a mountain some Turkish Companies, come thither to view the Army of the Christians; sent out 50 Horsmen to discover where the Turks Army lay, with its attempts: who, finding no more Turks then those before-seen from the Mountains, returned with such Intelligence; whereupon, the Christians as secure in their Tents, kept but negligent Watch. But a hundred thousand Turks suddenly brake into their Trenches; where, those Footmen for 4 hours maintained a notable fight, many being slain on both sides: but the Christians, beset and oppressed with multitude, were slain almost all: yet the Captains speedily fled for which their cowardize and negligence, they were afterwards beheaded. Such as fell alive into the Enemies hands were cut in pieces. The Enemy also had the spoil of the Tents: wherein, besides abundance of other things found, 60000 Dollars lately brought from Luitz for the Souldiers pay. The Turks in ostentation, laded 14 Waggons with the Heads of the slain, which they sent to divers of their places thereabouts, yet the Christians flew of their Enemies above 12000.

The night following, the Turks in the dead of the night surprized the Castle of St. George; putting to the sword all therein, of any Age or Sexe, except 150, whom they carried Captive: so firing the Castle, departed. At which time, some Turks were seen about Sifeg, who led away Captive above 600 Christians: and 300 Waggons, loaded with all kind of provisions, for relief of the Garrisons in Croatia, were all intercepted by the Turks and carried away. The Emperour hereupon gave notice by writing to the Princes and States of the Empire; What incursions the Turks had lately made into Croatia, the Frontiers [Page] of Hungary and other places near them, and that the Beglerbeg of Greece, with the Bassaes of Bosna, Buda, and Temesware, without regard of the League had, by taking divers strong places, extended their bounds above 40 German miles, slaying, and carrying away the Inhabitants, and were grown to that height, that except they were represfed, they would soon set foot into Germany it self, &c. which to hinder, he required their generall help: requesting them at length to open their Coffers, and send out their Forces against the common Enemy: which request, with so great a danger, moved not only them, but others, farther off, liberally to contribute thereunto.

The Turks hearing of these great preparations, besides the Christian Army already in Field, and that they had made a strong bridge over Dravus, which they had fortified also for the safe transporting of their Army; forthwith furnished the places they had gotten with strong garrisons, and so withdrew into their own Territories: and the rather, because the plague so raged in Constantinople, that there dyed a 1000 a day, which had also infected the Turkish Army; which the Christians fearing, forthwith slew every Turk they took.

The Turks, in the beginning of 1593, began also their wonted incursions into the Christians Frontiers: The Garrison of Petrinia, a strong Fort lately built by the Turks on the River Kulp, for the further invasion of Croatia, made daily excursions, spoiling and burning the Town and Castle of Beck Vochobinam in the Island Turopolis, and after a great slaughter, carried away 400 prisoners: and, in Hungary, the Turks Garrisons to supply their wants, made divers inroades & did exceeding harm: of whom 600 passing over the frozen Lake, were all drowned therein. In another place 3000 of them near Nutiusa, dividing themselves in twaine, one part shewed themselves in sight of the Townsmen, the other laying in Ambush, the Townsmen hereupon sallyed out, [Page] and causing them to retire, followed them till they were past the place, where the other Turks lay: who ran with all speed, and wanted not much to surprize the Town; for there was scarce a hundred Germans lelf in Garrison, who had hardly time to draw up the bridges, which done, they with the Ordnance forced them to retire.

About the same time also they of Petrinia, suddenly saliying out took the Town of Martenize, which they spoiled, killing about seven hundred setting it on fire, and so returning, having lost not past a hundred and fifty men. Ere long, the said Garrison took another Castle three miles from the River Kulp: Whereinto, the Christians round about, had for fear conveyed all their Wealth, with great store of Victuall, and slaying six hundred men in the Castle, returned with a very rich booty, yet with the losse of five hundred Turks slain in that enterprize; So also did the other Turkish Garrisons, rage in all other parts of Hungary: About Sasobia in upper-Hungary, they carried away about three hundred Captives, and in the nether, they took the strong Castle of Hedwigg upon the Lake of Balaton, which they spoiled and burnt; as also the Castle of Isna; but attempting the lesser Comara, they were valiantly repulsed. They fortified also Stock Castle, which they lately took as a refuge for their Adventurours, all which declared their desire to begin that bloudy Warre, which presently ensued: and it was the more suspected, because Crocowitts the Emperour's Embassadour was shut up close in his House at Constantinople, not to speak with any man, nor write or send to the Emperour; Wherefore, he began to raise new Forces: the Hungarians and Bohemians also, seeing these miseries that [...] them, and the Enemies strength daily encreasing, agreed to maintain some horse & foot upon their own charges for repressing these incursions: now though [Page] the Emperor well knew that these outrages could not be done without Amuraths knowledge and liking, as before informed thereof by his Embassadour; yet he wrote Letters unto him, the effect whereof, were, to shew himself willing to have the League on his behalf kept, and also to make a further proof of Amuraths resolution for peace or war; desiring him, that since the Honourable Present which was then ready, should be brought unto him at the time, which should be agreed on betwixt his Embassadour and himself, &c.

In the mean time, He should do well that his Souldiers made no Hostile Incursions into his Territories: as he had severely commanded his Subjects to keep the peace upon his Frontiers. He wrote also at the same time, to the same purpose to Sinan Bassa: telling him, It should well beseem his uprightness, and good will which he had at other times proved for the high Place and Authority which he held, and which he rejoyced again to be restored unto him; to give those things such easie passage before Amurath, that he might acknowledge his kindness and favour, and have occasion to shew himself thankful therefore: saying, he assuredly hoped so to prevail with his Emperour, that all places and things as were wrongfully taken away, might be restored: and the Fort of Petrinia razed, and the Bassa of Bosna, with whosoever else guilty of the breach of the League, to be according to their deserts punished and displaced. Sinan returned answer to those Letters: That, whereas the Emperour laid the fault of so long deserring the wonted presents upon the insolency of the Turks Garrisons in Bosna, and breach of the publike Peace, Those Letters being by him read before Amurath; He in great choler burst out against his Son the Beglerbeg of Buda, who had written to Amurath that the Presents would certainly come, &c. and for all that, the Presents were not yet come, but the Bassa of Bosna, had sent word to Court [Page] that the Emperour would not send them, and all his doings to be but meer deceit: Wherefore, Amurath (said he) hath removed my son from his place in Buda, and rewarded the Bassa of Bosna with Honourable Garments: and taxing the Emperour with his Souldiers continuall excursions into the Turks Territories: Whereas, their Souldiers were kept in as with a bridle. He told him, that his Majesty was to resolve upon 2 points: Whether he were minded to keep friendship with them as beseemed, and to send the 2 last yeares Presents, or not? And whether he would set at liberty their captive Zanzacks, or not, for whom such Christian saptives as he should desire, should be enlarged? Which, if he should refuse to do, within two months next, he should assure himself, That he, who was to go himself in person in this War; putting his confidence in the Highest, with the Army of the right believing Turks would come into those parts, and not fail there to encounter him, requesting a speedy answer of those Letters.

Yet for all these fair offers of peace, Sinan sought only to draw the 2 years presents from the Emperour, amounting to a great sum; and nevertheles purposed to prosecute the intended War, whereof the Emperour was not ignorant, being thereof, as was said before, by his Embassador advertised. At Summer Hassan Bassa of Bosna, ceased not for the encrease of his credit, to work what mischief he could against the christians bordring uponhim, who mortally hated the Governour, or, as some call him, the Abbot of Siseg; a strong Castle upon the borders of that part of Croatia, where Culp falls into Savus, and was indeed the very Bulwark of that Country: the cause of which hatred is thus reported. Tthe year before, the Bassa had sent a Messenger to this Abbot, to require him to deliver the Castle unto him, whom the Abbot honourably entertaining for certain dayes, learned of him, with what power, in what place, and with what Engines he determined to besiege the Castle? The mean while, 'twas discovered, [Page] that his Steward had long before plotted with the Turk to betray the Castle, receiving of him a yearly Pension: Whereupon, the Abbot caused both Messenger and Steward to be bound hand and foot, and cast out at a window into the River Saw. The Bassa, his Messenger not returning, sent another to the Abbot, grievously threatning him, if he did not send him again: who answered, He had dismissed him some dayes before, marvelling he was not yet returned, yet was he resolved to yield the Monastery to the Bassa, against whose Forces he saw himself unable to hold it: requesting onely, that he would please to send some men of Account; because it would be no small dishonour to him to deliver it up to common Souldiers. The Bassa glad, sent forthwith certain men of great Account: So 3 days after, some turkish troops came to the Monastery, and the Gates being open, the Noblemen with about five hundred others entered: but presently, Portculisses was let fall, and Murdering-pieces, secretly placed in the Court, discharged, whereby the Turks were rent in pieces, their Heads, Armes, and Leggs flying in the Ayr, and presently the Souldiers starting out of their [...]-places, soon dispatched those that had escaped the Artillery: the Turks shut out, hearing the cry and noyse of them within, fled. The Bassa hearing of this slaughter and deceit, swore in great rage by his Mahomet, to raze this Monastery down to the ground, and to pluck the Abbots skin over his Eares: the which by threatning Letters he gave him to understand. And in the beginning of June with 30000 Horse and Foot, he besieged the Fortress of Trenschiin: which he by battery and assaults taking, sacked the Town, slew most of the Inhabitants (except about 800 of the younger sort, which he carried away Captives): and removing thence by a Bridge which he made, passed the River; and the 12th. of June, came before the Castle of Siseg, and after a vain summons, next day planted his Ordnance, so thundring [Page] against the walls, that in the fall of the new Tower, two Christian Cannoniers perished: This furious battery he maintained ten days without intermission so that it seemed not possible the Monastery long to be defended if not with speed relieved; the Bishop of Zagrabia & Eggenberg Generall of the Emperours Forces there, craved Ayd and Counsel herein of Lord Aversberg Governour of Charolstat; who raised a good number of Horse and Foot of his own, calling also the bordering Horsmen of Carnia and Carania; who, June 17. met all, not far from Justaunitz, there tarrying that night: next day passing over the River Savus, they joyned with the Emperour's Forces: marching the 19th day to Sceline, expecting rhe comming of Count Serinus, The 20th. day, Herdelius with his Hussars, and the Lord Graswien, came into the Camp with many of those Light-Horsmen, which the Hungarians call Hufchocehi. The 21 day they lodged at Gradium, stil expecting Serinus his coming; who, busied, could not come; next day, a Souldier came from the besieged, teling the Captains, except they hastened that day to relieve them, the Castle would be lost, for it was made saultable, and would that night be assaulted; and the Defendants doubting how they should maintain the place, began before his departure to think of composition: whereupon, the Captains forthwith consulted what course to take. Aversberg was of opinion, it was best to go and give the Enemy battel; so was also the Lord Rederen; the rest were of a contrary mind, because the strength of the Christians were too weak: & therefore they thought it better to retire in time, &c. whereat, Avarsberg at first much moved, afterwards plainly set before them, a necessity of the cause with lively reasons: chearing up the fearful Croatians, and notably perswading them all in generall to put their whole trust in God; to whom it was as easy to give Victory by a few as by many. With these & other words he so prevailed, that they all resolved to go against the enemy [Page] and to do what they could to relieve their Friends: so the whole Army not above 4000, hasted on with great speed, and being come within a Mile of the Enemies Camp, put themselves in order of Battel: Whereupon, the Turks brought all their Horsmen over Kulp by a Bridge which they made, and came on in order to joyn Battel with the Christians: the Croatians and Hussars in the Van-guard, gave the first charge; but having for a good [...] made a good sight, they, discouraged with the Enemies multitude, were about to flee: but Aversbeg the General comming on, both restored the [...], and so charge the Turks main Battel, that the Bassa first retired, then fled, after whom all the rest followed: the Christians keeping their array, pursued them with great speed, and coming to their Bridge before them, took that passage; the Turks seeing their miserable slaughter, and no way to escape, ran some into the River Odera, some into Culp, and were most drowned, the rest were all slain: the Christians resolved to take no prisoners.

The Turks at the siege hearing of this overthrow, set fire on their powder and provision, and in great fear fled: Whose tents the Christians took with 9 great Ordnance, and good store of great shot, with the Bassaes Pavillion, and much other rich spoil, which was all carried into the Monastery. Most Writers agree, that 18000 Turks were [...] and drowned: Hassan himself being one found near the Bridge, and known by his sumptuous Apparrel; and near unto him Mahomet beg, and Achmet beg. In other places, was also found the dead bodies of Saffer beg the Bassaes [...], with 4 other Begs, and the Bassaes chief Counsellour and Master of his Houshold; but, above all, the death of Sinan-beg, Amuraths Sisters only Son, sent to learn the feats of War under Hassan, was most lamented.

The Christian Army [...] thrice about the Monastery, every time falling all on their knees, giving hearty thanks [Page] to God for this miraculous Victory, and afterwards made all shew of joy possible. Siseg thus delivered, the Christians, with all speed laid siege to the strong Fort of Petrinea, most [...] battering it for 5 dayes: but hearing that the Beglerbeg of Greece or Romania, was comming with a great power to relieve the Fort, they raised the siege, every man returning to his wonted charge. The mean while, a Post coming from Constantinople, brought the first news of the overthrow to Buda: Wherefore, the Bassa called him, diligently examining him of the truth thereof; who told him, that upon the way as he came, he [...] with divers Horsmen; who escaped from the slaughter: who told him the Bassa was slain, and his Army destroyed; the Bassa replyed, He was happy in his death; for if he had escaped, he should for his indiscretion have undoubtedly suffered some more shamefull death at Court.

Newes of the Victory being brought to Prague; the Emperour commanded publike prayers with Thanksgiving to be made in all Temples: sending a Letter to Amurath, to know how he understood those insolent proceedings; chiefly the late Expedition of the Bassa of Bosna, and his Complices contrary to their League: He sent also the Lord Popelius with the yearly Tribute, yet with this charge, that being come to Comaro, in the borders of Hungary, he should stay till the return of the said Messenger; who, if he brought tidings of peace, then to proceed on to the Turks Court, otherwise to return with his Present, as he did; for Amurath enraged at the losse at Siseg, and prickt forward with the tears and prayers of his Sister, to revenge her sons death, he proclaimed open War against the Emperour, Aug. 7th. both at Constantinople and Buda: the managing whereof, he committed to Sinan Bassa, the old Enemy of the Christians. Who, departing from Constantinople with 40000 men, 5600 being Janizaries, being brought by Amurath, and the great [Page] Courtiers a mile on his way, with charge from him by the assistance of the Bassaes and other his Commanders in that part of his Empire, to revenge his Nephews death, and the dishonour received at Siseg. His denounciation of war against the Emperour, was proud, cruel, and blasphemous; threatning, to besiege his chief Cities, to burn, destroy, & kill; and with the most exquisite torments they could devise, to torture to death, and slay such Christian Captains as should fall into their hands: or to keep them as Dogs, Captives in perpetual misery; to impale upon stakes their fairest Sons & Daughters, and to kill like dogs the women great with child, and the children in their bellies; for he was now fully resolved, to bring him that ruled but in a small Country into subjection, and to keep from him his Kingdom. As also to oppress, root up, and destroy the Keys & See of Rome with its golden Scepter; and he would prove how their crucified Jesus would help them, as theirs perswaded them, Trust in him still, said he, and see how he hath holpen his Messengers, which have put confidence in him; for we neither believe, nor can endure to hear, that he can help who is dead so long ago, which could not help himself, nor deliver his own Country and Inheritance from our power, over which we have so long raigned?

Sinan, kept on his way towards Buda: but the Beglerbeg of Greece, with a far greater power marched towards Croatia, both to relieve their distressed Forts, and again to besiege the Castle of Siseg: which, he compassing about, overthrew the walls, giving no rest to the Defendants: which Breaches they valiantly defended; and notably repaired; the very Women bringing Tables, Stools, and whatsoever came to hand, to keep the Enemies out. A great number being slain, at length, Septemb. the 3d. the Turks entred by main force, putting all the Souldiers to the sword, 200 being Germans, some of whom they cut in pieces, and threw the rest into the River Kulp: the religious [Page] man there found, they [...] quick, and cutting him in small pieces, burnt them to ashes: so taking all the spoil, and leaving a strong Garrison there, they passed over Savus burning the Country, and carrying away about a thousand into captivity. These Invasions caused the Emperour to crave ayd, both of the States of the Empire, and other Princes farther off, by some easily granted, but not so speedily performed.

About this time, Peter Lehussar, who commanded the Horsmen, whom the Hungarians call Hussars, Captain of Pappa, by the appointment of the Governour of Rab, took at advantage the Turks Treasurers in Hungary, who commanded 5000 Turks: as he was mustering, and paying some of his Countries, slaying him with divers of his men, and putting the rest to flight; and so with the spoyl and a few prisoners returned with the dead Treasurer.

Sinan being come to Buda with his Army, resolved to begin with the siege of Vesprivium: so, compassing the City round, he continually thundred against this City with his Battery; the Christians perceiving the City was not long to be holden against so great a power, placed divers barrels of gunpowder in Mines they had made under the walls and bulwarks, with traines to take fire at a certain time; then they departed secretly out of the City in the dead of the night; yet were they by the Turks descried, and most of them slain. Samaria the Governour, having a while defended himself, was taken alive, together with Hors-kirk a German Captain. The Turks strivingly entered the City, October 26. as greedy of prey; but the powder taking fire, blew up the very Foundations, slaying a number of Turks, and also wonderously defacing the City.

The Bassa removing to Palotta, summoned the Castle: but receiving no pleasing answer, he besieged it [Page] with all his power; which, at first, Ornan the Captain cheerfully received, but being afterwards discouraged: though the Castle was yet but little shaken, but one man slain, and the Souldiers ready to spend their lives in defence, he offered to yield the Castle to the Bassa, so they might safely depart with bag and baggage, who granted his request: but they being come forth, and ready to depart, the faithless Turk slew them all, except the Captain and 2 others; after which without much labour, he took in all the Country thereabouts, near the Lake Balaton.

Now at last, about the middle of Octob. the Christians mustered their Army, of above 18000 of good and expert Souldiers: With which, passing over Danubius, at the first encounter with the Turks, they slew a great number, rescuing a number of Captives: about the end of which Month, Count Hardeth Governour of Rab, and Generall in that part, came from Camara, and besieged Alba regalis, which he soon made saultable with his Artilery, but in the assault was notably repulsed by the Turks so perceiving, no good could be done without a long siege for which he was not then provided; after consultation, had, he raised his siege Novemb. the second, removing that day but half a mile: but being about to remove next day, newes was brought that the Enemies power was almost in sight; the Bassa of Buda by the command of Sinan was come forth with 13 Zanzacks, twenty thousand Souldiers, 30 Field-pieces, and 500 Waggons laden with Victuals, and other provision to relieve the City: Whereupon, the Count, assisted by Serinus, and other valiant and experienced Captains, with great speed put his Army in order, and couragiously set forward; the Bassa seeing them marching towards him, took the upper ground, thence discharging his Field-pieces upon them which mounted too high, did litle or no harm at all. The Christians for all that, calling on the name of the Almighty, mounted the Hill, and by plain force constrained the [Page] Turks to flye; about 5000 of whom were foot, [...] being Janizaries, who making often stands, wounded many, yet were almost all slain, with many others: among whom, were 3 great Zanzacks, 7 Chiaus, with many others of the valiantest Captains of the Turks Borderers.

The Turks, lost in this Battel, were deemed to be at least 8000, few prisoners were saved; Whereupon, Sinan sware by Mahomet never to spare any Christian: All their Waggons and Artillery became a prey, many Ensigns being found, and Weapons of great value. The Count with great joy brought back his Army to Alba Regalis, encamping near the Bulwark Stopaseh: where the [...] most feared the assault. Palfi, Nudasty, and others, earnestly perswaded the Count, not to depart before he had won the City; but he considering the hard time of the year, the Cities strength, which was full of Souldiers, by reason of them that fled in thither, with the want of things necessary for a longer siege: and fearing at last of being forced to leave it, called a Council, resolving to raise his siege, afterwards imputed to him for more then an oversight. So, firing the Suburbs, he departed towards Rab, Novem. 5th. Ere long, the Lord Teuffingbath, the Lieutenant in the upper-Hungary removed from Casovia with 14000 suldiers, and laid siege to Sabatzka, out of which Castle the Turks did usually much harm. Teuffingbath battering it in three places, made it Saultable, taking it by force, Novemb. 19th. and put to the sword all the Turks therein, about 250. leaving a strong Garrison of his own, whereby the Country thereabouts was in great quiet. Thence the Generall removed with all speed to Fileck, a strong City of upper-Hungary: and planting his battery terribly without ceasing, thundred against the walls and gates: the Zanzack-Governour thereof, got out by night with a few to acquaint his neighbour Zanzacks with the Christians coming, and their number also: to consult how the City might be relieved. The Bassa of [Page] Tenesware, with 4 other Zanzacks, undertook the matter; Whereupon, the Bassa sent for 800 Janizaries, left by Sinan at Buda, and Albaregalis, who flatly [...] to go: saying, They would not be led as beasts to the slaughter, as were their fellows at Albaregalis; yet they forced the Armenians brought thither, to go. But from Buda. Alba, and Scamboth, were sent only 1500 common Souldiers: for all that, the Bassa with the Zanzacks being firm in their resolutions, raised an Army of 18000, with many Field-pieces, and by night came within two Miles of Fileck: but the Gene rall with Stephen Bathor, and others with 7000 choyse Souldiers went out against them: and Novemb. the 21, assailing their Tents, put them all to flight, fiercely pursuing them with a terrible [...]. In the fight and flight were slain 6000, but few or none taken. The Bassa with the Zanzack of Fileck, with many other great ones were found slain. This Victory gained with little or no loss, yielded to the Christians a rich prey, all which they carried into the Camp, more straitly besieging the City then before; on which day the Lord Palfy and Lasla came to the Camp with 6000, and forthwith they sent to the besieged, That if they would forthwith yield, they should depart with life and goods: though the Turks had lately broken their faith at Palotta; otherwise, they denounced unto them all extremities: yet the Turks refused to yield. Whereupon, the battery began more terribly then before, so that though the City was most strongly fortified, yet in 3 dayes a fair breach was made, whereby they entred without any notable loss Nov. 24. ransacked the City, and burnt a great part thereof: On which day, they took the utmost Castle, wherein was the Zanzacks Pallace. It stands upon a very High Hill, strengthened by Art and Nature; and had in it a strong and valiant Garrison; who, lustily bestowing their shot, slew a great number: yet the Christians having for 2 dayes and 2 nights most furiously shaken the walls, entred [Page] by plain force, Novemb. 26. and put to the sword all the Souldiers, except those that had retired into a more inward Castle, who being 800, with Wives and Children without hope of relief, and the Canon bent against them, set out a white Ensign, and upon Parly it was agreed, they should depart with life, and what goods eevery one could carry: whereupon, the Castle was yielded the 28 day, and the Turks safely conveyed to the place desired. Here they found great booty with much warlike provision, but of Victuals [...] store. The Generall with the Captains fell on their knees in the Castle, and with Hearts and Hands lifted up, thanked God for the recovery of that strong City; but chiefly, for delivery of so many Christians out of Thraldom: for 'tis reported, there were above 800 Villages subject to the jurisdiction of Fileck; the Christians forthwith repairing & [...] every place, left a sufficient Garrison in the City & Castles departing with about 20000 towards Sodoch 6 miles off: but upon the way, the Generall heard that the Turks for fear had abandoned the Castles of Diswin and Somosk: Who, sending out some Companies to take in those places, they found them indeed forsaken, but yet many Ordnance and other warlike provision there left. About the end of November, the Generall marched towards Sethchine a strong Town in the Diocess of Agria; but the Turks having sent their wives, children, & the best of their substance to Hatwan & Buda; hearing of the approach of this Army, fired the Town & fled: the Christians entring, saved a great part of the Town from the fire, so leaving there a fit Garrison he hasted to Blavenstine, which the Turks fetting on fire, fled. The Christians next day, Decem. 4th. found a great part yet unburnt, leaving a strong garrison: so marching to Sallek, they took it being forsaken by the Enemies, putting into it a strong garrison. The General was very desirous to have prosecuted so happy a course of victory; but through the foulness of the winter-weather, [Page] he could not travel with his great Artillery: and his Army in that wasted country began to feel want, so that many had withdrawn unto their Habitations. Then also the Lord Palpey finding Dregel and Palanka forsaken, furnished both places with Garrisons: other strong places were also this Month recovered, and as much Territory gained by the Christians, as was thought to equalize the lower Austria. This joyfull newes of Victories and Recovery made great Rejoycing at Vienna and Prague: Wherefore, publike prayers with thanksgiving were made in both places, with many tokens of triumph both there and in other places. But the dead bodies of the Turks slain at Alba, not being buried, so noysome a smell rose thereabouts, that none could abide to come near the place, to the great trouble of the Inhabitants round about. At length, 350 Turks out of Buda and Alba meeting, to have buried those Carcasses, a Captain of the Hussars lighting on them, left most of them there dead, carrying away the rest prisoners. The Bassa of Buda, causing the Zanzack of Palotta to be strangled, upon suspition of Intelligence with the Christians: another coming with 600 Turks to possess his place, was by the way by Peter Lehushar with the Souldiers of 2 Garrisons slain, with most of his followers, 35 being taken with the Zanzacks [...] furniture. Also the Turks of Petrinia, Siseg, Castrowitz, and other places: about 3000 passing over Savus, Decemb. 19. began to spoil those Frontiers; but by the Lord Graswin, and the Borderers, 500 of them were slain, divers of good account taken, & almost all the rest drowned in the River: towards the end of which Month, great numbers of Souldiers being taken up in Saxony and other places, were sent to Prague and Vienna: and in Hungary the Christians encreased with new supplies. In Austria also was a new Army raised, and 22 great pieces sent down Danubius to Comara, and preparation every where made against the next year.

[Page] Amurath, going out of Constantinople, Jan. the 11th, 1594, to muster the Army prepared against the Christians a Tempest of Wind and Rain, suddenly overthrew his Tents and Charriots; yea, his Horses and Men had much adoe to withstand it: whereat, he, as with an ominous prodigie, exceedingly troubled, returned with his Army into the City, and oppressed with melancholy, cast himself upon his Bed: where falling asleep, he dreamed, he saw an exceeding tall man, standing with one foot upon the Tower of the City, and the other over the strait in Asia, who stretching out his Arms, held the Sun in one, and the Moon in another: whom, whilest he wondered at, the Man with his foot struck the Tower, which falling down, overthrew the great Temple and Pallace: he awaked, as he thought, with the noyse; and much troubled, sent for all his [...], and Interpreters, to know the meaning of so strange a dream; who answered him, that since he had not with all his force, impugned the Christians, their Prophet Mahomet threatned thereby, to overthrow the Religion and Empire of the Turks: which vain Interpretation, so moved the superstitious Tyrant, that he sware from thenceforth, not to give over War, till he had done what he would with all his forces, to subdue the Christians: which Dream, Interpretation, and solemn Vow, was read in the Temples of Transilvania, with many exhortations to the people by prayer, and all good meanes to avert so threatned thraldom. Of the rich spoyl taken from the Turks, in the Victory near Abba regalis, the Captains sent a Present for the Emperour, and the arch-Duke his Brother, by the Lords Gall and Brun, which they presented unto them Jan. 11th, at Vienna, in a pompous order; and being rewarded by the Emperour, with Chains of Gold, and other gifts, returned unto the Camp; and though it was now deep Winter, yet many sharp skirmishes daily passed upon the Borders betwixt the Turks and Christians: The 15th of this [Page] moneth, 2000 Turks were making an inroad about Fileck; but Lord Teuffenbach laying in waite for them, slew and took 1500 of them. Matthias the arch-Duke, Governour of Stiria, Carinthia, and the Countries thereabout (Ernest his Brother, being lately by Philip of Spain, made Governour of the low Countries) was now also made Generall of the Christian Army, who, to further the new Warre, departed February the 26, from Vienna to Rab; the forces newly raised in Germany and Hungary, daily following him, and by the perswasion of Teuffenbach, sent Count Schlike with an hundred Horse to Fileck, for the more safety of that place, and the Country so lately gained.

About this time, a Turk taken and brought into the Camp, confessed, among other things, that in Novigrad, a strong Town, but three miles from Buda, was left but about eight hundred Souldiers, who were in great fear to be besieged: wherefore the Turks, had brought thither much provision. Whereupon, the Christians removing, came betwixt Dregel and Novigrad, understanding of the people, that the report was true: so forthwith, they sent for some Ordnance to Dregel, and March the 8th, very early, the whole Army came with the Ordnance before Novigrad; and before night, they had planted certain great Pieces on a high Hill, whence they might see into the Castle: against which, the Master of the Ordnance, discharged three of the greatest about Sun-setting, that the Turks might know, they wanted nothing for the siege: That night also, they cast up a great Mount in the Valley, whence they sent six great shot into the Castle; but early in the morning, they began to batter the Castle, discharging 300 great Shot (that day) against it, but to small purpose; for it stood on a most strong Rock, with high and thick Walls, and a deep encompassing Ditch, hewen out of the Rock, and was so fortified with Timber-Pallisadoes, that there was no access to the Walls: yet the [Page] Generall commanded some Companies to assault the breach, such as it was; who firing certain dry Faggots, burnt the Pallisado in divers places; and so opening a way to the Walls, slew divers Turks upon the Rampiers, who but faintly defending themselves, yet slew divers of them, beating them down with stones, Fire-works, &c: This night the assault ceased, till four in the morning.

Shortly after, came the arch-Duke with 1000 Horse, renewing the Battery, whereby the chief Cannonier, a renegate German being slain [...], the Turks dismayed presently set forth three white Ensigns for parley; but the Christians continuing their battery, the Turks pittifully crying out, desired to send two Captains to fall to some Composition: so the Battery ceasing, those Captains brought nine of the best Turks to the arch-Duke, declaring by their Interpreter, that, considering the Christians forces, and seeing no relief from the Bassa of Buda, as he had promised, they were content to yield the Castle, so, they might safely depart with bag and baggage; but Palfi in the person of the arch-Duke, (who would not be known) answered, that since they yielded not at the first Summons, but had held out to the losse of many of his mens lives, and great charge, they were unworthy of any favour, yet he would of clemency receive them, if without condition they would yield to mercy: which, being told to the Sanzack, he said, he would still stand on his defence; whereupon, a fresh assault being about to begin, it was at last agreed, the Turks safely to depart with their Apparel and Scimitars onely: upon which agreement, onely two of the Turks were sent back into the Castle, they delayed 4 houres, as doubtful what to do; but Palfi being earnest for an answer, and the Christians being ready for assault, they yielded, four hundred and fifty comming forth, the Sanzack Governour being one, with his Wife and Daughter, and another Sanzack sent to ayd him; and one Chiaus lately come from Court. Instead of their gallant Horses, they had base Jades to [Page] ride upon: Men and Women being searched, that they carried away no more than their Clothes; any thing else, fell to the Souldiers share.

Novograd (serving as it were for a Bulwark to Pesth & Buda) now opened a way to the Turk's further harms, Lord Rebei, a Hungarian, was made Governour, with a strong Garrison, and some Troops of Hussars.

The Sanzack coming to Buda, was laid in prison by the Bassa: who, though he alledged, the Town could not be possibly held with so small a Garrison, against such a power, imputing the fault (if any) to them of Buda, for not sending timely relief; and appealing to Amurath, yet was he by his Command, hanged by night on a Tree nigh the Gate, and then cut in pieces.

The Emperour the while, sent Embassadors to the great Duke of Muscovie, the King of Poland, and Transilvanian Prince, to prove their affection towards these Warres, and what ayd he might obtain: Warkutch coming to Mosco, found the Tartarian, Turkish, Persian, Polonian, and Danish Embassadors there: the Tartar and Turk, could have no audience, being with reproachful words, rejected as miscreants: Warkutch was honourably entertained, and, after their manner, was daily and largely allowed Wine, Meade, Aquavitae, flesh, fish, and fowl of sundry sorts. At length, having audience, the great Duke answered, he would give the Emperour, during that War, 500000 Duckats, and allow him yearly 400000, requesting him not to make peace with the Turks; and promising him also ayd of forces, if he needed: the Persian also feasting the Emperours Embassador, had great conference with him about the Christians Warres with the Turks, promising the continuation of his Masters Warres with the Turk; so the Emperour would promise to have no League with him, that so he might not turn all his Forces into Persia.

[Page] Warkutch, after four moneths stay in Muscovia, returned to the Emperour: Then also Dr. Wacker, returned out of Poland with joyful newes, that the Polanders with 28000, had stopped the passage of 100000 Tartars, sent for by the Turk; and, if he needed, to be ayded by the Cossacks: but the King being in Sweden, he was by the States, referred to a further answer of his other requests, at his return. At this time, Serinus having assembled 10000 men, departed from Canisia, to besiege Bresenza Castle; but the Turks had conveyed away their best substance, firing the Castle, and departing March 23: into which, the Earl put a Garrison; so also did he to Sigesta, forsaken by the Turks, and then besieged Babostcha: which Castle, (though strongly scituated in a Marsh, was for fear, abandoned by the Turks: by all which, the Bassa of Ziget, not a little doubted to have been even then besieged.

Amurath, to vex the Emperour every way, would send his Fleet into the Adriatick, to besiege Zegna, a City of his scituate in the Bay of Quernero: wherefore, he sent a Chiaus, to request the Venetians, that his Fleet might passe along that Sea, and use their Ports and Harbours upon occasion: which, (the Venetians fearing the Turk's treachery) wou'd in no case grant; yet they most honourably used the Embassador, and so sent him away.

Lord Teuffenbach, Lievtenant in upper Hungary, with 20000 Souldiers, April 16th, laid siege to Hatwan, six miles from Buda, it having a triple [...], and exceeding strong Bulwarks: wherefore the Christians blockt it up. Hereupon, they of the Town, by secret Messengers, certified the Bassa of Buda, how it was; praying his ayd: who with 10000 in readiness, and five Sanzacks, with 5000 more, came April 30, and encamped on the side of the River Sagywa, in sight of the Christian Army; but not daring to passe the River, he retired to passe over at Jasperin, [Page] or Jasbrin, where the River had a Bridge, and not far off, a good Foord, thinking to come upon their backs, and the more safely to relieve the besieged; but Teuffenbach, forthwith passing the River with much difficulty, overtook him, next day about one in the afternoon, & with his Ordnance disordered his Reare, and coming on couragiously, [...] a most cruel fight, which the Turks long endured with wondrous resolution; but now, destitute of their wonted multitude, and hardly laid to, they fled: whom 6000 men fiercely pursuing, had the killing of them almost to Buda. The Christians took all their Ordnance, 17 Ensigns; and Jasperin Castle for fear was abandoned, wherein was store of Victualls, and much Warlike Provision.

Teuffenbach certified the arch-Duke of this notable Victory, as soon as he returned to the siege of Hatwan, as that there were 2500 Turks slain, and as many wounded, of whom many perished, and those not a few, of great name and place, 8 Sanzacks being redeemed, and some Chiaus sent from Court, with the Bassa's Guard of 800 [...] Souldiers, of whom few escaped with life: that the Germans and Hungarians had agreed it should be counted a dishonour, to spare any enemies, so that they took but 16 common Souldiers, that the Bassa of Buda, besides other 3 wounds, was grievously wounded in the side: that the Christians lost about 100, and about 600 grievously wounded, many being then dead: neither was the losse small they received in their Horses and Armour.

The Turks in Zabola Fort, now discouraged, forsook the same, which for strength and bigness, was comparable with Tocay or Erlawan. While valiant Teuffenbach thus lay at the siege of Hatwan, the arch-Duke, encouraged with his good success at Novigrad, came with 44000 men before Strigonium, (once the Metropolis of Hungary); and, May 6th, encamped nigh the Castle in a Meadow, whence both City and Castle were plainly to be [Page] seen: they of the Castle, and three Gallies in the River, discharging some Ordnance on them, without any great harm; but the Christian Fleet coming a little before night, and beginning to answer them again, the Enemy lay still that night. The mean while, a Turkish youth taken in a Garden, and brought and examined, confessed there was but 400 Janizaries in the City, a supply being daily expected from Buda.

The Christians, bringing their Trenches by break of day, to a Hill opposite to the Castle, placed their battery, and began to batter the City: on which day, May 7th, 22 Turks Heads were presented to the arch-Duke, and 4 alive, newly sent out to view the Camp. About night, Balls of Wild-fire being shot in, one set fire on St. Adelberts Tower, first the Temple, then much of the Town falling on fire, the Sanzacks House, Horses and Armour, with much Powder, being burnt, and exceeding hurt done in the City: next day, they had made a breach in the Castle-Wall; but a high and broad sandy Rampier adjoyning, could scarce be battered: yet the Germans gave a fierce assault to the breach; but not being able to get over the [...], retired with losse.

The day after, they began the battery again, with 18 great Pieces: in which morning, the Rascians in the old City, acquainted the Generall, if he would assault the bigger City at a place they appointed, they the while, [...] let the Christians, by some little Posterns [...] the old City, so they nor theirs might have no violence: which agreed to, they assaulted it May the 11th, and took the old City, all the Rascians having [...], but the Turks [...], except such as recovered the new Town. Two German Companies, six hundred Hungarians, three hundred Rascians, and other Townsmen kept the same, who burnt the Suburbs, yet the new Town, and the Castle was still [...].

[Page]Wherefore the Christians, placing their Battery, began again to batter the Castle: which being made saultable, they couragiously assailed the breach, but were glad to retire, 130 of their Fellows being slain.

The Turks had fortified St. Nicholas Hill, somewhat subjecting the Castle, which the Christians gaining May 17th, put all the live Turks to the Sword, and turning the Ordnance, thence also battered the Castle.

May 22, a little before Sun-setting, some Ensigns of Foot were drawn out to assault the lower Town: which they attempting in the dead of the night, were notably encountred by the Turks sallying forth upon them, who yet forcing them to retire, proceeded, and with much adoe, got over the outmost Wall; but unexpectedly, finding a deep and broad countermure, they stood as dismayd; and disorderly retiring in the darkness of the night, many perished in the deep mud: In this assault, were 1000 wounded and slain; and though they twice or thrice renewed it, they were still with losse repulsed. Many Turks were slain also; yea, the Governour himself, hurt with a great [...], sent to Buda with many wounded men, brought newes of the assaults, and state of the besieged.

The Camp had newes the while, that Sinan Bassa coming towards Hungary, with a great Army, and by Boats conveying part thereof, was set upon by the Rascians, (poor oppressed Christians dwelling on both sides of Danubius, but now encouraged by the Emperours success) who after divers skirmishes, had taken 13 Vessels: wherein, besides Victualls and Ordnance, they found 2400 weight of powder, 44700 of Lead, 46454 bundels of Match, 1200 great shot, Harquebusse shot 48500, with much other Warlike Provision: whereupon, Sinan altered his purpose for Cassovia.

June 4th, about 500 Turks conducted up the River, by two Sanzacks, landed near Gakara, on the farther side, [Page] over against Strigonium: where a while refreshing themselves, and a few left, the more to assure the place, all the rest arrived at Strigonium, the old Garrison being now soare weakened: the Turks herewith encouraged, four dayes after, suddenly sallying forth, entred a Fort of the Christians, but were repulsed, with the losse of 26 men, and two Ensigns.

The Christians often assaulted this City, but were so received, that in five assaults, they lost five thousand men; among whom, were divers Commanders of good account: 23 Cannoniers, were also slain, and ten great Pieces of Ordnance made unserviceable.

This Garrison consisted most of Janizaries: whose notable valour in holding out, was much commended by their friends and enemies. About the same time, some Turks lighting on a Germane Troop, slew about 50, putting the rest to flight: which raising an Alarm, many ran, with some small Field-pieces, to rescue them: whereupon, the Turks fleeing, the Christians eagerly pursuing them, were assailed by other Turks sallying out of a Fort fast by, and forced to retire, leaving their Field-pieces, which the Turks cloyed, breaking their Carriages. About which time, Teuffenbach requested ayd of the ArchDuke, against Hatwan; for that his forces were one way or other so weakened, that he had scarce 600 sound men; who spared him but 1200 Foot, because of too much weakening his own Army.

Amurath, seeking by all meanes revenge, besides his own great power now about to come with Sinan, had procured 70000 Tartars from the grand Cham to be sent into Hungary to joyn with his Army, who breaking into Podolia, Walachia, and Moldavia, collected a huge number of Oxen and Kine, that they might be both assured of Victualls, and the saflier travel thorow a part of Polonia; but being come to those borders, they found Samoschi the Chancellour, and the Cossacks in Arms: [Page] wherefore placing those Cattel round about them like a Trench, they marched on; but the Polanders with their Ordnance, so terrified the Cattel, that they turning upon the Tartars, and overthrowing all in their way, did exceeding harm: the Polonians following them, and hardly charging the confused Army, armed onely with Bowes and Arrowes, after a small fight, put them to flight, gaining an exceeding rich Prey.

The Polonians lost about 1800: of the Tartars, were slain 30000; the rest; retiring into Polodia, passed the River Nester by the way of Transilvania; and, doing exceeding harm, came to Temesware, and so further into Hungary, being conducted to the Army by 700 Turkish Horsemen.

But June 14th, the Christians between 8 and 9 in the morning, furiously assaulted Strigonium in three places, which they notably maintained, till almost 3 in the afternoon: yet were they glad (at last) with losse to retire. The arch-Duke from a high place beholding the assault, had one of his Footmen slain fast by him, with a small shot: many Turks were also slain, three being Sanzacks. Next night, there arose a most horrible Tempest of wind and rain, so that the arch-Dukes Tent was overthrown; and others, blown down or rent, were carried in the Air, from place to place. About which time, Lord [...] in sight of the Castle, cast up a notable Fort (in the very place where Solyman lay, when he besieged this City) whereby the Enemy was embarred to convey any thing up the River for relief of the City) to hinder which, the Enemy in vain sallyed out.

The Christians took also another Fort, in an Island on the other side of the River, which the Turks lately took from them, cloying the Ordnance: which they again repairing, furnished it with a Garrison and other Ordnance. Then was the Castle and lower Town, in five places, from the new Fort, old Town and Island, so continually [Page] battered, that one would have thought all should have been beaten down. June 17th, a Cannonier so dismounted a great Piece in the Castle, that the Piece with the Turkish Cannonier, fell down into the Ditch: on which day, a Mason that fled out of the Castle, reported, that many Turks had been slain, and but an hour before, 40 were slain in one Chamber: The Turks now resolving, when they were at the last cast, desperately to sally out, and to return with Victory, or shift every one for himself, which seemed not wholly feigned; for about midnight, 1000 Turks sallying out upon the new Fort, were notably repulsed, and forced to retire, 50 being slain, and many more wounded and taken; and toward evening, eight Turks being taken, confessed, that six dayes before, they saw seven Boats of wounded and dead men, sent down the River to Buda: so that it might be easily gathered, how bloody a siege this was to the Turks; for those were bodies of account: those of the common Souldiers slain, being thrown into the River.

The Turks much troubled with the new-built Fort, on the bank of Danubius, sent to the Admirall of the Turk's Galleys, below in the River, to come up with his Galleys, as high as the Fort, and at least to seem as if he would assault it: at which time, the besieged would sallie out, and assail it indeed on the other side.

The Admirall did accordingly, discharging some great Pieces at the Fort, but was so welcomed, that he was glad with his Galleys rent to fall down out of danger; but the while, they of the Town so desperately assaulted the Fort on the other side, that some on the top of the Rampiers for two houres, most cruelly fought, many being slain and wounded, and the rest forced to retire.

[Page]The Christians intentively laying at the siege; understood that a supply of men and Victuals, was shortly to be put into Strigonium: wherefore they sent out Companies, that the one Party lying fitly upon the River, the other by Land, might intercept the same: both which places, being before possessed by the Enemy, they suddenly assailed them there, slaying some, & putting the rest to flight: who for all that, in their retreat, brake the Turks Bridge (made of Boats) under the Castle over Danubius, some Boats being carried away with the stream, and 30 falling into their hands; but five perishing, who fell into the River, by too much haste out of a little Boat.

Now fame had brought newes, that Sinan Bassa was coming to relieve Strigonium: of whose power, were divers reports; but most doubting the worst, and weary of the long siege, with its calamities, still added something to make the danger of stay seem greater.

The besieged were in great wants, the intercepted Letters of the Sanzack to the Bassa of Buda, declaring their hard Estate, and craving his promised help; or else the City could not be defended for lack of Victualls, above three dayes: which Letters being read in the Camp, great preparations were made for continuing the siege, and withstanding the Enemy, hourly expected: The Ordnance never ceasing on either side, many were slain on both sides, many being Cannoniers.

But the fame of Sinans coming daily encreasing, and the Camp possessed with a general feare, the Generall consulted with Count Hardeck, Lord Palfi, Lord [...], and Eraun, Governour of Comara, what were best to do? who all agreed, betimes to raise the siege, and remove into some more safe place: which resolution, next day June 26, they made known to the other great ones in the Army, who, wondrously discontented, chiefly the Germans, both by word and writing, protested against it, [Page] as most dishonourable, and made without their knowledge and liking: to whom [...], President of the Councel of Warre, declared, the Enemy was even at hand, with a very great Army, which encreased daily, &c. besides, it was known how that in the assaults they had lost many of their best Souldiers, besides others that died, and that the place of encamping, was subject to many dangers: wherefore the arch-Duke was resolved in time, to raise his siege, &c. But the German Princes and Commanders, urged still their Protestation, requiring the Generall to excuse them before God and the World, if they yielding to his Command, did what they would not have otherwise done, causing their said Protestation, to be solemnly conceived in writing, which they sealed to, and subscribed, to wit, the Dukes of Saxony and Brunswick, and nine others.

The arch-Duke first sent away the Ordnance, and raising the siege June 28, passed over Danubius, with the whole Army, not far from Kokara, doubtfully expecting what course Sinan would take: before their departure, they fired the old Town, rasing St. Nicholas Tower, which they once purposed to keep; the besieged Turks were much gladded.

Yet Teuffenbach lay still before Hatwan, labouring by all meanes, to take from the besieged their water, and with Earth and Faggots, to fill up the Ditches, which he having now brought to some good perfection, they wrote to the Bassa of Buda, except they were in three dayes relieved, they should be forced to yield: he speedily assembling all his forces, hoped to come upon the Christians ere they were aware, but Teuffenbach having notice, went with 5000 choyse Horsemen, to meet him: coming on him unexpected, he slew 5000 Turks, put the Bassa to flight, obtaining an exceeding rich prey.

And now having with continual battery, layed the [Page] breaches of Hatwan fair open; he was in the assault, so notably repulsed by the Turks, that he retired with the losse of his best and resolutest Souldiers: which put him out of hope of taking it by force; for he had scarce sound men enough left to furnish his Garrisons, to defend his Frontiers: the Hungarians being almost all shrunk home, and scarce 2000 Germans left: he had also oft (but in vain) craved supplies of the arch-Duke: wherefore he was glad to abandon two strong Forts he had built, and leave the Town now brought to extremity.

While Strigonium and Hatwan were besieged, the Rascians, to rid themselves of Turkish thraldom, assembled to the number of 15000 between Buda and Belgrade, under a Generall of their own: wherefore the Bassa of Temeswar for fear of a surprize, went with fourteen thousand, to fortifie and victuall Lippa; but in his return, the Rascians fought twice with him in one day, with the losse of most of his Army. After which, they took Beczkeber, a strong Town, in a Marsh, four miles from Buda, slaying all Turks found therein; and after that Ottadt Castle, so serving those Turks also. Then they besieged Beche Castle, upon the River Tibiscus or Teise, the adjoyning Town presently yielding, but they in the Castle standing a while on their Guard, offered at last to yield on conditions; but the Rascians knowing the [...] thereabouts, had conveyed thither most of their Wealth, and that it was but weakly manned, would needs have it delivered up to their pleasure. The mean while, the Bassa of Temeswar and his Son, in great haste came with 11000 Turks, to relieve the Castle: upon whom the Rascians turning, overthrew him, and so pursued the Victory, that scarce one thousand escaped: the Bassa with three Sanzacks, being slain, his Sonne escaping: they took eighteen great Pieces, and ere long, two [Page] other strong places: after which, they sent to [...] for ayd; [...] chiefly, for Cannoniers, professing themselves the Turks utter Enemies: the Rascians also about Temeswar, sent word, that they would come and joyn with those of the Camp; and they who dwelt between Danubius and Tibiscus, sent to the Lord Teuffenbach, offering to send him ten or twelve thousand men, so he would take them and their Countrey, into the Emperours protection, which he granted and assured by writing. They sent also to the arch-Duke himself, desiring a Generall from him, promising all obedience: their Messengers soon returning with an answer, thought most convenient for their present State.

The Emperour after the ancient manner, in so common and eminent danger, called a general Assembly of the Princes and States of the Empire at Ratisbone, about the end of February, which for urgent causes, was put off till March, April, and May: at which time, the Emperour and the rest, being solemnly assembled in the Bishops Pallace, began to fit June 2d: Unto whom so assembled, after the Emperour had by Philip, Count Palatine of Rhene, given great thanks for their so ready appearance, and briefly declared the cause of their Assembly, he himself, after some complaint of the Turkish insidelity, declared unto them, how Amurath had violated his League made with him in 1591, for eight years, and making, as it were, a summary relation of what had happened, even from the beginning of that violation; yet for as much as there was need of a continuall supply, for maintenance of a perpetual Warre; and that it was even then presently to be descryed, that the Turk in his quarrell, which he alwayes deemed just against the CHRISTIANS; and in revenge of those overthrowes, would adventure his whole strength he had, by consent of the Princes Electors, appointed [Page] that present Diet, as for the aforesaid causes, so for the generall peace of the Empire, the pacification of the low Countries, the reforming of Justice, and amendment of Coyn; but above all, to make it known, how much it concerned to have the Turks pride, timely abated, and at length, some effectual defence for Hungary, it being the strongest Bulwark of that part of Christendom; and whereas his hereditary Provinces were not sufficient to maintain so chargeable a Warre, he requested the Electors Princes and States, not to grudge to help with whatever should be needful against so puissant and dangerous an Enemy: So he caused all his demands to be read and delivered unto them; for answering whereof, they desired time, which granted after many long consultations, they answered with one consent, It was hard, by reason of the late dearth, and other like occasions, for them to grant such ayd as the Emperour in writing required; yet beholding the great danger wherein the Christian Commonwealth then stood, they had of their own free will, and meere compassion, granted besides their usuall contribution, such relief for six years, as they thought sufficient to maintain a defensive Warre, both for the present and future.

Of all these things, was not Sinan ignorant: who, even úpon the Christians departure from Strigonium, was come with an Army of Turks, (the Tartars also joyning unto him, reckoned in all above 150000 fighting men) between Buda and Alba Regalis, to the great terror, not onely of Hungary and the Provinces thereabouts, but of all Germany.

The Christians being departed from Strigonium, before Sinans coming, he resolved to go and besiege Jaurinum, or Rab, a strong City; yet to make all sure before him, he would take in Dotis by the way, about five Hungarian miles short of Rab.

[Page]The Christian Army in marching toward Comara, might see the places on th'other side of the River covered with The Turks multitudes, who marching dispersedly, shewed more than they were: So both Armies in sight of each other kept on, the Christians to Comara, encamping under the very walls; yet so, as well to descry each other afar off: the Turks towards Dotis. Where Sinan encamped, July 21: and next night began furiously to [...] the Castle; the Christian Army not daring at such odds to relieve the distressed: so, while the Bassa tyreth the besieged with continual battery and Alarnms: They of the Town despairing of their own strength, 3 days after yielded the sore battered and undermined Town, on condition for Souldiers and Townsmen, with Wives and Children safely to depart: but at their departure many Wives and Children were stayed, and Lord Baxi, the Governour fowly entreated. Presently after, Sinan had St. Martins Castle yielded to him by the Captain without much ado.

The forsaken Villages round about, were (the while) burnt, and the Country laid waste: yea, some Turkish fore-runners passing the River Tabnitz, ran as far as Altenburg, but 5 miles from Vienna, burning and slaying as they went, or carrying away the people captive; yet 400 of these Roamers were cut off by Nadasti. Palfi also, and Brun Governour of Comara, set upon the Turks Rear, slaying a great number of those that had charge of the Victuals, taking 120, 150 Camels, men, and 300 Mules; laden with Rice and Meal, which they carried away.

Sinan comming towards Rab, encamped within a mile thereof. It is populous, and was accounted the strongest Bulwark of Vienna, being from it about 12 German miles standing on the south-side of Danubius, whence the River maketh a most fertile Isle, called Schut, in whose Eastpoint standeth strong Comara. Count Hardeck had the keeping thereof with 1200 choise Souldiers, to whom were lately joyned some Italian Companies, who with [Page] the Citizens made up 5000 men. July 31. (Matthias about Sun-setting, [...] out of Rab into Schut Island) Sinan came and beset it round; so speedily casting up Trenches, Mounts, and placing whatever was necessary for so great a siege, that it was thought most strange. Aug. 2. he furiously battered the City, bringing his Trenches within Musket shot of the walls: at which time, 4000 Tartarian Horse swam over Danubius, between Rab and Comara, 6000 Turks following them, who, suddenly surprizing a Fort next the River, discharged five great pieces found therein upon the Christian Camp, who terrified with the sudden accident, hardly charged them, and slew many, chiefly those that were dispersed for booty, forcing the rest to take the River, wherein most of them perished.

About 5 dayes after, the Tartars swam over again, and burning a Village in the Island, slew some Christians in their Tents, but they were easily overthrown by Horsmen, and many slain: the rest forsaking Weapons and Horses, ran into the River: whom, the Christians hardly pursuing, slew about 2000 therein. Sinan the while, thundred with 60 great pieces against the City without ceasing, but as yet had made no breach for entrance: but the towers, and high Houses were hurt, and the Camp, by random-shot fleeing over the Town. The Janizaries in a great rain, furiously & with a horrible cry assaulred an outer Bulwark, which the Christians forsaking for fear, had retired into the City, so that the Janizaries had there set up 3 Ensignes; but, the Christians ashamed, forthwith sallied out again, and couragiously charging them, [...] many and recovered the [...]. Sinan was now [...] up a great Mount: which whilst he daily surveyed, he fell sick, appointing a Bassa in his siead to oversee the work; who, walking to and fro [...] the work, was slain with a shot out of the Town, Aug. 15. Some Turks early getting over the River in [...], [...] a Fort, which the Souldiers presently forsook: [Page] which John de Medices perceiving, came with his Italians, and, driving the Turks out of the Fort, slew divers, forcing the rest into the River, where they were all drowned. At which time 5000 Tartars in another place, passing into the Island, were by [...] and his Hussars without much resistance put to flight, slaying many, the rest hoping to get over the River, but other Turks meeting them in the River: would have beaten them back and stayed their flight, but the Tartars opposing them, made a most cruel fight; so that of the 5000 Tartars, few returned to their fellows.

Now began great scarcity in the Turks Camp, so that the Souldiers eating unripe fruit, &c. had the Bloudy-flux, and many Diseases which did wondrously consume the Army. Besides, many were slain from the City, one being Sinan's Son in law, upon whose death, he is said to have fallen sick for grief, but soon recovered again.

The Tartars, passing into the Island, Aug. 19. 3000 were there slain,: some Turkish Companies, having also [...] passed over, assailed the Christians Camp, and other Tartars got over not farre from Comara, hoping at length to perform some great matter; but finding the Turks, overthrown before their comming, and the Christians ready for them, they were [...] & 2000 slain: in which conflict, 3 Zanzacks, and many of great account, perished.

Shortly after, the Christians sallying out of Rab, slew many Turks, retiring with small loss. Many now perswaded the Bassa to raise his siege, and to remove to some other more wholsome and plentisull place; but he would not hearken to any [...]. In the mean time, Maximilian the Emperour's Brother took Cragstowitz, a [...] upon [...] Borders of Croatia, and put all the Turks to the sword. Then he besieged the exceeding strong Fortress of Petrinia, by whose and his Souldiers industry, they so terrified the Turks with continuall battery [Page] and Mines, that firing the Fort, they fled away by night, shifting for themselves: whereupon, they of Sifeg firing the Castle, left it to the Christians. So did they of Gara; by which success all Croatia was for that time freed of a great trouble and danger.

Aug. 28. 20000 Christians, passing the River by a Bridge, and joyning with them of the Town, fallied out upon the Turks Camp. The Hungarians in the front at first onset beating the Turks out of two Bulwarks, and cloyed their Ordnance, but they returning with more power, forced the Christians to retire and recovered their Bulwarks, many were slain on bo h sides. Thouhause and Geitzhofler Hardeck's Lievtenant, came in boates with 1500 Foot to help their fellows, but landing too late, they were by the Turks forced with such speed to retire, that many not able to recover the boats were drowned: Geitzhofler himself perishing, and Thonhause deadly wounded: yet the Christians assembling under the very walls, gave them a second assault: the Foot being foremost were easily repulsed by the Turkish Horse; but Lord Rinsberg comming in (who at first onset was slain), the Turks were forced to their trenches, except a few divided ones: who being found hid in Vineyards, were all flain. Lord Palfi was much wounded in his thigh: 400 Christians were slain, and about 2000 Turks. These conflicts endured from 7 in the morning till noon: the Christians then retiring and returning, carried away, besides other spoiles, 17 Turks Ensignes, daily skirmishes passing. Septem. 9. 10000 Turks getting over into Schut Island, suddenly set upon the Christians (sleeping in security) slaying 2000, and after a small fight, put the rest to flight: so, that Matthias himself with the other great ones had much ado to escape. The, [...] the while, took their Tents, Ordnance, Ammunition, and all the money lately brought for the Souldiers pay, with 1000 Waggons, and 200 boats loaden with provision, and 10 Galleys, [Page] containing 120 piece of Ordnance, the loss being valued at 500000 Duckats: And though the Turks lost 2500 men, yet by this Victory they roamed far and near unresisted, and burnt some Villages not far from Vienna, so that for many miles the Towns were for fear forsaken: some people being slain, some carried captive, and some with what they had, getting farther off into more safe places: and shortly after, the Tartars passing Danubius, sacked and burned Weisenburg, with certain Towns thereabouts; but adventuring to go further, they were with loss forced to return.

Cicala Bassa, the Turkish Admiral, the mean time landing his men in divers places of Italy, did exceeding harm, chiefly in Calabria, where surprizing Rhegium, [...] rifled and burnt it; but sayling thence. [...] in sight of Messana of Sicily landed some men: who, adventuring too far, were by the people put to flight, so they returning to Rhegium utterly razed what they before [...]. The while, even in sight of the Garrison of [...], they took a ship comming out of the East, and 3 others from Apulia: afterwards they changing a few shot with some Eastern galleys to no great purpose, sayled along the Calabrian coast, oft landing men; who, skirmishing with the Calabrians, had sometime the better, sometime the worse, being again received [...] their Galleys. The Messanians gave speedy knowledge hereof to the Viceroy (then at Palermo for his pleasure) requesting his present ayd; but he dallying off time, they of themselves raised 500 Horse to be led by Ph. Cicala, the Renegate Admirals Brother, storing the City with all necessaries for a Siege: certifying the Spanish King of all, and of the Viceroy's negligence, requesting speedy ayd against these Turkish terrours. The Neopolitans put to sea 30 Galleys, to whom the Pope, Duke of Florence, the Genowayes, and Knights of Malta, joyning theirs, there was about 80 Galleys under Auria's conduct. The Venetians also, though in League with the Turks, [Page] for more safety, set forth about 100 Ships and Galleys under Foscarin their Admiral; which Fleets sayling up and down, freed Italy, Sicily, Dalmatia, &c. of a great fear.

[...], having encouraged his Souldiers with great hope and large promises, assaulted Rab, Septemb. 23. the Sun [...] scarce up, furiously maintaining it till night; but through the Defendants valour, the Turks with loss retired: yet was the assault renewed next day, and that most desperate for two dayes, 12000 Turks being slain, the rest retiring into their Trenches, Few dayes after, the Turks by a Mine, blew up a Bulwark of the Town, whereby the Ditch was there somewhat filled, the Turks with all their power next day striving to enter, but were still notably repulsed with loss; yet ceased not the Enemy his [...] and assaults, till he had gained two Bulwarks, whence he might by the fallen rubbish have access to the Town, to the great terrour of the Defendants: Whereupon, Count Hardeck (who, corruptéd by the Turk, had often said, The Town could not possibly long be defended) now took occasion to consult with the other Captains (divers being already framed to his purpose) what to do for yielding up the Town: and after a little consultation for fashion-sake, resolved to send to Sinan sor a truce for a while, for coming to some reasonable composition; yet, to excuse his doings, he conceived a publike Instrument in writing in his, and his Captains names: that since 'twas impossible longer to defend the town against such an enemy without new supplies instead of the [...], which they had oft in vain requested, they were necessitated to compound with the Enemy, which they subscribed and sealed. So a Truce being granted, and Pledges mutually given it was agreed: That the whole Garrison, should with bag and baggage, and [...] displayed, with a safe convoy be brought to Altenburg; which though by Oath confirmed, yet, when the Count had, September 29. delivered up the [Page] City, and all were come forth, himself and a few friends, were conveyed to the appointed place, but the rest were spoiled of all they had, and hardly escaping with life, came to Hochstrate, and next day to Altenburg.

Rab, even when it was given up was Victualled for a year, and sufficiently furnished with all necessaries for defence. Sinan glad of this Victory, gave his Master speedy knowledge thereof, of whom he was highly commended, and afterwards bountifully rewarded; for Amurath now hoped to devour Austria with the adjacent Provinces. Sinan, [...] delay repaired and fortified the City, enlarging the Ditches, and filling the Cathedral with [...]; Whereon, he planted store of great Ordnance, speedily dispatching all things: and, the while sent the Tartars to summon Pappa: which Castle, and small Town, the Christians next night setting on fire, fled.

The [...] leaving 4000 Janizaries, and 2000 Horse in Garrison, departed from Rab to Comara, a strong town, about 4 Miles from it (which is enclosed on the East, North, and South, with the two arms of Danubius) all [...] ways, [...], with his well appointed Fleet, hardly besieged the Town, giving divers assaults, while, the Beglerbeg of Greece by continuall Battery and Mines, shook the walls and bulwarks by land, but the Christians with no less courage defended themselves, than they [...] by the Turks assailed. Matthias the Arch-Duke the while, collecting again a good Army, resolved to go and raise the siege from this City of such concernment to the Emperor; so he came & encamped Octob. 28. at N tria, about 5 Miles off. The Tartars were a little before departed purposing to return home: yea, the Turks weary of the siege, and wanting Victualls, began to shrink away: Wheresore, the Bassa upon the Christians approach forsook the City after three weeks hard besieging it, and, by a bridge of boats, passed over Danubius to Dotis: where, next day he brake up his Army. The arch-Duke coming to Comara diligently repaired [Page] the Breaches, filled up the Mines, made new Bulwarks and Rampiers in divers places, leaving Lord Brun the Governour still; who, in defence thereof was grievously wounded in his right knee: to whom Sinan in the late siege, sending 5 Turks under colour of a parley, but indeed to try, if he were any way to be won to yield the City; he having heard them out, had 4 of their Heads struck off and set upon pikes upon a Bulwark; but the 5th. he sent back to tell the Bassa, He was much deceived, if in him he thought to find a Count Hardeck; he wishing rather to die the Emperour's faithfull servant in the bloud of the Turks, than to betray his charge. Count Hardeck generally suspected to have betrayed Rab to Sinan, was sent for to Vienna, and by the Emperour committed to prison; and, being accused of sundry things (as that at first, he suffered the Enemy to do many things, which afterwards turned to great danger): That he caused some Cannoniers to discharge some great pieces with powder onely: and seeing one piece especially to do much harm, he caused it to be removed: hat he should oft say, The Turks should be but one Town the richer if he won it, &c. The heaviest thing was the Testimony of one, who being taken young, and serving in Sinan's Chamber, now was fled from the Turks: declaring to Matthias, in time of the Siege, he, but 3 dayes before, by his Master's command, had delivered 2 baggs full of Duckats to 2 Christians, one having a notable scar in his face, and afterwards known to have bin a servant to the Count. Upon this and the like proof, he, after many hearings in open Court, where were 47 Nobles and great Capt. was condemned of Treason, and adjudged to be hanged, and to hang 3 dayes on the gallows, and all his estate to be confiscate: which rigour, the Emperour mitigated, by having his right hand (given to him in pawn of his Faith) and his Head struck off upon a Scaffold at Vienna, and so buried. So, June 10th. following, in the high street, after the sentence read, and [Page] he commending himself to Gods mercy on his knees, with eyes covered, and his right-hand covered with black both Head and Hand were so suddenly struck off, that it could scarce be judged which was first done; so being conveyed away in his Coach covered with black, he was buried among his Ancestours.

The Tartars departing from Sinan's Camp, purposed to have gone home thorow upper-Hungary, and by the borders of Transilvania and Moldavia: 2 parties of whom being utterly defeated, and cut off by Palfi, the rest finding the passages hardly beset by the Prince of Transilvania, and Vayuod of Valachia, returned the same way they came: and rifling and burning some Towns and Villages about Tockai, passed the River, and wintring in places about Rab, lived on the spoil as far as Meinersdorf. The Tartars at their first comming, by order from Amurath, stayed on the Borders of Transilvania, either to have surprized that Country, or to have thrust out Sigismund Bator, the young Prince, or sent him in bonds to Constantinople; for it was reported, that he weary of his heavy Tribute (having bin divers times enhaunsed) intended to revolt from the Turk, and enter a confederacy with the Emperour; which change, some of the chief of Transilvania, sought by all means to hinder: and acquainting Amurath hereof, and conspiring with the Tartars, undertook the aforesaid matter: wherefore, they cunningly perswaded the Prince, that Samosche the Polonian Chancellour lay on his own borders, expecting his comming to consult with him of important matters, counterfeiting Letters to that effect, from the Chancellour to the Prince, so that he suspecting no Treason, put himself upon his way; but he was advised by some suspitious friends not to go any further, whose comming was not attended by the Polonians, but the Tartars his Enemies, who lay in wait for him at Hust.

The Prince astonied, retiring to the strong Fort of Rehwere, [Page] staying 14 dayes, as for fear of the Tartars onely; and the while, gave notice to the Nobles and Governours his Friends, of the eminent danger, who repaired to him in Arms: But the Traytors perswaded Bornemissa the Princes Generall, that to fight with the Tartars was of no small danger: Wherefore, he should only shew himself near them, as not unprovided for them: So, the Army was brought so nigh the Tartars, that they might hear the noise of their Drumms and Trumpets; Whereby, the Tartars as by a Watch-word, perceiving themselves discovered, removed, and breaking another way thorow Transilvania, and so into Hungaria, rifled and burnt 500 Villages, slew all males above 12 years old, carrying away the rest to the Turks Camp, then at Rab. The Traitors the mean time, conspired to set up Bator the Princes kinsman; and with Amuraths favour, to prefer him to the Government Wherefore Sigismund doubting, wholly to trust his own Subjects, wrote to the Rascians and other Confederates praying their ayd, which he receiving, appointed an assembly of all his States at Clasehburg; every one to appear personally upon a great pain, none absenting but Cardinall Bator, and Stephen his Brother: who as guilty, were fled into Poland.

All thus met, the Prince, commanded the Gates to be shut, watch to be diligently kept, and none on pain of death to speak of imagined Treason: politiquely also publishing in writing, that the Germans had got a notable Victory over the Turks, commanding Bon-fires and other signes of Joy to be made; he prepared also a Banquet, whereto, he with others the chief Conspirators were invited: who, being at dinner, he apprehended 14, committing them to prison, executing 5 in the Market-place n xt morning; He, who had undertook to have slain the Prince, after 3 or 4 light cuts in the neck, being drawn in pieces with 4 Horses, the other 4 were beheaded, and left there as a Spectacle: the rest being afterwards executed: [Page] and Balthazor his Kinsman, that should have been exalted, strangled. Then, by a publike Edict, he gave leave to all his Subjects, of their own charge to take up Arms against the Turks, and whatsoever they could take from them to have it to themselves: whereby, the Transilvanians encouraged, armed themselves to the number of 40000. who, being sworn to hold together against the Turks, came first to Danubius, where they lighted on some Turks ships, laden with provision for the Camp, Merchandize of all sorts, and much Treasure, of whom they took 7, but the 8th. the Admirall escaped: they took an exceeding rich booty, slew many, carrying back seven Turkish Ensignes to the Prince. This prosperous beginning caused great joy in Transilvania. Sinan is reported to say, If this provision had come to him in safety: he could more easily (with that Treasure) have bought Vienna than he had Rab.

After this Victory, the Prince besieged Temesware; but hearing of the Tartars comming towards Transilvania, upon their return, he gave off, to look to his own Country. Ere long, about December 22. a tumult of the Janizaries at Constantinople grew to such a height, that a Bassa was slain, with other great Ones, and a son of Amurath's sore wounded and with much ado saved. Upon conceit whereof, Amurath fell into a grievousfit of the falling sicknesse, vexed 3 dayes and 3 nights therewith; so that the City was filled with heaviness and fear, and the Courtiers even ready to think of a new Lord. This tumult many supposed was the cause of Amurath's death, shortly ensuing: whose grief & malady daily encreased by ill news, still brought him, chiefly out of Transilvania: where the Prince waiting on every occasion cut the Turks short in every place, and took also this Month many of their strong holds. He had then in field 3 Armies: one under Ferens, in the Country Lugaz, nigh Temesware: another under Horat on th'other side Danubius, to intercept the Turks coming [Page] to Buda, the 3d. under Cornoyse nigh Giula; to whom came 1500 Horse out of upper Hungary.

Sigismund thus revolted from the Turk, thought best betimes to enter a confederacy with those of Valachia and Moldavia (who shortly after also, cast off the servile yoke) but chiefly with the Emperour; Wherefore, he sent his Embassadours, who arrived at Prague, Jan. 12. with 20 Waggons and 150 Horse, where they were most honourably received and entertained; and having audience, after much grave consultation, the Confederacy was fully concluded,

1. That they should mutually proceed in their Wars begun, and not enter any League with the Turk, without the liking of each other: and that in all conclusions of peace made by the Emperour, Transilvania, Valachia, and Moldavia, should be comprised; nor the Prince to enter any League with the Turk, without the consent of the Hungarian Nobility also. 2. Transilvania, with all parts thereof possessed by the Prince in Hungary, to remain to [...] and his Heirs male, in absolute Authority; yet to acknowledge the Emperours for their lawfull Soveraigns, &c. But for lack of Heirs male, Transilvania to descend to the Emperours, the Kings of Hungary: but then should they keep inviolate the ancient Laws, Priviledges and Customs of that Country, and alwayes appoint a Transilvanian Noble, to be Vayuod of the same. 3. The Emperour to acknowledge the Transilvanian an absolute Prince; and by Charter confirm to him the Title of, Most Excellent. 4. The Emperour to procure a Daughter of his Uncle Charls, late Arch-Duke for a Wife to the Prince, for affinity sake. 5. The Prince to be by him procured one of the Order of the Golden-Fleece. 6. That the Prince should not be forsaken by the Emperour, however things fell out, but if more need should be to have greater help: which [...] was to be reciprocall, according to the necessity of either part. 7. The Roman Empire to undertake the protection of the Prince and his Territories, [Page] and to create him and his successours Princes of the Empire, yet to have no voyce or place among them. 8. Whatsoever places of strength should be taken by both their Forces, when the Emperour should send a full Army, should be his Majesties; but what the Prince should by his own Forces gain, should remain his: yet what places the Prince did recover, which belonged to Hungary, before it was taken by the Turk, he should [...] to the Emperour, as soon as he had of him reasonable recompence. 9. The Emperour to give the Prince sufficient ayd for fortifying places thought needfull: and the Prince not to spare his own Coffers or [...] to the same end. 10. That if it should chance that the Prince or his Successours, having spent themselves, should not be able longer to defend their State and Country, but should by the Enemy be forced to forsake it: the Emperour within a moneth to assign some place in his Dominions, where they might honourably live: and the like regard to be had of such other principall men, as should adventure life and living, in defence of the Christian Common-weal.

Which Articles solemnly confirmed, the Embassadours were with all bounty sent back; the Prince the while, labouring by all means to draw to him, Michael Vayuod of Valachia, and Aaron of Moldavia, both the Turks Tributaries, so that they shortly after joyned hands with him for recovery of their lost liberty: which revolt so much concerned the common good, that the safeguard of Austria, the remnants of Hungary, with some good part of Germany, is not causelesly [...] to have rested therein. The revolt of the Noble Vayuod of Valachia, of no less worth than the Prince, was after this manner. But first, let us see how he obtained of the Turk this preferment. Alexander the late Vayuod, a Moldavian (proud above measure of so great preferment, as of his Nobility, and Fortune fawning upon him) intolerably oppressed his people, and, in further favour of the Turks, brought into that too much exhausted Country, such a [Page] company of them, as that they oppressed the Christians with new exactions, and more than tyrannical injuries: breaking into their Houses, dispoyling them of goods, and also taking Tyth of their Children, a thing never before seen; they ravished also their Wives and Daughters even in sight of Husbands and Parents, with divers outragious villanies, not with modesty to be rehearsed. His Subjects being hereby out of hope of recovering their ancient liberty, and not knowing which way to turn; there was at Crailowa a City in the confines of Valachia (where the Governour is with a strong Garrison alwayes resiant) [...] (that is, with the Valachians, Christians) [...], son to Peter, Alexanders Predecessour; who, as he was for his birth, comliness and tallness, well known to the [...]; so for his zeal towards Christianity, love to his Country, kindness, [...], upright-dealing, constancy and bounty, heroick mind, wisdome, foresight, pleasingspeech without affectation, no less gracious and dear: whose Fame caused Alexander to command him secretly to be apprehended, and so taken out of the way: whereof he understanding, fled into Hungary, and thence went to Constantinople in 1591, to [...] for the Vayuodship; About which time, the chief and gravest of the Valachians, laying at Amuraths feet, most grievously complaining of the manifold and intolerable injuries they had, and were like to sustain from Alexander & his Courtiers: the Turks Garrisons and Merchants with many tears, declaring his most foul facts, and highly commending Jon Michael for his Vertues, as the true Heir; humbly requested Amurath, either to appoint him Vayuod, or to assign some other place for them to dwell in; wishing any where to live, rather then under so merciless a man; neither did Michaels Uncle by the mother, a very rich Greek, spare for any cost.

So Michael was with great solemnity created Vayuod of Valachia; and that oppressed Country by little and [Page] little (though not altogether without most sharp and violent remedies) well relieved: at the beginning of whose Soveraignty, Alexander, guilty of his evil and shamefull Government, secretly fled; but some yeares after, going with his Wife to Constantinople, and there attempting ill means to obtain the Palatinate of Moldavia, for which he was accused by the Palatines Agent; he was by Amuraths command strangled in his own House, in 1597. about 6 years after his departure from Valachia.

Michael thus made Vayuod, ere long, Cornelius de No [...]a, sent from Pope Clement to the great Duke of Muscovy in his return, informed Sigismund of Transilvania and Aaron of Moldavia, of the great consent of divers Christian Princes to maintain War against the Turk, perswading them with many reasons in that Christian quarrel, to joyn to them their Forces, raised near Danubius and Nester: but for divers important businesses, he could not come unto Michael; whom yet, Sigismund his Neighbour desirously sought to draw into the fellowship of that War, even for the same reasons a [...]mos [...], wherewith he had been himself moved; and, in brief, he said, It was a wise mans part, not without most manifest and weighty reasons to promise himself better fortune or more assurance than had his Predecessours, but warned by their harmes, betimes to provide for his own safety: whereby, he so prevailed with the Vayuod; that although he would not for the weightiness of the matter at first yield: yet promised with his Friends and Nobles to consider thereof; The Prince laying down, How a sufficient number of Souldiers might alwayes be raised: pay provided, and ayd still sent him as need should be, from the Emperour or himself: Also, that the Palatine of Moldavia would be ready to combine, that so with united Forces, they might upon Danubius and Nester's Banks easily represse the Incursions of the Turks and Tartars. The Emperour the while, [Page] the easier proceeding in his Wars on tother side of Hungary. Whilst this plot was laying (not wholly unsuspected by the Turks), Sinan coming, had as aforesaid taken Rab: whereat the Vayuod began more deeply to consider of his estate; and grieving to see his Subjects, to be so daily more and more oppressed by the insolent Turks, he (as he had promised) called an assembly of all his States to consult what were best to be dene for remedy of such evils; and preventing of greater, not causlesly to be feared. Where they all agreed, rather to joyn with the Christian Princes, than longer to endure the Turkish yoake: Whereupon, the Vayuod taking 2000 Hungarian Garrison-Souldiers, secretly laid upon his Frontiers for that end; and calling on the Name of Christ Jesus, in one day slew about 2000 Janizaries, who without his leave had seated themselves in Valachia, with all other insolent Turks, and traiterous Jewes, he could come by in the open Country. And to drive them out of their strong Holds also, he, within 14 dayes after, set upon Dziurdzowa a great Turkish Town upon the Bank of Danubius, which he burnt, all but the Castle; and, having made great slaughter, he returned to his chief Seat Bucaresta, loaded with spoil. But ere long, he perceived the Turks in revenge thereof to seek his life, though he seemed onely enforced thereto, through the Turks insolence; for the same Month, a Turkish Emir or Lord, descended of the Family of their false Prophet, and then Cadilescher, with 200 choyse Souldiers, 50 of Amuraths Chamber, and many Zanzii and Spahi, suddenly came to Bucaresta, under colour of refreshing themselves after long travel: where they committed all kind of outrages, & demanded of Michael then at his Pallace without the City, without any defence, 1000 Florens for a Present, with provision for his followers: and the Emir hearing he was almost alone, went on foot out of the City with 1000 Souldiers, as if in courtesie to have seen the Vayuod: who [Page] got him away betimes into the Camp of his Hungarians fast by: the Turk deceived of his hope, sent [...] to know of him, Why, in time of peace he entertained so many Hungarian Souldiers? Who cunningly answered, They were first entertained, to take Peter the Son of Alexander, sometime Palatine of Moldavia: who, though he were apprehended and hanged on a Hook at Constantinople, yet they were still there to be billeted, till their pay could be provided. The Turk commanded him forthwith to discharge them, promising next day to lend him a Tunn of Gold to pay them: Which feigned promise he seemed thankfully to take, yet commanded them to stand ready to intercept the Turks, if, by him distressed, they should flee. He the while, with his Courtiers and Souldiers secretly assembled, came, and unexpectedly encompassed the Turks Innes where they lay, and firing them in 5 places, notably forced them with fire & sword: yet the Turks for a while valiantly defended [...], & sought by force to escape thorow the midst of their Eenmies: yea, many tearing off their burning cloaths, fought stark naked; but most that could, fled to the Emirs Palace, there with him to die or live; but the Vayuod with two great pieces, opening a way for his Souldiers unto them: the Emir now in despair, threw out of a Window a great Chest of Gold and Jewels, and precious Stones, to appease his wrath, humbly requesting but to have his life spared, promising a large ransom for himself, and those few yet alive with him: Howbeit, Michael commanded all those his enemies, now in his power to be slain, they having a wondrous rich spoyl, though much more was lost in the fire: and so, giving God thanks, rested a while in quiet. Yet in less than a Month, he sent Kirall his Lievtenant with an Army to Phloch, a great unwalled Town on the further side of Danubius: Whence, the Turks oft passing over that frozen River, had done great harm in Valachia: which he suddenly surprizing, sacked it, and slew [Page] all the Inhabitants that were not sled. And shortly after, he marching over the Frozen-River, to surprize Hersowa a walled City, was greatly encountred by the Turks upon the Ice: who having slain many, and put the rest to flight, he went and took that rich City, which he rifled and burnt to the ground, except the Castle which was valiantly defended, and so returned over the River to refresh his Souldiers, weary with labour and extremity of Winter-weather; and within 6 days after, having on the other side of the River overthrown the Turks Garrisons, he took Sibistra, a great City of Macedonia, the Seat of a Zanzack, and inhabited with rich Merchants, which he ransacked, and, slaying most of the Inhabitants, burnt it down, to the grief and terrour of the Turks. But Amurath, vexed with the Stone, and attainted with the Falling-sickness, and tormented with the Janizaries insolency, and revolt of the 3 said Countries, departed this life, Jan. 28. 1595. being 51 or 52 yeares old, raigning 19: At his death, arose a most sudden and terrible tempest at Constantinople, his dead body being with great pomp buried in a Moschie which he before built.

The Life of Mahomet the third, seventh Emperour of the Turks.

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Amurath's death was, with wondrous secresie, concealed, both for fear of the Janizaries, and also because the people distrusting the fierce nature of [...] the eldest Son, were better affected to Amurath the younger, more mild and courteous. Ten dayes after, came Mahomet in Post from Amasia to Constantinople; where, by the great Bassaes and other mighty Favorites, he was saluted Emperour; which done, he invited all his Brethren to a Feast in the Court; whereto they, ignorant of their Father's death, chearfully came, and were all by his command strangled: and the same day (as is reported) he caused ten of his Fathers Wives & Concubines, by whom Issue was to be feared, to be drowned in the Sea.

The Janizaries and other Court-souldiers, not before acquainted with Amurath's death, nor of the choyce of Mahomet without their privity, and offended to be disappointed of the spoils, which they reckoned due to them in the Vacancy, rose in a rage, and made such spoil in the Imperial City, as greater could not well have bin, had no Emperour been chosen: and were even ready to have [...] the Court, and to have violated Mahomets person, in revenge of his cruelty on his Brethren & Fathers Wives, (which they easily excuse by the name of State-policy.)

Mahomet called to him, some of the chief of these seditious, seeking by fair perswasions and large promises to win them to him, thereby to appease the rest, but to little or no purpose, till the Bassaes themselves with their followers, with many fair perswasions & grievous threats. & firm promise of a general pardon, with much ado appeased the [...]; yet kept all the streets with strong watch & ward.

[Page]A new Tent was now commanded by Mahomet to be set up before the Temple of Sophia, in which on the right hand was placed his Fathers dead body, and on the left the bodies of his 19 strangled Brethren, as a Spectacle for the people: who all ere long were with their Father buried with great solemnity; and Mahomet about 29 years old, was proclaimed great Emperour of The Turks, and L. of all, from the rising of the Sun to the going down thereof. Then, in his Pallace, he made to his great men a royall Feast; but, while they were in their mirth, all the City was in an uproar; so, that 'twas thought, scarce one would have escaped alive from the Banquet, had not the chief Bassa, by gravity, wisdom, and labour, timely appeased them, and caused all the Ordnance to be brought into the streets and discharged among them.

In the mean time, divers fortunate inroades and skirmishes were made by the late Confederate Princes in the Turks Frontiers. The City Weitze was in the beginning of Aug. 1595. again recovered, and the Christians about Scuthia (being about 4000) carried out of the Turks Frontiers an exceeding rich prey, with divers notable captives; so did also the Christians of Vivaria: when also the Garrison-souldiers of Altenburg inroading about Rab, encountred 4000 Turks, slaying 200, and taking certain prisoners: And Sinan Bassa, returning towards Constantinople with much Treasure, scraped together in the Warrers in Hungary, was stript of all by the Valachians not far from Belgrade, himself hardly escaping with a few.

Those Valachians, with the Transilvanians, under the conduct of Gestius Ferens, [...] further on the Turks took from them divers Towns and Castles, and meeting with 12000 Tartars, slew many, and put the rest to flight. The Turk being highly offended with the insolency of the Valachians, sent one Bogdanus a Valachian (of the Palatines House) with a great power, to expulse Michael, and take his place as his Tributary: who came into Valachia, [Page] yet thought best to expect the comming of the Tartars, left in Hungary by Sinan; but the Valachians & Transilvanians [...] them, slew 8000 of them, putting the rest to flight, and so returned, unto whom presently after Sigismund sent 14000 more to ayd them.

Bogdanus, hearing of the Tartars overthrow, and of this new supply, kept himself still within his [...]. Ere long, Han the Crim Tartar, with a great power of Horse entred Moldavia, by fire and sword, to reduce it to the Turks Obedience; but Aaron the Vayuod, ayded by his Neighbour Michael, so belayed him, that in 3 [...] having slain 12000 Tartars, he forced the rest to retire out of his Country: and presently after took Bendar, and divers other strong Holds of the Turks near Danubius, furnishing them with his own Garrisons; also the Inhabitants of the rich Country Bograga willingly submitted unto him, as weary of the Turkish [...]. He likewise, ayded by the Cossacks, overthrew Janicula (the Son of Bogdanus once Vayuod of Moldavia, sent by Mahomet with a great power to recover that Country), at Scarpetra (a Mile from Danubius) in plain battel; slaying 8000 Turks, putting him to flight, and taking the whole spoyl: and marching presently to Nester Alba, he much frightned the Turks; then burning the Suburbs, he retired.

Sinan Bassa brought Krecowitz the Emperors Embassadour aforesaid with him when he came into Hungary: who, having suffered many indignities upon the way, and at Belgrade, there died: 5 of whose servants he kept in strait prison, as guilty of their Master's death, to avert the infamy thereof from himself; but upon the coming thither of a new Treasurer from Court, he caused those five to be brought before him, charging them with his death: saying, They should answer it before God and their Emperour; and that his end of bringing him with him, was only to use his help in concluding a peace, & so to have set him and his at liberty: but, he being dead, he would send them [Page] to the Emperour to be examined, and to tell him, he was sent from the Great Sultan (who was not but by God to be withstood) to besiege Vienna: which he could easier have taken last year, than he had done Rab; Wherefore, he had best seek for peace, before so great a power had taken the field; sending them with the Treasurer to the Bassa of Buda his Son for further Instructions: Who, being brought before him, as also the late Embassadour's Secretary; after he had said something of the hard dealing with them, he declared, He alwayes disliked the same, and oft entreated his Father for their liberty, which he put them in hope shortly to have: one of them the while, to go to the Emperours Court, and speak with one of his Secretaries, whom he had advised to bethink of peace: writing to him afterwards, on what conditions he thought peace might be obtained, viz. If all strong Holds taken by the Emperours Forces in these wars, with their Territories should be restored, & Siseg surrendred, If the Emperor should leave the Transilvanians, Moldavians, and Valachians, to the Sultan to be chastized as Rebels: and, If he would send the Turk (at once) his tribute for the years past, and so yearly afterwards: so could he be content by his Fathers mediation to further the treaty of Peace.

This, the Secretary wrote; sending it by the young Lord Perling; yet on condition, That, if Perling returned not with answer in 25 dayes, all the rest should lose their heads.

A subtile and deceitfull device of the Father and the Son, only to see what confidence the Christians had, and to break the Confederacy between the Emperout and the Transilvanians, &c. and that other Princes hearing of a rumour of peace, might defer to send their promised ayd. For Transilvania, Moldavia, and Valachia, brought 1000000 Duckats yearly into the Sultans Treasury: and these were also the fittest to intercept all manner of provision, brought either to, or from, Constantinople by land.

Sinan, for all this motion, diligently prepared for war [Page] at Belgrade, making three Bridges over Danubius in divers places, for transporting his Army, sending for the Garrisons round about, and others billetted in the Country.

Perling came within the limited time, with an answer to the Letters: That it was alwayes the Emperour's mind, and his endeavour for a firm Peace, between him and the Sultan on reasonable conditions, &c. That he had sent his double tribute, which lay long at Komara, till Amuraths mind were known, &c. But, whereas Sinan and his son were of opinion, that the Emperour was brought so low, that, he must be glad to accept of most hard, and dishonour able conditions of peace propounded by them, they much deceived themselves: for by the power of God, they should shortly by experience know the contrary, &c. Yet forgetting all injuries, he was more enclined to an honourable peace, than to protract the war, with the unspeakable harm of the subjects on both sides; But Sinan must above all things know, All strong Holds taken by the Turks in this war, must be restored, beginning at Whitz in Croatia, even to the last subject carried into captivity: and that the Transilvanians, Moldavians, and Valachians (many Ages united as inseparable members to Hungary, and by the late treacherous practice of certain rebellious, seperated from it) were henceforth to be left under the protection and Government of the Emperour, and never more to be impugned by the Turks: which things being done, and order taken, that the injury and disgrace done to his Embassador (which all Princes cryed shame of) might he punished: and that his servants in durance might be freed: then some good form of peace, and bounding of Territories, might perhaps be agreed on; else, all talk of peace was but vain, &c.

This Answer, the Captives at Buda, were to give by word or writing to the Bassa; and, earnestly to request him, both for their own and fellowes Liberty at [Page] Constantinople; however, to comfort themselves, that they should have Allowance sufficient for things necessary, as the Emperour had granted to Perling, whom he might have justly detained, being no lawfull prisoner, but for his Oaths-sake: No mans name was set to this Answer.

The Emperour most carefull of the Reliques of Hungary, laying as it were in the Lyons mouth, prayed Ayd as far as Spain and Italy, especially of the King of Poland, as his near Alliance and Neighbour: He, and the States of Hungary, sending their Embassadours thither, when he, through the daily Incursions of the Turks and Tartars into the adjoyning Countries, had called a Parliament in Febr. at Cracovia: whereof, Mahomet fearing, sent 2 of his chief Chiaus, Embassadours to the King and States, to crave ayd in his Wars in Hungary: promising the King (if he refused not) Coyn sufficient to pay his Souldiers, and to be alway ready to requite him the like upon occaon. These Embassadours, obtaining safe conduct of Michael of Valachia through his Country, were by him honourably entertained, and brought into a fair Lodging, discoursing with him of many matters: but the Vayuods followers, grieved at such honor done to their mortall Enemies, [...] into the room with their Weapons, and slew them both: and setting upon their followers, cut them all in [...] Mahomet hereupon wondrously enraged, threatned all evils, both to the Moldavians and Valachians: forthwith sending other Embassadours, who arrived safely at Poland.

The Tartars being overthrown and many strong Holds taken from the Turks by the Transilvanians &c. Mahomet called home Sinan to confer with him (as was thought) of some great matters, sending Ferat Bassa in his place; who, coming to Belgrade in April, took the charge upon him: at whose first coming, in the night, all the cords of the Tents were cut in sunder, and his Tent let fall about his [Page] eares: Some supposing it was disgracefully done by Cicala, before wronged by him; Others thought, by the Janizaries, who wished rather to be led by Mahomet himself. At his comming, the Famine, last year begun, was now exceeding great in most places of Hungary possessed by the Turks: so, that the Tartar-women roasted their own children, and ate them: there was also a terrible plague, great numbers of Turks and Tartars dying daily; so that, of 85000 Tartars, scarce 8000 remained through the sword, [...], and famine. Great were the harms the Turks daily received from the three revolted Countries. Michael of Valachia entring their Frontiers, surprized Chimele with the Castle, wherein were 14 Fieldpieces, 2, having the Arms of the Emperour Ferdinand, and th'other 2 the Arms of Huniades: which he sent a Present to Sigismund of Transilvania. Then he took Orosige, a famous Port-town, the abode of the Turks Purveyor; finding therein Butter, Cheese, Honey, and other provision enough for 8000 men for a whole year: He took also from them Kilec and Galempe, with the strong Castle of St. George; called Grigio, and then besieged Laganoc.

At first of the Spring, came Matthias from the Nobles of Hungary, assembled at Presburg to Vienna, and so to the Emperour at Prague, who made him General of lower Hungary: & Maximilian his Brother, General of upper. Maximilians Lievt. was Lo. Teuffenbach. Matthias's was Count Mansfelt, sent for out of Flanders; Joh. de Medices, he made a Master of the Ordnance, with charge to fortifie Komara: which he so did, that it was thought not inferiour to Rab in strength; all which time, the Emperour soliciting the Christian Princes, for repressing of the common Enemy, out of his Hereditary Provinces, and from other Princes. He had this Spring, raised a right puissant Army, to the number of 15900 Horse, and 50500 Foot: which notable Army raised from the power of divers [Page] Christian Princes, and conducted by worthy Chieftains, had much better success this Summer, than had the like Army the year before. Charls, Count Mansfelt, son of Peter Ernest the old Count, from his youth brought up in Arms, was, by the King of Spain, sent with 2000 Horse, and 6000 Foot out of the Low-countries, most of whom being Walloons. He departed from Bruxelles in Febr. and, taking leave of his Father at Luxenburg, came (through Germany) in March to Prague, where he was by the Emperour and Arch-Duke most honourably entertained, and shortly aster with great solemnity created a Prince of the Empire. His following Forces were by the way stayed, partly (through the unwonted rising of rivers), partly, by some German Princes jealousie: who denied them passage, till the Emperours Letters had opened the way; yet, the Princes in their passage stood on their guard.

Fame now encreasing the wondrous preparations of Turks and Christians; the Turks exceeding, carefully looked to the fortifying of their Frontier-towns, chiefly Strigonium and Rab, as did the Christians to Komara and Altenburg. Many hot skirmishes passed the while between them, especially in Transilvania and Valachia, the Turks being still worsted, to the great discontent of their Emperour. Near Temesware the Bassa of Buda was overthrown by Ferentz and the Transilvanians. Asid Ferat entring Valachia with a great Army, was by Lo. Nadasti and the Valachians, ayded by Transilvanians, discomfited and overthrown. Nadasti sending 8000 Turks heads to Alba Julia to Sigismund, and some Ensigns: one most richly garnished, being thought worth 30000 Dollars: which the Prince restoring to Nadasti, offered him great possessions in Transilvania, if he would have seated himself there. All this Spring, the Turks boasted and threatned, they would shortly work Wonders by Sea and Land: and, for the more credit, Rays a notable Pyrate, was sent [Page] with 12 Galleys, who did much harm upon the coasts of Italy; reporting, where he landed, that this was but the beginning of a greater War, a wondrous Fleet being to follow: which raised a great fear in divers places; yet, no such Fleet appeared: for the Turk much troubled with the revolt of Transilvania; &c. and the then raging mortality among his Souldiers and Horses, could not look into the Sea, his hands being sull enough with the troubles of Hungary.

Sigismund, upon some just causes, suspecting Aaron of Moldavia to have Intelligence with the Polanders, and also with Cardinal Bator, and other his mortal Enemies: and secretly, to have bin about to make his peace with Mahomet; which encreasing suspition, being about this time confirmed by Letters intercepted, the Prince had Aaron apprehended, and with his Wife and Son to be sent as prisoners to Prague, placing by consent of the Nobility one Roswan in his room, a wise and discreet Moldavian, and who had bin alway to him faithfull; but against the secret practises of the Polonians, he protested openly by Letters to the Emperour, to redress those so great injuries himself by the sword. In the mean time, came 3 [...] from the Turk to the Prince, perswading him, to put himself again into his protection, & give him passage (as formerly) into Hungary: promising, all injuries for ever to be forgiven and forgotten: and that he should have Transilvania, Valachia, and Moldavia as his free Inheritance, paying no tribute, and so be accounted as the Turks most loving Friend and Vassal. What he answered hereto was unknown; but by his after-doings it might easily be gathered, he harkened not to those deceitfull charms.

These Embassadours scarce gone, a secret Messenger came with Letters from the chief of the Christians in Bulgaria: that if the Prince did with any good success prosecute his wars, they would be ready to joyn with him against [Page] the cruell Tyrant; and to shut up all passages that way into Valachia, Moldavia, and Hungary. The mean while, Giezian, an old Janizary, and bold-spoken fellow, came to Mahomet at Constantinople, and openly set upon him with this speech; How long, most mighty Emperour, [...] thou suffer thy selfe to be seduced and blinded by thy great Bassaes and Commanders, to thy own great danger, and hurt of thy Subjects? Seest thou not how fraudulently and cunningly, they (moved with their own covetousnesse and ambition) have dealt with Thee and thy Father? chiefly, in that thou hast broken thy League, and taken up Arms against the Christian Emperour. At length, open thine eyes, &c. Sinan, who must be honoured above others, hath not by strong hand won Rab, but bought it with thy money, thereby casting thee into infinite troubles. Oh, Rab, Rab, &c. As if thereby all Christendom should soon be subdued. But thou art much deceived: thy Barns, Store-houses, as are Transilvania, &c. are by this War shut up; so that down Danubius Westward, or by the Euxine Eastward, thou canst look for no provision; whence then wilt thou maintain thy self, Court, this populous City, and the Country hereabouts? All manner of Victuals, are at such a price now in Hungary, that the common souldiers cannot buy them: not men only, but even the beasts starve for [...], &c. This calamity of thy people thou seest daily, and yet wilt not with sound judgement lift up thine eyes, to see whence these harms come, &c.

Mahomet much moved, commanded him to be committed to ward, and by fair means examined, by whose suggestion, or why he so boldly uttered this rude speech to his Soveraign, and what he further intended; but the other Janizaries rose presently in a tumult, and took him out of prison, solemnly taking Oath to defend him even with their own bloud: whereat the Turk was glad to wink.

[Page]Most of the promised ayd being now come to Vienna, Count Mansfelt Lievt. Generall under the Arch-Duke, called a Council of War, to consult Whether presently to lay siege to some Town, or expect to give the Enemy battell in field. That being resolved on which was thought most expedient; he removed to Altenburg, mustering his Army, and, departing with a few to Walkenburg, a Village by Danubius, he chose a place to encamp in: so returning, he by Proclamation straitly commanded, that against an hour every man should be ready to set forward against the Enemy; but divers Souldiers especially the Germans, began (after their manner) to cry out for their pay, ere they would [...]; so that the Count proclaimed the second time, they should rise, promising their pay within 8 dayes; but they refusing, sent 6 of the best sort of those mutinous, in all their names, to demand their pay, whom he commanded to be all hanged: but 3 reasonably excusing themselves, he let them go, and causing th'other 3 to cast lots, hanged 2 of them: which so terrified the rest, that upon a sign given, they arose and followed the Count with the rest of the Army: they being come to Walkenburg, the Count with other Nobles, wrought in digging and casting up Trenches, till they sweatt again; by whose example the whole Army moved, night and day, had soon cast up a huge Trench, from Danubius to the Marshes, for 80000 men to encamp in. The Count was stil carefull by his espials, to understand where the Enemy lay and what they did; ready to hear all, but to believe what seemed most like truth, keeping his purposes secret (wherin late Generals had much erred), and commonly his resolutions were shadowed with some other matter: security he much abhorred, and although he heard by divers, the Enemy was but of strength small, disorderly encamped, and greatly distressed for want of Victuals; yet he little credited it, knowing, such reports to have been oft given out by the Turks to lull the Christians in security.

[Page]The Army strongly intrenched, and the Trenches planted with Ordnance; he, with some Troops would oft appear before Rab, and sometimes before Dotis, viewing the places, as if he purposed to besiege one of them: causing also the ground to be marked out for the most convenient encamping, and casting up of Mounts: Wherefore, the Turks of Strigonium and other places, sent part of their warlique provision, as of their Garrisons, some to Rab, and some to Dotis.

The Count now came and sat down before Dotis, demanding the same, and began to cast up Trenches and raise Mounts, commanding every man to set his hand in some measure to further those works: and, to encourage others, would often carry a Faggot, or some other thing before him on his Horse to raise the Mount: yet, some Hungarian Gentlemen, deeming such labour to be base, refused to do any thing: Whereupon, the Count straitly charged one of them by his example, to carry a Faggot to the Mount, which he refusing, the Count laid his own Faggot before him, upon his Horse, charging him to carry it to the appointed place: the Hungarian, when he thought he was out of the Count's sight, in scorn threw it down: which, the Count (having an eye after him) perceiving, commanded him presently (all armed) to be hanged upon the next tree: which severity, then and afterwards made others more diligently to do what they were commanded. About this time, 3 Turks being taken, the Count straitly examined them of all matters; but the first, neither by fair or foul means would answer to any thing: wherefore, the Count had him cut in small pieces in sight of the other two: who, terrified, confessed to many things asked; and, that the Sultan determined to turn his greatest Forces that Summer, into Transilvania, [...] and upper-Hungary. [...] (although so belaid) yet, suddenly, June 30, command was given, that every man (upon a sign) to be ready to follow his Leaders: yet [Page] none knew whither they were to remove, but some chief Commanders.

Next night, being dark and foul, the Count rose with his Army, and next day, July 1. came to Strigonium: they of the City not hearing of his comming, before they saw him under their walls: Wherefore, the Turks in the Suburbs, and those in the Fort under Thomas-hill, firing the Houses, and defacing the Fort what they could in that sudden fear, fled into the Lower-town. Next day, the Count took those forsaken places, manning them with [...]: making a Bridge with boats over Danubius, casting up Mounts, and doing many other things; in 3 dayes he repairing St. Thomas Fort, placed 4 great pieces, and battered the Lower-town, and straitning the besieged in other places, more than they had bin the year before. The Bassa of Buda, knowing their wants of men and munition, attempted thrice (as he did many times after) to have (by the River) put supplies into the City, but was still forced with loss to return. The Lower-town, called [...], or the Water-town, was soon so battered, that scarce any building was whole: and a Counter-scarfe, made last year, beaten down. Certain Walloons were sent hither to view the Ditches, after whom, some Hungarian Heidons followed, without any command: who couragiously set some Ensigns on the top of another Counter-scarf; but the Turks comming on close together, forced them with loss to retire: divers walloons were also slain, with some others of good place, to the [...] his great grief, not a little offended with that disordered service; yet, the battery ceased not, and the Christians slew many Turks on the walls with Musket-shot, receiving little hurt again, being in their Trenches, and the Turks shooting but sparingly; yet, with what they spent, they had slain four Christian-Cannoniers, and one Walloon-Captain.

About the midst of July, the Count thinking the [Page] Water-Town to be made saultable; sent some Companies to assault it, who, passing the Counter-scarf, found the Ditch full of mud, and but newly cut broader, being thought scarce passeable without a Bridge: behind which was a huge Wall, with strong Bulwarks, and within that another new Ditch, on whose brink was a thick and huge parapet; yet, some Walloons ventured to pass all this, but through the Defendants valour, the small number of the assailants, with the places disadvantage, they retired with the loss of many. The Christians had taken a little Island before the City, kept by some of Palfi's Heidons: but the Turks from Buda there landing three thousand Souldiers, slew the Heidons, and recovered the Island, furnishing it with a Garrison and all necessaries, so departing.

About 3 dayes after, the Christians the second time assaulted the Water-town, the chief Leaders being [...], Greis, and Zinne, who, being pardoned for the stain with Count Hardeck at Rab, most couragiously, with the rest, now assaulted the Breach; but were notably repulsed, retiring with the loss of 150 men: Zinne himself being slain with Ruger a Captain, and some of the Count his Guards. Greis was wounded in the Head, and the yonger Lord Schuendi, with other Captains, grievously hurt.

Next day, 600 Mountain people came supplicating the Count, not to give over the siege, till he had won the City; promising in their names who sent them, to repair (of their own cost) all harms: yea, though he should lay the City even with the ground: the harmes they daily received from the Garrison being so great.

Then also was the Count advertised by his espials (of whom he maintained many) that Mahomet had written to the Bassa of Buda, carefully to provide that his beloved Strigonium took no harm, and not to spare for men or money to relieve it in time: and doe nothing therein without the advice [Page] of old Alis Beg, a long time Governour thereof; and that nothing might be wanting, he had sent Alexander, Aga of the Janizaries, (whom he could ill spare) whose Counsell and help he might also use; for he had rather lose some other Kingdom, than that City: wherefore, he should, upon the price of his head, beware, it were neither won, nor yielded on composition: which severe Command, the Bassa sent to Strigonium, with most grievous threats from himself, if they (terrified with any thing) should not hold it out to the last man, swearing to empail those on stakes, who should consent to a yielding.

Alis hereupon, to deter the Souldiers from a thought of yielding, diligently enquired, if any of them had at any time made any motion of yielding, or murmured against their Commanders, in any service, and whom he found so to have done, he presently executed: and then went into the lower Town, to see that nothing were wanting or amisse, where most danger was; but when he would have returned, the Janizaries stayed him, saying, Seeing he was so couragious, and their Governour, he should there stay and take such part as they did, were it better or worse.

Now the Bassaes of Buda and Temeswar, with divers Sanzacks, were assembling their forces, for relief of Strigonium: whereupon, the Transilvanian, made shew, as if he would besiege Temeswar; so that that Bassa was glad to return, for defence of his own charge: they also of Stiria, Carinthia, and Croatia, with Serinus's Troops, so stopped all passages, that 12000 Turks coming from Zigeth and thereabouts, could not joyn [...] the rest for the Citie's relief.

The Count having made a notable Fort upon St. Thomas Hill, placed therein 5 great Culverins, greatly hurting the upper-Town, by a furious Battery; so that none also could go betwixt the upper and lower Towns, but he [Page] was endangered by those, or Musketiers, who, defended by them, lay waiting to that end, on the side of the Hill, in Caves and bushes; but Gokara Town and Fort, on the other side of Danubius, besieged by Palfi, was most shaken by the great Ordnance: wherefore the Count increased the battery, continuing it till the Counter-scarfe was beaten down, and fair breaches made in the wall. The Moravians, July 21, assaulted it in five places, whom Palfi seconded with his Hungarians, some being appointed, to bring with them things to fire the Town; so that in time of the aslaut, the Town was all on a light fire. The Turks having notably resisted, now being overpressed and the fire so encreasing, that it caught hold of the lower Town on the other side of the River, the rest were all slain by the Christians. The fire being quenched, they repaired the breaches, and left therein a strong Garrison. A night or two after, 200 Turkish Horse being descryed fast by, an Alarum was raised in the Camp, as if all their Army had been at hand; yet it was afterwards known, they were onely Scouts sent out to view how the Christians lay encamped.

A young Countrey Fellow, being, the latter end of this moneth, secretly sent out of the City, was taken by Palfi, and sent to the Count, who friendly demanded of him, Whence he came, Whither going, and whereabouts? who answered, he was sent by the Governour with Letters to the Bassa of Buda, which he presently delivered unto him: the purport whereof were, that if the Bassa did not within 6 or 7 dayes, ayd and relieve him, he should be forced (through want of necessaries) to abandon the City, or yield it up: so the Count causing them to be closed up again, gave the youth a few Crowns, commanding him to carry them to the Bassa, and bring him his answer, promising to reward him bountifully.

The Bassa returned answer, he would be with him at the time appointed, willing him the while, to be mindful [Page] of his wonted valour, telling him all circumstances, how he would relieve him: whereupon, the Count provided for welcoming of the Bassa. Also within a day after, a Turkish Cannonier fearing the City would be lost, [...] forth into the Camp: who, besides declaring the Cities state and wants of the besieged, did good service during the siege. The Turks had often sallied out, to their great losse; yet they adventured out again on the 29 day of this moneth, 80 being left behind them, slaying but five Christians. The Turks in great wants, at length, news was brought into the Camp, that the Bassa was coming with 20000 men: who came Aug. 2d, encamping within 4 miles of the Christians: some Turkish Horse seeking after booty, out of the Pastures, even under their noses, carried away some few Horses; some German and Hungarian Troops issuing out, had a hot skirmish with them; but the Turk retiring, as if overcharged, had at length drawn them, where divers Troops of Turks lay in ambush, who hardly charged them. The Hungarians acquainted with such dangerous skirmishes, fled, the Germans a while valiantly encountring them, but oppressed with multitude, at last fled: about 100 being in all lost, and much wounded. The Turks now encouraged, came all on, next day, resolved, by force to open a way into the City. The Count had strongly belayed all wayes thereinto; yet the Enemy coming on between St. Thomas and St. Georges Hills, nigh the Suburbs (called the Rascian City) put themselves in order of Battel, as did the Christians, letting them come, even to [...] Trenches. Palfi (the while) with his Hungarian Horsemen, fetching a compasse on one side of the Hill, and Lord Swartzenburgh on the other, the Turks could not without much danger retire. The Signall given, the Turks having discharged seventeen Field-pieces, without any great harm, came on with a most hideous cry, and at first onset darkened the Skie with [Page] with their Arrowes; but the German and Walloon Horse, lent their shot as thick as hail amongst them again; and the men at Arms taught the Turks to their cost, how unfit their half-naked light Horsemen were in a set battel to meet with them: in a trice, but with great slaughter, the battel was brought to the Sword: The noises of Warlike Instruments, neighing of Horses, crying of the wounded, and groans of the dying, making deaf the eates of the hearers, &c. The Battel had scarce endured half an houre, but many thousands of Turks lay dead on the ground, the rest fleeing, and leaving behind them their Ordnance, and whatever they brought for relief of the besieged: whom so fleeing, Palfi and Swartzenburgh so received them, that of those who came that way, few escaped. The Bassa, who stood on the Hill, fled also himself: the Bassa of Natolia, with about 100 Turks more, got into Strigonium: some say 14000 Turks were [...] in this Battel; and some, fewer. Many were also taken, some being of great name and place: also 27 Ensigns, with a multitude of Beasts laden with money, shot, powder, and other provision for relief of the besieged. In heat of the Battel, the besieged sallying out, entred a Fort on the River side, but were presently forced with losse to retire. After this, the Count sent some Companies, with 500 Wagons to the Enemie's Camp, [...] farre off in the Mountains, who found it forsaken, but well stored with all kinde of provision, which they brought away, with 600 rich Tents. The Bassaes Tent, taken by a Horse Colonel, was given by him to the Count, with the [...] and Money there found, all which he divided among the Souldiers, according to their [...]: they found also, some Heads of Christians, with the dead body of Lord Blandestine, slain the [...] [...]: which were honourably buried in the Christian Camp. The rest of the Turks hiding in the Mountains and Woods, by night shifted for themselves.

[Page]The Bassa came to Buda but with 20 Horse, every man there [...] his lost friends. The Hungarian Heidons best [...] with the Countrey, for certain dayes brought into the Camp, such prisoners as they took, or the Heads of those Turks they slew. The Count certified the arch-Duke at Vienna, speedily of this notable Victory, who rewarded the Messenger, with a Chain worth 500 Duckats, causing Thanksgiving to be sung, first at Augustine Fryars, then in all Temples of the City.

The Count also sent to the Emperour, by his Nephew, two chief prisoners, with 4 Horsemens Guidons, cunningly made of Horse hairs, such as use to be carried before the greatest Turkish Commanders, and 14 other Ensigns, with 14 most goodly Turkish Horses for a Present. Next day after this Battel, the Count sent Lord Palfi with an Interpreter, to the City, to demand it: who declared the danger they were in, their expected help to be quite overthrown, new relief could not but in long time be sent them: wherefore they were best bethink themselves betime, lest perhaps when they would yield the City, it would not be accepted, promising to entreat with the General, that they might safely depart, and be conveyed to places convenient: The Turks answered, they had layen 5 weeks at the siege, and must lay 5 weeks longer; and whereas some few friends had lately failed to relieve them, yet 100000 more were to come: who if they could not perform what they came for, yet would they not leave the City, till ready to be drawn out by the heels, and then also take 3 dayes to resolve. The Christians had sore beaten both the Towns, maintaining their battery with greater fury than ever before; and the besieged, had nothing now to live on, but a little Wheat and Barley, with some [...]: to whom Lord Palfi, by the Count's Command, Aug. 9th, sent two Gentlemen to the [...], to do a Message from him to the Governour: who being very aged, and courteous, came with the Aga to the [Page] Walls, to hear what they had to say: one of whom briefly said, that his Lord Palfi, knowing him to be both valiant and wise, and who had ever courteously used those fallen into his hands, had compassion of his obstinacy: wherefore, he advised and exhorted him, if he would save him and his from most eminent and undoubted death, and utter confusion, without delay to deliver up the City. To whom Alis answered He should tell Lord Palfi, he could not pleasure him with the least stone in that City: that he had one foot already in grave, and would with honour, carry his gray hairs thereinto; yet had he an undoubted hope, that his most dread Soveraign, and his Lord Sinan would not forsake him; and if they should write, they could not relieve him, yet would he at leasure consider, whether 'twere fit for him to deliver up that City, since, on its defence, depended all his honour and credit, &c. All this while, the Aga spake not one word, but declared by silent sighing, and grinding his teeth, his indignation and grief.

In the mid way between Strigonium and Buda, is the small Island, viz. where many rich Clothiers dwelt: this the Heidons spoyling, in their return took 24 Wagons laden with Corn, going to Buda, with 28 prisoners, bringing all to the Camp. The lower Town made saultable, the Christians assaulted it Aug. 13. in three places at once. The Bavarians, who gave the first charge, being notably repulsed, began to faint; but seconded by them of Retinaw and Suevia, they pluckt down a great Palisado, filled the Ditches, removed all in their way, and fought so long with the Turks, that the Marquess of Burgaw coming with six fresh Companies, they so prevailed, that they all entred the Town: The Marquess himself cheering them up in this dangerous fight. There was a miserable cry throughout the City; for the Christains slew all in their way, not sparing Women great with Child, nor Children hanging at their Mothers [Page] breasts; yet some more attended the spoil, especially the Hungarians, to whom, the very hinges of Doors and Windows were good booty: whereby many escaped into the Castle and upper Town, with the Bassa, and Alis the Governour: within not many houres, divers fires brake out in the lower Town: which at last, was found to have been caused by the deceitful Turks, who had left Gunpowder, which by burning Matches, should at a certain time set all on fire; by which most horrible fires, scarce quenched in a day or two, many goodly Buildings, and things were consumed.

But Count Mansfelt, saw not this so joyful a Victory; for he fell sick of a Feaver a few dayes [...], through drinking too much cold drink in his heat, with immoderate [...] in the late Battel; and so falling into a great flux, was by counsel of his Physitians, removed to Komara, having sent for the arch-Duke, to come into the Camp, and for Blankmier into Bavaria, to supply his room; but his Disease encreasing, the Physitians now despaired of his health: yet he almost every houre, enquired how the Army did, and whether the City were yet taken, and [...] hope there was to take it; but being told a little before death, that the lower Town was won, he [...] rejoyced; and, next day, Aug. 14. towards night, departed this life, to the exceeding grief of the whole Army. All the time of [...] siege, he would scarce lay down upon his bed for two or three nights together: that little he did eat, was most standing or walking, yea sometimes on Horseback. His bowels were solemnly buried at Komara; but his body was carried to Luxenburgh, to be honourably enterred among his Ancestors. About which time, the great Duke of Muscovy, sent two Embassadors with Letters and Presents to the Emperour; who coming to Prague, Aug. 16th, with 250 Horse, were honourably entertained, and having audience, first delivered the Letters of Credence from their Duke.

[Page]It was not commonly known, what particulars they were sent about; but its said, one thing was to request the Emperour, to send an Embassador to the Persian, to draw him into league with them against the Turk, who should passe thorow Muscovia into Persia.

The great Duke's Presents were 150000 Florens of gold, great store of most rich Furs, and perfumes, deemed of an exceeding value, two white Faulcons, and three live Leopards. Iwanowitze the Embassador, of himself, presented rich Turkie, Persian, and Babylonian Hangings and Carpets, Timbers of Sables: with other Furs, no lesse precious, as many as eight Porters could scarce carry. These Embassadors, Decemb. 27. returned with the Emperour's answer.

But at Strigonium, the Christians now from the lower Town bent their battery upon the higher: where, Aug. 14th, old Alis, while he was walking to and fro, to see [...] most danger was, had his Arm struck off, of which, he presently died: being of great gravity, about 80 years old: much about which time, the Aga of the Janizaries. being before mortally wounded, died also. The Souldiers made choice of the Bassa of Natolia for their Governour, who heavily undertook the forlorn charge. The Christians, not ignorant of the deaths of these two, well hoped, that the rest would the more readily hearken to some good Composition: wherefore, they sent to demand, if they would yield, while there was some mercy left; yet their answer was, They would hold it out to the last man, both in respect of the straight charge of the Bassa of Buda, and counting the City holy, as won by Solyman: whom the Turks yet have in a devout remembrance.

Next day, came the arch-Duke into the Camp: who after well viewing it, and the manner of siege; he called into his Tent, the Marquess of Burgaw, John de Medices the Florentine, and Palfi the Hungarian, to consult with [Page] them what further to do. Shortly after, he commanded an assault to be given in two places at once, which the Walloons and Germans couragiously performed; but such was the valour of the Defendents, that they were glad at last, with losse to retire: about which time, the Duke of Mantua, with three Counts, his Brethren, came to the siege. And now the Turks b gan to draw together again, near Buda, for relief of Strigonium: whereupon, the archDuke sent forth 8000 chosen Souldiers, who setting upon the Turks, before Sun-rising, made great slaughter, and took some prisoners; of whom the Sanzack of Copan was one: of which overthrow the besieged Turks hearing, began now to faint. Wherefore, the Bassa and Captains, overcome with difficulties, and outcry of the fearfull people, resolved to come to a parley; so a Flag of Truce set up, and a parley granted, 9 Turks attended the arch-Dukes coming in the lower Town. Who required with safe convoy, and bag and baggage to depart: which he would in no case grant.

At length with much entreaty, they obtained, to depart as the Christians did at Rab, with Scimitars by their sides, and what goods they could beare, [...] Ships appointed to carry them to Buda: So Hostages being on both sides given, next day, Septemb 2d, they came forth, more than either prisoners taken, had confessed, or the Christians thought; 30. Ships not sufficing to carr, them, many tarried in the City till next day; and then the Bassa with the sick and wounded, sailed to Buda.

Strigonium had 52 years groaned under Turkish thraldom, which the Christians forthwith repaired, and new fortified; and about the middle of this moneth, 18000 being [...] to besiege Vicegrade, a strong Castle between Strigonium and Buda, they took it: whereat those of Buda were so terrified, that the Bassa, to flay the flight of many of the better sort, commanded the Gates to be shut upon them. This good success, caused great rejoycing [Page] in most parts of Christendom. All this while, the Transilvanian Prince did the Turks exceeding harm, so that they began to dread his name. The same day that Count Mansfelt died, Sigismund with great solemnity, married Maria Christina, Charls the arch-Duke his Daughter, at Alba Julia: whereupon, 30000 Turks or more, thought to have come as unwelcome Guests thereunto; but the vigilant Prince, setting his pleasures for a while apart, and unexpectedly coming upon them, in a great Battel, flew most of them, and as a triumphant victor, carried away the whole spoil: About the same time, the Transilvanians also besieging Fagiat, not far from Temeswar, they of the Town came to parley, covenanting to depart with Bag and Baggage; but in their coming out, hearing the Bassa of Temeswar, with two Sanzacks, were coming to their relief, those in the Town began to delay, and those gone out to return: the Transilvanians much moved, by force entring the Town, slew them all. Then turning upon the Bassa, who with 10000 Turks, and some Field-Pieces, was coming, they had a cruel Battel, most of the Turks falling, with small losse of the other: who so eagerly pursued the Victory, that the Bassa with 500, with much adoe escaped: the two Sanzacks, with divers of good place, being sent prisoners to the Prince.

About the end of August, they besieged Lippa of Hungary, not far from Temeswar: which, the Turks not able longer to hold, fled into the Castle, where after three dayes, they [...] and yielded, on condition of safe departure, with what goods they could carry. About which time, the Bassa of Bosna, with 10000 Turks and Tartars, attempting to recover Babostica, a Frontier Town; the Stirians and other Christians thereabouts, conducted by Herbersein, and two other Lords that lookt to those Frontiers, fought them, and overthrew them nigh Babostica.

Mahomet not a little grieved at these successes, and exceedingly [Page] offended with Ferat (being perswaded by envious Sinan, that all or most of this was through his negligence) sent for him home, sending Sinan in his place. Ferat was forewarned by the Sultan's Mother, of his displeasure, and advised not to come in sight, till his peace was made: who yet, doubting not to answer whatever Sinan should charge him with, came to Court: where Mahomet, soon after commanded him to be [...] and his goods worth 500000 Duckats confiscated.

Sinan now about 83 years old, yet as his Motto was, breathed nothing but (bloud and War); who promised Mahomet, upon peril of his head, to reduce Transilvania, Valachia and Moldavia, to their former thraldom: and after a moneth spent, in making a Bridge of Boats over [...], passed over with a right puissant Army into [...]; but they of the said three Countries, had so shut up the passages, that he could not but with much danger, have far entred, being ready also, even at his first entrance, to give him battel: so that there began a most cruel Battel, with much bloud-shed on both sides: thrice did the Transilvanians retire; but still relieved with supplies, came on fresh again, charging the Turks as hardly as they had been charged. Thus doubtfully was the Battell maintained from morning till night, till the Turks being quite disordered and broken, were glad to flee: many thousands of common Turks were slain, and divers of great account among the Turks: Haider Bassa (much regarded) being found dead on the place: It was fought Septemb. 11th.

Sinan himself, making too much [...] over the Bridge, fell into the deep mud; yet was with much adoe, drawn out by them of his Guard, and saved to further mischief; yet for certain dayes it was commonly reported, he was drowned, most of his own, not certainly knowing, what was become of him: [Page] the Christians had all the spoil, and their Ordnance, all their Tents, abundance of Victuall, and Warlike provision, with many Ensigns: one being green, which they counted sacred to their Prophet Mahomet: whereto, in greatest distress they flee, as to their last refuge.

The old Bassa full of grief, posted to Court, thinking it better to make the best of that which was naught, than to have it made worse by the envious report of others; and to fill the Sultan with desire of revenge, which himself most longed after: who so used the matter, [...] the losse was easily passed over, as received by any occasion, rather than his default. In the mean time, he caused 112 Christian Captives, to be brought from Belgrade in chains to Constantinople; and so being led thorow the chief streets, to the content of the Citizens, to be brought to the Court Gate, for Mahomet to look upon, and the Courtiers to deride: whence, after many grievous indignities, they were conveyed to most loathsom Prisons, to be fed with the bread of tribulation.

About which time, the Bassa of Bosna, with almost 20000 Turks, inroaded into Croatia, where, by the Christians under Lord Eckenberg, and Leucowitz, they were almost all slain; and following the chase into their Frontiers, burnt 15 Villages, and took the Castle Varvivar: whose Forces increasing also, by the coming of Lord Herbersteine, and other Troops out of Carinthia, and thereabouts, they returned, Septemb. 13th, to besiege Petrinia, or Petrowina, couragiously assailing it at their first coming; but after two houres hard fight, finding more resistance and difficulty, than they before supposed, and having no great Ordnance, they gave over, and with such losse as they had, returned toward Siseg; but that night, a fugitive Horseman, came to the Camp, saying, that Rustan the Governour, was dead of a wound in the last assault; and that the Turks hereby discouraged, and with the late overthrow in Croatia, would upon the first [Page] sight of them, abandon the Town: whereupon, they presently set forward towards Petrinia, finding it abandoned accordingly: So the Christians entring, found some pillage, but more Powder and Shot, and presently sending some Troops to pursue them, took divers, bringing back Rustan's Lievtenant into the Town: the recovery of Petrinia, procured great quiet to all that side of the Countrey.

Sigismund knowing with what an Enemy he had to do, and of the secret practice of the Polonians, for withdrawing of Moldavia from him, sought by all meanes to make himself as strong as he could.

The Zaculians or Siculi, formerly a free people, but now tributary to the Turks, bordering on the North-East of Transilvania, seeing the good success of their Neighbour-revolted Countries, offered the Prince, of their own charge, to maintain 40000 men in field, during his Warres with the Turk, and every House to pay him a dollar yearly, with a certain measure of Wheat, Oats, and Barley: that if he should have a Son to succeed him, every Housholder to give him a fat Oxe: onely craving to live as his subjects, yet to be governed by their own ancient Lawes and Customs: whereof he accepting, it was forthwith proclaimed in their Camp, and all sworn to perform the agreements: and pressing 15000 more, to add to the 25000 then in field, they with those 40000 came to the Prince, who found himself now to be 80000 strong, to welcom the Bassa withall: who had raised 70000 choise Souldiers, (amongst whom were many whole bands of Janizaries) who being joyned to his other reliques, he thought himself strong enough to subdue the Prince: to whom also came Hassan Bassa, and Bogdanus the expulsed Vayuod, with many others of great name.

Sinan, by an exceeding chargeable Bridge, made of Boats, passed danubius, at a Town called Zorza, or St. [Page] George in Valachia, a great way beneath where Trajan once built his famous Bridge of stone: thence he marched to Tergovista, then in the Turks power, whose Monastery he turned into a Castle, fortifying it with deep Trenches, strong Bulwarks and Ordnance, purposing to make it the Seat of his Warre, till he had reduced those revolted Countries.

The Prince set forward to meet him, and to give battel; but encamping in Valachia, a great Eagle is reported to descend from a Rock, called the Kings Rock, and hovering over the Army, flew about, and lighted on the Princes Tent: which taken, he commanded her to be kept as a good presage; So Octob. 15th, being come with in half a dayes march of Tergovista, he heard by two Christians, escaped from the Turks, that two dayes before, the Turks hearing of his coming, were so terrified, that Sinan could scarce stay the Janizaries from flight, and when he had done all, some Companies went quite away; but indeed, Sinan as fearful as his Army, upon the Princes approach, fled, leaving behind him all his Tents, and Warlike Provision, carrying away onely things of most value. Tergovista and the Castle, he committed to Hassan and Bogdanus, with 4000 choise Souldiers, promising in few dayes, if need were, to relieve them, so fleeing to Bucaresta, whence, he presently wrote to Hassan, willing him, if he could to defend it; but if he thought it not possible so to do, then in time to forsake it; but these Letters being intercepted, never came to his hands. Ere long, the Prince entred the forsaken Camp, where he found what they had left, and forthwith, summoned both City and Castle: which yet were denied him; but next day, Hassan, considering the Princes power, and doubting of relief from Sinan, whom he (not without cause) suspected not to love him, was about to yield, on some reasonable Composition; but the Garrison (most Janizaries) would in no case give consent: whereupon, the [Page] Prince, after some few houres furious battery, took City and Castle by assault, putting them all to the Sword, except Hassan, as taken with his own hand, and two other Sanzacks: Bogdanus the Renegate being slain. There was a rich prey, and store of all Warlike provision. Hassan grievously complained, that Sinan had maliciously exposed him to so manifest danger, for the grudge he bare his Father Muhamet; yet he craved good usage of the Prince, offering for his Ransom, ten hundred thousand Hungarian Duckats.

While the Prince lay at Tergovista, came thither four thousand Turks, sent to spoyl and seek for prey, thinking Sinan had been there still, who were all slain, and 60000 head of Cattel recovered, which they had taken out of Valachia and Moldavia, to have been sent to Constantinople; for those two Countries so abound with Corn and Cattel, that they plentifully serve Constantinople with Corn and flesh; and at least 150 Ships, laden yearly thither, with other Victualls: of all which, the Turks were now deprived.

The Prince strongly garrisoning Tergovista, set forward to Bucaresta; but Sinan was fled thence also to Zorza: the Prince had in Bucaresta, some field-Pieces, and good store of Shot and Powder, left there by Sinan: and staying there a while, for manning of the place, he so speedily set forward towards Zorza, that he overtook a great number of Turks, slaying them all, so that the fields were in many places covered with dead bodies: yet the fearful Bassa, was about six houres or more, before him, come to his Bridge over Danubius: over the hithermost part whereof, about a mile long, was Sinan with most of his Army, got into an Island, in the midst of the River, wherein he had at his coming over, encamped; but the Prince being come, he with all speed, got over the other part of the Bridge, to the further side of the River, with what men he could, breaking and [...] the Bridge on [Page] that side, whereby many of his men not yet come over, were cut off, the Prince forcing many into the River, where they perished: others, fleeing into the Island, were pursued, and either slain, or, seeking to get over by the other part of the Bridge broken down, and the hither end now cut off by the Christians, were with the Bridge carried away by the Rivers violence.

Other Christians the while, took the Bridge that leadeth to Zorza Castle, which, encompassed with an Arm of Danubius, and not very great, was kept by 700 choise Souldiers: which the Prince besieging, and the Souldiers resolved to hold it out to the last man, after soare battery, took it by force, and put all to the Sword he could lay hands on: about 100 Turks desperately leaping from the top of the Castle into the River, were all drowned, or slain with small shot, 250 Christians being here lost, and many wounded; but between the 18th and 31 of October, above 26 Turks and Tartars perished. They took herein 39 great Pieces; and Warlike provision, enough for a whole Kingdom; 4000 Captive Valachians, beside Women and Children, being also delivered: with whom the Prince returned in triumph to Tergovista, thence to Alba Julia: where, as at [...] Cities throughout his Dominions, he caused publick prayers, with Thanksgiving to be made for so great a Victory: as did Michael the Vayuod of Valachia, who in all these Wars, was not inferior to Sigismund. It was, by some of the better sort of Turks taken, reported, that Sinan should oft say, [...] young Prince had bereft him of all the honour he had, with great Travel, got in all the course of his life; and though he had escaped his hands, yet he feared he would be the cause of losing his life, with goods and honour.

After the overthrow of this great Bassa, the Transilvanian Prince his name, became dreadful to the Turks, and famous [...] all Christendom. Whom, the mean [...] [Page] tars were worsted, with the Ioss of 3000 men. The [...] and Sidriack, finding, that without his leave he could not pass, sent to the Polonian, excusing what was past, as done without their consent: telling him, They came not to fight with him, as having express command from Mahomet, not to disturb the League betwixt him and the Polonians; but quietly to pass into Moldavia, and there to place Sidriack his Tributary, instead of usurping Stephen, craving his leave to pass. He answered, He was come thither by the Kings command, to defend those Countries from wrongful invasion, and that he would keep inviolate the conditions of the ancient League; yet so, as that Poland took no harm thereby, but might quietly live by the Turk [...] his good neighbour; protesting, the League was not by him, but by them infringed, to whom he could not give passage. Yet, at last, Articles were agreed on, to the reasonable content of the Tartar and Chancellor, as also of the Turkish Sultan, though not of Sidriack, disappointed of his Vayuodship: so the Tartar returned with his multitude. But far was it from Zomoschi's thought (though the common opinion was so) to do the Transilvanian Prince any good, by keeping out the Tartars: who envying at his glory, had with the Cardinal & his Brother, the Princes Uncles, conspired, what they could, his utter ruin (wishing rather those Countries subjected to the Turk than to see them so at liberty governed by the Prince); & presently after the departure of the Tartars, he passing the River Nijester into Moldavia, when the Prince was going against Sinan, seized the Castle of Chotjim, which he garrison'd: thence marching to Zorona the Metropolis, had it yielded unto him, & had soon almost all the Country delivered unto him: Stephen fleeing from place to place, before him from whom he least feared any such thing.

The Chancellour presently placed one Jeremiah Vayuod in Stephen's room, to hold it of the Polonian King; yet, he sent to [...], requesting him, not to take it ill, [Page] that he had entered Moldavia, placing a Vayuod there, but, in Mahomet's Name, to confirm his deeds: promising, this new Vayuod should pay him the Tribute behind: and for future, a far greater, than had Moldavia before. But the haughty Bassa, not fearing to be driven out of those Countries by the Prince, answered, It was not the Sultans mind, that the Polonians should invade Moldavia; for, besides his ability, without them, to reduce those Countries, he had given it to the Tartar, in reward of his good service already done; whose Subjects would ere long, be ready to possess it: yet Zamoschi defended the new Vayuod; but, if Sinan had not been (as he was presently after) overthrown and driven quite out, the Chancellour had not now holden Moldavia: who, pretended also, that Moldavia did of ancient right, belong to the Kingdom of Poland; which the Transilvanians took to be but open wrong: by which supposed Title, the King and States of Poland inferred the Invasion: and, placing a Vayuod of Moldavia to his discretion, who, laboured also by forced reasons, to shew them the power of the Prince, to be so inferiour unto the Turks, that it was to be feared he should at length be thrust out of all: and so it should happen, that the Polonians should have an untrusty and trouble some Neighbour, &c. perswading himself, to find such favour with the Turkish Emperour, that he should be well contented with his Invasion, which proved a great trouble of the Prince, and benefit to the Turk; The new Vayuod not long after, opening a way for the Tartars to enter [...], by the way of the Ciculi, of Alba-Julia, and of Valachia.

Sigismund, after the flight of Sinan, sent some Companies of Horse and Foot to Stephen the late Vayuod, to try if he could drive out the Polonians again, and recover his former Dignity: with which ayd, and others, he bloodily fought with them: but being overcome [Page] and taken, he was a while kept (as the Prince feared) to be delivered to the Turk; and (as is said) was afterward by them [...] put to death.

This foul dealing of the Polonian, much grieved many Christians, as tending to a generall hurt: Wherefore, the Emperour thought to [...] the Polonian King by his Embassadours, to desist from such invasion of the Transilvanian Prince, as nothing standing with his Honour; and that some good reconciliation might be made between the Prince and his Uncles, the authors of all these troubles. Pope Clement the 8th. also sent a Messenger with like Instructions, and large Letters to the King, pathetically perswading him, not so to prosecute his wars against the Prince, but to turn his thoughts, to a more peaceable and Christian-like course, especially with him, with whom he was so nigh linked in marriage (for they married 2 Sisters); he also wrote [...] [...] like effect to Cardinal Bator; and, after many Admonitions, cited him to Rome. Which Letters dated from Rome, Novemb. 8. were delivered in December: the Pope sharply reproving the Cardinall and Chancellour, as Authors and Contrivers of all these mischiefs. The Tartar Cham also about this time, sent his Embassadour to the King of Poland, for confirmation of such Articles, as he had before agreed on with the Chancellour, whose Letters did declare the ground and purpose of his intended Expedition into Moldavia with the collusion of the Chancellour, with the Turks and Tartars, against the Transilvanian Prince: saying, When the Chancellour had promised, He would take order that the Cossacks on the further side of Nijester should be utterly rooted out, that they should not hereafter do any harm in the Sultans Territories: and that the Presents usually sent him since the time of Solyman, should no more be detained, nor any harms done in any part of his Dominions: he also consented that Jeremiah should hold the Vayuodship of Valachia. Unto which agreement, if [Page] his Majesty should consent, then he should alwayes find brotherly friendship with him and all his Captains and Murzis; Otherwise, he did not perform the Oath and Covenants made. The Embassador delivering a speech to the King, to the same effect with the Letters, gave him a Horse and an Arrow for a Present, and was brought to a Lodging there to expect his answer. At length, it was given in sealed Letters: which he taking much against his will, requested the King, to send an Embassadour to the Cham; and by word, to tell him what to answer to his Lord; but other answer he could get none; and, so rewarded with a [...] furred with Sables, was dismissed without the Present requested by the Cham, or any Embassadour.

Thus, the Transilvanian Prince, received more harm from the Polonians, than from the Turk and [...]; for, by taking away of Moldavia, they weakened his strength, and opened a way for the [...] into his Country; yet, the Chancellour in his large Letters to the Pope, alledged much for excuse of themselves: with which, however the Pope was contented, yet it nothing pleased the Emperor, and much less the Prince.

In the beginning of Novemb. Leucovits Governour of Carolstat, the second time surprized Wihitz in the Frontiers of Croatia: but not being able to take the Castle, took the spoil of the City, and setting it on fire, departed. Maximilian also attempted Zolnoc; and the Christians, at Strigonium and Plindenburg, did with continual inroads [...] the Turks at Buda all the latter end of this year, and the beginning of the next: and the Turks in Braila in Valachia, fearing, after the flight of [...] to be besieged by Michael, forsook the City, passing over the River Danubius in such haste, that 300 perished.

Sinan, was ere long sent for to Constantinople, but the old Fox knowing the fierce nature of the Sultan, and warned by Ferat, [...] delay, till he was the third time sent for. The mean while, he so wrought by his mighty [Page] friends in Court, and rich rewards, that he was honourably received at Court as the chiefest Bassa; and being offered to be discharged of the wars, as one above 80 years old, he said, He was born and brought up among Souldiers, and so wished among them to die, as not long after he did, thought to be of-conceit of this his ill success.

Mahomet, exceedingly grieved at the loss of so many Cities and strong Holds this year: and daily understanding of the slaughter of his people, and wasting of his Frontiers, greatly prepared against next Spring, giving out, that he would in person come into Hungary with such a power, as never had any of his Predecessors. Yet, by the [...] and famine, which then raged extreamly in most parts of his Empire; and by other great Occurrents of that time, by that time the Spring came, he scarce knew which way to turn: for, besides these troubles of the West, the warlike Georgians in the East, moved with these good successes of the Christians, had taken up Arms against him; and the Persian King lately dying, had left his son, a man of greater spirit, than was like to endure the Turks former manifold injuries: Whereof, the Bassa of Tauris informed Mahomet, wishing him betimes to provide for such storms.

The Transilvanian Prince, now thought it not unfit for his Affairs, to go in person to the Emperour, to declare the wrong done him by the Polonian, and to confer with him about the managing of the Wars. So, setting forward in Jan. 1596. he arrived at Prague, Febr. the 4th. where he was most honourably entertained; but, he presently sickned of an Ague, which grievously vexed him for 3 weeks.

In the latter end of February, he went to the Cathedrall; where after devotion done, he was welcomed by the Dean, with a most Eloquent Oration: setting forth his praises, and animating him unto the like [...] against the Enemy of all Christianity: who answered in [Page] Latine so Eloquently and readily, that the Hearers marvelled, protesting in his speech: That as he and his Subjects, had not (hitherto) spared life or goods; so, would they adventure all (hereafter) for the Christian Commonweal; hoping, that the Emperour and other Princes would not be wanting to him with their Forces upon occasion, or the Clergy with their prayers: whereby, he doubted not (through Gods power) to obtain more notable Victories, than he had yet, against the enemies of God.

In the mean time, the Ciculi offended at their Liberties being somewhat infringed in the Assembly of States, holden in Transilvania in December last, rose up in Arms in divers places, a thing like enough to have wrought the Prince much trouble, and supposed not to be done without the Cardinall his privity: but, by the wisdom and courage of those he had entrusted in his absence, divers Ring-leaders were apprehended, and diversly executed: and 300 Complices for Terrour-sake, had their Noses and Eares cut off; so, the Country was again quieted. About which time also, Mahomet sending a new Bassa to Temeswar; the old Bassa had in 75 Waggons trussed up abundance of wealth, which he had there gotten, to have been with himself by a strong Convoy conducted to Belgrade: whereof, the Hungarian Heidons at Lippa and Jenna hearing, lay in wait for him, and, in a sharp conflict, overthrew the Convoy, slaying the Bassa, whose Head they sent to the Princess at Alba Julia: and taking the spoil of the Carriages, a wonderfull wealth; for, in one Waggon. 20000 Hungarian Duckats were reported to be found.

Also, in the Princes absence, 10000 Rascians came and offered their service to the Princesse; Whereof, she speedily certifying her Husband, he hasted to dispatch with the Emperour; and having promise from him and the Pope, of some ayd to be sent him, departed from Prague to Vienna, where he arrived, March the 11th. in a Princely Charriot with six most beautifull Horses, [Page] the Emperour's gift: he was met by the Nobility, and by the Popes Nephew; who presented him with 3 goodly serviceable Horses richly furnished; whom he taking into his Charriot, entred the City, where, he was honourably and joyfully received; and, being brought to the Pallace, the Students of that University acted before him the History of [...], staying there 3 dayes, and purposing to have visited his Mother in law at Greicz: in [...], he had news, that the Turks and Tartars, by instigation of Stephen his Uncle, were about to break into Transilvania; Wherefore, he speedily kept on his way from the Presburg, arriving in Transilvania, in the beginning of Apr. to the great joy of his Subjects in generall.

Many hot skirmishes the while, passed betwixt the Turks and Christians in their Frontiers. And now the plague and famine [...] to asswage in the Turks Dominions: wherefore, Mahomet caused the [...] of his wars against the Emperour and Prince, to be 3 dayes together proclaimed in Constantinople; and a great Army to be raised: with which, he gave out, he would come in person into Hungary; then also it was reported, he had already sent his Tents, and other provision to Hadrianople: for the name of the Transilvanian was most odious in the Turks Court.

Of all these things was not the Emperour ignorant, by sundry means: Wherefore, he speedily and carefully endeavoured, that the Enemy at his comming, might not find him unprovided. He also prayed ayd of other Neighbour Princes, chiefly of the Polonian, whom, he had divers times sought to draw into the Confederation; So, he sent to him a Bishop and a Lord, his Embassadours; as did the Pope, Cardinal Cajetane, and the Electours, theirs: unto whom, he gave good words, but would in no case break his League with the Turks or afford them any ayd; though Cajetane, with many reasons shewed him, What small [...] there was in the Turks Leagues, and how dangerous [Page] it might be to his State; if the Turk, making peace with the Emperour, should turn his Force upon him, which it was like enough he would: besides the immortall blemish, by dissevering himself, to hold friendship with the Infidels. But most imputed this, not so much to the King, as to others: especially to [...] the Chancellour, by whom that State was swayed; who was openly reported, to have secret Intelligence with the Turk and Tartar.

All this while, Palfi Governour of [...], vexed the Turks, even to the gates of Buda, as did other Captains in other places of their Frontiers in Hungary. There were 2 great Villages nigh Buda, most inhabited by Christians: who, having given Oath of Obedience to the Turk, lived a miserable life, for payment of an excessive yearly Tribute. These, by secret [...] requested Palfi, to carry them with their substance into some other place, to live among Christians, as he had lately done for them of old Buda: Wherefore, he willed them against an appointed time, to put all things in readiness: So, with wives and children, and their trash, [...] up in [...] Waggons, drawn with 14 and 16 Oxen a piece, about midnight, they removing, were by them of Strigonium, sent for them, brought safely thither; they were about 755 Families, many being rich men, bringing with them much coyn, with an exceeding number of Cattel: Palfi assigned them some fields, between Strigonium and Vivaria.

Shortly after, 600 of the Garrison of Lippa, adventuring too far for booty in the Turks Territories, were discovered, and so beset by Turks and Tartars, billetted about Temeswar, that they had no way to escape: so, being on every side hardly charged by them, they (as men resolved before to die) although scarce one to twenty, fought most desperately, and were all slain, except some few, which by great fortune escaped, leaving to the Enemy, a right bloody Victory, yet hereby was the Garrison [Page] of Lippa much weakened: Whereupon, the Enemy forthwith prepared to besiege the Town: which, Barbelus the Governour foreseeing, sent in post to Sigismund, requesting him speedily, to send him 4 or 5000 good Souldiers: to whom the Prince without delay sent 8000.

Shortly after whose arrival, 40000. Turks and Tartars came, and enclosed Lippa on every side, doing very little for certain dayes. The besieged the while, doing them all harm they could with their plentifull great shot; but, news being brought that the Transilvanian, was coming with a great power, hereupon they presently retired to about 2 miles from Lippa: where, certainly understanding the report, was not, nor could be true, they returned, more straitly besieging it than before, and battered the Town with 17 pieces; then giving thereunto divers desperate assaults, but were still with great slaughter repulsed; for, the Christians with murdering pieces out of the Towers and bulwarks, flanking each other, made great spoil of them. In the heat of one assault, the Governour, as of meer desperation, set open one of the gates, having within, placed 16 pieces at the very entrance, charged with murdering shot; whereupon, the Enemy came thronging exceeding thick, and were suddenly cut down as with a Sithe, and so the third and fourth time, before they could clear themselves, their rent limbs most miserably flying in the ayr: yet was the siege continued, and by often assaults very [...] maintained. But whilst the Bassa of Temeswar lay at this siege, they that were left in Temeswar, lived in great security. In the mean time, the Governour of Lugaz, sent out 6000 Souldiers, now in the Bassaes absence, to seek after booty; who, coming to Temeswar, speedily rifled the Suburbs, slew all the Turks they lighted on, and freed 1000 captives; so, setting the Suburbs on fire, they departed: which fire grew so great, that it was plainly seen into the Camp at Lippa, shewing, as if the whole City had been on fire: which so daunted [Page] the besiegers, that they most disorderly fled, leaving all that they had behind them: the Transilvanians, who were even then comming thither, pursuing them, slew divers, and took some prisoners. At which time, some Hungarian Heidons that served the Prince (who was now come into the confines of Hungary) getting over [...], took Plenia, a small Turkish Town, which they ransacked and burnt, and slaying above 3000 Turks thereaabout, returned with a rich prey.

Not long before the Christians had surprized Clissa, a strong Frontier-town in Dalmatia; the Bassa of Bosna, layed hard siege thereto: for relief whereof, Lewcowitz, Governour of Stiria and other Provinces thereabouts, and him of Zeng, embarqued 4000 Souldiers (in 42. ships) well appointed, so setting forward: and lighton a Venetian Galley, bound for the Turks Camp with warlike provision, they took and rifled her. The Governour landing his men at Siret, marched that night part of his way, and all next day lay close: at night, setting forward again, they came to the Enemies Camp before day; where, assailing the secure Turks in their Trenches, they as amazed, fled sundry wayes, every man in so sudden a fear shifting for himself, leaving all behind them: the Christians falling presently to the spoil, and not by hasty pursuit possessing themselves of an assured Victory; the Turks from the Hills, discovering (at day-dawning) their small number and disorder, came down, and enclosed them on every side, [...] them downright: Lewcowitz, with the Governour of Zeng, and some others getting into Clissa; where, after 2 dayes stay, and doubting of safety, they secretly by night issued forth with 600 men, hoping to recover their Fleet; but the suspitious Turks had so beset the passages, that of all them, Leucowitz, hardly with 3 others escaped.

The Enemy, now more straitly besieged the Town than [Page] before: Whereupon, the besieged now despairing of relief, yielded the Town upon departure with bag and baggage. About which time, Palfi hearing of an Assembly of some Turks Adventurers at [...] Castle, betwixt Buda and Alba-regalis, set forward from Strigonium, May 22. with the greatest strength he could, comming thither about 3 in the afternoon: where, after 3 hours dangerous and most desperate assault, he, with much difficulty prevailed, putting man, woman, & child to the sword, 50 being Janizaries, but that day come thither. The Bassa of Buda oft resorted to this beautifull and pleasantly scituated Castle; for his pleasure; wherefore, Palsi much desired to take it without spoiling; but, the fire already raised, burnt down all the goodly Buildings, and left no more Victuals or other provision, than what the Christians had saved for themselves.

Lippa, being by a great chance [...] before the Prince his comming; he besieged Temeswar: but 40000 Turks and Tartars came to raise the siege of that famous City: Wherefore, the Prince rose and went to meet them, and had a terrible battel, & doubtful for a while; yet, seeming rather to encline to the Enemy: who at length disordered with the Artillery, and the Transilvanians charging them afresh, gave ground, and so fled; 5000 Turks and Tartars being slain, and 1500 Christians: the Prince himself, being for a time reported (though falsly) to be [...].

After this, he returned to the siege, leaving nothing unattempted, that he could devise to win the City; but, news was brought him, that Giaffer Bassa and the Tartars, were comming with a great Army to relieve it: Whereupon, considering the power of the Enemy, and his promised ayd not yet ready; he, with great grief retired with his Army to Lippa, expecting supplies, both of his own and friends: and was there advertised, that the Bassa of Natolia, Mahomet's [...], was at Belgrade, with 14000 Horse and 4000 Janizaries, to joyn with the Bassa of [Page] Buda, to relieve Temeswar, in all about 60000: and that Mahomet himself was comming after with a far greater power; Wherefore, leaving a strong Garrison at Lippa, he returned to Alba-Julia, there assembling his States, for repressing so puissant an Enemy.

Mahomet (although the Tartar at first said, he would not send so much as an Asse thereunto) had by great gifts and his own respect with the Tartar, made him now ready with a strong Army, upon the Frontiers of Moldavia, to meet him in Hungary: to whom, that Vayuod sent Presents, with what Victuals he could possibly provide: Mahomet also, entreated with the Polonian King for his passage, as also to confirm the ancient League, which he knew the Emperour and other Princes sought (by all means) to withdraw him from. He also sent an Embassadour to Michael Vayuod of Valachia, both by shew of great dangers, to deterr him from the Confederacy with the Transilvanian: and by glorious promises to allure him to submit to his protection, and in taking of fidelity, to deliver to him, what 2 Frontier Towns he should require: Who answered, He was not yet weary of Friendship with the Prince, neither were those Towns in his power to give, as belonging to him; to whom he would write, and stay the Embassadour till he had an answer.

The Emperour had, with what care he could, provided, that his Army might be ready at first of the Spring; but, although his own Forces were in some good time ready, yet was a good part of Summer past, before the ayd from other Princes met together: at length, when some convenient number were assembled at Vienna: they were by Lord Swartzenburg brought into the field, and encamped in those very Trenches that were cast up last year by count Mansfelt, there to expect the comming down of their Warlike provision by the River: as also, the rest of the daily expected Forces. From Altenburg they marched to [...], thence to Vacia or Woczen, July 24. [Page] Upon whose approach, the Turks forsook the Town, and with their Ordnance, Cattel, and best Goods, fled to Pesth, burying the biggest Ordnance by the way: which yet was found out. And though the Turks had fired both Town and Castle; yet, the Christians, left therein, by the help of 2000 Foot and some Horse sent thither, preserved a great part of both: The whole Army comming and encamping in the open field, braved the Turks, even to the Gates of Pesth; insomuch, that they of Pesth and Buda, sent their Wives and Children with their chief substance down the River, to places farther off, and that so disorderly, that many for haste thrust one another into the River, and so perished.

Ferdiuand the Emperour's Uncle, Count of Tirol, being dead, the Emperour preferred Matthias his Brother to that Government, not inferiour to some Kingdoms, appointing Maximilian the yonger Brother Generall, who came into the Camp, Aug. 4th. being by Swartzenburg his Lievt. and Palfi, received with great triumph.

The Christians being now 60000 strong, and, having fortified and garrisoned Vacia, resolved to besiege Hatwan, a strong Town in upper Hungary, whither they came August the 15. and so speedily, that they were seen by the Turks, before heard of; so that at first they sallyed out upon them, as some come to seek for booty; skirmishing a while, till they saw the whole Battel coming.

The Christians encamping themselves, battered the Counterscarf in 3 places. Besides the strong Garrison, was also a broad Ditch, with a broad Counter-scarf, and strong Pallisadoes. The Turks sallying out, brake into the Christians Trenches, doing greater harm, and were likely to do more, had not the Horsmen in time, come & forced them to retire. Greis a notable Captain was here slain, being forsaken of his own men: who, for their cowardize were openly disarmed, and turned out of the Camp: One morning, as the Christians were at their devotions [Page] in their Trenches, a Turkish Priest from a high Tower, most bitterly railing on, and cursing. and [...] them, a Cannonier much moved, shot at the Tower, which he struck down, together, with the railing and blaspheming Priest.

The Christians having at length, made the Town Saultable, the Turks offered to yield it, upon the same conditions that they of Strigonium had, but they received no answer: yea, command was given, none on pain of death to have any parly with them. Shortly after, they, about 5 in the afternoon assaulted the Town in 4 places, and after 3 hours hard fight, took it, with the [...] and lamenting of the women and children, and other fearfull ones. Four hours Execution was done upon all that came to hand: Women great with child, and yong children at their Mother's breasts, were slain; and the Walloons ript the children out of their mothers wombs, making thongs and points of the skins of men and women, whom they had slain quick: which cruelty, (when they were reproved afterwards for it) they excused: pretending, they taught the Turks hereafter, not so wickedly to blaspheme against Christ, or with such wonted cruelty to torment the Christians for fear of the like. In this fury, about 4000 Turks perished, and but three hundred Christians; Here was a very rich prey, besides what the fire devoured. One Terski (with his Company) first entred the Town, after whom followed Rusworme, who, in their entrance, were thought to have slain with their own hand eight or ten Turks apiece.

Mahomet the while, sending Cicala before him, arrived at length from Belgrade at Buda, with about 200000 men, and 300 Field-pieces; whence, sending 40000 presently to Temeswar, he stayed there himself with the rest.

[Page]The Christians at Hatwan, doubting lest he should suddenly come upon them, as yet unprovided, departed thence, encamping not far fram Vacia, from whence, the Christian Garrison (next day, after the Turks comming to Buda) had fled for fear, firing the Town, and following the Camp. His comming also, caused those of Vienna, to labour day and night to fortifie, and provide all things, as if for a present siege; But, Mahomet not provided for such an undertaking, and not ignorant of Solyman's disgrace, had, at his comming into Hungary, cast his eyes upon the City Agria, not far from Hatwan, purposing by taking thereof, and strongly garrisoning it, to hinder the uniting of the Emperours Forces with the Transilvanians, by the way of upper Hungary: Wherefore, the Arch-Duke sent thither valiant Terski, with a notable Company of Italians and Germans, and 1000 other Harquebusiers. Septemb. 21. Mahomet with 4 Bassaes (Sinan being now dead) and an Army of 150000, encamped between Danubius and Tibiscus, and with wondrous speed, casting up 5 great Mounts, so furiously battered the walls, that the Christians were glad night and day, to stand in Arms for defence of the City; and, though the walls were long, and in many places so weak as not to be defended, but by a greater garrison: yet, for 6 dayes they defended the whole City against the Enemies fury, doing them great harm: But, the danger greatly encreasing they set it on fire, having first convayed all their best substance, with themselves, into the Castle, fair and strong; Whereupon, the Turks brake so suddenly into the City, as if they would have entred the Castle with them, but in that attempt they were repulsed, and many slain. There was a strong Bulwark adjoyning to the Castle: which, the Turks having sore shaken with their Ordnance, thundring without ceasing, in 2 dayes assaulted it 12 times, but with wonderful loss; but, as men the more enraged, they came on with greater fury than before: & at last took it, putting [Page] all to the Sword, except such as betimes got into the Castle. Which Bulwark, the Christians next day again recovered, slaying a great number of Turks, with the losse of some 30 men, and as many wounded.

The besieged now divers times, craved ayd of Maximilian, telling him, they could not long hold out for want of shot and Powder, if not timely relieved (which the Enemy knew), yet they resolved to hold it out to the last man; though Mahomet had oft willed them to yield it up, promising safe departure with life and goods, otherwise threatning greater extremities than was shewed at Hatwan: whereto they never answered him; for Terski had forbad all parley, setting up Gallowes in the Market-place, and threatning to hang whoever should once motion a yielding of the City.

The arch-Duke, having stayed somewhat too long at [...], expecting more ayd, began now to set forward, as if he indeed purposed to relieve his friends so hardly beset at Agria; but through the foulness of the weather, hindering the passage of his Ordnance (to omit other things) he marched scarce 12 miles in 14 dayes: whereby the Enemy, now hearing of their coming, turned all his endeavours from battery, to fill up the Ditch of the old Castle: to hasten which, Mahomet himself rode up and done, encouraging his men in that desperate work; but whilest they were busied therein, the Christians sallying out, made great slaughter of them, [...] so chased Ibraim Bassa, with those about him, that in flight, he lost his Tulipant, and was very nigh taking; yet the work by the restless labour of such a multitude, was so perfected, that the Turks Octob. 10th, gave the Castle four desperate assaults, being still with great slaughter repulsed; but the fifth time, by a greater fury, they entred, putting about 800 which were therein, to the sword: 400 of whose heads, a Captain sent to Mahomet in the Camp; where at, he is said to have taken great pleasure: [Page] The new Castle now onely remaining, although the Turk's battery was very terrible against it; yet their greatest hope, was in 14 secret Mines, which were now almost ready to be blown up: whereupon, the besieged (hearing of no relief) resolved, without consent of their chief Commanders, to yield, rising up as one man, in a mutiny against Niari and Terski, who first greatly disswaded them from such cowardise, minding them of their Oath; then requested them on their knees, to hold out a while, in hope of speedy relief; yea, Terski, with hands cast up, intreated them, if they would needs yield, first to kill him, that he might not see so great a dishonour. In the mean time, 250 common Souldiers (many being Italians) escaped out into the Camp, divers of whom, turned Turks: which so added to the former fear, that forthwith, coming to a parley, they agreed, with Swords by their sides, and bag and baggage, safely to depart.

Mahomet gave them his faith, with mutual Hostages for performance; so Octob. 13th, about 2000 coming forth, they were not gone far, but were cut in pieces by the Turks and Tartars: some being flain quick, and others otherwise dismembred: the Turks upbraidingly saying, Faith was not to be kept with them, that had dealt so cruelly at Hatwan.

Some of [...] chief Turks, complained to the Sultans of this perfidiousness, who is [...] to have executed some of the chief Authours, and to proclaim, that if the Turks or Tartars, had taken any of them, to set them at liberty.

Whilest Mahomet besieged Agria, the Bassa of Bosna, with some other Sanzacks, besieged [...] with a [...] Army: and so furiously battered it for 7 dayes, that it [...] thought impossible, to hold it out two days longer; [...] Herbenstein and [...], with all their power, coming towards Petrinia, retired towards Siseg, there in [Page] haste to passe over the River Kulp: whom the Turks supposing to have fled, put 6000 Horse over the River, to pursue them: on whom, the Christians turning, slew many, and drave the rest into the River, where most of them perished: so next day, they by a Bridge, passed over at Siseg; and being come near to Petrinia, were encountred by 8000 Turks, whom they putting to flight, understood by some prisoners taken, that the Bassa, the day before, was risen and gone: which they at first believed not; but coming thither, found it so.

Maximilian came to Cassovia, Octob. 17th, four days after the losse of Agria: whither the Transilvanian Prince was come with 18000 Horse and Foot, and forty Field-pieces to ayd him. Next day, they setting forward, joyned with Teuffenbach and Palsi, all whose united forces, consisted now of 32000 Horse, and 28000 Foot, having 120 Field-pieces, and 2000 Wagons, wherewith they enclosed their Army every night; so they orderly marched towards Agria, all seeming very desirous to give the Turks battel, and by the way, came to a fair Heath, where they were to passe over a River: which passage, Giaffar Bassa, had taken with 20000 Turks and Tartars, purposing by enlarging it, to have made way for the whole Army over on the other side, as commodious for many things, especially for plenty of water for themselves, and to have kept the Christians from it; but next day, Octob. 23, they skirmishing with him, especially at the passage, slew 300 of his men at the first encounter, who seeing the whole Army coming on, fled to the Sultan, losing two Ensigns, and two Field-pieces, but not many Men, through timely flight, and the nights approach.

The Christians finding the place where the Bassa lay, not so commodious for them as they supposed, (chiefly for lack of Wood, and hearing of the Sultan's approach, retired over the River, again to their former place, enclosing [Page] themselves with their Wagons. Next day, Octob. 24, towards night, Mahomet appeared with all his Army, sending 3000 Tartars to passe the River, of whom the Christians slew many with great shot, and put the rest to flight.

In the morning, Mahomet with his Army, ranged in order of Battel, came in sight, sending again, part of his Forces over the River; with whom the Christians skirmished from morning till night, the main Bodies all this while, standing falt on both sides of the River. But at length, both sides being well wearied, nd many slain, the Turks retired again over the River: and next day, (both sides resolving to give Battel) Octob. 26, Mahomet drew down with his Army towards the River, nigh which place, were the ruines of an old Temple, wherein he placed Janizaries, and 24 Field pieces, sending 20000 choise Souldiers over the River: whom the Christians, with part of their Army, so fiercely charged, that they soon overthrew them: as also, some Companies of Tartars, came over in another place, and following the chase, put to flight also them on the further side of the River, flaying a great number; and by the coming on of the rest of the Army, took from them 190 great Pieces, which so affrighted the Turks Camp, that Mahomet with Ibraim Bassa, fled towards Agria, shedding some teares as he went, and wiping his eyes with a piece of Mahomets Garment, which for reverence, he carried about him.

Night drawing on, the General was about to found a retreat for that day; but the Prince, Palfi, and the rest; perswaded him in so great a fear of the Enemy, to prosecute the Victory; and the rather, because the Turks began to repair their disordered Battels: wherefore the Christians charged the Front of the Turks restored Battel, (in number 40000) with such violence, that they soon [...] most of them, putting the rest to flight; and [Page] also, charging their main body, forced them with great slaughter, into their own Camp. Now a general Command was given, None on pain of death, to forsake his place in seeking after spoil, till the Victory was assured; but they breaking together with the Turks into their Tents, slew a great number, and seeing great store of rich spoil, left the pursuit, falling to the spoil, till they came to the very Tent of the Sultan, where they lighted on a strong and resolute Squadron, who discharged store of Ordnance, among the thickest of them, renting in sunder a great number, and then coming on resolutely themselves: and the while, Cicala with his untouched Horsemen, brake in also upon them, so that (as terrified) they fled amain, especially the Hungarians and Germans, most busied in the spoil: neither could they by threats or intreaty, be perswaded to shew any token of true valour; and whilest they fled thus headlong, they also overran their own Footmen. Thus, through the greediness of some disordered men, the most notable Victory that ever the Christian; were like to have had over the Turks, was let slip.

Many Gentlemen and Commanders, in seeking to stay their flight, were slain; and though the Turks pursued them scarce half a mile, yet the Christians fled all over the Countrey, no man pursuing them. Maximilian, seeing all desperate, fled to Cassovia: the Transilvanian retiring the most orderly towards Tocai, having lost not above 200, no one being of fame: all which losse, he imputed to the Hungarian's covetousness, and the German Horse their cowardise: Lord Berstain fled also, as did Palfi; and in fine, all the rest: yet the night following, the Turks themselves, for fear of the Christian's return, with their best things, fled towards Agria; & it was afterwards known, that the Turks Ordnance, Tents & Baggage, stood 3 days in their Trenches, not at all, or but slenderly guarded; so that they might easily have been taken had [Page] the Christians made head again; yea, Mahomet is said, oft to have confessed the danger and fear, himself and Army were then in, if the Christians had pursued the Victory, and not so basely run after the spoil. Wherefore he would never afterwards adventure his Person to the like perill in the Field. In this Battel of Karesta, and at the siege of Agria, were lost about 20000 Christians, and 60000 Turks. Mahomet after this Victory, fortifying, and garrisoning Agria with 10000 Souldiers, returned to Belgrade.

The Bassa of Buda, perswaded that the Christians could not this year recover their strength to any purpose, besieged Vacia Novemb. 4th, with all his power; but finding greater resistance than he had imagined, and hearing that the dispersed Christians in upper Hungary, were making head to come for its relief, he returned to Buda, more afraid than hurt; for those dispersed reliques, had cast away their Arms in the late flight, and so could have done him small harm, had he continued the siege.

Mahomet, dividing his Army into two parts at Belgrade, billited the one thereabouts, to be ready for all events, returning with the other to Constantinople; but Januschi, the Transilvanian Princes Lievtenant, and the Vayuod of Valachia, getting over Danubius with a great power, and secretly favoured by the people, lay in ambush for him, and still following his Reare, cut off 7000 of his men, before he could be rid of them, arriving at length, at Constantinople.

Maximilian, arriving at Vienna with a small retinue, in the latter end of November, found there, the Vicount of Burgan, Swartzenburg, and some other of his Commanders, most of the rest, chiefly the Italians, being slain. The small remainder of this year, was spent in often skirmishes and inroads into each others Frontiers.

Rodolph the Emperour, for all the late discomfiture, chose again his Brother Maximilian, General for his next [Page] years Warres, whereto the Pope, by his Legate, promised to send 10000 Italians, under the Duke of Mantua, of his own charge, as did the German Princes their wonted ayd, with some others: who all slowly meeting together nigh Possonium and Altenburg, departed in July and August, to Pappa: which after 8 dayes hard siege, they took retiring to Altenburg, where mustering the Army, they in the beginning of September, appeared before Rab, where Lord Berstein approaching too nigh, was slain with a shot: yet they there stayed till they heard of Mahomet Bassa's coming with a great Army; and then Septemb. 24, they passed over Danubins, into Schut [...], where they encamped. And 8 dayes after, Dotis Castle standing on the other side of the River, was by the Bassa before their faces, besieged and taken: the whole Christian Army, not daring to relieve their friends, but marched to Vacia: where, hearing of the Turks coming against them from Pesth, they fired the Castle, and so retired along the North side of the River, till they came over against Vicegrade: where, by the good direction of Lord Basta Lievtenant General of the Army, they so strongly encamped, that the Turks, after many brave attempts, to force them in their Trenches, were glad with some losse to depart.

The Transilvanian Prince, also besieging Temeswar by his Chancellor, in October, was by the [...] valour, and the weather's unseasonableness, forced to raise his siege, and depart. Also Michael of Valachia, now wearied with the Turks often invasions, and almost utter desolation of his Countrey, many thousands being carried captive, and most of his strong Ho'ds razed, to give his Subjects a breathing time, submitted again to the Turk, receiving of a Chiaus, sent on purpose, an Ensign, in token thereof, and of Mahomet's favour: of which, the more to assure him, he shortly after, received more kind Letters from him, than ever before, with [...] [Page] of the Vaynodship, by his solemn Oath, to him and his Son Peter, (about 13 years old) during their lives, without disturbance, and to pay but half the old yearly Tribute: he received also, a goodly Horse, most richly furnish d, with a fair Scimitar, and Horsemans Mace, in sign of the Martiall Power committed to him: nevertheless, Michael not daring too far to trust the Turk, having had former experience, still kept strong Garrisons upon his Frontiers, with other wonted Forces, excusing it as done, for fear of the Tartars, telling also Mahomet, when he requested him to go with the Turks General, this year into Hungary, he might not in any case so do, for fear of the Tartars most horrible incursions, requesting, that his reasonable excuse to be in good part accepted: yet he well knew, that they were expresly charged by the Sultan, to do no harm in Moldavia, or Valachia, as they went into Hungary. Thus passed this year, without any other great thing done, than what is declared.

Sigismund, who was confederated but with his poor oppressed Neighbours, the Valachians and Moldavians, did so much against the Turk, that if all should be particularly set down, it would not onely be tedious, but perhaps seem incredible: besides which calamities of War, the great Sultan, found no small wants, both in his Coffers, and other necessary supplies, for maintenance of his Warres, chiefly in Hungary, and that by the revolt of those three aforesaid Countries. But their wholsom confederation being now broken, the Transilvanian Prince Sigismund now left as it were all alone; and fearing least his Countrey should with himself fall into the Turks, Polonians, or some other his Enemies hands, resigned Transilvania unto the Emperour and his Heires for ever; and so leaving his Wife there, himself went into Silesia, to take possession of two Dukedoms: which, with the yearly Pension of fifty thousand Joachims, or the Revenues [Page] of the Bishopwrick of [...], he, in lieu thereof, received of the EMPEROUR: whereupon, Transilvania was by the general consent of those States, in the beginning of one thousand five hundred ninety eight, delivered up to the three Emperours Commissioners; and an Oath of obedience taken of them all, although both the Commissioners and Emperour would have perswaded the Prince, either not at all, or not so suddenly to have forsaken his Country, who was the natural Prince thereof, and exceedingly beloved of his Subjects.

These Commissioners likewise in June following, took the like Oath of Michael, and his people in Valachia, they loathing the Turkish Soveraignty. They also then agreed with the Tartars Embassadors, who offered [...] peace, and ayd for forty thousand Duckats yearly, and as many Sheepskin-Gowns, their usual Apparell.

All this while continued the Diet begun at Ratisbone, in December last: Matthias being there his Brother's Deputy, who demanded more ayd against the Turk, than against the PRINCES and STATES of the Empire offered; where at last, a large proportion was agreed upon, for defraying the charges of those Warres, to be payd in three years next; and so the Assembly was dissolved: but as they returned home, RAB, one of the strongest Fortresles of Christendom, was by Lord Swartzenburg again recovered, to the great grief of the storming TURKS, and joy of the Christians, after this manner.

The Lord SWARTZENBURG, then laying at Komara, doubting of some attempt of the TURKS at Rab, against him, kept continuall Watch and Ward, all that Winter time, with a strong Garrison: the Spring approaching, it hapned March 22th, about night, the Gates being shut, two Italians [Page] were heard nigh the Walls, earnestly requesting to be let in, for fear of the Enemies pursuit: which being told the Governour by a Gentinel, he doubting it to be some subtilty of the Enemy, bad them there to tarry till morning; and then being let in, they prostrating themselves before the Governour, pittifully requested him, to comfort them with his charitable relief, that they might return into their own Countrey: answering to him, demanding of them, that they were Italians, and had even then escaped out of the Turks hands at Rab: and though they shewed by their gesture, not to know any newes; yet he would needs know of them, when, and how they were taken by the Turks, and how they escaped out of that cruel servitude: so the younger told him, that when the Christians were overthrown by the Turks, under Agria, they having by flight escaped the greatest danger; and travelling towards Vienna, were (by a hundred Turks come out of Rab) taken and committed to the Chain, where they had almost two years, with great patience, served: telling him also, they had been three moneths before, carefully devising how to recover their lost liberty, which now seemed to make some offer of it self unto them; for, since the departure of the Emperours Army from the Town, they lay as men not much regarded; so one day, as they were carrying munition from the Pallace of Giaffar, for the Souldiers, they secretly conveyed three Pieces of Coard, by night to let themselves down from the Wall, burying the Coard in the ground; but night come, and they roaming in the dark, and still finding one let or other, they were forced to defer it till the night following: when as they fastning the Coard above, slid down one after another: the younger, though he could not swim, being by the assistance of the elder, conducted over the broad and deep Ditch; and so, in the great darkness of the night, they were come by chance to Komara, thinking to have gone to Vienna.

[Page]The Governour now demanded further, how Rab, was governed and guarded: they told him, Very ill, and with small care, especially since the departure of the Emperors Camp, and that four of the Gates being filled up with Earth, if broken open, would fall into the Ditch, and further them that would attempt to enter with divers others particulars. Whereupon, he requested Lord Palfi, in all haste and secresie, with 1600 Foot, and what Horse he could make, to come unto him, who presently setting forward by night, March 26, before day, with 1400 Foot, and 120 Horse, arrived at Komara: where they entring, the Gates were again fast shut, and so kept for fear of the Enemies Spies; so Swartzenburg and Palfi fully discoursing of the intended enterprise, and resolving thereon, they found they had 2600 Foot, and 300 Horse, all couragious men: who staying two dayes, and many of them, confessing, and receiving the Sacrament, now doubted not to encounter a far greater number of Turks than themselves. And the more to incite them, Palfi delivered to them, a notable Speech, (yet not telling them whither they were to go) at the end whereof, they all cryed aloud, They were most ready to do any of their Commands, and follow them any whither; and so having well refreshed themselves, about the 11th houre, March 27, they in good order set forward towards Rab: and least the Enemy should have warning of what was intended, Palfi ordered Stroine his Maior, to follow softly after him, with 1700 Horse and Foot; so upon the break of day, they drew towards Rab, lying in close ambush, about 7 miles short of the Town; and night being come, in two houres march, they drew near Rab, where they stayed about five houres, sending before them a French Engineer, with 13 others, (rewarded with 1500 Duckats) having with them four Petards: where they found the Draw-bridge down because the Turks then secure, hourely expected some Wagons, with Provision from Alba Regalis, [Page] whereby they coming to the Gate unperceived, and fastning their forcible Engines thereunto, gave fire to the same; and being not gone far, were descryed, and asked by a Sentinel, What they were; but was presently answered by the Petards, which in a trice, tore in sunder the Gate, with some of the Wall, and adjacent Fortifications. The Watch now gave the Alarum, & the Christians thrusting in, took the Gate, no Turk yet coming to hinder their entrance: 200 Turks first appeared with their hideous cry, Alla, Alla, but were overcharged by 300 already entred. The Bassa also came on with above one thousand following him, with the greatest Turkish courage and fury: where, after two hours most terrible fight, the Bassa being slain, the Turks a little retired, whereby one thousand Christians more entred; but Giaffar Bassa coming with above one thousand tall Souldiers, all the Inhabitants also running after him with great force, they constrained the Christians to retire to the Gate: who there with incredible courage, sustaining the greatest fury of the Enemy; and this Bassa also encountred by Lord Swartzenburg, being at length slain also, most of the Turks retired into the City: about 300 crept underneath a Bulwark, where were some Barrels of Gunpowder, which they firing, blew up with themselves 300 Christians that were above upon the Bulwark, who else, were not supposed to have lost in that Victory, above two hundred men.

The Turks discomfited, fled in every place before the Christians, they most horribly slaughtering them: the Turkish Women all this while, casting down from on high, Stones, Timber, &c. upon the heads of the Christians: the bloudy execution, in one secret place or another, continued all that day untill night: who ransacking also every corner, were by their wealth greatly enriched; but they found exceeding store of rich Furniture, at the Pallace of Giaffor: also Letters, in Characters of Gold, [Page] from the Bassa of Buda to this Bassa: with many things written from the Sultan unto him, with great store of Coin, which all fell to the Souldiers share: 60 Pieces of Ordnance were there recovered, sometimes the Emperours; and 24 others brought from Buda, with great store of Ammunition and small Pieces, and Meal enough to serve four thousand Men for a year and a half; but of Wine, onely four Vessels. In Giaffars Palace, was also found great store of Armour and Weapons, abundance of Cloth and Apparel, all given to the Souldiers.

Rab was thus taken, March 29, 1598, about six thousand Turks or more being slain, and scarce six hundred Christians. The Heads of the two Bassaes being sent for a Present, to the Emperour at Prague, with all particulars of the whole action. For all this, did not Mahomet cease to make greater provision than before, for his Warres in Hungary, ordering Ibrain Bassa, his Brother in Law, and Generall, with all convenient speed, to take the Field: which yet fell out otherwise; for a great dissention arose betwixt the Janizaries, the best footmen; and the Spahi, the best Horsemen of the Turkish Empire: the one whereof, standing upon their strength, and the other upon their honour, do oft in setting forwards toward the Wars, fall at odds, as now they did: insomuch, that the Generall, to appease this tumult, was glad to put to death some insolent Janizaries, refusing to set forward as their Aga commanded them; but he thinking to have executed some others of them also, was by them and their adherents, put in such fear of his life, that to avoid the danger, he was glad to lay all the blame upon his Lievtenant: who was therefore delivered to their fury, who presently slew him, with some others of the Bassa's followers. So Ibrahim reviewing his Army at Sophia, there stayed, expecting order from the Sultan, whether to begin his Warres in Hungary or Transilvania, which could not well be before the beginning of July; such scarcity of Victuall then arising in the Camp.

[Page]To supply which, Mahomet not a little cared; but this caused, that a great number of Janizaries coming from Hadrianople, and hearing that the General would not yet set forward, and not knowing the cause, were about to have returned back again: whereupon, Command was presently sent from Court to Ibrahim, without longer stay, to march towards Hungary. In which long delay, the Christians had good leisure to prepare new forces; and doubting, that (August now at hand) the Enemy would not turn his forces into lower Hungary, they thought best to provide for the safety of the upper: where Basta, a man of great experience and valour, was made Lievtenant General for that Countrey, to the great content of the Souldiery.

[...] the while, remaining in lower Hungary at Rab, with eight thousand good Souldiers: and Matthias: at Vienna, for the dispatch of [...], because the upper Hungary, began now to feel the incursions of the Turks and Tartars: besides, he was afterwards to return to the Emperour, expecting a Turkish [...], sent by the way of Polonia for Prague, to [...] with him of peace.

No Turkish Army being then in field, in lower Hungary: Palfi set forward to attempt Buda; and Octob. 16th, began to batter it, to the great feat and discomfiture of the besieged, he having first taken the Fort of St. Gerard. wherefore, all that dwelt in the City, most earnestly befought the Bassa, in time to hearken to some reasonable Composition, that every man might, at leastwith life, depart: yet the Bassa would not hearken, putting them still in hope of present relief; howbeit, the battery still continuing, and they not able longer to endure the force of the Imperials, not any relief coming, at last abandoned the City, 2000 Janizaries being slain, and but 300 Christians, and 800 hurt, the rest of the Turks retiring into the Castle.

[Page] Palfi possessed of the City, laid siege to the Castle, which though in some places shaken by the Cannon, yet were the Defendants ready to make it good; so that Palfi giving chereto a general assault, was forced to retire, they within, the while, repairing with great labour the breaches and gauls; so that Palfi thought it better, by undermining, to shake the Rock whereon the Castle stood, than to give a new assault: which purpose, was by a Countermine disappointed. Yet the Christians still hoped by another Mine, as yet unperceived, to obtain their desire: and the more, because the Defendants now were silent and quiet, as if they had been consulting about yielding up the Castle; for the Christians, by possessing a strong Abbey and Fortresse fast by, and breaking down all Bridges over the River, had deprived the besieged of all relief, either by Land or Water: but the time of the year beginning to grow tedious and sharp, the Christians resolved to give another general assault, and at the same instant, to blow up the Mine, but they were again repulsed, with the losse of 200 men.

Then also some Turks sallied forth, and couragiously encountred the Christians, but they were almost all cut in pieces: the Mine also being blown up, did little or no harm; so that they were about to rise. Yet willing to give a fresh attempt by the Mine, they began again to work therein, and in hope to parley with the Defendants; but the Mine having taken no effect, the Souldiers could hardly be drawn on, thorow the deep and muddy ditches, to give a new assault; in fine, seeing no hope, and hearing also of a great Army of Turks, for relief of the besieged, they departed with a great booty towards Strigonium, having burnt the Suburbs: and shortly after, there was order, that the disbanded forces should be dispersed into Garrisons, and the Countrey thereabouts; that they might be ready with the first of the Spring, to be employed, as there should be occasion.

[Page]But the Transilvanian Prince (the while) repenting of his exchange made with the Emperour, in disguised Apparel, posted to Glausenburg, in Transilvania: where being joyfully received, and taking a new Oath of his Subjects, certified Maximilian, (appointed Governour of Transilvania, and on his way as far as Cassovia) of the causes of his return, perswading him rather to turn his Forces for recovery of Agria, than to come any farther for Transilvania, whereof (to his Subjects great content) he was again repossessed, as did also his Wife: wishing him to consider, what hurt and dishonour he should do to the Emperour, himself, Empire, and whole Christian Common Weale, if in so dangerous a time he should attempt any thing against her Husband, to him by her so nearly allied.

Now the Turks [...] Army, lay under the Walls of Veradinum, in upper Hungary, where Basta not having strength enough to go against so mighty an Enemy, or relieve the besieged City, not having a sufficient Carrison, he acquainted Maximilian therewith. In the mean time, the besieged notably defended themselves, and by brave sallies, did the Enemy great harm, expecting, that Basta, Sigismund, or Maximilian with divided or united Forces, would send them relief, whom they certified Octob. 19th, that the Turks with all their Force and fury, had as yet little prevailed, being so repulsed, &c. that they well hoped to protract time, till they might be by them relieved; yet not doubting, but the Turks would do what they might to subdue them.

The Transilvanian Prince taking the Field to relieve them, was letted by the Tartars, stirred up by the Turks to that purpose: yet he sent some Companies of brave Souldiers to Basta: who hearing that of 2000 good Souldiers in the City at the first, there were scarce 700 left alive, used a notable [...] to delude the Enemy; [Page] for, comming bravely on, as if he would have presently joined battel; whilst the Turks were wholly busied in putting themselves in order to that end, he, by a way least suspected, thrust into the City 800 men, and so presently retired to his Trenches: who, returning without battel, deceived by this fineness. The Turks shortly after, through continual foulness of the weather, raised the siege, now not without great [...] and danger to be maintained, leaving also behind them many Tents, with some Ordnance, as not able to convey them by water to Buda: also, greatly fearing to be encountred by Basta's Forces, even then receiving new supplies from the Emperour.

In the mean time, Matthias, Swartzenburg, and others, with 12000 men, and the Souldiers of Rab, Strigonium, and Komara, and the Hungarian Horsmen, over-ran the Country, even to the Gates of Buda, hoping also to have met with 8000 Turks, comming towards Pesth, with Victuals for Buda Castle.

Mahomet the mean while, sent Cicala, his Admirall, with a great Fleet to Sea: who comming upon the coast of Sicily, requested that Viceroy, to send him aboord his Mother Lucretia, who dwelt in Messana, he much desiring to see and Honour her, promising so quietly to depart: he considering, how the [...] for the like courtesie before denied, had done great harm all along the seacoast: on condition of sending her back in safety, sent her to him honorably accompanied: whom, Cicala her son receiving with great joy & triumph; and keeping her with him one day, with all honor, sent her back accordingly, & so peaceably returned, without doing any harm to any part of Christendom. In the mean time, Michael of Valachia with good forces, resolved, to give an attempt upon Nicopolis in Bulgaria, causing a bridge to be made over Danubius for his passage; but, the Bassaes of Silistra and Badova, comming with all their power, as the bridge was laid over upon boates, attempted to break the same.

[Page] Michael hasting thither, enforced the Bassaes to forsake the Exploit begun; there being for a while a hard conflict, till the Turks being greatly slaughtered, were glad, by a dispersed flight to save their lives: So the Vayuod passing the [...], came to Nicopolis: where they of the City without resistance, yielded themselves into his power; who, sacking & firing the City, carried away a great Spoyl, with many Bulgarians, choosing out the best and strongest to serve in his Wars: and appointing the rest to inhabite, and manure the waste places of Valachia.

The report of this overthrow and sacking, brought a generall fear on the Turks, even in Constantinople; Wherefore, Mahomet commanded his chief Bassaes, with a great power, taken up in haste, to stop his further proceedings, himself horribly threatning him: Who, now encouraged, and knowing the Turks manuers, little regarded the same.

Mahomet oppressed with melancholy, at the raging plague in Constantinople, the bloudy Wars in Hungary, his ill success at Veradium, and the great harm done at Nicopolis; yet ceased not, what he could, to provide for so many evils: Ordering Taut Bassa with all speed, to march towards Valachia: Who put himself upon the way with 600 Janizaries towards Hadrianople: there to expect the rest of the Army at Spring; that so, being united with the Forces of Mehemet (who besieged Veradium the last year) he might appear more terrible to his Enemies. The Emperour also was then much discontented, that his men had failed of the Castle of Buda, the Walloons blaming the chief Commanders: who (when they valiantly offered to do their utmost to win it) chose rather, by the Spade and Mattock, than the Sword, to perform the same. But Michael, to the Turks greater terrour and hurt, made new inroads upon them: so that he entred 10 Miles into their Territory; against whom Mehemet comming, he retired, carrying away the spoyl of the wasted Country.

[Page]They of Buda the while, fearing some sudden assault, and suffering great want, expected long to be relieved with necessaries; yet they heard, that Mahomet had given it out at Constantinople, that he was raising a great power of his best Souldiers: having sent for all his Old men of War, such as had served in the Wars of Persia. The Turks the while, providing to relieve distressed Buda, some resolute Hungarians, understanding that a Bassa was comming thither with 3000 Souldiers to encrease the Garrison, lay close in Ambush: where, the Turks securely and disorderly passing by, were overthrown and put to flight, losing many Horses, much Mony and Jewels; many Captains being taken, and the Bassa hardly escaping into the City. But shortly after, 400 Christians scouring the Country about Buda, and returning loaded with prey, were assaulted by the Turks, and forced to forsake it, and fight for their lives: yet they notably repulsed the Turk, slaying divers of them, and recovering their booty, returned: and in upper-Hungary, a great power of Turks and Tartars, having done great harm, came before Cassovia: making shew, as if they would presently besiege the City; so that many Inhabitants, fled forthwith into the Mountains: yet by the perswasion of Basta, 2000 expert Souldiers stayed there [...] him, expecting what the Turks would do; who demanded of them a great sum of mony as contribution, threatning otherwise the utter destruction thereof: which was stoutly rejected by Basta, and they with the loss of many lives, forced to get them further from the walls: Wherefore, they for fear by night arose, departing by another way than they came, doing great harm as they went. The free Haiducks of Valachia also living most upon prey, by Bridges, passing over Danubius, overthrew the Bassa of Natolia's great power, with a great slaughter, and loss of his Brother: then over-running the Country, they did exceeding harm, and took the Bassa's son prisoner.

[Page]Thus passed the Winter with many light skirmishes, and incursions in divers parts of Hungary. Maximilian (the mean while) comming from Prague to Vienna; found in his Camp but 24000 Foot, and 10000 Horse ready against next Spring (divers German Princes, sending this year 1599. no ayd at all, by reason of troubles with the Spaniards in the lower side of Germany) which made him the more to dread the Enemies comming; but about this time, the great Duke of Muscovy, requested leave of the Polonian, for 40000 Horse to pass thorow his Country, to ayd the Emperour against the Turk; which he would in no case grant, as dangerous to his State: Wherefore, the Muscovite offended, sent other Embassadours to the Emperour by Sea: who, in an English ship in Nicolas Port, sayled about Sweden, Norway, and Denmark; and, after long trouble, arrived at Stoad; and from thence travelling by Land to Hamborough, Lubeck and Maidenborough, came to the Emperour then at Plissena, for the plague was hot at Prague. Who, having delivered their Presents and Letters of Credence, had audience, and were most honourably used; yet the Polonian, suffered the Turks Embassadour, calling himself Gabriel a Jew, to pass thorow his Country to the Emperour, to entreat of peace; which Gabriel comming to Prague, and having no Letters of Credence to shew (for he said, They were taken from him upon the way by the Polonian Cossacks, and some of his retinue slain) was taken for a Spy, and sent to Vienna: where, at first he was well used in an Inne, but the night following, the Martial clapt him fast in prison, with as many Irons as he could bear: and all his followers, with gyves on their leggs, were compelled to work daily in the Townditch.

About this time, Sigismund of Transilvanian, gave a most manifest token of an unconstant Nature, to the great wonder of the World; for, he having again taken upon [Page] him the Government: and withall, requested himself and the Transilvanians, to be discharged of their Oath of Loyalty to the Emperour; and Veradinum, with the adjacent Country to be restored unto him: and, the Emperour pausing thereupon: did now (doubting of his ability to keep that Country) in the beginning of 1599. by his Embassadours, request the Emperour to have the first Agreements again renewed: and a Principality in Moravia added to the 2 Dukedoms in Silesia, with 50000 Duckats yearly out of the Imperiall Chamber, and a generall pardon for all the Transilvanians, that, following him, had lately revolted from the Emperour, and their antient liberties confirmed: All which Conditions being obtained, they returned from Prague, Apr. 19. But, Sigismund in the mean time, consulting with some of the Polonian Nobility, far differing from the former Agreement; and sending for a Turks Chiaus: and for his cousin the proud Cardinall out of Borussia, met them in a Village towards Polonia, accompanied with some of his chiefest States: and there, in the presence of the Polonians and the Chiaus, resigned all Right & Title in Transilvania to the Cardinall, commanding the States to swear Obedience and Fidelity unto him; who shortly after, with the Polonian Embassadour, sent a special Favourite to Constantinople, to desire safe conduct for his Embassadors thither: who were both courteously received in the Turks Court; and, as with a special favour, rewarded with right sumptuous Garments: and charged, that the Cardinall should within 3 months, send thither a solemn Embassadour, with the accustomed Tribute. Thus Transilvania (one of the strongest Fortresses of that side of Christendom) became again Triburary to the Turk.

The Turks of Buda, not able longer to endure the great Famine, had most earnestly requested relief from their Friends in Hungary: Who, comming near to Buda, could not put into it such provision as they [Page] had brought the Imperials about a League off, diligently attending every motion of the Enemy; whence, Swartzenburg, secretly approachiug by night to one of the gates, thought with a Petard to have broken it open: but the gate, being within strongly fortified, he was forced to depart, being also discovered from the wall.

Shortly after, the Bassa issuing out with 600 Horse to meet with Victuals coming thither, fell into an Ambush of the Haiducks, who putting him to flight, took him prisoner, his Horse falling under him, whom his Souldiers seeking to rescue, they encreased their former overthrow, with the loss of most of those left: the Bassa's son, and Aga of the Janizaries, losing their lives. The Bassa being brought to the Camp, was with great threats forced to reveal the state of his City, with other Turkish designs: Whereupon, the Haiducks returned towarks Buda, [...] by all means, to stop the comming of Victuals thither, hoping at length to gain the City; but newes was brought them, that the Bassa of Bosna, with 3 Zanzacks were comming with 10000 men to oppress them: who, went to meet them, and, in a place of good advantage, upon their first appearance, with great courage charging them, brake their Arrays, and slew most of them, with the Bassa himself: yet, had not Palsi in time, sent in some [...] Companies, it was doubted the Haiducks had been worsted, about 300 being already slain: Nevertheless the Tartars held on their way, purposing, by over-running the Country, to have withdrawn the Imperialls from the City; but, Swartzenburg, his Regiment onely going against them, so overthrew them, that, part being slain, and part driven into Danubius, most of them there perished.

Basta at that time, lay at Cassovia with 18000 men, doubting, lest the Turk: Army, which he heard was at hand, should come and besiege it. In the mean time, Ibraim Bassa, came to Solnoch with 50000 men, 10000 [Page] being Janizaries; yet, hearing that Basta waited his comming at Cassovia, he retired back to Belgrade, a place of more security, expecting a great Fleet to bring Victualls for the Army, & also for relief of Buda, Alba regalis, &c. with divers battering pieces, and other less pieces upon Carriages, with other Instruments of Warr, all guarded with 5000 Turks up Danubius: Whereupon, Palsi dispatched a convenient power of good and valiant Souldiers, to cut off this Convoy; who, suddenly assayling them, and comming to handy blows, cut them in pieces and rifled the ships, most whereof were there sunk, and took a booty, deemed to be worth a million of Gold; and 100000 Dollars, there found, were all divided among the Souldiers. This being known at Buda and other Cities, greatly terrified them; yea, Ibraim's Army grew much discontented, as disappointed of Victuals and pay: besides, the Imperials, ransacked and destroyed the Villages, and Castles thereabouts without mercy, though the poor Inhabitants offered them large contribution. Hereupon also, Swartzenburg, determined with all his Forces to come again to the siege of Buda, sending for some great Ordnance to Vienna: Col. Rodoler of St. Andrews, in upper-Hungary, also upon this overthrow, shewed himself with 500 Horse, and 600 Foot before Agria: yet, leaving most of his Forces a little way off in Ambush. The Bassa hereupon sallying out, began a hot skirmish, but those in Ambush started out, and couragiously assayling the Turks, put them to flight, pursuing them even to the gates of the City, and, had there bin more Footmen, 'twas thought, that the dismayed and confounded Turks, had abandoned the place. Nevertheless, the Christians with small loss retired, having slain a great number: and carrying away 100 prisoners, with 500 Horse and much Cattell. The free Haiducks also receiving new supplies, had done great harm in the Country about Buda without opposition: Wherefore, the poor Christians, which yet [Page] dwelt there, ŕose up against the Turks, promising Obedience to the Emperour: and, that they might be no more molested by the Imperials, offered to do their utmost themselves to hinder the Turks passage by Land and Water. These Haiducks, also brake down all Bridges, which the Turks had made between Buda and Alba-regalis, for the commodious bringing of Victuals, and munition to each other: and Palfi & Nadasti, hearing that the Tartars in 3 companies, had over-run much of the Country, and were retiring towards Buda with great booty, went out and forced them to fight, who, better inured to filch, lost all their lives, with what they had stollen. Then, with their Forces, they took 2 of the Turks Castles, with much rich spoyl, which they sacked and burnt, with the great Town of Zolna, breaking down the bridge upon the river Trava.

The Turks at Buda, now having no Governour, and also pinched with great want, doubting some sudden attempt, retired into the Castle, leaving the City to the Imperials, then ready to have besieged it: but the Avantguard of the Turks great Army, being come to Moattesh, where Sartes Bassa was also looked for; and, there being a report, that the Turks having relieved Buda, would besiege Canisia, or Strigonium; they as in doubt, went no farther. So, some Commanders with their Souldiers, were sent to fortifie some passages, whereby the Enemy was to pass; the rest retiring, for that he began to approach; they knew also what desire Ibraim had, to recover Strigonium. The Imperials the while, encamping near [...] and Zolnock cut off 500 Turks going towards Buda, to vctual it, taking a Chiaus prisoner, who was sent from Ibraim to Agria, to put them in hope of speedy relief.

Then also, they approaching the [...] of Zolnock with certain Petards, being discovered by the watch, were ensorced to retire, 40 being left slain, and many more carried away wounded: in revenge whereof, the rest destroyed [Page] the Villages, intercepting much Munition and Victuals going to Buda and Agria.

Ibraim Bassa, in the beginning of September, came to Buda, with an Army of 130000; Whence, in his Masters Name, he gave the Emperour to understand, That, to save the further effusion of innocent bloud, and not for any distrust of his own strength, he could be content to hearken to some reasonable Conditions of peace: whereunto, both these Princes, having well wearied themselves, and exhausted their Treasures, seemed not now unwilling: & the rather, because the old Sultanness, who (through the greatest weakness of her Sons Government, did bear most [...]) seemed, in what she might to further the same; Wherefore, about the end of this month, a parley was agreed on, in an Island of Danubius beneath Strigonium. Swartzenburg, Nadasti; Palfi, and the Bishop of Vacia, being for the Emperour; and the Bassa of Buda, with the Lievr. Gen. of the Tartars, and some others for the Sultan. The Turks at first, demanded Rab, Strigonium, with all other Towns and Castles taken from them in 5 years before, with a yearly Tribute to be paid at Constantinople; the Emperour also to have his Embassadour Leiger, alway attending upon the Turks Court; for which they would deliver the City of Agria only: All which Demands, being by the Emperour's Commissioners rejected, they offered to leave unto the Emperour Rab and Agria, onely for Strigonium; exchanging as it were, Strigonium for Agria: which, when it could not be obtaied, the Treaty was broken off, & the wars again continued.

But in the mean time, Michael of Valachia, certainly informed, his life to be sought after in the Turks Court, by the ambitious Cardinall Bator, his envious Neighbour, by command from the Emperour, with an Army of 60000 men, entred Transilvania, most horribly burning the Country, and killing the people as he went: Where, while the Cardinall was making head against [Page] him, he had the City Corona, or Brasso, with the strong Castle of Focaras yielded unto him: whence, marching towards Alba-Julia, with all his Army Octob. 26, before divided into 3 parts, he came into the Plaines near [...]; where assured, that his Lievtenant (corrupted by Ibraim) had promised to kill him, with his own hands presently cut his throat. By and by after, came unto him the Popes-Nuntio, sent from the Cardinall, with another Embassadour: telling him, the Embassadour had Commission from the Emperour to will him, forthwith to desist from Arms, and depart out of Transilvania: Which seeming to the Vayuod almost impossible, he desired to see that Commission: the Nuntio answered, He had left it with the Cardinall himself: But I (said the Vayuod) have one here present of another Purport: which I purpose fully to execute: yet, was he for that day entreated by the Nuncio, to stay his Army; and in the mean time, the Vayuod would know of the Nuntio, Why the Cardinall so troubled the Country, by intruding himself, to the great prejudice of them, to whom it more justly belonged; not attending to the Government of the Church, better beseeming his calling: but he had no answer. So Octob. 28. these Messengers were sent back to the Cardinall, who presently returned them with rew Instructions to the Vayuod (then busie with his yong Son in setting his men in Array): who answered them only, He was resolved to come to the tryall of a battel with him; so the 2 Armies (encamped near each other) the same day joyned a most cruell battell, for 5 hours space with desperate obstinacy fought: till the Cardinalls men, at length overcome, were utterly overthrown, 30000 of them being Turks and Tartars sent from Ibraim. The Vayuod now Master of the field sent out some Troops to pursue the Cardinall divers wayes: himself with the rest, came to his Camp quite forsaken, 45 pieces of Ordnance, great store of Coyn and Wealth, a great number of Tents and Horses, becomming to him a prey.

[Page]Then marching to Alba-Julia, he was joyfully received of his Friends; for, there were divers who still favoured the Emperour. After that, the Vayuod sent his Lievt. to Claudiopolis, which willingly yielded, with many other places in divers parts: so that shortly after, all Transilvania swore Obedience unto the Emperour, most of the Nobles being slain, and put to death by the Vayuod; among whom were 5, who, corrupted by the Cardinall, had undertaken to kill him. Novemb. 14. After divers reports of the Cardinals escape, his Head was presented to the Vayuod: which, being for a while set up in Alba-Julia, was afterwards sent for a Present to the Emperour, and the Arch-Duke: his body being honourably buried in a Monastery there, in the same Tomb he made for his Brother, beheaded by his Cousin Sigismund. His Treasure also fell into the Vayuods hands, said to be 3 millions of Gold. Transilvania, being thus again restored to the Christian Empire; the Cardinall not having possessed his Princely Honours full 8 months: Sigismund, who almost all this while, had stayed in Borussia; hearing news of the Cardinals overthrow, secretly got him into Polonia, to seek new Fortunes. Swartzenburg, then uniting his Forces in lower-Hungary, with those of Stiria: took in above 200 Villages for the Emperour; but thinking to surprize Capisuar-Castle; and, approaching the Gates by night, with a Petard (not taking the expected effect) he was discovered, repulsed, and forced to retire with the loss of above a 100, and divers wounded, all of good account: who, in revenge, sent out divers, Troops, which scouring as far as Zigeth, burnt it, and returned with a great booty.

Ibraim Bassa, much troubled with this overthrow, sent news: hereof in Post to Constantinople, which brought a fear upon the whole City; so that the Sultan gave him Commission, to come to some honourable Peace with the Emperour, and to bring it with him, who was shortly to [Page] return to Constantinople; his Army, besides the cold season, greatly wanting bread, and many of his best Souldiers dying of the plague, besides abundance of their cattel also: so, that the Souldiers fell to robbing one another, and at length into mutiny: wherein divers being slain, most of the rest, by divers wayes returned home, not well trusting each other: So, that nothing more was now done with the Turks great preparation; neither for relief of those evils, did Ibraim bring at his return, any conclusion of peace unto his Lord.

Besides these troubles, Cusahin or Cassan, the Son of a Sultaness, brought up in the Seraglio, and having served in the Wars of Persia and Hungary, and at length made Bassa of Caramania, a man of great spirit; upon the report of the ill success in Hungary, and the desire he saw in the Persians, to recover their lost Fortress; and grieved also with some particular wrongs to himself, resolved to take up Arms, laying before his Souldiers the Deformities of the present State: and Gallantly perswading them, What an easie thing it were to chase Mahomet out of Asia. And so, having won to him 3000 Harquebusiers, and 5000 Horsmen, he took the field. News whereof comming in post to Court, 4 Zanzacks nearest unto him, were commissioned for suppressing that Rebellion, but even then arising: who, going against Cusahin with 10000 Horse and Foot, he went to meet them, overthrowing them with a great slaughter, taking their baggage, with 6 pieces of Ordnance: Then he seized upon all the Castles thereabouts, giving whatever he found therein to his Souldiers: who also much enriched themselves with the spoil of the Jewes: never resting, till he had made almost all Caramania his own. After which, he besieging Cogna, a City in the confines of Natolia, it was yielded unto him; He also openly proclaimed, that for reformation of the disordered State, he would ere long go to besiege Constantinople; Wherefore, those that would follow him, [Page] should be well entreated by him, threatni ng to the rest most cruell destruction. Mahomet, then disporting himself at his Gardens of pleasure in the Country; hearing hereof, hasted with all speed to Constantinople, dispatching Mehemet Bassa, Sinan's Son, with all the Forces he could make, to go against him: who passing into Asia, yet, fearing to come to a Battel with him, who was desperate, and favoured of his own Souldiers, so wrought by large promises, that Cusahin's foot were ready to forsake him: Whereupon, he fled into Arabia with his Horsmen, and those of Sinan the Georgian; purposing at Spring by help of the Arabians and Persians, to appear with greater Forces. Mehemet following him, came to Aleppo, there to Winter, and to expect the Rebels return.

This dangerous Rebellion, with the troubles of Transilvania & Valachia, caused the Sultan to be readier to encline to peace; whereto the Emperour was not hasty to hearken, but on honourable conditions, as knowing the Turks end in requiring the same: His Janizaries also, and other men of War, in this his so weak Government, being hardly to be commanded: threatning in their discontent, to depose both his chief Officers and Himself, and to banish the Sultaness his mother: saying, She had bewitched him, that she her self might rule.

But Casahin grown strong, was come into the field and even ready to give the Bassa battel; who thought it best again to prove, if his followers might by fair means be drawn from him: and so comming nigh him, proclaimed a generall pardon to all, who should forthwith forsake the Rebell, and return home, which thing was the ruin of Cusahin; for, most of them enriched with great booties, upon this free pardon, returned unto their own Countries, to live of their ill-gotten goods, leaving Cusahin with some few others: so that in few dayes he was taken, and brought to Constantinople, where he was with most exquisite torments tortured to death.

[Page]The Emperour with the beginning of the next year, 1600, called A dyet of the Princes of the Empire, to consider with him, of such helps as were to be given against next Spring; who all promised, to send their Souldiers with their pay, and sufficient contribution to maintain that defensive War. Pope Clement also this Year of Jubilie, sent such ayd of men and mony as he had promised.

At first of the Spring, the Turks began to stir: who, although Ibraim Bassa, was then in some speech with the Emperour about a peace, yet, ceased they not with their scattering Companies, to do what harm they could upon the Emperour's Frontiers: the cause, why he the more speedily called on his Friends for ayd. He also made Duke Mercurie (who had drawn a great number of Horse and Foot out of France) his Generall: sending Ferrent Gonzaga (whom he had sent for to Mantua) Governour in upper-Hungary. So, the Souldiers daily resorting into Austria, were thence sent to repress the Turks incursions, as they did: for 8000 Turks, going suddenly to surprize Pappa, were by that Garrison overthrown. And, while Ferdinand the Arch-Duke, was assembling his people in Croatia, for defence of that Country; 6000 Turks entring as far as Baccari, burning the Villages as they went, and taking many prisoners with much cattell: were in their return set upon by Serinus; in strait and troublesome passages, where they least feared any such thing, being overthrown, and put to flight, and all the booty recovered. Then also an Imperiall Colonel, inroading about Alba-regalis, with 1500 Horse, slew 600 Turks and Tartars, and took divers of their Captains: 6000 other Tartars also, now returning homewards out of Hungary, were so set upon by the Cossacks, near the Black-sea, that many being slain, the rest ran into the Sea, leaving all their prey to their Enemies.

In the heat of these broils, Lord Palfi died in his Castle of Biberpurg, March 23. to the great grief of many, chiefly [Page] the Hungarians his Countrymen: the Emperour appointing Lord Swartzenburg, Governour of Strigonium in his stead; the fame still running, that Ibraim would come thither with a great Army, if the peace went not forward; which was less and less hoped for, by reason of his proud demands.

But, while these and such like troubles, passed in divers parts of Hungary, 1200 French and Walloons, in Garrison at Pappa, mutined for want of pay; Wherefore, the chief Commanders thought good to have them removed; but they knowing themselves too strong for the rest of the Garrison; first, resolved to thrust their own Captains out of the Town, then laying hands on Marotti, the payMaster, and other Hungarian and Dutch Commanders & Souldiers, disarmed them, casting Marotti, the Captains, and some of the better sort of Souldiers into Irons: exacting of the rest (in number about 1000) 1000 Duckats, else threatning to deliver them up to the Turks: and, though Marotti offered 1800 Duckats for his own liberty, they spoiled him and the rest of all: furnishing the Turks their prisoners, with their Apparel and Weapons, and sending them away to Alba regalis: and afterwards rifled every mans House, compacting also with the Turks of Alba regalis and Buda, for the pay, which they said, the Emperour owed them, to deliver them the Town: and promised, if Swartzenburg came (as he was to come) with mony to the Town, to deliver him and it into their hands: or, for more surety, they might intercept him at the passage Zesnegkh, whereby he must come; and, for their more credit, they sent an Ensign to them to Albaregalis, who for all that did not altogether believe them: yet, they sent them 2 Chiaus as Hostages, for whom they sent 2 other of the better sort of them: concluding, that June 25. at furthest, the mony should be paid, and the Town delivered. June 10th. Swartzenburg, with 2000 Horse and Foot came within 2 miles of Pappa, sending [Page] 24 Horsmen, to disswade them from yielding the Town to the Turks, telling them, they should shortly have their pay: who sent them back shamefully derided; so that Swartzenburg retired again to Rab, till some greater strength were come unto him. Immediatly after, Dr. Petzen, Counsellour for the Wars, was by Matthias conducted to Pappa, with 400 Horse, to see, if by his discretion, he could disswade them from their purpose: whom they both refused to hear, though he spake most kindly, and also threatned to shoot him, if he did not forthwith depart. Shortly after, 20 Hungarians, imprisoned in a Cellar, brake out, and came to Rab: telling them, the French and Walloons were at variance, about the yielding up Pappa; So that they in the Castle and Town, shot at each other, and that they had already received [...] Duckats, with some Victuals, and were shortly to receive the rest of the mony from the Turks, and so to deliver up the Town; Wherefore, Swartzenburg, Jun. 22. sent Lo. Sharpsenstein, a French Col. with 3000 Souldiers, some Petards, and many scaling-Ladders towards Pappa, whom they suffered peaceably to enter, June 24. encouraging them to come on, calling them Countrymen & Brethren, and shaking them by the hands: telling them, They desired but assurance of their pay; but, having received in so many as they thought good, they shut the rest out, cutting these all in pieces: and then in derision, called upon the High. Dutch to come on. Likewise, 300 of these Rebels, had then laid themselves in Ambush, by a Mill without the Town, & were charged by the Walloons and Haiducks, discovering them: yet (for the shot from the Town) they could do no good upon them; but retired, having lost 300 men the Lievt. Generall, and the chief Engineer being 2 of them.

About 3 dayes after, 3 of these Rebels, being by chance taken, and brought to Rab, were not only apparrelled, but trimmed like Turks; their fellows also, imitating the [Page] Turks fashions in Apparel, and manner of service; yet would they not yield the Town to the Turks, before they had the full sum agreed on, the Bassa of Bosna being commanded in haste to provide it, and receive the Town; but they received into the Town a Turkish Ensign, with some Wagons of Victuals, so strongly convoyed, that the Imperialls durst not meddle therewith: in which Wagons, they sent in bonds, 600 Hungarians and Dutch, Men, Women and Children, to Alba Regalis, whereof they were glad, hoping to finde more favour at the Turks hands, than they had with these renegate Christians.

Shortly after, they sent Messengers to the Governour of Alba, to know his full resolution, who conducted by Turks of great account, were by the way taken by the free Haiducks, with 100 Turks more. Marotti the while, by Letters, secretly advertised Swartzenburg of a place, whereby he might easily enter; and the rather, for that the Rebels were at variance: who July 12th, came to Pappa with 9000 Horse and Foot, but disappointed of entrance, yet hardly belayed the Town: on whom, the mutiniers sallying out, valiantly encountred them, but were still, without any notable losse, beaten back again. In one of their sallies, a Captain was taken, who was slain quick, and his Head and Skin set upon a Pike, for his fellows to behold. But Swartzenburg, more and more prevailing, they sent secretly to the Turks for ayd: whereof, he hearing, sent for three Regiments more, to come to him, whereby he, well strengthned, and approacling nearer, took the Mill, whereby the Rebels thought the more easily to have received ayd from the Turks, who were letted to relieve them, by the rising of the water, that had spoiled all the Provision at the Bridge of Esseg, and also hindered their march.

The Imperials at last, came even to the Town-ditches with their Trenches, having let out the water: where [Page] some Townsmen escaping out, declared, that the mutinous within, laboured day and night to fortifie the Town, but were much letted by continual assaults: also, that now they had no Victuals left, but a little Salt, and sixty Horse, of which they had begun to eat, &c.

July 29, they desperately sallied out upon the Trenches of a Dutch Captain, slaying many of his Souldiers being drunk, and driving out the rest: whereupon, Lord Swartzenburg hastning thither to the rescue, was, with a Musquet: shot, struck in the Head, and slain, which the Rebeis knowing of, Dela Mota, their General, gave the salliers 1000 Dollars in reward. His dead body was honourably interred at Rab. The like salley they made next day, slaying 130 Imperials, and taking some; and in their retiring, cryed aloud, that when they lacked meat, rather than yield, they would eat Christians, of whom, Marotti should be the first.

The Government of the Army, was now committed to the Lord Redern, both valiant and learned, who though very sickly, came to the Camp Aug. 8th, where hearing that the Rebels, brought to great extremity, purposed by night to flee, kept a more vigilant and strong Watch: next night, about two houres before day, they began to issue out, and were suffered to go out as unperceived; but Nadasti, the Earl of Thurne, and Count Solmes, were presently sent after them, who in three places, overtaking them, near the great Wood Packem, slew most of them, Dela Mota being slain by Solmes, because he would not yield; and his Head presented to the Generall.

The Hussars found out 200 Walloons in the Wood, who, though they made strong resistance a while, yet at last, were forced to yield. The Hussars also, upon another passage, light upon 200 more of them, who because they were more desperate than the rest, the General sent [...] Horse more upon them; so that they were allmost [Page] all slain; divers also were slain in coming forth, and in Marshes about the Town: La Motta's Lievtenant, and other chief Commanders, were by Lo Redern, delivered to the Provost Martiall, dividing the rest at the Souldiers Request, into divers parts of the Army, to be executed: from whom they could there scarce hold their hands. But being brought to Rab, and leave given to do what they would with them, they impaled some, brake some upon the Wheel, cutting off some of their skins as it were into thongs, so powring into the wounds Vinegar, Salt, and Pepper: of some they cut off their privities, some they roasted, putting some upon the Tenalia: on some they dropped molten pitch, then burnt them to death with Gunpowder, hanging others on Iron-hooks: some they set in the ground up to the Chin, bowling at their Heads with Iron Bullets: the [...] nothing but deriding them in all these torments: the wretches the while, confessing the hainousness of their offence, and craving for death as a favour: Whilest some were tortured, others were brought to see the same misery, to be by them endured.

One Peter Orsy, caused one of these mutiniers to be sowed up in a Mare's Belly, with his Head hanging out, and so to be roasted, in which torment, he lived 3 houres: then was the loathsom body so roasted, given to others starving upon the Wheel to eat.

At this time also, many a hot and bloudy skirmish, passed betwixt the Christians and Turks in one place or other of Hungary. Amongst the rest, (one Horbath [...] Lievtenant, with 150 men, and Thussi, going to seek for booty) Thussi hearing the Turks were abroad, to surprize certain Haiducks, stayed fast in a secret place, Horbath going on another way: now the Bassa of Sigeth by chance met with Horbath, overthrowing him, and slaying most of his men, Horbath hardly escaping: But Thussi hearing this skirmish, and hasting thither, found [Page] the Bassa in the Field on foot, viewing the slain: upon whom he came so suddenly and forcibly, that the Bassa had much adoe, disorderly to take Horse, and without much resistance, to [...]: whom the Hungarians fiercely pursuing, slew many Turks, and the Bassa himself, whose Head, Horbath sent to Serinus, who by Thussi himself, sent it to Matthias. This Bassa, (about 36 years old, was for his strength, valour, and experience, of a common Souldier, made a Bassa: whose Head being shewn to the Bassa of Buda, a prisoner at Vienna, & he demanded whether he knew it or not, sighing, answered, he knew it well to be the Bassa of Sigeth his Head, a braver man than whom, the Sultan had not in all his Empire, earnestly desiring to know, how he was slain; and ere long, a great party out of Strigonium and other places, having taken a great booty from the Turks, at a Fair at Gombar; and thinking to passe Danubius, in hope of a greater, 700 of them being passed over, were by the new Bassa of Sigeth, with 5000 Turks overthrown; yet was the Bassa himself, with two [...], and 500 Turks slain, and but 50 Christians left dead upon the place: the rest disorderly retiring to their Boats, being most drowned. The free Haiducks, also surprizing and firing Jula, the Turks fleeing into the Castle, for haste, thrust so many from the Bridge, into the Castle-ditch, that one might have gone dry-foot over upon the bodies of the drowned. They took there also 600 prisoners, with much booty, delivering 200 Christian Captives; and though they were hardly pursued by other Turks, yet they safely retired with their booty.

But Cardinal Bator, being overthrown and slain, and Transilvania reduced to the Emperour's obedience, the Vayuod of Valachia, forthwith certified him, of all his proceedings and success: also of his purpose to invade [...]; for it was commonly reported and believed, that Sigismund ayded by Turks, Tartars, [...] and [Page] Moldavians, would now attempt some greater matter, for recovery of Transilvania; for divers of his Spics also being taken, (besides his Letters found about them to the Nobility and States, perswading them to revolt from the Vayuod unto him, who meant shortly, to come with a great Army to repulse him) confessed, that Sigismund had been in Transilvania disguised, to confer with divers friends about it. The Emperour honourably receiving the Vayuods Embassadors, confirmed unto him the Government of Transilvania, sending him also divers Presents; yet forbidding him to invade Moldavia, for fear of raising a new and dangerous War against the Polonians also: wherefore, the Vayuods stayed his intended expedition; yet he sent some good forces to the Frontiers of Moldavia, for fear of Sigismund, whom he heard even then to lay upon the same. After a few moneths, Husraim Aga, with five other eminent Turks, came to Cronsta, where the Vayuod then lay, as Embassadors from Mahomet, with a great Retinue: whom, he with 4000 brave Horsemen, went half a mile to meet the Foot, standing on both sides of the street, from the Gate of the City whereby they were to enter, even to the Vayuods Lodging, where stood his Guard in red and white silk. So meeting, they both alighted, saluting each other: the Embassador presently embracing the Vayuod, ungirt his Scimitar, and in the Sultans name, put another about him, most richly garnished with Gold and precious Stones.

He also presented him with a fair Plume of black Hearnes feathers, mixt with some white, which he would not put upon his Head in the Field, though he most earnestly requested him, causing it to be carried before him; also with two very fair red [...]: likewise, he gave him two exceeding faire Horses, richly furnished, with four others, and a most fair Faulcon.

[Page]The Vayuod had 10 very fair spare-Horses led before him, at whose entrance, all the great Ordnance was discharged, with great vollies of small shot: so the Embassador riding on his left hand, being brought to his Lodging, six of his chief followers were presented with six rich Robes of Cloth of gold: the Embassador, giving 100 of the Vayuod's followers, each of them a good Suit in requitall: with whom also, was the Polonian Embassador: who, ('twas [...]) did what they could to draw him with Transilvania and Valachia, from the Emperour to the Turk; but [...] seldom or never spake with them, but he [...], either before or after, with the Emperours Commissioners, about their requests, protesting, not to yield to any thing without his good liking: whereof Mahomet advertized, gave the Vayuod to understand, that he was in some speech with the Emperour, touching peace, which if it took effect, all should be well: if not, it should be good for him, timely to consider of his estate, and submit to him who was able to defend him, rather than to adventure himself, with all he had, to most certain destruction, promising, for his loyalty onely, to give him Transilvania, Valachia and Moldavia, for ever; and to furnish him at his need with Men and money; and offering to make him a great Commander in Hungary, and the Bassa of Temeswar, to be [...] ready to assist him against the Emperour, with 50000 Horse and Foot, reserving to himself, whatever he should more win from him. All [...] large offers, the Vayuod declaring to the Commissioners, still protested never to start from the [...]: yet he hereby took occasion to request Transilvania of the Emperour, to him and his Son in Inheritance for ever, with such Frontier-Towns, as formerly [...] thereunto: also, that all dignities and preferments formerly granted to Sigismund, might be bestowed on himself, and for his service done, to have money to pay his Souldiers; and that what he should win from the [Page] Turks, might be his and his Sonnes; and that the Emperour and Princes should assure him, to ransom him, if taken; but if he were driven out by the Turks, then to have some fit place in upper Hungary, to live in, with 100000 Dollars yearly: for all which he (the Emperour) to do so much this year against the Turk, as had not been done in 100 years before: vaunting, that if he had had the employment of the money which was spent in this Warre, he would not have doubted to have brought all from the [...] to Buda, Alba Regalis, and Zolnock under the Emperour's obedience.

Sigismund the while, supported by the Polonians, and ayded by the Turks, Tartars, and Moldavians, was ready to enter [...]; yea, the forerunning Tartars, had already carried away some booty out of the Frontiers thereof: wherefore, the Vayuod in great haste assembled his Forces out of all places, the Countrey people and resolute free Haiducks, in great number, resorting unto him.

So April 24, he removed to Cronstat, with 8000 [...], and 200 pieces of Ordnance: and all his Forces (almost 50000 Horse and Foot) being assembled at Nessen, he speedily passed the rough and high Mountains into Moldavia; yet his Souldiers by the way, were glad sometimes to eat leaves of Trees, the Enemy having carried away whatsoever sustenance he could. Of whose speedy coming, and great strengrh, Sigismund and Jeremiah of Moldavia, hearing, retired into the Frontiers of [...], to gather more strength, and so to meet him; for Jeremiah had not yet received the promised Forces from the Turks.

[...], his Enemies thus fled, with fire and sword, entring Moldavia, took-in most part thereof, the fearful people yielding to him as he went; and the rather, because Jeremiah their Vayuod, had laid upon every man a Duckat a moneths Tribute; for which, they [...] [Page] hated one of the trusty Servants of the Commissioners in Transilvania, who might report unto them all his proceedings, stayed not long in Moldavia, but made towards Sigismund and Jeremiah; and May 18th, found them by Othune Castle, nigh the River Nester, being 30000 strong, where a most cruel battel, from about 10 in the morning, was with great courage and obstinacy, maintained till the Evening: when as at last, the Valachian his Enemies fled, 8000 being slain, besides many drowned in the River: the Valachian losing but two thousand.

Sigismund and Jeremiah, though some said they were slain, and some drowned, yet they both escaped by flight.

Michael after this, caused all Moldavia to sweare obedience to the Emperour himself, and Sonne, to the great offence of the Polonians, especially of the great Chancellor, an old enemy to the House of Austria: whereof ensued greater troubles than before, to the further effusion of Christian bloud.

Now the Vayuod, notwithstanding this great Victory, considering, he could hardly keep Moldavia, against the power of the Turk: as also, against the Polonians, (as desirous to restore Jeremiah into Moldavia, as Sigismund into Transilvania) of himself, by Embassadors, offered the Soveraignty of those three Countries to the Emperour, on condition, that he should be perpetual Governour thereof under him.

The Emperour also heard, that Mahomet had sent unto him a Chiaus, commanding him to restore Transilvania to Sigismund (to whom, by the King of Poland's mediation, he had been reconciled; else, threatning with fire and sword, to destroy Valachia, and deprive him of Transilvania and his life together: Wherefore he yielded to all that his Embassadors requested; conditioning, he should be bound to serve with his people against the [Page] Turk, as need should be; and that in Transilvania, should be alwayes near him resident, the Emperours superintendent over the whole Countrey: which was Dr. Petzen, sent thither with 6000 Souldiers, and much money to pay the Vayuods Souldiers; and so to take of them an Oath, thenceforth to be his Majesties faithful Servants. The superintendent, the Vayuod received with great honour; yet being returned into Transilvania, ere long, without regard of him, he began to oppress the people with new exactions, and in a sort, to tyrannize over them: using great severity against divers Nobles also, chiefly those whom he knew had taken part with the Cardinal, or lately with Sigismund, or any way to have favoured his quarrel, which was contrary to his promise; no more to imbrue his hands in the blood of those Nobility, without the knowledge or consent of the Emperour, or his superintendent: which yet if he had not done, he could not have kept those disdainful ones under obedience. Nevertheless, the Transilvanians taking these things in ill part, rose all up in Arms against him; so that he finding himself to weak for them, retired with all that would follow him, into the Mountains: whence he presently sent for ayd to Lord Basta, for subduing and reducing them: who by Letters from Matthias, commanded so to do, with about 6000 Horse and Foot, and 8 Field-pieces, removed from Cassovia Septemb. 4th, where by the way, came to him, Embassadors from the Confederate Transilvanians, requesting also his ayd, pretending themselves, to be the Emperours most loyall Subjects, but not under the Government of such a Tyrant as was the Vayuod, exaggerating many his most cruel actions, &c. Basta sent back the Embassadors, comforting them to expect his arrival in Transilvania; yet convenanting with all, that they should first conceive in writing the Oath of their fidelity to the Emperour.

[Page]Now might many and important considerations, trouble the minde of Basta, in so doubtful a case, whom to give ayd unto, but he laid hand upon the helm of good meaning and spread the Sails of such discretion as taught him, that in matters of Warre, a General might depart from the instructions of his Prince, not concerning the end, but the meanes leading thereunto, especially, when the present occasion suffered not so much delay, as to expect counsel from far; so he resolved to joyn to the confederates, most (in his judgement) concerning his Imperiall Majesty, as being the utmost scope of his so great cost and charge, to keep Transilvania at his devotion: wherefore, arriving at Torda Septemb. 14th, he joyned unto them (to the great wonder of the Vayuod) who being in all, about 18000 strong, and twelve Field pieces, he determined not to give leisure to the Vayuod, to call to him for more help, having with him about 20000 Foot, 12000 Horse, and 27 Field-pieces: amongst whom, were divers Siculi, in hope of their ancient liberty, with a mixture of Cossacks, Valachians, Rascians, and Servians, people of prey, whom Basta knew to be far inferiour in courage to his 18000: wherefore he set forward the sixteenth day, and in two dayes march, came in sight of the Vayuod: who seeing some great Troops, he sent to view the Enemy, to be repulsed, firing Mirislo, a Village fast by, out of which, they had drawn certain small Pieces into the Camp.

Mirislo is two Leagues on this side Alba Julia, upon the high way, stretching from the side of the River Maracz to the foot of a Hill: along which, the River runing unequally, and by the rising of the Hill, maketh the ground in some places half a mile broad, and more; and in some, shut up narrow, as there where the Village standeth, and where the Vayuod advantagiously lay behinde a great trench drawn from the River to the Mountain.

[Page]On this side, where, from [...], the plain enlargeth more and more, Basta encamping close to the Village, opposed against the Enemie's coming, three great Corps du guard, two towards the Hill, and one towards the River, under the charge of the Major of the Field, with the Artillery: who there entrenched himself, both sides still drawing nearer and nearer: Towards the Evening, September the 17th, came one with Letters from the Vayuod to Basta, containing, He desired to know whether his arrivall in the Conspirator's Camp, were by the Emperor's consent or Command, or not; and how it hapned, he would do so, considering the divers chances of War, &c. Who answered, To morrow he would shew him his Authority (alluding to the Imperiall Standard) and as for the fortune and danger, he referred that to the will of the Almighty, the just Judge of all controversies; but the mean while, he exhorted him to leave that Province he had so ill governed, unto the Emperour, promising him free passage into Valachia, and giving him time till the next morning, to consider thereof: after which, every one might do for himself what he could. The Vayuod disdaining this answer, with many threatning and disgraceful words, presently caused the Battel to be proclaimed against next day, by sound of Drum and Trumpet.

Basta assuring his Camp, and not onely sending, but going himself to see how the Enemy lay, and finding no reasonable meanes for him there to attempt any exploit by, thought it best to make a retreat, of about an Italian mile, according to the commodiousness of the place, which his purpose was much disliked by the confederate Captains: to whom it seemed more safe to assault the Enemy in his Trenches, than to retire before the face of an Enemy so strong and adventurous, &c. but Basta, promised therein to shew them a more cunning kind of [Page] fight, than they yet knew, and the assurance which himself and the Almaines in the Rear, would give in the retreat; so that they should not lose one man, much lesse, to fall into any disorder, his purpose being onely to give the Enemy the plain, to shew himself openly in; so the morning following, the three Corps Duguard, were called back, and the baggage sent away: whom the Transilvanians and Hungarians followed, the Almaines enclosing the Ordnance in the Reare.

The Vayuod hereupon sent a great Troop to view them, and skirmish with them, which were so kept off by Musquetiers in the Reare, that they could not come to do any harm, though they were all the way charged by them, to the great content of Basta: who when he saw the Ordnance on Carriages, to come out of the Village, he marched softly, to give the Enemy hope to overtake him, having before thought of a convenient place for his men, with room enough, upon advantage to stay: and when he might (about half a mile off) see the Enemy march in order of Battel, he began to march towards him: and having placed his men in a fit station and order, according to the scituation of the place, and order of the Enemy, and the manner of his proceeding set down, he put on his Helmet, and chearfully said, he trusted, then to shew the Vayuod, that his Trunchion could do more than his Scimitar: So himself setting forward betwixt the Squadron of the Almaine Foot, and the Wing of Musquetiers, in the afternoon, he marched fair and softly toward the Enemy: who without moving, expected the discharge of their Artillery, whereunto the nearer the Enemy came, the lesse harm it did him.

The Wing of Musquetiers, went directly to charge the Artillery; and the Squadron towards the Foot of the Hill, where Basta desired forcibly to charge, presently came in a Front, just upon the sign given; and so with [Page] his Almaine Foot, and the Rutters on the right hand, enclosed in behind most part of the Enemies Foot: at which instant, the Rutters on the left hand also, so couragiously charged upon the three thousand Launces, that better could not have been desired.

The Launces retiring without hurt, and the first Volley discharged, forced the Infantry, and so disordered the rest: whereupon, the Wings charging, there presently ensued a great slaughter and overthrow: the Enemy losing one hundred thousand, and Basta but forty, and as many hurt; and greater had the slaughter been, if the Village and nights approach had not covered many of them that fled, and stayed the pursuit of the Victors; yet was there afterwards found in all (as was by the Peasants reported) twenty thousand slain in this Battel.

Basta recovered many Ensigns, and much Armour before sent by the Emperour to the Vayuod, with all his Tents and Baggage: sending out presently many Troops of Horse every way, with Proclamation to spare the lives of such Siculi, as should lay down Arms: many of whom, were sent prisoners to divers places, especially to Fogaras: the Vayuod himself, with some Cossacks, escaping by flight.

On the morrow, Basta sent away Count Caurioli, to inform the Emperour of all particulars, who seemed to be pleased; yet neither rewarded the Count, nor commended Basta in what he had done, although he had in writing, approved of his resolution and motion.

Basta ordered the Chiaki, or chief man of the rebellious Transilvanians, to send out one thousand Horse to pursue the Vayuod; who instead thereof, joyning with other consorts, fell to ransacking of Alba Julia, pretending, there was the Vayuods. Wealth; yet sparing neither MERCHANT nor CITIZEN: which seemed to Basta, a great wrong, to see the innocent punished, [Page] and the guilty to escape; and though he made what he could thitherwards, and stayed one day not farre off to have given some redresse unto the spoil, yet he lost his labour, be ause many of the chiefest sort had a hand therein, with whom he thought it more wisdom then to dissemble, than to use any severity, without hope of doing good: So resolving in haste to march towards Fogaras, whither he heard the Vayuod was come with new forces, he in six dayes came to Cibinium, where he had certain newes, that the Chancellor of Poland and Sigismund, were with a strong Army upon the Frontiers of Moldavia; having sent before them Moyses the Siculian, with eight thousand of his Siculi: wherefore he thought good now to stay where he was, to provide for all events, as need should be, resolving to send the Chiaki, and one Pithi, to parley with Moses, who made a shew of no great moment, of his good will towards the Confederates: in the mean time, came two Messengers from the Vayuod, offering, that he should do whatsoever were in the Emperour's behalf, to be imposed upon him: To whom it was propounded, first, that he should forever resign all claim in Transilvania: then, he with his Army, to sweare fidelity to the Emperour: also, that he should forthwith go with his Army unto the Frontiers of Moldavia, to stay the Polonians from further entrance; and to give his Wife and little Sonne in Hostage, for performance of these things.

One Techelli, was sent to receive the Oath and Hostages; for whose keeping, the Castle of Alba Julia was appointed.

This agreement being made, Basta kept on towards Fogaras, which he found already possessed by the Chiaki, thence to Corona. After which, the Vayuod distrusting the Articles, went into Valachia, but not into Moldavia; not so much discomfited with the Forces of [Page] the Polouians, as for his distrust of Moyses the Siculian, who in the Battel, might appear his Enemy behind him.

Now, whether it were for distrust of his own followers, or onely for fear of Treason plotted by the Polonians, who with so small Forces, were come to fight: he of his own accord, fled into the Mountains, without any great losse, having left his Baggage behind him, which was assailed, and taken by the Haiducks, and such other sharkers: although afterwards in divers skirmishes with the Turks, (who, to cause him the rather to turn his back on the Polonians, had scoured up and down the Countrey) he lost many: in the end, giving Moldavia for lost, he was now out of hope, how to be able to hold onely Valachia his old Government: Even he, which but lately commanded above one hundred thousand Souldiers in field; he who was able in despight of any, to command Valachia and Moldavia; and perhaps, the other Countries neare him also, as having received the Command of [...]; he that made Constantinople to tremble, and found no Empire equal to his designes; to him, I say, now, while Basta encamped in Field, a Messenger came from the Chancellour of Poland, to declare, that he had no order from the King, to trouble Transilvania, yet he would advise the Transilvanians, to make choice of a Prince of their own Nation, and such a one as the Turk should like of; otherwise, they should but seek their own and Neighbours destruction. But the Transilvanians in generall, answered, (thanking him for his good will) that in all their consultations they would have a principal regard of their own welfare, together with the common: after which answer, he forthwith placed one Simon, (Brother to Jeremiah) Vayuod of Valachia, instead of Michael, by him driven out; and leaving a fit number of Souldiers with him, returned towards [Page] POLONIA: unto which Election, the Turks craftily gave place, wisely for a time, comporting the injury: and the old Chancellor as crafty as they, secretly purposing by occasion of these troubles, to prefer his Sonne at length, to the Principality of Transilvania; and thereunto also, to joyn MOLDAVIA and VALACHIA, had therein, of purpose, placed this Simon, a Man of no valour, and of a small apprehension, whom he might at his pleasure again displace.

Basta the Polonians being retired, consulted with the Chiaki, and other chief Men of that Province, for calling together the States and people, to choose some men, as they thought meetest to be sent to the Emperour, to know his pleasure for the Government of that Province; but in the mean time, certain male-contents, with one voyce cryed out, that Sigismund was entred into the Confines of Transilvania, one while, towards Valachia; another while, by the way of Moldavia; unto whom, great strength resorted: with other such like devises, to have made Basta suddenly to depart, or at least, to have troubled the Assembly called, and the consultation also; but Basta moved not out of his quarter, but lay very privately, to declare thereby, the confidence he had in the thankfulnesse of the Nobility, as by him delivered from oppression: as also to make them know, that the GOVERNMENT was not to be setled in the sole power of a Tyrant, but in the fidelity of the Subjects, protected under a most Father-like Government, not ambitiously sought after, but voluntarily offered; and for the common good, by the Emperour accepted. He well knew also, that Castaldo (in the year one thousand five hundred fifty one) sent into Transilvania with eight thousand Almaines, went privately to Alba Julia, where Queen ISABEL had for [Page] her defence, assembled a Diet of all the States: and there by well handling the matter, got to Ferdinand the Emperour that Kingdom, which he could not by fear of his Forces have gained: for which Writers attribute to him the name of Great Wisdom; howbeit, the year after, he was forced to abandon his Conquest, but yet not through his default.

The Diet being assembled, divers broils were there raised by the Male-contents: some crying out. That the Almaines might be payed, discharged and [...] for their pains, offering to do them the like pleasure as they should have occasion. Others most unreasonably cryed, to have them all put to the sword: Others, That they were by no meanes to endure the Government of Maximilian the Arch Duke, but would needs have a Prince of their own Country, approved of by the Turk. Yet Basta not dismaied (when the Chiaki and other chief men came (as their manner was) every other day to visit him): told them plainly. He well perceived their drift, and yet doubted not either of their Oath of Obedience given, or of the fresh remembrance of the great benefit they had from him so lately received; and, in case they should little esteem of those things, yet they should know he was not to be feared with words: but fully resolved not to stir a foot thence with his Forces, but rather to lose his life; which, for all that, he would sell as dear as he could, They courteously answered him, He should not give [...] to any speeches of the light vulgar, but to content himself, that the Nobility, had not done any [...] thing. So after much dispute, were appointed 3 persons, according to the 3 estates, to go and request the Emperour Maximilian, for their Governour with special request also, that he would not overcharge with forraign Souldiers that Province already sore [...] especially having in it-self people sufficient, & more nimble to encounter with Turks than the slow Almaines, and they also of a double charge.

[Page] Basta thought it not good to call again any such Assembly; seeing plainly the mind of the people was, to resolve to remain for ever free, if they should have come to a second consultation: yea, in that very Diet, the Chiaki was declared Governour in behalf of the people, with authority in many things, of himself to determin, without any assembly of the other States: which they said, They did only, till they by the Emperour were provided of a [...]. Howbeit, Basta perceived more than a Tribunitiall power, to be now ioyned by the people to the Emperour's Commissioners: knowing that this Chiaki was in great hope to have bin proclaimed Prince of the Confederates, if they had not bin presently relieved against the Vayuod, having noted in him his great ambition, in marching from [...] towards the Vayuod.

Next day, came all the Councel of that Province, with the Deputies (appointed to have gone to the Emperour) and the people, to Basta's House, requesting him to send his Germans out of the Country, and after so many troubles, to give it a little leave to [...]: himself might stay at Alba Julia, till the Deputies might go to his Majesty with their requests. Basta, not a little troubled with such an Imperious request, now saw himself deceived in the ground of all this action, by trusting too much to his own too small Forces in so populous a Province: contenting himself only with their Oath, without any other Hostages. Besides, of the 6000 that he brought with him thither, 3500 of Silesia, now brought to 2000, could not be perswaded longer to stay without their pay beforehand, the pay of their Country being already spent: and the rest drawn out of the Garrisons of upper-Hungary, or there pressed, were at a certain time to return. Yet, for not grieving of the Country, he requested of them some strong place, wherein his men in Garrison, might live upon their own Wages: which, when he could not obtain, and considering it might happen unto those few, [Page] which would stay with him, as it did to the 8000 Almaines of Castaldo, driven out of that Country, under colour of some insolency committed (though about 20 [...], had bin the chief doers thereof) he resolved of all these things to give notice to the Court, & so to march softly to the confines: and to save his 8 pieces of Ordnance, and Munition in [...] Vivar-Castle, a good way within the confines, which with Kniver-Castle, the Generall of the Vayuods Horse, delivered to one of the Emperour's Commissioners: who there provided for Basta his familiar Favorite, although the Transilvanians had sought with great promises, to have had the said strong Castles in their own power. But, the matter was so well handled afterwards by Basta, [...], and the other Emperour's great Favorites, that in a Diet of the Transilvaniaus, he was with a convenient guard, again received as the Emperors Lievt. till further order were by him taken. The Chiaki and his Complices, faintly consenting thereunto.

Neither had Basta any longer assurance of that his Government, than the fickle people would afford him, with which his weak State, among more enemies than friends, we will a while leave him.

In the mean time (the Treaty betwixt the Emperour and the Turk being frustrated) Ibraim Bassa, having made great preparation all last Winter; now at length in the latter end of Aug. began to set forward with his Army from Belgrade, supposed to be about 200000 men: and sitting down before Babotsca, a strong Fortress in lower-Hungary, furiously battered it, purposing next day to assault it; but, the Captain of the Castle, considering the weakness of his Garrison, and the walls to be already sore shaken, delivered up the place upon reasonable composition. Thence, the Bassa marched to Canisia, in the Frontiers of Stiria, a Town supposed by most to be impregnable; for, it was scituated in a very deep Marsh, and strongly garrisoned with Hungarians and Almaines.[Page]Ibrahim especially longed for this place, both to free the Turks Frontiers, from the often incursions of the Souldiers therein: and hereby also to open a more free & safe passage for the Turks into Austria; So encamping on the side of the Marsh, which encompassed the Isle, whereon the Town stood, he began with Faggots & Earth to fill up the Marsh, so to pass over his Army; the besieged not ceasing with great shot to disturb them, &c. Who yet proceeding in their work, had brought it almost close to the Island: where, being about to land, they were by the Garrison-souldiers encountring them, forced to retire with the loss of a number of men, and 2 of their best Captains; but, preparing against next day with a greater force to have assaulted the Isle, they saw the Imperiall Army now at their backs, aud doing them great harm with their Artillery; divers Bands also sometime sallying out of the Camp, discharged great Vollies of shot, even into their Trenches: also from the Town, they received no small hurt.

The Imperiall Army, were about 42000 Horse and Foot: men of divers Nations, under the leading of Duke Mercurie; with whom, were also Nadasti, and divers other famous Captains, come for the relief of [...], a place of so great importance. But, Ibrahim understanding by his espials, the smalness of their number, went out and joyned battel with them, with great slaughter on both sides: which doubtfull fight (yet in all mens judgement most enclinable unto the Christians) was by the coming on of the night, broken off, The Christians retiring into their Trenches, the Turks stood all night in the field, with their Weapons in their hands: who, presuming on their multitude, and next day daring the Christians to battel; their Captains being at variance, could by no means be perswaded to go out against them. So, that the Tartarian General taking courage, made an inroad into the Country: and meeting with 200 Waggons laden with [Page] Victuals, for the Christian Army, slew the Convoy, and carried them away; whereby such want arose among them, that they were glad by night to dislodge and retire, which for all that, being by the Turks perceived, they presently following them, cut off above 3000, with some Ordnance, and most of the Baggage: the rest (the while) retiring farther off into more safe places.

The Turks now returning to the siege, the Garrison (a few dayes after) despairing of timely relief, mutined, refusing any longer to defend the Town, hardly layed to: and the rather, because divers Hungarians were fled out of the Town; having (as was thought) revealed to the Bassa the state of the besieged: yet, Paradiser the Governour, and some other Captains, did what they might (as they said afterward) to have perswaded the contrary. Whereupon, they covenanted with the Bassa, with bag and baggage to depart, and to be safely convoyed over the River Mur; [...] Octob. 22. the Town was cowardly delivered. After the Agreement made for yielding up the Town, the Bassa sent Paradiser a very rich Gown of cloth of Gold; which although he refused, yet was it afterwards laid to his charge, as a presumption of some treacherous collusion betwixt them: for it was thought, he might have kept the Town much longer. Ibrahim, now fortified the Town more strongly than before, putting into it 4000 Foot; and 500 Horse, all old Souldiers: and, then forraged the Country round about Canisia, burning all as he went, the poor Inhabitants fleeing still as fast as they could. But, having thus with the spoil well pleased his Souldiers, he desirous to have the Country timely re-peopled, stayed their outrage, upon a great pain: by open proclamations, in every place set up, inviting the Christians without fear to return into the Country; where, submitting to the Sultans Obeysance, they should safely dwell, and no Tribute to be exacted of them for 3 years following, that they might the better recover themselves: Whereupon, many [Page] not knowing where to bestow themselves, returned to their ancient dwellings. But since Count Serinus was the man he most feared, after his departure, to trouble his new Conquest, and seek revenge) who, in this generall calamity of Stiria his Country, had 20 Villages of his own quite burnt, and the people most slain or taken; the Bassa having many times sought, to perswade him to yield Obedience to the Turk, and now in hope, after so great loss to bring him in, before he were come to utter ruin) wrote unto him again to that purpose: which Letters being (as the rest) answered with silence; and Ibrahim, having disposed of all things at Canisia, and thereabouts, returned with his Army to Belgrade, to Winter there; having first certified the Sultan of all his proceedings and success; vaunting, next Spring to besiege Vienna also, if he should so command.

Mahomet not a little pleased, caused great triumphs for 4 dayes at Constantinople; sending a rich Robe of cloth of Gold, with a Leading-staffe set with Pearls and precious Stones unto the Bassa at Belgrade. The loss of Canisia, much troubled all that side of Christendom, chiefly those of the Austrian Territories: all men blaming the discord of the Captains, who retired without doing any good; but above all, detesting the cowardise of Paradiser: who, if he had done the utmost of his devoir, perhaps, the cold and unseasonable Winter-weather, though no other relief had been, might have forced the Turks to raise the siege: Wherefore, he was by the Emperour's command imprisoned at Vienna, where his cause being often examined, he was the year following condemned of Felony and Cowardise: and Octob. 15. had first his hand at 4 stro [...]ks struck off, and after that his head; so also was his Ensign bearer executed, and after them his Lievt. with the Mayor of the Town; who both bound to a stake, had first their heads cut out, then their heads chopt off.

Now the Rebellion raised in Caramania by Cusahin, [Page] was not with his death wholly [...]: also Orsa a great City, still held out against [...] Bassa. Then, also a Companion of [...], called the [...], seeing how hardly Cusahin and his followers had been handled, called unto him all such as loved their Liberty; unto which sweet name, so many soon came about him, as out of them he framed a dreadfull Army: against whom, [...] Bassa going with all his power, they so couragiously joyned battel with him, that he received a notable overthrow; so that he was glad to retire, and send out Commissions for raising of greater Forces.

Mahomet the while, whether for fear of this new Rebellion, or understanding of the Embassadours, sent from the Persian to the Christian Princes (he suspecting that King might break his League with him) sent an Embassadour into Persia: demanding of the King (for the more assurance of the League) one of his Sons to be sent to him in Hostage; upon which so proud a demand, the Persian King commanded the Embassadour to be forthwith slain: but his fury by his Counsellours, being somewhat appeased, he was contented, he should, in contempt, be put to the Bastinado only, and so, grievously threatned, sent back to his Master; who, now in doubt of some further matter from that angry King, garrisoned strongly all his strong Holds confining upon the Persian.

The Emperour much troubled with the loss of Canisia, and in doubt of worse to come (though Ibrahim did afresh treat with him of peace) with great instancy requested ayd of the Pope, and other Princes of Italy, in 1601. So the Pope at first of the Spring, sent him 8000 Souldiers in pay, under his Nephew, [...]. King Philip also ordered Count Fuentes to send into Croatia certain Bands of the Dutchess: who, by his direction were conducted to Millain: the Duke of Florence, likewise sent him 2000 Souldiers, under de Monte: with whom also went John de [...], whom Ferdinand the Arch-Duke [Page] requested to be Master of his Camp. Thither came also the Duke of Mantua, both with Horse and Foot, being made by the Arch-Duke, his Lievtenant General. The Emperour sent also another good Army into Hungary under the leading of Matthias, and the Duke Mercurie his Lievtenant Gen. He made also a third Army, which strengthened with the Forces of Don Ferrant Gonzaga joyned with Basta, for recovery of Transilvania; out of which he had bin of late driven.

In the mean time, many hot skirmishes passed in Hungary, betwixt the Christians and Turks. But, the time being come for taking the field: Ibrahim Bassa being before dead at Belgrade, and Hassan a Visier Bassa appointed Generall in his place; yet delaying his comming, and the Parly for peace layed aside (as never intended by the Turks but to dally off time to their own advantage) Duke Mercury came with his Army from Comara (where he lay expecting the event of the parly) and laid siege to Alba regalis, one of the chiefest and strongest Cities of Hungary: which he for certain dayes continually battered, as if he had purposed to have taken it by assault: but being informed by a Fugitive, that the broad Lake on the other side of the City, was not so deep, but it might be passed over (against the opinion of the Turks Captives, and Inhabitants, whom he had examined); and that the Turks thinking themselves on that side safe, had turned almost all their care and Forces unto that side of the City which he had battered; He appointed Lord Rusworme, to prove if those Zigeth-Suburbs were not to be surprized, which being taken, the City could not long hold out. For undertaking of which enterprize he was by the captive Turks and Country people much discouraged: who nevertheless, sent certain of his men to try the Lake, who brought word, that it was undoubtedly, though with much difficulty, to be passed: Whereupon, he with 1000 select Souldiers, with every one a good Faggot on his [Page] back, beside his Arms, to fill up the deepest of the Marsh, by night entered it, wherein he had not gone far, but he found it much deeper and more troublesome than his Spies had reported; but carried with an invincible courage (these adventurous men going still up in Water and mud unto the waste where 'twas shallowest; where also, if one missed but a step, he was over head and eares and in danger of drowning, if he were not by his fellowes presently holden); They at length got over but with the loss of six or seven men, a little before day: Whereof the Duke being advertised by a sign, with greater stir than at any time before, assailed that side of the City where he lay: and in the mean time, [...] with Ladders provided, sealed the Walls on th'other side, and almost unperceived recovered the top thereof, and so being got into the Suburbs, with a terrible cry assailed the Turks, who, not well knowing which way to turn, without great resistance, fled into the City, the Christians following them with a great slaughter: in which so great confusion, the Duke took the rest of the Suburbs: the Turks there also for feare, forsaking them, and retiring with all haste into the City. The Christians, besides other rich prey here, took 14 great pieces, with good store of shot and powder.

The Duke now again summoned the City, whereunto the Turks gave no answer, but by their pieces: whereat the Duke much displeased, sent them word, he would send them other manner of Messengers to morrow, and by Gods help sup with them in the City, though unwelcome.

So next day, having made two fair Breaches into the City, he with great slaughter of the Enemy entered the same, though the Turks cast downe upon the Christians, Darts, Wild-fire, &c.

[Page]But, seeing they must needs now give place, they fled amain into their Houses, there to defend themselves, or die: many whereof, they had so undermined, that they could easily overthrow them, and as many as should come within danger of them: so that the Temple-pallace, with many other sumptuous buildings, were left all rent and torn; yet the Bassa, upon promise of life, yielded himself, and was sent to the Camp, the rest of the Souldiers being all or most of them put to the Sword. The Walloons breaking by heaps into the richest Houses, both took what themselves lighted on, and stript the Germans of what they had gotten: yea, they opened the Tombs of the Hungarian Kings, to spoyl the dead of such things as were, for honours-fake, long before enterred with them: shewing themselves therein more barbarous than the Turks. The Bassa of Buda (then laying a prisoner at Vieuna, hearing of the taking of this City, fasted with his 2 servants a whole day, prostrate on his face, and praying to his Prophet Mahomet) who had (as he said) all this year been angry with the Turks.

Now Hassan the Turkish Generall, was comming to relieve Alba-regalis: and though he heard by the way, that the City was won; yet, taking with him the Bassa of Buda, with the other Commanders thereabouts: and, having formed an Army of about 60000, but most raw Souldiers, he held on his way thitherwards, both to give some content to his angry Lord; and hoping to overthow the Christian Army, or at least to regain the City, as yet unrepaired. But the Duke had presently repaired the Breaches, and put therein a strong Garrison of expert Souldiers: and being himself about 20000 strong, set forward to meet the Bassa, beginning a hot and bloudy skirmish with him; yet, the Bassa next day sent away part of his Army, to prove, if the City might be recovered: himself (the mean while) offering the Christians battel, so to busie them. But, the Duke informed of the basenesse of [Page] the Bassa's Souldiers (although he were in number far above him) went out and encountred him: and, at the first onset disordering his foremost Squadrons, sorced the Turks to retire with the loss of 6000 men: among whom were, the Bassa of Buda, 6 Zanzacks, and divers others of good place and note. The Duke also took from them divers Ordnance, and had not a great squadron of Tartars appeared at his back, he had undoubtedly overthrown all the Bassa's Army; but, now contenting himself with the Victory already gotten, he retired orderly into his Trenches, having not lost above 300 men. Whilst both Armies thus lay, supplies repairing unto them, and expecting a day of generall battel; the Janizaries still murmuring, that it was now no time of the year to keep the field, enforced the Bassa to retire to Buda, and disband his Army: in which retreat, many were by the Christians cut off in the Rear, and many taken, 50 being of the French mutineers of Pappa: whom Matthias, at the instance of Duke Mercurie, pardoned. They also, who were sent to attempt Alba-regalis, were so welcomed with shot, and charged with often sallies; that, despairing to prevail, they returned to the Bassa that sent them.

About the time that the Duke began to besiege Albaregalis, Ferdinand the Arch-Duke, now 30000 strong, by the advise of the Duke of Mantua his Lievt. Gen. resolved to besiege Canisia: the recovery whereof, much concerned even Italy it self; Whereupon, he came and encamped before it, Septemb. 10. And although the Turks in Garrison (not past a 1000) with their often and gallant sallies much troubled the Christians, and that other bands of the Turks came many times out of the strong Holds thereabouts to skirmish with them, and to see if they could put any more Souldiers into the Town; yet, both in the one place and the other, The Turks were to their cost still repulsed and put to flight, losing also some small Castles and Forts.

[Page]The Christians found means to dry the Marsh a little, that invironed the Town, and to fill it up on one side, and to come so near the Town, that having planted 3 tire of Artillery against it, they began furiously to batter it. Yea, at length they approached so nigh, that they came with their Trenches even close to the Town-ditch, perswading the Turks now, whilst they might, upon good conditions to yield, and so save their Lives. But, they braving the Christians, said, They would keep the place for the Sultan, in despight of all their Forces: Whereupon, it was resolved to give a general assault.

In the mean time, the news of the winning of AlbaRegalis, caused great Joy and Triumph in the Camp; the Christians also by fit men perswaded the Souldiers in Canisia to yield, and not cast themselves into such danger, as had their fellowes at Alba-regalis, &c. Whereunto, they (among whom the Renegate Walloons were chief) contemptuously answered, They little feared such weak Assailants, scornfully commanding the Messengers to depart, and oft-times discharging their great Ordnance, as had the Christians in triumph the day before.

Now, though the Walls were sore shaken, and the Breaches almost laid open: yet was the assault for a while delayed, till Bridges might be made to be laid over the Ditch; but all things now ready, and the Florentines with some other Italians (according to Lot) comming forward, the Bridge was found both too short and weak for them to get over by; so that sinking under them, both Souldiers and Commanders (as [...]) were in great danger: Where, by and by the Enemies flanking murdering-pieces, and their Musquetiers afront, they were forced to retire, 300 being slain. Yet, were not the Christian-Commanders at all discouraged, but began to provide against the violence of the Winter-weather, as also to hinder any Victuals from being brought to [Page] the Town. And although already, Horse, flesh was dainty Chear with the Defendants, yet, they being again required to yield, instead of answering them one word, shook their Swords afar off at them. But for all the Commanders resolution to continue the siege, [...] being a little before dead, the Italians began first a few secretly to withdraw, but afterwards by great numbers to depart, alledging, want of pay, and [...].

But the rest, hearing that the Turks were risen from before Alba-regalis, and the rest of their Army disbanded: also, being informed of the weakness and wants of the besieged, began afresh to make new Engines for approaching the Walls, without danger of the Enemies flanking-Ordnance: at which time also, Novemb. 4th. Rusworm came to them from Duke Mercury with 8000 Souldiers, whereby they were the more encouraged to proceed. Neither failed the Turks the while, to trouble them by often sallies, attempting especially to have fired their Tents, but they were still with loss beaten back into the Town. But whilst the Turks, as it were with desperate hope thus defend the place: lo, in the latter end of November, the raging North-wind, accompanied with a deep Snow, overthrew most of the Tents and Pavillions of the Christians, burying as it were their whole Army in Snow and Ice: so, that in Ferdinands Camp, were 1500 men, with 300 Horses, starved and frozen to death. But those that came with Rusworm being wearied with the siege of Alba-regalis, and as it were spent with dirty travell, had not brought with them their Tents, &c. were enforced to lay abroad: with whose miseries, though their Generall was much grieved, yet he with them right patiently endured. Hereupon, the Commanders thought it better to rise in time, than longer to expose their Army, to most certain destruction either of the Enemy or Cold; which was done with such haste [Page] and confused tumult, that they left behind them their great Ordnance, with Tents and Baggage; a common voice running, they were well if they could but save themselves: so that the Souldiers, in fear to be pursued, fled; but accompanied with such Winds, Snow, and extream cold, that many of them fell down frozen, and never rose more, not being to [...] help from others, every man having enough to do to look to himself; so that upon the way, lay 500 dead of cold, besides 400 left sick in the Trenches: who; were thought afterwards to have bin put to the Sword by them of Canisia.

But Michael the Vayuod of Valachia, not knowing well which way to turn himself, thought it best now at last to submit to the Emperour, if so at leastwise he might recover his Government in [...]; so Jan. 23. he arrived at [...], with 35 followers and 6 Coaches, where he was honourably received, and his cost at the Emperours charge defrayed: unto whom, he excusing his severity used in Transilvania, as enforced thereto by their stubbornness, &c. his excuse was admitted, and he with all kindness used. Now [...], then laying in Transilvania as aforesaid, he without fear one night (the Watch being set) went to bed: where he had not layen long, but certain Transilvanian Lords (the Chiaki being chief) came with their followers, and surprizing the Watch, entred the Pallace, and breaking into his Chamber, took him out of his bed; and next morning going forth, about 12 miles off, met with Sigismund their late Prince, secretly by them called in, with whom they comming to Clausenberg, there delivered unto him Basta, whom he commanded to be cast into Irons: and going to the Pallace, gave like order for apprehending and safe keeping, other of the Nobility, who had taken part with Basta, in behalf of the Emperour; for one part of the Transilvanians now stood for him, another part for Istuan Bator, pretending the Soveraignty belonged to him: but the third and far [Page] greatest part for Sigismund, who, now by means of the [...] King, reconciled to the Turk, was joyfully received in the chief Cities of Transilvania, who, for the better assuring of his [...], wrote to the Emperour what had happened, requesting him to be content: that he was [...] of his love and favour, promising for ever to keep good amity with him: telling Basta also (whom at the intercession of some great friends he had enlarged) that, he must forthwith depart his Principality, as also to cease from [...] his people, now voluntarily returned to his Obedience. The Emperour, upon the first advertisement hereof, took order with Michael (who was troubled for his Wife and Son left as Hostages with Basta, but now fallen into the hands of his mortall Enemies): that returning speedily into Valachia (where the people generally disliked the simple Vayuod, set over them by the Polonian Chancellour), and collecting what power he could, he should joyn with Basta, to whom he had sent many Horse and Foot, for expulsing of [...], and reducing Transilvania under his Obedience. Michael, assembling accordingly about 10000 expert Souldiers, went and found Basta in the field, with about 20000 Foot; and 8000 Horse, and so entred into Transilvania with united Forces: where the Vayuod in disdain, wasted all as he went with fire and sword, not without the great discontent of Basta. But Sigismund, to hinder their further proceeding, came from [...] with his Army to meet them; yet he would not come to tryall of a battel with them, which they offered: but, fortified himself in his Trenches, expecting the comming of the Tartars from the Chancellour of Poland, as also 6000 Turks from the Bassa of Belgrade: where, hearing that the passage of the Tartars, was stayed by [...] Gonzaga, and that the Turks would come no further than Giula, without their pay beforehand: finding himself too weak, he rose, purposing to have taken certain Straits whereby the Enemy [Page] must pass, so by advantage to have holpen his weakness. But, Basta & the Vayuod followed him with such speed, that they overtook him before he could get thither, so hardly pressing him, that he must needs turn about and fight, or suffer his men to be slain like beasts: wherein, though he, nor his failed to do their utmost, yet such was the Valour of the other, that in a great fight disordering his Foot, they put them to flight, and cut them all in pieces: Whereupon, the Prince fled betime with his Horsmen to the uttermost Confines of Transilvania, having lost 10000 Souldiers. Hereupon, Claudiopolis with divers other Cities and Towns, returned again to the Emperours Obeysance.

The Vayuod, to satisfie his long hatred against the Transilvanians, utterly wasted all places whereby he passed, which Basta not liking, requested him to use his Victory with more modesty, especially toward such places as voluntarily returned to the Emperour's Obeysance; who answered, He would do what he thought good, without his appointment or the Emperour's either, chiefly in that, which he had now twice Conquered: wherefore, Basta might command them, that were to be commanded by him; for, he acknowledged no Soveraignty of Basta, or the Emperour over hims: Unto which presumptuous speech Basta replyed not; but from that time, better observing his proceedings, perceived he had Intelligence with the Turks: that by chasing the Imperials out of Transilvania, he might hold it to himself, as Tributary to the Sultan, best able to defend him. The truth whereof, he certainly understood by Letters of his to that purpose, intercepted by his Souldiers: Whereupon, he became very pensive for the great power of the Vayuod in those Countries, and also for the great strength he had even then present about him: So, consulting with certain of his chief Commanders, what were best to be done in so dangerous a case, A Walloon Captain offered to go into the Vayuods Camp, and in his own [Page] Tent to kill him as a Traitor: so he going with some 60 men, boldly stept into his Tent, willing him to yield himself the Emperours prisoner: who being about to lay his hand upon his Scimitar, the Walloon with an Holberd, thrust him into the breast: at which instant, another with a Sword, at one blow, cleft his Head down to his shoulders. Presently, upon his death, a great tumult was raised in his Camp; but Basta forthwith, appearing with all his Souldiers, and producing the treasonable Letters, all was again appeased; but especially, for that his souldiers now saw themselves without a Head, and too weak also for the Imperials there present in Arms.

In the Vayuods Tent, were also other Letters found, so plainly declaring the same treason, that the Walachians, who were at first wonde rously moved, hearing them read, said, he was worthily slain; and had they known any such traiterous purpose by him, they would themselves have taken of him deserved punishment.

Basta offered his Souldiers, either to depart wither they would; or, taking an Oath of obedience to the Emperour, to enter into his pay. His dead body was laid out a whole day for the Souldiers to gaze upon, and afterwards buried.

Basta, now, what by force, what by agreement, soon took in most of that Countrey: nevertheless, for all that he had done for the assurance thereof unto the Emperour, (being so much, as most men thought, sufficient) even in the winding up of this year 1601, the Transilvanians understanding, that Sigismund, with a great Army of Polonians, Turks and Tartars, was coming against the Imperialls, most part of them took up Arms in his behalf, saying, Their first Oath voluntarily given to him as their natural Prince, was more to be respected, than any other afterwards, by force extorted from them by a forraign Prince; So that Basta withdrew himself; with his [Page] followers unto a strong Town, in a corner of Transilvania: whence, with all speed, he sent to the Emperour for greater ayd. After whose departure, Sigismund entring without resistance, was of the people in generall, joyfully received, and all the honour done unto him, that was by them possible.

In the mean time, the Bassa of Agria going out with 10000 Turks, in hope to have surprized Toccay, in upper Hungary, was encountred by Gonzaga the Lievtenant, there overthrown, and with great slaughter, chased to the Gates of Agria.

The Scrivano also in Caramania, and Natolia, came now again this year, with a greater power into the field, to meet with Mahomet Bassa, who with 50000 good Souldiers, was ready to encounter him, a great part of whose Army, the Scrivano cut asunder in a great fight, and becoming Master of the Field, forraged all the adjoyning Countries, almost to Aleppo, still calling the people to liberty, and proclaiming himself the true defendor of the Mahometan faith, and of the liberty of those combined Countries; so that the great Turk must now send another great Army to ayd the Bassa, with whom the Scrivano joyning Battel, and overcharged with multitude, was at first put to the worst; but having repaired his disordered Battel, he with a great slaughter, disordered also the Bassa's Army: so contenting himself with what he had already done, he retired with his Army, into the strength of the Mountains, to live that winter upon the spoil of the adjoyning Countries. Besides all which troubles, the Plague also this year, soar raged, both in Constantinople, and many places of the Turkish Empire: when also the Janizaries at Constantinople, having received some disgrace, by some of the Sultans favourites, caused their Aga, well accompanied, to enter into the Seraglio, to require their heads: whom Mahomet, caused for his presumption, to be cut in pieces, in the midst [Page] of the Spahi, yet not without the great slaughter of the Spahi themselves, slain by the Janizaries. The other Janizaries also now ready to revenge the death of their Captain, were by Cicala Bassa, bellowing among them a great sum of money, again appeased: which their insolency, Mahomet imputing to their drinking of Wine, contrary to their Law, by the perswasion of the Musti, commanded all that had any Wine in their Houses in Constantinople, or Pera, upon pain of death, to bring it forth, and stave it, except the English, French, and Venetian Embassadors: so that some report, Wine ran down the Channel in Constantinople, as if it had been water, after a great showre.

Sigismund, now again possessed of Transilvania could not yet well assure himself to keep it; for Basta still strengthened with new supplies from the Emperour, was already entred into Transilvania, in 1602: the Polonians busied in their Warres of Swethland; and the Turks with their other greater affaires, not sending Sigismund their promised ayd. Wherefore, he dealt with Basta for a cessation of Arms, till Embassadors might be sent to the Emperour, to intreat for some good attonement: who so handled the matter with the Emperour, that Sigismund was content, to the behoof of his Majesty, to resign unto Basta, all places as he yet held in Transilvania, upon much like conditions, he had about three years before made with him; and so in and for all, to submit to his Majesty: whereupon, Zachel, Moyses, the Princes Lievtenant, not able to endure, or hear that the Province should again fall into the hands of the Germans, went upon a sudden to assail Basta. But he an old and xpert Commander, perceiving even his first moving, with great speed put his Army in order, joyning Battel with him, and with the losse of some 500 men, overthrew Moyses, with his Transilvanians, Turks, and Tartars, [Page] slaying above 3000, and putting the rest to flight; but Sigismund hearing what his Lievetenant had done, went into the Camp to Basta, excusing himself as done without his privity, and against his will: offering to perform, whatever was by him to be performed, according to the agreement: and presently calling forth his Garrisons out of all strong places, yet by him holden, he surrendred them to Basta, and so put himself on his way towards the Emperour: after whose departure, all that Province without more adoe, yielded to Basta, as to the Emperour's Lievtenant, who calling an Assembly of all the Nobility, took of them an Oath for their obedience and Loyalty to the Emperour.

But the mean while, the Valachians not able longer to endure the great insolency of the Turks, (who after the death of Michael, had made one Jeremiah Vayuod there) took up Arms: and proclaiming one Radoll, (the Emperours favourite) Vayuod, chased Jeremiah quite out of the Countrey: who fleeing to Simon, Palatine of Moldavia, by his and the Turks help, drave out Radoll again: who now being with Basta with about 10000 Valachians, earnestly requested him, to help him for the recovery of Valachia: who, considering how much it concerned the quiet of Transilvania, to have so near a Province a Friend, gave him a great Regiment of approved Souldiers: with whom, at his entrance into Valachia, the Moldavian meeting with a great power of his own and Turks, there was fought a most bloudy Battel, Radoll carrying away the Victory: two Turks Bassaes being slain, with a great number of others: after which, Radoll recovered his Government.

Shortly after, with the same ayd, cutting in pieces a great power of Tartars, coming to ayd the Moldavians.

In Hungary the mean while, passed many a hot skirmish; for the Garrisons of Buda and other places, attempting [Page] to surprize Alba Regalis, were with great slaughter, enforced to retire.

Then also, Count [...] suddenly setting upon 200 Turkish Wagons going to Canisia, with Ammunition and Victualls, slew and put to flight the Convoy, and carried away the laden Wagons. And shortly after, the free [...] of [...], going in a great party towards Buda for booty, returning homeward with sixty prisoners, and hearing that Ali, Governour of Pesth, was coming but with a small retinue down the River, to Belgrade, there to meet the [...] Bassa, they slew all the prisoners; and with two small Boats, lay in wait for him, who coming down accordingly, they slew 14 of his 30 followers: himself also being shot in two places, was taken, with a great booty: whom they brought to Comara, presenting him shortly after, to Matthias at Vienna, who certainly informing him, that Hassan Bassa, was coming with a great Army, to besiege Alba Regalis, presently sent thither, Count Isolan the Governour, who with much adoe, getting into the City, the Turks having already taken all passages, and being a good Engineer, caused all in the City, to labour on the Rampiers; so that it was soon so fortified, that it seemed almost impregnable. Ali was sometime the great Turks Butler; but after the taking of Agria, made Bassa of Buda, being after 3 moneths, by the envy and ambition of some displaced, and made Governour of [...]: who offered for his ransom to the Haiducks, 300000 Sultanines, and had with him when taken, 70000 Duckats, Hassan Bassa (by the Command of Sultan Mahomet) coming to Buda, by the way of Belgrade, with 150000 men from thence, came and encamped before Alba Regalis, Aug. 12th, where having well entrenched himself, and planted his Battery, he most terribly and furiously battered the same; and because the Moorish and deep Ditches, much letted his men from coming to the assault, he had them filled up by the number [Page] of his Pioniers, and so assaulted the Counterscarfe, which Isolan had made before the City: which assault, though it cost him much blood, yet the great number of the Turks prevailing; the Christians were forced to retire into the City; but they soon sallying out, slew most of [...] Turks in the Counterscarfe, and forced the other out again: whereupon, multitudes of Turks came running thither, and without regard of their lives, desperately still pressing on, fell twice as many as before: so that the Christians weary, and overwhelmed with their shot, not without great losse, abandoned the place: with which skirmishes, and divers others, he Defendants were greatly diminished, to keep a weak City (as yet shewing the ruines of the late siege) against so puissant an Enemy: yet valiant Isolan the Italian, not discouraged, wrote to Matthias, how things stood in the City, requesting speedy relief, or else it would be endangered: many Souldiers being already slain, and divers Hungarians daily fleeing to the Turks; howbeit, promising to do his utmost. Whereupon, the Arch-Duke, ordered Lord Russworm, to go to Comara, and with such forces as were come thither, to go and try, if by any meanes they might put into Alba Regalis, some fresh Souldiers: who accordingly, took the Field without delay, with 12000 men; but whilest by discord betwixt him and the other Colonels, about the manner of relieving it, the matter was too long delayed, the Bassa Aug. 28. continued a general assault all that day, and next night, with some part of the day following, without ceasing: so that the Defendants much weakened, and they that were left, so wearied or wounded, as that they could make no longer resistance, and the Count himself being carried away, dangerously shot in the thigh, there was a sign of parley given to the Enemy, which being granted, some of the chief Commanders going to the Governour, put him in minde of the weakness [Page] of the place, the Enemies force, and want of Defendants, perswading him (they not being relieved) by divers reasons, to yield the City: wherewith he moved, came to a parley with the Bassa, who was right glad thereof: wherein it was soon agreed, that the COUNT should yield up the Town to the Bassa, with all Warlike Ammunition therein: himself, with his Garrison, with Bag, Baggage, and Arms, safely to be convoyed half way to Rab.

Upon the first bruit of this composition, whilest the Merchants were seeking for Wagons, to carry their Merchandize, and the Souldiers for Horses, to carry their Baggage: the scarceness thereof, bred a confusion and stir among the people; so whilest some were quarrelling about these things, and others were opening the Gates to be gone; others were as busie in robbing and pilfering the Baggages of their Captains and Companions: which encouraged the rest of the Souldiers to fall to pillage all also: which the Souldiers keeping the breaches, seeing, left their charge, and thrust themselves in among these pilferers, as if they themselves had been Victors, and not vanquished.

The Tartars at the foot of the breach, pressing now on, without any great resistance, entred the same, and in a trice, thirty thousand of them surprized the Christians at once, loaded with prey, fear, and despair: after whom, the Turks entred also to partake of the spoil: who besides their own booty, quarrelled with the Tartars for some part of theirs; but when there was no more pillage to be had, the perfidious wretches fell to massacring the Christians, so that all the City flowed with blood, till, by the coming in of the Bassa, the slaughter was stayed: whereby Count Isolan, with some other Captains and Souldiers were saved: three thousand Souldiers were [Page] slain; besides, not a few Citizens: Isalan and the other Captains being led prisoners to Constantinople. Howbeir, he plainly shewed, they were unjustly detained, as taken contrary to the publick Faith, to them before given, and out of the actions of Warre. Whereto it was answered, that the Town, when he was taken, was yet still in his power: that if he would by yielding, challenge his liberty, according to the Articles, he ought then to have delivered it, and not suffered it to have been taken by force, &c. that every Town which (during the Treaty) is [...] force taken, followeth the course of the latter condition, (to wit) Death or Captivity, and not of the former, to wit, Liberty; for a man is not to expect of his mortall Enemy any other courtesie, than what necessity caused him to promise, which he may for his own good again violate, &c. With such quirks, the Count deluded, say what he could, was carried away prisoner. So the Bassa causing the breaches to be repaired, and the City to be well furnished, and leaving therein 6000 Souldiers, over-ran all the Countrey, as far as Strigonium, and so retired to Buda: where, as he was making a Bridge, betwixt Buda and Pesth, and about to have gone to the Siege of Strigonium, a Command came, that he should speedily return to Constantinople, for that Mahomet was for his valour, now minded to employ him in his Wars, against his Rebels in Natolia. Whereupon, the Bassa gave leave to all that had any charge, to return to their places of Government, appointing some others, with 30000 Souldiers, to go with Zachiel Moises into [...]: who was come [...] Hassan, offering with this ayd, and the help of others in Transilvania, to chase [...] with his Germanes out from thence, and reduce it again unto the devotion of the Othoman Emperors.

So the Bassa hasted with the rest, towards Constantinople, which he was thought the more willingly to do, because [Page] the Sultan had put him in good hope to marry one of his Aunts, a Woman of great Wealth and Honour, if by the winning of Alba Regalis, he should make himself worthy thereof.

But ere long, the Imperials assembled at Comara, to the number of about 30000, with twelve Nassadies, and two Galleys, some by water, some by Land, went down to Strigonium, where they were all embarqued in twenty other Ships, and conducted by Rusworme and others, to Buda: whose coming was so sudden and unlooked for, that the Turks had no time to take any more help or provision into the City.

The Turks had lately built a Bridge upon Boats over [...], for passage and carriage of things from Buda to Pesth: which Bridge, the Imperials thinking necessary, first to break, the more easily to besiege the one or other City, by a strange device, built a Ship, which by force of the stream, carried down, and resting upon the Bridge, should break the same: which Ship, the Turks seeing coming, with the rest of the [...], ran by heaps to the Bridge, for defence thereof: in the mean time, Count Sultze on the Land side, with a Petard, blew up one of the Gates of the lower City, and so entring, and killing whom he lighted on, came upon the backs of the Turks at the Bridge, slaying some, driving others into the River, the rest fleeing into the City, where both Souldiers and Citizens, (the Christians following them) for fear, took a speedy resuge into the upper City, much stronger than the lower: the Bridge being then also broken upon the River; and because they of Pesth, might with their Ordnance, much annoy them in besieging the upper City and Castle of Buda, they began with it first: So Russworme with his Fleet, making a great shew, as if he would have entred on the Rivers side, had drawn most of the Garrison unto that side of the City; and the while, [Page] Sultze, and another Governour, suddenly scaled the Walls on the Land side, and gained them: whereupon, began a great out-cry, the Turks especially, now feeling the Christians Weapons, before they knew they were gotten into the City.

In this so great amazement, some fled into Towers, others hid themselves in Cellars, and the most secret corners, out of which they were drawn and slain.

They also in the strong places of the City, seeing the Ordnance bent upon them, offered to yield, so they might with Wives, Children, and life depart, promising for that favour, to perswade them of Buda, to yield also. Whereupon, Nadasti, with some other Captains, were [...] with some of these Citizens, to Buda: who coming thither with Wives and Children, most earnestly requested them to yield, as not to expect any further help; and that by their obstinacy, they should cause the death of them, their friends, Wives, and Children: unto whom also, Nadasti promised, that they should all, except a few Commanders, in safety depart: howbeit, they would not hearken.

In Pesth, the Christians found great store of Wealth, with one thousand serviceable Horses, and much Warlike provision. This done, they returned to besiege the upper City and Castle of Buda, undermining and battering the same; and had planted some of their Ordnance so high, that they could, at pleasure, shoot into the streets: they thundered also at the same time, with other batteries, in divers places of the Walls, both of Castle and City; and hearing, that the Turks Garrisons were coming for their relief, they sent out their Horse, and some Foot, against them: who gave them a great overthrow, and so returned unto the siege: where, while [Page] the Christians lay in hope, and had Octob. 12th, planted certain notable Pieces near the Walls, purposing next day with all their power, to assault the City, Hassan hearing (as he was going toward Constantinople) of what had hapned, returned, and unlooked for, came and sate down before Pesth, with but about five and twenty thousand men, yet most of them expert Souldiers: divers brave attempts being in both places made, both on the one side and the other.

The besieged in Pesth, one day, under the Conduct of their brave Captains, sallied out, and coming with the Turks to the Sword, disordered, and forced them to flee, pursuing them even to their Trenches, whence a great Squadron issuing out, constrained the Imperials to retire.

Count Martinengo, doing what he might, to have stayed the disordered [...], being with many others slain: wherewith the rest discouraged, made towards the City. Whereupon, the Garrison sent out some Companies to relieve them, whereby the Turks were even to their Trenches, again repulsed.

Shortly after, RUSSWORM having with continuall battery, made a considerable breach in the CASTLE, with certain Foot-Companies, couragiously assailed it: where the TURKS having in best sort they could, repaired it, and on both sides thereof, placed Murthering-Pieces, with store of Fire-works, so overwhelmed the first assailants with that deadly fire, and so rent them with their murthering shot, that they were forthwith cut off; yet they who were to second them, nothing discouraged, but seeking desperately to have entred, were in like sort welcomed: So that now one thousand of them being lost, they caused a retreat to be sounded.

[Page]But Hassan had not long layen before [...], but great wants (through his so sudden return) began to arise in his Camp, the Souldiers being glad to eat their dead Horses, a pound scarcely to be gotten for two Hungarian Duckats, and a bushel of Oats for five: which wants encreasing, and many Souldiers stealing away, he had much adoe to perswade them to stay eight dayes longer: which expired, and nothing effectually done, he fearing some sudden mischief to be done by the hungry and discontented Souldiers, November the second, in the night rose with his Army, in haste retiring towards Belgrade, leaving behind him 300 dead Horses: after whose departure, Nadasti and some other Commanders, presently went down to Adona (a fair Town, upon the bank of Danubius, about four Hungarian miles from Buda, and serving as it were a Store-house for that Garrison) with five thousand men, and certain Ordnance: which Town, Nadasti (by his Hussars sent before) summoning, they at first, refused to yield; but being with the sight of a farre greater power discouraged, they yielded the Town upon safe departure, with bag and baggage, being conducted as farre as Feldwar: which Castle, was also at first summons, by the perswasion of them of Adom, delivered unto them: which done, the free Haiducks the same night, surprised Pax Castle: whence, the Christians marching on, took in also the City of [...].

In the mean time, they in the Camp at Buda, were advertized, that the Bassa of [...], with others, had assembled thirty thousand men to raise the siege: Wherefore the Christians, leaving their Tents in their Trenches, gathered together in the water-Town: whereupon, the Turks presently sallying out, took both the Trenches and Tents, with no small slaughter of their keepers; so holding them for two houres space, till they were by strong hand beaten out, and forced to retire, with some losse. [Page] Nadasti also making a Road towards Alba Regalis, in their return, within a mile of Buda, lighted upon a thousand Turks, slaying most of them, taking one hundred and sixty, with a number of Horses, and much rich booty.

They also at the siege, having by fury of the Cannon, beaten down a strong Tower next to Danubius, were a little before night about to have entred; but such a Tempest of wind and rain, suddenly arose, that they were enforced for that time to give over the assault: which storm ended, two hundred Turks to keep the Christians otherwise busied, sallyed out, charging upon the Stirian Horsemen, who presently relieved by the men at Arms, made them speedily retire with the losse of one hundred and sixty men; but taking heart again, next day Novemb. 11th, they sallied out again: where, though a great number were slain; yet came they forth the third day also, and were by Count Thurn, with great losse, beat back into the City; but in the pursuit, they were by some Janizaries (laying close) dangerously ganled; the Count being hurt in his left Arm, and some Captains slain: the Turks by these sallies, though worsted, yet gained time somewhat well to repair their breaches.

Shortly after, the Imperials certainly informed, that a multitude of Tartars were coming as far as Temeswar, to relieve Buda, thought best (chiefly winter being come) betimes to raise their siege, and be gone: which they did Novemb. 16th, yet they furnished Pesth with all necessaries, and almost 10000 Souldiers. As for Adom, it had a Garrison of Hungarians, with their wages offered to be payd before hand: which they refused, alleaging that for the great danger of this place, above others, they could not safely take their Oath to defend it: yet offering to do what beseemed valiant Souldiers, that all should see, no ill should happen thereunto, through their default.

[Page]The Imperials departed, the Turks forthwith came down into the lower City, by often thundering with their Ordnance, and other signes of triumph, declaring their joy; but whilest in their jollity, they shot to them of Pesth, they from them, so received the like, that the Turks requested them, to spare their Shot and Powder, and quietly to live by them, till next Spring; yet for all this their joy at Buda, Victuals was become so scarce, that they feared, if the Christians had layen longer at the siege, they should have been forced for very want to yield the City: whose friends, with a great Convoy, bringing what provision they could, for their relief: they of Comara and Strigonium, meeting with the Turks betwixt Alba Regalis, and Buda, overthrew the Convoy, and carried away all the Victuals.

But nothing troubled Mahomet, like the Warres he had in Asia against the Rebel, the Scrivano: who, encouraged with the last years success, and still growing stronger and stronger, through the allurements of liberty, hope of prey, or good entertainment, had this year over-run much of the Turk's Dominions in Asia, putting all to fire and sword, and ransacking divers walled and fenced Cities, as he went; for the Janizaries of Aleppo and Damasco, with many of their partakers, who might much have hindered his proceedings, were together by the eares among themselves; but the Scrivano, in the midst of these desired fortunes, fell sick and died: howbeit, the rebellion soon grew to be far greater, and more dangerous than before; for a younger Brother of his, stept up in his place, fiercely prosecuting the undertaken Warres: against whom, Hassan Bassa, being sent with a great Army, and joyning battel with him, was by him in a great and bloody fight overthrown and slain, with his whole Army, except such as by speedy flight escaped.

[Page]So the Sultan was forced to call Mahomet Bassa out of Hungary, to serve against this new Rebel: who the mean while, made havock of all as he went, receiving the tribute of those Countries, and others also further off, having exacted onely of Ancyra, and the Countrey thereabouts, 300000 Duckats; so heaping up great Treasures of his Enemies, for maintenance of his Warres. Yet before Mahomet had called the Bassa out of Hungary, he had provided that the Tartar Han with a great power, should even against that time, come into that Countrey: which rough and needy people, for pay or prey, alwayes ready to serve the Othoman Emperours, by plain force, brake through Valachia, though not without great losse, (being fought with by the Valachians, and free Haiducks a whole day) and came into Hungary in the latter end of December: the Han with forty thousand to Quin (que) Ecclesia; and his two Sonnes, with twenty thousand into Possega, where they spoiled both Turks and Christians, pretending all that frontier Countrey to be given to them by the Sultan, in reward of their service. But ere long, they forced the Christians thereabouts, to victuall Canisia for the Turks; and so breaking into Stiria, not far from Caramant, they carried away above two thousand Captives; then surprising Keschemet, they slew most of the Inhabitants of that great Town, carrying away the rest prisoners. Others of them also, inroading to Sharvar, and burning down twenty Villages, carried away thence about 1000 into captivity.

At their first coming, they also relieved them of Buda, Nadasti with his Hussars, not being able now, longer to keep them from Victuals: by them also, the Turks encouraged, took and burnt certain places of the Christians nigh Buda, slaying all they found therein.

Against these Tartars, for all this, the Christians, beside their ordinary Garrisons, began in Winter to [Page] oppose some of their other forces: the Palatine of [...], sending ten Troops of Horse, for defence of Stiria; and Collonitz raising 400 Horse, 1000 Hussars, and 3000 free Haiducks, for repressing of them: the Duke of Brunswick also, sending 1000 Horse, and 2000 Foot, for the same service.

January with a sharp Frost, began the next year 1603, whereby the [...] in many places, seemed rather wholly turned into ice, than frozen: Danubius also, (for all his swift course) being so hard frozen, that men and carts might safely passe thereupon: which so cold a season did rather increase the hot desires of the greedy Turks. Wherefore, out of their Garrisons, they raised 18000 men, to have forraged and over-run the Christians with their Territories, confining upon them: Quermanie, and places thereabouts, being assigned, first to feel their force: whereupon, Collonitz with all speed, put into the Suburbs of Quermanie, one thousand Reisters, and two thousand Lansquenets; and in the Boroughs, added to the Regiment of Count Reingrave, six Companies of Cossacks, 4000 Haiducks, 400 Carabins, French and Walloons, 200 Horse of his own Regiment, himself commanding over all these Troops; and withall, [...] all the Inhabitants thereabouts, to take up Arms, and with strong Barricadoes, to strengthen the wayes, and stop up the passages into their Countrey: which they chearfully performed, with Weapons in one [...], and Spades and Shovels in the other: wherefore, the Turks changed their former design for the invading of Quermany, (where the Christians had for five weeks expected them) marching along by Roquesbourg, with purpose to load themselves with spoil of the Countrey; but Collonitz, collecting his forces, frustrated their new design, by favour of the River, which strengthened him against their incursions, [Page] and was well to be defended; so, that the Turks, whose intent was not to fight, again retired, contenting themselves to gather a Convoy of Victuals to put into Canisia: which then extreamly wanted: so they came to Babotz, thence to march to Canisia; of which their purpose, Collonitz, by his espials advertised, upon a brave resolution, on March 24, with his Troops, marched towards little Comara, about two Leagues from Canisia, and lay close in Ambush in the Woods near two Marshes, over which the Turks had made two Bridges to pass the Artillery and Waggons upon, who were nigh 20000 strong, and Collonitz but two thousand-two hundred Horse, and six thousand Foot. But, 40 of the 200 surprized Waggons, going to Buda with Victuals, being by them of Strigonium and Comara, sent to Pesth: the Turks of Buda) hearing of that medley, and knowing it was for their bread, posted to succour their Troops, and arrived at the very time that the Victors led along, by Danubius, the Waggons before gained, furiously charging them: so, that the Christians daunted with the unexpected perill (the Turks being 1500 [...] in number than they) without more ado quite [...] the Waggons, accounting themselves happy enough, if they might but save themselves: and the Turks contented to have recovered their Victuals, pursued them not, but returned home along the Bank of the River; but two thousand of the Garrison of Pesth, seizing on a Forrest, whereby the Turks must pass at unawares, hardly charged them afront and behind: so that the Turks enclosed, without any great resistance, fled, leaving their Waggons, and casting away their Arms, a number being left dead on the place, some taken prisoners, and the rest chased even to the gates of their City.

So, the Victors of Pesth returning [...], by their Ordnance gave many Testimonies of their Victory:

[Page]But see again the change of Fortune; [...] was then also (as it is often) [...] hard frozen, that men and Carts might safely pass it: in which so hard season, the Turks in Buda, having once upon the frozen River [...] the Christians in Pesth, and Jan. 22. in like bravery coming out the second time, were by them of Pesth put to flight, and by 200 of the most forward and valiant hardly pursued; upon whom, not onely they which fled, but othèr Turks out of Buda in great number returning, chased them back again even to the Bridge of Pesth: which now drawn up for fear of so many Turks, as were ready to have entered at the heels of the fleeing Souldiers, they were even in fight of their friends every man slain, the Turks with little harm returning. Few dayes after, one Lethner a Captain in Pesth more grieved than the rest with this loss, some being his Friends and Companions also, hearing that some of the chief Turks of Buda, and a great train of Gentlewomen, were, for their pleasure, next day to go to the hot Baths near Buda, with 60 Musquetiers, by night passed over the River, and not far from the Baths, lay in close Ambush; so these Turks casting no perill, came accordingly, merrily bathing and solaceing themselves; but, in the midst of their delights, these resolute men came suddenly upon them, slaying all the men, sparing none but one Boy and the Gentlewomen, who, in the time of conflict, ran naked as they were, into the City: which exploit done, the Captain returned laden with rich booty, and merrily sporting at the naked Gentlewomen, at whose fearfull cry, they of Buda sent out certain Souldiers after them, but they were safely before got home.

By continuance of this frost, Victuals could not be sent down the River to Pesth, so that the Souldiers there accounted Dogs and Cats good meat: the Turks still roaming about to [...] them from Victuals. Of which necessities, they of Buda were partakers also, yet every [...] in field to seek relief: and that they might deceive those of Pesth, [Page] and assure themselves of Victuals, they gave out, and made shew as if they would besiege the Fort of Adom: under which colour, they received into Buda 50 Waggons laden with Victuals and Munition; and, encouraged herewith, they gave knowledge thereof to their Neighbors of Pesth by 1000 great shot sent over the River unto them; yet for the dispence of their powder and shot, they gained not so much as the life of one Souldier, nor one stone out of their Walls. Shortly after, the Budans thought suddenly to have surprized Palotta (a small Castle) by night, but being timely discovered, they were forced to retire with the loss of 120 men: to whom Horwad Capt. of the Castle (by a Peasant sworn to do the errand) sent a small pot of Salt, and a bottle of Wine, willing them to season the Venison they took in the late Hunting, and quenching their thirst, to chear them up after their late Conquest.

These Enemies more provoked by this jest, discharged a showre of thundering great shot, [...] small bullets upon the Garrison of Pesth; but their Cannons being ill levelled, overshot the Town, carrying more fear than hurt; yea, and while they were thus thundering, fire, by negligence of the Cannoniers fell into a barrel of their powder, which taking hold of another, and running along, [...] if it had been by a train, overthrew a long piece of the Wall of Buda, by whose fall, many Souldiers near it were overwhelmed. The noise and force was so terrible, that (the Turks being retired from this Breach) the Governour of Pesth resolved to assault the place: Whereupon, with 1000 Almaines, and 300 Hungarians, he forthwith (in hope) marched towards the Breach: but by the way, they met with a Company of Turks, who gave an alarm to those of the upper-Town, who manned their walls, and with great speed repaired the Breach. Now those Turks whom [...] met withall, were all slain, except some few, whom [...] carried prisoners to Pesth, to be by them instructed of the [...] affairs.

[Page]About [...] time, Radol Vayuod of Valachia, hearing that the Turks in Garrison at Silistria, were gone abroad to seek for Booty and Victnals, passed forthwith over the River upon the Ice to surprize the Town, whose men for desire of Riches, and for fear of the Souldiers return, so [...] the Town; that the Turks, dismayed, and deeming the Christians (through the [...] of the enterprize) to be more than they were: after a small resistance, left a way open for them, who thrusting into the Town, took the [...] spoil thereof, great and rich, and so set it on fire, returning before the Turks could gather together to hinder their retreat. The Vayuod sent to Basta (then in Transilvania against the Turks) 13 Turkish Ensigns for his part of the Booty.

But Collonitz, having laid 3 dayes in Ambush without discovery of any Enemy; March 6, 3 espials fell into his [...], whom the Turks had sent forth before, who would not discover any thing, hurtfull to their friends; so that at last the [...], moved, commanded one of their Heads to be struck off to terrifie the other 2: who, dismayed with this Spectacle, and well beaten to tell the Truth, confessed [...] were Spies sent by the Enemy to view the Country, and see if the Christians had any Forces there: which if not, and they reporting it, then within 2 dayes after, the Convoy was to pass that way, to be put into Canisia, setting forth from Babotz 2 hours before day: and that which more confirmed the matter, was, that within 2 hours after their taking, the Haiducks which lay hidden without the chief Ambuscado, discovered a Cornet with 5 Turks Ensignes, marching from Canisia to meet [...] Convoy: Whereupon, they acquainted Collonitz therewith; who put his Horsmen in good Order to enclose the Turks betwixt the Marsh and Wood: who holding on their way, the Christian Carabines, charged them in the head of their Companies, disordering them: the Hungarians sell upon their flanks, which they opened, [Page] and the Horsmen on their backs. The small resistance these poor enclosed men made, deserved not the name of a fight, being of 600, not 4 left, but they were all slain, without killing one of their Enemies. Their Horsmen who followed them, seeing them surprized, shamefully fled, but the Carabins with their Horses pursuing amain after them, slew a number of them that were worst mounted, pursuing the rest even to the gates of Canisia. Those of the Town discharging their Ordnance, and many Vollies of small shot against the Christians, both to stay their pursuit, and to give warning to those who were bringing the relief to the Christians that were in the field.

But during this fight, three very well mounted Turks, adventured to pass by the Christian Troops, and to give those which were bringing the Convoy, warning of the overthrow, and to return to Babotz: which brave attempt Fortune favouring, the Turks (on the way) upon this advertisement retired accordingly: Whereupon, the Christians made towards Babotz almost sixteen miles off, with a resolution to carry the place, using such diligence in their march, that about nine at night they there arrived: and, to daunt their Enemies what they might, they presently sounded their Trumpets, struck up Drumms, removed their Artillery, rusled with their Arms, and kept a stir themselves, to make the noise of a great Army; but the Turks twice so many in number, and within a strong place, prepared for fight, if they should assail them: who, oft repeating the name of Jesus, advanced and made ready for fight.

The Turks from the Castle, delivered 1000 Cannonshot upon the Christian Troops: their Mu [...]qu [...]ts still playing from the Curtain of their Walls, yet the resolute Footmen, passing athwart these flaming showers, marched along the Counterscarp of the Ditch toward the gate, to have broken it open.

[Page]The Turks the same time were come forth of the Town, but at the very instant that they charged the front of the Christian Foot, they were so encountred, that having lost some men, they were glad again to retire into the Town: whom the Christians, upon the Town-ditch so plyed with small shot upon their Walls, and in their Holds, as that they durst not shew themselves or look out: and if the Christians had had Instruments to have opened the Gates or Walls, the Town had [...] been won; but, at last, they having bin 4 hours in fight before it, doing & receiving harm, and finding no means to enter, were forced to leave it, burning in their retreat certain Villages of the Enemies: which done, they retired to little Comara; for the [...] began now on every side, by heaps to flock together to swallow them up, and even pressed upon their retreat, But Collonitz being with his Souldiers safely entred into Comara, caused the Heads of the principal slain Enemies, to be set upon the pikes of the Pallisadoes, and on a great Pine tree before the gate, whose Branches were first lopt: an action learned from the cruelty of the Turks. This done, they departed from this Castle, as [...] spent with Famine than travell and weariness: for in that short expected design, they had taken no provision of Victuals with them: their Horses also languished, the Country being alike cruell to both. The Souldiers had for 3 days eaten nothing but Crabs and Acorns which they found in the Woods: so that being come to this Castle, they [...] abundance of Victuals, every one requesting to return unto their Garrisons, being scarce able to bear their Arms; but [...] from little Comara, they heard, the Turks had shut up the wayes whereby they were to passe home: [...] Collonitz, was so far from being [...], that, whereas it was reported, that the Turks marched near to a [...] of the Christians, to make head upon a [...], he [...] toward the same place on the sudden to encounter the Enemy, who thought to have surprized him [Page] by cowardize: and the Souldiers though weakened with hunger, and apprehending the danger, gave out, and yet upon a good courage were content to follow their Generall any whither, resting on his great resolution, and their own [...] to go further; but they being come to the Castle, there was no body to be seen: yet did those hungry men stay one day in Ambush, expecting the comming of the Turks, who appeared not, giving them time safely to retire every man unto his own Garrison.

But, at such time as Hassan Bassa departed from Constantinople, to go to the Conquest of Alba-regalis, Mahomet caused to be presented unto him a Sword and a Crown; this in reward of his valour, if he returned with Victory, the other in revenge of his cowardize, if he failed thereof: promising him indeed his Sister in marriage, among other Trophies of his Victory, and threatning him with death amongst the griefs of his dishonour; but, he taking the City and returning to Constantinople, was magnificently received of his Prince, courteously saluted of all the Nobility, and with the greatest reverence honoured of the people. His Lord had also caused them to be most [...] [...] for the solemnizing of the marriage, and contentment of the Bassa; but, the solemnization it self, being now every day by all men expected, 25000 Janizaries, Spahi, and other Court-Souldiers, suddenly and unexpectedly presented themselves in Arms before the Divano, or Tribunall, holden for the chief administration of Justice in the Turks Pallace the first 4 dayes of every week: and, setting Guards at the Court-gates, demanded audience; for certain Spahi, and Janizaries, whom they had chosen to deliver, in their names, their grievances to the Bassaes: being entred into the Divano, at the first, demanded to have Hassan Bassa delivered unto them: who affraid of his Head, passed wan and pale thorow this mutinous multitude, to go to the Sultan, protesting his own Innocency, and [Page] calling on his Prophet, to discover unto them the truth of all things; but they, after a 1000 injuries and reproaches heaped on him, demanded of him: Whence it was, that whilst he with a great power was busied in Hungary, there was (the while) no good order taken for repressing the Rebells in Asia; who (by sufferance) now were come within three or four dayes journey of Constantinople, with Ensignes displayed: Whereto, he in fear answered, Even his Enemies could witnesse, that he had done his duty, while in Asia, and now of late in Hungary; But, seeing himself ready to die, he yet requested, That his guiltless death, might be profitable to the State in generall: and, in discharging of his conscience to declare unto them the causes of this contempt, and neglect, for the suppressing of this Asian [...]; saying, It proceeded only from the ill Government of the Sultans Mother, and from the carelesnesse of the CapiAga. They hearing him (though with much [...]) so well to excuse himself, gave him leave to go to [...] Sultan, to request him that they might speak with him, and to deal with him, that they might have the heads of those, who had bin the cause of this dishonourable service, or had cowardly behaved themselves in Asia; threatning him, if he performed not his charge he should feel the heavy effects of their just fury, and heavy charge; but he must now so do, or else die.

So, he comming to the Sultan almost as fearfull as himself, he, partly cut of Justice, partly from Prudence, in such an extraordinary case, perswaded him to give way to their request: who thus perswaded, as also to appear in his [...], unto his discontented Subjects, One part of their desire (necessity so requiring) presented himself in his Imperial Seat unto them, accompanied with the Mufci, and a few other Doctors of their Law; who, by Mahomct commanded to sit down, and the Bassaes standing up: the chief of the seditious stepping forth, [...] leave to speak for himself and the rest; which [Page] granted, he boldly said, That they, his obedient slaves, full of grief and discontent, to see a great part of his Empire endangered, desired to know of him, Why his Greatnesse did not employ the means God had given him, for remedy thereof? That they supposed the Rebells courses in Asia, were unknown unto him, since they were so hardy as to come without resistance, so near to his Imperial City: That they desired to know if he had known all this: and, whether he would take upon himself the care of his great Monarchy, or no? which through the negligence and ill Government of some put in trust, was like a great and well proportioned Body, but of little or no strength: Or else, that he could be content that all should be dismembred, and every man take what he could lay hand of, as the Rebells did.

However, Mahomet was moved with so insolent a Speech; yet being [...] with such a furious and armed multitude, whom he had no meanes to withstand, [...] wisely dissémbled his choler, and with the best and calmest words he could devise, sought to appease them, imputing the disorder and ill success of his affaires to the unfaithfulness of his Ministers, and the concealing of the Truth thereof from him; and saying, That he had resolved before, to reform these matters, and to take from them all occasion of discontent, or of any Speech not beseeming them, whose Obedience and loyall respect to him their Soveraign, should have been an example to all the rest of his Subjects. Hereupon, they fiercely demanded of Hassan: Why, he gave not his Majesty an account of the Rebells proceeding in Asia? Who answered, He had never failed of his Duty therein, but that the Capi-Aga alwayes said, It was not needfull to trouble their Soveraign therewith, having committed these matters to others, &c. And further, That the cause of all these Disorders proceeded from his Mother, [Page] the Capi-Aga & a few others, to whom he had commended the managing of those affairs. The mutiniers now more moved, furiously said, They were assembled to demand the Heads of such offendours: being resolved to take another course, if he should refuse to grant it them, meaning to make a new Emperor. Howbeit, Mahomet answered, It was no reason, neither would he for their humours put those whom they demanded, innocently to death; but willed them to be contented, till they might by order of justice be tryed: and then he would give them even his own Son, if he were found culpable. But they replyed, He had not executed his Brethren by justice, but for preservation of the State; and that those whom they demanded were so guilty that they deserved not an orderly tryall, &c. As for the Empress, his mother they were content she should be confined farther off, and no more to meddle with State-matters.

So Mahomet (through the violent resolution of these most insolent men) caused the Capi-Aga, and such others as they required, to be brought forth: Who presented themselves as already half-dead, whom Mahomet did what he might to have saved; but, the mutiniers clamour to have them dispatched, could not be appeased, till they saw their Heads struck off from their shoulders. Mahomet inwardly grieved, commanded the Executioner to serve some other of the chief Bassaes (whom he knew to be much beloved of the Janizaries, and whom he could willingly have bin rid off) as he had the Capi-Aga & the rest; but then their murmuring and mutiny was as it were re-doubled, so that Mahomet was for fear forced by giving way to appease them: The old Empress for all that was not then confined.

Mahomet himself but a few dayes before had beheaded Capion, one of his great Bassaes, either for desire of his wealth, or for envy of his Honor & Valour, yet the former seemed to many the more probable; for, immediately after his death, he seized upon all his Riches, except [Page] 400000 Duckats, which Calil Bassa his Father detained for himself: which his purloyning, Mahomet having discovered, demanded of him one day, if it were true, that he had retained those Duckats: which Fact, Calil through fear and covetousness denied and forswore: Whereupon, thinking by lying to have saved his life, he was for the truth put to death, having his Head forthwith struck off; the greedy Tyrant (for the Bassaes blood served but for a shew) seizing, rifling, and carrying away all his wealth, and changing the Dowry and succession of his Wife and Children, into Bonds, Prisons, and Slaveries.

Mahomet another Bassa, perceiving the like danger to hang over his own Head, resolved to flee to the Rebels in Asia: but this his purpose discovered by certain Spics, and he with a chief follower of Capin Bassa taken by the Janizaries, were both by them cut in pieces. In the mean time, the Rebels in Asia prosecuted their Rebellion with all diligence, every man joyning unto the first Forces, which were in good estate and rich with the spoils that they had taken. They, resolutely besieging Angore, a great and strong Town, the Citizens affraid, offered them a great summ to redeem themselves and City; and, so at last upon the payment of 200000 Duckats, they presently departed. Shortly after, Mahomet's new Captains (whom he had put in place of them whom he executed for the appeafing of the Court-souldiers) arrived there also, who would needs make it Treason, and put the Citizens to death for giving the Rebels the said mony (though 'twere done for preservation of their lives) and sack their City; Whereupon, arose a great and cruell fight betwixt these Souldiers and Citizens, both the Subjects of one Prince, and all of one Superstition; but the one side armed with pride and [...], and the other with necessity and despair. At last, the Citizens having slain a great number of the Souldiers, chased the rest out of the [Page] City; which ill encounter of these new Captains, encreased the Rebels courage; So that 40000 under one of the Tartar Han his Brethren, besieged Burze, a great and rich City; the Armory, and Place where all the Customs and Taxes of [...] were kept: which, after certain dayes siege, and great resistance made; they by force took, [...] the Inhabitants, and sacked the City. By which exploit, their [...] and reputation encreasing with their booty and courage, Mahomet, dismayed, resolved by fair means to appease them: for this good Fortune had drawn the Government of Babylon on their side; also, the great Shaugh or Sophy of Persia, thrusting himself into these [...], had now taken Corbery, a strong Town upon the Turks borders, and was preparing for new Conquests: So, Mahomet (at length) but not without his great dishonour, came to some good agreement with his [...] Subjects, granting unto them all their demands disarming them by yielding, and not by Valour: and giving unto Zellaly one of their Chieftains, the Bassaship of Bosna, to content his ambition, and to bind him thereby to his service.

Mahomets other men of War, seeing this dishonourable [...], and preferment of the Rebels, instead of punishments, which they should have justly endured, began to [...] into great murmuring & discontent against their great Sultan; (such Honours of Right belonging to his most faithfull and loyal servants): yea, they resolved to thrust him out of his Imperial State, and set up his eldest son Mahomet in his [...].

These are the ordinary effects of injustice and cowardize, the overthrow of Princes. These Mutineers joyned to [...] discontents, Mahomets Sloth, Effeminateness, and insufficiency, and cowardize. They drew also into this plot, the Sultanness, Mahomets chief Wife, who blinded with Ambition, cast both her self and son the young Prince into most desperate danger.

[Page]This important project resolved on, [...] of these men (according to the Turkish manner) [...] with an Astrologer touching the success of the Prince, who, erecting a Figure of his Nativity; consulting with his Spirits, and considering the [...] Bodies, gave judgement for his good and [...]; and so dispatched an Eunuch towards the Sultarness with Letters, that she should be of good courage; and, in [...] hope, [...] her Son within few dayes should have the [...] [...] set on his Head, and the [...] Scepter [...] into his [...]: His Art (he said) [...] the same and Spirits, with whom he had conference, [...] him thereof; but, it chanced that these Letters were intercepted and [...] to Mahomet: Whereupon it happened, that he which took upon him to foretell a long life, and Empire to fall to another man, [...] [...] [...] the [...] of his own life, being himself by the Sultans command, with the yong Prince, the Eunuch, and 50 others of the [...] and consenters thereunto, strangled, and the Sultanness drowned; yet some report, this Prince was strangled upon suspition, of conspiring with the [...] Rebels against his Father, which after his death being [...] not to be so, the Bassa who caused the suspition was [...].

Tartar Han, comming with a great Army [...] Hungary, demanded of the King of Polonia, Tribute and passage through his Country; but the King denied both, and roughly answered his threats. Wherefore, the [...] Tartar (for fear of being [...]) in his passage by the Polonians (as the Tartars had often been) turned with his Army toward Valachia; Whereupon, Radoll hearing, that, besides the [...] of his Country, they purposed to set up another Vayuod in his stead, marched to his Borders with the greatest power he could make, to attend their comming, and [...] them from entring: and, taking all the advantages of the Strait-passages, in the 2 first encounters, notably repulsed the fierce Enemy [Page] with this little Army, slaying about 3000 of them: but their Avant-guard still comming on, they at the third encounter, so long maintained the fight, that after a cruell fight, the strong Enemy prevailed, and entring Valachia, brought in with it, Ruine, Death and Destruction; and, being come to Qninque Ecclesiae in Hungary, to joyn with Hassan Bassa (now after his marriarge) returned with a great Army thither; he mustering the Tartars, found them to be 40000 strong: who, instead of assaulting any strong Walls, fell upon Cottages, ransacking and pillaging the Inhabitants, both in the Turkish and Christian Territories: constraining the Christian people contrary to their conscience to swear to serve the Turk; they also forced them to furnish them with Warlique Provision and Munition, which they put into Canisia: but a while after the defeat of that Garrison, they likewise over-ran part of Stiria with their Families, spoiling it of men, cattel, and goods, and carryed away 2000 for slaves, whom they sold unto the Turk for great profit. Thence they went into Shavary, slaying the Christians, rifling their Villages, then burning them, carrying away 1000 Captives: which outrages afterwards, thrust the Valiant Collonitz into the field against these barbarous people: who, a few dayes before, with much trouble, and by his Wisdom, appeased the French light-Horsmen in the Villages about Roquesburg, mutining for their pay: so that they sware again to the Emperour, joyning themselves to his Army, being 10000 good men.

In the mean time, the greedy Tartars ransacked and burned 25 Villages about Veradin, carrying away many men and cattell: Others of them also, then invading Count Serinus's Island as far as Rackenspurge; made great spoil, as had their fellows elswhere, and, beside other booty, carried away 2000 Captives: Whereupon, the Count and Collonitz, couragiously opposing against them, for a while stayed their Incursions; so that now 35000, turning [Page] their course into Slavonia, carrying away a great number of prisoners and booties: and, meeting by the way with 600 Christian Souldiers, they slew them every man: at length, some of their roaming Troops chanced to fall into the danger of the Count, who hovered aloof off, for fear of their multitude, a part whereof now falling into his Hands, were all cut in pieces, and a number of Captives set at liberty thereby. Hereupon, the Tartars still in doubt to meet with the Christian Troops, who slew all of them they lighted on, kept closer together, and so did a great deal the less hurt, than when they roamed up and down at pleasure.

The Garrison Souldiers of Canisia, consulting how to be revenged for the late Defeat at the same time; there was a Fugitive Christian in the Town, who seemed desirous to turn Turk: of whom the Turks made much reckoning, for that he seemed to know much of the Christians designs, and the means how to cross them: who, promised to bring them into the midst of the Christians Camp, and deliver it into their hands; but, he seeing the Turks much busied with carrying of Victuals into the Castle, brought into the Town after the overthrow of their fellows, knowing where the Ammunition lay, by a Train, laid fire thereunto; and, amidst the stir, by a loop in the Wall got away, and came to Collonitz, who lay near in Ambush, expecting the opportunity upon the success of so dangerous an adventure, whereto he was privy. All the place felt the fury of this dreadfull blast, all was shaken and turned upside down: yea, the fire burst out of the Castle and burnt most of the Town also: the terror hereof, made many Turks to leap over the walls in hope so to save their lives: but meeting with the Souldiers of Collouitz, they were all either taken or slain. But now, when occasion served for the re-gaining of Canisia, those French and Walloons, whom Collonitz had before appeased, who were most of his strength, for want of pay (as they pretended) [Page] turned their backs, and were by no entreaty or perswasions to be moved, withdrawing from the rest of the Army to their discouragement: so that Collonitz, was to his great discontentment, forced to retire, without any thing more doing.

Whilst this exploit was in hand, The Turks and Tartars made a cruell spoil about Rab, even almost to the gates thereof, carrying away a great number of men and beasts: at last, Nadasti his Hussars comming that way, by speed overtook them near Alba regalis slaying a great number, and forcing the rest to leave much of their prey behind them: with which recovered booty, they returning to Rab, the Inhabitants and Country people with tears standing in their eyes, requested to have their owne goods again; but yet they were fain to redeem them for present mony.

Collonitz so shamefully forsaken by his own Souldiers, and a great number of Turks & Tartars coming to relieve and repair the lore-shaken Town, full of grief & indignation returned towards Comara; but upon the way of his return, meeting with 2000 Turks, he after some small resistance, cut them all in pieces: their Ensignes were all taken, and many prisoners: the chief of whom with the Ensigns, he sent as a Present to the Emperor to Prague. And though it was reported, what hurt the Turks and Tartars united, had done in Slavonia, carrying away 8000 prisoners, and slaying or consuming by fire many more, and that being come to Quinque-Ecclesiae with a great booty, they [...] received command, and were resolved to besiege Comara: yet he, no whit dismayed, fortified Comara, and taking from thence 4 Culverins, resolved to take from the Turks the Castles of Loqua and Boulonnevar: whose Garrisons greatly annoyed the Christian Territories, and hindered his designs. They are scituated upon a great Marsh, which separateth Hungary from Rascia, and strong enough to be detended against a small Army.

Being come within sight of Loqua Castle, well manned [Page] and furnished with all necessaries, and the Army lodged, he summoned the besieged to yield, with promises of courtesie, if they would in time accept thereof: who swore, that they would live and die within those Walls: whereupon, Collonitz first assaulted a Mill, which served the Castle instead of a Bulwark, seeming hard to be taken; yet his men so bravely assaulted it, that they became Masters of the place, and therein lodged; but finding it dangerous to keep, and to stand them in small stead, they fired it, and planted four Culverins before the Castle; but the while, the Turks couragiously sallied out upon them; for they hoped shortly to be relieved by their great Army. They fiercely charging the Haiducks, slew 30 of them, retiring without losse, and forthwith discharging so many shot and Arrowes, that the Christians well knew not, how to defend the danger; so that alwayes to approach the place, being stopped, they devised how to fire the Castle, whose Fire-works were to small purpose, the fire being by the Turks quenched, so soon as kindled. This done, they devised to set fire on the Timber, which joyned the Palisado to the Castle, but the fire burned but slowly, to do any great harm: [...], they resolved by plain force, to assault and scale it; so the Haiducks, carrying thick woodden planks before them, instead of Targets, gained the Palisado, placed upon the Ditch, from whence they so plyed the besieged, with small shot, that they drave them from their Curtains, not daring any more to appear on the Walls. Immediately after, two Companies of Haiducks, couragiously mounted a Tower of the Castle upon 10 Ladders; but the Turks valiantly repulsed them, and by force, drew in the two Ensign-bearers, from off the Ladders, whose Heads they cut off, and cast them down to those who were coming up, placing the two gained Ensigns, in the midst of their own.

[Page]Hereupon, the Christians, not a little dismayed, kept close at the foot of the Wall, as afraid any further to force the place.

But Collonitz, immediately drawing out of every [...] of Count Reingrave, some of the best and most [...] Souldiers, to renew the assault, they forthwith, chearfully began to mount the Ladders: whereupon, the Haiducks, partly through shame, partly to partake of the spoil, did what they might to win the place; so that the Turks, not able longer to withstand them, were constrained to yield to the fury of their Enemies: who slew almost all in the Castle, both Rascians and Turks, taking the rest prisoners; yet it cost much Christian blood also. Among others, there was an Hungarian Renegate there taken, whom they beheaded, not being at leisure, to empail him.

But during this spoil, the fire which they had cast upon the Pallisado, now increasing with the winde, [...] degrees having burnt the Pallisado, got hold of the [...] also: which the Souldiers (loaded with prey) not regarding, the fire utterly consumed the Castle, with whatever had escaped their hands.

The Turks at Boulowenar (but a League off) [...] these flames, consulted what course were best for them to take, and at last, resolved to flee: So putting all their goods into certain Boats upon the Lake, departed, perswading themselves, that the Christians coming, and finding nothing, would not long there stay, hiding themselves (the mean while) in the Marsh; but they coming thither, wondered to see men so cowardly, and sought out every corner thereabouts, to finds out whither they were fled: at last, they found certain Boats, which the Turks had sunk in the Channel, nigh the Castle-Gate, whereby they thought that they were fled by water, and perhaps not far off: which Boats [Page] being drawn up, and having Oars, &c. Collonitz commanded some of the most resolute Haiducks, to follow after the Turks; who, accustomed to such exploits, went aboard, and had not gone past two Leagues upon the Lake, but they discovered a party of them, hid in a little Island: who, dismayed, yet forced to stand on their Guard, thought to have hindered the Haiducks from landing, by somelittle Faulconshot; but they (all fear of danger set apart) landed in the Isle, whom the Turks couragiously receiving, an exceeding great fight (for so small a number) was fought; but at last, the chief of the Turks, and their Governour being slain, the rest parlyed, yielding Wives, Children, and all that they had, as a prey to the Victors: next day, the Christians putting four hundred Haiducks, and two hundred Hussars into Boulowenar Castle, with their prisoners and rich booty, returned toward Comara, where they arrived in safety. The Emperour had thirteen Ensignes, besides the places won, which being nigh Canisia, much bridled the incursions of that Garrison.

But in Transilvania, Moyses being overthrown by Basta, betook himself to Solomose, a strong Castle of his own, in fear attending the finall [...] of his affaires.

Basta, the while, subdued the rest of the Countrey, repressed the Rebels, &c. and put MOYSES in despair of safety: wherefore, offering to yield his Castle to the TURKS, he thrust himself, with Wife and Family, and all his substance into TEMESWAR, whom the BASSA, in shew, most courteously received; and the rather, for that he hoped to make a prey of his Wealth.

Ere long, he had perswaded the Captain of GIVASCAR, a strong Frontier Castle, to deliver it to the Turks, without the Souldiers privity: who, [Page] yet getting knowledge thereof, besought their Captain not to draw such an infamy on himself and them, by so foul a fact; but afterwards, finding him resolved so to do, they suddenly laid hands on him, and struck off his Head, and held the place.

Moyses still plotting to trouble the State of Transilvania, sent many Spies with Letters of credence to the chief men of that Countrey, assuring them of sufficient ayd from the Turk, if they would, as he termed it, but take up Arms for their liberty.

Basta the mean while, made choice of 6000 of his best Souldiers, and went to besiege Moyses's Castle, of Solomose: whom, at his arrival, the Turks there in Garrison derided; for why? they thought, the Castle being seated on a steep high hill, and well fortified with Walls, and a broad and deep Ditch, and not subject to battery, could not but with much labour, danger, and time, be gained; and indeed, the Christians at first, stood as men dismayed, at the foot of [...] Hill of the Castle; yet more discouraged with the impregnableness of the place, than with the valour of the Defendants; but in seeking, they discovered a little steep Hill, over against the Castle, from whence it was to be battered; but to bring the Cannon thither with Horses, was impossible for the steep roughness of the ascent, with broken and hanging Rocks, overgrown with Trees and Bushes: yet these resolved men, by force of hand, drew their Cannon up to the top of the Hill; and planting it, began to batter the Castle: then they, day and night, put all things in such order, as if they would even by plain force, have carried the place; but the Turks being not many in number, and seeing themselves to have to do with men of invincible courage, craved a parley, and agreed, with their Arms and lives onely, to depart: a great Conquest got with small charge.

[Page]This strong place so gained, led the whole Province to the Emperour's obedience: so that Basta, assembling all the chief men of Transilvania, declared unto them the justice of his cause, the right of the Emperour, with the malice and treachery of the Turks and Rebels: how they might live in assurance with the one, and become miserable with the other, with sundry other admonitions: who answered, beseeching him, that their Countrey might be relieved from the crowd and cruelty of the men of Warre, and delivered from the intolerable burthens of Tributes, &c. in recompence whereof, they would pay him 15000 Hungarian Duckats yearly, to pay his Souldiers, and furnish him with all necessary provisions: which offer, being by Basta accepted, and the people hereby contented, they were kept in their allegiance and loyalty to the Emperour. But, in the mean time, Moyses the Rebel, having by the Visier Bassa's appointment, received 10000 Tartars in his ayd, and a great number of Turks, entred Transilvania, protesting there to die, or be revenged of Basta, making choice of a most fit time, for the performance thereof; for Basta, upon the trust he now had of the Transilvanian's allegiance, being with a small power, come from Claudionopolis, & then laying at Wiscebourg, upon the confines of Hungary, the Transilvanians believed, that (through the necessity of his presence in Hungary) he should stay there for that year, as the Emperour's General [...]: whereupon, many, both of the Nobility and others, before by Moyses prepared, and now by his presence encouraged, joyned themselves unto him against the Imperials.

Moyses first forced a Castle, about three Leagues from Wiscebourg, and slew all the Garrison: which exploit, encouraging him, and full of hope in the absence of Basta, he, as Master of the Field, forraged, robbed, and spoiled, besieging Wiscebourg a small Town, neither by [Page] art or nature strong; howbeit, it held out three weeks siege, and having a breach made in the Walls, endured two Assaults.

After which, the besieged, out of hope to be relieved by the weak forces of Basta, yielded to him the Town, upon saving their lives and goods, and so departed to [...]. Albeit, the Haiducks failed not to follow these Warres in Transilvania, and were ever taking some prey from the Enemy, the chiefest meanes, whereby they live: not a little also, easing thereby the Countrey, by repressing the excursions and pillages of the Turks: where, among other prisoners, they lighted upon a Chiaus come from Constantinople, going toward Moyses from the Sultan Mahomet: who examined, confessed that Moyses was in great grace with his Lord and Master, of which he was sent to assure him: as also of all the needful assistance of his Prince, if he should bring Transilvania under his subjection, as he had promised & sworn: whereby he should not onely gain credit, but be made Lievtenant Gen. of the Sultan's Army there: he said also, that Mahomet had on foot an Army of 150000 men, to conquer Pesth and Strigonium; which had already made towards Hungary, had it not been for some Rebellion, whom for all that, he would soon chastise, and turn his whole Forces upon the Emperour.

Moyses finding much Ordnance in Wiscebourg, resolved to besiege Basta in Sosinnar, whither Basta came with his small forces. But he, better acquainted with Martiall affaires, than Moyses; thought best, first to take order for strengthning of the place, and then to provide as he could, for the safety of himself and his: wherefore he advertising the Governour of Cassova, of his necessity, he presently commanded six Companies of Horsemen, to thrust into Sosinnar, for the better defence [Page] thereof: who, either fearing, or favouring the Rebels Army, without any attempt at all given, returned to Cassova, much provoking the Countrey by the way, by their pilfering and out-rages; but now craving pardon of their Governour, who was about with the rest of his power to cut them in pieces, they offered him six principall Authours of their disloyalty who were forthwith executed, and their quarters hanged upon Gibbets, by the high way side; but Basta (the while) was without succour, and the place wherein he lay in danger of taking: howbeit, the TRANSILVANIANS thereabouts, resolved to relieve him, both for fear of the TURKS bondage, and of the tyranny of MOYSES; one of whose Secretaries, with Letters of Credence, threatned all the Countrey, with all kind of miseries, if they helped not, with all their power, to force and win the place.

Amongst others, RADOL of VALACHIA, raised immediately eight thousand men, which he presently sent to the relief of Basta.

Moyses hearing hereof, and also, that Basta having well fortified the place, was departed, assuring his men, there left, to relieve them; and that he was gathering together his Army, of himself raised his Siege, and departed: whom the TURKS forthwith forlook, being called back by the Bassa of Temeswar, to repress the Haiducks, who in the absence of most of the Garrison, had desperately assailed those Suburbs, slaying all they found there, and rifling and burning them; and so returned to VERADIN: yet not so contented, were every day abroad, seeking after new booty: which caused the Bassa to call the TURKS home into their Garrisons.

[Page] Moyses notwithstanding, was yet Master of the Field, Basta not daring to oppose him, the Succours from Valachia, being not yet come, which he daily expected; yet there were many hot skirmishes betwixt the stragling Souldiers on both sides, as they met seeking after booty.

Moyses therefore, laid siege to Claudionopolis, a great, but weak City, and for that cause, not very well manned. Howbeit, the Souldiers and Inhabitants, standing upon their defence, Moyses was constrained to batter it, and in very short time, had made a very fair breach, ready now to have given the assault: whereupon, the besieged gave up the City, the Citizens having life, goods, liberty, and Religion saved, and to stay there still; and the Souldiers with Arms and Baggage, to be safely brought over the Mountains, into some place of surety. The Rebell much encouraged, resolved to make this the Seat of his Principality.

The Turks and Tartars, allured with the smell of riches, repaired thither on every side; so that Moyses's Army, hope and fortune, encreased, sending to Temeswar, for his Wife and Family, to come to him to Claudionople, with a Convoy of four hundred Turks: who being come thither, and about to have led the Wife and Family out of the City, were not suffered by the Janizaries so to do, telling him, The Sultan had found so many disloyalties, treacheries and treasons, in the Hungarians, Transilvanians, and Valachians, that, doubting of the fidelity of Moyses, he was resolved to keep this gage for more assurance; and that they should receive nothing from him but favour, so long as he received from Moyses, the effects of his loyalty; but he should never hope to enjoy them, but in Temeswar, or some such like place, assured for his service.

Moyses astonied, was much moved against the Sultan, [Page] complaining in his soul, that having ruinated his faith, honour, and the welfare of his Countrey, to assure him of his fidelity, he yet doubted of his constancy, &c.

In the mean time, the Valachian-Succours were upon the borders of Transilvania, under the Conduct of Marsa, the Vayuods Lievtenant; and Basta was gathering together his forces, hourly expecting 2000 Horsemen out of Silefia: wherefore, Moyses marched with 30000 men, to cut off the Valachians, before they could come far into Transilvania, or joyn with Basta, learning the place where they were to enter, their numbers, and the way they were to hold; so the Valachians (being but 8000, and the Turks and Tartarian Horsemen being at their backs) must needs fight or die. Necessity indeed, gave courage to the weaker side; yet the greater number at length prevailed, so that, after a great fight, wherein a great number of Turks and Tartars were slain: the Valachians left their dead Companions, with Tents and Baggage, and fled, yet often making stands.

The Rebels now fearing no harm, divided the spoil, filling the Heavens with the noise of Trumpets, in token of Victory: which disorder, the Valachians perceiving, turned head, and serring close together, couragiously thrust themselves into the midst of these Victors: which so dismayed and troubled them, that, surprized in disorder, with their hands full of spoiles, they could not recover themselves: some stood as men amazed, others ran away, others stood on their defence, but all were alike slain; so that, at last, most of them were cut in pieces, and the rest put to flight, Moyses himself being slain. Of which Victory, the Vayuod certified Basta, sending him 25 of the Enemies Ensigns; and writing, that the dead Body of Moyses was found among the midst of the dead, slain even at the first charge, wherein his Guard was overthrown. And because some had given out, he [Page] was not dead, nor present at that Battel, his Head was set up at Cārolstad, upon a Launce, for all men to behold. But another Rebel, called Albert Nage, by and by starts up, who with 6000 Transilvanians, Turks, Tartars, Cossacks, and Moldavians, made head towards Lippa: against whom, Basta speedily sent 3000 Haiducks, well acquainted with the Countrey; for the Rebels chiefly sought, by taking the advantages of places, to delay time, and gain purchase: whom the Haiducks surprizing near to Ferre-Castle, where they meant to have charged them, they, suddenly overtaken, and supposing them to have been more than they were, made small resistance; but by flight, shifted every man for himself, most of them being slain, and their Chieftain, with much adoe, saved, to be at another time justly executed.

Basta, being again become Master of the Field, very soon after reduced all Transilvania, under the Emperors obeisance, to whom he, with the Vaynod, sent 100 Ensigns, with some other rich spoils of the Rebels, for a Present: all which, the Master of the Ceremonies, in great Pomp led, together with Moyses's Horse, exceeding richly furnished; to whom, the Emperour, in reward, sent a Chain of Gold, by Count Fustenberg.

Basta, now resolved to besiege Temeswar, marched towards Lippa, there to meet with the Vayuod's Forces. His Army consisted of 20000 men, well furnished; and having 25 Pieces of Ordnance, of the enterprise, every man had good hope; but his Souldiers at the siege, [...] excessively feeding upon Fruit, whereof, there was that year, great store (though he most straightly commanded, none to be eaten, or brought into the Camp) so many died of the Bloody-Flux, that he was glad to be gone. Count Solmes, the while, laying at Carolstad, set forth with 400 Souldiers of his Garrison, to surprise Wiscenburg, without any great resistance, becoming Masters [Page] thereof; but the Citizens, over-grieved with their insolent out-rages, opened their Gates to the Rebels of Transilvania, even then fled from the overthrow: who full of revenge, and too strong for them, so slaughtered them in the streets, (they also of the Town from above helping them) that the Count had but sixty left alive, who with himself, were thrust into a strong and loathsom prison.

Now upon the bruit of the coming of the Turks great Army into Hungary, there came together an Army of 25000 Foot, and 10000 Horse, well appointed: of which gallant Army, Lord Russworme was for this year, made Generall, who therewith, marched in sight of Strigonium, to assure it of relief, if the Enemy (as newes then went) should chance to besiege them. Laying there three weeks, waiting for the rest of the forces, he the while disposed of all things needful, for keeping of Strigonium, putting into St. Andrews Fort, near unto it, 3000 Lansquenets for its relief: then he removed towards Posth, encamping within a League thereof, hoping that the preservation thereof, if the Enemy should befiege it, might in time, be a cause to win Buda.

The Turks Army being 100000 men, few dayes after, came and encamped in sight of the Christian Army, on the other side of Danubius. In the mean time, certain Souldiers of Pesth, fled by stealth, to the TURKS in BUDA, craving of them Victuals: whom (though they were almost in as great want) they bountiously relieved: the Bassa of BUDA, (to corrupt their followers) entertaining these Fugitives, with double pay: who gave him a thousand thanks, greatly [...] his bounty, and from the Walls inviting their Companions, to do as they had done; yet although they from the BASSA'S mouth, [...] [Page] them plenty of Victuals, good entertainment, and four moneths pay more: none of them hearkened to their allurements, but rather offered of themselves to be sworn again to their allegiance to the Emperour, and to die in the place, rather then forsake it; yet was the want of Victuals then in Pesth great: but ere long, May 15th, a great Ship laden with Wine and Victualls, arrived there: whose passage, the Turks attending in the Isle, to have intercepted, they of Pesth sallying out, killed many of them, forcing the rest to quit the place; and shortly after, a number of other Ships, laden with provision and necessaries, arriving there, filled it with as great plenty, as there had been want: which being conducted thither, by 500 Harquebusiers of Strigonium, the Turks of Buda durst not, or could not stay it.

At the same time, a Turkish Captain fleeing from Alba Regalis to Rab, shewed the Christians, how they might come to the Suburbs thereof, and spoil the same; yea, and happily surprize the Town, offering himself also to be the Guide: to whom, the Christians then giving credit, the two Garrisons of Rab and Strigonium, surprized the Suburbs of Alba Regalis, slaying all that resisted, rifling them, firing them, and so, laden with spoil, returned in safety. Then also Lord Nadasti, Col. Mesbourg and Count Thur, with their Hungarians, Almaines, and Hussars, on the other side of Danubins, to brave the Enemy, marched over the plain, with a Convoy of Victuals for Pesth, at mid-day, with Trumpers gallantly sounding, the Turks from the Walls of Buda, beholding the same; but not daring to adventure upon it.

The Haiducks, left at the Castle of Adom, (commodious for impeaching the bringing of Victuals to Buda, and for relief of Pesth) now upon the bruit of the coming of the Turks great Army, trussed up their baggage, fired the Castle, and retired to Strigonium: where the Governour [Page] examining them why they fled, and what Enemies chased them thence: whereof, they rendering no reason, but their imaginary fear, he imprisoned them, there to remain, till order were taken by the General, for their further punishment.

Mahomet, amidst all his delights, was in the midst of the insolencies of his tumultuous Janizaries at home, and abroad, in Warres against the rebellious in Asia, and the Christians in Europe: wherefore he resolved (if possible) first to appease the troubles with his subjects in Asia, (though the punishing of Rebellion is more needful in a Prince to maintain his State, than is Warre against a stranger, for conquering of a new Countrey.) Howbeit, the Sequel shewed, Falshood and treachery was the ground of the whole business on both sides.

Mahomet, spared no kind of cunning, to deceive these crafty men, offering them, with his pardon, great preferments and honours, so they would lay down Arms, and no more take them up, but in his service; but they well knew, the promises of faithless Princes, cost them nothing but words; so that they not onely refused, to yield him their obedience as he desired, but even to have peace with him upon any conditions. Hereupon, he thought best, to offer the Christians that which the other had refused, hoping that peace with the one, should be the ruine of the other; and to ease him of a care, how to give an honest and honourable way thereunto, the French Embassador Leger, was then entreating with the great Bassaes, for the deliverance of Count Isolan: whom Mahomet thought a fit man, to deal with the Emperour, concerning a Treaty of peace to be had: whereupon, he set him at liberty, with charge, that he should discreetly and faithfully deal with the Emperour about it: which if he should effect to Mahomets content, then to remain free, otherwise to return into his former captivity; [Page] for whom the French Embassador became a pledge.

Achmet Bassa, also wrote to Collonitz, for the negotiation of this peace, telling him, if they were not resolved to surrender Strigonium, before they began to treat of any other matter, he need not trouble himself, to give any answer to those Letters: saying also, if they should continue to pay the Tribute for the time to come, and discharge the Arrerages for the time past, it should be commodious for the Turks, and honourable for the Imperials: besides he said, peace should be entreated of with the great Cham of Tartary who was commanded by the Turkish Emperour, upon just and reasonable conditions, to entertain the same, and never more, but in peaceable manner, to come into Hungary.

Collonitz forthwith, sent these Letters to the Emperour, requesting him to consider what answer he would have given. The Emperour commanded him to embrace the occasion, and to try, whether the Turks desire were agreeable to their words or not: Collonitz hereupon, with some of the best Commanders in the Army, entred into a Treaty of peace with the Turks: whose demands tended so much to the hurt and dishonour of the Emperour, that they even at first, shut up the way to all further conference; for after their proud manner, they unreasonably demanded to have Transilvania, Strigonium, and Pesth, restored to them; for which, they offered to deliver Agria and Canisia, pibble for Pearls; so that they departed on both sides, as they came: also, while this Treaty was in hand, the Turks gathered together, great store of Men and Ammunition at Belgrade, to convoy much Victuals to put into Buda: whereof Collonitz hearing, ceased further to treat, and betook himself to his Arms, to do what they might, for the hindering their purpose for Buda, where there was now such want, that the Turks having eaten all their Horses, and rifled the Governours House for Victuals, resolved to abandon the City, if not relieved [Page] within few dayes. The Christians embarqued their Footmen upon the River, under Alimeine, Governour of Strigonium, and Sultze, Governour of Pesth. Whilest Collonitz with the Horsemen, scoured along the Banks of the River, and Aug. 22, near to Mohatsch, fell upon the head of the Turk's Army, led by Murat Bassa, six thousand in number, two thousand being Janizaries, who laying encamped upon an even plain, he forthwith charged them: where after many notable charges, the Turks retired toward the Body of their Army in great hast: whom Collonitz followed with like heat, as he had charged them; but ill followed by his friends, who sought after the spoil, instead of pursuing their Enemies; so that the Turks perceiving the fewness of the pursuers, turned about, and even right hardly charged them: who were now glad themselves to retire; yet so, as without any great losse received: Howbeit, the Turks came on so fast and couragiously, that they had defeated the Christians, had not the Haiducks out of their Boats, resolutely come to their relief: whereupon, the Turks again retired, whom the Christians furiously charged, and pursued even to their great Camp, and so returned with the glory of the Field, and spoil of their Enemies: Murat Bassa's red Cornet being taken, with two Field-pieces, seven hundred Turks being slain, and 120 taken, Saxar Beg being one: who upon examination, confessed, that Hassan the day before, came into the Camp, dining with the great Cham; after which, he discoursing with him, among other great matters, of his return into his Countrey, was much against the same, till they had victualled Buda: whereunto, he was (he said) in honour and duty, bound to give his assistance, the losse of this good place, being of so great importance to the great Sultan: otherwise his ayd had bin unto him, rather hurtful than profitable, &c. He also assured them, that the Bassa purposed to new fortifie three frontier Castles, and so to go to the Siege [Page] of Pesth, which done, to besiege Strigonium: which yet he doubted to win this year, winter approaching, and a great part of his forces being far off, that the Tartars were far from the Camp, where the Bassa of Asia, leading the reconciled Rebels of Asia, and him of Caramania, 6000 Janizaries were in few dayes expected: which Confession, though not altogether true; yet time shewed, it carried some shew of probability: few Christians, in Comparison of the Turks, were slain. It was noted, that the Souldiers of Col. Sultze refused to pursue the Enemy, whether fearing some ambush, or disdaining to follow Gen. Collonitz; the reasons, perhaps, why Sultze stayed them from the pursuit.

Collonitz most bravely behaved himself in this Conflict, sometime forcing the charge, and again staying his men in their retreat; so that oft lost among his Enemies, and again returning, he escaped death as it were by a miracle, and from being taken by chance; and doubtless, had the rest, after his example, prosecuted their good fortune, the Enemy had been quite overthrown, and themselves been both victorious and rich; for besides the spoils by them gotten, they might have carried away a whole years pay, due to the Garrison of Buda, which the fearful Turks had left in their Camp, (which upon the recovery of their courage, they recovered) with much more. Russworm, (the Christian Army being assembled, about Septemb. 4th) sent forth two most trusty and expert Souldiers, to understand of the Turks affaires and designes, who, in Turkish Habit, were in their Army 8 dayes unsuspected; and returning back, declared to the General, that the Turks Army was very great, but not such as that which last year besieged Pesth: that they lay encamped at large, which made them seem the greater, being well provided of Ordnance: that Hassan commanded as General, having brought with him 12000 Janizaries, besides his Horsemen, and reconciled Rebels [Page] in Asia daily looked for: that the great Tartar Han, was to Hassan's great discontent, already returned homewards with Christian booty and prisoners, to appease a Rebellion raised by his Nephew; who, by his Uncle, given in Hostage to Mahomet, had found meanes to escape from Constantinople; hoping now in his Uncle's absence from Tartary, to place himself in his Throne; and, that the Tartars being denied boats by the Turks, to pass Danubius with many opprobrious Speeches for his departure, Asa Conard, had made a floating Bridge of great [...], whereby he passed over his Foot, his [...] [...] over. Who boasted as he went, that he had trodden underfoot all the requests of Hassan Bassa.

Besides, they had seen six great Vessels upon the River, ten lesser following them, manned with 3000 well armed men, 300 being Janizaries, to conduct the Munition, and the Victuals that was to follow up the River, if the Christians should attempt any thing against the same.

Lastly, that the Turks Army, by reason of many great lets, could not this year be great: Wherefore, the Turks Captaines came unwillingly to these Warres, accounting it a happinesse, if they might in this Expedition but take Pesth. Hereupon, the Christians were so encouraged, as if they had bin to fight with men already discouraged.

The Hussars of Strigonium the while, going forth, met with 400 Turkish Forragers, who at first made a most gallant fight together; but, the skilfull and couragious Husfars, at length brake the Turks ranks, a 120 laying dead on the ground, most of the rest being taken, with 130 good & serviceable Horses. Sultz also marching from the Camp with 300 men, discovered a 100 of those brave Horsmen, lately come out of Asia with Zellaly the Rebell: who, were with 300 Janizaries, upon a bravery, come over Danubius, to view the Christian Camp. Sultze, to draw these on, sent forth 50 Horse, as it were to discover the Country thereabouts: who meeting with the Turks, as if [Page] by chance, were by them forthwith charged; [...], [...] comming suddenly on, and hotly charging them, they, thinking the Christians to be more than they were, having left some fifty dead on the place, as men dismayed, fled; in which flight, such as were not slain, were drowned [...] the River.

Rusworm wisely doubting, lest Hassan should lodge his Army between Vicegrade and Buda: and so Victual Buda at pleasure, made a strong Fort of an old Temple betwixt these two, lodging therein a Regiment of [...], building another at the Head thereof in the Isle of Vicegrade; and so, that these 2 Forts might one [...] the other: the Fort in the Ifle also, kept the passage upon [...] open, for bringing necessaries to the Christian Camp; 4000 well armed Italians being put therein: then he made a Bridge of boats, extending from the Camp to the Isle, for relief of the Fort; and thence passed over the River to Vacia, a small Town needful to be kept.

Ere long, the Bassa sent 10000 Horse and Foot to take the first of these Forts, which they supposed to be but weak: who were so received by the Lansquenet's Harquebusses, that the whole Fort seemed to be on fire: Whereupon, the Turks dismayed, and having lost some men, and more hurt, sounded a retreat, and returned. Then the Turks made a Bridge over [...], hoping thereby to pass over, and annoy the Christians on th'other side, whom Rusworm let alone without interruption; but enformed by his Espials (of the very time when they were about to pass over) he laid 4000 [...], and 2000 Reisters in Ambush behind, great store of [...] & Reeds growing upon the Banks [...] [...], having with them 4 Culverings ready charged: Collonitz with his Regiment laying behind their Prince [...], with some French Gentlemen, who followed him into those Wars to see service. In the Head, there was also Lord [...] a French man, with his few, but valourous private followers; [Page] upon the flanks lay 4 Carabin Troops of French [...] and [...]. The Turks passing over, were of purpose charged by some few Christian Forrainers, whom the Turks pressing still on, hoped to overtake and cut in pieces. The Footmen, the while, having perceived ten thousand Turks to be come over, making towards them, the [...] upon the Bank first discharged upon them, slaying some few: yet the Turks passing on, slew about 24 of them, marching directly towards the Christians: but, in passing by, they were suddenly and hardly assailed by the Lansquenets and Reisters: also, the Horsmen now come in, [...] somewhat disordered them before they were well aware. The scattered Walloons also, now rallied, on another side furiously charged their Enemies: the Culverins not ceasing to open the Turks flanks, with the loss of a number of them: likewise Collonitz charging them afront, caused them to give ground; the Carabins the while, charging upon their flanks, & the Walloons behind: who thus beset, and out of hope to be relieved, fled amain to have recovered the Bridge, 2000 in fight and flight being [...], 5000 driven into the River and drowned, and the rest taken prisoners: one Bassa of great [...] was slain, with many other Commanders of great note, and 1500 Janizaries: 4 Fieldpieces, 30 Ensignes, 2 Coronets, brave Horses, much fair Armour rich Apparrell, and good Scimitars, being also taken. This, much abated the courage and hope of the other Turks, and encreased the same in the Christians for this years good success.

About this time, Mahomet putting a Fleet to Sea against the King of Fez, was assured, that the same, with Tempest sore beaten, to avoid shipwrack, was returned to the Fort from whence it loosed, and that with sickness and great losses. The like or worse hap also then befell another Fleet which he set out into the Euxine Sea, to defend those [...] from being spoiled by the Asian Rebels, which did there great harm; for, though Sellaly [Page] was by the Strait of Dardanelli (of old Hellespont) come with 12000 good Souldiers ont of Asia into Hungary, to do his Lord service; yet the chief Rebell, both now, and divers years after maintained a most cruell and dangerous War, to the great hinderance of the Sultans Affairs: and the Rebell seeming as if he would have submitted himself, and come into Europe as did Zellaly, had some Galleys sent him, for transporting him and his Souldiers in: who possessed thereof, slew all those therein, keeping the Galleys; So, that the Rebels were now up in greater number, and did more harm than ever, being the more encouraged by the example of Hassan Bassa (not him the Generall in Hungary) who sent against these Rebels, had for a time kept them under; but, now by Mahomet displaced, and another sent to succeed him: he, discontented, so incensed his Souldiers against him, that when he came, most of them were ready to turn their Weapons upon him. At length, falling together by the eares about the old Generall and the new: a number were slain, all of the richer sort spoiled, and the Sultans service neglected; but, the new Generall at last prevailing. Hassan with his partakers were glad to flee: yet afterwards, collecting the dispersed Souldiers, and joyning with the Rebells, held still a good Army on foot, doing what harm he could. The Persian King also, taking advantage by all these troubles, besieged Tauris, kept with a most strong Garrison of Turks, using the battering Cannon therein, long scorned by the Persians, as not beseeming valiant men; wherewith, as with skilfull Cannoniers, the Portugalls furnished him; whereby he soon again recovered this great City from the Turks. Mahomet thus on every side beset with troubles, and in mind much perplexed, and struck as it were with a remorse of conscience, and a firm belief, that God did thus chastise and punish him for his offences; considering, that his Ancestours were never so troubled, commanded publique prayers [Page] to be continually said, in all Mosquies throughout his Dominions, giving himself wholly also unto such Exercises, and works of Charity; sending withall, two of his chiefest Priests bare-headed and footed on Pilgrimage to Mecha (where their Prophet's chief Temple is, & wherin they believe to be most speedily heard) to pray to him for their Prince his health and prosperity.

At the same time, Amurat Rais, an old Pirate, and the Turks Admirall, for the West part of the Mediterranean; in his roaming, lighted on a great Flemish ship, which he forthwith beset with his Galleys: the calmnesse of the weather favouring him. The Flemmings after a great fight made, slaying a number of Turks, and sore renting divers Galleys, yet losing many men, not able longer to fight; and being boarded, by as many Turks as could well stand upon the Hatches, and their Galleys hanging round about her, laid all their powder left, on a heap, and fired it, whereby the Turks were blown up, themselves and ship tore in pieces, with divers Galleys, grapled unto her, and exceeding harm done to the other Galleys near her.

Rais astonied at so great and desperate a resolution, hasted to shoar to repair, and so to put to Sea again: where he had not long layen, but he met with the Duke of Florence's Galleys (accounted the best in the World) and after many a Cannon on both sides discharged, with the Turks apparent loss, when they should have come to grapling, and fight hand to hand, which the Florentines most desired, Rais suddenly fled: whom, they following amain, sunk some Galleys, and took others full of Riches; So, that this renowned Pirate, for a great while after, was little feared upon that Coast.

But, many a hot skirmish passed betwixt the 2 Armies in Hungary; the Turks receiving the most hurt and loss. A Troop of Christians going to seek Booty, fell upon a like Troop of the Turks: where, after a sharp encounter [Page] on both sides: the Turks at length fled, leaving a number dead on the place; losing 2 Ensignes, with 130 serviceable Horses: the Christians pursuing them hard, drave a number more into Danubius, wherein they perished, taking many more prisoners, above 80 being Italian Renegates, who as Enemies to God, were in a Court Martiall condemned and hanged, saving the Captain who was beheaded. Shortly after, the Bassa came in the beginning of October and encamped nigh Buda, both for preservation of the place, and safety of his Army; for it was known, that in these conflicts, the Turks had lost a number of their best Souldiers, chiefly Janizaries; so, that the Bassa armed 6000 of his best Souldiers with Musquets and s [...]imitars in the rooms and pay of the dead Janizaries: the rest of his Army being, mostly, bare and feeble raw Souldiers: Besides, instead of their wonted threats and bravery, the Souldiers in all places sighed, and bewailed the loss of their Brethren and Friends: also, the Christian Army being thought to be much greater and stronger than it was, had so feared the Turks, that they resolved, Buda once Victualled, to return home, all their other designs for this year set apart.

The Turks being now encamped nigh Buda, the Christians left Pesth as out of danger; and encamped betwixt the Fort in the Isle of Vicegrade and Vacia, staying there 4 dayes; and, then by a Bridge made upon Danubius, they passed the River, and came and encamped before the Fort of St. Andrew (kept by the Lansquenets) in the face of the Enemy. The field was plain and open, not to hinder the joyning of a set battel: the encouraged Christians being come thither, to seek it in so fit a place, which the Turks sought as much to shun. Nevertheless, for very shame, they put forth 5000 men into the field, 5 dayes after: which Battalion came marching near the Christians upon confidence of 10000 Horse and Foot, which lay as close as possible a little out of the way; whom the Christians [Page] not thinking of, sent forth 1200 against these 5000, to skirmish with them, till the whole Army were put in order, even for a generall Battell that day, whereunto, the whole Christian Army was fully enclined: with great chearfulnes marching on foot, thinking those 5000 Turks to have bin the head of the Avaunt-guard, sent to draw them out to skirmish, till the comming on of the rest of their Forces: Howbeit, their design was only to train them out into their Ambushes: whereof they gave sufficient Testimony, because, after 3 hours skirmish, with loss on both sides, the Turks Army appeared not, and the 5000 Turks by little and little retired: who, it was not like, would have given ground to 1200, if they had not had some secret meaning therein: which, caused the Christian Carabins not to be too earnest in their pursuit, and more closely to serve together, the better to endure the shock if they should charge them. The Turks seeing their purpose discovered, on a sudden made a stand, came on, and hardly charged the foremost Carabins: who, as men half surprized, were not able so valiantly to receive the charge of so great a number, but some few were overthrown and slain, with some Hungarians among them, yet they valiantly repulsed them, slaying a good number. The prease in this conflict was great on both sides: but, new supplies still comming in, the Turks at last retited; 300 being left slain, and 100 Christians.

Now upon the retreat, every man conceived a generall battell next day; the brags of the Turks occasioning the Christians so to think; for they seldom or never refused battel offered them by the Christians (accounting that an eternal Infamy) both for their confidence commonly had in their multitude, and for their opinion of mens inevitable predestination to life or death; being perswaded also, that no mens souls go more readily to Heaven, than of such as die in battell against the Christians; yet at this time, shewed, that a strong apprehension [Page] of fear is able to prevail against all customs, perswasions, and accidents: for, the Turks came not forth according to promise; they having (besides almost all their Janizaries and valiant'st Souldiers) lost also all their Erasbles desperate Souldiers, fighting on Hors-back onely; with a little piece of Tapestry on their Horses-backs: by whose readiness, they do long in one sort maintain their fight: carrying Darts made of fair Canes, & strongly armed, with Sables or broad Curtelasses; the loss of these men, who stood the Turks in great stead, in receiving the Enemies charges, much discouraged them: Howbeit, they in some part returned the like losses to the Christians; for, while the Turks lodged in the Isle of Vicegrade, Collonitz so annoyed them with 8 great Field-pieces, that they were about to forsake the place: which, the more to force them to do, he embarqued himself with 600 Haiducks, landing by night near them with great silence, thinking to have surprized them; but, by the dayes coming on, the Turks were aware thereof, issuing out of their Trenches, and with all their Force charging him, who made Head against them, though he had not men enow to withstand the least part of his Enemies: upon which his so great resolution, the Turks stood a great while in doubt to charge them: the Field-pieces which Collonitz had brought with him, served him to good purpose; the fight endured 2 hours: at length, the Christians oppressed with number, rather than vanquished, left their pieces, disorderly retiring to their Boats: the Turks slaying 400 Haiducks in eager pursuit, the rest with much ado recovering their Boats, hardly defending their Generall from the Enemies fury: yet, were the most forward and couragious Turks in that fight slain also, as was known by some prisoners afterwards taken.

To prevent the like attempt, the Turks cast up great Trenches in the Isle along the Bank of the River, kept by some of their best Souldiers, till the dis-lodgement of the Camp to lay before Buda.

[Page]The Turks before this, had built a [...] of Boats at Lamascin to pass into Stiria, where they did great harm; to strengthen which, they built 2 strong Forts at the [...] ends thereof: this Bridge Trantmestorfe, Governour of Stiria, undertaking to break with his Troops, and ayd brought by Serinus, right furiously assailed one of these Forts, before they therein were well aware of his coming: causing the greatest noise possible to be made with Warlique Instruments, as if it had bin some great Army.

The Turks, terrified without much resistance quitted the place, fleeing over the Bridge to the other Fort, which the Christians presently, with 3 Cannons out of the Conquered Fort, battered: and a Breach being made, and scaling Ladders set up, they on every side assaulted the Fort, which the Turks for 5 hours valiantly endured, many being on both sides slain; at last, the Turks with much flaughter overcome, the Fort was taken; most Turks therein being slain, the rest taken, and then were both the Forts razed, the Bridge broken, the Boats, whereof it was made, all burnt: and some Ordnance therein found, broken and cast into the River. At which time Lugaze, a place of great importance for the Emperour, and very near the Turks, was by the Transilvanians delivered to Basta; whence he sending Scouts toward Belgrade, they brought in certain prisoners: Who said, That, Hassan Bassa had writ to [...] Bassa of Temeswar, That the present state of things so requiring, he should only attend the preservation of this Town; and, that himself having re victualled Buda, purposed for this year to return, hoping of peace to be ere long concluded betwixt the Sultan and Emperour.

The Christians desirous in what they might, to hinder Buda's re-victualling, October 17. after shooting of three Warning pieces, took the field, and so stood ready ranged to give or accept of Battel: before whom Count Reingrave was sent with his Regiment [Page] to discover the [...] of the Enemy, and receive his first charge, if occasion required: whose Scouts, about noon discovered a Turkish Troop, whom the Scouts supposing to have bin the fore-runners of the Turks Army, and by them almost surprized, by a hasty retreat, put the whole Army in an alarm, which came bravely on, in hope to have tried the matter by true labour, and to have made that day for ever famous by their Victory: but the Turks, resolved only upon safeguard of themselves and Victualling of Buda, kept themselves within their Tents and Trenches: So, the Christians most of the day in vain expecting their comming, returned into their Camp.

The same day, a Spy was taken, thought to be a Turk, yet one of their own men: who better informed them of the Turks resolucion for the shunning of battell, both for the losses received, and for divers other unlucky accidents, which made them misdoubt some ill successes in the end of this Expedition; yet, the Christians not much trusting to these reports, still kept their Army in readiness. Howbeit, the time passed but in light skirmishes, and vain Alarms betwixt the 2 Armies: till at length, Buda being by the River stored with Victuals, Hassan Bassa, with much silence by night rose with his Army, retiring towards Belgrade.

Next day, the Enemies sudden departure being perceived, the Christian General consulted with his great Commanders, What were best to be done in so unexpected an Occurrent? Some thought it best to pursue them, others disswading it, and others propounding some other notable [...]: at last it was resolved, Not to hazard any Troops in pursuing their Enemies, hardly to be overtaken, but to attempt some one of their strong Holds, Hatwan being thought the most necessary place; being so seated, as that, besides the great harm it did to the Christians thereabouts, it much hindered both Advertisements and Victuals to be brought to Pesthe Whereupon, they forthwith razing [Page] St. Andrews and Vicegrade Forts, with all their power set [...] toward Hatwan, beyond Danubius toward the North, about 8 Leagues from Buda: which, Maximilian taking in 1594. for the irrepairable losses the Christians had received from this Garrison, caused it to be then dismantled, and made unserviceable for the Wars; after which, for all that, the Turks had new fortified it with Walls, made of Wood and Faggots, with earth rammed in betwixt them, stronger, and better able to endure the Cannon than Walls of stone: in which sort, the Turks use most commonly to fortifie such places as they mean to defend. At the Christians first comming unto it, Sultz with 300 Lansquenets, and Grasold with part of his Italian Regiment, were sent before to begin to make the approaches: which they did, by forcing of a Watermill, not past a Musquet shot from the Town; the Turks the while, sallying out, had with them a sharp Combat hand to hand, many losing their lives: Grasold himself being slain with a smal shot, to the great hurt of the whole Army (specially of the Italians): yet at last the Turks were forced confusedly to retire into the Town, losing a number also. The Christians proceeded in making their approaches, and placing their Gabions to recover their Cannon; wherein the Turks greatly hurt them with great & small shot, chiefly with murdering pieces charged with nailes. Yet, by the comming in of the Army, the approaches next day were brought on, and the battery planted. so near, that the Turks could not without most manifest danger and loss, any more sally out: While the diligent Christians took from the besieged their Water, the Cannon furiously battered the Walls. The Turk, discouraged, and out of hope of relief, thought it best by [...], while their strength was whole, to prevent the danger of a Breach and Assault, sent 2 of their chief men to treat; at first, Demanding to depart safely with bag and baggage but it was answered, They should only with life and liberty [...][Page]gone, with some few hundreds of their worst Horses to carry them whither they meant to retire, and to deliver into the Christians hands, all Renegates in the Town; the Generall threatning the like misery asat the former siege, if they should expect the dreadfull event of a generall assault; So, that they accepted of these hard conditions: and, full of sorrow and heaviness, departed with their Families November 29, being safely conducted to Solnock.

The Christians entring the Town, found great store of Victuals, Munition, Corn, and other necessaries, and the shops stored with weapons, shot and powder, with 24 pieces of Ordnance ready mounted; but, without resolution, all these are but of small force, and with which they are able to do much. The place thus furnished, well considered, seemed almost impossible to be forced, especially Winter being come on, which might have brought many intolerable storms and difficulties upon the besiegers: So, that every man with eyes cast up, gave God the praise, for taking away the Turks courages in so great advantages, & encreasing the Christians in no less difficulties. The Christian Generall put into it 1000 Lansquenets, and 500 Hungarian Horse and Foot, then he retired toward Pesth, which he relieved with Victuals, there billeting that [...]. The Troops of [...] Geisberg and Rover, to preserve it also against the devices and practices of those of Buda, for regaining thereof. Lord Rusworm breaking up his Army near Strigonium, sent sixty four brave Ensignes, all that he this year gained from the Turks, with great triumph to Vienna, for a Present to Matthias, who greatly thanked both the Generall and Souldiers, and bountifully rewarded them that brought them: they of Vienna also, highly commending Rusworm, and not a little rejoycing to see those braving Ensignes now in their power.

[Page]The Army being broken up, a number of Souldiers, especially of Colonel Altmein's Regiment comming for Booty, most cruelly rifled and spoiled the Villages and Inhabitants, both Christians and Turks: who, by the Emperours command were charged at Widhof, and 230 of them brought in prisoners to Vienna, 34 of whom, were for Example hanged, and the rest cashiered.

Count Reingrave's Regiment, were put into the Villages of Chiante and Ternavy: where, besides the troubles they had with the Neighbouring Turks, the very Country-Inhabitants, oft-times, and that for little or no occasion, right furiously charged them as their mortal Enemies; so that these valiant men still forced to buy their bread with the price of their bloud, used the Christians as they did the Turks; but, in these small and often fights, some good number of men on one side or other were every day slain: Wherefore, these Souldiers resolved to go seek their living elswhere, and the rather, for that Captain Clinchamp's Troop, the best in the Regiment, was one night furiously assailed, and almost surprized by the Peasants: Wherefore, they departed into Austria without Victuals, Apparrell, or Mony, their pay due for 17 months being kept from them, a cruelty full of covetousness, and a covetousness full of cruelty; but, great was the Wisdome of Angustus, upholding of his State, who laid up the publique Revenue apart by it self, to defray the publique charge, and his own private for his private uses.

These poor Souldiers, craved leave of the Bishop of Bresburg to passe by his Suburbs without doing any harm, which he granting, they passed accordingly: Wherefore, the Bishop furnished them with Boats to pass over the River; dividing Hungary from Austria; but 1500 of the Peasants of Austria assembled together, and cast up a Fort upon the Bank with three Faulcons, [Page] to keep them from comming over: for a while, courteously requested passage of them, promising all good behaviour in passing quietly thorow their Country: who [...] [...], [...] the danger of their lives, if they should attempt the passage: Whereupon, these provoked Martiall men, turning the head of their baggages toward the Fort as if they would have there passed, while the Peasants stood gazing upon them, Camgaillard with his Troop, swam over a little higher up, unperceived: Chinchampe with his, following also: they were much troubled with flakes of Ice, the Rivers deepness, steepness of the Banks, and many difficulties: yet being got over, they suddenly and furiously charged these Peasants, 300 of them being soon slain upon the place, as many hurt, the rest put to flight: which done, the rest of the Troops passed the River: 7 weeks were they in Austria, and longer had stayed; but that, upon complaint and request of the people, they receiving 9 months pay for 17, had leave to depart: a great oversight, to disband at once so many men, as not their like among all the Emperour's Garrison; for, when necessity called for them again, the Emperour could raise but 3 Troops of all that strong Regiment (they being sundrywayes dispersed) one whereof Camgaillard had, the second Marades a Spaniard, the third, John Paul an Italian: who, all had before done good service in Reingraves Regiment.

This year 1603 ended with divers conflicts, favouring the Christians: 300 Haiducks seeking for booty, met with a very rich Company of. Turks: the Governour of Mohatz being one all whom they cut in pieces, who, most cruelly had before spoiled them of their Parents Lands and Goods. They took also the Governour of Capan with his Son, and 24 other rich Turks: 170 Horses for service, and 8 fat Oxen, which drew forth others to seek for the like: Of whom, certain Troops met the Gouernour of Batzwar, come out against them with his Garrison; in [Page] which hot fight, at first, the Turks seemed to have the better, but at last, the Christians cut them in pieces: divers prisoners being [...], 3 Ensignes, and many rich spoils; after which, the Vayuod of Moldavia sent news, that the Tartars having with all cruelty wasted that Country, the Inhabitants, desperate, generally joyned in Arms with him to try their last Fortune, and fighting with the Tartars, slew a number upon the place, put the rest to flight, and chased them out of the Country. So, notably revenging their former losses.

Neither were the Turks in this cold time of the year idle. The Bassa Beged, hearing that Basta lay with his Troops dispersed about Lippa in great security, by reason of the extremity of the time, acquainted 3 other Turkish Commanders with the matter: who, with 5000 men set all forward, hoping suddenly to have surprized him: but he had his Spies still abroad: who, advising him of their purpose and comming, he collected his Forces, and set forward to meet them, and, in a place of disadvantage, suddenly charged them round, fearing no such thing; so that, as dismayed, after some small resistance, they fled: above 1100 Turks being slain, the rest perishing in the river [...], a few only with the Bassa, by speed, escaping: 20 Captains were taken, a few other prisoners, but a great and rich prey. Much about this time, Barbell a chief Rebell in Transilvania, acknowledging his fault, came to [...], to swear his Allegiance; whereby, a great many others submitted also: but Barbell [...] after, suddenly died, The other Rebels not moved, chose one [...] Gabor (a most renowned Captain for their Chieftain) who proud hereof, presently sent a Herauld to [...], Willing him to deliver to him all Transilvania as to him lately chosen Prince, or else to denounce to him most cruell War, hoping without any ayd of the Turk, to drive him out, being well assured of the Transilvanians. Basta smiling, vouchsafed him [...] other answer, but the shewing him his open hand.

[Page] Gabor bare himself the higher for marrying Moyses's Widow gaining thereby great Riches, and much credit among the common [...]; but, the fourth day after he was married, he dyed: yet, Basta put into the strong places Garrisons of his most faithfull Germans, sending Crausenich to the [...], to request 1000 Horse, and 4000 Foot, without which speedy supply, he thought it unpossible to preserve and keep that Province, troubled with so great Factions, and so earnestly sought after by the Turks: for want whereof, he would acquit himself for the loss thereof: and lay it upon the negligence of those, who might and ought to have sent the same.

But, the Bassa with his weak Army being returned out of Hungary, and himself returned toward Constantinople; Zellaly the Asian Rebell, who had done notable service all the time of that Bassaes abode in Hungary, withdrew himself with 3000 Horse into his promised Government of Bosna, to possess the same, encamping in a large Meadow in sight of Bagnale, the chief City of that Province.

Zeffer Bassa, not yet discharged of his Government, seeing him thus encroach; as if he would by force intrude himself, speedily assembling his men of War, went against Zellay, with purpose quickly to cut his smal number in pieces; but he, having lost the best part of his Forces in Hungary, resolved to attempt that by policy, which by force he could not effect; Wherefore, he began to encamp himself, as if he meant there to lay: and presently after making great fires by night in his Tents, as if to beguile the Enemy, he suddenly departed; Whereupon, the Bassa with his Souldiers hearing thereof, hasted to take the pillage of the same, esteeming of Zellaly but as of a base Coward; but, while the Souldiers were charging themselves with the spoil, which the Bassa gave unto them, Zellaly, the same night, surprized them being asleep: Some began to make head; but, through the generall [Page] fear, and being disordered, they were quickly with the rest, forced, overthrown, and slain: 6000 of the Turks being found dead on the place: the Bassa himself escaping by flight, with such as could get out of the Camp to follow him. Zellaly marching in haste- to all the chief places, caused all those Inhabitants, with most of the Countrey people, to swear to him their faithful obedience: collecting, in so doing, great Wealth, and many brave Horses, all which, he put into Balnaluc, a strong Town, whereinto he in triumph entred, with a Crown of Laurel on his Head, his Souldiers singing prayses, and the Ordnance continually shooting off, for two dayes together; giving out withall, among all his joyful Feasts and triumphs, that he resolved to take part with the Emperour, if the great Courtiers should seek to crosse his desires, or formalize this manner of obtaining his Government.

Mahomet, in doubt of this man, sent for him by divers Messengers, to Constantinople, to receive the rewards of his good service and valour in Hungary: the greatness whereof, he said, he understood by Hassan Bassa, so that it was his desire and pleasure, to grace him in Court with his own hands, for the greater Testimony of his love, and esteem of him; but he, craftily doubting these fair words were but baits, to draw him into his power, &c. civilly answered, He most humbly thanked the Sultan, &c. but he desired no greater reward for his services done, more than the Government his Majesty promised him, whereof he was now possessed, resolving to keep it for his service, which he could not think, but to be to his good liking.

But with this slie answer, Mahomet must, as yet, content himself, lest if he should have sought by force, to remove him, he might have raised a more dangerous Rebellion in Europe, than was in Asia.

[Page]The business of peace the last year begun, was even with the beginning of this year 1604, continued, so that Commissioners on both sides, were appointed to confer, and conclude about the same: Col. Althem being one, who with the other Commissioners, and some other Captains, landed in the Island betwixt Buda and Pesth: the Turks of Buda, coming forthwith thither also, with all outward shewes of their most earnest desire, for concluding a peace; but the Christians assured, that necessity, and not a desire of quietness, had drawn them to seek for it, shewed themselves very backward herein, knowing they did it but to overtake them, &c. Jan. 5th, the Bassa of Buda, had appointed, with the other Commissioners, to come into the Isle; but at length, Letters came from him to Althem, excusing his not coming, requesting them to come over to Buda the more commodiously to confer, and conclude Althem, deeming every action, tending to the hinderance of the common good, to be but in shew, honourable, and indeed, hurtful, sent before, the Gentleman of his Stable, his Cook, with the Turk sent from the Bassa, who were assailed with such a cruel Tempest upon the River, that the Boat was sunk, and the men drowned, an ill presage of peace to be made. But the Tempest being appeased, Althem and [...], passed over the River to Buda: at whose coming, the Turks (in shew, gave 1000 Testimonies of their joy. The Germanes fed largely of the good Cheere, and filled themselves with [...] of Wine given them; and they also using the Turks kindly, as if their Brethren, &c. Amidst which, a Truce for 12 dayes, was demanded, to consider of the Turks Proposition of peace: during which time, every man should freely come and go, whither they would: which agreed on, the Bassa, in presence of the Commissioners; dispatched a Courrour toward the Sultan, to advertise him of this his proceeding, according to his Command: that they might believe, the Sultan [Page] and his Captains were desirous of peace. Then the Bassa presented to Althem, two Cases of Arms of all fashions, very rich and artificial, carried by a Mule, with very sumptuous Furniture for a Horse, as a Present from his Master to the Emperour; and for Matthias, he presented, a Purple-Velvet rich Robe, so cunningly wrought with the needle, that every man wondered thereat, when Althem presented it with other Turkish Presents to the Arch-Duke: He presented also to Althem himself, a very fair and rich Robe, and all the Commissioners had Robes of lesse value; yet very rich and sumptuous. The Commissioners returned back to Pesth: yet these fair Presents, were indeed but like those of Hector and Ajax, tending rather to Warre, than Peace.

At this time died Lord Nadasti, of a naturall death; (about 54 years old) another ill presage of the bad success of this Treaty: who was the first Christian Chieftain, that made head against the Turks, when Amurath invaded Hungary: who being by their sudden coming in, almost surprized; yet performed, great and worthy exploits and service against them: he being dead, the Countrey of Hungaries good fortune died also: even at the giving up the Ghost, he yet breathed Warres against those Enemies of the Christian Faith: his death being much lamented of many, chiefly of his own Tenants, whom he had always preserved in safety and peace; the Turks not daring to assail them, nor enter their Territory: in which, never was Turk buried, through his wisdom and valour, no more than were the Barbarians, upon the banks of the River Eurotas. He was another Epaminondas, who made his Town both free from their Enemies invasions, and also dreadful to their Forces, while he lived. The Turks rejoycing, came now into his rich and plentiful Countrey, to take its spoil; but they were no sooner entered therein, but valiant Collonitz, a new Nadasti, holding that for his own, which his honoured [Page] Fellow in Armes had left, encountred, and so overthrew them, that, for a good while after, they durst not attempt the like.

But about the time of his Death, the valiant Vayuod of Valachia, collecting his Troops, and other small forces, (whereof the Turks little accounted, and therefore without order, ransacked his Countrey) on a sudden, cut many in pieces, and took a number more, chasing the rest with such fear, out of his Countrey, that for a great while, they delighted not to look thereinto.

The Bassa of Buda, now, sent divers Currours to the Turkish Captains and Governours, especially to him of Agria, to abstain from their ordinary incursions into the Christians Territories, and from all other acts of hostility, till by him otherwise commanded: which little respite, greatly contented the poor people, with Warres almost exhausted and spent. During this Truce, both Turks as well as Christian Souldiers, ran to the places of encamping, and, mingled together, delved and searched to finde such things as the Armies rising in haste, had haply left there buried, without any injury to each other by word or deed: in which mad labour, they spent many dayes.

They of Pesth, also went into the victualling-Houses of the Turks at Buda, and walked up and down the Town at pleasure. So did the Turks of Buda, at Pesth; but while these mutuall and unwonted courtesies thus passed [...] them, and most mens mindes were filled with expectation of a sudden peace, Sultan Mahomet died: which newes, being brought by a Currour, in the evening, to Buda, the Bassa sent a Captain to Geisberg at [...], to assure him thereof, and of his young Son Achmat his succession in his Empire: by which Messenger, he also wrote to Althem, to certifie him, both of Mahomet's death, the succession of his Sonne, and also that he was by him commanded to continne the negotiation of [Page] the peace, and if he could, to conclude the same: which Letters, although they were too friendly from an Enemy, to have any good meaning for peace; yet did they [...] assure the Colonel of the Sultan's Death, and Succession of his Sonne Achmat.

Mahomet, departed this life, about the end of Jan. 1604, about 44 years old, reigning 8. He was of no great spirit, yet exceeding proud: wherefore, he was both the lesse beloved and feared of his Subjects: the Janizaries and other Souldiers, not onely rebelling, but [...] in their rages, about to depose him. He was wholly given to sensuality and pleasure, the marks whereof, were, a Foul, swoln, and over-grown body, whose idleness, pleasure, and excess, were no small meanes for shortning his dayes: which he ended with obloquie, unregarded of his Subjects, and of few or none lamented. He had 4 Sonnes, 3 Daughters, married to 3 of the great Bassaes. Mahomet his eldest Sonne he had strangled (as aforesaid) in his own sight, but finding him afterwards guiltless, he buried him in his own Sepulchre: his second Sonnedied very young: Achmat was the third Sonne. The fourth, being kept in the Seraglio, with such a strait Guard, that his name was not to be searned by one, who laying above 3 moneths at Constantinople, most curiously enquired after the same. He was reported to have been murthered; yet he was a good while after that, alive; but looking every day to be strangled by his Brothers Command.

Mahomets dead Body, lieth buried in a fair Chappel of white Marble, nigh the Temple of Sophia, built by himself for that onely purpose, about 50 foot square, with four high small round Towers, about which, are certain small round Galleries of Stone, from which, the Turkish Priests, &c. use to call the people, daily to publick devotion; for they use no Bells themselves, nor will they [...] the Christians to use any.

[Page]The Turks bury none within their Temples, or CityWalls, but the Emperours, with Wives and Children about them, and some few other of their great Bassaes; and those in Chappels built on purpose, with their adjoyning stately Alms-houses, not much inferior to those of the great Sultans. All other Turks are buried in the Fields, some in Tombs of Marble: the rest, with stones laid upon them, or two great stones at head and foot, most being white Marble, brought from the Isle Marmora.

They burie none, where another hath been buried, accounting it great impiety, to dig up another mans bones: whereby all the best ground about the City, is covered with an infinite number of such great Stones. Neither Christian or Turk, may enter into any Turkish Temple or Chappel, [...] he must put off his shooes. But let us now [...] the course of our History.

The Life of Achmat the first, Eighth Emperour of the Turks.

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AChmat, to take from the Court-Souldiers, all occasions of discontentment, by the Counsel of the great Bassaes, before he took on him the Government, distributed two millions and a half of money among them: the Spahi and Silictars Horsemen, having ten Crowns a man, with five aspers a day more pay; and the Janizaries 30 Crowns a man, and one asper a day more; they of his Court, tasting of his bounty also. Then (all men contented) he in a most stately Chariot, was in great Majesty, carried through all the chief Streets of Constantinople, the people gazing and acclaiming; some wishing, that he (but young, about 15 years old) might, as another Solyman, begin his Reign with the Conquest of Malta, as he had of the Rhodes: others, that with glorious Conquests, he might be like Mahomet the great, whom he was reported much to resemble; So he, with all solemnities openly crowned, every man wishing him, a long and happy Reign: in whose Authority and Name, there were many good Orders, for relief of his oppressed Subjects, during his Fathers loose Reign: He removed also, his most proud and rich Grandmother, from all Command in the State, setting the Persian Embassador (close shut up by his Father) at liberty, sending with him, the Bassa of Aleppo, to entreat of peace, with the Shaugh of Persia, who was reported, to recover Tauris, and then preparing for new Conquests; for which motion of peace, some condemned his patience, as not [Page] beseeming the Othoman Emperours, &c. others praysing his [...] dom therein, in seeking by fair meanes, in the beginning of his Reign, to disarm his Enemies; in his setled Estate, to oppress them.

The Bassa of Buda also, wrote to the Governour of Strigonium, to repair to some fit place, for concluding of peace: whereupon, he [...] other Commissioners, Febr. the 4th, came to Collonitz his Camp: whence, being bravely conducted to the Ships, ready to carry them to Pesth, in their passage, both the Turks of Buda, and Christians of Pesth, strove to excel in the thundring of the great Artillery.

The Commissioners were met at Pesth, with many of the better sort of Turks sent from the Bassa of Buda, in his name, to greet them: who, with many honours, again received them; and next day, sent a number of Christians to Buda, to invite some of the chief Turks to a Banquet at Pesth, 600 of whom, willingly coming, the Feast was most magnificently prepared, ten Pavilions being set up for their entertainment, a little off from Pesth: in the first, were three stately Tables: [...] the first whereof, on the right hand, sate the Commissioners, the two Bassaes, one Mufti or arch-Priest, with his [...], a long furred Gown, under which, was a Robe of exceeding rich silk: on the left hand, were Turkish Lords, and other great ones: at all other Tables, were set a Christian and a Turk, till they were all placed: the Turks (after their superstitious manner, would not sit down before Sun-setting, and then, with abundance of Ceremonies, in imitation of their Mufti, sate down, merrily reposing till nine at night, and then returned to Buda; Instruments of Musick, Trumpets and Drums on every side sounding about them. And yet was all this fair shew, nothing but deep dissimulation, and treachery; for a little before their departure, they of Pesth were advertised, that the Turks [Page] of Buda, were come out to surprize Pesth, hoping, that during this Feast, the Christians had [...] the Walls unfurnished; but they, as well providing for defence of the Town, as for the Feast abroad: the Turks were glad to return disappointed of their purpose.

Next day, the Commissioners complained to the Bassa, and other Turks Commissioners, of this so treacherous dealing: who excused themselves, as ignorant thereof, disavowing the action, for want of success, which otherwise, they would have maintained to the utmost; an ordinary course among the great.

Nevertheless, the Turks, next day, requested the Christian Commissioners, to come likewise to Buda; but they excusing themselves, returned to Strigonium, as loath to adventure themselves into their power; yet they left Geisberg, to continue the negotiation with the Bassa, if he should finde him thereunto disposed, &c.

Count ISOLAN being set at liberty by MAHOMET, upon the condition aforesaid, declared to the EMPEROUR, that the SULTAN offered to deliver Buda, Alba Regalis, and Canisia, in exchange of TRANSILVANIA, and VALACHIA, whereto he laid claim, promising to give such reasonable assurance of a most firm peace, as the EMPEROUR should demand.

The Bassa of Buda also, among other fair Remonstrances, had offered the Commissioners of Canisia and Agria, for Pesth, Hatwan, and Vacia; with remission of all Tributes and payments, due for Hungary: all which, though much unreasonable, were but windy words to delay time, and snares to entangle the CHRISTIANS, with vain hope of their so much wished, and expected peace, till they might fortifie [Page] their Towns with all things needful; for Achmat now succeeding Mahomet, they aggravated the conditions of the peace, propounding them very far from reason: and sent from Constantinople, in post to the Bassa of Buda, forbidding him, on pain of his Head, any longer to continue the Treaty, but forthwith, to renew the Warre; and yet, during this negotiation of peace, oft sought for by the Turks, many a solemn [...], had passed from Sultan, Mahomet, and the [...] Bassa, for their faithful dealing therein, as, By the God of Heaven and Earth, By the Books of Moyses, By Davids [...], and By the Holy Evangelists: Oaths much used in their greatest Solemnities, and strongest assurances of their promises.

The Treaty for peace thus broken off, some bruited, that Achmat, under the Conduct of the Visier his Governour, was in person, about to come into Hungary, with a most huge Army: others reported, he was letted so to do, by reason of the Persian Warres; so that he would onely send a great Bassa, with the remainder of his great Forces into Hungary, being sworn, never to return to Constantinople, till he had brought Transilvania, Valachia, with the remainder of Hungary, under Turkish obeisance, together with Austria, chiefly Vienna: to which ends, Achmat had rigorously in all places, leavied great sums of money: others also said, that onely preparations for so great an Army, should be made this year, to do much with all the next; and not return out of Hungary, till [...] had conquered all the rest of it, in whose rent reliques, the fortune of the Othomans had stayed; So that all Handy-crafts men, were employed day and night, to prepare all things and Instruments, for so great exploits: to wit, for the service of the Visier in Hungary, and of Cicala Bassa, in Persia, having presumptuously promised, [...] to ruinate the Persian Estate: which Eastern Warres, much troubled the Turks; newes [Page] still coming of Persian Conquests, upon their Territories; and that the Persian had lately taken Babylon, with all the Countrey thereabout; and that [...] other Towns and Cities, now yielded to the Persian, as weary of the Turk's servitude; and yet the Turks had given it out, that the Persian King was, nigh to Babylon, wholly overthrown, and himself taken; so that the Turk's forces should now all joyn to the utter ruine of the Christians in HUNGARY: also, that the BEGLERBEG of Greece, had raised a great power to joyn with the Visier Bassa, that nothing might be left unconquered in Hungary, causing a great number of Vessels, [...] with Powder, and Warlike Provision, to be brought out of Aegypt to Belgrade, to ruinate the Christians: all which reports, were to cover their mishaps, and terrifie their Enemies, knowing that a false bruit believed, worketh oft times the effect of a thing done.

Some at Constantinople, now perswaded the Great Sultan, that he might at one and the same time, vanquish the Persian, by Cicala, and conquer the remainder of Hungary, with Transilvania and Valachia, by [...] Visier: it being (they said) both honourable, and [...], for a Prince to bestow both men and money, to gain Men, Honour, and Empire: So that things, which with great charge, might be done all at once, were more profitable then, though with lesse charge, done at [...] times; and indeed, men stood in great fear of this young Achmat: who in his behaviour and actions, much resembled Mahomet the 2d, and, like a young Alexander occupied himself in all Exercises of War, hating idleness, &c. So that it was greatly to be feared, that he would have brought Christendom under his obeysance. He soon put to death, divers of his chief Nobles, and domestick Servants, with one Bassa also, who was Governour of Pesth, when it was wonne.

[Page]But let us return into Hungary, taking Transilvania in our way: which sometime renowned and plentifull Province, was by civil discord and Rebellion, against the Emperour not by [...] invasion, so wasted and spoiled by the Souldiers on all sides, that many Inhabitants, for want of food, fell down dead in the streets, and fields: miserable wretches, alwayes sowing, but never reaping; labouring, but not profiting; so that at length, the fields lay untilled, the Pastures unstored and neglected, and all [...] unmanured, and quite out of course; so that the poor Peasants, having eaten up all the Doggs, Cats, Mice, and [...], they could get, àte dead Horses, and other hunger-starved Carrion; they report also, one man eat another. And that at Hermanstat, a Woman having six Children, they ate each other, till all six [...] devoured; and that two men did eat their own Mother; yea, malefactors hanged, were by the hungry people, cut down and devoured: people generally living onely on roots of Weeds, green Herbs, and leaves of Trees: whereupon, all parties agreed, a general Assembly of the States, to be holden at Dewa, where they accorded, that all Hostility set a part, the Gentlemen of Transilvania, having by Rebellion, forfeited life and Land, should be pardoned their lives, with 3 parts of their Lands, and that for ready money, they might redeem of the [...], the 4th part also; but the moveables of such as died in those troubles, and already confiscated, should so remain; and they to pay their dismes, or tenth of their Wine and Fruits to the Emperour; and that no exercise of Religion to be permitted them, but the Romish onely; and that Constat and Clausenberg, within three weeks, to pay the one twenty thousand Dollars, the other eight thousand, and their MAGISTRATES, to deliver up the Keyes of the Towns, with all power, into the hands of the EMPEROUR'S Lievtenant; and the Gentlemen hereof, that would not be accounted as Rebels, to take Letters [Page] of pardon of the GENERALL: which pacification, gave some little breathing-time, to this poor distressed Countrey: whose people (in hope) began to give themselves to their wonted labours; but alas, all in vain; for the Souldiers enured to prey, made havock of all things: the causes whereof, were the Nobility and Gentlemen, who (as they took it) oppressed by the GERMANES, and being rather necessitated, than upon any desire, to yield to the said pacification, still under-hand incited the Souldiers, and in what they could, troubled the GERMAN'S Government, whom they accounted but as strangers: which doings, BASTA perceiving, apprehended three of the greatest Gentlemen, suspected to be the Authours of these troubles, and mured them fast up betwixt two strong Walls in an old Monastery: whose friends coming to visit them, and finding them starved to death, were much abashed, as were their complices, when they heard thereof.

Now the TURKS having provided ALBA REGALIS, AGRIA, and BUDA, of necessaries, and put into Agria in four Wagons, the pay due to their Garrisons, began to scoffe and jest at the CHRISTIANS credulity, that they had any purpose to conclude on any thing not agreeing with their profit, how farre soever differing from their honour or faith; so that they renewed their wonted incursions and pillages, in more cruel manner than ever: the Hussars, on the other side, requiting them with the like, being as well contented as the Turks with these doings.

Now eighty Turks going forth for booty, met with these Hussars, who being too weak, fled, some being taken and brought to the General, who upon examination, confessed, that the Turks much marvelled at the simplicity & folly of the Christians, to believe that they were [...] [Page] of peace, and not to have discovered their so manifest [...] [...] the contrary, &c. and that young Achmat was alwayes against this Treaty, whatever shew (by [...] of the Persian Victorie) he made to the contrary, aiming [...] no other mark, but the ruine of Christendom. The [...] of Pappa and Vesprinium, first began the broils [...] this [...], who, conjoyning, met with a number of [...], driving Cattel toward Alba Regalis, carrying away (with the Cattel) them prisoners, and one night, 20 Christians prisoners in Buda, cutting the throats of their keepers, oppressed with Wine and sleep, escaped to Pesth.

In the mean time, Zeffer Bassa, supported with the Sultan's Authority, and desirous to be revenged, with a great Army, suddenly entred Bosna, overthrowing Zellaly, fearing no such matter; and, chasing him quite out of the Province, recovered that Government again. But short was his joy thereof; for within few dayes after, he died.

The Court-Bassaes, loath now to lose such a Souldier as Zellaly, (who, as distressed, was shifting for himself) or by hard [...], to deterr the other Asian Rebels from coming in; yet unwilling to trust him with so great a Government as Bosna, made him Governour of Temeswar; and Begedes Bassa, before Governour there, to succeed Zeffer Bassa.

But the States of Hungary, appointing a generall Meeting at Possonium, wherein Matthias was to sit as President, to [...] of meanes to maintain this years Warres: as the Arch-Duke was about to enter the City among his Souldiers, a sudden fire arose, which consumed most part thereof: which evil presage, and woful Spectacle, turned all men from his [...] [...], to the [...] of the raging fire: Besides which, and the harms then done by the Turks in other parts of Hungary, holden by the Christians; Col. Althem's [Page] Regiment, had so spoiled the Countrey where it lay, that the people in generall, grievously [...] to the Emperour, he caused the Authours of these g eat outrages, to be brought prisoners to Vienna, where [...] were beheaded, and some hanged: and son e other Captains and Lievtenants, derying the fact, and others justifying what they had done, as of extream necessity, were for further tryall, sent prisoners to Prague: amongst whom, was Genderot Althem's Auncient, who had lately slain Neudercy, a Gentleman, and his fellow in Arms; for which, he was committed into a very high and strong Tower within the Castle, till his Triall: who through guilt of conscience, and horror of that criminal place, (one of his Lacquies finding meanes to bring him a long Cord) by straining himself out at a little Window, whereby [...] thought, almost impossible for any man to get out, got safely down, and by two good Horses ready for him, escaped: his Keepers, drunk over night, being found in the morning, yet sleeping. Of the other Officers, some were beheaded, and some hanged: the rest, at the intercession of great men, were pardoned; yet so, that they should pay their fines, and serve the Emperour three moneths, of their own charge: a few common Souldiers, for terror sake, had two fingers of their right hands, cut off, and then set up by the way side, nailed to Gibbets.

Likewise, Col. Meysberg's Regiment, mutininging for pay, encamped at Sneche, about a League from Vienna, threatning to destroy the Countrey, and kill the chief men, if they were not paid: whose Captains, entereated them, and promised them pay, but to no purpose; yea, the Colonel himself in the midst of them, with most earnest prayers, and hands cast up, minded them of their duty and danger; but they, carried head-long with their fury, presently chose another Chieftain, [Page] under whom, they resolved, to rifle the Suburbs of Vienna, thereby to pay themselves; and so drawing near the City, the Governours thereof moved, resolved by plain force, to repress and [...] them: many of whom, (for all [...]) were, even against their wills, carried away in this mutinous action, as with the violence of a heady River.

Now besides the Town-Captains, with their Companies, and other sent-supply, divers Burgesses were enforced to enter into this action also: two of whom being counted very honest religious men, laboured by lively reasons, and the word of God, to prove, that they might not enter into [...]; against their Christian Brethren: forced with extremities to forget their duty; but Law or Reason, cannot be heard among the clattering of Arms; so these two men, forced to go, and much grieved in Conscience [...], resolved rather to die themselves, than to [...] their hands with the blood of the innocent (as they accounted them:) whereupon, one of them, oft calling upon the name of Jesus, thrust himself thorow with his Sword; the other, throwing himself into the River, and perishing also. At last, the mutiners being even ready to be charged, and that with a stronger power, layed down Arms, craving pardon of the ArchDuke, who took them to mercy; yet with condition of returning to their Garrisons, and delivering up the ringleaders to be punished, as they were afterwards. The Turks (the while) were ready to take advantage of the Christians dangerous discord.

Zellaly, having plotted the surprisall of Lippa, came by night from Temeswar to Lippa, with the greatest power he could make, [...] up scaling-Ladders; and at the same time, labouring to force the Gates, and that with a most terrible out-cry, being once discovered, thereby to dismay the Christians, who coming (as awaked) to the Walls, so repulsed the Turks, that they retired, losing a number of their men. [Page] on whom the Christians sallying out, slew many in their disordered retreat, and took many more prisoners; yea, Zellaly himself was glad he had recovered the Walls of Temeswar: Some Turks taken, said, the Army this year to come into Hungary, was like to be very great, part thereof being come into Belgrade, expecting there the comming of the Tartars: and that by reason of the Warres with Persia, the Sultan had commanded all able to bear Arms both in [...], and that part of Hungary, subject to him, and in adjoyning places, [...] be ready to joyn with his Army in Hungary: and that the Persian had overthrown [...], taken his Son, slain almost all his Troops, & confederated with Caracase, chief Rebell in Asia: whose great number of valiant men, were resolutely set for the troubling of the Sultans estate. About this time, the Governour of Cassovia, going forth with many of his Garrisons, to appease the Souldiers in the Country mutinying for their pay, shewing them the danger, & perswading them by the ill success of such actions to return to their duties: & they contrarily urging payment, or leave to depart, as not able longer to continue; in his few days absence, certain Turks [...] in Cassovia, brake their Irons, and slew their keepers, in hope to escape: but being discovered and surprized, and by torture examined, how they thought to have escaped, the Walls being still kept with Sentinels; they confessed, They intended that night to fire the City in divers places, and then to have flain the Sentinels, & so to escape: Whereupon, some few were executed, & the rest more straitly imprisoned, & looked to than before. But at the same time, a Souldier of the Garrison of [...] in the Cittadel there, by neglect or mishap, [...] fire into the powder for the Castle's store, blew up the Citadel, Towers, Houses, Walls & made this place like another Rome, burnt by Nero; so that, had any Christian Forces bin near, they might easily have won the same, both for the small resistance in so great astonishment, as destruction thereof.

[Page]Now also, 200 Turks of Buda, sent to fetch in forrage a little from Pesth; the Christians there sallied out, and charged them in this action: who, right valiantly defended themselves a while, but at length, oppressed with number, they were most slain, and the rest taken: so, that the Bassa of Buda, in his rage, threatned to do unto the Christians what harm he could. But men warned are halfarmed.

There were the like or worse Calamities in Transilvania, extream want of all things, sore raging in both Countries: so that, hardly hath any misery been seen or read of, which was not in those 2 Countries to be found, and of many felt: wherefore, Basta had by diligence lately (as was declared) brought Transilvania into some good terms as was thought; yet it proved far otherwise: for the Nobility, detesting the Germans and their Government, rejected the decrees of the late Assembly, for concluding of peace; so that, assisted by the Turks, they had took some strong places in the Province, appointing a place to meet at, where the Turks and they might confer of the means to effect their designes: Basta, hearing secretly hereof, sent many Haidusks to lay in wait for them on the way: by which skilfull men in the passages of the Country, the Turks and Transilvanians were altogether surprized and slain: after which, these and other Souldiers, destitute of pay, furiously fell upon the Province, as if they had bin mortall Enemies, seizing upon all mens goods in common, for that which some few kept from them, massacring all in their way: chiefly, the poor weak innocent people; who, called and cryed upon the Almighty for remedy of these evils, and for revenge of so great and cruell wrongs. No man could travell, without danger to be spoiled by Theeves: for the Haiducks, living by prey and roaming up and down, spared neither Turks nor Christians: so that they, hearing the Zecclers were bringing many Waggons laden with Victuals, and [Page] many Cattle to Claudianople, though they were of the same party, lay in wait for them: against whom they seeking to defend themselves, were cruelly massacred, and Waggons with the Beeves, and other cattel carryediaway. But hunger forceth men to all extremities. The Famine now was such, that the people lived mostly by Roots of Herbs and Weeds, &c. whereof great mortality ensued: which caused Horwat, Captain of these Haiducks, being reproved for their outrages, and charged to take order that no more such were done, to answer, It was not possible to keep Souldiers in any order amidst the extremities of Famine; for that, The Belly was an inexorable Usurer, &c.

Amidst these troubles, two Turkish Spies of Buda were taken, who had observed all the Christians proceedings: also all their designs, preparations, and levies for this years-Wars; one of whom was empailed, the other straitly imprisoned, till more matter might be drawn from him. The Bassa of Buda, hearing that the Christians would forthwith take the Field in Hungary; to hinder their forwardness, and gain time, till the Turks great Army (then preparing) might be brought down into Hungary, wrote in most friendly manner to the Governour of Strigonium, for the Treaty and concluding of a peace with the Christians: whereof, he with the rest of the Turks, seemed to be very desirous: telling him, If their Army, then before Belgrade, did once arrive at Buda and march in field, they could not cause it to return without doing something, considering the great harms they had received from the Christians during the Truce, which they had many ways violated: which evil dealings, he said, had greatly incensed them against their Christian-captives, causing their Souldidiers to snew great rigour against their slaves: wherefore. he attended his answer. Yet, during the time of all those fair shews of peace; the Turks, out of their Garrisons, by night surprized the Castle of Simnin, slew part of [Page] the Christian Souldiers carried away the rest prisoners, and burnt the place, manifesting by fowl deeds, the ill meaning of fair words: but passing over many small skirmishes in Hungary and Transilvania, let us look over into Asia. Cicala Bassa the old Renegate, was sent General into Asia against the Rebels with a mighty Army, where was made a great and terrible fight. Howbeit, at length, the Bassa, after a great number on both sides slain, being fled, fled with his Army wholly disordered, with much ado to save himself; But he, more ashamed than discouraged, repaired his Army, joyning thereto great and mighty supplies, and so came to revenge his dishonour, and utterly to suppress the Rebels: who now too weak, wisely betime retired, praying ayd of the Persian King, who sent them his Son, with a great, good, and valiant Army.

The two Armies were now in number equal, but the Rebels of the two, more resolute and carefull of themselves: so that the battel was with great out-cries and fury begun on both sides: at first, The Turks seemed somewhat to prevail, till the Persian Kings Son with some of his bravest Troops, charging them in the Rear, and some Rebels with like fury on their flanks, their whole Army was so disordered, that Cicala doing what he could to restore the Battel, and nothing prevailing, was glad to flee, 30000 Turks being slain, and 1000 Rebels.

The Persian King after this discomfiture, took in the Country of Sirvan, whither Cicala (had he prevailed against the Rebels) should have marched, to have stayed the Persian's Victories: who now won also Arusta, a very great and strong Town near to Tygris, where it runneth into Euphrates, with all the adjoyning places and Countries; and hath since recovered from the Turks, whatever they in Solyman's time took from his Predecessours, except 2 or 3 places.

[Page]Young Achmat, had not many months raigned, but he fell sick of the small pox: whose gross body was so tormented therewith for 14 dayes, that he oft fainting, 'twas thought he would have died: yea, divers great Bassaes spake concerning his younger Brother to be taken out of the Seraglio, to succeed him; which no doubt had cost him his life after Achmat's recovery, but that he was the only Othoman Heir left, if his Brother should fail; who now recovered, to shew it to the doubting Janizaries and others, in great State rode up and down through most of the chief streets of the City; the people rejoycing to see him, and with most joyfull acclamations, wishing him a long and happy Raign: who forthwith, gave himself to his youthfull immoderate pleasures of the Field, and other such violent exercises: Whereupon, 2 of his Bassaes carefull of his health upon the new recovery of his late sickness, were so bold as to reprove him for such his immoderate and violent exercises (the day not being long enough for them) by effectuall reasons disswading him; but he was so far from hearkening, that therewith enraged, he thrust them both out of their places: and having glutted himself with his pleasures, began to cast his eyes upon his more necessary State-affaires: especially on his Warrs with the Christian-Emperour and Persian King:

Hassan Bassa was then at Belgrade, whose longing desire Achmat quickly satisfied, by sending unto him both a Commission for the continuance of his Generalship, and also a Generalls Ensign, with a Hungarian Mace of pure Gold, in token of his extraordinary favour towards him: who, to shew his contentment, caused all the great Ordnance of the place to be ost-times discharged, and the Trumpets and Drumms to be most joyfully sounded.

Newes came the while to [...], that the Persian King was in field with above 100000 good Souldiers, [Page] and that Baggages Bassa, a Rebell in Asia, had confederated himself with him: Whereupon Achmat, though he had ordered Hassan to besiege Teradium, a strong City in upper, Hungary, now in haste commanded the same Visier, with all the power he could make, to return to Constantinople; to consult and resolve upon the most necessary War; and of the readiest means to continue it: who being come thither, the Grand Seignior came to his House; whither the Council being assembled, it was resolved, at one and the same time to make War with equal Forces, both upon the Emperour in Hungary, and the Persian King: no power on Earth, being in their proud conceit, able to withstand theirs.

So, Hassan Bassa was continued in his charge, and Cicala Bassa the Renegate, to command the Army to be sent the Persian: an ordinary Policy of the Othomans, not to commit the charge of their Armies against the Christians unto Renegates: lest, they touched with remorse, might betray the same, or otherwise deal unfaithfully.

But, Cicula acquainted with the difficulty and danger of the Persian War, began to excuse himself, till, upon promise to furnish him with a sufficient Army, and all things also necessary, with a large and most honourable entertainment for himself; and all the Persian prisoners being also given unto him, he accepted thereof, being in his ambitious mind most desirous of that charge: so, he chearfully prepared for this so great Expedition, expecting but the comming of his Son, who, at the Venetians request was gone with a Fleet, to scour the Levant Seas of Pirates, then exceedingly troubling their Traffique.

Amidst which designes, the Tartar Cham, bound for his pay to serve the Turk against the Christians, excused himself by his Embassadour, that he could not come in person this year into Hungary, as being necessarily busied with his own most urgent affairs: yet promising to send his Son with a good power.

[Page]Now, there are divers causes, why, so a great a Prince, not much in danger to the Turk being seperated from him by the Euxine-Sea, should be so ready at the Turks call: First, their descent from one beginning, by often marriages confirmed. Secondly, their likeness of manners and conditions. Thirdly, the Turkish Empire, for want of Heirs-male, is assured, and as it were entailed, to the Tartar-Cham, Fourthly, and chiefly, for the yearly Pension and great Pay, which he, a bare Prince, receiveth from the Turk; his rude and needy people, being ready to follow him in hope of spoil. But, his excuse accepted of, Hassan made great preparation for his good success, gave Achmat great hope, and was proclaimed Lievt. Generall of all the Sultans Forces against the Christians, every man affording a thousand wishes for his health and welfare: chiefly, the Mahometan Priests assured him of their help, so he would do his utmost against the Christians; for, the Turks account him the best and most zealous man, which can do them most harm. So Hassan set forward with his Army towards Hungary,

The Emperour now, sought by all means how to resist these great preparations and designs: dispatching his Brother Maximilian to the Pope with express charge in his name, to yield him all submission, to move him, to relieve his wofull and distressed affairs: who arriving at Venice, was honourably entertained by the State; thence travelling towards Rome with a great Retinue; he was met by a great number of Nobles and their followers, sent from the Pope, and so brought into the Vatican Palace, the oftner and easier to have access to the Pope, then sick of the [...], Next day, comming into his presence, after usuall reverence done, he (all the Cardinals being present) first, put him in mind of the manifest danger which hung over the Christians in general from the Turk, chiefly over Italy, so nigh unto him, who had a great gap opened to enter, by Canisia, the Key of Stiria: then, he requested [Page] him in the Emperour's behalf, to stretch forth his helping-Hand against this his mortal Enemy, &c. hoping he should find the like assistance in this his second need, that he had before received: the precious Balm of his devout Charity, being of greater Virtue than to serve but for one time, &c. Which, he besought him to apply upon the present Wound, since without his help, he was more like to perish than to live. The Pope answered, His former actions spake enough for him in this, so that he need not use further words: who albeit, these evils had so far prevailed in Hungary, had for his part still done what he might for redeeming thereof: and now by the advise of his Council, present, had appointed 150000 Crowns toward those Warrs maintenance this year; hoping to do more afterwards against the Turks, Whom God, he said, suffered to prevail upon the Christians, not for any goodness in them, but to chastise the wickedness of the Christians themselves.

The 150000 Crowns, was by a decree of the Pope and Cardinall levied, and payed, of the Tenths of the Clergy throughout all Italy. So Maximilian magnificently entertained, & by the Pope rewarded with 4000 Crowns, returned unto the Emperour; whom the Turks were not behind in augmenting their Forces, to invade him: and now the Tartars, comming in great number, and, denied passage by the Polonians, entered into Valashia, which they all over rifled and spoiled at pleasure: such people as could escape, fleeing into Towns, leaving their goods to their merciless rage: Radol the Vayuod, fled to Constat to Basta, where considering his present danger, and still to expect the like, as often as the Tartars were thus to come into Hungary, he took a new Oath of Allegiance to the Emperour, to die and live in his service; who before, had proudly rejected the acknowledgement of his duty, and remedy of his harms: upon which submission, Basta took him and his Country into his protection.

[Page]In the mean time, 2 Traitours were brought to Claudianople, who very craftily surprizing a strong Castle of a great Lady a Widdow, and sacking the same, the Haiducks surprized them by the way, and (as too weak for them) cut most of them in pieces, and took the rest: the Traitors being most cruelly put to death to terrifie others.

The Haiducks having no Houses, Fields or Trade, but Arms, and now enraged for want of their pay, if their right-Hands spoiled the Turks, their left robbed the Christians, taking from the Turks of Agria much Cattel, and rifling divers Christian-Villages in one day: and meeting with a 100 or 120 Waggons, going with Victuals toward Alba-Julia, conducted by the Zecclers [...] their drivers, and carried away the Waggons; And the Turks of Temeswar, having bin towards Lippa, meeting with them, were charged by them for their Booty: but, being twice as many in number as the Haiducks, they slew most of them, and took the rest prisoners.

In the mean time, the Christians gave some ear to the Turks old practice of soliciting a peace, to discover in policy the Commodities and Inconveniencies of the peace by them but in shew offered, though with many protestations: for, in the very time of the parly, they fortified their strong Holds with men and Victualls: especially Buda, whereinto, by a Convoy, they put in of all sorts of provision enough for a whole year.

Besides, it was known by some Turkish prisoners, that all was but feigned, to put the Christians in security: for the Bassa of Buda, had no Commission to conclude any peace in the Visier's absence; whom the Sultan had charged, not to make any peace without the delivery of Strigonium, the only cause why they desired peace: which if the Emperour would not yield, then to take it by force, and so refuse all other Treaty: Wherefore, the Emperour, wholly resolved for Warr, sent Count Zultze to Vienna, appointing Basta his Lievtenant-Gen. [Page] in Hungary, advising them carefully to look to their charge, and not to trust too much to the Turks glozing speeches.

Now the Haiducks, who ceased not still to look abroad, in roaming towards Belgrade, lighted upon [...] Castle, wherein 800 Turks Souldiers, and other their people, abode with most of their substance; who, thrusting each other forward, at length carried that strong place; slew most of the Turks, before secure, and with the rest prisoners, and a great rich Booty, returned to Lippa. The Garrison of [...] likewise, took and spoiled the Castle and Borrough of Lambac, setting it on fire, the flame whereof being a Signall to [...] Troops passing that way, they cut the Turks in pieces, and recovered the Booty. About which time, some of the Garrison of Petrinia, corrupted, conspiring with the Turks to deliver to them that strong Castle, by a Mine they were making under a Stable, nigh the Storehouse of powder, by firing the same, to have given them entrance, who lay close in a Wood near the place; certain offenders being then prisoners in the Stable, perceiving their purpose, and fearing to be burnt or blown up, discovered the same: who, being by the Governour apprehended, and convicted of such a Treason, were exemplarily executed.

The Turks not ceasing with great earnestness, to solicite for peace; The Emperour once again, appointed certain great persons to attend their propositions: Casar Gallen Sheriff of Strigonium at Italian, much experienced in State-matters, being one, whom the Governour of Strigonium had sent before to Pesth, for concluding of peace by some good means. The Turks demands were, That the Emperour should, for the future, pay to the Sultan and his Successors the whole wonted tribute, without demanding thereof: That the Emperour should alwayes have his Embassador-Lieger at the Sultans Court, with presents, there to solicite the continuation of his love and friendship; that [Page]he should deliver all Towns and Castles, taken from the Turks, during this War, with Transilvania and Valachia; which granted, they promised to send to the Sultan, to entreat him to surrender Canisia, but not Agria, except constrained by force of Arms. The Emperour's Commissioners answered, That the Emperour, having by so many perfidious dealings, proved the [...] of Sultan-Achmat's Predecessours, in violating their strong League, by surprizing many places in Hungary: and, also taking many in [...], between the Rivers Kulpe and Unna; which places, he had oft by as just right, remanded, as they were unjustly usurped before these Wars: All which Demands (though deemed just and reasonable by the Turks themselves) were rejected by the Sultans: What assurance could he conceive of his fidelity? Yet, if he might hope so much of anothers Faith, as he was assured of his own just meaning, he could be well content to embrace the peace, so he might have Canisia and Agria delivered unto him: which if the Turk would needs hold, that he likewise, might with peace hold the places he had won in that Wat. And as for Transilvania, he could not deliver that, without betraying of his right, and the welfare thereof: which, he obtained both by Covenants between him and the Son of the last Duke, John, as by voluntary releasement of Sigismund [...], the last Prince thereof, to him: for defence of which his Rights, he had spent many men and great summs of [...]: and, for Valachia, he could be content to yield some part of his right unto that Province, so the Turk should cease to demand of him any yearly tribute: or that he would, as of ordinary duty, send his Embassadours with yearly Presents to the Grand Seigniour: since every Prince ought to be at liberty therein. At which answer, the Turks laughing and sporting, still pressing the Commissioners, to yield to their unreasonable demands; else threatning to acquaint the Sultan therewith, who by force should take that from them, which they refused to [Page] grant by fair means: so the Treaty was for that time broken off; yet the Governour of Strigonium, left Casar Galen to entertain it, in such small hope as was left: who afterwards, seeing it was desperate; and feasting some of the chief Turks of Buda, who in that merriment, promised to live as Friends with those of Pesth, and other nigh places, retired to Strigonium.

Yet shortly after, Jagenreuter, Governour of [...] (though Galen had also assured him of a speedy furnishing of the Town with all necessaries for its defence) dismayed with the bruit of Hassan Bassa's comming with his great Army, to begin with the Conquest of Pesth, Septemb. 5, (having trussed up his Baggage) forsook the Town; 5 Companies of Foot, and of Horse following him, leaving the Town, Victuals, Munition, and his Honour for a prey to his Enemies; yet before his departure, he undermined the chief Buildings, laying Gunpowder under them, whereby they were soon after overthrown, and most of the Town burnt.

But, being gone not past half a League, he met 400 Haiducks well armed sent for the relief of Pesth, with a number of Boats, with necessaries of all sorts: which Haiducks meeting with these Cowards on the way, returned with them to Strigonium, leaving their Vessels and Munition to their Enemies, who presently after seized upon them. Next day, the Turks wondring to see so great a fire in Pesth more and more encreasing, adventured over the River, and drew near the Town, which they finding abandoned, diligently quenched the fire, repaired the ruines, and became Masters thereof.

[...] the Coward, with his fearfull Troops comming to Strigonium, was examined by the Governor of the Causes of his flight: who alledging no other, but the great report of Hassan's comming to besiege the Town, was imprisoned, and reserved forjust punishment.

[Page]The Bassa of Buda, by Letters excused himself to the Governor of Pesth for the taking of Pesth, the Treaty being not yet quite broken off: saying, He took it as a place upon a vain fear forsaken, and set on fire, &c. and offered to deal with him for exchange of prisoners, one for another: and for the peace he was very desirous it might be fully concluded, before Hassan-Bassa's arrivall in Hungary: who once come, there would be no time, amidst the noise of so many Weapons and Warriours to talk of peace. For all that, the Visier was already entered Hungary with a huge Army comming towards Sexart; to view which, the Governour of Pallantwar, going with 100 Horsmen, ere he was aware, met with 500 Turks, sent also to discover the Country, who charging & [...] him with multitude, was himself taken, most of his men slain, and some few hardly escaping by flight; but Count Serinus, setting upon 300 Turks nigh Zigeth with courage, though scarce half so many in number, overthrew and cut them in pieces, ere well aware of him.

The Turks out of hope of regaining Strigonium by any Capitulations of peace, resolved to do their utmost to take it by force: often protesting, if they should so gain it, never more to have peace with the Christians: at which vain threats and speeches, the resolved Christians could not but with scorn smile; Unto this siege, the Turks in hope of spoil, came flocking from all places.

They encamped near Charls his Hill, taking up with their Tents half a League round about: and at first, bravely advanced their half-Moon Ensignes, the Arms of their then encreasing Empire; whom the besieged herein imitated, and further provoked them with abundance of thundering shot: yet, the Turks comming resolutely on, began to make their approaches: upon whom, the Christians couragiously sallying [...] [Page] to disturb them: and so, after certain hours hot skirmish, without much hurt, retired, leaving their Enemies a good Testimony of their valour. Howbeit, The [...] intrenched and encamped before St. [...] Fort, where they placed their Cannon to batter the same; but, Basta having, near to Strigonium, cast up a great Fort, and well furnished, greatly annoyed the Turks with its Ordnance, forcing them to remove further off: his Army (the while) laying upon the River betwixt the Isle of Strigonium, and the old Rascian Town, to hinder the Enemy from entring into either.

Count Sultze the Governour, having mustered his men, and by sundry speeches, motives, and cautions of trusting to the Turks fair promises, &c: encouraging his Souldiers, most earnestly besought them to follow him in his Honourable purpose, for preservation of Strigonium, or there ending of his dayes: As a Testimony of his earnest desire to further which service, he had, he said commandded them to have certain months pay before-hand; which they had accodingly.

Sept. 24. The Turks came to assault and batter St. [...]. Fort; upon whom 500 Horse and 2000 Foot sallying out, made them, after a sharp conflict, with some loss on both sides, to retire and forsake the Mount whereon they were: encamped: but pursuing them too far, they fell into a great Turkish Ambush. where was fought a bloudy fight: till valour being oppressed by number, the [...]; retired, 700 Turks being slain, and about 100 of them: Count Casimir of Holenloth being one, for whose body they notably fought; not much unlike the Trojans and Greeks, for the Body of Patroclus in Homer. Howbeit, the whole Turkish Army comming on, the Christians were glad to leave the dead body in their power; who, in [...], cut off his Nose and Eares, and then his Head; but a few dayes after, this disfigured body was delivered to [...]: Christians for a [...] of good account, about that [Page] time taken: At which time, the Turks seemed very desirous of peace; earnestly requesting Frederick the slain Count's Brother, not to be a hinderer thereof; yet, it was but one of their old practises, depending on unreasonable conditions: whereof, the yielding up of Strigonium, was one of the chiefest. But the [...] of Hatwan, doubting lest the Turks, leaving the siege of Strigonium, should come and besiege them; Septemb, 19. abandoned the place with bag and baggage, and the best Ordnance, leaving the rest, the Town, and much provision, to the Enemy, not hoping such a thing.

Count [...] Governour of Lippa (among others) was about to go toward Strigonium with some Troops to [...] his Generall for preservation of the place; but the while Bethlem Gabor of Transilvania, ayded by Beckheres Bassa, with 4000 Turks entred the Province; Wherefore, the Count resolved to go and encounter him at his very first entrance. This old Rebell, knowing Basta was gone thence with his best Troops, came on in great security, and so was surprised by Tambier before he was aware, and put to flight, and that in no long fight; above 1000 of them being slain, and 1000 serviceable Horses taken, Bethlem and his Bassa fleeing with the rest, saved themselves by swimming amidst many chances & dangers of their lives. The Bassa of Temeswar, sent forth his Lievtenant with a good number, to relieve the vanquished Turks: who, by the way, hearing of their general overthrow, and his Enemies strength, retired homeward as fast as they could; but, being discovered and hotly pursued, they were almost at the gates of Temeswar cut in pieces by the Victors, without any resistance made, beseeming men of their sort; the [...]. being slain also. After which, the Count turning toward Jula, lighted on certain Turkish Companies loaded with booty, whom he pursuing, even to the Towngates, they were shut against them, for fear of the Christians entting with them, so that they were all by the Christians [Page] slain, even in sight of their Companions: after which Massacre, they burning the Suburbs, departed loaded with spoil. The Count arriving at Lippa, Septemb. 25. thence advertised Basta of these his exploits, causing 10 Turkish Ensigns, stained with their bloud, to be presented unto him.

But the Visier Bassa, perceiving by the Christians Valour, how little he prevailed in the siege of Strigonium, like enough to tend to his dishonour, made a motion to the besieged for a treaty of peace: whereunto the Imperials (though out of hope) easily yielded, lest they might be thought obstinate; and so Althem, Ferdinand, [...] and Frederick of Hohenlo, Count of Rhene, met the Turks Commissioners nigh the Rascian Town; but, the Turks still urging the yielding up of Strigonium, and the Imperials refusing the same, the Treaty was broken off, and the siege more cruelly continued than before. [...] there were in the Turks Army some Companies of Cossacks, for pay indifferent to serve any Prince whatsoever: who being 700, had agreed, Sept. 28. by night to come over to the Christians; but some untrusty among them, giving knowledge to the Visier of their purpose, he apprehended and slew the Footmen: [...] Horsmen, making way over the bellies of such as would have stayed them, escaped, some to Komara, others to Dotis; 60 of them hardly pursued, adventured over Danubius, and all naked came to Collonitz, who courteously entertained and cloathed them: and within 3 dayes, 300 more of those Horsmen came to him also: who, in good order, marching to the head of the Camp, were sworn to the Emperour's service, in token of Loyalty discharging their Pistols thrice, whom Collonitz divided among his Troops, as having former experience of the courage and good service of such. By which Fugi ives they learned, that the Janizaries mutinying against Hassan, would have forced him to have left the siege, pretending the manifest danger of their lives, with little or no hope to prevail: they having the besieged [Page] on the head of them, assuredly resolved; and the Christian Army at their backs, of known valour and experience: the place they said, being also impregnable, being alwayes to be relieved, for that it commanded over the Danubie: wherefore, when for honouts sake, they had once or twice assaulted St. Thomas Fort, they resolved to be gone; and Septemb. 29. in the night, a most dreadful fiery, red impression, like a Rainbow, was seen, which beginning at Gockara, and rising higher over Strigonium, vanished away over Thomas Fort: which sight, troubled both Christians and Turks, as the oft presagers of ruine, to whom they appear. In the mean time, Basta came with 7000 brave Horsemen, shewing himself in order of Battel; so, as it were, braving the Turks, even to their own Trenches, where discharging their Pistolls thrice, they returned as victorious, alwayes keeping themselves in order; yet the Turks, for the present, moved not. But Octob. 3d, they came forth, and gave a second assault to St. Thomas Fort, with the utmost of their power: howbeit, it endured not long; for the Turks fought, rather to discharge their duty, and for some just cause to raise their siege, than for any hope to carry the place: So they, after a little more than half an hour, gave over, losing 500 of their best Souldiers.

Of 6000 Haiducks in Strigonium, all but 500 through fear and treason, forsook the place: whereat, and at the Bassa's resolution for forcing it, the Germanes promised their dismayed Captains, to supply the defect of the others treachery by their own valour: offering to be sworn again, and to die all, rather than to yield it up, or leave it to their Enemies: So a Decree, by general consent was made, that whosoever should once mention a yielding the Town, should be hanged on a Gibbet.

The Turks Octob. 5th, assaulted St. Thomas Fort the third time, doing what they could; but they were so received, that they with great losse retired: after which [Page] disgrace, they undermined the Wall in many places, filling them with Gunpowder; but the Christians not onely by Counter-mines frustrated their endeavour, but carried away the Powder also. Wherefore, the Turks moved for a parley of peace: whereof, the Christians disliked not; but the Commissioners being met in a small Island beneath the Town, the Turks offered Agria for Strigonium, or if the Christians would needs keep Strigonium still, then to deliver to them Fileck, Setschin, Pallanka, and Novigrade: which demands being unreasonable, nothing was concluded.

Now the Bassa, and some other Commanders, stood stifly for the taking of Strigonium; but the Janizaries were as earnest to be gone, as impossible to prevail: whereat the Bassa enraged, yet before his departure, Oct ob. 10th, he six times greatly assaulted the Fort; but the Defendants encouraged by their valiant Commanders, the Turks were so repulsed, that they were glad still, with [...] losse to retire: their often retreats being as hurtful to them, as their assaults, by the deadly Bullets out of the Fort; so that the Bassa rose with his Army, retiring near a Castle about a League off: whence, next day, the better to cover their dishonour, and hinder the Christians from pursuit, they shewed themselves with a good number before the Rascian Town, skirmishing with the Haiducks; neither party receiving any great hurt or losse.

They of Strigonium the while, knowing the Enemy had removed his Cannon, &c. into Buda, discharged all their [...] Ordnance, in token of joy: whereof, the other [...] Holds of the Christians, were partakers, as [...] from some part of the fear brought upon them by that siege, which beginning Septemb. 18th, was given over Octob. 13th, the Janizaries threatning to slay their Generall, if he had any longer there stayed.

Basta now following the Turk's Army, with his [...], slew many, and took some prisoners: then [Page] returning to their Camp, found it full of Bullets, with some great Pieces, which the Turks had not time to remove to Buda. Some of the Turks Commanders, were now desirous still to hold the Field, in hope of spoil; but they which dwelt further off, chiefly those come out of Asia, much desired to be discharged, their Horses being almost dead, and themselves weary of the service.

Two Turkish fugitives, bravely mounted, came to Basta, presenting him with a rich Ring, and a most fair Turkish Ensign; and telling him, that most of the Turks Army, lay encamped near Pesth; and the young Cham, about 20 years old, to be come thither with a great power of Tartars: wherewith the Turks encouraged, determined to spoyl the Countrey; and shortly after, the plain Countrey of upper Hungary, about [...], Setschin, and [...], was all spoiled and burnt; but Sigefride Collonitz, so daunted these Forragers, with his Hungarian Horsemen, that they departed, carrying away with them, their prisoners and spoils, and leaving 3000 good Souldiers, for repairing and keeping of Pesth; but Octob. 24, Hassan Bassa, wrote to Althem, for a Treaty of peace, for the [...] of the distressed people, solemnly protesting to keep it, if once concluded, and yet (the while) with fire and Sword, spoiled all by the way, as he departed.

But in TRANSILVANIA, Lord BELGIOSA, Basta's Lievetenant there, thinking after the overthrow of BETHLIN Habor, to have gone to ayd him his General, then laying in the plains of Strigonium; behold a second unexpected [...] [...], far worse than the first, to wit, Lord ISTIVAN, or BOTSCAY; or, in scorn called POTSCAY, from the long delayes he had endured in the Emperours Court (Potscay in the Bohemian Language, signifying stay or tarrie) who with great Troops under [Page] Turkish protection, stiling himself Prince of Transilvania, miserably burnt and spoiled the same: wherefore Belgiosa, with 1000 Horse, marched towards Veradin, and coming to the Village Ador, he sent to the Governour of Veradin, minding him of his Duty, and craving his ayd: who, with six Companies of Foot out of Romosa, four out of Veradin, with a Regiment of Silesian Horse, and the Haiducks of Count Tambier, came to Ador, with all Warlike provision.

Belgiosa, now marching against Botscay, he attended his coming; for he knew Tambiers Haiducks, to favour him more than Belgiosa: who accordingly, at first joyning of [...], turned to his part; whereby Belgiosa, with his small number, having done their utmost, were almost all [...] in pieces, and there buried in the field of [...] loyalty, and embrued with the bloud of their Enemies. Divers good Captains were slain: Petsie, Governour of Veradin, and Pallas Lipa, grievously wounded, were taken: also Petfie's Lievtenant, retiring with some Troops into a strong place, so valiantly defended themselves, that Botscay promised them, upon Oath, if they would yield, safely to depart; yet afterwards, were by this faithless Rebel, cruelly slain: the Silesian Horsemen were also there buried among their Enemies: Belgiosa strangely escaped, and fled to Veradin.

Botscay sent a great part of the Ensignes gained, to the Visier Bassa, with many praises for supporting of him, and vaunting much of his Victory, let him know, he had slain above 6000 of his Enemies.

Botscay, by this Victory, and his humble submission, obtained of the Sultan, thenceforth to be stiled Prince of Transilvania, charging him to do his utmost, for the subduing the rest thereof, promising him plentifully to supply him with men and money, and speedily to send him 3000 [...]. This Battel indeed, was fought from break of day, till 11 at noon; yet its not certain, whether [Page] so many were slain or not; for divers were said to be slain, who were hid in a Wood thereby: others, by other meanes, escaping also. [...] had two Monks with him, whom the Souldiers in despight, cut in pieces, carrying him fast bound to Derritza, there to be cured of his dangerous wounds; but Lipa was by Botscay, afterwards proclaimed his Lievetenant Generall, as being desirous to take upon him, the defence of the reformed Religion: who forthwith proclaimed, that all who desired liberty of Conscience, and to live free from Romish Superstitions, should repair to him, who was ready to allow every man, five Dollars a moneth pay: whereupon, he had in short time, 10000 Haiducks following him, besides a number of other rascall people: yea, almost all the Gentlemen repairing unto him, sware to each other, that as they would take up Arms against the Emperour, so they would not submit to the Turk; but onely stand upon defence of their Religion and liberty of Conscience.

Botscay, now beset all the passages of the Countrey, commanding the Cities, still as he went, to yield unto him; but hearing that Belgiosa was gone to Cassovia, where his Wife lay, whither being come, he was rejected by the Citizens, turning his Wife out of the City unto him, he came and took Cassovia, without resistance, most of the Citizens inclining unto him: where he, forthwith changed its Religion, and civil Government, slaying some of the Romish Religion, thrusting the rest out of the City, with all the Church-men; and taking the Bishop and Emperours Treasurer prisoners: laying in wait by all meanes, to take Belgiosa, with a purpose to have used him most hardly.

The Visier Bassa, to grace that little he had done this year in Hungary, borrowed of Botscay, the rest of the Ensigns, with Petsie, and the other Noble Captives, and confidently, afterwards, had them presented to Sultan Achmat, [Page] as taken by himself: in recompence whereof, he left three thousand Turks and Tartars with Botscay, to ayd him.

Basta having set all things in order, at Strigonium, marched with 14000 men toward Cassovia, with purpose to suppress the rebellion in upper Hungary, ere it should spread further; yet the Rebels being very much increased, had took in most of the strong places there, the people almost generally favouring their quarrel, carrying the face of Religion, with suppressing of the Germane Government; and hearing that Belgiosa was fled into [...] Castle, they demanded him of Turson the Captain, to be deservedly punished: promising to do Turson no harm, so he would take part with them: which if he should refuse, yet safely to conduct him whither he would, out of his Castle, so he would forthwith resolve; but otherwise, they threatned to spoil his Countrey, kill his people, raise his Castle, and make himself an example: howbeit, he refused to deliver Belgiosa, or accept of any of their offers: Wherefore, they laboriously repairing the broken way betwixt Cassovia and the Castle, brought thence great Ordnance, and straitly besieged it: whom Turson with his thundring shot, so welcomed, that receiving great harm, they, with the greatest part of their Army, resolved to go to Presburg, to reform it, and some other places by the way, being perswaded, that this Captain so shut up, would at length, yield of himself.

But while they lay at this siege, some of them went to spoil a religious House there by; but they returned almost empty-handed: the Priests having for fear of them, carried with them all their best substance into the Castle: also upon the report of their coming to Presburg, almost all the Priests and Jesuites there, and thereabouts, fled with their substance to VIENNA, where they scarce thought themselves safe, till six hundred [Page] men as a supply, were put into that strong City.

Basta coming, and encamping about three miles from Filek, followed the Rebels toward Budnock, who upon his coming, retired from besieging divers strong places; who also leaving Budnoc Castle, gathered together in great number, near Ramosambat, intending to fight with Basta: who by a Herauld, courteously advised them, to change their mindes, and return to their former allegiance; but finding them obstinate, he marched forward, forcibly charging certain Companies of them, who kept the passage of Filek: they at first, valiantly defended it, till oppressed with number, and four hundred being slain, they were worsted and fled. Nemet their Captain, being (among others) taken in flight, whom Basta hanging up by the heels, a while, with the Ensigns (he took) set up about him, had him taken down, and beheaded: 50 of Basta his men, were slain also, many more hurt; among whom was Collonitz, being hurt in his shoulder and foot.

Basta marching on, met with other Companies of Haiducks, with whom he had many a hot skirmish, for three dayes together; so that burning many of his Carriages, Tents, &c. He was very careful how to get out of their hands; yet he couragiously, both endured their fierce and increasing assaults; and also Novemb. 28. charged them again in order of Battel, who [...] a thick mist, being not able to perceive their Enemies attempts, and how to turn themselves, were (as dismayd) easily put to flight, whom Basta fiercely pursuing, in lesse than three houres, one thousand five hundred of them were slain, with a few of Basta's men also, Frederick, Earl of Solmes, being one; and the Count of Erback, wounded.

[Page]Hereupon, the Rebels at the siege of Zipse Castle, forthwith retired to Leusta; but Basta going, and recovering St. Andrewes, and gartisoning it, somewhat daunted and repressed the Haiducks in those quarters; and through the unseasonable time of the year, wrote to reclaim the Cassovians to their allegiance, offering pardon for all past, [...] they would acknowledge their fault, and admit of an Imperial Garrison: So also he wrote to those of Eperia, hoping by gaining those strong Towns, safely to winter in them with his Army; but the Cassovians, having 6000 in Garrison, and not fearing then to be besieged, Botscay being also reported 40000 strong, utterly refused Basta's motion: wherefore, he came nearer to the City, seeking rather by fair meanes, to perswade them, than by force, to constrain them; but they, obstinate, and with their Ordnance troubling his Camp, sending Count Hohenloh, and Rotvitz, before to Eperia, to command them to receive in the Emperours Souldiers, and relieve them what they could, Decemb. 5th, himself followed, with the rest of his Army; and after much talk with the chief of the City, it was unexpectedly agreed, that Basta assuring them of the free exercise of their Religion, the good behaviour of his Souldiers, and to defend them from the injury of their Enemies, they should open their Gates to, and relieve the Imperials, and continue their allegiance as before; a thing most welcom to the almost dead and starved Souldiers: Leusta, Barbeld, and Zebena, following the Example of Eperia. Thither with great danger, [...] Sigefride Collonitz, of great Authority in those parts, to confer with Basta, about appe sing these troubles: who, by Letters to the States, and Nobility of Hungary, in vain perswaded them to lay down Arms, and return to the Emperours obedience. For remedy of great wants in the Imperial Camp, 30 Wagons loaded with money and Cloth, had been sent from Vienna, under the Conduct of Count Solmes, and others: [Page] to whom Tanhusar joyned 1500 Hussars, for fear of the Haiducks; but the Convoy being come into a thick Wood, about two miles from Filek, [...] Hussars set upon the Wagoners, and made great slaughter of those that were about to resist them; so that Solmes, had much adoe to get away: so they drave away the Wagons to Botscay's Camp, Tanhusar, with such Hussars (as had no hand in so foul a treachery) pursuing them; but recovered onely 10 Wagons of Cloth, which the Traitors had left, whose Horses they had put into the Wagons, with the money (reported 130000 Florens) to make the more haste.

Botscay, having received so great and unexpected sum, divided it among his Souldiers, for their further encouragement. This newes at first filled the Emperours Souldiers, with grief, and disdain against the Hussars; but afterwards with wrath, against their own Commanders, as deeming it a devised report to deceive them; So that they were ready all to mutinie and forsake the service to the utter perill of their Captains, and of the whole Province: wherefore Basta, strove by fair words and promises, to appease them: which not serving, he with some thousands of Duckats, and Wagons of Cloth taken up at Leusta, and other Towns, wisely contented them, the old Souldiers being before half naked.

Shortly after, the Imperials surprizing a Castle thereabouts, carried away many Hungarian Gentlemen prisoners, to learn what they could of the Rebels proceedings and designs: the Haiducks the while, after many assaults, took Sendra Castle, putting all the Garrison to the sword; and then departing, rifled and burnt Filek. They took also, in upper Hungary, besides six other Castles, the strong Castle of Cabragetia, whither those of Hatwan, for fear of the Turks, when they besieged Strigonium, had carried their great Ordnance: after all which, the chief Captains of the Rebels, exacted contribution of the [Page] Minerall Towns so called, chiefly of Newsoli, forcing them to sweare obedience to Botscay, and take his part, threatning fire and Sword, to those that should refuse the like; and going out to meet Collonitz, who was coming thither to encourage or defend them, they belaying all passages, forced him to retire to his Castle of Lebentsia, where he laying in great danger with his Wife then in Child-bed, having [...] 50 Germanes with him (for he durst not trust his Hungarian Cossacks) he sent in Post to Vienna, most humbly requesting a new supply of Germanes, for his relief and furtherance of the Emperours service, &c.

While Basta lay at Eperia and thereabouts, he daily received great harm from the Haiducks, who slew his Souldiers, fetching in Wood and other necessaries; yea, they oft troubled his Camp, assailing his Souldiers in his Trenches; and about the end of December, they by night, breaking into Charls Collonitz, Copell, and Pettinger, their quarters, slew Copell with almost all his Souldiers, burnt Pettinger in his Tent, Collonitz being hardly beset also: till he by true valour, forced them at last, to retire [...] the Woods, whence they came, having slain 14 with his own hand: about which time, a spie being taken, one of Botscay's chief men, discovered by one that knew him; Basta, after his Examination and Confession upon torture, had him hanged and quartered, to the terrour of others.

Cicala Bassa, the Turks Generall against the Persians, was this year by that King overthrown, and put to flight, and Babylon (now Bagdat) taken: which newes being reported at Prague, Octob. 22. by the Vayuod of Valachia's Secretary, sent in Embassage to the Emperour, was afterward confirmed by the Persian Embassador himself, who having audience, told the Emperour, that his Master was not ignorant of his great and difficult War, for many years against the Turk, against whom he had taken up [Page] Arms, so to avert some part thereof from his Majesty, even upon himself; and that he had already, obtained many notable Victories and Conquests, recovering a great Territory, wrongfully taken from his predecessors, by the Turkish Sultans; and now he was very desirous, to joyn in a perpetual League and Amity with him; never to be dissevered, or ever to make peace with the Turk, without each others consent; and that he was minded, never to give over the Warre, till he had driven him, even into Constantinople, so his Majesty would do the like; it being impossible for him to hold out against them both: requesting him withall, to send back with him, some grave Embassador, with sufficient instructions, for the more easie concluding of the said Confederation.

Unto these forrain Warres, were joyned the Turks own [...] and civil Warres also, the Rebels being yet up in lesser Asia, and the two great Bassaes of Aleppo and Damasco, of late up in-Arms against each other; so that he of Aleppo, being in a great and bloudy Battel overcome, was pursued by him of Damasco, to his own City, and so straitly besieged by him, with 30000 men, [...] through extream Famine then in the City, and a number [...] his men slain, whom he secretly sent out to seek for [...], he was glad to yield to whatever the other Bassa demanded of him: whereat, the Court-Bassaes were much troubled; young Achmat himself, being the [...], delighted with the pleasures of the Court, and much rejoycing at the birth of his first Sonne.

The troubles of HUNGARY, and Transilvania, in one thousand six hundred and five, yet more and more increased, whose Natural Inhabitants, divided, both in [...] and affection, did themselves and Countrey, more harm in a short time, than had the Turks in many years before: of which, Belgiosa, left by Basta, as his Lievetenant, was reported the first and chief Authour; [Page] for whereas the Assembly of the Clergy at Possonium, had without the knowledge of the States of Hungary, published a Decree, for the burning or perpetual banishing of those of the reformed Religion in Hungary: against which, those States solemnly protesting under the Seal of the Lord Palatine, affirmed by Arms to defend themselves, if they should be troubled for their Religion, repeating the same Protestation at Galset; yet Belgiosa cunningly seizing upon the reformed Churches at Cassovia, would not suffer those Citizens, either to have Sermons in their private Houses, or to read in the Bible, taking also to himself, all their Lands and Goods, and not suffering them to bury their dead within the City, near the Monasteries; and because Botscay denied to lend him some thousands of Crowns, he caused his Souldiers to ransack two of his Castles, and spoil him of all Wealth and Treasure therein. Botscay hereat enraged, proclaimed, to give every Haiduck that would serve him four Crowns a moneth pay, with all the booty they could get: whereupon 6000 revolted from Belgiosa, to Botscay, encreasing daily; but when Pallas Lipa, had to this pay, joyned also the defence of the reformed Religion, the Haiducks resorted to him by heaps, and all people where he came, were ready to joyn with him against the Imperialls: the Turks and Tartars also, furthering him with men and money, which he refused not.

Basta, not able by force, to remedy so great increasing troubles, by Letters, oft times advised Botscay, to change his minde, lay down Arms, and to perswade with the rest of his followers, to return to their wonted obedience: who at length answered, if himself alone might govern in Transilvania: if a natural Hungarian, might be still Lievt. Gen. in Hungary, if none but Hungarians should command all Garrisons in Hungary: if the [...] and French Souldiers, might be shut out of Hungary: if naturall Hungarians might thenceforth be regarded, and [Page] provided of pay, if every man might have free exercise of his Religion: if the Authours of these troubles, might be delivered to the HUNGARIANS for punishment: if the Emperour should be personally present at the PARLIAMENT at Presburg: if the GERMANE Garrison-Souldiers, should make no excursions into places near them, and not hurt the poor Countreymen: he could be content so to have peace. But Basta not liking thereof, sent back the two Messengers without concluding any thing.

In the mean time, some Haiducks, and a number of Tartars in seeking booty, surprized Gokara, over against Strigonium: where, [...] some Germane Souldiers, and rifling the Town, as they were about to fire it, the Governour of Strigonium, with his Garrison, forced them to depart: but Captain Bathian, the Imperiall, requited this losse, by taking of Palantwar, after a long and cruel fight, slaying a number of Turks retired thither, with all the [...], divers being of good account: which Fortresse, he razed, because thereby, the Turks should no more annoy the Christians.

About which time, the Turks purposing to besiege Vacia, a City, which stood the Christians in great stead, the Haiducks there in Garrison, conspired to deliver to them the place; and being far too strong for the Germanes in Garrison with them, they slew most of them, the rest fleeing speedily to Strigonium; and so they delivered the Town to the Turks, joyning with them and the Tartars, and directing them for the easier spoiling of the Christians thereabouts. The taking of Vacia, had soon called together great numbers of Turks and Tartars, who with the Haiducks, made a puissant Army, to the terrour of the Imperials, not then able to hold the Field against them: who turned to Gokara, with purpose to passe the River upon the Ice, and surprize Strigonium, which they [Page] once before had attempted, but were repulsed with great and small shot, as now again; yet they of Strigonium, seeing their Enemies daily to increase, stood more in doubt of a second siege, than of the first.

These things much troubled, and grieved the Emperour, who [...] what power he could, and levied great summes on his subjects, taking a Duckat upon every house in Austria, being then in great fear of these miseries, so fast spreading, and that way approaching. But all, or most part of the ayd promised from the Pope, King of Spain, and Princes of Italy and Germany, this year failing; and Basta's Forces much weekened with wants, and Winters extremity, and not able to [...] the Field; the increasing Enemies, began to draw near to Vicegrade, purposing to besiege it: whereupon, the Germans in Garrison, warned by the treachery of the Haiducks of Vacia, betime retired into the Castle: so the Turks and Haiducks, were no sooner come thither, but the Haiducks in the Town, opened the Gates to them, as to friends, directing them the best they could, to besiege and win the Castle: which, while the Germans notably defended, Hassan [...], with Begedes Bassa, wrote to them, perswading them to yield it up; but the Germanes valiantly stood upon their defence, till through extream necessity, they yielded by Composition.

Basta the while, laying at and about Eperia, and seeing, that for want of greater strength, he must lay still as it were besieged, was exceedingly grieved: yet having procured from the Emperour, a general pardon for all, who taking part with the Rebels, were willing to return to their allegiance; he caused Letters of general pardon, to be published, for all to take knowledge of: which being proclaimed, with the sound of many Drums and Trumpets, Jan. 6th, and ten dayes liberty given, for such as would come in; divers Gentlemen near Eperia, for fear of being spoiled, accepted of the grace offered: [Page] others farther off, little or nothing regarding the same; so that Botscay was now grown so strong, that he dismissed most of the Turks, which he had used, reserving some Janizaries, whom he mingled with his GarrisonHaiducks of Cassovia.

Pallas Lipa, Botscay's Lievtenant General, being by some, envying at his Estate, accused to Botscay, as if he intended to make him away, and delivering Cassovia to Basta, to go over again unto the Emperour, was by his Command beheaded, with five others more, suspected to be partakers in that Conspiracy: 100000 Hungarian Duckats, with seven Chains of Gold, being found in his Treasure, which he had scraped together in that small time of his Lievetenantship: with which money, Botscay confirmed in his Rebellion, would admit of no talk of peace; but on conditions, best liking himself.

Now I will briefly passe over, and even lightly, touch such things, as for the most part of this year 1605, [...] in this troublesom Countrey, not staying, but upon the most weighty matters. The Haiducks, in the beginning of February, besieged Sacmar Castle, which the Garrison doubting, to be able to defend it, (nor past sixty sound men being left therein) and destitute of necessary provision, at length yielded, on condition of sparing their lives; but in going thence, they were near Tokay, most, slain by other Haiducks, a few escaping by flight.

Sacmar being taken, they attempted the surprisal of Tokay Town and Castle; but the Governour timely advertised of their purpose, caused the Ice of the River to be broken, 40 paces over, nigh the Castle, and lightly covered with straw: The Haiducks coming by night, by heaps, thrust each other forward, to have scaled the Castle; but the Ice breaking under them, they by heaps perished: many also which escaped, being slain with shot out of the Castle, wherein was no great store of Victuals: wherefore, [Page] Basta marched towards Bodac, holden by the Rebels, in hope with its spoil to relieve Tokay; but the Rebels having burnt the Town, and got themselves with what they had, into the Castle, so welcomed Basta with their Ordnance, that having lost some men, he was glad after four houres stay, speedily to return to Eperia: some Nobles being reported, in his absence, to have made a Road towards Eperia, to the endangering thereof: in which his return, Count Turon, and Charls Collonitz, their Troops lighting on 500 Haiducks in a Village, fired it, and burnt most of them, slaying the rest, seeking by flight to escape.

In the mean time, a great Turk, brought a great sum of money to Cassovia, which being divided among Rebels, much confirmed them in Rebellion, and towards the Turks, who more prevailed by sparing for no cost, than by their greatest forces, for the Conquest of Hungary.

Basta was no sooner returned to Eperia, but the exclaiming Souldiers, were about in a mutiny to forsake him for want of pay: who making what shift he could for money, with much adoe, agreed with them for six weeks longer service: the Eperians being thereby freed of a great fear, to be spoiled by those mutinous Souldiers.

The roaming Haiducks, March the 2d, in the morning, came to new Soli, and by many reasons, perswading the Citizens to revolt, had parley with them till noon; but still approaching nearer the Town; so that Turbel the Governour, perceiving a yielding inclination in the Citizens, with his Cossacks, retired into the Castle: which done, the Haiducks breaking into the City, with six Companies, summoned the Castle, of whom Turbel slew divers with shot; and in the evening, sallying forth with Harquebusiers, drave the Haiducks out of the City, which he afterwards, better fortified; and next day, hearing [Page] that some Haidncks and Turks were comming to Turzo with many cattell, women and children, which they had gotten thereabouts; he sent forth his [...] with his Cossacks, who slew of them about 150, recovering all the cattel, 200 Horses, and a Mule loaded with 4000 Hungarian Duckats.

Now Filek-Castle, as it were the Key of that part of upper Hungary, had been hardly besieged certain months by the Haiducks: which, although for provision, it might have held out 3 months longer, yet for want of water, the Garrison were forced to yield it: for keeping whereof, Ferents Captain of the Haiducks, put therein a Garrison of Haiducks and Turks: as not daring to trust the Haiducks alone for fear of treachery, nor the Turks for their desire of the place, for its commodious scituation. This Castle, Valiant Collonitz (all the wayes being beset [...] numbers of Turks, Tartars, and Rebells) had in vain oft sought to relieve: neither durst he well trust his own men (most being Haiducks) for fear of being betrayed: Concerning which matters, he, in a Writing to a Nobleman (first shewing his earnest desire to be discharged of his service) brake forth: that the Enemies strength and number more and more encreasing; things could not be in a worse state than they were: and he being attended on with very Traicours, could not possibly serve the Emperour without a sufficient strength of Germane Souldiers: yet this most comforted him, that he had done his duty, or else this mischief had spread further: that the Enemies were then in his Dukedom of [...], spoyling all: and, reckoning up 25 strong Towns and places in upper-Hungary, beside almost all Transilvania, subject to Rebels.

Now, if Collonitz was thus beset, and spoiled of his Substance, having at one time received hurt, to the valeu of a hundred thousand Duckats, and not daring to trust his own Hungarians, in what state may the rest of [Page] the people be thought to have bin, being at the same time exposed to the Rebells, Turks, & Tartars, for a prey.

But 4000 Haiducks attempting to surprize Wiglace, were so repulsed thence, that many being slain, 35 Waggons, could scarce carry the wounded over the Mountains; 100 died by the way. But going thence, and rifling all [...]'s Country, they commanded all the States within 3 dayes to submit and swear fealty to Botscay, or expect all extremities: which for fear, they promised to do, to Redeius, Botscay's Lievtenant.

Now were 2 grave Counsellours sent, in the Emperor's name, to treat with Botscay of peace: who sent before them an Herauld to Cassovia, to advertise him of their comming: whom the Turks so straitly kept, that none might speak with him but Botscay, [...] he also, but in the open hearing of the Turks. Botscay told him, if the Embassadours were sent from the Nobility & States of Hungary, they should be right welcome to him; but if from the Emperour, they should come no farther: for that all matters had with him been oft enough talked of; now more than time to be performed. The Messenger returning told them what he said, and that the Haiducks had built a very high Bulwark in Cassovia, beset the gates with strong guards, and so filled the Trenches with Souldiers, that a man could hardly enter the City; yet one might safely go and come about his businesse: also that Redeius, had assembled all Governours thereabouts, advising them to beware of the excursions of the Haiducks for 14 dayes: and the while, to bring their wives and children, and best things into the City, because he could not as yet govern the Head-strong Haiducks, being yet in their rage and fury: of whom, some bringing many Cattel from towards Newhuse, were by Collonitz and Trautmanstorff, pursuing them with their Horsmen, overthrown, and all the booty recovered. About which time, Botscay, March 29. by Letters, declaring the necessity [...] [Page] defending their Priviledges and Religion against strangers; summoned all the Nobility and States of Hungary, to an Assembly, to be holden at Serents, April 17. and declaring, that those, who upon a presumptuous or careless contempt should not come, should be accounted Enemies to their Country; and their goods to be disposed of, as should to the Nobles and States then, and there assembled, be thought meet.

Much about this time, there was a great tumult of the Court-Souldiers at Constantinople, a great fire then arising in the City (as hath bin often done by the Janizaries, who in such confusion make their own gaines) wherein many men & women perished, with above 500 rich Shops and Ware-houses, most belonging tothe Jews, of whom almost 200 were said to be burnt. The young Sultan [...], and seeing the like to arise at Pera, on th'other side of the Haven, could not think but the Souldiers were about fome dangerous Treason: which suspition, 2 Messengers lately come from Cicala, encreased, who desired speedy supplies: for, having in a great Battel lost a number of men, he must else retire, and leave all to the Persian. Howbeit, the fire quenched, and the Souldiers with spoil satisfied, the tumult was with much ado quieted.

Now Basta's Souldiers, seeing neither pay nor other relief to come unto them, rose in mutiny, and in great rage brake into his Lodging: where heaping upon him many Reproaches, with their pieces bent against him, and spoiling certain Carriages richly laden, they left him, marching towards Presburg; so rifling and spoiling whatever came in their way, that they seemed to the people worse than very Turks and Tartars: carrying away (besides other very great prey) above 10000 Oxen, and 2000 Horses: and threatning as they went to burn the Suburbs of Presburg, if they were not forthwith paid; Whereupon, many Citizens for fear removed to Vienna. But the Rebels again in great number, besieging New-soli, April 16. [Page] [...] it, to the exceeding loss of the Citizens: other of their fellows, but the day before, taking [...], and divers other places. Thus, while both Haiducks and Imperials [...] the upper-Hungary; the poor Husbandmen leaving their dwellings and what they had, fled; some into Poland, others into the Mountains, where many perished with [...]: the Husbandman now dared not to go forth to till, nor the Shepherd to feed his flock, all places being filled with misery, mourning, and heaviness. The Turks and Tartars being not the causers thereof, but even the divided Christians themselves.

These troubles also brake out in other adjoyning Provinces, chiefly into Moravia, which the Haiducks miserably spoiled with fire and sword, taking certain Towns by force, and [...] them, carryed away the very little children, to be sold afterwards to the Turks: for remedy of which encreasing-mischiefs, Lichtenstein the Governour raising all his power, went against them & with much ado drave them out of the Country; yet they carried away much of its wealth, and 4000 Captives appointed to Turkish slavery. Basta also laying at Presburg, and hearing that of 14000 Turks and Tartars comming to St. Georges, 6000 of them were gone over Danubius; that whilst they made a road into Austria, the rest might attempt Presburg followed them to cut off straglers who otherwise might have done great harm, leaving but 300 Walloon Horse, with some Foot-Companies to keep the City.

These 300 expert Horsmen by night going forth, where the rest of the Haiducks and Turks securely lay, suddenly fell upon them, and slaying above 500 before the rest could arm, returned with some few Horses of service to Presburg.

In the mean time, they of Comara, hearing that Begedes Bassa, was to go with a notable Convoy from Buda with 17 Waggons of mony, &c. to Botscay, and the Tartar-Chams [Page] son, who was with some 1000 come to ayd him; lay in wait for him, and setting upon him, slew a number of his men: the Bassa himself being shot in the Breast, as he was mounting up his Horse; with whose dead Body the Turks about to flee, were some [...], some taken, the rest [...] escaping: the exceeding [...] Booty the Souldiers carried to Comara, with the Bassa's head struck off with his own Scimitar, which [...] his Coat, Pogramus the Governour sent as a Present to the Emperour. This Bassa was the chief plotter and Author of all the late troubles in Hungary; having before much confirmed Botscay in his Rebellion in Transilvania, for he spake the Hungarians-Language naturally, and was therein very Eloquent.

Now was the very name of the Germans become odious and contemptible to the potent Rebels in Hungary: so, that Basta offering to put supplies of Germans into Tyrna, then in danger, that Governour refused them, and also to let them have any thing for mony: saying, They had Citizens enough to defend the same, and as they needed not the Germans help so they would have nothing to do with them: yet, when Redeius came thither with his Army, they presently received him in, and were about to slay all the Germans, being well nigh a third part of the Inhabitants: but some of the wiser considering, that they having long dwelt there, were by Marriages in [...] with the Hungarians, & they with them, otherwise perswaded them, lest they might seem cruell against their own blood: and so it being referred to Redeius; he (by the Council of an Eminent Turk) ordered the Germans lives to be spared, but [...] to use the Hungarian.

About May 24. the Turks, Tartars and Rebels, burnt 14 Villages about the Lake of Neusidler, & as many more towards Neustat, putting most of the women & children to the sword, impaling divers upon stakes, carrying the men away captive & the cattel as a prey, so leaving the Country [Page] as they went, almost desolate: and about the end of this month, the Rebels surprized 3 Towns, and a little while after Ginsium, all which they rifled and spoiled, as they did also Hogengoa, and Niders-Prungia, which they rifled and burnt, by such terrour, forcing all far and near to yield to them. Only Alteoli and Cremnicz, standing fast to the Emperour, did the Rebels much harm.

About the beginning of June, some Turks and Haiducks, came again to Presburg; whose Governour issuing out with 3 Troops of Walloons, and some Companies of Harquebusiers, made them retire: but the Walloons riding about, fell upon them, when they thought themselves past danger, slaying 500, and driving the rest into Danubius; so that but 14 escaped, 3 being Turks, and one Fugitive Citizen, whom with great spoil they brought into the City. At which time, the Citizens of Vesprivium rose in Rebellion also, causing the Captain of the Castle, his Lievt. and the Keys to be carried to Redeius Botscay's Lievtenant: with which revolt the Turks greatly pleased, sent to, and wished the Sultan to hast the comming of his Army, for the passages were now open to his further Conquest; and, advising him more and more to encourage Botsoay. And now, the Rebels breaking also into Stiria: [...] and spoiled all as they went: so that Serinus, Lo. Nadasty and Budian, seeing themselves and all they had in danger to be spoiled without remedy, submitted to Botscay, as did many other Nobles there also. The Rebels thence making Head into Austria, did like harm.

Thus was the State of Hungary and Austria, at this time most miserable, as appeared by the Letters of a Citizen of Vienna, who was himself an Eyewitnesse of most part thereof: declaring among other calamities, by fire, &c. that the Rebels, who lately forraged Austria, carried away upon Horses little Boyes and Children: who, by reason of their tender years could not go (whose pittifull lamentation might move the very stones) to be [Page] sent into Turky; yea many of them, were by the way found dashed against the ground: the Turks themselves being amazed at the Rebels cruel behaviour; and whereas they pretended Religion, their most cruel tormenting of a Minister, did shew what lovers they were thereof; complaining also, that their own mutinous Souldiers excluded them of [...] from all Victuals, and in cruelty and hostility almost exceeded the very Enemies.

The Haiducks had most straitly besieged Odenburg, assaulting it in 5 places at once: upon whom Trautmanstorff, caused some of his Horsmen to sally forth, skirmishing with them 3 hours, and then the Haiducks beginning to prevail: himself with other Horse, some Foot & Citizens, and 3 Field-pieces, suddenly breaking forth, put them to flight, slew many, and taking 12 Ensignes with many ptisoners; but the Haiducks in revenge, shortly after returning, burnt the Suburbs of Odenburg, and spoiled the Villages; yet Basta approaching them, but with a small power, they rose, and passing over Dravus, carried away 2000 cattel, & many Captives. The Turks having bin often in hand with Botscay, to deliver Cassovia wholly into their hands, the better to obtain it, sent unto him three Waggons loaded with mony, and other rich Commodities for a Present; and to supply his wants by a Convoy of 400 Haiducks, and some Turks: which Haiducks, secretly informed the Governour of Tokay, of their comming that way; and that if he would receive them, they would with some small help deliver that rich Booty into his hands, and continue his faithfull Souldiers: who forthwith sending 400 of his Carrison to meet them, they joyning, and slaying every one of the Turks, were with the Booty received into Tokay, and courteously entertained: Whence, they ere long looking abroad, met with some Companies of Botscay's men, and slaying near about 500 of them, took 7 Waggons of provision, 30 Horses, and much rich spoil. But the Rebels encreasing, more and [Page] more prevailed: the Towns, in upper-Hungary especially, daily revolting unto them: as also [...] did, whence the Rebels sent part of their Ordnance with Relinger a German, Governour of the Town, and some other Germans there taken, to Redeius; Then besieging Newhuse with 30000 Haiducks and Turks: who, as they had ofttimes sharply assaulted it, so the Souldiers (who protested to hold out even to the last man) most notably defended it; Wherefore, Redeius (having layen some months before it) promised his men the whole spoil of the Town; yet were the Turks oft kept back from assault, lest if they should by force take it, they would by force hold it to themselves, as most commodious for conquering the rest of upper-Hungary; but Redeius with his Haiducks, July 25. most furiously assaulted it, advancing, in great hope, 10 Ensignes to the top of the Rampiers, yet were they forced to retire, leaving above 700 dead in the Trenches. The Bassa of Agria, came afterward to this siege with 3000 Horse, and many Janizaries: so that through Mines, Shot, and often Assaults, scarce 200 sound men were left in the Garrison: besides, Victuals & powder began to grow scarce; yet armed with resolution, they still valiantly held out.

The Hungarians in the Isle of Shut, having submitted to the Rebels, did much trouble the passages to Rab, Comara, and Strigonium; to whom Messengers being sent, to perswade them to return to their Obedience: they so used the matter, that those of Shut taking a Truce for 8 days, sent 5 chief men to Presburg, [...], If they and their goods might be secured, and the Haiducks there with them entertained into pay, they would be ready again to swear Allegiance, &c. and leave their wives and children as pledges at Presburg; The Governour gladly accepting their Offer, courteously dismissed them: who returning, and declaring what they had done, it was agreed, 4000 of them to joyn to Collonitz, who wore special Fea hers in their [Page] Crests for distinction's-sake: their Wives and Children being carried to Presburg. Upon which Agreement, the Rebels and Turks invaded the Isle, to surprize them; but were by the Inhabitants, ayded by some German Troops, put to flight, 3000 being slain.

About the beginning of July, Commissioners were sent to treat with Botscay about a pacification; who being honorably entertained, were July 29. dismissed. Botscay's Propositions were these: 1. Every one to have free exercise of the reformed Religion; for though he said, he desired not to have an ancient Hungarian Decree (to burn all not professing, or revolting from, the Catholike Religion) repealed: yet the Emperour regarding the present troubles, to assure; That none should thenceforth be troubled for his Religion. 2. He requested to have Transilvania during his life, after whose death it should return to the Emperour, yet a natural Hungarian to govern the same, as also Hungary. 3. But one Bishop to sit in Council, who might (if thought meet) be the Chancellour. 4. Their Liberties and Priviledges to be kept inviolate. 5. That he should only choose the chief Palatine of the Kingdom. 6. All confiscated goods to be given to men of desert. 7. All State-offendours to be judged by the Council of Hungary. 8. None to be Bishops, but those of the Noble Hungarian blood. 9. All former injuries to be forgiven and forgotten. All which, if granted, he promised to do his utmost for peace betwixt the Sultan and Emperour, upon the best conditions he could: requesting also, the Charters of peace might be subscribed and confirmed by the Pope, Emperour, Polish-King, and all the Imperiall Countries.

Achmat hearing of this Treaty, sent in haste to Botscay, seeking by great Offers and Promises to hinder it, minding him also: that he had lately subscribed as well as promised, that Botscay having King Johns priviledges, should shortly be proclaimed & crowned King [Page] of Hungary: Wherefore, he was even now ready to send a Scepter and Crown to Alba-regalis; but at present, he sent him 2 goodly Horses with furniture of Gold and precious Stones: also a rich Scimitar, a pair of Golden Spurs, and a long Horsmans-coat most richly garnished, perswading him valiantly to [...]; who presently after went with a gallant Train into Transilvania, to take an Oath of the Nobility, for their [...] to him; sending also Redeius his Chancellour, and others into Poland, to renew the former Confederacy betwixt the Polonians and Hungarians: who declared to the King the causes of that civil War, which he imputed chiefly to the oppression of Religion, and the German's insolency, labouring much to perswade him thereof: then requesting him of his grace and care, which he and other Christian Princes had for the quiet of Christendom, chiefly of those 2 distressed Countries, to consult how so great troubles might be appeased, and to afford his ayd to so good a work. The King answered, The renewing of the ancient [...], was very pleasing unto him, yet he could not well like of Botscay's revolt from that Family, to which he was so nearly affined: promising however, to propound the matter to his Nobility: who agreed, That he that should out of Poland ayd Botscay, should lose his head. So the Embassadors returned much discontented to Botscay, being now returned with a great power to Cassovia.

About this time, Lord [...] at Prague, falling from words to blowes with Francis Count Belioisa his Brother: Francis (their men taking each part) was flain, Belioiosa being dangerously hurt in 5 places: who so prosecuted his Brothers death, that Rusworm was by the Emperour condemned, and beheaded, and divers of his men hanged, with the Weapons at their heels: wherewith they [...] Francis.

[Page]Although the time of the year was now come, that the Turks by reason of the Persians, and their own Asian Rebels, could not send so great Forces, as they had wont into Hungary; neither could the Emperour now raise such power as formerly, to oppose them, through the Hungarians revolt: the Italian and German Princes affording little or no ayd, and his own mercinary Souldiers mutinying for want of pay. Serdar Bassa, Achmat's Lievt. General, with what Forces he brought, and supplies of the Rebels, being (notwithstanding 50000 strong: Aug. 29. encamped before Strigonium, having 40 battering-pieces and all necessaries for the siege: the Tartars who came with them thither, presently passing over the River Gran, spoiled & burned all the Christian Territory before them.

The Turks the while, to deprive the City of all relief, made a great Bridge of Boats over the River, which they strongly fortified at both ends: which much dismayed them of the City; yea Basta, seeing himself so weak, much doubted of the event: yet during the siege, he shewed the utmost of his Valour and Wisdom for safeguard of the place.

Now those of the Isle of Strigonium, had remained faithfull, whom the Rebels often sought to force and perswade from their Loyalty; 200 Haiducks (returned to the Emperour's service) were joyned to the Islanders; but, the Rebels suddenly surprized the Isle, cut all these Haiducks in pieces: Wherefore, Basta would have sent the Walloons for defence thereof, but the Islanders requested the contrary, lest they should (after their manner) prey upon them; so Collonitz was appointed, who with Mounsieur de Lavall a French Gentleman, lately come with his Troop to see service, went into the Island: into which the Rebels shortly entring, he drave them our, slaying 250, and taking about 50: in which conflict, Lavall so bravely behaved himself, that everymans mouth was full of his praises; for he was scarce [...] years old: but the Rebels soon [Page] returning again more numerous and resolute: there was a more bloudy fight, yet the Rebels were forced with loss to retire; Laval, not to be perswaded from adventurously pressing on the retiring Enemy, was shot and slain; all that knew him, much lamenting him. But, the Rebels still, in one place or other invading the Isle, and threatning all extremities, most of the Islanders revolted, and suddenly setting upon the Count of Rhene, slew 300 of his men grievously wounding himself also: Wherefore, Basta sent over Ratzians and Walloons, who spoiled the Islanders of what the Rebels had left them. The Turks before Strigonium battering St. Thomas Fort for almost 3 weeks together, had with great charge and loss of men made it saultable: and Septemb. 24. swarming up up the Hill, furiously assaulted it for 5 hours, with invincible courage by the Christians endured, many valiant ones falling on both sides, for they came to handy-blows even in the Breaches: thrice were the Turks forced to retire, and still brought on again; so at last 900 Christians [...] slain, with Count Oetingen their Chieftain, and his Lievt. mortally wounded: the Turks entered the Fort, slaying those few whom they found yet breathing; and whence they carried certain great pieces to help batter the City; and planting 30 great pieces against the Low or Water-Town, they most terribly battered it, which being environed with a Palisado of Wood, the Turks by firing brush-Faggots, stuffed with powder and brimstone, burnt down, making their way even to the Walls: which they incessantly battered till they had made a large Breach: and then not regarding the showers of Bullets, matched hand to hand: the Janizaries especially had undertaken this service, who with their great Musquets cruelly gauled the Defendants: the great Bassa was also present at the assault, encouraging his Souldiers with terrour and comfort; the fight was [...] and terrible, few Bullets falling in vain among such a multitude: howbeit, after [Page] 4 attempts, most of the Christians being slain, the Turks forced the rest, and gained the Breach, [...] both dead Turks and Christians under [...] to get into the City. Which won; and those that were left, put to the Sword, and the Town rifled; the Turks attempted the HighTown, hoping in so great confusion of the Defendants, to have carried that also; yet were they at present notably repulsed: Wherefore, underminining it, their Mines in few dayes perfected, violently blew up Walls, Men, &c. smothering and burning many: which Breaches so made, that the Christians could not shew themselves without danger of their lives, the Turks forthwith came to the assault: whom the Christian Captains preparing to withstand, found their Souldiers, as [...] at his most need found his, not willing in any wise to sight, so that none would come nigh the Walls: yet the Captains prayed, exhorted, and sometimes threatned them with death, to stir them up, but all in vain: during which time, the Turks had without any great resistance gained the foot of the Breach; Whereupon, the cowardly Souldiers compassing in [...] Dampierre the Governor, would by reasons have perswaded him to yield, and by threats have feared him from further resistance: Howbeit, he enraged, continued firmly resolved, his courage [...] in this mutinous storm; and by divers Expressions minded them of their Duties, and perswaded them: saying, For his part, he was resolved rather there to die with Honour, than to be beholden to his Enemies for an infamous and miserable life: Wherefore, he besought them to follow him in this [...] Action, carrying with it [...] the Trophies of their precedent Ones, who had oft assisted him in many actions of less worth, and much more dangerous.

But these Degenerate Souldiers, stood with their hands behind them, without any Weapons in them: and the while, some of them conceived their cowardly requests and reasons thereof [Page] into writing, which they sent to the Governour; which he having read, tore in pieces in their fight, and [...] under his feet, going himself to the Breach with some few to defend it, but they now threatned to deliver him with the place, to the Enemy to save their lives, if he would not by Treaty save them from those eminent perils: who being deaf to their requests or threats, they laying hands upon him, put him in prison, & then craved parley with the Bassa who sending in Haly Bassa; it was soon agreed, they to yield up the place, upon safe departurewhither they would, with bag & baggage, Ensignes frilled up, and fire in their matches, leaving behind them all their Ordnance & Warlike provision: Which Composition, was now by the Turks faithfully kept, among many other-like, before by them broken; for it being yielded Octob. the 3d. they safely conducted these Cowards within a League of Comara, helping them to carry their sick and wounded, with their Fardels: which the Turks oft carried upon their own shoulders: their Governour was also sent out with them. Many Inhabitants who had there dwelt, by leave remained there still, the rest which would not, might depart whither they would. Thus famous Strigonium, holden 10 years and one month by the Christians, fell again into the power of the Turks. These base Souldiers (with their Governour) come to Comara, were spoiled of Honour and Arms, and sent back to Presburg; where being detested of all, and chiefly of the revolted Hungarians themselves, the chief of them were imprisoned, and after some time convicted of great damnifying Treason; for which they were, according to the quality of their offences diversly [...]: Capt. Schleker, having his right hand cut off, & his tongue drawn out at his neck, and both nailed to the gallowes, was to be hanged; yet, through the intercession of many, he was beheaded: 5 other Captains, were to have their right-hands cut off and nailed to the gallows, and then to be hanged; but by the intercession of Count Mansfield, [Page] their hands were not cut off: another was to be quartered alive, but by the Count's intercession, beheaded, & then quartered: 12 others were only hanged: another, was to serve as a common Souldier 2 years without pay, but by Mansfield's means, one year was pardoned: divers others who fled, or stayed still at Strigonium, had their names set on the gallows: and being caught, some to be quartered, others hands to be cut off, & nailed to the gallows, & then hanged. But, as the Sultan received the pleasing news of the winning of Strigonium in Hungary: so also, the melancholly report, of the overthrow of his great Armies in Asia, with the loss of Damasco, the greatest City in Syria; for first, The King of Persia, invaded by Cicala, and hearing that the Bassa of Caramania, was with all speed to [...] to him with a great supply of Souldiers, presently with a puissant Army, set forward against Cicala, & by his unexpected coming, overthrew him, and took all his Ordnance: Cicala with 300 Souldiers with much ado, escaping to Adena, which City, the Persian shortly after straitly besieged: upon which news, Achmat forthwith wrote to the Bassa of Trebesond, speedily to ayd Cicala, who with a great Army set forward: Whereupon Cicala, being with 10 trusty Souldiers secretly by night let down over the walls came to the Bassa, keeping on his way with him, to joyn Battel with the King as nigh the City as he could, for he had ordered, that so soon as they perceived the Battel to be joined, to sally out upon the backs of the Persians: which the King doubting, left one part of his Army to continue the siege, & went himself with the other to meet the Bassa, & falling upon him before he could put his men in [...], made of the Turks such an exceeding slaughter, that few escaped: Cicala but with 2 or 3, much [...] escaping in a small Boat over the River: after which, the [...] returning to the siege, after many sharp & great assaults, and many men lost on both sides, Adena was yielded to his mercy. Hereupon, Achmat enraged, [...] Cicala's [...] at Constantinople, full of treasure & wealth to be [...] yet shortly [Page] after, he delivered great summs of mony, and raised new Forces for renewing of the Persian war: Whereunto, many Janizaries being appointed, they mutined: saying, They would not stir one foot, except they were payed before-hand, & assured to have their wages encreased: grievously complaining, that the Bassa of Damasco, the Sultan's Treasurer, converting the Treasures to his own use, did not pay the Souldiers their due: To appease which tumult, the Sultan caused the same Bassa to be beheaded. The Bassa's of Damasco & Aleppo long agreed not, after the aforesaid reconciliation; he of Damasco, continuing faithfull in his Allegiance; th'other of Aleppo secretly enclining to Rebellion: against whom, he of Damasco, with those of Tripolis and Gazare, went with 60000 good men, purposing to besiege him in his City Aleppo; but, he having very soon raised 30000 valiant men, ready chearfully to follow him, went & joyned battel with them: which was fought with great fury & hideous noise for a great while: howbeit, at last, the lone Bassa overcame the other [...] and put them to flight, & eagerly pursuing them, besieged Tripolis, whose Bassa fleeing thence with all his Treasures into Cyprus, he of Aleppo easily took & ransackt the same, and forthwith besieged Damasco; whither the Bassa of Tripolis being coming with another great Army to raise the siege, the Bassa of Aleppo with most of his Army meeting him, again overthrew and put him to flight. Whereupon, the besieged dismayed, upon certain Capitulations yielded to him the City; Who, there seizing upon great Treasure of the Turks Tributes, resolved thereby to make himself master of all Syria; giving free passage to all Persian and Indian Merchants unto Damasco. In the mean time, the Beglerbeg of Natolia, sending his Lievtenant with a great Army against him, he marched towards his Enemies: and in two dayes space had taken all passages whereby he might be distressed, and in the Straits of the Mountains, layed 2000 Harquebusiers and 3000 Horse in Ambush; who, the Enemies being passed, & he charging [Page] them [...], set upon them in the Reare: so that they having lost a number of men in a great fight, fled. He also intercepted a Ship cast by weather upon the Coast, laded with the Tributes of Aegypt, going to Constantinople; so that the Persian King, sought to joyn in amity with him, highly commending his valiant acts, and sending him a Pistoll, Helmet, and Target, set with gems, esteemed worth 50000 Crowns: This Rebel spread into Caramania, & so further & further; wherefore the Sultan commanded the Visier Bassa, then in Hungary (now Strigonium was taken) upon reasonable conditions, to conclude a peace, that he might forthwith after, turn his Forces against the Persians, and Asian Rebels.

But in Hungary, [...] being long besieged by the Rebels and Turks, most of that Garrison were slain, and the rest grievously wounded: of which strong Town, the Turks were, for its commodious scituation, very desirous, and the Rebels as unwilling, because it being once in their hand, would scarce be ever recovered from them: [...], [...], a Captain Hungarian Rebel, by Letters, requested of [...], that the Town might be delivered to [...], another Hungarian-Rebel, lest the Turks should get it by force: assuring him, upon the peril of his life, and confiscation of all his goods, that upon a reconciliation, made betwixt the Emperour, and the Hungarians, he should deliver Newhuse into his possession; [...] the Town was yielded Octob. 17th, to Humanoius, and the Hungarians onely received in; yet so, as that the [...] there, yet left, might still stay in the Town in pay, and watch and ward with the rest.

Wherefore, the Turks not a little discontented with the Hungarians, marched toward the siege at Strigonium: yet, few dayes after, the Hungarians turned the Germanes with their Captain S [...], out of the Town, conducting them to [...].

At which time, they of Altexsol, not far from Newhuse, [Page] being long besieged by the Rebels; and having but seven Horses left to eat, yielded themselves and Town to them: as did they of Wiglace, Shemnitz, and Kemnitz.

Botscay the while, with a very great Army, came to Tyrna, about 16 miles from Vienna: a little before which, Humanoius had summoned Presburg, Botscay, also, now requiring i by Letters, or else threatning most straitly to besiege them: wherefore, Schonberg the Governour, doubting of the Faith of the Hungarian Citizens, retired with a good part of his Souldiers into the Castle, protesting, to spend life, and all he had, for its defence: whereat, the Citizens moved, continued firm; so that [...] forthwith removed to Pesth, where he was presented by the Visier, with a Crown of curious [...], 60000 Duckats, and 25 most goodly Horses; and having full power from him, to treat and conclude of peace [...] the Imperialls, Haly Bassa, and other Turks, being joyned with him, he went to Kirpa, to an Hungarian Assembly, there to be holden; whither Forgat was come with the Emperours resolution, concerning the negotiation; and the while, other Commissioners came to Comara, about a Treaty of peace with the Turks, who required it; [...] Collonitz then by Letters, advised the Arch-Duke, that (if possible) an attonement should be first made with the Rebels, and then peace concluded with the Turks, because he perceived the Turks not to desire peace, but onely by endeavouring to keep the Christians at [...], and in suspence, to do them harm, and [...] good, which was afterwards found so to be.

The Persian King, having sent three Embassadors to the Emperour, and they coming one after another, were all with peculiar Letters, dismissed from Prague, Novemb. 29, congratulating with his successes against the [...], and desiring a perpetual and firm friendship, to be [...] betwixt them, with a certain, secure, and free [Page] commerce, if the Persian King should extend his Victories unto the Sea: and that he had then appointed to send unto him, the famous Baron of Dohna; but all things being ready for his Journey, he suddenly died, and would have sent another Embassador, had not the unexpected change of the Muscovite's affaires, otherwise disswaded him, he having no other way but that, who had yet no experience how the Prince there reigning stood affected. One of these Embassadors went into Poland, declaring to the King, the great affection of the Persian King towards him, requesting him to joyn with him in all friendship, &c. and then to take up Arms against the Turk, promising, that his Master should not lay down Arms, till he were utterly destroyed, so the Christian Princes would likewise impugne him. Such a Message was not before heard of in Poland, yet the Messenger was bountifully entertained, and with good words, put in hope of obtaining his request. But in Hungary the Turks and Rebels assembling at Hidweg, purposed to surprize the Impe ialls in their Camp, whereof they timely advertised, so received them at their coming, that after a small fight, they fled: whom the Imperials so [...] towards Canisia, that they slew above 1000, took about 200, with 1500 Horse; and, leaving sufficient Garrisons on that side of the Countrey, [...] towards Vienna.

Decemb. 6th, the Emperours Commissioners at Comara, receiving Letters from the Bassa of Buda, some of them next day, went by water thither; where after much talk, they found little difficulty about a peace, onely the Turks said, they could determine nothing, without the [...] and consent of the Hungarians; so they returned full of hope to Comara, as did Forgat from Botscay, who being ready to go from Kirpay, [...] Cassovia, gave power to Illishascius, for furtherance of the Treaty, who having Letters of safe conduct from the ARCH DUKE, went to [...] about the end of December, where [Page] he talked an hour and half with the Arch-Duke, and every day after, conferred with the Councellors 4 houres; at last, composing all differences touching the peace, except five Articles concerning freedom of Religion, in any wise required by the Hungarians.

The Haiducks in Hungary, began the next year 1606, with great harm in upper Hungary, tyrannizing upon all sorts of men; and, giving divers assaults to divers Cities, were valiantly repulsed by the Polonians and Cossacks, [...] Defendants; yet did they no small harm to the Countrypeople: wherefore, the King of Poland, upon complaint, obtained by his Embassador to Botscay, that those [...] should be recalled.

Illishaschius had so well dealt in the Treaty of peace, that about the end of Jan. it should have been published at Vienna; but that some chief Clergymen, would not consent to the free exercise of Religion to all, but onely to the Nobility: whereupon, the Hungarian Commissioners, being about to return greatly discontented, nothing being concluded, the Emperours Deputies at length, agreed, that the free Exercise, both of the reformed, as well as the Romish Religion, should be permitted to all men throughout Hungary, as it was in Maximilians and Ferdinand's time: concerning which point; Letters were delivered to Illishascius; all other points being put off to the Assembly of the States of Hungary, shortly to be holden at Presburg.

About the beginning of March, the Spahi at Constantinople, requested of the Visier, that they might take up their Pension of the Husband men in the Countrey: which though he denied, as commanded by the Sultan, in few dayes, to pay every one in money; yet they presumed to trouble the Countrey, and do the Farmers great harm: wherefore, the Sultan beheaded and hanged some of the chief leaders of them, drowning others, first bound in Chains, so striking no small fear into the other common [Page] Souldiers; but the Rebellion in Asia encreasing, and those Rebels secretly favouring, and furthering the proceedings of the Persian, the Sultan forthwith, sent sent for the Visier, to go into Asia against them both, committing the while, the managing of the Warre in Hungary, unto his Lievtenant.

March 18th, being appointed for the Turks and Emperours Commissioners, to meet at Rab, to further the peace, not past 50 Turks coming to the Gate, desired to be let in: whom the Christians being about to receive, a Sentinel (it being a thick mist) perceived 3000 more Turks, lurking thereby, and giving an Alarm, [...] their treachery, who retired, the Ordnance being discharged after them. Next moneth, Messengers came from Eperia, to Vienna, declaring, that the City was now so, on every side, beset by the Rebels, that no provision could more come thereunto, by which meanes, they had lately obtained Tokay, where the Souldiers eating their shooes, and leather-Jerkins, had killed two Boyes to eat, and cast lots among themselves, which should be killed to eat: Ruber the Governour, was forced to yield, whom Botscay is said to have offered much money, &c. to take his part; but he refused all, protesting even unto death, to abide faithful to the Emperour.

About which time, [...] wrote to a great man at Vienna, declaring, that Botscay, without the consent of the States of Hungary, could determine nothing of the peace, who had oft told him, rather than to submit to a forraign power, for ever to put themselves under Turkish protection; yet he promised, that though he had got the great displeasure of the [...], he would yet seek by all meanes, to draw the States in their next Assembly unto him, whereby that which was concluded at Vienna, about Religion, should not be reversed; for many (he said) feared that particular would not be performed: wherefore they would not be perswaded, from Turkish [Page] protection, till they were secured, both in their Religion, and ancient priviledges; and that they would not endure a forraign Governour, with whom they could not talk, nor Clergy men to vote in civil affaires: therefore, he thought it very needful, for the Emperour herein to gratifie them: and that [...], being now left to Botscay, he should appoint such a Governour over Hungary, as those States should require; for there was no hope of peace with the Turks, unless Botscay, and the States, undertook the Treaty, since they, by a shew of peace, were oft discovered, but to seek for their own advantages.

But the Rebels seeing Illishachius labour so much about peace in scorn, called him Cripelishacius, as inclining too much to the Germanes; which he took so ill, that he departed to Eperia, not purposing to be present at the next Assembly. But Botscay pacifying and recalling him, he there so notably spake to the States, that all began to hope and wish for peace, more than before.

The Turks the while, assembling at Belgrade expected the end of this Treaty; and Letters from the Sultan to Botscay, were also intercepted, advising him to joyn with his forces, and seize upon Austria, Bohemia, and [...]; for he could be content with Hungary and Transilvania, leaving the other Provinces unto Botscay: About which time, the Tartars were about to inroad into Polonia; but when by often incursions, they had not a little troubled the Haiducks, they resolved thenceforth, to fight both against Turks and Tartars; so that the Turks coming to assault Lippa, the Haiducks leaving the Town, fortified the Castle with men, and bestowing others in Caves and Cellars in the Town, layed much Gunpowder in the streets: the Turks entring unresisted, hasted to take the Castle; but the while, the Powder taking fire, blew up a number of them, and those who lay hid, forthwith breaking out, made of the Turks a great slaughter, [Page] and so cleared the Town. The Estates of Austria (considering their great harms, received both from the Rebels, and Emperours mutinous Souldiers, and no more to rely upon forrain protection, still to seek, when they had most need) in a generall Assembly, agreed to have 2000 Horse, and 8000 Foot, alwayes in readiyess; 50 Pesants [...] one of those Souldiers. And much about this [...], Illishaschius, having Letters of safe conduct from the Arch-Duke, came again to Vienna, more largely to confer with the Emperours Deputies, upon the Articles of peace: where he was so crossed by the Bishop of Vienna, in respect of the Article about liberty of Religion, that there was no hope of a conclusion, while he was [...] in Councel: wherefore, he was in the Arch-Dukes name, willed no more to come into the Councel.

So Illishaschius, having travelled to and fro, betwixt the Arch-Duke and Botscay, with the States of Hungary, and debated the matter; for a full conclusion, himself, with Humanoius, and divers others with their Train, came to Vienna Septemb. 7th, and shortly after, the Treaty was earnestly begun, with often Messengers betwixt Vienna and Cassovia, to Botscay, then dangerously sick, till all the Articles of peace, were near about Septemb. 14th, agreed on, most difference arising about that of Religion; for the Hungarians bringing the word Religion, to a particularity, would have it set down, that men might freely exercise the Lutheran, Calvinian, and Romish Religion, without which, they would conclude no peace: which concluded, they next day sent to the Visier at Buda, certifying him of all, and requesting him, not yet to do any thing for disturbing of the peace. The 15 Articles were,

1. Every man in Hungary, to have freedom of his Religion, and believe what he would.

2. The Hungarians might choose a Palatine for their Governour; and the while, the Arch Duke to use the Title of Viceroy.

[Page]3. That Crown to be still in the [...] keeping.

4. The Hungarian Bishops nobly descended, and that had Lands of their own, to be admitted to Counsel, but the other not so.

5. Botscay and his Heires male, for eyer to hold Transilvania.

6. Transilvania to be still subject to Hungary.

7. Three Crowns, and three open Helmets, to be for his Arms.

8. No more to style himself Prince, but Lord of part of Hungary.

9. Those to pay the Haiducks, who levied them.

10. All harms to be for ever forgotten.

11. Bohemia, Moravia, Silesia, Lausnicium, and Austria, not onely to seal to the Articles, but swear to keep them, so far as concerned them.

12. The Hungarians to send some to Vienna, in their behalf, to ratifie them also with their Letters, Seals, & Oaths.

13. The Assembly of the Hungarian-States, to be referred till a more fit time.

14. This agreement to be confirmed, and inrolled in the Records of Hungary.

15. The Hungarians might by Embassadors, invite the Princes of the Empire, to approve and confirm these Articles: which were subscribed by Commissioners on both sides. Septemb. 20, Botscay and the Hungarian's Embassador, admitted to the Arch-Duke's presence, obtained of him, pardon for all the fore-passed Rebellion: to whom the Provinces also, gave [...], not to be troubled for the same; but yet was the Title of Prince of Transilvania left to Botscay, for his life, whose sickness increasing, he would oft say, he could willingly die, so it might please God first to permit him to excuse himself of his Rebellion, before the whole Empire; and about the end of September, the Commissioners on both sides, and certain Noblemen of the Empire, received every [Page] one, a fair Copy of the Articles of the peace, in Parchment, and then returned to their dwellings; but [...], went to Newhuse, to be present at the peace to be made with the Turks also, whence he wrote to the Visier, requesting him, not yet to attempt any thing, but quietly to expect the Emperour's Commissioners, shortly to come unto him. But while this peace was in hand, some Tartars at Constantinople, firing a Jew's House, there was such a terrible fire, that not onely many Houses, but many Jewes were burnt also: the harm being valued at 4000000 Duckats: the Sultan also falling from his Horse, in the Tumult, was a while sick thereof. Also the Turks of Canisia, conspiring with a Captain of the lesser Comara, came to surprize it; but the suspicious Garrison, suffering some to enter, shut the Gates, and killed them every one, the rest returning to Canisia.

The Emperours Commissioners going to Comara, about a peace with the Turks, the Army followed them, lest they should be intercepted by the way: who carried with them, Solyman, the Bassa of Buda, and Aly Bassa, prisoners, apparelled in blew Silk, 6 Wagons, with Presents for the Sultan, following them, to [...], a most curious Clock, fair Pieces of Plate, 100000 Duckats, with divers rich things. But while they there stayed, Octob. 8th, when as a Hungarian Lutheran, was preaching in the Pulpit to the people, in the Suburbs, Buchem and Knevie, Captains, with certain of their Servants, above half drunk, rushing in with their drawn Swords, [...] out the Preacher, Buchem's Trumpeter, discharging his Pistoll upon him: in which Tumult, divers Children were trod to death, and the rest put in great fear: at which insolency, Turson and Budian, Hungarian Commissioners, would next day have departed from Comara, being hardly entreated by Mollart, and Collonitz, to stay. Buchem and Knevie, being bound to their appearance, and the Trumpeter with Irons, clapt in prison; but when fame [Page] had made the Report hereof at Newhuse, much more than it was, as that 150 were slain, Illishaschius and others, had much adoe to appease the tumult there: the Huugarians determining to joyn with some Turks and Haiducks, and so by night, to invade Comara, had not grave Pogranius the elder, coming thence, and declaring the whole matter, appeased them; but since the said Captains, were fled by night to Vienna, the Hungarians were very earnest, to have them severely punished, as breakers of the first Article of the peace. Botscay, the while, beheaded Catayus his Chancellour, who went about to poyson him, in hope of the Princedom of Transilvania, placing Janusy in his stead, and giving him his Lands.

Caesar Galen, with some other Captains, being now appointed to finde out some commodious and secure place for the Turks, Emperours, and Hungarians Commissioners to meet in, at length made choice of three Islands, encompassed with the arms of Danubius, whereinto they might freely passe over one to another, to treat of their affaires, as occasions required; and being all thus apart, arrived in the Islands, toward the end of Octob. and first by themselves, then mutually consulting and conferring, Novemb. 19th, the peace was betwixt all parties fully agreed upon, and Hostages with solemn Oaths and promises, given for the inviolate keeping of the same: the Articles were, 1. The Emperour and great Sultan, in all their Letters, &c. to style themselves onely Father and Sonne, the Emperour, Father (for his years) and the Sultan's Sonne. 2. To take on them, onely the name of Emperours, in the beginning of their Letters. 3. They to take order, that Hungary and Austria, might be assured in full peace and tranquillity. 4. The King of Spain, might enter into this peace, without let. 5. The Tartars, and all others, to be comprized herein, so to be disarmed, and the Hungarians assured from their injuries. 6. Each party [Page] to forbear all acts of Hostility against each other, yet to have power to pursue Theeves and Robbers, &c. and to give notice of them, and cause them to recompence the wrongs done. 7. All strong Holds to be unattempted, any way, by either party; and also, the Goods and Families of their Subjects; Botscay holding all, granted him by the Treaty of [...]. 8. All prisoners taken, to be freed, chiefly, those taken in places, which they sought to defend; others by exchange or ransom, as should be most expedient. 9. All Controversies be hither, and beyond Danubius, to be ended by the Governour of Rab, the Bassa of Buda, the Governour of Sclavonia, and those else-where; but if for their importance, they could not compose them, to be decided by the 2 Emperours: also, that both parties might restore ruined places, but not build new ones, prejudicial to either. 10. Amurath, the Visier, to send Presents to the arch-Duke Matthias, and the Emperour to send 200000 Duckats, to the Sultan; and the Sultan also to send great and rich Presents to the Emperour. 11. This peace to begin in 1607, and remain for 20 years; and every third year, the Emperours to send one another, honourable and rich Presents, according to their pleasure and power. 12. The Emperours and Sultan's Successors, with all their Kinsmen, Allies, &c. to be included in this agreement: as also, those of the Kingdom of Hungary. 13. The Christians to have Vacia, which they should fortifie at pleasure; but Strigonium, with all Villages belonging, to remain to the Sultan, yet none to pay any new Tribute; and those who had been free, so to remain. 14. The Turks not to exact their Tributes by the Sword, but by Justice, except it should be presumptuously denied, or too long deferred from payment, and then both sides might use what meanes they thought good to obtain the same.

[Page]For these Articles of peace, all the Towns of Hungary, made great joy and triumph: The Commissioners also, in token of joy, magnificently feasted one another, which the Turks began, giving unto nine of the Emperours Commissioners couragious Horses, gallantly furnished, and to the rest, very rich Garments, and Tapstry-hangings: And Alla Bassa, to declare his great pleasure received by the sallies and vollies of shot given by Mansfield's Troop, at the time of the Feast, sent the Captain 200 Duckats, which he refused, requesting instead thereof, a Captain then a prisoner with the Turks, whom the Bassa delivering, sent back also those Duckats for the Souldiers, which yet Mansfield sent back again.

Every man going home well pleased, the Bassa of Buda, forthwith sent to Constantinople, to certifie the Sultan, of the peace made, who with many Janizaries, and others, went to the Temple, to give his Mahomet thanks, spending next day, with great sport and pleasure, purposing thenceforth, to turn all his force against the Rebels in Asia, and the Persian.

Now for all the aforesaid peace at Vienna, divers stirs were raised by the Haiducks in upper Hungary, so that the Inhabitants of Bocotsie, were forced to fight with them, a number being slain on both sides, and three Villages burnt about the end of November:

Decemb. 13th, Botscay assembling, the States of Hungary propounded to their consideration, 1. That the late revolt, with all the troubles thereupon, had been onely for defence of their Religion, and ancient liberty: then, whereas they had chose him for their Prince, who had hitherto done nothing, without their consent; and that now by their consent, he was ready to depart from the Castles and free Cities of upper Hungary, and had sent to Matthias, to send his Deputies to receive them, whether he should relinquish the Title of Prince, or not; and for avoiding further troubles, he would, a Decree to be [Page] made, that all injuries should be forgiven, and forgotten, and every man still to hold all such goods, during the late Warre: wishing them also in the next generall Assembly, with all their power, to urge the repealing of the Article, about burning of Hereticks; and all other Articles against their Religion, and not to remit any thing about the choyce of their Palatine, as formerly; nor to neglect any thing, seeming to concern their priviledges and liberty: wherefore, they should be careful to send thither, men as should not be easily overcome, with the clamours of the contrary part: also, how a sincere confederation might be made betwixt Hungary and Transilvania, that a safe Commerce might be used. Which done, [...] sickness increasing, he died at Cassovia Decemb. 30. 1606, to the great grief of all in general, who had him in great regard. Before his death, he perswaded [...], not to raise new stirs, or in what he could, suffer any to be raised; yet some presently after his death, were about to raise new forces to seize upon Transilvania: wherefore Matthias, sent forthwith to the States of upper Hungary, advising them, that considering the great miseries there lately endured, &c. thenceforth, to give themselves to quietness, and not again to prescribe the Emperour what to do, or how to dispose of Transilvania: assuring them, he would forthwith, turn all his power, to the utter destruction, and rooting out such rebellious and seditious persons: by which warning, some else ready enough to disturb, kept themselves quiet.

Many marvelled, that the Emperour would make peace with the Sultan, he being so troubled with his own Rebels, and the Persian King in Asia: indeed, time then well served for the Emperour, not onely to have holden his owne (which he did not) in Hungary, but also to recover some good part of his losses there received; but what availeth opportunity, without power? for the revolted [Page] Hungarians, then taking part with the Turks, and they with them, and he with his own power, not able to hold the Field against them, or well to maintain a defensive Warre; and his friends and Allies then at his most need, failing him also, what should he in such a case do, but as he did?

Now Botscay, was no sooner dead, but some other Hungarian and Transilvanian Nobles, began divers ways, to aspire to that Principality under hand, as not fearing the arch-Dukes great words: wherefore, some of the Nobility of Transilvania, assembling at Claudianople, Feb. 12th 1607, chose Sigismund Ragotsie, for their Prince, binding themselves unto him, by the Oath of their allegiance; and then sent Messengers to the arch-Duke, to excuse themselves thereof, who at Presburg, March 12th, openly protested Ragotsies Election, was not; because they were about to rebel (for they would always acknowledge the Emperour for their Soveraign) but so many Nobles gaping after that Principality, necessitating the same; yet Ragotsie, doubting of his ability, without great trouble and danger, besides the Emperours displeasure to hold it; about a year after, giving it up, got away to Sarentum, and straight way Gabriel Bathor, was about to step up in his place: to whom, the States sent word by two Noblemen, that the free choice of the Prince, belonged to them: wherefore, he should not seek to intrude by force, but quietly to come to the Election, with not above 1000 Horse, and 500 Foot. About which time, Newhuse was again delivered to Sigefrid Collonitz, for the Emperour, who coming to [...], told of a number of rebellious Turks at Belgrade, who rifled it; and burning down Alischria to the ground, went over to the Rebels; and that Redeius, going to take possession of some Lands Botscay gave him, was slain by his Tenants, waiting for him upon a strait passage. The Emperours Embassador, deferring to set forward with the Presents to Constantinople, [Page] the Turks and Tartars began to roam abroad, into the Christians Territories, and caused the Pledges of the peace at Buda, to be hardly used, and clapt fast in prison, whom the Bassa soon suffering a little to walk abroad, the Janizaries tumulting, had almost slain him with stones, and with many reproaches, called him Traytor; and wounding grievously one of the pledges: wherefore, the Bassa next night, had some of them secretly taken, and cast bound into Danubius: yet shortly after, purposing to make an inroad, to colour their harms, they caused the Bassa of Buda, to write to the arch Duke, of great wrongs done by the Christians, when as there was no such thing at all. The Sultan desirous, first to appease his troubles at home, before he further dealt with the Persian, sent a [...] to the Bassa of Aleppo, to lay down Arms, and deliver over his charge, to whom he had appointed it, promising hereupon, to pardon him of all past, and to receive him into favour: who answered, he never took up Arms against him, but to be revenged of the Bassaes of Damasco and Tripolis, his sworn Enemies, who taken out of the way, he would both yield himself unto him, and re-deliver the Tribute sent out of Aegypt; and if he pleased to employ him, to bring great forces against the Persian. The Sultan not contented, sent the Visier with a great Army against the Asian Rebels: who by wisdom and discretion, more than by force, appeasing those in lesser Asia, with 130000 men, marched towards Aleppo, whose Bassa with 40000 men (most Harquebusiers) in a place of advantage, but two miles from the City, in three notable Battels, withstood his whole forces; but preparing for a fourth encounter, and hearing of great ayd coming from the Bassaes of Damasco and Tripolis, he speedily retired into the City, and trussing up his Treasure, &c. fled into the Mountains, towards Persia, most of his Army being left following him: after which, the Visier taking Aleppo by force, put all the Garrison-Souldiers to the Sword.

[Page]But the Bassa forsaken by many of his former friends, by Letters requested the Visier, to write for him to the Sultan, if possible to procure his peace: which easily obtained, the Sultan by Letters sent for him to Constantinople, assuring him of being employed against the Persian; so the Bassa there arriving with 100 Horse, before many Bassaes humbled himself to the Sultan, who both pardoned him, and for his ancient descent, great valour, and fair conditions, took him into favour, and restored him all his goods.

The Sultan (the mean while) had by the Tartar Cham, in vain sought for peace with the Persian King; for he demanded the restoring of Tauris, with all Provinces taken from him by the Persians, which he utterly denied, as formerly belonging to his Ancestors: then also, the Persian King, wrote to the King of Spain, to this effect; though they were divided in Religion, yet in power and hatred against the Othoman Empire, conjoyned; and considering, he was become his powerful Neighbour in the East, he most entirely loved him: wherefore, he had commanded all his Provinces in India, and thereabouts, to be wholly courteous to his Subjects, demanding no Tribute of them; and he having recovered the [...] of Aden; had appointed it to the service of the Spanish Governour of [...]: that all Christians dwelling in his Kingdom, should enjoy the same priviledges which his own Subjects had; and that he had for seven years, warred against the Turks, who by Treason, had taken from him that strong Town [...]; for recovery whereof, he had divers times overthrown his Armies: but, since he resolved not to cease, till he had driven them out of those parts, and recovered the seat of Ismael, and Juchell in Babylon and Caire, he requested him to confederate with him, and send his dreadful Fleet into the Persian Gulf, whereby he could easily become Lord of Syria and Aegypt.

[Page]Then he reckons up the Presents he sent him: the Images of Ismael, Juchel, and Jonas, with his own, in gold, and set with most rich Stones, and Pearls, a writing Table, garnished with fair precious Stones, four Doggs, naturally spotted with red, yellow, and blew: two pieces of Arras, adorned with most precious Stones and Pearl, wherein were Tamerlane's acts lively to be seen, four Hunters Horns, very smooth and richly garnished: twelve most gallant Plumes of feathers of divers sorts, six drinking-Glasses, not to be broken; and Couch-Beds, like unto Chaires, having the ancient Warres between Ascanius and Chiusa, King of the Medes.

The Emperour, in August, calling together the Hungarian States to Presburg they long expecting the coming of the arch-Duke, appointed President in that Assembly, were about to return home, in the beginning of September; but they were content, by the arch-Bishops Request, to stay 15 dayes more, and no longer; for the Tartars having requested a place in the Borders of Hungary to dwell in, they desired much, that Parliament to be adjourned, for their more timely preventing of their designs; and the Turks (the while) hoping the peace would not long hold, came so to Buda, that Tents were set up for them, to lay in within the City; for the Bassa, would have none set up in the Fields, lest the Christians should suspect them to be about raising of an Army.

But the arch-Duke not coming, the States wrote a solemn Protestation, before the Chapter of the Cathedrall, that they departed from Presburg, not upon discontent, or contumacy, but for want of necessaries, and other their urgencies; yet if the Emperour should call another Parliament, they would be ready upon summons, to return and consult of all things good for the Commonweale; so nothing were propounded, contrary to the Articles of Vienna: against which, they would ratifie nothing, though by the Emperour allowed. Which Protestation, [Page] they requested to have registred, sealed with the Chapters Seal. After whose departure, the Haiducks most discontented with this general peace, began to raise new stirs, craving ayd of the Turks and Tartars, and not of their now loyal Countreymen; and a number of them flocking to Buda, the Bassa with other Commanders, consulted what to do with these fit instruments, for disturbing of the peace: so he wrote to them of Comara, except they better kept the Articles, they should shortly hear of new matters; but, the while, the Sultan writing to the Bassa, that though the Christians were said to increase their strength, yet he to attempt nothing against them, till they proceeded to open force, &c. the Turks again departed from Buda; most of their Ordnance, brought from Sigeth, being carried back.

But the States of Hungary assembling again Octob. 14th, at Presburg, decreed, Tockay to be rejoyned to their jurisdiction: the Ordnance in all free Cities, to be carried to places whereto they belonged: the Vayuod of Transilvania, to be warned, not to seperate that from Hungary, and the Bassa of Buda, to keep his Turks within their own bounds: also the Hungarian Nobility, with all their force, to repress the Haiducks, and all other enemies; yet the Haiducks more insolent than before, took some Forts, spoiling many places with fire and sword, and making the people swear to be friends to the Turks, and enemies to the Germanes and Walloons; and demanding of Humanoius, Botscay's Crown, to crown him, or some other, for their King: who sent them word, he would not accept of that dignity, but abide faithful to the Emperour; but when the States were about to go against them, they were deterred by the Bassa of Agria, threatning with his Turks and Tartars, to take their parts.

About which time, six hundred Haiducks being not let into St. Andrews Castle, as they desired, openly professed themselves, the great Sultans Servants; and marching to [Page] Budnoc, they took it by force, and ransackt it: then running out still for booty, Humanoius waiting for them in a strait, slew them almost all, and sent two of their Ensigns to Vienna, and empaled some of them on stakes at Cassovia: wherefore, some other Haiducks, lighting on two of the Captains that had escaped, for the ill leading of their fellows, hanged one, and hewed the other all to pieces. Some of the prisoners reported, this new Rebellion to be procured by the Bassaes of Buda and Agria, who promised them all help: the truth whereof, was shortly confirmed; for, Novemb. 27, almost 15000 Haiducks, receiving of the Sultan 300000 Duckats, straitly besieged Filek; the Turks of Agria, sending them Ordnance, whom they promised all places they should win: yet Bosnias, Captain of Filek-Castle, with his Germanes, so repulsed them, and the winter weather, was so extream, that they departed.

About the beginning of Novem was a great fire at Constantinople, burning almost five hundred Shops, with many other fair Buildings, the losse was valued at above two millions of Gold.

At the time of the Assembly at Presburg, the Emperour appointing another of the States and Nobles of Austria, at Vienna: certain Articles were propounded, tending to the securing of Austria and Vienna, against the Turks: also how the too much inhauncing the value of money, might be restrained, that good orders might be kept, the Countrey cleared from the robberies of stragling Souldiers: the counterfeit Hungarian, and Polonian money, to be prohibited: good orders to be taken, for staying the Plague, then beginning in many places of Austria; but when those States assembled, complained, all that Countrey, with long Warres, the Rebels incursions, outrages of mutinous Souldiers, to be almost exhausted, all was to a further time deferred, and the Assembly broken up.

[Page]Also at the same time, the Emperour appointed a Diet of Empire at Ratisbone: Ferdinand, the arch-Duke of Austria, being chief in his place, where Ortelius the Emperours Secretary, notably setting forth his love and affection towards the Electors, Princes and States, and why himself could not be present with them, he propounded five Articles for them, chiefly to consider of,

1. How the Empire might be preserved against Turkish violence, and the dangerous rebellions through them stirred up in Hungary, &c.

2. About the correcting and reforming of the administration of Justice, in the Imperial Chamber.

3. About the long Warres in the low Countries (a Member and see of the Empire) and the inconveniency thereof, redounding to the Empire: he having also heard, that in the Treaty of peace, the confederate Princes were now acknowledged a free State.

4. Concerning the daily raising of Coyn.

5. About the perfecting the matriculer of the Empire, for the giving unto every man his due. About the order of the consideration of which Articles, there fell a great Controversie amongst the Deputies of the Princes: and Jan. 22, 1608, a Writing by the Emperours, was read unto them, of the combination of the Turks, with the rebellious Haiducks: these having especially conspired the destruction of the Germanes, confirming that League, by drinking of an health: wherefore, it was requested, that they would turn their Consultations, unto the first Article, and resolve, how ayd might be sent against the Emperour's enemies; but when in their often meetings, nought could be concluded, for the different opinions, betwixt the Protestants and Catholiques, (the first, labouring first for reformation of Justice, and confirming of the peace of Religion: and the second, first for considera ion of Contribution, to be given against the enemies in Hungary.)

[Page] Ferdinand, calling them together, by Letters declared the Emperours great grief, for the protracting of the Articles, and had requested the Protestants, to [...] leave of their Superiors, by Letters, first to determine some certainty about the first Article: howbeit, this prevailed nothing; so that he, out of hope of concluding any thing, May 5th, dismissed the Assembly, all being left undeceived.

Matthias, the arch-Duke, came the while, with a [...] Train to Presburg, welcomed by the Bishop of Rab, with an eloquent Oration, before some Hungarian Nobles, who went as far as Hainburg, to meet him with much joy. Next day, the Arch Bishop and Cardinall of Strigonium, with a notable Train, came to Presburg, who in the Castle, conferred with the arch Duke, of many things to be consulted of. In the mean time, Illishachius arrived there also, honourably attended: so the chief States being come, the Consultation began, Jan. 23, where the Arch Bishop, propounding what they were chiefly to consider of, they answered, The Haiducks determined, not a whit to depart from the last years Articles, agreed on at Vienna: to confirm which, was alone necessary, to appease the Tumults of the Haiducks: from which, the Hungarians being not to be removed, and also grieved at the scoffing of some of the Clergy, were about to depart, protesting themselves guiltless of such harms, as should afterwards ensue: it was agreed, the whole matter to be decided by 10 Hungarian Councellors, and 10 of those of Austria: who meeting in Illishaschius's [...], Jan. 28, they concluded, that for the peace sake of Hungary and Austria, those Articles which could be agreed on at Vienna, being quite left off, those which were agreed on, should be still [...] observed and kept: which thing, the Commissioners of Austria, by a special writing there, confirmed unto the Hungarians, declaring the Reasons thereof, and promising to the [Page] Hungarians, to give ayd for defence of these Articles, being ready to give good reason thereof, before God, the Emperour, and all the House of Austria, as necessity should seem to require: hoping also, that the States of Hungary, would rest in, and observe fully, the said pacification, and be ready to give Austria, their like ayd against their Enemies: so Letters of confederation, were, in Matthias's name, and of both the Ecclesiasticall and civil States of Hungary and Austria, written, concluding, that if hereafter, any detriment or Warre, should be by any made, to the Hungarians, or thereabout, for the said Articles, they would with united Forces, come to ayd their confederate Brethren, and live or die together: which being signed and sealed, Febr. 1, Illishaschius and Turson, were sent to the tumultuous Haiducks, who had appointed to send to the Sultan, and Tartar Cham, to crave their ayd, disswading them there-from, & perswading them to quietness, and threatning them to be at once oppressed by the Power of the States, if they would not hearken to such honest conditions.

Matthias returning to Vienna, assembled the States of Enseric, declaring all that was done at Presburg, advising them so carefully, to provide for the Common-weale, as that having money alwayes in readiness, they might go to meet with the Haiducks, if they would not conform to the Articles, but raise new broils.

About Spring, Jerome Prince of Valachia, being dead, and leaving a Son, but 13 years old, the Emperour admitted him under Tutors unto the succession: wherefore, the Valachians trusting to the Turks help, went to choose another Prince; but the Widow, certifying Polloscie her Son in Law hereof, obtaining much money of him, and raising 10000 good Souldiers, overcame the Valachians and Turks, and so preserved that Principality for her Sonne.

The Duke of Florence, having hitherto done the Turks [Page] great harm, in the Mediterranean Sea, the Sultan sent, and promised him great matters, hereafter to desist; but the Duke increasing his Fleet, did more harm than before.

Now though Illishaschius and Turson, had delivered to the Haiducks, the Articles, and commanded them to be quiet, yet they living by their Swords, could not endure to fall to labour: wherefore, they about Gimerit, wrote to them about Newsoli, that since they being divers times certified of the misery of their Neighbours, had refused to ayd them; yet they should now remember, how needful it was mutually to help each other; for the Haiducks passing over Teise, were run into that Province, as far as Budnoc, minding to spoil all the Countrey, if not speedily encountred; and the rather, because they lately had 30000 Hungarian Duckats from the Turks, whom they owned their Lords, with Horses, and other gifts for their leaders, and daily expected ayd from the numerous Tartars about Belgrade: so, since the harm, the Haiducks did, was inexpressible, they should inform their Neighbours, and, with all speed, take up Arms against them.

About the end of March, Matthias the arch-Duke, proclaimed throughout Austria, every man to provide, to take up Arms; joyning this Reason, that he intended himself, to go in April, into Moravia, and there to assemble both Hungarians, Austrians, and Haiducks, for a Warre: writing also, to the Vassals of Austria, that whereas they knew the States of ENSERIC, had approved of their Deputies report of what was decreed at PRESBuRG; yet some did not onely not rest upon that pacification, but gathered an Army in the Borders of Moravia, purposing to inroad both into Moravia, and Austria; wherefore the States of Moravia, also were forced to raise an Army, and crave help of their Neighbours; and therefore the arch-Duke, mindful of his promise, resolved in person, to undertake this expedition, [Page] that the States also should with their Servants, joyn unto him; that God, in whose name it was to be taken in hand, might soon grant unto those Countries, wished peace: wherefore, they were to be warned, with what Horse and Foot, they could raise at a day, to be shortly named, to joyn to the arch-Duke, and not suffer any thing to let them. So that if any thing should happen to their Generall, yet to send their Forces under some other, seeing he adventured his own life and fortunes; and if God saw good, accounted it great gain to lose them, thereby to benefit his Countrey. A little after which time, the Cardinall brought the Emperour's answer to Vienna, that he did [...] all things concluded with the Hungarians, and Turks, but the Confederation betwixt the States of Hungary and Austria, should be void: which, the Arch Duke protesting he could not like of, or suffer, April 15th, with a great many chief-ones, and a good Army, set forward with 28 Ordnance, expecting his Souldiers, levied in all places, at Newberg, and declaring, that none should be harmed by his Army; or, if any chanced to be done, it should be restored, and recompensed. Hereupon, the Nobility of Bohemia, began to assemble, April 15th: whither, when the Deputies of the other Countries were come also, it was decreed, that they should speedily return, and provide themselves and Subjects of necessary Arms, to defend their Countrey, as need required; besides, the Emperour caused many Horse and Foot to be brought to Prague, and April 18 [...], wrote to some Princes of the Empire, and others of Bohemia, [...] all speed to send him ayd to Prague. But Matthias the while, marching on with 20000 Horse and Foot, April 24, came to Zname in Moravia, honourably received by those States, comne thither with 400 Horse: Thence sending Letters into Bohemia and to Prague, he requested them to send Deputies to the Assembly, to be at Zaslavia, May 4th, promising, that himself would there give [Page] a reason of his actions, and what he would do hereafter: he also wrote to the Princes of the Empire, shewing the cause of this his expedition, and sending a Copy of the agreement at Vienna, April 25, 1606, by the consent of the Arch-Duke, requesting them friendlily, not to intermeddle in this business; but rather by Counsel and ayd, to further it. But the Emperour, sent the Popes Embassador, with others laying at Prague, and sundry Bohemian Ministers to Matthias, still at Zname, whom, the Cardinall next day followed, to make a good peace with him, if possible: the Emperour the while, calling the Councellors of old and new Prague, in unwonted manner, most courceously received them with his own hand, and thanked them for their fidelity hitherto, requesting them hereafter, so to continue, promising them all kindness, with the priviledges of shutting of the Gates which they lost in Ferdinana's time; and ere long, there was a Generall Muster, both in Prague, and throughout all Bohemia, and 300 Musquetiers, appointed to keep the Castle under Count Solmes, who had Commission to raise other Souldiers also. Then was it certainly reported from Constantinople, that the Tartar Cham died and the Sultan to have caused his Sonne, hitherto detained as a Pledge, to be with [...] [...] transported over the black Sea, to possess his Fathers Kingdom. Also, that some seditious Turks, going to surprize Smyrna, and forraging far and near about it, came to Magnesia, whose [...] offered them 10000 Crowns to spare the Countrey thereabouts. The Persian also then to do the Turk great harms, he Turks and Tartars seeking in vain to withstand him.

The Electors of Saxonie and Brandenburg, coming to Prague, part of them May 9th, went to Matthias, to Zaslavia, where he lay with 25000 men; who requesting 8 dayes truce of him, for making a pacification, easily obtained: chiefly, since those Electors, being bound [...], [Page] the Emperour, both for their Electorship, and in respect of Bohemia, they could not (they said) but send him present ayd: to which end, they had some thousands of Souldiers ready in their frontiers. About May 17th, Matthias marched towards Prague, with 18000, Collonitz following him with the rest; and though he had severely commanded his men not to rob, spoil, or burn, and had hanged some, headed others therefore; yet some would be stragling sometimes, and doing harm, chiefly, the Hungarians, who ran out as far as the Emperour's Camp, and new Prague: whom yet, the Imperials, though 20000 strong, let alone, the Emperour so commanding: howbeit, some of them going too far abroad, were by the Countrymen slain. May 23, the States of Bohemia, were assembled at Prague, the Emperor being present: where they promised, to spend lives and goods in his quarrel; yet requested divers things to be granted and confirmed, the chief whereof were, that Religion, according to the Confession of Bohemia and Augusta, should not be violated, and the Professors of either, not scoffe or despise each other: the arch-Bishop, not to meddle with civil affaires: that Protestants and Patrons of the University of Prague, should be joyned to the Consistory, as in Ferdinand's time: Political Office, not to be void above a moneth, to which men of both Religions, should be admitted: every man to enjoy his right, and no decree published against it: Every man to have access to the Emperour, and not all to be done by his Councellours: all men to know what was treason: a difference to be made bet [...] offences, and none for a leight one to lose goods, life, and reputation: the suits of Widows, Orphans, and others to be expedited, and not from day to day deferred: the Father not to pay the Sonnes debt, which he ran into without his knowledge, but the Sonne himself: Lawyers which plead Causes, to be content with fees, by common decrees appointed them; and in any wise, they requested the Emperour [Page] to ease them of these griefs, before compelled to answer to what was to be propounded in his behalf: most things he easily granted; those which concerned Religion onely excepted, which were put off unto the next Assembly. About the end of May, Matthias's Embassadors came to Prague, upon safe conduct, who caused their charge to be read before the Councel out of a long writing, in the Bohemian Tongue: then being put aside, and a while after, called again, they were answered, That the points were of more weight, than to be sufficiently deliberated of so soon: wherefore, they thought meet, that Commissioners on both sides, meeting in open field, nigh Debritse, should consult there, of those Articles: who at length, accordingly, so wrought by often going to and fro, that the Emperour and arch Duke, were again made friends: the Articles of which pacification, were June 17th, openly read in the Castle of Prague; according to the first whereof, the Crown of Hungary, with its Ornaments, as King Stephen's Sword, the Golden Apple, with the Crosse of the Kingdom upon it, two pair of rich shooes, a very ancient Robe, with a royal [...], were by the Emperours chief Lievtenant, delivered to the arch-Duke Matthias, (to whom also, the arch-Dukedom of Austria, before by the Emperour possessed, was surrendred) who, with his Army, ranged in order, &c. commanded three great Vollies of shot to be discharged, and then royally feasted the Emperours Embassadors; and many of Matthias his Camp, especially the Hungarians, went into Prague, to buy necessaries, many coming also, out of the City, to see his Camp; but (the while) some insolent Souldiers by night, breaking up some Shops of the Jewes, and carrying away much rich Wares, caused great stirs: so that divers Souldiers were cast into prison.

July 1, King Matthias departed from Prague, with his chief Councellors towards Lintze, dividing his Army into three parts, for their more easie passage; [Page] but one Cottovitz, a Noble Bohemian, to whom the Hungarians and Haiducks, had done great [...] in this expedition, with 600 Harquebusiers, and many Countreymen, went to Patrovitse, where cutting off the passage, and cutting down Trees acrosse the wayes, he slew about 900 Hungarians, coming that way, carrying away some prisoners, with much booty of Horses, Wagons and Goods: whereupon, the Hungarians trod down the Corn, as they went, and began to fire the Villages and Houses thereabouts; but the King, by the General of Horse, commanded them, not onely to desist, but upon a great penalty, to help quench the fires they had raised.

In the mean time, great preparation was made at Vienna, for receiving K. Matthias, and bringing him into the City, according to his Dignity: which triumphs and Solemnities ended, when as they there began to consult of things concerning the good Government of Hungary, and crowning of the King; and that the Protestant States of Austria, began to exercise their Religion, according to the Confession of Augusta, Leopold the arch-Duke, and Bishop of Passavia, Melinus the Popes Nuntio, Cardinall Forgats, and the Bishop of Vienna came, and by earnest soliciting of the King, obtained, that that exercise of Religion, should be again abrogated, the Temples shut, and publique preaching forbidden: whereupon, the Protestant States, calling a Councel, refused the Oath of allegiance to the new King, till they had obtained the liberty of their Religion, commanding all their Subjects and Tenants to be ready in arms; and if need were, every 30th, 10th, or 5th man, to be prest to the Warres; but they supplicating unto the King, 180 Nobles subscribing thereto, and being answered onely, to desist from their purpose, and appear forthwith to take the Oath, they Septemb. 14, going to Horne, by Letters to the Popish States, protested themselves clear of all the evils to ensue, if they should take their Oath of allegiance to the King; and [Page] so raised an Army, beginning by all meanes, to provide for their affaires; but the States of Bohemia and Moravia, informed them, that they would intercede for them to the King, yet not to be wanting to them at their need.

Letters the mean time, came to Vienna, from Constantinople, declaring Matthias's Embassadors, to have on his behalf, promised faithfully to keep the peace, and the Sultan to have received the presents before the chief Bassaes; but he would in no wise grant them the Government of Transilvania, giving it to Gabriel Bathor, and commanding the Bassa of Buda, to establish him in that principality. About the beginning of October, 2 Counts were sent to the Protestant States at Horne, Maximilian, the arch-Duke following them, who, by no meanes or promises, could draw them to take the Oath of allegiance, without the freedom of their Religion; but Octob. 16th, the Popish States took that Oath to King Matthias at Vienna, with Ordnance, Drums and Trumpets thundring and sounding, and great feasting, triumph and solemnity: which done, Matthias came Octob. 22, to Presburg, being brought by the Hungarian Nobles, with 10000 Souldiers into the City, who Novemb. 6th, offered the King some Articles in writing, for him to confirm: most being drawn out of the pacification at Vienna, in 1606: 1. Freédom of Religion to be permitted in every City and Town. 2. All the strong places to be governed by natural Hungarian Captains. 3. That Crown to be still in Hungary, and kept by temporal men. 4. First of all, a Palatine to be chosen. 5. If the King did not alwayes reside there, he to be content, that the Palatine and Councel, should, in his absence, conclude of all things. 6. All publick Offices, to be bestowed onely upon well deserving Hungarians, none to be admitted for money. 7. No Jesuites to be in the Kingdom, nor Ecclesiastical men so much favoured as formerly. 8. Officers not to be bound to give account, but before the Treasurers of [Page] Presburg, being natural Hungarians. 9. Money not to be carried out of the Kingdom, as hitherto. 10. The Palatine dying, the King to chuse another within a year, the chief Justice the while, (as of old) supplying the place. The Protestant States of Austria, had sent to those of Hungary, then at Presburg, requesting, that since they could not obtain the free exercise of Religion, as well within, as without their Cities, they would afford them the ayd due by the pacification at Vienna: who sent Turson and others, with interceding Letters to Maximilian, who answered, King Matthias never thought to attempt against the priviledges of Austria, granted by the Emperour Maximilian; but he could by no means, grant to the Cities, the liberty of Religion, both for Conscience, and for danger, that might ensue from the Pope, and King of Spain; yet he would promise to suffer it, without the Cities, and in bestowing publique Offices, to regard no Religion; yet so, that they laid down Arms, submitted to the King, confessed their fault, craving pardon, whereby perhaps they should prevail most.

The Hungarian Embassadors, going with this answer to the Austrians, by divers Reasons, earnestly perswaded them to submit, and, by request, to solicite their cause with the King: whereof were, That the League betwixt the Hungarians and Austrians, concerned as well the Catholiques, as Protestants: that the Hungarian power, could not be brought into Austria, but to its utter destruction: that [...] Religion, was never planted, or defended with the Sword, Christ saying, them to be happy, who therefore suffer persecution; and commanding Peter to put up his Sword into his scabberd: that hereby, Hungary it self, should be exposed to many dangers, &c.

But all Controversies ended with the Hungarians, Illishashius was chosen Palatine, and Matthias, November the 14th, proclaimed King of Hungary; and on the 19th [Page] day, Crowned in great Pomp and solemnity at Presburg, and on a high [...], covered with Cloth, sworn to the HUNGARIANS, as their KING, and they to him as his Subjects: where many Haiducks and common people, at, or after the great Feast, scrambling for the money that was cast abroad, and in taking up the Cloth from the scaffold, had their hands and fingers cut off.

King MATTHIAS, now stayed at Presburg, till the new Building in the Castle was ended, where the Crown was to be kept, that he might see it, with the other Ornaments put thereinto, and sealed up with his own Seal, and the while, laboured to appease divers contentions, and to place fit men in great Offices; for the Hungarians would not suffer the Germanes therein: wherefore many were displaced, and Sigifrid Collonitz also, a most well-deserving man: yet soon after, by Maximilian's Counsel, he was by the Hungarians (repenting thereof) both restored to his former Offices, and had even greater preferments offered him also; but Illishaschius now Palatine, Novemb. 28, largely and earnestly entreated with the King, in behalf of the Protestants of Austria, chiefly, because those of Hungary, seemed in their behalf, much moved, and the Moravian Embassadors, openly protested, their States could not forsake them, if their need required.

The Elector of Saxonie, and other Princes of the Empire, earnestly interceded also for them; yet the Popes Nuntio so withstood them, that the King then granted nothing: who returning to Vienna, the Protestant States of Austria, sent six EMBASSADORS to the KING, to know whereto to trust, who answered them, December the 27, they should be content with the former answer, and submit to the Kings pleasure, or do what they saw good: whereupon, they levied new Forces, perswading their Souldiers, that minding [Page] their Oaths, to serve faithfully, wheresoever, and against whomsoever.

Now a great Army of the Protestants lay about Crembsa and Spain: So that the King sent to those two Towns 1500 Horse, and some Ordnance under Bucheme, to strengthen them: publishing an Edict, Jan. 10th, 1609, charging the States to come to Vienna, on the 21 day, to take the [...] of allegiance; yet they most stifly refused, remitting nothing of their Requests: so that [...], who had [...] in this cause, was quite out of [...]. Bucheme the while, was like to be disappointed of a [...] place, he was about to take up for his Horsemen, by Gerrane's Horse, on the States side: wherefore Bucheime with seven Troops, and Gerrane with 3, and 3 Companies of Foot, had a hot skirmish, Jan. 13th, 100 of Bucheimes men being slain, of Gerranes not so many, they having the advantage of ground: hereupon, the King much moved, proclaimed at Vienna, proscribing all the Protestants Souldiers, and pronouncing them Rebels, except before Jan. 21, they laying down Arms, departed their Camp: howbeit, the [...] States, increased their Forces, and from a Hill, not far from Hallenbynne, discharging three tire of Ordnance, much terrified the Kings Souldiers within the Town.

The States of Moravia, about this time, sent Embassadors to those at Horne, and others to the King, declaring unto him, their States were earnestly importuned by those of Austria, to [...] them ayd, according to their agreement the year before; and amongst the rest, telling him, the Protestant States were content to put the controversie, to grave and wise Arbitrators on both sides: yet so, that for [...] dayes, no Hostility should be used: the Inhabitants above, and beneath Amisum, to be comprised in this Truce: those in durance, for Religion to be freed; and all high wayes and passes, to be cleared from all dangers.

[Page]Hereupon, the King gave leave to the States of Moravia, upon the most equall tearms they could, to compose all matters: who so laboured therein, that March the 12th. a Pacification was made betwixt the King and them, the Pope's Nuntio, and other great Ones seeking in vain to lett it: and among other Articles concerning the liberty of their Religion and Priviledges: some who were put out of Office for not taking the oath of Allegiance, were to be restored to their places: all grudging, [...], and quarrell, to be on both sides forgiven and for ever forgotten: the Towns above Amisum, to have the free exercise of the reformed Religion in their Suburbs and Hospitals.

Ere long, the King going to Lintze with 300 Horse, was with 8 Troops, aud 15 Foot. Companies meeting him, most honourably brought into the City; where he received of the States the Oath of Obedience, which Triumphantly performed, he May 27. [...] to Vienna; The States of Austria (the while) Zealously exercising their Religion at Horne, a multitudet of people daily resorted to their Sermons: the Romanists much grieving and fretting thereat; the King also put divers Catholicks out of Office, placing Protestants in their rooms, greatly discontenting many. About which time, the Bassa of Agria, had compacted with one Drake, for 20000 Crowns before-hand, to have Filek delivered unto him, who would have effected it, by setting his House on fire in the night; but his traiterous purpose discovered, and by him confessed, he was alive cut into 4 pieces.

The Bassa of Buda, also went about to exact the Oath of Allegiance of above 400 Christian-Villages, not comprized within the Treaty; but the Haiducks (on the other side) assembled in great numbers in upper-Hungary, began here and there to trouble the Turks, till they were commanded to desist, for disturbing the peace. About this time also, Illishachius (much beloved and lamented of [Page] the Hungarians, died at Vienna: who was, with all Funerall pomp, buried in his own Territory in Hungary with his Ancestours: in whose stead Turson, was by the Hungarian Nobility chose Palatine, and by the generall acclamations of the people so saluted.

And now rather worse troubles began to arise in Bohemia for Religion, than in Austria: the Hussites (so called) earnestly importuning the Emperour for the free exercise thereof, or rather for removall of some grievances done thereto; and the Catholiques leaving nothing unattempted, to frustrate whatever the Emperour had in a generall Assembly granted to them of the Religion: which controversie, he having referred to some of his chief Counsellours: and they wholly favouring the Romanists, would give the other no answer to rest on; they, upon good deliberation, appointed May 4th. to hold a generall meeting in the new Court at Prague, to consult of all matters concerning their Religion; yet the while, protesting in Parliament by Codovitsius, They appointed it for the Emperour's good, and quiet of the whole Realm, &c. Immediatly after, they sent Embassadors to King Matthias, the Electour Palatine, Dukes of Saxony and Brunswick; requesting them, to mediate for them to the Emperour for the freedom of their Religion; wholly agreeing with the confession of Augusta, long before allowed by Maximilian.

Now these [...] were by some commended, by others, both blamed and accused of Rebellion; but, the Emperour complaining of the inconsideratnesse of his Counsellours, prorogued the Parliament; commanding by a [...], that very day, to be appointed for concluding that Article of Religion: on which the States had appointed their Assembly: Howbeit, many troublesome Spirits published in Writing, that the States-Assembly was only to rise rebelliously against the Laws, and their Prince; and advised them to forbear from making any [Page] such Assembly: Hereupon in Prague, they of the Religion and Romanists, not daring to trust each other, were ready upon every false report and vain surmise to go together by the ears: till the Emperour caused it to be proclaimed in the now Court at Prague; that he, understanding the States Apology, did abrogate his late Edict against them, accounting them all for his good Subjects, &c, Denouncing their appointing their Assembly in the new Court at Prague, not to be contrary to his Majesty, and that he appointed May 25. for a Parliament to be in Prague-Castle, for ending the Article about Religion, and reforming other grievances of the Commonwealth; yet so, that the said States, should safely and quietly come thither, not entertaining any Forraign Souldiers, as neither should himself do: Whereupon, they publiquely praying, and singing for their good success, returned from the new Court, to provide to come to the Parliament next day,

But, the Emperour still delaying the matter, the States weary, and in doubt, June 3d. offered to the Emperour a short writing concerning their grief and further purpose, [...] the blame to the troublesome Natures of some Ecclesiastical and Temporal persons: protesting also, that since they certainly heard much Warlique preparation, (chiefly in Bavaria) to be: and divers consultations to be holden against them (unknown to him and his faithfull Counsellours) which might tend to the destruction of himself, and the whole Kingdom: they would endeavour by Arms to their utmost, to defend him their Soveraign, with themselves and the Kingdom against Forraign Force and Invasion.

In the mean time, an Embassadour from the Duke of Saxony, came to entreat the Emperour in the State's behalf: [...] also of the Silesian States came, requesting the Emperour to have the free exercise of their Religion [...] unto them, and, promising most readily, [Page] to ayd the Bohemian States, if need should be; but the Bohemian States raised a great number of Horse and Foot, whom they brought even to the City; at length, July the 11. the Saxon Embassadours earnestly soliciting their cause, they received answer from the Emperor according to their desire, by effectual Letters: granting the States of the Religion a free communicating under both kinds, and a free exercise of their Religion in all points, throughout all Bohemia, without the let or interruption of any: and to be (he said) for ever inviolably kept. Which to be for ever remembred, he would cause the same to be enrolled in the publique Records of Parliament. The Letters were publiquely set up in Prague-Castle, July 13. that all might know, this Article of Religion, the first in that Parliament propounded, to be concluded according to the minds of the States, who on the 15 day, had a publique Sermon, according to the confession of Augusta, preached in the German Tongue in an assembling place, which had long bin shut up: sending also to the Duke of Saxony for learned men, for the setting up of the University of Prage, and governing the lower-Consistory there, both now granted unto them also by the Emperors Letters. And for all this, the Silesian Embassadour's still labouring with the Emperour for the religious liberty of that Province; the Bohemian States would not dismisse their Souldiers mustered nigh Roggenson, till the Silesians had their request: offering him also a large Narrative of their griefs.

But the Turks Embassador coming from Vienna with a notable Train, Sept. 21. (having first saluted and presented the King with great gifts at Vienna) comming to Prague, was honourably received by the Citizens and Emperour's Council, Octob. 12. and on the 19 day, presented to the Emperour from the Sultan, a rich Tent of divers colours, most curiously wrought with Orient Pearls; 4 couragious Horses with most sumptuous Furniture; some [Page] Turkish Weapons set with precious Stones: a Princely Turks-Robe (used at their Marriages) with other rare things of less value; He also delivered him the Sultans Letters, desiring the peace for 20 years, to be again renewed: unto whom Letters were delivered from the Emperour, with rich Presents for the Sultan: to wit, Caroches lined within with Damask, and covered without with black Velvet; 6 gallant Horses most richly furnished: a Clock of wondrous workmanship, 2 fair writing Desks of Ebony, with divers other-like: who so charged, bountifully rewarded, and well answered, was Honourably dismissed in the beginning of January, 1610. The Turkish Emperour, now bending all his Forces against his Rebels in Asia, and the Sophy of Persia: who, now entred into the Province of Babylon to joyn it to Persia: Wherefore, Achmat sends thither a mighty Army under Nassut Bassa, but the Persians meeting him, defeated him, and slew 20000 of his men.

The Sultan much troubled at rhis mournfull news, to repair this loss, levies new Forces, to be commanded by Gambolat, the potent Rebellious Bassa of Aleppo, lately reconciled to the Grand Seignior; who, comming to the Port to receive his Commands, and pass his Army into Asia (whether upon suspition of his Intelligence with the Persians; or, those who envied his greatness, giving some bad Impression of his Loy altie) Achmat caused him to be flain by his Capigi.

The Persian King, seeing what advantage he had gotten of the Turks: sent his Embassadour to the Emperour at Prague, to perswade him to joyn with him against him: they presenting him with a Cross of Gold, set with precious Stones: one being Amber, whereon was the Image of the Virgin, holding her Babe; so artificially wrought, that it might seem the work of Nature: an exceeding great Topaz: 2 Knives of Damask, with Jasper-hafts, and Sheaves covered with Diamonds: a kind of Indian-wood, [Page] most soveraign against pains of the Breast, and to purge the Stomack; a Pellican's gall, excellent against the Pleurisie, Apoplexy and Feaver; 2 Topazes, White and Violet, this being big enough to make a Cup: an [...] as big as a Hens-Egg: a Persian Bow, inlaid with a Camels Veines: an exceeding great rough Diamond: a Water-coloured Stone, preserving against the Plague, if hung about the neck: 3 exceeding great Orient Pearls: 3 rich Carbuncles: 3 wondrous fair Diamonds, and a Serpentshorn, much esteemed for its rare Virtues. But, though these Presents were very acceptable, and the Embassadours much honoured, yet, the Emperours affairs, not suffering him to joyn with the Persian, so farre from his Countries, the Embassadour's returned home onely with good words; for, if he had broken his peace with the Turk, he had given his Enemy assured means to ruin him; for the Arch-Duke Leopold, entring Bohemia, with 9000 Foot, and 3000 Horse, surprized [...] Prague, attempted the old-Town by force, slaying many resistants: Whereupon, King Matthias, advanceth speedily towards Bohemia with a powerfull Army. The Emperour, foreseeing the danger if these 2 Armies, should meet, gave Romeo, Leopolds Lievtenant, 300000 Florens to pay his Army, and so sent him out of Bohemia. This division betwixt the Austrian Princes, grew by some of the Emperours Councell: who, being delegated to compound the differences of the Bohemians, of divers Religions, made themselves partisans, the one to oppress the other: besides the Arch-Dukes, Ferdinand and Leopold, practised to deprive King Matthias of his Succession, pretended to Bohemia, lest he should take revenge upon their Partisans, for their former troubling of the Country.

The last year, 1609, the Christians had no good success at Sea, the loss falling particularly upon the Knights of Malta. The Gallion of the Order, commanded by Guidoti an Italian, had in 2 fortunate Voyages, brought [Page] to Malta 300 Turkish slaves: upon which good success, many Knights made a Fleet of 10 good ships: but meeting with the Turks Fleet in the seas of Cyprus, they were set upon & most of them slain or made slaves. In this Voyage, the Gallion of the Order, accompanied with 2 small ones set upon the Caravan of the Turks Fleet nigh the Rhodes (in which were 2 great Gallions, Ships belonging to the grand Seignior-women, laden cōmonly with great riches) [...] a successful beginning: but 20 galleys of the Rhodes cōming forth, through a fair wind, drew them into safety.

Upon the bruit at Malta, that 80 Turks galleys should besiege the Isle of Goza; the Great Master caused a good [...], to be there made for fortifying of the Cattle, sending thither 200 Souldiers, and 30 Knights for supply; but the enemies Fleet passed on & gave them time to rest. But this year, 1610. Vignancourt he great Master, sent the 5 galleys of the Order into Barbary, towards Port Farino, to surprize the galleys of [...], who used to fetch Palms there in the Spring time: but contrary winds & tempestuous Seas overthrew the enterprize; yet they returning towards Malta, encountred with a great Gallion of Tunes. The Rayse, who commanded, smiling, promised to free them from their Enemies: and spake confidently, that he would not fear 20 galleys of Malta; but, those 5 coming close under him, so plyed him that they sunk him; & then the Turks began to swim away: but they were all made slaves to serve in the galleys of Malta. The galleys of the great Duke of Tuscany, parting from Ligorne, under the conduct of Inghirami, took a Turkish ship in the sight of Algier, laden with Merchandize Arms & Munition, freeing many Christian-slaves: & passing on some 25 Leagues further, they went to surprize Bisquerre, a small Town, but strong & well walled. Inghirami, taking down his Masts, lest they should discover his coming, sent 2 Long- [...] to find a fit landing place; where Col. Bindij landing his men, about 11 at night, marched forward, & forced the Town, [Page] and setting their Guards and Sentinels, in the most important places of the Wall, day being come, they sackt and spoiled it: some Moors and Turks, had by night retired to a Mosque, which they fortified: and being summoned, the fear of being slaves made them resolve to die; so, the Florentines forcing the place, put them all to the Sword, and then embarqued, having filled Bisquerre with fire and bloud. At night, they took a Pinnace laden with Corn, in the Gulph of Bad-woman: and passing on, upon the coast of Sardinia, Jugharami sends his Galleys to pursue 2 Galliots of Biserta, taking one with 120 Slaves, and freeing many Christian-captives from the Chain. They also took a Turkish Galley within half a League of Algier, and spoiled it.

This year, the Morisques or new Christians in Spain (in number 900000 persons, as the Originall writes) who had continued there, from Father to son almost 900 years, were in an instant banished by the Kings Edict; some saying, the King had reason to do it, because they had secret Intelligence and practises with the Turks: Others affirmed, he did wisely, to prevent their attempts against his Estate; which were to be feared considering their so great numbers; and some said, it was to have their Lands and Inheritance, which had continued so long in their Races. They had 30 dayes assigned them to dispose of their moveable goods before their departure; which they might carry away, not in Gold, Silver, Jewels or Letters of Exchange; but in Merchandize not prohibited, bought of the naturall Subjects of Spain, and not of others, or in the Commodities of the said Country. But, after the publication of the Edict; the term of 30 days was restrained to 20, so that the Morisques were hastened to depart: and the Vessels of what Country soever, were stayed in all parts of Spain, to transport them whither they would go. Many passed into Barbary; but this year, above 150000 of them came into France; the King sending Commissaries [Page] to see them well used, and orderly transported away.

There was a War in Barbary, betwixt Muley Nequy King of Fez, and Sidon his younger Brother: this forcing the Elder to flee, and craved ayd of Philip King of Spain: who treated with the Mahometan, promising him Succours, with 100000 Duckats, to return to Alarache, or Arache, a strong Town in the Realm of Fez, seated on the Ocean, at the mouth of the River Lucus, that held for him, to draw unto him as many Souldiers as he could, and for the safety of those Succours, to put Arache into Philip's hands: in which the Kings of Fez, do usually keep 300 Light-horse. and 300 Harquebusiers in Garrison, because the Portugals and Castilians, hold almost all the seaTowns of the Provinces of Habat and Eriff, Arache being in that of Algar. Xequy returned to Arache with his mony in a Ship of the Kings, to whom shortly, many repaired. The Spaniard the while, preparing a great Fleet, embarqued 10000 Souldiers, under the Marquess of St. Germain: who, Novemb. 20, arrived at the Port of Arache; next morning, the Marquess calling a Councill, imparted his design to force Arache, if Xequy kept not his promise, the Captains assuring him of their valiant behaviour; but the King of Fez, having no means to go from his word: many of his people, fearing to fall under the power of Spain, would have abandoned him; but the Captain of the Castle being his, he thrust out the Garrison, and delivered the Keyes himself to the Marquess: Whereupon, all the Inhabitants ran to Arms, and after 3 hours valiant Combat, many of them being slain, were forced to yield to the Marquess; who presently set the Cross and Arms of Castile, upon all the Towers and Steeples.

This news much pleased the King of Spain, the people making Bonfires for joy. News came to Constantinople, that the great Cham of Tartary, his Son comming to enjoy his Fathers Estate; his Uncle practised to seize upon [Page] the Crown; but each of them joyning Battel, with an Army of 60000 men, after 40000 slain upon the place: the Son had the Victory, and so obtained the Crown.

Some years before, one Willowby an English man, rigging out a ship for War in the Levant, came into Algier to sell his prize; where one Cattania was Bassa, who commanded this ship, to be seized and rifled, pretending she had burnt a Caramousall of his, which indeed he had caused to be fired, under the colour, to seize upon thē ship and goods: Willowby complained at Constantinople to [...], an English Embassadour, but could get no satisfaction: Wherefore, he came into England, obtaining Letters from the King to the Sultan; and Sir [...]. Glover, then residing Embassadour, who went to the Chimacham the Grand Visiers Lievtenant (he being then employed against the Persian) who would not suffer these Letters to be delivered to the Sultan: promising justice upon Catania, whom he discharging of his place, sent for him to Constantinople, where he denied the Fact. Hereupon, Willowby, suborned one Ofis's Bassa, who having been at Mecha, was held a very holy Turk; who set his Brother to procure false witnesses, on promise of the Tenth of what was recovered: these being [...] to swear, Catania compounded with Willowby, for 4 or 5000 Dollars. Thus the holiest of the Turks for mony, will not stick to swear falsely.

In 1611. Constantinople was so afflicted with the Plague, that it crept into the Seraglio, one of the Grand Seigniors Sons dying thereof: Wherefore, he passed the rest of the Summer in a Seraglio, about a League and half from the City. The contagion so raged for 5 months, that 200000 persons died in that time; which great mortality is most to be imputed, to the wilfull negligence of the Turks: who, neither turned away from a dead body, going to buriall, nor forbare visiting their infected [Page] Frends: for, say they, as soon as a man comes into the world, God writes in his forehead, all his good and evil haps, and of what death he shall die, which no humane power can avoid: so that, when any one is dead, another wears his cloathes: Wherefore, Constantinople and Caire are seldom free; and when the Ayr is disposed to infection, they number not the dead but by 100 thousands.

Before this Plague, the Baron of Salignac, French Embassadour, dying at Constantinople; that King sent the Baron of Mole to supply his place: who, having visited the Mufti, the Grand Visier, the Destorda or high Treasurer; the Bostangi Bassa, or chief Gardiner, and other great Ones, was admitted to Audience, and to kisse the Sultans Hand, being returned to Constantinople about the end of October.

The Embassadour and his Followers, parted from his Lodging at Pera in Turkish Robes (for the Majesty of the great Turk is such, that Forraign Embassadours approaching him, they and their Train must be attired after the Turkish manner) and passing the Channell, he was honourably conducted to the [...]; and as honourably received at the Pallace-Royal. Where the grand Visier attended him at Dinner in the Hall; his Train dined in a low Gallery: a great Tapistry, being laid on the ground without Cloth or Napkins, and some Dishes of water-gruell with Sugar, and pottage with pullets, being thin-set, their drink being Cerbet, made of the juyce of Limons, Water and Sugar.

Then passing into another Gallery, the Embassadour and sixteen of his Company, had each of them a Robe of Tinsell, which they putting on, were conducted to the Imperiall Chamber; at the entry whereof, two of the 6 Capigi led the Embassadours by the armes to kisse the Sultans Hand, or rather his Robe; having first saluted him from his King: and then was led on the [Page] the oneside, going backward: the French Gentlemen kissing his Robe likewise; but they could hardly see his face, it being turned towards a Window grated: before which 30 Capigi the while, passed with the Embassador's presents. Then he made a short Speech, presenting to the Sultan the chief Letter of his Embassage in the Turkish Tongue.

But in Transilvania, Gabriel Bator, who governed it since the Cession of Ragotzi, had put himself into Turkish protection against King Matthias, pretending a Title through the grant of Sigismund, to the Emperor as King of Hungary: and had recovered Hermstad, and chased Radville out of Valachia; where setling a new Vayuod, and placing Haiducks in Garrison, he returned toward Transilvania, to oppose Forgatsie Matthias Lievtenant who passed the River Tibisce with Troops: Radville had retired into Moldavia to Constantine: informing him, that Bator intended to seize on his Country, and make but one Monarchy of the 3 Provinces: Whereupon, they joyning Forces in the end of June, entred Valachia, expelling Bator's Lievt. with all the Garrison: then entering Transilvania, they so pursued Bator, that they forced him to fight nigh Cromstar; where losing the Battel, and part of his Troops, he saved himself in Hermstad: Upon which disgrace, some chief Inhabitants would have submitted to King Matthias; but he discovering the attempt, did such execution, that he was called Cruell.

Forgatsi the while, accorded with Andrew Nage (who had drawn high-Hungary into Rebellion) and so enters Transilvania: where he taking some strong Holds, [...] Clausenburg, which he so battered, that the besieged ready to be forced, yielded, and sware Allegiance to King Matthias, July 25. But Bator being shut up in Hermstad, conjures all his Friends to come to him: and entreated the Bassa of Buda and Temeswar to succour him, according to the command from the Sultan: making also Nage, [Page] to revolt again in upper-Hungary, upon surmise, that Forgatsi had not kept his promise, so as with him he seized upon the [...] of Bayens, and filling that Country with combustions, Forgatsi could expect no Succours thence: then receiving some Turks and Tartars, he pursued Forgatsie with such fury, that he forced him to leave all in Transilvania, and retire into Valachia. Bator going to surprize Tocai, in the Faire-time with 1000 Horse, found the Garrison so watchfull, that with loss, he was forced to return. Forgatsie, thinking to recover upper-Hungary, by the Country of the Zeclerians, could not effect it; for Bator stopping his passage: and likewise the Earl's of Bucheime, and Dampier passed Tibisce to meet him; so as Forgatsie, was forced to retire towards Poland, by steep and desart-places, where his Army for want, miserably perished: few remaining alive, with the which he passed thither, and soon returned into Hungary, with a very poor Equipage.

But a more violent Tempest ariseth in Moldavia; for the Turk hearing, that Prince Constantine had relieved Radville against Bator his Ally, or rather Tributary sends a new Prince into Moldavia, the supposed Son of one Thomas (or Aaron, as some) who had formerly commanded there, with 1500 Souldiers, and Letters to the Turks and Tartars thereabouts, to assist him. Thus 2 Princes contend for Moldavia; the one supported by the Polonian, the other by the Turk: but a third comes and pretends a Title, being the son of Janicolo, who commanded there: who, escaping from the black-Tower in Constantinople, whither he was committed prisoner, for losing a Battel against Michael of Moldavia, in 1601. came at last into England; whose estate that King pittying, recommended him by his Letters to Sir Tho. Glover, then at Constantinople, with command to assist him, and solicite his restitution: Whereupon, he entertained him in his House at Pera, with many of his Friends for a long time: and [Page] the while, solicited the Sultan for his restoring, having good accesse to him, because he spake the Turkish Tongue perfectly: to whom he gave good answers, but with delayes, that it was not yet time.

His Competitor in Moldavia hearing hereof, made Friends, and corrupted some of the Court-Bassa's by Bribes: and Murath the chief Visier himself, who tryed many means to get the Moldavian into his hands: first sending to Glover, that the Sultan desired to see the man, if he were capable of the place or not, but he refused to send him; then he wrote to him, It was the Sultan's pleasure he should send the Moldavian to him, to confer with him: who answered, Unlesse he saw a Warrant under his own hand, he would not deliver him: Hereupon, Murath with 2000 Janizaries, resolved to fetch him out by force; so, that Glover fortified his House, arming his people and the Moldavians for defence: Murath disguising a Janizary like a Greek Shepherd, (he entering his House) found them all in Arms: then returning, he told Murath, he had to do with a man man, and if he proceeded, he would hazard many Janizaries: so he desisted.

After which, Glover the Embassador being called home, the Moldavian despairing, turned Turk, and was made Bey of Bursia in Asia; but Nassuff comming from the Persian Wars, soon discharged him.

The great Duke of Tuscany advertised, that the Caravian, which transported the Turks Tribute of Aegypt to Transilvania, prepared to put to Sea, speedily armed 4 Gallions, under the command of Beauregard, a French man, with command to passe into the Levant, to meet with the Caravan: who arriving in the Port of Calismene in Candy to water, after 6 dayes he sailing forward, learned of a ship of Marseilles, that the Caravan was yet in the Port of Alexandria, preparing for their Voyage: to attend whom, the Admiral Beauregard, cast Anchor at the Fort of Sidon, called [...], governed by [...] [...], [Page] a Rebell to the Turks, but a great Friend to the Florentines, where he stayed 12 dayes to take his necessaries: and making a stricter League with Facardin, he gave him a Coffer of Arms, whereby the Florentine ships came most freely into those parts. Beauregard returning towards Cyprus, found a Christian ship, which came from Damietta: assuring him, that a great number of Turks galleys were gone out of the Rhodes, & had taken a Flemish ship; Wherefore, making all things ready, and prescribing the Order his Captains should use during the fight, he caused his Ordnance to be mounted; his 4 very good Gallions, having each 40 pieces, and 400 good Souldiers. Betwixt Cyprus and Caramania, they encountred this Turkish Fleet, being 40 Galleys and 2 Galleasses, under the command of Bassa Grego: the Galleasses advance to view them, and find how far their Cannon would reach: and the while, the Galleys made ready for Combat. Beauregard an old Sea-Captain, attended till the whole Fleet came up close to him, and then gave them such furious broad-sides, that the amazed Turks made a stand. Grego well observing their resolution, dividing his galleys in 2 squadrons, cōmanded the one to assault the Florentins, and the rest the while, to prepare to the fight, which continued 6 hours, & yet could they not board them: Grego seeing 5 of his galleys sunk, & all the men lost: but suddenly the wind favouring the Florentines, they chased the Turks, forcing them to seek safety in the Haven of Famagussa; so of assailants, they became Runnaways: Beauregard seeing his design against the Caravan disappointed, resolved to return towards Ligorne; encountring a Turkish Caramousal going to Cyprus, in chase overtaking it, slaying 130 Turks and taking 300 slaves. The Booty was valued at 140000 Crowns. After this, their Victuals beginning to fail, they made for Ligorne, but the wind falling contrary, they stayed 8 dayes in the Island of Scarpante, and having chased some Galleys of Tunes, they arrived at Ligorne, [Page]June 15. where was great joy for their return and prize, which was to be divided, one third part to the men, the other 2 parts for entertainment of the Ships, and payment of the Captains.

This Caravan, is yearly attended, both by the Gallions of Florence; those of Malta and Naples, and all the Pirates of the Mediterranean-sea; yet had they other enterprizes upon the Turks Country: besides, the spoil of Merchants, which many times paid the charge of their Voyage; and sometimes themselves lost both ships and lives: soon after, the Galleys of Malta, and those of Naples joyned, to set upon the Caravan, or else to execute their long-project upon some places in Albania, or to surprize or spoil some Island in the Archipelago, which might pay their charges; but the first failing, they met with a Venetian-Merchant Ship, worth 180000 Crowns. The Spaniards in the Galleys of Naples seized on her, but the General of Malta, would not consent, or suffer any of the Merchandize to be put into his Galleys, because of unjust violation of the Friendship, betwixt his Order and the Venetian State. The Spaniards, touched, sent away the ship, but had unloaded all the Merchandize. After which, they discovered 2 Sail at Sea, sending after them, being 2 Barks, one from Candy, laden with Wood, the other from Scarpante with wine; who informed the Generals, that the Caravan of Aegypt was not yet past, being advertised, that 50 Christians Galleys attended them: Whereupon, they out of hope to surprize the Caravan, presently resolved to surprize the Island and Castle of Lango, upon the coast of Natolia, setting sayl with a good Wind, which being changed next morning, they returned to the Island [...]: whence they parted at 8 at night, and in the morning discovered 3 Florentine ships, who said, they entred the Isle Nigropont with 7 Galleys; but being discovered, they could effect nothing: and that their Galleys, were separated from them in the chase of 4 Galliots, continuing [Page] their course, they arrived next day at St. Jean de Servae; where casting anchor, and calling a Council, they resolved to petard the Castle of Lango toward the Sea; and to that end, to land 30 Knights, and 50 Souldiers of the Malta Galleys, and 120 Spaniards out of those of Naples; the other men they should land, were to assault the Town: So departing thence, they arrived at the Isle Lango, June 6. in the Night, landing 3 miles from the Town, and marching on with their Petards: but, it being very dark, those of Malta strayed from their Guide, yet Valour brought them to the Town-Walls, where seeking to find a fit place to fix the Petard, though much shot at, Captain Beaulague set it to a Sea-port, which he forced, and his men, furiously entring, put all to the sword that resisted. The Spaniards at another breach entred on the other side, though at first the Turks played upon them with great and small shot: the Troops being joyned, came before the Castle; but the Bridge was drawn, and they lay open to their shot: so that 15 Knights were hurt, one slain, with a Spanish Captain, and some 36 of those of Naples, and as many wounded. Day come, the General of the Maltezes, came to the Town with 150 Knights, and 450 Souldiers: the other following him with the two Sons of the Vice-Roy of Naples, and 1500 Spaniards, who spoiled the Town, and took all alive, Captives: and finding the Castle impossible to force, they imbarked, resolving in their return to attempt some Towns of Albania; but they heard by the way, the Turks had discovered their intelligence with the Greeks of the Countrey: wherefore they put many of them to death, one being a Patriarch, who being accused to have practised the Christians Revolt, was flayed alive, and his skin sent to Constantinople.

The Caravan of Aegypt was attending a free passage, staying also the longer through the great plague at Constantinople; but in the end of October, Mechmet, Bassa of Caire, in person with a good Convoy put to Sea, and arrived [Page] there without encounter, who carried a years Tribute of Aegypt, to the Serail, on sixty Mules, laden with 20000 Chequins apiece.

This money was then very welcom, and Mechmet, who had faithfully and diligently collected the same, was made Bassa of the Sea, (he who had it before, being made Visier) the Sultan also promising him his Daughter in Marriage, being but 3 years old.

Newes coming to the Port, that 50 Vessels of the Christians, came near HELLESPONT, put the Turks in great fear; and the Grand Seignior being complained to, that some Caramousals had been taken, he sent for the Admiral of the Sea, demanding whether those Reports were true: who answered, Yes: then said he, Why art thou not at Sea? He answered, Because I can get nor men nor money: Whereupon, the Treasurer being sent for, had lost his Head, had not the Aga of Sultans Women, intreated for him.

This Summer, great Clouds of Grashoppers (almost the bigness of a Dormouse, with red wings) fell upon Constantinople, and round about it.

The Turks consulting with their Wizards, what it might portend, they said, Great plenty; but indeed, they left no green thing in Countrey or City, where they entred into their very Chambers; and soon after, there fell such extraordinary great hail, with such abundance of Rain, as the water shut up one of the Gates; and rebounding, so filled their Shops and Houses, that many were much endangered: some Houses fell down, some were slain, the pavements torn up, and the stones carried into heaps. There arrived this year at CONSTANTINOPLE, a Persian Embassador, who was conducted to his Lodging after the TURK'S manner.

Few dayes after, the several Tradesmen of the City, marched by themselves before the Serail: marching as [Page] in the Warres, and carrying on their shoulders, Sheep, Beef, &c. a policy to daunt the said Embassador, and encourage their own people; and next day, the Chimacham, or Visiers Lievtenant, sent for this Persian Embassador; and, during their conference, had ordered the Emperour of the Tartars Brother, to come in: whereat, he arising, said, Oh, I know thou [...] for money for thy Souldiers, thou shalt receive it at such a place: which was done, to terrifie the Persian: to which end, they then also sent over divers Troops to Scudaret, as if they were ready to march with an Army.

The Turks great Armies are not raised in haste, nor march in Post; for the Spahi having no other pay than the Revenues of some Land, must, when discharged, have a years time, to put themselves in equipage: also, its sixty dayes march from CONSTANTINOPLE, into Persia. Neither had the Turk in 1609, and 1610, attempted any thing against the Persian, who still solicited him for peace, which the greatness of the Ottoman Empire, could not resolve to make, having been so defeated: so this year, Achmat resolved to send an Army of above 150000 men against him, under Serder his Visier; but before it entred Persia, Serder died, so that they were forced to stay and attend the Sultans pleasure. He was suspected to be poysoned by Nassuf Bassa, a Rebel, yet had he many friends in the Turks Army: wherefore, to prevent mutinies, Serder in his sickness advised the Grand Seignior by Letters, to make Nassuf General, so to draw him home, and then dispose of him at pleasure.

This advice approved of, he chose him Visier & Generall, who receiving the Seal, forthwith put many of Serders friends to death, paying all the Souldiers with their money, some having been without pay five years: he sent also to the Sultan, 70 mules, laden with Serders Treasure, and 60 with Goods, all which, he gave to his Wife and Children.

[Page]The Grand Seigniors rigour is observable; For, Jan. 7. 1612. he being abroad in the snow, and not well provided of fewel, caused Stambol Aga, who had that charge, to be set in the snow naked 4 or 5 hours. This Winter was very rigorous, abundance of snow & great storms throughout all Turkie; many houses were beaten down, and the French Consul at Aleppo slain with the fall of his own house.

Nassuf marching to the Frontiers of Persia, made such spoyl, that the Sophie drew all his Forces together in August, to prevent the ruine of his Countrey: but they being about to fight, the Persian finding inequality, offered for peace a yearly Tribute of silk, enough to load 200 Camels, in acknowledgment of some Countries he had conquered. This was acceptable at Constantinople; but it was added, The Persians son should be called Bassa of Tauris, and the Cady or Judge thereof to be sent from Constantinople. April 26, a Turk lending a good sum of money to a Christian, came before the day of payment with another Turk, willing him to pay the money to that other Turk at the day: which the Christian did accordingly. But the Turk denied the Receit. Wherefore he that lent it came & demanded it: The Christian answered, He had paid it to the party assigned. The Turk replyed, Then he was satisfied; yet the other denyed it: So the matter coming before the Judge, the Receiver sware to the contrary, and the Christian was forced to pay the money again, praying God to shew some sign, Which had done the wrong: So, as the Turk went home, he fell down dead in the street.

Vignancourt, the Grand Master of Malta, having an enterprise against Navarrin, an important place to the Turk, sent five Galleys under Vaqueras great Commander of the Order; who coming pretty nigh the shoar, were discovered by a Castle which had allarum'd the whole Countrey: wherefore they passed thence, and came near to the Coast of Morea, ten Leagues from Corinth, landing [Page] by night 800 men under the General at Land, and an hour before day were at the Gates of Corinth to force them: some Turks took arms; but the Knights entring, sackt the Town, and carryed away 500 slaves: after which they happily and orderly retreated, although ten thousand horse and foot were drawn together in that populous Countrey, imbarking in view of them their spoil and slaves: so that it appears to be one of the most desperate Eńterprises that hath bin of long time seen.

But at Prague the Germans entertained themselves with consideration of a Crown appearing in the Firmament over that City in October, giving a huge Light, and Armies about it fighting for it. At which time, Rodolph the Emperour was upon the declining of his dayes, and Matthias who succeeded him, upon the rising of his triumphs: many expounded this Apparition, as a presage of his being King of the Romanes, who enjoyed the Crown of Hungary already, and that of Bohemia by designment: Three Suns seen over Vienna the year following, confirming the Germans in this their hope.

Some of the English Ambassadors men, quarrelling with some Jamoglans of the next Serail, fell to blows, and one of the Embassadors men threw a stone, hitting a Jamoglan on the forehead, whereof he soon died.

The Aga complaining to the Visier, he sent to make enquiry of the fact: the Embassadors went to the Serail, sending for his men, and willing the Turks to design the party: who all ran upon one Dibbins newly come from Candie, and now in the Embassadors service: he threw not the stone, yet the Turks would have none but him, dragging him away. The Embassador offering to pledge for him, was thrust away, his men beaten, and a page wounded. He complained to the Visier, but they drag'd Dibbins to prison, and kept him a moneth there, not to be released, though the English offered great sums for his life.

[Page]The day of Execution appointed, the Embassador sent his Chaplain to the Prison, to prepare him for death, to whom he confessed, that in England he killed a man: wherefore, he fled to Candie, whence he came to Constantinople, (the just judgement of God pursuing him) to suffer for that which he did not. He was hanged at the Embassador's [...], his head & heels being stollen away next night by the Turks, as was thought, to use in some sorcery; the rest of his body they had leave to burie.

This year, 1612, a double nuptial Feast, was celebrated at Constantinople, for the Mariages of Mehemet Bassa, Sonne to Cicala, with the Sultan's Sister, and of Mechmet Bassa, the Admiral, with the eldest Daughter of his Emperour. Great was the Pomp of the first, but far greater the Magnificence of the second, the Jewels and moveables of this Bride, being in great state conducted from the Serail, to the Bridegrooms Lodging, the day before the consummation of the Marriage; and her self next conducted to her Husbands Lodging, with no lesse Pomp and State, than her moveables. The Ceremonie being performed on June 30th, 20 dayes after the other. But not many dayes after, the Sultan's second Daughter, promised to Nassuf Bassa, was carried to her Grave, without any Pomp or honour; for the Turks do not much esteem of Women.

The day after the Mariage, the Grand Seignior, did cruelly beat his Sultana, the Mother of this Daughter, stobbing her with his Handiarre, or Dagger, through the cheek, and treading her under his feet, because she had strangled one of his Sisters slaves, whom he being enamored with, had sent for: She having her brought to her Lodging, stript her, strangled her; and putting her Cloaths upon one of her own slaves, sent her to the Sultan in her stead, strangling her also, as she had many others, when they appeared with Child by him.

The Plague beginning furiously to rage in Constantinople, [Page] the Sultan returned to his Countrey Pallace, to avoid the danger; so that it seemes, the Turkish Emperours for their own profit, dispense with some Articles of the r faith; for they (though the Turks are so obstinately [...] to the belief of predestination) know well how to flee the danger; yea, and to cause those who come to kisse his hand, to be led under the Arms, for fear of violence: Thus we see the defect of false Religions; when we see universality in the faith taken away: for there all believe, according to their private Interests, as well as among many others, who have seperated from the truth.

Achmat being at his Pallace of Darut Bassa, and going to visit a stately Mosque which he had built there, a Derviser cast a great stone at him, to beat him down, but it fell upon his shoulder, and hurt him but lightly.

Achmat commands they should draw from this Traitor, the Confession of his Confederates; but the Officers caused him to be executed next day, cutting but off his Head.

April 14th, Anne Glover, Sir Thomas's Wife, was buried with such solemnity at Constantinople, as the like had not been, since the [...] conquered it; and most Nations in the World were present, the Sermon was under a Cypress-Tree in a large Garden: and though but few understood it, yet whereas the Jesuites and Fryers, had possest Turks, Jewes, and others, that the English, since the change of their Religion, had neither Temples, nor form of service, hereby they perceived both, and that more decently than they; so that the Jesuites durst not for a while after, walk the streets, the Turks threatning them for so much belying the English.

The Body was carried from Pera, to the English Graves, almost a mile off, a great number of all Nations following her to the Grave: the Tomb being of fair Marble, with an Epitaph upon it.

[Page]This year, in June, the Duke of Florence his Galleys running over the Archipelago, forced and spoiled the Castle of Lango, carrying away 1200 prisoners. Mechmet Bassa, the Admiral, advertized of these spoyls by the daily complaints of Turks, who lost their shipping, and of many other Enterprises attempted on his Masters Countries, set sayl in August with 33 great Galleys, commanding all Bays in the Archipelago to joyn with him, with what Galleys they could make; but while he is there busied, the Russian Pirates descending into the Euxine, spoiled the Turks Coasts there.

At Land, Constantine of Moldavia annoyed all that depended on the Turk: part of the King of Polands great Army which mutinied for pay, spoiled Podolia; and a [...] Prince, angry that Achmat preferred his Cousin before him in the Realm of the Procopians, with five thousand souldiers spoiled the Rivers of Moldavia under the Turks Dominion, as he did in the Gulph of Nicopolis. At this time, Tomsho having bin chosen Vayuod of Moldavia, Constantine arming the Countrey, over-ran it, & made havock of all, detaining 2 Capigi prisoners, whom the Sultan had sent to him, with a prohibition not to trouble Tomsho; but he carryed them with him into Poland, whither he went to demand succours, and by the aid of Potosty his brother in law, obtained from the K. of Poland to be supported against Tomsho his Competitor. They resolved to send an Ambassador to Constantinople, to intreat Achmat to call back Tomsho, that Constantine might quietly enjoy Moldavia, and to acquaint him with the right the Polonians had by their Capitulations with the Turks, to name a Prince in that Country. This Ambassador arriving, thought to be soon dispatched, either by a Grant or Denial, and was visited by all Christian Ambassadors there: but after 6 weeks, instead of audience, he was arrested and kept prisoner, not to be freed till the two Capigi were released.

[Page]Now that Valachia, Moldavia, yea, and Transilvania, are continually tost and turmoild, the Sultan imployes all his thoughts, how to make himself Soveraign of these Provinces, and to possess all betwixt Danubius, the Sarmatian Mountains, the River [...], and the Euxine, drawing Forces about Belgrade, under Bassa Belzergi, commanding the Tartars, to enter Moldavia, and sending a Fleet towards the mouth of Danubius, which made the Frigots of Russia to dislodge.

Bator of Transilvania, was then besieging Cromstad; but through the tediousness thereof, he sent Giezy. Embassador to the Sultans Port, to demand succours from him against the Town: who practised Treason against Bator, to make the Sultan absolute Soveraign of Transilvania; they concluding, Belzergi should enter it with his Army, and Giezi to joyn with him; with some Troops, and to deliver to him Varadin, Lippa, and some other strong places; for which, he should have Bator's place; and under the Authority of Achmat.

But the crafty Bassa of Buda, hearing that Bator had some vent of this practise, & that he, being now in great fear, had raised his siege, and was read, to crave relief from the Palatine of Hungary; and finding that to depose Bator, would be more difficult than they expected, diverted Belzergi, ftom attempting any thing against him: it was also said, that the Bassa would not attempt any thing in Transilvania, by reason of the Election of the Emperour Matthias, whereof the Bassa of Buda, was assured by his Embassador, sent with the Presents to the Sultan, who was honourably entertained by him at Buda, and safely conducted to Constantinople.

Belzergi Bassa, hearing that Constantinople had been in Poland, to crave assistance, resolved to [...] his forces toward Moldavia. But we must know, that in one thousand six hundred and eight, Jeremy, Prince of Moldavia, dying, committed the Government to his Brother Simeon, [Page] during the minority of his three Sonnes, Constantine the eldest, being but eight years old. His three Daughters, married three Polonian Princes. Simeon governed till 1611, who deceasing, young Constantine, (by his Mother's perswasion) entred the Government: at which time, there was at Constantinople, one Stephano, or Tomsho, who had long practised the favour of Mehemet, a Visier Bassa, and Chimacham, and of some others, by money and otherwise, falsly suggesting, he was the Sonne of Aaron, who had been Vayuod before Jeremy; and he so prevailed, that the grand Seignior, admitted him to the Principality: and the Visier informing him, that Constantine, had rashly thrust himself into the Government, nor would own him for his Soveraign, nor pay the 4000 Chequines yearly Tribute, he sent Fousseyen Aga, with 20000 Turks and Tartars, to expel [...], and settle Stephen or Tomsho: who marched so secretly, that they had almost surprized him, yet with 10000 men, he would attend the issue.

The Aga let him know his Commission, threatning, if he would not let him proclaim Stephen, Vayuod, and yield him the City Yas, he would cut him in pieces.

Constantine answered, by Potoskies advice, The Sultan was abused; for if he understood that his Predecessor had granted to Jeremy and Simeon, that he should succeed his Father, ' [...] not credible, he would seek to dispossess him without hearing, and put in his place, one who had falsely supposed himself, the Sonne of Aaron, neither had he refused the Sultan for his Soveraign, or denied the wonted Tribute; but, if the Aga would needs proceed, he hoped the true God of Battail, would not suffer an Usurper to prevail over a lawful Prince. Fousseyen being corrupted by Stephen, with Presents and promises, advanced, so that next day, they joyned Battel; but the Moldavians opprest with multitude, could not make it good. Potoskie intreated Constantine to save himself, [Page] and let him finish the Battel, but he would not be perswaded; so they both charged again, and defeated many of the Turks Forces; but through a supply of 2000 Horse, they were forced to yield to their enemies mercy.

Constantine sell to the Tartars share; but as they led him away, he lept into the River Niestre, either to save himself, or not to survive the disgrace. Potoskie, was kept in the black Tower at Constantinople, till 1616. So none daring to oppose Fousseyen's forces, he proclaimed Stephen, Prince of Moldavia, in the City Yas, and then dismissed his Army.

This Summer, Constantinople, and the Countrey round, was annoyed with Grashoppers, as the year before: wherefore in July, the Patriarch of Constantinople, and Alexandria, with other Bishops and Caloires, in their Ornaments, went forth solemnly at the North Gate: whereupon, said the Greeks, they all perished; but abundance were dead, before they cursed them, and many lived af er their curse, continuing till next Summer. God causing extraordinary cold dewes to fall, they were thought to be the cause of their destruction. Gabriel Bator, lawfully descended from the Princes of Transilvania, making himself the Turks Tributary, and mingling Mahomets Religion with the Christian: also, exceeding in cruelty, became a memorable example to Posterity: who seeing many factions made against him, by the descendents of Botscay, Giezy, Bethlem Gabor, &c. supports himself with the Forces of Nage, who came to assist him before Cromstad. Bator, inviting him to dinner in his Tent; after dinner, the more to demonstrate their friendship, they went to take the Air. Nage had drunk much, Bator intreated him to run his Horse a Carreere, which he refused: wherefore, Bator spake to him many contemptible words, who answered in like manner: Bator wondrously offended, that one, crept up but by degrees of Rebellion, should give him such words, slew him by 3 blowes with his Battel-Axe on the Head.

[Page]But Bator was annoyed by Decaci Botscayes Kinsman, Giezi levies forces to prosecute him; and Bethlem Gabor, a Transilvanian Noble, and assisted by the Turk, took many places from him, after Giezi had forced him to raisehis siege at Cromstad.

Transilvania is peopled by Sicules, Saxons, and Hungarians: the Sicules (of the Scythians) came with Attila the Hunne, into Pannonia, now Hungary, and going toward their Countrey, inhabited that of Transilvania, next Moldavia, building six Towns. The Saxons mutinying against the Emperour Charlemain, for certain impositions, retired thither, seizing by force, on that part next Valachia; building Alba Julia, and six other Towns. The Hungarians inhabited it from the time of King Stephen; and mastering the others, their successors have been since called Nobles of Transilvania, and the Princes thereof taken from among them: they built Varradin, and other Towns. Most of these three Nations, revolted from Bator, particularly, the Saxons, through his great cruelty: who thus forsaken and prosecuted, and not daring to trust to the Turk, who openly favoured Gabor, sent Embassadors to the Emperour Matthias, promising all obedience, and sending him rich and rare Presents: he would have Matthias signifie to the Bassa of Buda, that this attempt against Transilvania, was against the Articles of peace: who answered, The Sultan was not to be blamed, if he seized on that which immediately belonged to him, and kept it quiet from others practises; but Bator sent also Embassadors to the Sultan, with rare and rich Presents, who had secret Treaties with the Bassaes: which Matthias's Embassador discovering, sent him word, he entertained a Monster among men. About which time, Embassadors came from the Saxon Towns of Transilvania, much complaining of Bator's cruelty and Tyranny: who (against his Oath) had deprived them of their priviledges, and in a manner ruined them: that he had sought to root [Page] out the ancient Family of the Saxons, afflicting them three years in prison, onely because he brought a great Estate out of Germany: depriving Widows of their Estates, and exacting upon others: surprizing Hermstad, and suffering the Haiducks to spoil it, and commit all insolencies, expelling the Magistrate, banishing honest Citizens, ravishing Women, slaying Parents, to deprive Children of their Inheritance: sending 300 Captives to the Sultan, for a Present, cutting many in small pieces, throwing down some from high places, hanging up some by the feet, drawing others in pieces with Horses and Trees, and practising all barbarous cruelties: having expelled Religious Princes out of Moldavia and Valachia, he had subjected them to the Turk, that he might waste all with fire and sword; and having freed Gaudin, he chose 20 of its chief Inhabitants, and giving them Pikes, forced them to kill each other in the Marketplace.

But Bethlem Gabor, joyning with Serder Bassa, they enter Transilvania, force Lugatsi, take Deve, and terrifie the whole Conntrey. Ogli Bassa also comes, and lodgeth in the Suburbs of Cromstad, and thence went and encamped over all Barsac. Bator attended the Emperours succours, under the Palatine of Hungary and Forgatsi, but they could not resist the Turk: wherefore, he wrote to Trinau, for levying of Souldiers; but none, through hatred, would march under his Ensignes: whereupon, he tells his most familiar friends, he holds it needful to purchase peace with Serder at any price; but they answered, they had rather die, than advise him to it: he wanted money, his Subjects, yea, his Souldiers hated him; so at last, he fell into despair, intreating one of his servants to kill him, but he refused it; but within few dayes after, going in an open Chariot, to view where his Troops were lodged, onely with two Gentlemen, 50 of his [Page] Souldiers in ambush, shot and slew him, hurting his accompaniers: This hapned in 1613.

Few dayes after, Bethlem Gabor, was declared Prince of Transilvania by Serder, who thus advertised him: Bator shall serve for an example to bad Princes. I think thou wilt not follow his steps: beware thou do nothing without my Masters privity: maintain peace with thy Neighbours, and make men of experience and honesty, of thy Counsel.

The desire of peace and fear of the Turks Army, drew [...] the Towns in Transilvania, to swear fidelity to Gabor. Let us now end the remainder of 1612. Nassuff the Visier Bassa, brings the Persian Embassador, to conclude the aforesaid peace: they with the Army, arrived at Scudaret, whither most of the Bassaes crossed over to salute him, and then returned; but Nassuf stayed there two dayes, and on the third, passing over to Constantinople, with 234 Mules, loaden with gold and silver for the Sultan, where he was very honourably entertained at the water side.

The Visier passing by the Sultans Window, bowed very low unto him, from whom he had a nod, and so rode away fast, as the Turks use, when they salute a greater than themselves, to run, or ride away a pace. Being come to the Seraill, he went in to kisse the Sultans hand, staying an hour, the other Bassaes attending without.

The Emperours, French, English, Polonian, Dutch, and Venetian Embassadors, were present at this dayes pomp. Nassuf, with Hat off, saluting the Emperours, but not the rest, the Persian being still at Scudaret. The same day, Tomsho sent many Polonians to Constantinople, whom he took in Warres: who (though they threw down their Caps, and offered to turn Turks) were put to death. Few dayes after, [...] the Visier sitting in the Divan, had three Robes sent him from the G. Seignior.

Achmat, to let the Persian see the magnificence of [Page] his Court, went out under pretence, to go to take the air, at his Countrey Pallace of Darut Bassa: whereupon, the wayes from thence to the City (being four English miles) were covered with Sand, and then he entred in great pomp, into Constantinople, with a great number of Horsemen, and some Companies of Foot, the Cadis, or men of justice of the City, all the Talumans, or those of Mahomets Law, then the Visiers and Bassaes, after whom followed the Sultan, with his Houshold; many being most fair Pages, chosen among the Infants of the Tribute, for the unnatural pleasures of their Master.

Divers Beglerbegs also attended him, and with their Companies, and Nassuff's five hundred attendants richly armed, &c. The number of all sorts of Attendants, was esteemed forty thousand persons.

The Persian Embassador, that he might carry into his Countrey, a pattern of the Ottoman State and greatness, cast out, as the Sultan passed by his Lodging, one hundred pieces of Silk, which were gathered up by the Archers of his Guard.

There was other pomp celebrated this year in France, Spain, Naples and Germany, for the Marriages of Lewis the 13th of France, with Anne Infanta of Spain, and of the Prince of Spain, with Elizabeth, Lewis's eldest Sister; for the Crowning of the Empress, and the Emperours entrance into Nuremberg.

Four dayes after, the Persian Embassador had audience, kissing the Sultans hand, and presenting unto him in his Masters behalf, four hundred Balls of Silk, a Bezoar-stone, as big as a mans fist, and others lesse; nine Bags full of Turquoises, a Foot and a half long, and above four fingers broad, many Tapestries of Wooll, Silk, Cloth of Gold and Silver, with many other precious and rare things. Then beginning to treat seriously, after some difficulties, a peace was concluded: the Persian King, to [Page] pay two hundred Camels Loads of Silk, yearly Tribute to the Turk: the Persian's Sonne, to be called Bassa of Tauris; and the Cadi thereof, to be sent from Constantinople.

The Embassador now returned, leaving most of his Train dead of the Plague at Constantinople: whose Head, his King cut off for this dishonourable and burthensom peace, sending back the Chiaux comn from Constantinople, to see him sweare the peace: Some write, he did him some indignities, which made the Turk and him return to Arms.

Nassuf, to shew his Authority, procured to have the Chimacham deprived of his Bassa's-place, and sent over to Scudaret, pretending to prefer him to a Government nigh Trebizond, but intending to deprive him of his head: whereupon, his many and great friends in Court, procured of the Sultan, to have him, sent for back again; for he was old, and might live at home in quiet; and for his former services, had one thousand aspers a day allowed him, which much discontented Nassuf.

Matthias the Emperour, sent Negroni his Embassador to the Sultan, to complain of the daily enterprises upon Transilvania, which he said, belonged to him, as a dependant on Hungary: Negroni kissed the Sultans hand, but his Presents being of lesse value than the Persians, were little esteemed. His demands of Transilvania, were grounded upon an Article of the peace between the Emperour and Botscay, which was, that Botscay dying without issue-male, Transilvania should be at the Emperours disposall: this being read, the Mufti answered, it was against their Law; so those demands were rejected, since Botscay (said the Visier) had no power from the [...] to treat, and give to the Emperor Transilvania after death.

[Page] Negroni grounded Botscay's gift upon the 8th. Article of peace, betwixt the Turk and Emperour, concluded in the Isle of Danubius: to wit, That all, granted in Botscays Treaty at Vienna, should be faithfully observed: Nassuf replyed, Amurath then Visier might err in Signing those Articles, shewing some other Articles where that was not inserted: saying, The Sultan would perform only those, pressing Negroni to sign them, which he refused, so as Nassuf used some threats; but he replyed, In this case he had rather die gloriously for the good of his Masters affairs, than having signed those, to die with infamy at his return: yet, promising to acquaint his Emperour, and certifie them of his pleasure.

Achmat after this, went to lay at Hadrianople, where his Janizrries began to mutiny, spurning at their daily Bread and Rice: and being asked the reason, answered, No Emperour before him, had so carried out his men in the depth of Winter. This much incensed Nassuf, who was in such credit with the Sultan, that while he stayed there, he came 3 times privately to visit him: and obtained a priviledge, none privately to speak with him but himself. Returning to Constantinople, there was a great fire, 500 Houses being burnt. Nassuf finding some Janizaries, readier to break open Locks, & rifle Shops than to quench the fire, struck out the brains of one with his Mace, and brake anothers arm. It was an old custom there, that the whole Family, where the fire began, should die for neglect; but, the Seraill, in Achmats Fathers time, happening on fire, Cicala petitioned him, this custom to be abolished, as unjust that others should die, and not so in the Emperour's House; whereto he yielded. Soon after, there was another great fire, where Nassuf hanged many Janizaries, finding them too busie in rifling: going up and down with his Scimitar in one hand, and a Janizaries head he had cut off, in the other. The G. Seignior sent him Holy-water, wherein he had dipt a piece of [...] [Page] Garment; which poured into the fire, the Turks said, It ceased presently: yet many Eye-witnesses say, It burned 4 hours after. This Visier was a cruell Enemy to the Janizaries, sending 16000 into Asia, suffering no more to be made, but only Saphies: and over such as remained, he made his own servants to be Churbagies and Agaes of fifties and hundreds: fortifying himself by all means he could to prevent his sudden ruin.

Let us pass into Africk. The Family of the Xeriffs of Fez and Morrocco, began some 104 years since, from Mahomet Xerif, born at Tigumedet in Dara, a Province of Morrocco: he was Alfaqui, or Preacher of Mahomet's Law; who, seeing the divisions betwixt those Soveraign Princes: and that the Portugals, had seized on the chief Forts of Morrocco, began with 3 of his Sons, Abdalla, Hamet, and Mahomet, to lay the Foundation of a new Monarchy, by a cóvnterfeit Piety, on a godly pretence of warring against the Portugals: and upon a desire to retire the Moors, who were in their pay, the more easily to chase them out of Morroeco. The King of Fez (seeing but the out-side of his Designes) let his son's display their Standard against the Portugals in Morrocco: who, being at first followed by a great number, vanquished in many encounters, the bruit whereof retired the Moors from their service; whom with Barriga their Leader they soon after defeated; yet Abdalla lost his life in this Combat: but seized upon Tarradent in Sus; and in a manner, the whole Country betwixt Morrocco and Mount Atlas, setling their Principality in Tarradent, their Father being called Governour of the Province of Sus.

The King of Morrocco, fearing their present greatness, yet assured of some fit occasion to bring them under, let them enter into Morrocco, but they poisoned him, seizing upon his Realm. The King of Fez, seeing afar off this Tempest, the fear of the like calamity much afflicted him; but the Xeriffs, with the fourth part of the rich spoiles, [Page] lull his distrust asleep, sending him also the Tribute due for Morrocco: Hamet is called King of Morrocco, Mahomet King of Sus; and by a good mutual Intelligence, became fearfull to all those Countries, and then plainly denied the King of Fez the Tribute of Morrocco: saying, They were issued from Mahomet's line. The King of Fez, seeing the Xeriffs had abused the liberty he gave them, besieged the City Morrocco with 18000 men, but he was chased away, and his Army defeated at the passage of a River.

Then these two Brethren through peace and idlenesse, quarrelled and fought: where Mahomet, after 2 bloudy Battels took Hamet, depriving him of his Realm, & made him die in prison. Then he turned the Arms, wherewith he had vanquished his elder Brother, against the King of Fez, vanquishing and taking him, and depriving him both of Realm and Life. Thus the Xeriffs became Soveraigns of Fez and Morrocco. These Victories made Mahomet fearfull, but his posterity was miserable; for Cidan was expelled by his Brother Kequi, but afterwards, Kequi was defeated by Cidan, and forced to save his life in 1610, in Algarbe in Portugall: Abdalla, Kequi's son, hereupon retires towards the Mountains in Sus, making daily incursions upon his Uncles Territories, with 4000 Arabians Horse and Foot that joyned with him; but, finding this too long a course for Conquest, he made use of a Prophesie, forged in his ambition, and to work an Impression in the peoples minds: he sent some religious Mahometans to preach from place to place, that one Flaquere of a holy life, gave a son of his a Drumm of admirable Virtue, commanding him to keep it carefully, till a Prince called Abdalla (expelled by the injustice of his own bloud) should come into Morrocco, and then he should beat it, and the people might safely go to war at the sound thereof that it should give peace to the Realm, and settle all its Customs and ancient Laws: Which Prophesie, they said, was now accomplished.

[Page]This encreased Abdalla's party: Wherefore, Cidan sent a great Army against him into Sus, under Alcas Elmy, to hinder his progress: upon whose approach, Abdalla retiring towards the Mountains, thence so charged the Enemy, that he in few dayes cut off 5000: whereby his Troops daily encreasing; Cidan must go against him with new Forces, defeating and shying him in 1612. Gotardus writes, that this miraculous Abdalla, whom he calls Muley Hamet, was charmed with devillish-Incantations, freed from all outward Force, carrying himself for a Divine Prophet: he instancing in sundry prrticulars concerning him. Yet (having gotten some Victories against Cidan, and taken the Town of Morocco) in the end, his Art failing him, he was slain as aforesaid.

In Algier, a wondrous drought had so devoured the Fruits of the earth, as there was an exceeding Famine throughout the Land: the Turks ascribing the cause, sometimes to their sins; then to the Moors, who came out of Spain; and sometimes to the licentiousness of Christians in those places: Wherefore, the Judge ordered all Turks to pray devoutly to their Prophet for Rain; the Moors to depart within 3 dayes on pain of death, and all Christians to shave their Heads and Beards, which was speedily executed. But the Moors, who through sickness or otherwise, could not depart Algier at that time, were cut in pieces. For 13 dayes, the Turks made Processions without Turbants; crying and howling for rain: but God held the pipes of Heaven yet stopped. Bernard Murroy, of the Order of Redemption of Captives, hearing the Turks would revenge their miseries upon them, and ruin a little Chappel, which the Christian slaves had in the prison, obtained (through the French Consull) leave from the Dovan or Judge to make Processions, and to pray to God for the dew of Heaven. They so continued 5 dayes: but on the 4th. day, May 8. there fell abundance of Rain; so that they, seeing their prayers heard, in midst of the Enemies [Page] of their Faith, gave exceeding thanks to God. Yet were these sleaves still detained by this accident. Murroy with 2 others of the same Order had redeemed 136: but being ready to embarque them, the Galleys of Genoa, landed some men nigh Algier, taking the Bassa's Son, with many Turks, and a very fair Slave, a Virgin of Algier of a Noble Family; and when the rest were redeemed, by a Frigat sent by the Bassa, the Virgin was detained by a Genoway-Captain; who retired into an adjoyning Isle, there to satisfie his desires with more ease upon her: Whereupon, the Bassa of Algier put the 136 slaves again into Irons, with those 3 that redeemed them: However, the Genowayes (flattering his lust) say, His desire to win her to God, and make her a Christian, made him to keep her so carefully.

But a Capuchin Florentine Fryer, lost his life at Tunes, by the cruelty of the Moors, retired thither out of Spain. He being a slave, daily waited for mony to redeem him: but one day, disputing with a Morisque about Christian Religion, he said among divers Turks, His Religion was better than Mahomets; which being reported to the Cadi, they prest him with such clamours, that he sentenced the Capuchin to death; so, they stripping him naked led him thorow Tunes out of the Town, some spitting in his Face, others casting dirt at him: then tying him to a post, and a Morrabour or religious Turk, saying He that gave him not one blow with a stone, should be no good Turk, they stoned him to death, burning his Body, and throwing the ashes into the wind. After this, 4 French-men, slaves in the Island Chios, in the chief Galley belonging to the Governour or Bey, resolved to carry that Galley with themselves into some Port of Christendom, drawing to their party the Captain, being a Florentine Renegado: they were to do it when they went to cut wood; but the Scribe, either through treachery or indiscretion, being on Land, said aloud, Hoe, we shall return into Christendom. A Turk [Page] near, reported these words to the Patron, who presently apprehending the Scribe, drew from him the whole enterprize, sending 100 men to seize upon the four French slaves, and the Captain; but these 5 made such resistance, that if the other slaves (who were most Moldavians or Borderers on the Black-sea) had had courage, their design had well succeeded; yet they slew 15. wounding many: the French men were all slain, and the Florentine taken, whom they continued 6 hours in most violent torments: he still calling upon Jesus Christ even to the last gasp, and detesting the falshood of Mahomets Law: this was in Octob. A little before, the States of the United Provinces, and Count Maurice: seeing the losses of their Ships in the Mediterranean, and a great number of their men made slaves: sent Cornelius Hage Embassadour to Constantinople; who being forced to fetch a great circuit, because of some creatures to the Pope and Spaniard in Hungary; and then [...] at Sea, came thither May 1. He was to treat of the freedom of the Holland-slaves: to make a League with the Turk, and obtain a free Navigation for the Hollanders throughout his Empire. He kist Achmat's hand, and was favourably received, presenting to him the Letters of his Embassy, and rich and rare Presents, which the Sultan accepted with Admiration! July 6. After the League betwixt them was sworn, according to the Embassadours forementioned charge; Achmat also granting, That the States should have an Embassador residing at his Port. About the end of this year, the Moors (chased out of Spain) having by Presents won the favour of the Cadi of Pera, who was a Negro, newly placed in by Nassuf, had power to thrust all the Jews out of Pera, and to ruin their Synagogues: which they did with all violence. One of the Jews Sect (dwelling in Chios) thinking he had more credit than the rest, complained to the Cadi; who in stead of doing justice, caused 500 blows to be given him with a cudgel. The Morisques, threatned also to do as much to the [Page] Christians at Pera, as had bin done to them in Spain, bragging, they would seize upon their Temples, chiefly that of the Franciscans, reasonable fair; but the French Embassador complaining to the Visier, he prohibited any of their attempts on rigorous punishment: but throughout all the Levant, and in all encounters where they came, they did the Christians much more mischief than the Turks.

At this time, Achmat had collected a mighty Army for Transilvania, encamping it about his Pallace of Darut Bassa, whither the Constantinopolitans walked to see it: few days after, he went to Hadrianople, meaning to proceed in his Voyage, leaving only his Admirall at Constantinople to have a care of the City; who published an Edict, That no man should go out of his House, nor keep light therein after the Cry, which is an hour within night, when the Talismans from the top of their Mosques, invite the people to make their Sala or prayer: then he sent some Chaoux, [...] entreat all Embassadors there, to suffer none of their people to go out by night, that their liberty might not give a dangerous Example; yet 3 English men of the Embassadors train, going forth, were met by the Provost of Pera; who took them, and causing each of them to have 150 blows with a Cudgel, committed them to prison, never opened but with a silver Key. About the end of the year, the Patriarch of Constantinople (upon divers complaints) was deprived by the Visier, & Cyrillus Patriarch of Alexandria, much against his will, preferred to the place. The former Excōmunicates all that wrought his overthrow, but himself was banished into Rhodes: in his passage, the Vessel being cast upon Mitilene, he there renounced the Patriarchship before that Bishop, resigning it to him of Patras, who coming to Constantinople, labored with Nassuf for the place; who, upon promise to pay 15000 Chequines (10000 more than they were wort) made him a grant: whereupon, Cyril came with the Greeks to expostulate with the Visier, who said, He must do what he could for the Emperours [Page] fit: Wherefore, if they would give the 15000 Chequines, Cyril should continue: the people were willing, but Cyril refusing, th'other was made Patriarch: who sent for the old one [...] Rhodes, to make peace with him, holding his excommunication unjust, being deprived by a Council also. About which time, Nassuf sent for the English, French, Venetian, and Low-country Embassadors to raise their Custom, one in the 100 more than the Merchants formerly paid.

Whilst Achmat's Army drew near to Transilvania, fortifying his places in those Countries, Cosmo de Medicis, G. D. of Tuscany, bent his designes against the Fort of Agliman in Caramania (of old Cilicia) being the Fort and Port of the City Selencia; which in old time contained within it, the most fearfull Forces of the Pirates of those days. The Trophy of the Heads of 40 Florentines were erected on the Walls of Agliman, by the ignorance of the Captain of the ship. Prosper caused the G. Duke to study this [...] in the end of March 1613. he armed 6 galleys under Inghirami, manning them with 6 Companies of Foot, commanded by Montanto, besides 40 Knights of St. Steven, and many other Gentlemen, Petro de Medicis being one; from Ligorne, they came to Civita Vecchia: In the beginning of April, they took in the Earl of Candale, and other Nobles and Gentlemen of France, who would be partakers in the enterprize. About mid-April, they landed by night, nigh [...], a small Town in Asia the less, but they found it forsaken by the Inhabitants: sayling Eastward, they set upon and took 3 Vessels like Caramousalls. Upon their way to Agliman, they took a Vessell called Grippe; instructing them, that there were 2 Galleys of Cyprus in the Port, which was well furnished with all necessaries, and without a good number of Horsmen, and that one of the Gallies was to come forth to fetch a new Mast from the Isle Pappadula. Inghirami, laid his Fleet close in the Island to surprize that Galley; but it discovering [Page] them, speedily returned to Agliman, allaruming all the Country: of which they had news by a long-Boat they sent from the Port Cavalier to discover; yet they pass on, and about 3 in the morning came near the shoar, and before 6 they landed about a mile and half from the Port. Montanto, the Earl of Candale and a few choise ones landed first, to discover, encountring with the Turkish-horse; yet Montanto commanded they should all land, save 20 to guard every Galley. Within this strong Fort, seated upon a little pleasant Hill, were above 300 fighting men, with store of necessaries for defence: without were a 100 Horse scouring up and down; and, within the Port, 2 Galleys, a Caramousall, and a Greek Brigandine, with about 150 fighting men. The order of the Florentines Combat being divided by Montanto, Candale led them forward without being charged by the Turks, till he came within 120 paces of the Wall, where he was charged before from the Fort, behind by the Galleys, and in Flank from the Mountain, with such a horrible cry, that the Marriners with the Petards, exceedingly terrified, let them fall and fled, but Monterault, and Tiel took them up. Being come within 15 paces of the Walls, 20 Turks sallied forth, but being too weak, they fled presently back into the Town: the Earl tried to enter with them, but the Port was shut so soon as they were in. While they were fastning the Petard to the Gate, great stones fell upon the Troop, wherewith Don Pedro was overthrown and halfslain: Whilst they were thus busied, the Mayor came and told Candale, there was 300 Musquetiers come to charge him: they were 2 Beys, come out of the Galleys, through the bad guarding of those left to hinder their landing: he leaving some with the Petard, turned with the rest to charge them, but they retreated towards the Mountain, making many a shot: so the Christians returned to the [...], which made a Breach for 3 men to enter in Front. Candale entred first with all his Troop, suddenly running to the [Page] Port of the Retrait to apply a Petard, which also made a Breach: the Turks amazed, fled to their Walls: some retiring into their Towers, and others into the Barricadoes in the street; they planted also 2 Ladders on the lower part of the Town, one breaking with the loss of those upon it: by the other (though the Turks charged them behind) many got up the Walls, making their way, whilst others taking the Turks Cornet; made the rest flee to the Mountains. The Knights, with those of the Galley of Mary Magd. came not to the Tower upon the Hill, till the Petard had wrought effect; so the Turks being retired thither. they found very great resistance: besides, the Horse charging them behind; thrice they planted their Ladders and could not make them hold; Wherefore, the valiant Commander Commis Lanzoni, would go to some other place, but retreating the last, he was slain with two Musquet Bullets. Those of the Galley of St. John vanquished the 2 Galleys in the Port; whereof Inghirami, a sign being given him, went to take possession. The fight in the Fort, Towers, and at the Barracadoes was hot; but at last, after 4 hours the Christians obtained an absolute Victory; which, as it could not be made without the loss of their Enemies, so 55 of them were wounded, De Vic a French man being one: some Gentlemen were slain, among whom was Bossierre a French man, valourous in this action, the sorrow for whose death was generall; 2 other brave French men were [...] also. So carrying their dead & wounded to their Galleys, and emptying the Fort of all its Artillery, Munition and Victuals; and beating down the Florentines Heads, they set all the Houses on fire, shipping with their Booties 350 Turks-slaves, and freeing about 250 Christians from Irons.

As Inghirami sailed towards Ligorne, a Turkish Caramousall fell among their Fleet, the Patrons Galley infesting it; but the Turks made such resistance, that above 80 Christians were hurt or slain, Candale fighting alone [Page] at the prow: but the Caramousall being taken and entred, it split and sunk suddenly. They encountred also with some smaller Vessels, taking them, and arriving happily at their Port. Aug. 12. after Octaviae, General of the Galleys of Sicily, by that Viceroy's command, parted from Palermo, with 8 good Galleys toward the Levant, touching first upon Cerigo; where he heard that the Turkish Admiral with 30 Galleys, was bending toward the Isle Negropont, where 60 others attended him: also that the Galleys of Rhodes prepared to joyn with him; all to fall upon [...] against the Turks Rebels. Yet he sailed to Nicaria Island; understanding there, that the Turks Admiral would send 12 Galleys to Rhodes, to guard some Vessels of the Fleet which came from Alexandria: 2 of which 12 were sent by their Captain to Chio. Octavio resolving to charge those 10, rowed as secretly as he could along the shoar of Natolia, comming at break of day to the Cape de-Corvo, 20 miles from Chio, sending out his longBoat to discover; but the while, espying 10 Turkish Galleys: he was so diligent, that at Sun-rising he had invested them: discharging all his Ordnance, he with his own Galley joyned with the Turks Standard Galley: The Spaniards entring, and slaying all that resisted, going from the prow to the poop, where the Bey or chief Commander stood, they forced him to yield. The other Galley the while, so charged the Turks, that they took 5 great Vessels, and fled towards Land; the Turks having scarce leisure to leap ashoar, left them to the pursuing Spaniards, the other 3 escaped: so 7 were taken, with a very rich Booty; above 1000 Christian slaves freed, and the Turks inchained in their places. The most no ed prisoners, were Sinan Bey, Commander of the 10 Galleys: the Bey of Alexandria, son to Piali Bassa, and some [...] and Patrons of Galleys. This Summer, the Emp. Matthias, being gone to an Assembly at Presburg, Sigismuud Bator, [...] Prince of Transilvania, living a private life at [...] there died of an Apoplexy.

[Page]At Presburg, the States of Hungary, consulted of fortifying and well manning their frontier-Towns, doubting of the Turks fidelity; but, there was some question (upon a decree to the contrary) of admitting Germans into Garrison: at last they concluded, They should be equally admitted with the Hungarians, all others to be excluded.

The Turks the while, had burnt and spoiled many Villages in Hungary and Transilvania, carrying away many captives, &c. so that all feared a new War; but Achmat, hearing, upon his way toward Transilvania, that Bethlem Gabor, was owned Prince under his protection, returned; yet chiefly, because the [...] Rebels had burnt and spoiled many places, and an Arabian usurping the Title of King, had collected 50000 Rebels, over-running & spoiling his Country, threatning his Dominions with greater ruines: besides, the Portugals and Spaniards, making incursions near the red-Sea, had taken and spoiled Aden; but Achmat approaching Constantinople, the Plague was so hot, that he stayed at Hadrianople till the end of this year, and then came unto the City where he most stately entered, and passing before the Mosques, the Talismans sacrificed Sheep and Oxen upon Altars in his presence, for his prosperity; then cutting them in pieces, they gave them to the people.

The G. Seignior after this great plague, yet apprehending the infection, by the advice of some, had all the dogs of Constantinople, transported to Scutary in Asia, every Housholder being to bring in his dog first to the Cadi, and to receive a Tuscary or Ticket for his passage, or else to pay 4 Chequines, whereby 50000 dogs were transported: The reason hereof was; for that he found in the acts of his Father, that he had sent them all away, 30 years before for fear. Allowance of bread and flesh, was carried every day to sustain them: which not sufficing the Inhabitants were much oppressed and ready to mutiny; but by his Muphti's advice, they were transported to an uninhabited-Island, [Page] where they all perished. The G. Seignior had propounded to his Muphti, they might be slain: who answered, Every dog had a soul, and so not fit to kill them.

A Jew turning Turk, soon after bought Grapes of another Turk: they falling to blows about the weighing of them, the Jew beat the other, which he bare very patiently to encourage him (it seems) in his new Religion; for Another Jew came to the Turk, demanding, Why he suffered himself to be so abused? Who answered, Thou shalt beat me as much if thou wilt turn Musulman. In October, at the Turks Bairan or Easter, observed twice a year, a Turk having drunk Wine too freely, was carried before the Visier; who, seeing the fact verified, commanded boiling Lead to be powred into his mouth and eares, which was speedily executed.

Sarder Bassa, being retired out of Transilvania with his Turks: some nearly allyed to Gabriel Bator (to revenge his death) caused some alterations: and others had surprized Hust, and other places in the Emperour's Name: Wherefore, the Sultan wrote to the Nobles and States of that Province, telling them among other things: That he held Bethlem Gabor, worthy to succeed Bator, and enjoy Transilvania, where he purposed to do no wrong there, nor suffer it to be done by any other: and therefore, he would have the Emperour advertised, That if he meant to have the peace preserved, he should cause those places to be presently restored to the Prince, or signifie his mind to him by Letters.

Of the Rebels in Asia, Facardin, Emir of Sidon hearing that the Bassa of Damas, and the Bassa of the sea, came to fall upon him with a mighty Army, left his eldest son with Forces in Sidon and other Forts about it, and with 3 ships retired into Europe, with his 4 Wives, 10 Sons, 70 Turks, and 14000 pound weight of Gold: he went from Ligorne to Florence, under the protection of Cosmo, the [Page] G. Duke kissing his Hands, and presenting him with a very curious Cutlass enrich't with stones, & 2 Jewels to his Dutchess worth 6000 Crowns: Cosmo received this Turk with all kind of [...], defraying his charge, and furnishing him with mony. They say, that Emir made many good Overtures for setling the Christians in Asia: and Cosmo had proved the good intentions of most Christian Princes, by many generous enterprizes against the Turk; but one Prince cannot do all.

Novemb. 10. A fearfull Tempest, full of Winds, Thunder and Lightning, caused the loss of many Vessels in the Port of Genoa, the loss being above 800000 Crowns, with a number of persons drowned. Naples was not free, and the Malta Galleys with many other Vessels had great loss.

The Sultan, having this 2 years had great loss in the Mediterranean by the Galleys of Naples, Malta, & Florence; and in the Euxine, by the Cassocks: charged the Christian Armenians, to build him 9 Galleys at their own costs, and the Grecians 20: such is the Tyrannie of the Turk over the poor Christians.

Nassuf the Visier, re [...] with his Prince from Hadrianople, many Janzaries conspired to kill him, as he should enter in at the North gate, placing themselves there to that end; but the Sultan called for him to speak with him, keeping him by him till entred into the City, whereby he escaped. Nassuf shortly after, invited the Sultan to a sumptuous Peast; and few dayes after, he, caused all the Crosses in the Temple of Sophia to be thrown down: and the Images defaced, which had stood entire ever since the Christians Government.

The year before, the Persian King had put to death 1200 Armenians: the English Embassadour's Chaplain desirous of the reason, conferred with the Armenian Patriarch at Constantinople (for there are 2, one being under the Persian, and the other at Constantinople under the [Page] Turk) who told him, it was by an Armenian, who had counterfeited Letters from the Armenian Patriarch, offering to acknowledge the Pope for his and his Churches Head; entreating him to write to the King of Persia, to give them free leave to do it. The Pope bountifully rewarding the Messenger, wrote to the King, to let them use their consciences, who in a rage, caused many Armenians to be put to death: saying, If they would be Obedient to the Pope, he would expect no service from them; yet the Papists said, 'twas doue by the Patriarch, but the Armenians, by a counterfeit Rogue.

Soon after, there arrived a Circassian, a Georgian Bishop, and a Mingrelian Embassadour, at Constantinople, complaining of the Persians oppression and cruelty, and imploring Succours from the Sultan: and straitway came a Persian Embassadour, whom the Sultan would not hear, till all differences were ended betwixt himself and the Emperour; who having sent Gasparo (once a servant to the English Embassadour) to treat with him, at length all matters were reconciled.

The Year, 1614. began with great Prodigies in Hungary and Silesia: over Vienna the Heavens were most fearfully red and darkened; but all these signes, had none other effect this year, but the ruin of Nassuf Bassa, Grand Visier of the Turkish Empire; who being the Son of a Greek Priest, and a Tribute child (the Turks exacting from the Christians one of three) was sold for three Chequines (not above 24 s.) to an Eunuch at Constantinople; And afterwards pleasing the Sultana, in overseeing the Building of her stately Mosque, she made him Governour of her Houshold: thence he was made Capigi Bassa by the Sultan; and then Bassa of Aleppo; and soon after, Governour of all [...]; where his Ambition made him practise with the King of Persia, an ancient Enemy to his Master: who, dissembling the Knowledge of his treachery, [Page] the more to gain him, made him after Muraths death G. Visier, giving him all his goods, and, making him his Generall against the Persian, promised him his Daughter. He entring Persia, forced Ka Abbas, that King, to conclude a peace beneficiall to his Master. He presents a Million of Gold to his Emperour, is well received at the Seraglio, and married the Sultans Daughter; but he fearing his Spirit, commands Bostangi Bassa, to execute him about the end of the year: Nassuf was then sick at his House, whither Bostangi, goes with but 7 or 8 men because of suspition, demanding to speak with him, who excused himself by his servants, by reason of sickness: the Bostangi replied, He could not return to the Sultan (who sent him to have certain news of his health) before he had seen him. Nassuf hereat distrusted, yet believing, whatever happened to him was inevitable, bid them let him enter: who at first complemented with him, and asked him about his health; and then drew forth a Command to Nassuf, to deliver the Seal of the Empire: which done, he drew out another, enjoyning him to send the Sultan his Head. Nassuf crying aloud, desired to speak with him; but the Bostangi said, He had no such Commission: then he entreats him, to let him wash himself in the next Chamber, that his sonl (according to the Turks belief) might not depart in pollution: this being also denied him; the 7 or 8 Capigies invironed his Bed, to whom at last he turning himself, willed them to do their duties: Whereupon, they cast a cord about his neck to strangle him; but his fatness not suffering them to take away his life presently, they cut his throat. His designs tended to the ruin of the Christians, perswading his Master to break peace with the Emperor, the French King, and the Venetians, promising him, to make him Monarch of the whole World, that he might keep his spirit in action, make himself necessary to his Master, and live more safely in Combustions than in a Calm: Whereas the Envy and Malice of his Enemies gave [Page] him many furious assaults. Achmat took his riches into his Chasna or Treasury: among which, were found about two Bushels of Pearls and Diamonds. His death is otherwise related by one, then in Constantinople: The Sultan dissembled his great discontent against him, till some fit opportunity; yet Nassuf had discovered it, labouring by great gifts to the Sultana, and others, to pacifie him; yet sending Horsemen daily into Asia, meaning, to passe himself, when strong enough; but Octob. 7th, on their Sabbath, the Moon, about 8 at night, was much eclipsed, which made the Turks, expect some great accident: the Sultan having it bruited, that he would passe to visit a new Mosque then building, the streets were hanged with Cloth of Arras, a cry going before, The King cometh.

Nassuf descended his House to salute him, as he passed by; but it was his Bostangi Bassa, attired like himself, who leaping to Nassuf, told him, [...] the Sultans pleasure, he should deliver up his Seal: Nassuf amazed, asked what the Sultan meant to do? He replyed, he knew not that, but if he would not deliver it, he would return with the Message.

Nassuf drawing it forth, gave it him, then he shewed him a Warrant for his Head, whereto he submitting, two Jamoglans strangled him; and his Head was carried to the great Seignior, his body being thrown into the street. His death was thought to be procured by Cicala's Wife, the Sultans Sister, he having deprived her Husband, the Bassa of Babylon, of his Government, whom he allowed not to have access to the Sultan's presence: wherefore, he accusing Nassuf in a Letter, of conspiracy with the Persian, to kill the Sultan, and of many capital things, he sent it, by his Wife, who coming to the Sultans speech, (though warily observed by Nassuf) left the Letter in his Chamber, who reading it, was never quiet, till he had his Head: He writes, there were found in his House, 80 Bags of Gold, containing 10000 Chequines a piece.

[Page]After this, Mechmet the Admirall was made chief Visier, the first natural Turk that was ever Visier, since Constantinople was wonne.

The Sultans imperious Letters to the States of Transilvania, were fixed up as a Mandate, throughout all the Countrey: at which time, Bethlem Gabor, defeating some Troops of Lippa and Genoa, which spoiled the Countrey, those Governours sent to Vienna, for men and money: then also a Chiaus, brought Letters to the Emperour, from the great Seignior, to [...].

1. That he should take heed, the twenty years peace, were not violated, which himself desired faithfully to observe.

2. That in his name, they had seized on certain places in Transilvania, which he was bound to [...] against all her Enemies.

3. That Bator's tyranny had made him give forces to Gabor, to dispossess him, he having invested Gabor to govern it in peace.

4. That he was since advertised, that some Troops in his name, (against the Articles) had seized on the Forts of Hust and Vivar, and the Towns Nagipan and Tonase.

5. He had charged Bethlem, to repel the least enterprise upon his Principality, by force.

6. Exhorting him, if he desired continuance of peace, to command his people to restore places [...], or signifie his intent by that Chiaus; for the mischief daily increasing, his affection to peace might grow cold.

The Emperour received the Chiaus very honourably, returning answer, that he desired to confer with the Electors and States of the Empire, about this important business, and then he should know his resolution, and to assure himself, he would not attempt any thing against the peace. In the mean time, the Turks of Agria, took a great number of Cattel from the Christians: whereupon, [Page] 800 Haiducks, [...] them so speedily, that they soon overtook them, put them to flight, and made them leave their prize: wherefore, the Bassa of Agria, goeth forth with 1000 men, to recover the booty; but after a sharp encounter, he was forced to retreat, losing his Horse, and 200 men: thence the Haiducks went and spoiled about Solnoc: others, took a Turkish Bride, with her baggage, going from Gran to Buda; and 400 [...] (Haiducks and Turks, which hold no party but their own) seized on 3 places; but at their recovery, most of them were [...], and the rest taken, by the Hungarians.

But the Emperour assembling the States of his Hereditary Countries about the business of Transilvania, told them, the peace was violated in Hungary, by the Hostilities of the Turks: Achmat having subjected (to the Christians prejudice) Vaiachia, Moldavia, and Transilvania, under [...] Gabor, who had made himself his Vassail: the Sultan had also sent him word, not to [...] any thing there, that it might be wholly united to the Turks Empire: wherefore they should wisely consider: whether Transilvania should be wholly in the Turks power: and why the Sultan would not yield to ratifie the truce: of meanes to make War, if necessity forced him: why the Turk would hinder him from pretending any right to Transilvania: that the Turks Embassador, had brought him no Presents: if they should accord anew with the Turk, to consider upon what assurance, since he would not consent to the sixth Article of the peace.

Their opinions were divers; but all consented to maintain the Imperial Authority: onely the Hungarians besought the Emperour, if he would send Forces into Transilvania, they might march some other way, and not over their Lands: Gabor the while, provided to make some attempts upon Lippa and other places: the Governours whereof, represented to Forgatsi, the State [Page] of their Garrisons, fearing, if Bethlem should once possess them, he would deliver them to the Turk: and if they would send them succours, they would rather endure all extremities, than yield; yet they hastned not to send succours; and Sander Bassa, bringing Forces to Bethlem, Octob. 25, the Cannon being drawn out of Varadin, to batter Lippa, Bethlem battered it so furiously, that he made a breach for 400 men to escape: whereupon, the Governour (despairing also of succours from Hungary, yielded the place, upon his sparing their lives and goods: Genoe and Arach being delivered on the same condition: which places, should not be put into the Turks hands, from whom, to take all interest, the States should pay to Sander, the charges of his Troops.

Bethlem, manned them with new Garrisons, the Imperials being retired to Forgatsi [...]: in high Hungary, But the States of Transilvania, assembling at Varradin, disputed diversly, whether to resign those three places to the Sultan; but at length, they concluded, that Bethlem [...] do therein, what he held most needful for the quiet of the Countrey, most humbly beseeching him, to free them from the Imperials, who had seized upon Hust and Vivar.

At Constantinople, Achmat, to beautifie the outward part of his Seraigle, upon the Sea-shoare, caused a platform to be made within the Sea, 800 paces long, and 120 broad.

The Provost proclaiming this resolution, every House sent a man, and the chief of Families laboured in person.

The Bassaes were Overseers, and the Janizaries and Spahies, carried Scuttles with all chearfulness; and at all [...], there was Musick of divers sorts: The Visiers coming, and casting pieces of silver among the Workmen: so the Sultan beginning this work in October, saw it finished in 3 moneths.

[Page]In the mean time, there was an imployment of Jesuites, into Mingrelia, of old Colchos: Lewis [...], with two others of this Order, and an Armenian Interpreter, parting from Thrace, with resolution, to preach unto the people.

About JUNE, this year, they arrived at Verna, a famous Town in Thrace: where [...] Souldiers (whom necessity had formerly forced to leave the Emperours service in Hungary) were in Garrison to defend the Turks Subjects against the Cossack's incursions; yet did they still observe the Roman Religion: thence they sailed to Cordula, and by the encounter of a small Gallion, entred the Port of Trebezond: few dayes after, they were carried to Erissa, in Laxia, which looks toward both Georgia and Trebezond. These ancient Christians, to free their Children from Turkish Tribute, caused them to be circumcised after the Mahometan manner, marrying their Daughters to JANIZARIES: also abandoning themselves to MAHOMETANISME, that they might be freed from the Turkish- Yoak: so that here, the JESUITES, catechised the Men, baptized the Children, telling the Women married to Turks, what they should do to maintain their Faith.

But their charge being to go to MINGRELIA, they sailed towards GOVEA; but that Haven being unfit to cast Anchor in, they followed the Galleys of Bassa.

ONEZE, who was to treat a peace for ACHMAT, with the Prince of the MINGRELIANS, and dispose him to pay a Tribute: they went into the Port MACROGALO, nine miles off that of GOVEA; but a North-West wind, arising about midnight, September the fifteenth, drave their Galleys nigh shelfs and Rocks, one being cast away.

[Page]This Tempest continuing many dayes, another was lost: out of which, the Jesuites had retired (by advice) during the same: who imputed the cause to Oneze, who had forbidden them to passe into Mingrelia, before the peace was concluded: which was long, by [...] of difficulties in the Treaty: at last, they resolving to pay Tribute, it was concluded.

Twenty dayes after the Jesuites departure from Macrogalo, they arrived at Satrapella, in Georgia, where the [...] Visier, came and saluted them bare headed, and kneeling on one knee. Gorell the Prince, (then at Barlet, where the Court was to keep Christmas) hearing of the arrival of these French Preachers, sent for them, [...] them, as did his Visier: then causing them to blesse his Court, he much [...] with them, of the truth of the Romane Church: the Popes power, as Father of all Christendom; [...] being, as it were, inlightned, he intreated Grangier, to crave absolution of his sins, from the Pope: which he said, he might give him, by the power he had from God, promising, to send him his Confession; but hearing the Jesuite had power to absolve him, he made a general confession of his life:

A Monke of Georgia, who had lived at Rome 12 years, had formerly planted piety there, which these now altered. Gorell intreated the Jesuites, to send him some of [...] Company at their return, promising, much to esteem of them, and give them a House, Temple, and maintenance: he offered them Silver, which they modestly refused, upon the Rules of their Institution: this Prince, much commending their manner of living, had them conducted to Satrapella.

Febr. 3d, 1615, they left this Town, arriving at Heraclia, and thence to Margoula, where Dodran, the Mingrelian Prince, then remained; whither Threbis Cham, King of Georgia, expelled his [...] by the Persian, in 1613, was come to visit him.

[Page]The Jesuites kissed Dodran's hands, and of his Uncle Lipartia, who was regent during his minority: who, both promised them assistance, sending them to Macaury, there to stay, [...] they were busied in the affaires of the Countrey, then somewhat confused: that Bishop entertained them, with great shew of love; and feasting Threbis Cham, would needs have the Jesuites assist him at the Feast: these Mingrelians, and also the Georgians, use to sing at meat: Threbis, desired the Jesuites might sing, when 'twas their turn, who excused themselves; but they must do as the rest: so they sung Plange Lingua &c. appointed for holy Thursday. They reside at Macaury, hoping to labour profitably for the health of souls. The Colchians, and Georgians, are Christians of the Greek profession, under divers Princes, ever in Warre with the Turk or Persian, being called Chams, that is, Kings, or soveraign Princes.

In the mean time, a Turk comes out of Asia, into Christendom demanding favourable succours from Christian Princes, to possess the Empire, whereto his birth seemed to call him: He termed himself, the Sonne of Mahomet the 3d, Father to Achmat; maintaining, that his Father had [...] 4 Women, 4 Sonnes, Mustapha, who was strangled; Jacaia, which was himself, Achmat, and Osman, (yet it seemes, by the sequel, he had another Mustapha) that having been sent for from Magnesia, to Constantinople, his Mother, who had been a Christian, but afterwards for her beauty, used by Mahomet, and called Sultana Lalpare, could not conduct him to his Father, being dangerously sick of the small Pox: she well foresaw, that Jacaia the 2d Son, should one day secure the life of Mustapha the elder: wherefore, to retire him into Christendom, she gave out, her Sonne Jacaia, was dead of the small Pox, disguising her design, by constrained teares, at the Funeral of an Eunuch's Sonne, dead of the same disease.

[Page]An Eunuch Astam, was hér faithful Secretary, with whom she leaves Magnesia, under a pretext to go to certain Bathes, and so transports her Sonne into Morea, lodging as unknown, in a Bishops House at Miclo: where Jacaia (above 9 years old) not being secure, she retires him into Cassandria of Macedonia, discovering to the Arch-Bishop of Thessalonica, her desire to make him a Christian: intreating him to take them both into his protection, who lodged her in a Nunnery, and commits her Sonne to a learned Abbot, where he much profited in the Greek Tongue, and many arts. I have seen him [...] in the Company of learned men, speak the Greek as easily as his Mother Tongue. He continued under this Abbot, till the age of 17 years: during which time, he became a Christian.

The Arch-Bishop, baptized him in a Temple without Thessalonica, yet secretly, for fear of the Eunuch.

Jacaia, calling himself Sultan, leaves the Monastery, and with the Eunuch, travels up and down Greece; and lest he should be known, takes on him the Habit and License of a Derviser; but coming to Siopia, he heard of his Fathers death, and the rejoycing for Achmat's advancement, learning also, that Mustapha had been strangled: wherefore, after many Discourses with his Eunuch, he sends him to the Sonne of Peri Bassa, a Rebel of Asia, who receives for his Master, the Rebels Oath, and, returning to Tarlis, conducted Jacaia to Peri, to be head of his Troops.

Achmat's Treasurer, was ready upon the banks of the River Bardate, to give Battel to Peri, with 7000 Horse, and 3000 Foot: his Troops being lesse in number, there was a sharp encounter; but at last, Peri Bassa was defeated, and Jacaia being wounded in four places, saved himself on the other side of the River, where, wandring up and down, a Peasant relieved him, then an Abbot, who [Page] had him cured, taking him (he said) for a page of the Treasurers.

[...] he returns towards Greece, conferring with his Mother, then with his Eunuch, of his affaires: the Eunuch is sent to Constantinople, to the Visier Dervis, who was then discontented with Achmat, whom he findes disposed, to entertain the offers of Jacaia: they sweare to kill Achmat, and settle Jacaia in the Throne, who goes to Constantinople disguised; but being ready to execute their enterprise, they say, the Dervis died: hereupon, Jacaia fled towards the black Sea, and then wandred into Valachia and Moldavia, following a Polonian Embassador on Foot, till he came to Cracovia: where a Turks Chiaus knowing him, desired that King to stay him, assuring him thereby, strictly to oblige the affections of Achmat, whose unjust demand, he refused: then the Chiaus, gets some Tartarians of the Kings Guard, for money to promise to murder him; but a Flemish embroiderer, gave him notice, and let him hide himself in his Lodging: after which, he went to Prague, Rodulph the Emperour being then alive: who furnished him with all necessaries; he was there a year, and in that time, acknowledged by many Turks, to be Achmat's Brother; but he finding nothing but good wishes, and fair words at Prague, certain Saxons his friends, advised him to passe to Florence, to Duke Ferdinand, from whose Embassador, he takes his directions; but entring Italy, he heares Ferdinand was dead; yet Cosmo his successor, honourably entertains him at Florence, lodging him in St. JOHNS Fort, and supplying him with all Commodities.

Cosmo, also gave him the Title of Excellency, Horses and Caroches, and Company for hunting: Ere long, the great Duke, sent him with his armed Galleys, into the Levant, under Beauregard, where Jacaia, conferred with Nassuf, then chief Rebel in Asia, who offers him [Page] men, arms, and money, if he would march towards [...]; but Beauregard, had no Commission to leave him in Nassuf's hands, so he carried him back to [...].

While Jacaia was aboard, the great Duke sent into many parts of the Levant, carefully to be informed, of what he had delivered, who all brought back certain proofs of the truth thereof: wherefore, he wrote to the King of Spain, informing him of his quality, that contributing succours, they might undertake some happy enterprise against the Turk. He commanded the Viceroy of Naples, to give him suitable reception: Jacaia went towards Naples; but having newes from thence, he stayed at Averso, where he was honourably received by the Governour. The Viceroy visiting him, gave him the right hand and Title of Excellency; but the Council of Spain delaying too long the succours expected, he [...] to Millane, and thence disguised, passed into the Levant, to sound mens good wills; but prevailing as little as before, he went to Rome to kisse the Popes feet. Cardinall Bellarmine, received him as the Viceroy of Naples did: the Pope assuring him of affection and succours; but it was needful, that secular Princes, should make the first warlike overture. Since, he was at Paris, under the protection of the Duke of Nevers, and assisted by his Counsel; and, had not civil combustions directed his Armies, there had been seen some success of the affaires he treated in Lorain, Germany, &c. Yet some affirm, (and those that have conversed in the East) that Mahomet had but three Sonnes, Mustapha, Achmat, and Osman; however, it was hard to discover in Jacaia's carriage, any signes of an imposture.

Stephano, or [...], Vayuod of Moldavia, as he held it by usurpation, so he governed it with all cruelty and inhumanity, like that Tyrant, who said openly, He respected not the love of his Subjects, so they feared him.

[Page]At first, [...] plotted how to root [...] all the Noblemen, called [...], with all others of credit and authority, both because they supported [...], and for the jealousie he had of them.

First, he impaled Lord [...], the Princess Widow, her Brother, with two other chief Nobles; and soon after, he beheaded 75 Boyers, not pardoning one, for all the great instance of their Kinsfolks, charging them with conspiracy against his person, without any proof; but these cruelties, the more incensed the Boyers: many of whom, took up Arms, and had then been revenged, and freed their Countrey, if [...] had not conjured those of Yas, by promising them immunities of all Subsidies, to second him: wherefore, they fought valiantly against the Boyers, who came to assault Yas: so after some light skirmish, in their retreat, many were taken, whom the Tyrant slew, or impaled for terrors sake.

Those that escaped, now resolved, to have recourse to the Princess, Widow to Jeremie, who had fled into Poland, when she heard of the taking of her Sonne Constantine: who, understanding from the Boyers, that they desired Prince Alexander, in the Tyrant [...] [...]: She also desiring Command under her Sonne (then but 16 years old) they both imparted the design to Visinoviskie her Sonne in Law, and Coreskie, who at that time married her youngest Daughter: which [...], willingly offered to go with Alexander, into Moldavia, and take the care of his Army so within lesse than 2 months, collecting 10 or 12000 Horse and Foot, Polonians, Cossacks, and Transilvanians, Stephane also gathered together almost 20000 Moldavians, Tartars, and Valachians, whom he kept about Yas, to attend the Princes coming.

Alexander advancing within two Leagues of Caminithe in Podolia, was much [...] to passe Niestre, there being a strong Garrison of Moldavians, in a Fort to defend [Page] the Rivers passage; but the Captain of the Fort, much discontented at Stephanoes cruelties, voluntarily offering his service to Alexander, delivered him the Fort: so that passing easily into Moldavia, he for joy, discharged many vollies of his Ordnance: which made Stephano distrust the Moldavians affections, and feel a pricking in his Conscience.

Alexander, making some stay there (in 1615) advanced, and coming within half a dayes journey of Yas, sent out 800 chosen Cossacks, to discover his Enemies Army, who soon encountered with 1500 Tartars, sent out by Stephano, whom the Cossacks finding disordered, so charged them, as defeating many, they routed the rest.

Then they brought back word, that Stephano's Army, might be about fifteen thousand; yet such as were not trained up to Arms, drawn thereto, rather by constraint, than free will. Alexander's Army was greatly encouraged, and also much incensed against Stephano, for Letters he wrote to their Prince, full of threats, as if they had been already at his mercy: on which day, came Deputies to Alexander, (Stephano not knowing it) to know his design, and intreat him to take pitty upon Moldavia, who answered, he intended not to oppress it, but free it from Stephano's tyranny, being invited by many Boyers, assuring him, 'twas the common desire of the Moldavians; and if he prevailed, (as by their assistance, he was certain to do) he would rule them as mildly as his Father [...] had done: they being well satisfied, and publishing his answer in divers places, many came and joyned with his Army: who in October, advancing, made a stand in a Champian, where were two Springs, calling a Councel of Warre: and the while, sent a Troop of Cossacks, to discover; who brought word, the Enemy was ranged in Battel, having 20 Cannons in front. Yet Alexander, was not much amazed, because the General of Artillery, had [Page] assured him, he would annoy his men as little as he could, desiring to serve him, and so be revenged of Stephano, who had beheaded his Brother in Law, upon a false suspect. Stephano, to discover the Princes Army, sent 1200 Tartars, and 2 or 300 Moldavians, who being seen a far off in that plain, Alexander sent 500 Cossacks, and 400 Polonian Lances, to encounter them, who at first, seemed to retire, to draw them by degrees from their Camp; and being about a League off, stood, thinking they durst not charge them; but they fell so upon them, that they slew most of them, not above 5 or 600 escaping to their Camp, causing great amazement.

The Princes Army was much encouraged hereby, increasing daily, as is usual in civil Warre. Presently after, the Prince meaning to advance toward the Enemy, his fore-ward was stayed, by 1000 Horse, who had seized on a narrow passage, betwixt a Poole and a Marish; but certain Moldavians advising to send some Horse, by an unknown way, to surprise them behind, the Cossacks speedily went, Moldavians guiding them: who coming undiscovered, within 50 paces, charged them; and being seconded by the fore-ward, of the 1000 Horse, there returned not above 50 to their Camp. Alexander, now coming with his Army, within Cannon-shot, Visnoviskie, thought they must make an inclosure with Carts, having no retreating place within 10 Leagues: which Stephano discovering, shot through that Fort, some being flain, and some hurt: the Prince answered him, but to small purpose, night surprizing them, and having but 8 small Pieces. Visnoviskie, spent the night, in encouraging his Souldiers from their former encounters against their Enemies, (who though more in number, yet were most Peasants) which successes, were assurances, that God would use them, to punish the tyrannies of Stephano; and then every one should return loaden with rich spoils and recompences from Alexander.

[Page]Hereat, the Souldiers all protested, rather to die, than fail of their duties: the Princess also, comforted the Colonel and Captain, with the intelligence from the Generall of the Artillery. Next day, while they put their Armies in Battel, Alexanders men had the odds in divers skirmishes.

Visnoviskie was Alexanders Generall, as most capable: who, seeing Stephanoes Horse in three Squadrons, and the Tartars most advanced, ordered the Cossacks to encounter them: discreetly done; for they both charge freely, are covered with but skins of Beasts, to seem as fearful as they can, observe no order, using cries, fearful to the unaccustomed; and being broken, seldom return to charge.

The Polish Lanciers, called Housarskie, being 1500 well armed, and led by Coreskie, were set on the right hand, against 3000 Horse: the Hungarian Foot (about 3000) were in midst of the Army with the Cannon, upon a little Hill: on the left, were the other Chivalry, led by Alexander and Visnoviskie: the Baggage being a little behind in the Camp.

Stephano disposing his Army, began about nine in the morning, to play with his Cannon; but the Bullers flew over Alexanders men: who thereupon, bad the Cossacks charge the Tartars, whom they defeated: at which time, 2000 Horse, charging the Foot that guarded Stephano's Cannon, slew most, taking the rest, and so possest his Cannon: who seeing his Infantry also indangered, caused 3000 Horse to advance; but Coreskie charged them so furiously, that he slew almost half, and routed the rest. Presently after, another Squadron followed: whereupon, Coreskie seeing his men wearied, and tired, retired towards his Camp. Then came Alexander and Visnoviskie, to encounter these, and that with the more courage, because, sure that Stephano was there: during this quarter of an houres charge, Coreskie breathed, collecting what [Page] men he could, to succour those in fight, who were almost tired, and Alexander far ingaged: who now recovering their Forces, their amazed Enemies that were alive, were put to flight. But Stephano (a coward) had retired to the rest of his Foot, who had not yet fought, seeming rather to die there, than flee; yet seeing the issue of this last charge, he soon fled, having not struck a stroak. The Foot that remained (about 4000) yielded to mercy, crying aloud, God save Alexander, Vayuod of Moldavia. That day, Prince Alexander entred into Yas, and in the Castle, was proclaimed by all the Boyers, Vayuod, which before, he would never accept of. Next day, hearing that many of the chief of Yas, were fled into Mountains and Forrests, to attend the event, he sent Boyers to invite them home, with all assurance, causing part of his Army to be quartered in the Countrey; and 500 Horse, and 1500 Foot, under Coreskie, were sent to Vasseloy, for that Stephano had fled that way, and might return. Some of the Artillery, were sent into Poland, some put into the Fort of Cochina, as it were the Arsenall of Moldavia.

Alexander called his chief Nobles to Counsel, to resolve what to do to maintain him in his Estate: who concluded among other things, he should send an Embassador to the G. Seignior, to let him know, he never intended to take Arms against him, but was sought to by the Boyers, for the unspeakable cruelties of the Vayuod Stephano, &c. they were also to inform him, that Stephano had [...] suggested, that he was Sonne to a Prince of Moldavia, that he was not truly informed, that his predecessors had promised Jeremie and [...], that his Sons should succeed him, if not unworthy, and did pay the yearly Tribute, which was offered by [...], to Houssine Aga: Alexander, promising to pay it hereafter, and if need were, to give his Brother Bougdan as a pledge, during the first year.

[Page]The Embassadors going by Transilvania, lest they should be hindered by Men of Warre, then troubling all Thrace, came to Buda, and went to salute that Bassa, who being a special friend to Stephano, imprisoned them, and then sent them to Braille, whither Stephano had fled, who they say, gave him 15000 Chequines reward: causing their Heads to be cut off, one night after Supper, and their bodies to be cast into Danow: whereby the Sultan was not truly advertised of passages in Moldavia and Alexander's offers; so that he sware his ruine.

Stephano, with 4000 men from Michna, Vayuod of Valachia, and the reliques of his scattered Forces, marcht towards Moldavia: wherefore, Coreskie was sent with 6000 Horse to Ticouch, a strong Frontier Town, Alexander and Visnoviskie, staying at Yas, to prevent all alterations, in favour of Stephano: Within few dayes, the Prince hearing that those of Horreova, a small Countrey in Moldavia, had joyned with a great Troop of Tartars, to come and invest him, sent Visnoviskie to encounter them: who meeting them two Leagues off the City slew half of them, and put the rest to flight: a great number were taken, the Horreoveans being brought to Yas, as in triumph: 800 Tartars and others, were found slain, and but 50 Polonians, with some 100 hurt.

Alexander, went presently with his Company of French, to meet Visnoviskie, and congratulate his Victory, with many Complements: then casting his eye upon the poor Horreoveans, he sent them back again, taking an Oath of their fidelity hoping that his clemency, would draw the most factious to obedience; and giving God thanks, he sent to Coreskie, to advertise him of this new Victory, who was then busie in preparing to meet Stephano: they encountered in a Plain, having on one side the River Sirette, dividing Moldavia from Valachia: it continued two houres with like advantage; but Coreskie, joyning to him 400 Gerbeys, so charged Stephano in a [Page] Squadron of Horse, that he forced them to give back; yet did the Event seem doubtful: Whereupon another Captain, with five hundred Light-Horse, came in so fitly, that Stephano was forced to fly, the Prince pursuing, and cutting them in pieces: who afterwards found that of Stephano's side were 3400 slain on the place, besides prisoners and wounded; and of his, but 350. Then the season being cold in November, he put his Troops in Garrison, and returned with 150 Horse to Yas, honorably and joyfully received.

The Princess yet in Poland, now returns to Yas, with Bougdan her Son, and Alexandrina her Daughter, with great feasting and joy: Then they treated of a Marriage betwixt Coreskie and Alexandrina; but Bellona then opposed it, to try their patience who loved each other from their youth. For about the end of this moneth, 1615, they heard that Michna of Valachia, with Hebraim Bassa, came against them with 40000 men to succour Stephano: also that Bethlem Gabor had charge from the Grand Seignior to assail them; but it was false: for that Bassa was sent with Caphtanes or Roabs which the Sultan sends to Princes under his power, to Michna & Stephana, but not with any Army; for he was yet ignorant what had passed against Stephano: yet the Princes thinking this true, called a Council, resolving to send Boyartskie (a brave Polonian) to Michna to know his intent and designs: who arriving at Bouza in Valachia, demanded audience before Michna; who sending him to the Bassa, He (without hearing him) demanded, Who made his Master so bold, as to bear arms in the Sultans Country without his authority, commanding the Embassadour presently to be put in Irons: whose servants escaped as they could, informing Prince Alexander what had past, and that Michna had no Army, nor intent then to enter Moldavia. The Bassa charged some of his Officers to examine Boyartskie of all matters, and of Alexanders forces; and returning to [...], [Page] led him with him thither: where he being examined by a Visier, in the Divano, was condemned perpetually to the Galleys. Alexander sent another Embassador to Beth: Gabor being at Alba Julia, whom he courteously received: the Embassadour told him, that Alexander had heard, he levied Men to joyn with Michna against him, which he could not easily believe, for he had professed friendship to his Father, and had no cause now to leave it, intreating him not to meddle, and if there were occasion, he would serve him to his utmost: Then he gave him his Letters of credit. Who answered, He never intended any thing against Alexander, whose Father was his true Friend: nor would he ever give cause of discontinuing that Friendship, &c. Here was much satisfaction, yet he afterwards levied Forces against him, though not joyning with Michna's Army.

Presently after the Bassa's departure, Pr. Michna sent an Embassadour to Alexander, protesting by Letters his great grief for his Embassadour's ill usage, without whose consent he was carried away with the Bassa, promising to do his best for his delivery: He knew also the Sultans Power over him, whom he might not resist, that he had no Army on Foot, and that he designed not to support Stephano, unlesse forced by the Sultan's Command; but he could not deliver Stephano up to him, unlesse he should violate the Laws of Hospitality: also he should incurr the Sultan's indignation, and be in danger to be dispossest of his own Estate; Alexander after this, by advice of his Councel, dismissed all his Foot, part of the Cossakes, retaining but 5 or 6000 that Winter.

About this time Pr. Visnoviski (a Protestant of the Greek Church) receiving the Communion at Christmas, the [...] (who had usually served him), for money [Page] poysoned the Bread; which he receiving, sickened, and with torments dyed the next day: whereupon the Priest, apprehended upon suspition, confessed forthwith his guilt, being provoked by his Enemies.

He was bound in a Chair made of Copper-wire, and a Fire made round him; so that for twelve hours, he fearfully cryed out for his insupportable paines. Whilst Alexander and his Court mourned for this beloved Prince; a Spie arrived out of Valachia, informing him that one Skinder Bassa, with a great Army, was there arrived, Stephano pressing them daylie, to March into Moldavia, sending 400 Men to surprize Berlada, where Coreski had left some men, who keeping bad Guard, were most cut in pieces, which much puft up Stephano; but Alexander sending 400 Cossacks, within three dayes they arrived at that Town unwalled (like the rest); and firing many places, forced his Men out, and slew them, the rest being burnt; so that but five or six escaped, Stephano being much afflicted.

Then also Coreski, in revenge, with 2500 choyse Horse went speedily into Vaselloy, lest his Garrison there should be so served also: which the Bassa hearing, sent his Son (twelve or thirteen years old) with an old experienced Turk, and 7000 Men, to get his Son reputation.

Coreskie advertised hereof, and knowing they must passe a wooden Bridge over a River by the Town, cunningly disposed some of his Men within Vasselloy, the rest being covered with a little adjoyning Mountain: Some Turks being passed over, two squadrons from the Town, so charged them, that almost all in Poland were slain, with the old conductor; for the Turks, having marched almost all night to arrive early, were benummed with cold; the rest (on tother side) [Page] retired speedily, fearing perhaps the Bassa's Son might be also lost. Coreskie pursued them 4 Leagues, killing and taking all in his way: One prisoner saying, he was the Bassa's nigh Kinsman, Alexander gave him a fit garment and horse, sending him to the Bassa with a Convoy, whom he intreated also (by a Letter) not to advance in Stephano's behalf; promising, if the Sultan would let him quietly enjoy Moldavia, he would be most [...], and pay him the yearly Tribute: which the Bassa little esteemed, being exceedingly incensed for his Sons bad success, and his Captains death.

The same day Alexander sending 1500 Horse to Coreskie, 800 of them lodged 6 leagues from Ticouth, where the Bassa and Michna then were with about 25000 men: these 800 neglecting their Guards, drank themselvs drunk, [...] sting their Hosts with all insolencies, & forcing their Wives and Daughters: Wherfore calling to them certain Boyers, they cut all their throats sleeping, and most drunk.

About the end of the year, Pr. Alexander called a General Council, where it was resolved to retire to Cochina, 30 French Leagues off, it being the strongest place of Moldavia, far from Enemies, and near Poland: so next day he marched, and came thither in 4 days, in the extreamest cold: then he sent to all his Friends and Confederates speedily to come to succour them, ordering the while to provide all Necessaries for his Army. The Bassa hereupon marched with Michna and Stephano, towards Yas; but many (through cold) dying on the way, they stayd till a milder time.

At March, L. Tischevich came to Alexander with 3500 Cossacks, and within few days, L. Potoskie, Nephew to him who was taken at the first Battel, with 1500 well armed Polonians; other succours came also: so that by the end of this moneth he was 10 or 12000 strong: who sending forth one thousand horse, with his French Cavaliers, to discover the Enemies Army, they staying to refresh [Page] themselves [...] way from Espanocha, where Michna's Tartars lodged: These, with many Turks, presently invested them, who (though little hope to withstand so many) behaved themselves very [...], fighting from 10 in the morning, till night: but 7 Polonians, and 5 French escaping the rest being slain or taken, Mountespin (the French Captain) being one, whom they would have sent with the rest to the Galleys; but Stephano preserved him, upon promise of his good service.

About the end of Aug. 1616. six Jesuits, setled at Pera, at the perswasion of Henry the 4th, King of France, were accused before the Visier to be Spies to Spain, to absolve Renegadoes, baptize Turks, conceal fugitive slaves, sending them into Christendom: Objecting also, the killing of Kings, if Tyrants, which had been written by a Spaniard of their coat: all capital crimes. They were thrust into a Dungeon, and with them a Franciscan, Vicar to the Patriarch of Constantinople: whereinto the while the Embassadors entred to renew the Truce, with Drums beating, and Ensigns displayed.

Some who thought to erect Trophies by the Jesuits ruine, making use of this Entry falsly advertized, that many thousands of Christians in Greek and Turkish Habits, came with him to execute the Jesuits project: also informing the Visier and Muphti, that the Temples in Pera, and Embassadors houses were full of arms; and now when as the Turks Estate, chiefly Constantinople, was unprovided of Forces, as having Armies in divers places, they meant to draw the Greekes into Rebellion, and give entrance to the Cossacks by the Black Sea. The Sultan commands all to wear the habit of their own Nation, forbidding to wear any Hat, except the Franks, and they to wear a Greek Habit; enrolling also all Christians in the City, and Pera: yet not thinking Constantinople free from danger, he commanded all the Franks to be slain, which took not effect: The Grand Visier, and Muphti representing [Page] unto him, that by this cruelty, he should draw upon his estate a dangerous War from all Christian Princes: but he walks up and down the City all night on Horseback, causing the Fryer, Vicar to the Patriarch, to be executed in his sight, and expresly forbids passing from Constantinople to Pera, or hence thither; So that the French Embassadour having passed from Pera to solicite the Jesuits Liberty, returning, found a stop, going to the Muphti, and leaving his People at the Sea-side (for they use to go to him with a small train), during which time, a multitude ran to see them, thinking surely they went to put them to Death: they lamenting their misery, and the Turks furiously charging them with conspiracy; but the Visier, sending a Writing by one of his own to the Keeper of the passage, the Embassadour with his train was let pass; but being at Ptra, one night the People fell into an exceeding fury, upon a Subject of small importance. Not far from the Embassadour's house, there happen'd a dispute in a Lodging betwixt some who watched about some Imployment: whereat the Turks awakened, ran to Arms in the Street, (1000 in all) crying out, The noise came from the Frankes, (that is, from Italians, French, Spanish, English and Others); who meant to Rise, resolving to force the Embassadour's House, and put all to Fire and Sword; But some better advised, perswaded them to stay till Day; and then the Embassadour got the Sultan to interpose, so brideling their insolency.

But the Jesuits remained in the Dungeon, till the French Embassadour had lett the Visier see their innocency, procuring their Liberty, the Sultan by his Letters, Pattents, publishing the falsehood of the malitions accusations against them: yet, to avoyd the fury of a blind multitude, they went to Sea for France: but were again committed at the Dardanelles, through some advertisement to the Sultan to the same effect: who being informed truly of their honesty, freed them, recalling 2 to Pera, to live as formerly.

[Page]Though the Bassa and Stephano were puft up with Alexander's losse, near Cochina; yet Michna hearing, he there would defend himself, had no joy thereof; for an Italian had foretold to him, If ever he fought with the Polonians, he would be in danger of his Life: wherefore by his Chancellour's and Camp-Master's advice, he pretended, he heard from his Lievtenant, There are many Tartars entred Valachia, and spoyling it; So he returned onely with 100 Horse for his Guard. But Stephano (to mock Michna) writing to him, that he had slain 6000 Polonians upon the Place, and taken a great number, whom they would send to the grand Seignior; he was so discontented, that he beheaded his Chancellour and Camp-Master, charging them to have secret intelligence with the Poles.

About the end of March, the Bassa, Stephano, and Monoza a Tartar, advancing with 20000 Men towards Cochina, made a stand within 2 Leagues for refreshment: the Princes the while, put their Army in Order, in a Plain near Cochina, leaving 1000 choyse Horse in the Town under Coreskie, as assured that the Turks would Camp betwixt the Town and Army; that, ifdefeated, they might not retire into the very strong Fort: They planted also 8 Cannons in a Trench covered with a Wood. The Bassa informed, they had not half so many Men arrived by 7 in the Morning nigh Cochina. where making a stand to discover the Princes Army, he encamped betwixt it and the Town: the Tartars desiring to be revenged of the Cossakes, intreated to have the Point, and so advanced towards a Battalion of them, not distrusting the unseen Cannon, which playing upon them, overthrew a great number, terrifying the rest: So that the Cossakes furiously cut them in pieces, and so retired; Seeing Valachians and [...] come to succour them; [Page] whom Tischevich with his 15 or 1600 horse coming to encounter, they advanced bravely towards the Princes Canon: The Combat being long and doubtful, the Turks Marshal sent 3000 Turks to succour them, and the Princes caused a Squadron of Cossacks and Moldavians to advance, who forced the Turks to retire above 100 paces: then Alexander cryed out, Now my Companions, the Enemy is in disorder, let us charge them resolutely, and the Victory is sure. So advancing with the rest, he discharged two Canons, as a sign to Correskie to salley forth: but he was already come above 300 paces. The Bassa hereupon began to be amazed, and sending two thousand horse to second his other Troops, retired apart with Stephano, and the rest of the Turkish Cavalry, to attend the event: a most furious Combate there was for two hours, full of fearful howlings of Turks, who at last fainted, seeing no succours come, whereas if the Bassa and Stephano had joyned with them, they had by all appearance won the Victory; but they seeing no means to collect their routed forces, retreated with above two thousand horse, which had not yet fought. Tischevich and Correskie the while, cut all in pieces they could meet; and drawing all their men together, stood upon the place, suffering none to go to the spoyl, before assured of the Enemies hasty retreat, fearing a pursuit; but the Princes men and horses were almost tired, above twelve thousand men being slain, besides prisoners and wounded.

Alexander returning so Cochina, they gave thanks to God for this Victory, and the Princes and Ladies much joyed, who in the Fort attended the fearful Event; and Coreskie two dayes after the Victory, was married to Alexandrina, to the great content of all the Court.

[Page]The Bassa and Stephano going to Yas, and finding no safety, the one went presently to Constantinople, and the Tyrant to Pr. Michna, who was his only support, though he had apparently mock'd him; but he first fired Yas in many places: so that of 22000 houses, but 600 were untouched. The Princes coming, and finding it desolate, next day marched towards Valachia to punish Stephano; and on t'other side of the River Siretta, Michna had 400 men in a Burrough to keep the Frontiers, who putting themselves in defence, were every one cut in pieces, the Inhabitants being well intreated, as not resisting, and hating Michna for the vexations from the said Garrison: resting 3 days, they speedily marched towards Bonza, and coming within a league of that City, some Country-men ran thither, wishing Michna to save himself speedily from the Polonian Army: he was ready to go to Dinner with Stephano; but now he was so amazed, that running into his stable, he mounted without a saddle, and went towards Tergovist with a few, one of whom gave him his own horse which was better furnished: Stephano upon his own horse flying alone towards Nicopolis.

The Princes entring Bonza, were wondrously grieved at Stephano's escape, and that Michna whom they would not have hurt was so amazed: Their Army at first entrance spoiled the City, ravishing many, which drew the future wrath of God upon them; yet the Princes could not hinder them.

During their abode, many Boyers, Michna governing insolently, came and besought Alexander to stay in Valachia, promising the whole Nobility would willingly obey him: but he thanking them onely for their good will, they told him, they would be glad that Prince [...] (who governing before Michna, had been expelled by Bethlehem Gabor) might suddainly return to the Vayuodship, intreating him to give him passage [Page] thorow Moldavia out of Germany, if he came, which he willingly granted, because Michna favoured his Enemy, and had himself a designe upon Moldavia.

Michna staying some dayes at Playa, attending his train, sent to his wife at Tergovist, with all speed to go to Nicopolis, fearing the Princes would seize both upon them and their Estates: Then coming himself to Tergovist, he sent to Alexander, to know why he entered Valachia with an Army, without cause; he having shewen that he was his Friend in not assisting the Bassa and Stephano nigh Cochina, though they appeared much stronger; and if he meant onely to seize upon Stephano, he was fled another way: promising if he ever took him, to deliver him up to him, intreating him to retire, without further spoyl, and that they might remain good Friends. Pr. Alexander answered the Embassadour, he had sent to informe his Master the Day before, that he meant not to attempt any thing against him, but onely Stephano, who had Fired the City Yas: which that Michna might know, he had sent him back his Plate and all his rich Moveables, the Embassadour thanking him and returning, found all [...], Michna being freed from fear.

Alexander sent Troianoskie with 2000 Horse to pursue Stephano, but he heard he had passed [...] with his Wife and a small train: 1500 Tartars advertised of this pursuit but with 1000, and that they were tyred therein, came to Charge them; but Troianoskie discovering them afar off in a Plain, had leisure to put his Men into four squadrons; they approaching and discovering their number, would gladly have retired; but Troianoskie Commanding two squadrons suddenly to Charge, they were presently defeated, above 400 being slain, the rest flying: but 25 Poles were [...], and 50 hurt.

[Page]The Princes resolving to leave Valachia, forbad all on pain of Death, to carry away Valachians with them; hearing some were seized on, for Ransome-sake: being upon their March, they heard the Horreoveans were again up in Arms, refusing to own or pay to Alexander, unless it could appear he was confirmed by the Sultan: Coreskie being sent thither with 5000 Men, they yielded without resistance. Then Coreskie besiedged Bialigront, on the River Bohou, held by the Tartars-Praecopenses, where was a Garrison of Janlzaries, and many Moldavian Boyers, who making many salleys, slew above 300 of his Men, himself being like to be taken, if Tiscevich and his Troop had not speedily forced the Enemies to retire, leaving many dead on the place.

Coreskie being without Cannon, now rose and returned to Yas; and soon after Hebraym Bassa wrote to Alexander (as if his Friend) and told him, thenceforth he should be quiet in Moldavia, because the chief Visier, Stephano's greatest Supporter, was in disgrace, promising to imploy himself for him, to the Sultan; this was to make him carelesse, or draw some reward from him, if the grand Seignior should confirme him, as it was somewhat likely; for soon after they heard he had commanded that Bassa to bring Stephano alive or dead, with all belonging to him, from Brahile whither he was retired: Who marching thitherward withall diligence, and a [...] with him, sent one to tell Stephano of his coming, and that next day he would dine with him: he distrusting nothing, went early to meet him, alighting to do him reverence as the Bassa did; where after some little conference, he drew out a Commission to seize upon him, and carry him to Constantinople.

Whereupon Stephano willed his Servants to shift for themselves; then the [...] struck Him betwixt the Shoulders with his Mace, [Page] and binding him hand and foot, they drew him in a Cart with four horses to Constantinople: where, to avoid punishment for his wicked actions and flight, he turned Turk.

The Bassa also had sent to seiz on all he had at Brahile, and Nicopolis where his wife was: so that he had nothing left, but continual torment of conscience for his barbarous cruelties in [...]: Some of his men, telling at Yas, what befell him in their sight, they generally gave thanks to God, and were very joyfull.

Soon after, News came to Yas, that the Sultan had appointed [...], [...] of Moldavia (much better than Valachia) sending Skinder Bassa with a powerful army to settle him, and expel Alexander: And June 25. 1616. he came to Tergovist, where was Michna with great preparations: the Bassa entred with 30 or 40 Musicians on horseback, making but silly musick; and many Pages, who for cloaks, ware Leopards, Lions, and Tigers skins, his army being about twenty thousand men, Turks and Tartars, to whom Michna joyned with ten thousand horse and [...]. Being come into the Castle, after many complements, the Bassa and Michna entred into a great Hall, where he presented him his Letters Patents, and a Robe his Master had sent him: Michna putting it on in presence of his Nobles, and being proclaimed Prince and Vayuod of Moldavia, with many ceremonies: Then Michna led the Bassa into another great Hall, where was a Feast prepared, offering to serve him; but he made him sit down right against him.

July 2d. they marched into Moldavia: but the Princess (Alexanders Mother) maintained, that the Bassa came onely to bring the Patents to her Son, by reason of [...] Bassa's former Letters, was the cause of their utter ruine.

[Page]About which time Zolchelchy (the Polish Kings General) through Envie and private Interest, wrote to Michna and the Bassa, if they would promise him to procure the eldest Son of Simeon living with him, to be Prince of Valachia, he would so weaken Alexander's Army, that he must yield or flee: which granted, he wrote to some Cossack Captains to come speedily into Poland, to go with Uladislam their Kings Son, chose Duke of Muscovie, who would go thither with a great Army through some crosses, and they should be very well paid: Wherefore concealing that Invitation, they began to mutiny; saying, If they had not money speedily, they would be gone: 8000 of whom went early in the morning, with great store of cattel, and the spoils they had gotten. Likewise Bicho, Alexanders General, whether through fear, or being corrupted, retired toward the Enemy with two thousand horse: Hereupon many advised Alexander to retreat: yea Michna (for fear of his false Prophets fore-warning) wrote and advised him to retire into Poland, before his Army approached nearer: Alexander went to counsel, July 25. but they could not resolve, most of the Army demanding their pay, or they would not fight: which they took for a pretext of retreating. The mean while, Michna's Vanguard of Tartars approaching, made them march from Yas towards Cochina: but the Tartars having notice, went and charged them in the Rear, where Potoskie having slain many with his own hand, was at last slain with an arrow. 'Tischevich coming speedily with a Troop of Cossacks, suriously slew 800 Tartars on the place, routing the rest. Alexander answered Michna's Letter, That contrary to his promise, he had craved aid of the Turks, to dispossess him of Moldavia, to which his predecessors never laid claim, neither could they, according to the Laws and Conventions, when the Moldavians submitted to the Sultan: [Page] none to be Vayuod there, unless there born; also he minded him that he might have dispossessed him of Valachia, when he entred Bonza, which he would not, sending him all his rich moveabls; and that if he abused his present Power, God would not let him go unpunished: and though his Army were far lesse than his, yet he feared them not; putting his chief confidence in the Almighty, who had used them oft to abate the Turks Pride, which he should abhorre, if a true Christian, rather than joyn to satisfie his ambition.

Skinder Bassa seeing this Letter, and incensed, Commanded his Lievtenant to pursue the Poles with 12000 choyse Men, who being then at Cotnard, Alexander hereupon made them advance towards [...]: at which time, Cherban's Chancellour, who came with 150 Horse, to assure him that his Master was coming with 5 or 6000 to ayd him, was pursued by the Turks near Yas, onely himself and one more escaping; So that Alexander could have no sure News of Cherban. Coreski also who stayed with 2500 Horse not far from Cotnard, was encountred by a great Troop, which he could not discover for a little Mountain; he charged some of them. But one Troop being defeated, another succeding, he must retreat: yet he slew almost 6000 Enemies, not above 250 of his own being lost.

The Turkish Commander amazed hereat, collecting his Men, joyned with 15000 others sent from Yas, approaching very near to the Polonians, where encouraging his Men, he sent a Challenge to Coreski, by a Captain whom he confest the most Valiant of all the Polonians, who coming and delivering his Charge, Coreskie, though he could not stand or sit on Horse-back for his wounds, would have accepted the Challenge, if Alexander and the rest had not caused him to excuse himself, through indisposition: shewing what the event of such a Combat, [Page] did import, the Princesses also instantly intreating, and his dearest Spouse, who was much afflicted for his wounds.

Tischevich intreated leave of Alexander, that he might accept thereof for his cousin Coreskie; which grantred, he sent to know if the Turks General would own it, which he did, knowing what Tischevich was: The Combat was to be betwixt the Armies within a quarter of a League of each other, and neither Party to be assisted. The Turks General being about 50 paces from his Army, washed his Mouth, Eyes, Nose, Ears, and privy Parts, believing (after his Law) that it would serve as a purifying; then praying toward the East, and so mounting, richly Armed and Furnished, marched softly towards Tischevich, who attended him: they began with Bowes and Arrowes, not hurting each other, till Tischevich shooting the Turk thorow with a Petronel, in his striving to rise, he rodd over him, wounding him in the right Arm, and at next blow slew him; then cutting off his head, he carried it to Alexander.

The Poles were very joyful, and the Turks much amazed, advertising the Bassa and Michna, they must bring all the Army and Cannon if they would be revenged. In the mean time, Bicho the Traytor with 2000 Tartars and Moldavians, got before the [...] to hinder their passage from Cotnard to Bothcan: Michna's Army investing them on the right hand, and the Turks behind; so that they had but on the left a Wood to favour their retrait: who being so invironed, Resolved to Fortifie themselves with their Ca ts and Carriages; but they were but 5 or 6000, to 22 or 23000, as they were thought to be; true, Cherban and Bossi were within 2 dayes journey with 10 or 12000 Men, which made the Enemy the more to advance. [Page] who coming near their Camp, and desiring onely to take the Princes and Princesses prisoners, with the chief Nobles, summoned the Polonians to deliver them into their hands; the rest to depart with Bag and Baggage: But they all answered, They would rather die than commit such base treachery. Hereupon some Canons were discharged, a great number of Poles being slain and wounded: These shooting to small purpose, with their small pieces, all their bullets being spent, and part of their powder lately burnt by accident: Tischevich thus enclosed, furiously with five hundred of the most valiant horse, forced thorow 3 or 4 Squadrons, set in guard by the Wood side, overthrowing all they encountred. Correskie would not have failed so to do, and carryed Alexander with him, but he could not sit on horseback: also he had rather die, than leave his Wife in that extremity: so he disguised himself, giving out, he escaped with Tischevich, as did the Princesses, that, if to be ransomed, to go for common persons.

The Turks Cannon having overthrown many of their Carriages, two Squadrons of Tartars and Turks in two places, came to force their Camp: who thereupon laid down arms, crying aloud, They yielded: The Enemy was very glad, as very desirous to take the Princes prisoners, and dispose of the rest: who entring their camp, and seizing on what they could, Alexander and Bougdan were delivered to Skinder Bassa, who leading them to Constantinople; for fear of perpetual Imprisonment, they became Renegadoes: But Bougdan being circumcized, dyed; and his Mother was confined to the old Seraglio. Coreskie (through disguise) was led to Yas among the common souldiers, where he was afterwards discovered by a souldier of his own party, who got his liberty and freedom thereby. [Page] the Turk who had gotten this Prince, led him to the Bassa: who recompencing him well, made both him and the Souldier swear, not to tell it to any, for he intended to draw some great Ransom from him; knowing, if he carried him to Constantinople, the Sultan would imprison him, and so he should have no benefit: but another false Polonian told Michna thereof, who was so [...], that he told the Bassa before many: He certainly knew, Coreskie was among his slaves, for whom the G. Seignior would call him to account: He answered, he would be glad of that, but he had yet no notice of him, thanking Michna for his caution: and, fearing the event of Coreskies escape for a Ransom, he told Michna next day, that Coreskie was found disguised, whom he would present unto his Master, with Alexander and Bougdan, as he did. Coreskies Wife, disguised and disfigured with her nailes and otherwise, fell into the hands of a Tartar. Captain, with many others, who carried her into Tartary, where she was inhumanly intreated.

Cosmo, the G. Duke's Galleys parting from Ligorne this year, they drew near Cerigo, April 25. where meeting with some Christian ships, they heard [...] in Chio, the Turk had prepared 2 Galleys to passe into Barbary: Inghirami resolving to set upon them by cover of the night, cast Anchor under Castle-Roux: but the Moon shining discovered him to the Turks: who advertising the [...], they began to flee, one rowing a main towards Land, and the other speeding her course at Sea. Inghiramie's Galley got before that going to land, being followed by St. Stephens Galley, grapling with it 3 hours, and striving to enter; but the Turks defending it valiantly, they were above an hour fastened together, hewing each other furiously, yea, the Turks entring Inghiramies Galley, fought valiantly upon the Hatches; but at last, the [...] took her, yet with much loss: It was the Iron Galley of that famous Pirate, Amurath Raise; the Captain Mustapha. [Page]Celebi a Portugall being taken, but sore wounded. The other was the Captain Galley of the said Raise, commanded by the Bey of Mitylene, called Amurath: this was infested by 2 Florentine Galleys, the Combat being no less furious than the other; but after some hours fight, the Florentines had the Victory: Amurath being slain, and Mustapha, whom these Galleys carried to Algier. They were great Galleys well furnished, and manned with 420 Janizaries, practised in Piracies: 240 Turks were taken, 430 Christians freed. They also recovered a Cannon and 2 Sacres of St. Johns Galley, and a Sayl of the G. Duke's Captain-Galley, which Raise had formerly spoiled: the rich commodities taken, were valued at 200000 Crowns; but the Florentines had 223 men wounded, and 35 slain: which made Inghirami return to Ligorn.

But the Emperour's Embassadour coming to Constantinople, was, because the peace concluded at [...] Torok in 1606, was somewhat altered by divers Interpretations made of those Articles: and this year in March, the Embassadours of both Emperours assembled at Vienna: wherethey concluded upon divers Articles, to remove all pretext of controversie in their explication: but Embassadours had first been mutually sent to Constantinople and Prague, with royal and rich Presents. The peace made at Situa Torok was to be observed for 20 years compleat, beginning at the date of those Presents which were signed and sealed by Embassadours on both sides, March 1. 1616. Of these Articles extracted out of Achmat's Letters Pattents, and of an accord for execution of the same, touching the Villages in controversie, and razing Fortifications; thou maist read at large in the 1362, 1363, and 1364 pages of the Turks History.

Alexandrina, Wife to P. Coreskie, being led captive unknown, to Bialigrot in Tartary, there received many indignities being with child: yea while she lay in, which was 5 or 6 months after her taking.

[Page]There was also one Jaques, a Polonian Souldier under Coreski, who though he might by her discovery, have purchased his own freedom, yet he would not: Wherefore the Princess (the Tartarian being one day absent) told Jaques: That having found him faithfull, she would direct him, how to redeem himself from captivity, so he would observe what she did prescribe: who promising so to do, yea with the hazard of his life; She said, Thou knowest the Tartar, whose captives we are, hath an elder Brother (very rich) who is lately become blind and deaf, through a great defluxion into his eyes and eares, for which his Brother seems much afflicted. I have a Jewel which my Husband gave me when we were made sure: which I much esteeming, have hid, sometimes in my hair, sometimes in rags since my captivity; for he assured me, it had many and singular Vertues: and that it would restore the sight; and cure deafnesse, so 'twere not natural or too inveterate. I will give thee this Stone, when thou hast sounded the Tartar, whether he will free thee if thou dost cure his Brother, making him swear solemnly not to retain it, that thou mayest restore it me unknown to him: She said also, Thou must demand of the sick man, a Horse, Money, and Passeports to go into thy own Country, that thou mayst go speedily to my dear Husband; where ever thou shalt hear of him, and bring me an Answer of my Letters if possible.

Jaques, having sworn to perform all, she gave him the Stone: who finding the Tartar one day much afflicted with his Brother's infirmity, told him, He knew how to cure him, without pain, or taking any thing inwardly: I believe nothing, said he; for all the Physitians in the Country could not do it: yet if he could, he promised to free him without Ransom, and give him whererewith to conduct him: that is that (said Jaques) I meant to demand: thou swearing also by thy great [Page] God, not to fail of thy promise, when I have performed mine, and not to retain, or let any one take from me what I shall use in the cure. The Tartar swearing, and laying his right hand upon his heart, although distrustful, yet acquainted his Brother herewith, who entreated him not to neglect the offer, promising him both the Ransom, and mony he should give him. The day comne, the Tartar prest the prisoner to perform his promise, and the sick man promised him a Horse and [...] Chequines, taking his Brothers Oath; so he bound the stone to one eye seven hours: which taken off, he saw clearly, recovering th'other eye in like manner, and his hearing by the like application: Wherea they much rejoycing, gave him what they promised, and procured him Passports from the Governour: who, before his departure, told the Tartar, the Polonian-woman was his near kinswoman entreating him for his sake to use her and her Infant better; and perhaps returning, himself would bring her ransom; so, he receiving the Ladies Letters to Prince Coreski: he departed, and by the way met with a Polonian, who being taken with Alex. had escaped; of whom Jaques carefully enquiring of the captive-Princes, and chiefly of Coreskie; and, hearing he was in the prisons of the black-sea, enquired how he might speak with him, or convay some Letters to him: he answered, 'Twas very difficult, for he was straitly guarded: but he heard the French Embassadour could sometimes send to visit him. Jaques entreated him, to deliver some Letters Alexandrina had wrote to her kinsfolks; came to Constantinople; and through means of one of the French Embassadours men, employed to carry Coreskie money, &c. he delivered to him his Letters, which he received with much joy: and 8 days after he came and received from him an answer to his Wife; and after many troubles returning to Bialigrot (the Tartar and his servants being a hunting) he gave her an account, and delivered his Letters, whereat she was much joyed, though [Page] abundantly, grieved for his captivity, hearing all Ransom was refused: she told Jaques, since his departure, the Tartar was jealous of her quality, enquiring of her, of her Husband, Kinsfolks, and their Estates: who said, he was a Captain, taken and carried with Alexander into Turky; her other Kinsfolks being Souldiers, ruined in the troubles of Moldavia, bidding Jaques well to remember it, lest they were found to differ, when treating of her Ransom. The Tartar comming home, entertained Jaques very kindly: who asked him, what Ransom he would require for her? he said, 6000 Chequines for her and her Son, unless he would give him the Stone, with which he had cured his Brother. Jaques replyed, he had restored the stone to a Nobleman, whom he followed when he was taken: and as for the Ransom demanded, 'twas more than she and all her Kinn were worth: she being Wife to a Captain taken with Alexander, still detained for lack of means: the Tartar interruptingly said, he heard she was of Noble Extraction, and had rich Kinsfolks: True, said the Polonian, she is of Noble parents, but ruined in the troubles of Moldavia; adding, he would not have returned, if he had thought he would have demanded above a 1000 Chequines, entreating him to accept thereof, she being his Kinswoman, and for the good he did to his Brother. Thou hast bin satisfied, said the Tartar, and no cause to complain; yet, after some contest, by the mediation of the cured man, her Ransom was set at 3000 Chequines: whereof Jaques advertising Charls, Coreskies Brother, he sent it with all speed: so the Princess and her Infant were redeemed, and conducted into Poland by their faithfull Solicitour: whence, she certified Coreskie of her deliverance. This was written by a Frenchman, who said, he was present in all the troubles of Moldavia.

In 1617. a Chiaus, a Spanish Renegado, called Solyman, came to Paris from Achmat, with Letters for freeing 28 [Page] slaves, who being ransomed in Italy, returning to Constantinople, were taken by ships of Marcelles, which that King did: but the Chiaus further intreated him for justice [...] the Moors, expelled Spain, and wronged in goods and persons, passing into France: wherein he had all contentment; yet he openly said, he was amazed at their long delayes in the dispatch of suits in France, which had the reputation to maintain every mans right; the Execution being many times longer than the suit it self: wheras the Turks within eight days see an end of the greatest Suites. He with his train was defrayed 6 or 7 moneths at the King's charge.

The Othoman Empire entertained this year 4 great Armies: one against the Persian, the other against the Pole, almost all Tartars (Land-Armies) as supporting Michna, whom the Turks had settled in Moldavia; and 2 Naval Armies, one in the black-Sea against the Russians or Cossacks: who made daily incursions into the Othoman Country, going to sea in small Boats, carrying but 5 or 6 men, made of hollow Trees; so that, when disadvantage forces them to retreat, they retire so near to [...], that the Turks Galleys cannot approach them, so preventing a total overthrow; yea, in the end of the last year, finding the passage stopt at the mouth of Danubius by the Turkish Galleys, they brought their Boats in Carts by the Mountains, into the Sea. A fourth Army was employed, either to conduct the Caravan of Aegypt to Constantinople, or in the search of the annoying Galleys of Malta and Florence. Haly Bassa led that against the Persian, succeeding Mehemet; who, having lost 60000 men in a set-Battel, and being sent for, fearing the Sultans revenge, retired to the Sophie.

The Turks, much annoyed at Sea and Land by the Uscoques, greatly complained to the Venetian State, with whom they were in League, by whose Territories they got into Turkie: the small resistance made, gave much cause [Page] to suspect there was secret Intelligence betwixt their Subjects and the Uscoques, dividing the spoil betwixt them. The Turks, seeing it impossible to revenge themselves in the Uscoques Country because by Letters of the Venetian State, their passage was stopt, they resolved to be revenged upon their Subjects, preparing to, come into the gulphs of Venice with a mighty Army, which doubtless had brought that State to great extremities, and much prejudiced many Christian Provinces; but let us shew what these Uscoques were. About 1550, there assembled in plains nigh the Sea, belonging to the House of Austria, people, from divers confines of Hungary, and such as were banished the State of Venice, delighting onely to live upon spoil and bloud: which Thieves (called Uscoques) as enemies to all Art and Industry, retired into a Desart Country, receiving no pay from the Princes of Austria, there commanding; so, adding the spur of poverty to their inclination, all Liberty was left them to rob and spoil: and making light foists, they made Sea-courses with the most barbarous cruelty of any inhumane Nation; yet concluding to shadow their insolencies, with a colour of going against the Infidels: Wherefore (at first) all Merchants, Turks Jews, or Turkish Subjects (though Christians), if they entred the gulph to Traffique, or furnish Venice, they took them, dividing their goods, and must pay a great ransom, or die miserably: all the Ports of the Venetian State, whence they had Victuals, these Pirates soon after shut up; & the Turks now traffiquing no more, they began to set upon the Venetian ships, forcing the Merchants by torments, to say, the goods belonged to the Turks, though their chief booty came from Christians. And having drawn many to them, they (ere long) out of covetousness, and for the more pretence, that they might be supported in Princes Courts, entred with all violence into the Turks Country thorow the Venetian's, to whom they were as hurtful as to them, from whom they carried rich spoils and many prisoners.

[Page]If they came nigh the Maritime coasts by Sea, all rich and good things were subject to their greediness: whence grew the aforesaid complaint, and threatning of the Venetian: which afterwards bred a cruell War betwixt that State, and the Arch. Duke, Ferdinand of Grets, and then Emperour, who seemed to support them, to engage the Venetian against the Turk.

Novemb. 15. 1617. Sultan Achmat, 30 years old, and Raigning 15, died: being of a good constitution and complexion, enclining to be fat, strong and active, exceeding any of his Court, in casting a Horsmans Mace of 9 or 10 li: there being 2 pillars set up in a Court of the Seraglio, in memory of his dexterity: he was ambitious and proud, which some hold befitting his [...], not so cruell as many of his Predecessors: much given to sensuality, entertaining 3000 Concubines and Virgins, the fairest Daughters of Christians: he kept for hawking, in Greece and Natolia, 40000 Faulkoners, with good yearly pensions, his Huntsmen being as many and chargeable. Mahomet his Father (according to their Law, once a day to practise some manual Trade) made Arrows: and Achmat Horn-rings used in drawing of Bowes. This is in the morning, after their prayers: but 'tis but for form, for the Sultans scarce make one of these in a year.

The Raign of Mustapha the first, ninth Emperour of the Turks.

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ALthough the Custom of the Turkish Emperors, was to have neither Brother or Nephew alive, unless saving themselves by flight: yet the Court Officers concluded, it was not fit Mustapha, Achmats younger Brother should die; for that, their Emperour being but 15 years old, they feared, that dying in his nonage, without children able to Govern, the Empire might fall into combustion and ruin through civil Wars, so Mustapha's life was preserved: yet so, as to remain still a prisoner in some of the Chambers of the Seraglio: and before Achmat had children, no cruel Decree was made against him, but he continued his contemplation without any liberty; but when Achmat had issue, he oft propounded the putting Mustapha to death, which was often concluded: It's written, his death was one evening agreed on, and to be executed next day; but Achmat was so frighted in the night with Apparitions and fearfull dreams: that he said, Since that resolution alone had so terrified him, he believed his torments would much encrease, if put in execution: Wherefore, he commanded his Brother should live.

Another time, Achmat out of a Window, beheld Mustapha, whom he had permitted to walk in the Gardens with his Guard; and one near him (to [...] him) told him, 'twas dangerous to suffer his so great liberty: Whereupon, in a rage, he took his Bow and Arrow (being a very expert Archer as the Turks generally are) ayming [Page] to kill his Brother, but at that instant, he felt such pain in his arm and shoulder, as not able to let loose his Arrow: saying aloud, Mahomet would not have Mustapha to die. He had 3 Chambers for Contemplation, whose whole delight was to read the Arabian Books of their Doctors in divers Sciences. Achmat let him sometimes take the ayr of his Gardens, calling him to consult with him of State-affairs, taking his advice, knowing him of a sound judgement. But Achmat falling grievously sick, his Bassaes and Counsellors perswaded him to take some good course for the succession. His young children were not capable to govern, and besides the Sultana their Mother was dead: but Sultana Flatra Mustapha's Mother was yet living, who lest her Honour should be Ecclipsed, by Government of the Bassaes during the Childrens minority, perswaded dying Achmat, to make Mustapha his Successour; So on his dying day, he calling sor Mustapha, entreated him to take the Government upon him presently after his death: who amazed, answered in much fear and humility, He might not accept of that Honour, since the Empire of right belonged to his eldest Son.

Achmat, disabled his Son for so great a Government, both for his age and capacity, recommending the Sultanaes children unto him, entreating him to use them as he had him, leaving the other children to his discretion: soon after which words he died: and Mustapha 25 years old (Osman Achmats eldest son being but 12) was proclaimed Sultan Cham, who at first, thought he had been in a dream: causing the Persian Embassadour to be set at liberty, whom Achmat had restrained, contrary to the publike Faith; then, he sent speedily to the Bassa of Buda, to entertain the Treaty of peace made with the Emperour, inviolably: yet during his short Raign, he behaved himself insolently and cruelly; for he, ill entreating the Baron of Mole or Sancie, French Embassadour, set Guards upon him, as a prisoner, imprisoning and torturing his [Page] people: and that upon this occasion. Prince Coreskie being brought to Constantinople, the G. Seignior, was exceedingly pleased; for his very Enemies held him for one of the most valiant and redoubted Princes of Christendom: Wherefore, he was confined to the Towers of the black-Sea (five miles from Constantinople) appointed for prisoners of great Quality and Importance: being shut up with Rigaut a French Captain, in a small Chamber on the top of a Tower, wherein was a Window for a man to passe thorow, yet without Barrs, as being so high, Coreski was much solicited by the Turk to turn Renegado; but he wovld rather die in tedious Captivity, than do such an act against God and his Conscience: which made the King of Poland write to the French Embassadour, to be a meanes that he might be freed from Captivity at any Ransom: which the Embassadour durst not undertake, though much desiring it, as having no charge from his King.

The Emperour's Embassadour did what possibly he could, but the Turk would by no means release him, so as his Friends despaired of his liberty. But there had been a Lady taken out of Podolia, with her fair young Daughter, and a maid servant, by the Tartars, who selling them to a Turk, he brought them to Constantinople to make profit.

This Lady (a Christian) not hearing of her Husband in nine months: went, with her Daughter to the French Embassadour's House at Pera, to crave his assistance: where his Secretary (Martin) promised them all service; and afterwards assured the Mother, if she would promise him, he should marry her Daughter, he would endeavour their Redemption: Who yielding thereto, and passing their promise in Writing, he payed 2500 Crownes Ransom, and sent them home: at whose return, the Lady acquainting [Page] her Husband and Friends with the whole businesse; the Father wholly disliked of the Marriage; because Martin (he said) was no Gentleman, and had not an Estate according to his Daughters quality: the Mother advertising Martin hereof, protested, her Husbands refusal was the only hinderance; but for the mony he disbursed, they would send it him (if he pleased) with interest. Martin much discontented, divers Expostulations passed betwixt them, but he could not obtain their promise: Whereupon, growing full of grief and melancholy, he went to visit P. Coreskie; complaining unto him, asking what course he had best to follow (for he knew these Podolians, and had formerly allowed of his suit to the Virgin) who comforted him: saying, If he might any way escape, he would maintain him to all Opposers against the accomplishment of his desires: Hereupon, love suggested unto Martin, to send unto Coreskie a bottom of Packthred in a little pye, which he sent him with other meat: writing to him, that on a night appointed, he should let down the packthred, whereto a Ladder of cords should be tyed, whereby he might descend: to effect which, Martin having engaged a Greek Priest, upon hope of great reward from Coreskie, himself resolved to be gone for fear of suspition; telling the Embassadour, he had some speciall affairs which pressed his speedy return for France.

The Greek Priest, failed not at the time, to do as the Secretary had directed him, attending the descent of the Prince and his Chamber-fellow, and conducting them to a cave in a Rock, a League off, and in the evening conducting these 2 Cameradoes to his Lodging in Constantinople, in habits like his own, and concealing them there as long as they thought fit.

At break of day, Novemb. 23. 1617. Some of the Guards entring the Chamber, saw them escaped, and finding the Ladder of Ropes tyed to the Window, were much amazed, knowing they should smart for it; yet the chief [Page] Jaylor sent speedily to Constantinople, to give notice thereof: then Posts were sent to all parts to enquire of these Fugitives: giving those of the ports and passages speciall charge to observe all men that passed, if there were not one who had the little finger of his right hand shrunk up, as Coreskie had, by a wound. Few dayes after, the Turk seized on the French Embassadours servants, torturing 2 of them, by laying them (as they are wont) on a Table, on their bellies, and giving them 3 or 400 blows with a staff on the soles of their feet, calves of their leggs, and buttocks, yet said they nothing to charge their Master; they did also the same to a poor Turk (a Weaver) dwelling nigh the Embassador, that he might falsely depose, he had seen Martin going and comming to his Masters Lodging, till the time of the prisoners escape: but God suffered him to depose nought but truth, notwithstanding all those cruel Torments: though the Turks do generally much rejoyce at the dysasters of Christians. Of the guarders, some were impaled, others beatt to pieces in great Iron Mortars, wherein they pound their Rice to Meal.

Three dayes after, the Chiaus Bassa seized upon the French Embassadour himself, and that very severely and uncivilly, leading him to the Visier's House, where being examine much, about Coreskies escape, he was left a prisoner in the Chiaus's House 3 days: who the while, desiring to speak with some Friends, and also with the Mufti, of his just grievances, he could not, but by giving 2000 Crowns to his Jaylor; who, hereupon told him, if he would have any favour from the Mufti, it must be by mony; so, he giving 3 or 4000 Crowns, the Mufti acquainted the G. Seignior Mustapha, with his just complaints, and of what importance his detention was, since nought was found to charge him with favoring Coreskies escape; & that his Secretary, who did it for private profit, [...] left him to or 12 days before: and that all the world would tax him with violating the Law of Nations; no Christian Prince [Page] would confide in him, and to be feared they would all joyntly War against him. And truly, the English and Dutch Embassadours protested openly, if he were not speedily set free, they would retire home. Hereupon, Mustapha commanded the said French Embassador, to be sent to his House without further displeasure; yet he must pay 22, or 23000 Crowns for the redemption of his Houshold servants, who were threatned to be tormented to the danger of their lives. But soon after, the G. Visier hearing of Mustaphaes tyrannous Government, returned from Persia with his Army, raigning but 2 moneths and odd days, who had given great summs to the Janizaries and Spahies, to confirm him in his Throne, keeping yong Osman under sure Guards, and putting to death his Brethren.

But Coreskie, and Captain Rigaut, laying hid 2 months in the Greek Priests House; he got leave of the Patriarch of Alexandria, for himself and 2 others (he said) of his Society, to go to Hermites, living in the Desarts of the Archipelagus, like the ancient Anchorites; So disguised as Priests, they sailed to Etchut, where an English ship being ready to set sail for Messana, Coreski thence went to Naples: where discovering himself to the Polish Embassadour, he, exceedingly glad, led him to the Duke of Ossuna the Viceroy; who furnished him to go to Rome, where the Pope had great content to see him, and hear of his Adventures: thence passing to Vienna, the Emperour, worthily entertained him: after which he went home, full of Honor; yet the English Embassadour said, He [...] into Poland by the Black-sea.

Osman the first, tenth Emperor of the Turks.

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OSman set at libeuty, the G. Visier, had him proclaimed Sultan, and seated in the Othoman Throne, with a generall applause: whereby, the French Embassadour freed from his Guard, advertised his Master of his barbarous intreaty by Mustapha, intreating a revoke from his charge; Wherefore, the King sent 2 to Osman, to demand reparation of the Indignity to his Embassador and Secretary; telling him, He could send no other to his Court, to condole Achmat his Fathers death, nor congratulate with himself, till suitable satisfaction were received: Whereupon, the Visier and Mufti, advised Osman, to send an Embassadour to the King of France, to confirm their League, and to testifie both by word, and Letters (which he sent unto him by Uri Chiaus) how much he was displeased for his discontentment: whereby the French King receiving full satisfaction for the said Indignity; soon after, calling home the Baron of Mole, or Sancie, he sent the Earl of Sezi to succeed him.

The G. Visier, being sent to invade Persia with a great Army: after many exploits, news came to Constantinople, that the Visier had much the better of the Sophi in a Battel, wherein a hundred thousand men were slain: the Turks lost most, who retired or fled; for that [...] useth to fight with the Turks, in giving way a little.

After this, the Visier entring far into Persia, many [Page] doubted, his return would prove difficult: yet soon after came Letters, that the Turks in Persia, being much distressed for Victuals; the Sophie had sent to the Visier to demand peace; promising hereafter the Tribute of Silks he owed yearly: the Visier granting him peace in regard of necessity, which Osman ratifying, the Sophie sent many Camels laden with Victuals to the Turks Army.

During this War, upon Achmat's Anniversary day, a Comet appeared by night over Constantinople, like a crooked Sword or Scimitar: it extending from the Meridian near our Zenith to the Horizon: the point shewing it self, it appeared little and somewhat whitish; [...] an hour more apparent, and of a deeper colour: and the more it rose, the redder and like bloud: but at day-break, it vanished by degrees in the light. It was so big, when the point drew nigh the Zenith, that the Hilt was hid under the Horizon: Mathematitians observed, it followed the Heavens motion, ever rising in one place; and the Swords bending was towards Crates, but more Southerly: appearing in the very East a quarter Southward, the point comming directly towards Constantinople, and the blade extending East and a quarter South, just where Persia is scituated: the [...] directly towards Constantinople. Men discoursed diversly, and many amazed, feared the losse and defeat of their Army in Persia.

Uri Chiaus, ending his Embassy in France, came into England with the like charge (to wit) for continuing the bond of Peace, & daily encreasing of Friendship, betwixt the Turkish Emperour and the King, [...] whom he had audience at Whitehall: Sir Tho. Glover, being Interpreter of his [...]: [...] he made a very brief speech at taking of his leave: beseeching the King to vouchsafe his Princely Answer by [...], by him his slave, as he had presented to him the Imperial Letter of the most Mighty Sultan Osman his Lord and Master; Wherein he declares, that the Turkish Monarchy, had almost till that time been alwayes [Page] hereditary from Father to Sonne; but his Noble Uncle, Sultan Mustapha, was for his years, preferred to sit on the Ottoman Throne, taking care of its affaires for a time; but he having been many years retired in solitariness, and given to devotion and divine obedience, and, as it were, wearied with cares of the Empire, of his own accord, withdrew himself from the Government; because the Scepter of the 7 Climates, was the true right of himself, whereof (he said) God Almighty (by the consent of all the Visiers, and other Deputies of State, the Primate of the Musulman Law, and the other Doctors, the other Souldiers, and all Subjects) had made a worthy guift unto him, &c. and since it was an ancient Custom of his Predecessors, to certifie such Princes thereof as were, and continued in sincere friendship, with his House of great Majesty, he had also written those Letters by Uri, or Hussein Chiaus, the choise among his equals, hoping when they should come to his hands, he (in conformity of the well-grounded friendship upon the League and [...], of old established with his Royal Race) would certifie to the Governours of his Dominions, his great joy therefore, that they might know that those former Articles, and firm points of the Oath, should undoubtedly, during his Reign, be observed with all respect.

Halill Bassa also (chief Visier) and General against the Persian, at his return from the Wars to the City Senit, in April 1618, wrote to Sir Paul Pindar, the English Embassador, then at Constantinople, giving him a brief account of the said expedition, and how they went to Van, then to Tauris, sacking, destroying, & tormenting all the people that came to hand: and putting 7 or 800 Persians of note, to the Sword, whom some of his Army met withall; the Persian General, (whom he calls, of perverse Religion, and accursed) fleeing: they going on towards Erdevil (after a [...]) wherein some of his, he [Page] said, but innumerable of the enemies fell) they went so burning, spoiling and killing all they met, that from the Confines to Erdevill, 20 dayes journey, was by them so destroyed: then the King fleeing out of Erdevil to Hulchal, made his Army go to the top of a high Mountain, and thence sent 3 or 4 times for peace, promising 100 Somes of silk yearly to the Sultan, and all places gotten upon the confines in Solyman's time, except Der Ne, and Der Tink, wherewith he was contented: and so returning the same way, always spoiling, they came to Erzirum.

The Warres growing hot in Bohemia, against the Protestants in 1619, by the Emperour's raising what Forces he could to suppress them: the Governours wrote to Bethlem Gabor, to acquaint them with their affaires: who answered: Transilvania standing even in the jawes of the Turks, who were always watchful to embrace all occasions, upon any discord of the Christians, chiefly, having pacified all quarrels with the Persian, and no Rebels in Asia; he would attend the consent and favour of the Sultan, that he might have no occasion to break into the Neighbour Countries, and himself the better to imploy his best meanes to reconcile the discords among the Christians: so sending to Constantinople accordingly, he [...] Letters thence Aug. 17th, assuring him of his consent and favour: whereupon, he resolved, for all the [...] of the House of Austria, the Pope, and others, to take Arms in defence of the Bohemians, [...] in Septemb. to be upon the confines of Moravia, if not somewhat stayed in Hungary: Hearing of Bohemia and Moravia's Estate, he entred upper Hungary with an Army, where most of the Barons submitted to him: onely Humanoy opposed him; but he was fain to flee into Poland: then Bethlem sent his Army 18000, and took Filek, Novigrade, and other places, seizing on Newhusall, whose Governour was delivered unto him bound.

[Page]The Palatine of Hungary, wrote to Redei his General, to consider what the Kings of Spain and France, their forces were, with the House of Austria, and their Allies, and that Electors, (some excepted) would aid the Emperour: who answered, he doubted not of those things, yet hoping ere they came, all should be ended, and their dinners provided.

Soon after, Pr. Bethlem came to Presburg with his Army, where the Hungarian Kings are usually crowned: whereupon, they sent 3000 Souldiers from Vienna, with three Ordnance down [...], who entring the Suburbs Octob. 13th, the Transilvanians in that stormy and rainy night, slew most of them, their Commander fleeing with some few: Then Bethlem sent to the Palatine to demand the Town and Castle, giving him some time to resolve; and after some consulting with the Nobles, the Town was yielded unto him, after which, he sent part of his Army to the Gates of Vienna in Austria, where they committed great spoil.

In Novemb. Bethlem Gabor, and the States of Hungary, sending Embassadors [...] Prague, propounded (among other Articles) they joyntly to send Embassadors to the Grand Seignior, and the Prince of Transilvania, to negotiate: and since Hungary was much exhausted, what should be taken in Stiria, Carinthia, and Carniola, to be united to it, that it might the better resist the Turk: all which, tended to the prejudice and ruine of the House of Austria.

Bethlem, knowing he had much incensed the Emperour, and whole House of Austria, by these actions; he therefore in the end of this year, sent an Embassador with Presents to Constantinople, to crave assurance of the Sultans aid and support, if the Emperour should invade Transilvania, having first prevailed over the Bohemians: where, being countenanced by many chief Bassaes,

[Page] Osman confirmed unto him, his constant support and protection by an Oath, containing many fearful and Turkish imprecations, Jan. 5th: whereby Gabor assured, in the beginning of 1620, called an Assembly of the States of Hungary at Presburg, whither came Embassadors from the Bohemian King and States, and incorporated Provinces, concluding a mutual and perpetual League, both there, and then at Prague, one of the Articles being, that seeing there was chiefly need, a peace to be made and kept with the Turk, a new Embassage should be sent to the Sultan from them all, and [...], chiefly to undertake that business; yet so, that all should [...] their Embassadors, and bear their shares, both for the Presents and Charges.

In June, Bethlem Gabor, at an Assembly-of the Hungarian States at Newhusall, propounded, That he very much desired to restore Hungary, so afflicted, to freedom, and enjoyment of Religion and priviledges, he sparing no cost for its lawful defence, having (as a Witness that he desired peace) [...] the Crown offered him at Presburg: that the ground of peace, was to maintain the League begun with the Bohemians: That he always desired peace with other Princes help, so it were sincere: to obtain which, he had aided his miserably afflicted Confederates: That he knew the Emperour desired Warre, who had let the Cossacks spoil many places of Hungary, with fire and sword, denying passage for the Bohemian and Austrian Embassadors: wherefore, they must now consult how Warre might be begun and maintained, &c. and for speedy sending Embassadors to the Turk, lest, being engaged in intestine Warre, the frontier Forts should be attempted: then there came Embassadors thither from Bohemia, Austria, Silesia, Lusatia, Poland, Turkie and Venice; this being content, that Commonwèalth should enter a League; the Turk also offering a perpetual League with them.

[Page]Aug. 25, Bethlem Gabor, at the Turks instance and with the applause of most of the States, was proclaimed King of Hungary, by the Palatine: and then he levied an Army of 30000, some say 50000, Horse and Foot, with many Ensignes, with divers Emblems and devices: wherefore, the Protestants of Vienna, the Emperour consenting, wrote, humbly intreating to spare the City and Countrey, for their innocent Wives and Childrens sakes; yet all the Citizens the while, were to provide for six moneths Victuals.

Constantinople had newes of an apparition seen at Medina in Arabia, where [...] being buried, the Turks use to go in Pilgrimage, to visit his Tombe, but they must first go to Mecha, a few days journey off for a Ticket from the Beglerbeg.

The Vision continued three weeks, terrifying the whole Countrey, because none could discover what it meant.

About Septemb. 20th, there was such a Tempest, and fearful thunder about midnight, as the Heavens were darkned, and those awake, almost distracted; but the Element being clear, they might read these words therein in Arabick, Oh why will ye [...] in lies? Between 2 and 3 a Clock, a Woman in white, was seen encompassed with the [...], with chearful countenance, and a Book in her hand.

From the North-west, (right against her) came Armies of Turks, Persians, Arabians, and other [...], in order, and ready to charge her; but she stirred not, onely opening the Book: whereat they fled; and presently, all the Lamps about Mahomet's Tombe, went out; for the Vision vanishing, (commonly an hour before Sun rising) they heard a murmuring wind, imputing their extinguishment thereto.

The ancient Pilgrims of Mahomet's race, who visiting this place, cut not their [...], were much amazed, as not conceiving the meaning hereof; but a Derviser, or Turkish Capuchin, living in contemplation, stepping boldly up, said to the Company: The World had rever [Page] but three true Religions, each having a Prophet: first God choosing the Jewes, did wonders for them in Aegypt, bringing them out by Moses, who gave them a Law, wherein he would have maintained them, if not obstinate, rebellious and idolatrous: so he gave them over, scattering them upon the face of the Earth: Presently after, he raised a new Prophet, who taught the Christian Religion; which Good Man the Jews [...] as a Seducer, not moved with his Piety, great Miracles, or Doctrine; yet afterwards, the preaching of a few Fishermen so moved mens hearts, as the greatest Monarchs bowed to his very Title, and yielded to the command of his Ministers; but their Church being dismembred into East and West, and idolatrously setting up Images, with many idle Ceremonies, God was weary of them too, sending divisions among them; and also, forsaking them, dispossessed them of Jerusalem, and Constantinople: Yet God, the Governour of the World, raised great Mahomet, giving way to our Nation, so that we shall be for ever happy, if we can serve this God aright, and take example by others fall; But alas! I tremble to speak it, we have erred in all points, wilfully breaking our first Institutions, so as God hath shewed his wrath by evident signs, keeping our Prophet from us, who set a time to return with all happinesse to his People, 40 years being past, by our account: Wherefore this strange and fearful Vision foretells some great troubles and Changes; For either the opening of the Woman's Book foretells our falling from [...] first intent of our Law, whereat these armed men depart, as confounded with guilt of Conscience; or [...] other Book in which we have not yet read, and against which no power shall prevail; so as I fear, our Religion will be proved corrupt, and our Prophet an Impostor, and then this Christ, whom they talk of, shall shine like the Sun, and set up his Name everlastingly.

[Page]The company at this word charging him with Blasphemy, a Capitall offence, condemned him, and by the Beglerbegs warrant, put him to Death, not beheading or strangling him as they usually do; but stripping him naked, gave him, 100 blows on the soles of his Feet, till the blood came forth; the poor Priest crying still upon the Woman that opened the Book: Then they beat all his Body with a Bulls pizzel, till his sinewes crackt, and laying him on a Wheel, with an Indian Sword of Sinewes, they brake his bones to pieces; He crying to the last gasp, Oh thou Woman with the Book save me! The Beglerbeg (when as there was a fearful tempest) sent some Spahies to advertise the Sultan of these tydings.

Michna being made Vayuod of Moldavia by Achmat, and the Polonian party wholly overthrown in 1616, he enjoyed it not long; but, whether through a natural death, or disgrace with the Sultan, I read not; yet after him was there another Vayuod of Moldavia, Gasparo Gratsiani, and this year in disgrace with the grand Seignior. He was born at Gretz, a Town of great strength belonging to the Arch-Dukes of Austria; but being of small fortune, and regard, in his own Country, he went to Constantinople, serving Sir Tho: Glover, before he was English Embassadour, under whom he learned to Read and Write the Turkish tongue: Then he came with him into England, and by his recommendation was imployed to Constantinople, for redeeming young Sir Tho: Sherley, a Prisoner among the Turks: with whom, he coming to Venice, and hearing Sir Tho: Glover was sent Embassadour to the Sultan, he went to Constantinople, to his old Master, where he yearly carryed Christians into Italy, returning Turks for them: and arriving with a Shipfull of Turks about the end of Achmat's Reign, he acquainted the Visier with his good service, [Page] who asking him of his Countrey and breeding, asked also, if he would undertake to go to the Emperour, to reconcile all difficulties touching the Peace, which should be for his advancement; but before his return, Achmat was dead, yet he pressed the Bassa, to be made Vayuod of Moldavia, which he effected rather for his Presents, than his Merits; but growing into some disgrace, the Sultan choosing another, charged certain Capigies, that, taking 400 Turks upon the Frontiers of Moldavia, to go and strangle Gasparo; whose Spies advertising him hereof, he with some Troops, met them on the way, and cut them all in pieces; then returning to Yas, he slew one thousand Turks: after which, fleeing into Poland, with two thousand Horse, they write, he thence made divers incursions into Moldavia, and, aided by the Cossacks, much spoiled the Turks, keeping possession thereof, though the Turk had made another Vayuod. For which support, and former quarrels, Osman seeming much incensed against the Polonians, made it his colour, for levying an Army, (as is said) of 300000 men, having drawn all his Forces out of Asia.

The Turk sending 60 Galleys to Sea, they came into the Mediterranean, and coasting Sicilie, they sent 20 Galleys, who surprized the Town Manfredonia in Naples; and spoiling it, carried away 14, or 1500 Captives, and so retired to Sea.

The other Galleys laying about Vellona, in the Gulf; the Spaniard suspected, the Venetian knew of this enterprise.

After which, was newes, that the Vessels of Algiers, took Juisa, an Isle four miles about, nigh [...], of great importance: its Haven being able to contain much shipping; to guard which, the King of Spain had a great Garrison, which much annoyed those of Algiers: yet was it not then certain, whether the Castle (as was the Town) were taken.

[Page] Osman, imputing his losse in Poland, to the sedition of the Pretorians, resolved to cashier them, and transport his Throne out of Constantinople, and establish it in Damascus in Syria: But his design being discovered, his Souldiers rebelled, and having brought Mustapha, his Uncle, out of prison, they disrobe Osman, and strangle him with a Bow-string, the 20th of May, one thousand six hundred twenty two. And so Mustapha was again declared Emperour; but the year following, he was again shut up in prison.

The Life of Amurath the fourth, Eleventh Emperour of the Turks.

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AMurath, Osman's Brother, was chosen in his Place; Who in 1632 concluded a Truce with the young Persian, and brings back his torn Armies, at which time his American Navy was cast away, being 10 Ships, whereby he lost 1500 Sea-men of Warr. In 1634, he hanged a Venetian Merchant, who had (as it were) defiled his Concubins Palace, with a Prospective Glasse; as also the Muphti, that is, the High-Priest, which is strange, he being accounted his Corrivall, and equal with him in honour.

The Turk had a Battle with the Persians (in 1635), whereby Rava was surrendred to him. In that Battle were slain 90000 Turks, and 20000 Persians; yet the Turk, being more numerous, remained Victor: He burn'd 4 Villages belonging to Buda, killed 50 poor men, and carryed away 70 into slavery; though, but in August before, he had almost destroyed Buda by Fire. In 1639 the Turks in Asia conquered Babylon, where the Persians lost 40000 men, but their own losse is unknown: But in the mean time the Sultan appoints a Navy to go against the Cossacks, which ran toward Breger in Hungary, devouring the prey; yet the Plague in Aleppo makes his Imperial Majesty depart for fear.

The Life of Ibraim, Twelth Emperour of the Turks, first of that Name.

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AMurath (who had the repute of a good Souldier, but a great Tyrant) dying in the year 1640, the 33d year of his Age; his Brother Ibraim, in the 27th year of his Age succeded him; who continued his endeavour for Peace with Persia, but, calling the Tartars into his fellowship, threatned War with Poland; his Pyrates likewise took a Spanish Ship, valued to be worth 300000 Florens.

In 1644, the great Vizier presents himself armed before the Sultan, and reproveth evil-affected Persons; whom, being received by the Emperour's Mother, (an invective Woman) he represseth, by laying to her charge the unruly desire of Women to bear Command, of which (it appears) she was guilty; for which he was assaulted with a Dagger, and striving to slip away was slain. Usur Piall, the High Admiral at Sea, (who was this year scattered by the Ships and People of Malta, who had taken a Ship, having in it many Concubins of noble Pedigree, and esteemed at 4000000 l.) was (after endeavour to escape) choaked by the Command of thegreat Turk; who, in 1645, gave Peace to Ragotzi of Transylvania, through the earnestness of Techerine his Embassadour. Now also the Sultan goes to Arms by Sea and Land, as threatning the European world, wherewith he besiegeth and taketh Canea: And deals injuriously with the French and Venetian Embassadours at Constantinople.

In 1646 the Emperour straggled with the Venetians, John Capello being his General in the room of Francis Erizzo, who dyed this year; and Francis Molino chief Capt. of the Duke's Navy, the first above 70 years of Age, the second one under.

[Page]The Turk's Weapons made Dalmatia tremble, for Novigrade is yielded to him, and Zare overcome; yet the Venetian recovered them again, freeing another place from siege, and slaying the Bassa of Bosna: The Turk vanquisheth Schissavian Castle, but is overcome at Dardanelles, and by Sea, losing 3 Oar-Gallies; yet had the upper hand at Canea, through the error of the Commander Valettane. Capello, craving excuse for his Age, had John [...] of Grimana his successor in General-ship: After which, the Venetians joyn a doubtful Battle with the Turks at Retime, a Town that yielded it self unto their violence. At that time also, the Jewes were taken in the very act of passing over, or conveighing Weapons to the Turks.

In 1647 and 1648, The Venetians afflict the Turks by Sea and Land; For the Christian Navy under the Knights of Malta, possess some places in their Enemy's Countrey, taking many Oar-Galleys, their Land-Army doing the like throughout Dalmatia, which made the Turk angry with his Captains. Foscol, the Land-General, vanquisheth three Towns in Dalmatia, and dispersing 4000 Infidels, two places more yielded to him; yet the Turk won Licca, and something elsewhere. The Venetians get Mirabel in Creet or Candy, with the Victualling-ships, and fight prosperously at the Forts of Dardanel; for which the Governour and three Bassaes, were slain at Constantinople; but he lost by shipwrack, Grimmane the High Admiral, with 1600 Souldiers, and the value of 14 millions. Thirty Gallies come laden with Souldiers and Victuals to Canea, from the Turk this year 1648, where two Forts are lost and regained by the Venetians, and that with much blood: the Earl of Solm is killed, with 17 Captains.

The Venetians likewise maintained the Haven of the pleasant vale of Suda, in that fruitful Island, against the [Page] opposing Turks; whose Emperour Ibrahim, by reason of his Tyranny, is reported about that time, to have given place to his Son.

The Life of Achmat the second, 13th Emperour of the Turks.

AChmat II, being proclaimed Emperour, and established. In 1649. The Venetians gave the Turks two overthrowes; one in the Haven of Foggio, where 72 Oar-Galleys perished, 18 bigger Ships, 60 Ships laden, 6000 Turks were slain with the Bassa, and as many [...] taken: And all this, with the losse of 90 Venetians, and 40 wounded. This made the Sultan change the purple Garments of Saranzone, his Embassador, into mourning Weeds. He also makes stop of the English ships, and so turns his force against the Venetians, who slew 1500 Turks at the Haven of Suda, drowning six Galleys, with the Bassa that was their chief Captain. They contend vehemently for [...], 4000 Sacks of Wooll, and 33000 scaling Ladders, being brought thither for storming; 'tis twice lost, and as often recovered, but at the third attempt, a Mine is made, which consumed 3000 Turks, and 200 Christians. Twice were the Alps of Italy crossed, into the lower [...], for prey. And when Haase had given place unto [...], and had gone into Dalmatia, twenty thousand Turks were there consumed with the Plague. However, more than 50000 Christians were captivated by him.

[Page]In 1650, He is watchful over the Persians, who appeared in Arms against Babylon, and he reneweth Peace with the Hungarians. He likewise reduceth the Cyprians, and the Bassa of Cagre into obedience. But in Candy the Venetian afflicts him in the Gulph, Del [...]; four times he was preyed upon, and the Haven of Maluase was stopt, together with [...]. Whereupon he moves War by Usais his Bassa, and that chiefly, because his Navy at Dardanelle was penn'd up; other Havens also were possessed by the Venetians, that provision could not be brought in to the Island.

In 1654. The Venetians obtained a great Victory over the Turks, having fought them two dayes together in the Dardanelles, wherein they slew 6000 Turks, wounded the General, Amurath Bassa, to death; taking 4 Men of War, and 16 Galleys; yet not without the losse of one Galliot, and five Galleys. The Turks about December the same year, thinking to surpize the Fortresse of Vesprin in Hungary by night, found such resistance, that they were forced to retire with the losse of 900 Men. Not [...] before which, the Grand Seignior of the Turks [...] advertised that the Vizier Bassa had long projected to make himself Emperour, through the assistance of the Greeks, who were to have rebelled; also by the correspondence he held with the Moscovites & Cossacks, whom he promised to embrace the Greek Religion; He called him before a Private Council, and being condemned to death, was strangled within 5 or 6 hours; imprisoning also the Patriarch of Jerusalem.

About April in 1656, there were great [...] (raised by 20000 Janizaries) at Constantinople, who massacred divers of the Sultan's Council, strangled the Visier Bassa, forced the Sultana, Mother of the Sultan, to fly to the old Seraglio for safety, the Muphti being glad to flye, [...] trusting these Mutineers, who designed to dethrone the grand Seignior, and establish his Brother. They deposing all [...] Officers in the Empire, to secure themselves [Page] from punishment, chose others in their room, who were at their devotion: So that although this confusion might have stop'd the Turks proceedings against the Venetians, yet the new ones made more vigorous preparations against their Interest in Candia than formerly; so that the [...] were forced to send Prince Horatio Farnese, & other chief Commanders with good numbers of Men, and store of Ammunition to maintain what they held in that Island. The Turks being come to Bagnaluth, making great Magazines at Clivano, with 8 great Artillery-pieces, and 1000 yoak of Oxen to draw them, for the besieging of [...], they ordered Antonio Bernardo to go into Dalmatia, as Commissary General, to assist the General Zeno. But within 2 or 3 Months after, these tumults in Constantinople being appeased, the grand Seignior riding through the City, gave Order for executing of the Ring- [...] of these Disorders: sending for the Bassa of Damasco, to accept of the slain grand Visier's Office; which great place was conferred on him, through but 24 years of Age, because of his great abilities. Who, about June, coming to Constantinople, with great Pomp and Solemnities was installed into the said Office: Presently after, that [...] Fleet was recruited with Men, Money, and other necessaries, over which the Venetian Fleet obtained a notable Victory, June 26, 1656. Who, having stayd one month in the Dardanelles, to wait for, and fight the Enemy, (7 Galleys of Malta arriving there); the Turks Capt. Bassa appeared in the sight of the Castles, his Fleet consisting of 28 great Ships, 60 Galleys, 9 Galeasses, and other small Vessels: The Venetian Navy had 28 great Ships, 24 Galleys, 7 Galeasses, besides those of Malta, who keeping in the narrow Channel, the Turks must needs accept the Battle: The Bassa had raised 2 Batteries on Land on both sides the River, thereby thinking to facilitate his own going forth, by causing the other to leave [...] Station; yet the Venetians undauntedly [...] their shot, [...] that advantage unprofitable.

[Page]Wherefore the Bassa, on the 26 in the morning, advanced all his great Ships, yet he withdrew behind the point of Barbiera; a few houres after, the Venetian Navy moving, Eleazon Moccenigo, now a Volunteer, commanding the left Wing, and passing beyond the Turkish Fleet, fought valiantly to stop their retreat: The Battle being begun, Laurence Marcello, the Venetian General, with him of Malta, intermingling with the other Venetian Vessels, so hemmed the Turks in from escaping, that they were forced to fight with more eagerness; but they were wholly routed with fire, sword, and water, the Captain Bassa onely saving himself with 14 Galleys, 40 Gallies being taken in the fight, 10 sunk and burnt, with 9 Mahones taken; but the 28 great Ships were (for the most part) burnt. The number of Turks slain, were judged to be 5000, 4 or 5000 Christian slaves being released, and 4000 Turks made slaves: The Venetians losse being their chief Captain Marcello, 500 Souldiers and Marriners; 3 Ships likewise of theirs were burnt, two in fight, and one by accident. After an extraordinary joy by the Duke and City of Venice, the Senate ordered for releasing prisoners for debt, some Banditti being also freed; and Moccenigo, who had contributed much to the gaining of the Victory, was knighted by the Senate, with a Chain of Gold of 2000 Crowns conferred on him; and then was declared Generalissimo, in the room of slain Marcello; in remembrance of whom, a publick service was celebrated at the publick charge.

About the same time, some Thieves set fire on the Seraglio of Bosna, four thousand Houses, four Dovens of Custom-houses, and three Mosques being burned down to the ground, and the Jewes quarter plundered.

In Septemb. in the same year, the Venetians took that considerable Isle and Fort of Tenedos about the mouth of the Dardanelles, from the Turk; forcing the Inhabitants of the Isle to surrender it, not onely by vexing them [Page] with 26 Ordnance, and 5 Morter-pieces, but also by firing their Munitions, and spoiling their Wells; 800 men, and 300 Women, Turks and Grecians, coming out of it: And through the fear and confusion that was among the Turks in Constantinople, they doubted not but soon to take the Isle of Lemnos, besides divers other places like to fall into their hands. The Inhabitants of Scio, sent Deputies to the Venetian Forces, at that time, inviting them to draw near to their Island, assuring them of an easie entrance through the division of the Turkish Commanders there, who were, through their oppressions, become so odious to the Inhabitants, that they alwayes were in hope of an opportunity to cut the throats of their oppressors.

The Venetians, after Tenedos, soon took Stalimene, or Lemnos Island from the Turks, and having furnished the Fortress there, with all necessaries for defence, their Proveditor General, set sail with the Fleet towards Scio and Zia, to refresh his men: about which time, the Turk cast away all thoughts of peace with the Venetians, having wholly broken the Treaty that had been begun at Constantinople, by their Secretary Bellarini.

In July 1657. The Turks having taken the Fort Bossina, in Dalmatia, put 800 Christians to the Sword. And 6000 Turks, coming nigh to Spalatro, turned to the passage of St. Francois, there to raise Forts; but Possidario sallying out, drave them away, with the losse of many great Commanders, who in their retreat, went to Salona, lying between Spalatro and Clissa, where they were recruited with 6000 Foot, and 4000 Horse. But the Turks under Ussaim Bassa's Command, came July 2d, in the night, with storming-Ladders, pressing to surprize the City of Candia; but 500 of those in the City crying our, Turks, Turks, the Chains were drawn, and the Souldiers and Citizens drave out the Turks: Also, issuing forth, they disordering the Turks, put many of them to the [Page] Sword; who left behind them 29 Ensigns, and 5 Cornets, which they had put upon the Wall; 1400 Turks were slain, and 2100 (with a great booty) taken.

About August following, the Venetians obtained a signal Victory against the Turkish Fleet, at the mouth of the Dardanelles, in the sight of the great Turk himself. But the losse of their General Moccenigo, soured this success, who being in prosecution of the Victory, and afterwards, returning to attaque the Isle of Scio, a Tire of great Guns being discharged from the Castles of the Dardanelles, one of them lighted into the Magazine of Powder in his Galley, and blew him (with many more Nobles) up into the Air.

In October in the same year, the Turks regained the Isle of Tenedos though not without ruine to themselves: The Venetian Fleet being gone from that Island, to take in fresh water: the Turks Fleet landed there a great Body of men, who setting upon the Fort of Tenedos by storm, were at first repulsed; but preparing for a new Onser, the Venetian Garrison working a Mine under the Fort, disposed their Powder therein, with a Match fitted to it; and quitting the place, the Turks taking possession, were blown (Fort and all) up into the Ayr. The Venetian Fleet returning, and perceiving what had hapned, the Turks Fleet being at hand, prepared for an encounter, which being resolutely performed on both sides, (for the Grand Seignior, having come purposely to see that Island regained, being of so great importance to the commerce of Constantinople, encouraged the Turks): but in conclusion, the Venetians got a notable Victory, sinking sixteen [...] men of War, with four that came from Tripoli, taking 4 of their Galleys.

About December following, a Persian Embassador, with a gallant Train, coming to Constantinople, presently went to audience; and making his Proposition, said, That in case the Grand Seignior would not restore the lesser [Page] Babylon, and make satisfaction for the Merchants Goods, and captivated Persians, which (during the Treaty of peace) were carried away by the Turks; then in his Kings Name, he declared War. No Answer followed hereupon, but the Embassador's Head was [...] from his Body, and the chiefest of his Train cast into prison. So that, the Turks being sure of War with the Persians, there was but one Camp with the Turks great Ensign set out against the Venetians: The great Prince staying at home to supply Recruits, and watch the Muscovites, who spake Thunder in their Warlike threatnings against the Turks. Before which time, the Sonne of the Grand Visier, sware, He would be revenged on the Grand Seignior himself, and all that counselled him to put his Father to death: whereupon, he rose up in Rebellion, and made no small disturbance.

Then were the Persians also stirring against the Turks, whose Land-forces were to act against them (if they could make no cessation of Arms with them): wherefore, they then blockt up Lemnos, which being reduced, their Land-forces might be imployed against the Persians, or some other parts. The Venetian Commander, repulsed the Turks in 15 assaults; yet the Turks, at last taking the said Island of Stalimene or Lemnos, sent thither a Garrison of 10000 men.

In 1658. Prince Ragotzi, being returned out of Poland into Transilvania, the great Turk (having commanded him in 1657, upon great penalty, not to proceed against Poland) sent to him to resign his Principality of Transilvania to his Cousin [...]; he at the present yielded thereto; (though to deliver any of his Forts into the Turk's hands, he utterly denied,) and reasiuming his Principality without the Turk's consent, he being enraged, would try his utmost to devest him, and dispossess the Princes of Moldavia and Wallachia: Wherefore, ordering great Forces against him, about the latter end of [Page] April, the Turks totally defeated the Prince of Vallachia, who was marching to Prince Ragotzi's aid, (who had sent to Vienna, to demand the promised aid against the Turks from the King of Hungary;) 8000 being slain upon the place, and a great number of prisoners taken; among whom, were divers Boyars, the principal Officers of that Prince, who flying into Transilvania, the Turks forced another to accept his [...]: The Grand Seignior being still bent to dethrone Ragotzi, sent rigorous Orders to the Moldavian and Wallachian Princes, That they should invade him. But he sent more severe Order to the [...] of Buda, threatning, That if he did not his duty, he should be flead alive, and his skin placed on one of Buda's Towers: whereupon, Ragotzi challenged the [...] to a fight, advancing about the beginning of July; who thereupon, breaking up from Lippa, the Transilvanians fired the Suburbs of Arad Castle, towards which, he was marching. The Turks Officers, who led the Avaunt, seeing the smoak and fire, hastned directly to the [...], whom the Hungarians following put to flight, Mustapha Beg being taken Prisoner: whereby the encouraged Transilvanians drew near the Turks main Army: the Turks thereupon, discharged 3 great Guns to warn their men to retire within the Waggons, placed for a [...]; but the Transilvanians so plyed them with their great Guns, that they fled into a Valley; who, the Transilvanians pursuing them into the River Mor, were drowned, and the whole Turkish Army, became a prey on July 4th, 1658. The chief prisoners, besides Mustapha wounded being the Bassa of Agria, the Col. Aga of the Janizaries, Col. Gyenety Aga at Buda, and the Beg of Lippa; Alai Beg of Waitzen being trodden to death by the Horse: the Bassa was likewise so put to it in flight, that he was forced to run into the water, whom, a Hussar pursuing, catched by the Garment, to take him; but he was rescued, and the Hussar slain.

[Page]The Prince's men pursuing them above 30 leagues, to one of their chief Cities, they returned with rich booties. The newes of this overthrow caused such an alteration at Constantinople, that (contrary to the Law of Nation) they imprisoned the Imperial and French Embassadors, charging the French of being a Complice with his Son in his Letter in Cyphers, which he intercepted; and the other, That his Master had suffered some German Companies to serve under Ragotzi, (though the Emperour's Deputies had demonstrated it was without his consent) and that the Turk, for his money, might have as many of them as he would.

The Turks besieged the chief City of Candia, expecting that the Captain Bassa, who was at Sea, would shut up all the passages by Sea, with 40 Galleys; but he hearing that the Venetian Galleys were in his way, retired to Scio. The Venetian General re-inforced his Fleet with Galleys sent by the Pope and the Grand Master of Malta, having monies, and all [...] of Ammunitions and Provisions, with 4 Fire-ships, provided for him, July 9. wherewith he defeated 44 Turkish Galleys, at the Dardanelles, (which were commanded to clear the Passage) taking very rich booty.

Prince Ragotzi, having had good success against the Turks, thereby so obliged the States of Transylvania to him, that they resolved to establish him in that [...], from which the Grand Seigniour would have [...] him, sending him an Embassadour, to let him know, That they desired his good Will for the continuance of the Prince. Who July 18. defeated a Party of Turks, but gave no Quarter; and holding a Generall Muster, there appeared 16000 fighting men, besides a great party of Dragoons which he expected; whereby in part he recovered two [...] which the Turk had before taken from him. The Hungarians also raised an Army [...] [...] 7 Towns, [...] to them, which the Turks formerly [Page] had taken, whereof they would restore but three.

July 18. 1658. Prince Leopold of Austria, King of Hungary and Bohemia, was elected to be Emperour of the Romans, at Franckford, by the Prince Elector Palatine, the Elector of Mentz, Trior, Colen, Saxony, and the Brandenburgish and Bavarian Embassadours, with all the State and Splendour usual in that Ceremony. And Sept. 24. was received into Vienna with all magnificent Soem nity possible.

Prince Ragotzi proceeding against the Turks, put the Bassa of Buda [...] flight, 4 of his chief Commanders, and 6000 men, being taken and killed; But the Prime Visier marched towards Belgrade with 80000. men, besides Forces which were to come.

Aug. 1. Count Vorgats commanded 300. Hussars to fetch away the Cattle from Graen; but 300 Janizaries issued [...], and put them to flight: yet the Count at length forced them into a Village, which he set on fire, burning some of them, and carried away [...] Prisoners.

Aug. 9. Prince Ragotzi came upon the Turks at unawares, defeated them, and pursued above 30 [...] to one of their chief Cities, and returned with rich booty; And after that, he burned Lippa to the ground. About this time, the Hungurian General Prince Gonzaga, finding the Turks in a Warlike posture, demanded what they intended, and they answered, That they intended no hostility against Hungary, but that the Great Turk was Resolved to call Ragotzi [...] an Account for his Actions.

The Turks, Sept. 21. took the Castle Jeno, without much opposition, and besieged Wardein: 300 foot, and 300 Horse of theirs, falling in at the Old Castle, put many of Ragotzi's men to the Sword, where was store of Gunpowder; the rest blew themselves, and the Turks into the Ayr.

The Venetian Fleet, Sept. 28. departed to Candia to a oid Tempests at Sea; And the Ships of Malta, and the [Page] Pope's Galley's returned home with great booty, which they got out of the Turkish Islands.

Octob. 9. The Turks laid waste all the Territories which belong to Ragotzi, using the people cruelly, carrying away many thousands in Captivity, and from thence they went towards the Danow to suppresse [...] Rebellious Bassaes, which made the Hungarian States consult daily to help Prince Ragotzi, but could get no answer from the Emperor concerning this point, because he would know what the Turkish Embassadour would propound, and had appointed Lamboy to be General of the Army in Hungary in stead of Gonzaga.

The chief Vizier having taken [...] Castle, besieged Varadin, by reason of which, Prince Ragotzi finding himself too weak, retired so far, that the Tartars took AlbaJulia, the Metropolis of Transilvania, and made more then 40000 slaves, Octob. 12. About which time, the English Ship [...] was set upon, comming from Constantinople to Legorn, by three ships of the Pirate [...]; they defended themselves bravely, and much endamaged the Pirates, but the captain seeing that he could not save the ship, blew up themselves with the Pirates that had boarded her.

The Venetian Generalissimo Morisini, perceiving he could [...] no opportunity to engage the Turks, as he desired, thought fit, by uniting with the Pope's Squadrons and those of Malta, to attempt a surprise of the City of [...], which seemed easy, in regard the Governour was gone forth with the better part of the Garrison; and had gained Intelligence of the principal [...]. For Execution whereof, the Fleet set Sail to Delos, and staid there three dayes, under the command of the Marquess of Villa nova, where the Generalissimo arriving, gave order for Fire-works, Petards, Scaling-ladders, and other necessary Instruments, designing to every one what Post to attaque, Seignior Philippo Ghesi, had command to [Page] break the chain in the entrance of the Mole, and Coll. Dayon, to enter as soon as the passage of the Port should have been cleared. But as the Souldiers were impatiently expecting the signall to fall on, the Generalissimo caused the Ladders to be brought back, and the Souldiers to re-imbarque, none knowing the cause: After which, the Fleet retired to Delos, from whence, part went to the Seas of Cerigo, and the rest towards Candia, with no less discontent then astonishment: The cause being, the Governour of Canea had notice of their purpose; and thereupon returned, and re-inforced his [...] with 5000 men, drawn out of places which the Turks held in Candia, and sent two Galleyes to Rhodes, to demand aid of the Turkish Fleet. This mischief wrought a separation betwixt the Venetian Generalissimo, and the chief Commanders of the Papall and Maltese Squadrons.

Sept. 12. In the Province of Albania, there arose a great tumult, because the Bassa which commanded there, obstructed the trading betwixt the Albanish Christians, and Turks: Whereupon these Christians and Turks joyned together to oppose his power, in which Action, much bloud was spilt, 4000 of the Bassa's men being killed.

An Envoy from Prince Ragotzi being come to Vienna, Nov. 12. made severall instances to obtain succour from the Emperour; but notwithstanding all reasons alledged, the matter would not take effect, in regard the Emperor having other designs in the limits of Christendome, thought fit to correspond with the Turk and therefore would leave him to his pleasure, who had setled a Prince in the room of Ragotzi, which Prince used al means to secure himself, having forces left there by [...] chief Visier for his defence.

The Bassa Ussaim not being able to extort from the Inhabitants the 5000 Rixdollars, which they are obliged to pay to the Grand Seignior yearly, fired all in the two [Page] Isles of Paris and Nixia, which are parted onely by a Channel of about five miles, so that the Inhabitants were forced to retire to the Mountains, to save themselves from the fury of this Bassa. But (in the mean time) the great differences continuing still in Constantinople, whither the chief Visier intended to march with his army, which he had in Trausilvania, to oppose the rebellious designs of the Bassa of Aleppo. The Persian King likewise, having made agreement with the Successors of the Great Mogull, prepared to employ all his Forces for the regaining of Babylon.

Ussaim Bassa, Novemb. 14. being advanced near the head City in Candia, caused his Ordnance to be planted, and stormed the two Forts, Della Palma, and Corona, but the Venetian Generalls made a resolute sally, putting 3000 to the Sword, and made them retreat, and fell upon the Island Paris, plundered it, and enslaved all the Inhabitants, because they refused to let them have provisions for mony, and were forward in supplying the Turks.

The Bassa of Aleppo arrived at Scuton, Novemb. 15th, four miles from Constantinople, with 40000 men, making great havock. The Grand Seignior's Mother put the said Bassa upon this work, because she sought the ruine of the Visier, intending to put Ussaim Bassa in his place. There were three factions; the Janizaries held with the Great Prince; the Spahies were for the Mother; and the rest with the chief Statesmen, were for the brother of the Great Prince, because he was more inclinable to preserve the countrey in peace and safety.

The German Emperor Novemb. 16th, declared [...] Don Hanniball Gonzaga, who was Vice-President over the Militia, chief Commander in Hungary.

The Venetians Novemb. 26, loaded a great number of Vessells, with Biskit, meal, and other provisions, to repair the want of the chief city of Candia, occasioned by a fire which hapned in their Magazine: The Pirats of Barbary [Page] having taken two ships of Provisions which were sent that way, retired, upon Intelligence, that some Venetian ships were sent from the Fleet to pursue them:

The tumults in Asia grew greater, forasmuch as the Faction of Ussaim, Bassa of Aleppo, did every day increase, and that a certain person named Turtaw, joyned to his [...]; which pretended to make a Reformation of their Religion affirming that to be false which the Grand Seignior professed: Against whom the Grand Seignior dispatched the Souldiers that came from Transilvania, commanded by the Vizier's Lievtenant; who being arrived at Bursia, where the Rebells were encamped, fighting a bloudy battell, the army of the Grand Seignior, was totally defeated. Novemb. 29. They were again troubled by Prince Ragotzi, who had gotten great forces together, the rather, because the Bassa of Aleppo marched against Constantinople with a mighty Army, demanding the head of the Prime Vizier. The Great Prince being Resolved to go in person against him, and to abandone all other enterprises, till he had brought this Rebell to a better condition, came in all haste to confer with the Venetian Bayliff Capello, and Secretary Bellarini, who had order to negotiate with him, which made the Venetians hope for an accommodation, because he would have occasion to imploy all his Forces against the Bassa of Aleppo, who kept the City in continuall fear; He likewise received sad newes, That the Persians were in a Body of 30000 Horse, and 30000 Foot, besides another Army, consisting of 100000, which were set down before Babylon; the Citizens being more affected to the Persians then Turks.

Prince Ragotzi having lost all, except two of the greater Cities, Dobrintz and Varad, leaving Coll. Gaude a Scotchman with 5000 men at Varad, did [...] encamp at Dobrintz: And when the Turk's Army, 50000 strong, first began to besiege Varad, the Coll. making a [Page] gallant sally, put their [...] to flight, killing above 200, and taking 160 Prisoners, without any losse.

An Edict was published at Constantinople, Jan. 10. 1659. wherein was expressed, That all the Rebells and their complices should be destroyed, and killed, whereever they were met with; and that those that did execution upon them, should enjoy the goods of such Rebels, which caused men in divers Villages to fall foul one upon another. On the contrary, the Rebelling Bassa published an Edict, wherein he charged all his Souldiers, and Officers to destroy all such as opposed, and would not acknowledge his power. The Ministers of the Divan in Constantinople, after a long deliberation how to satisfy him, offered to him in the Grand Seigniors name, the perpetuall Government of Soria, for which he should onely pay 100000 Sultanin's yearly, whereas 300000 were due: but he rejected those offers, as far from his pretentions, which were no lesse then the dividing of the Empire. And the Persian would so much the more easily carry Babylon, the Sultan well knew, in regard that the Divan thought not fit to make use of the forces of the Empire to relieve such a remore place, the wayes to it being seized on by the Rebells, since that they [...] be made use of with greater advantage for the defence of [...], which otherwise would be at the mercy of the Rebels. The Grand Seignior being very much perplexed, promised 400000 [...] to him that should bring the Rebell Bassaes head, besides the Bassa-ship in his Monarchy; or in case the Bassa would submit, all should not onely be forgiven and forgotten, but he should be vested with any dignity he pleased to make choice of; But the Bassa went on still in his design, and whereas formerly he demanded the Prime Vizier's head, now he demands further a reformation in the Mahometan Religion, and have the Persian Womans son setled in the [...] That young Prince being served in his Court [Page] as the Grand Seignior, and honoured as the mighty Emperor, and all respects given him, as if (indeed) he were the great Prince of Turky.

The Turkish Chiaux had private audience of Arch-duke Leopold William, March 19. 1659. having presented him with two Turkish Horses, and other things: his proposalls was, That the Great Prince of Turky desired to prolong the peace with the Emperour, which was granted.

The Bassa of Aleppo totally defeated the Grand Vizier again, March 27. retiring Victorious to Trocaria, with the Cannon and Baggage which he took. Nevertheless, the Grand Seignior caused the chief Vizier at his return, to publish in Constantinople, that the Rebell-Bassa had refused the combat; but the truth being too much known to be concealed, the carriage of the matter so discontented the people, that they ran into great disorder. which was not easily composed. The Bassa of Aleppo, made his head quarter in the Capitoll City of that country, where he setled the pretended Son of Sultan Amurath as Prince, with a Court, and all Officers and Ministers of State about him, having made new Laws more agreeable to the humours of the Turks, and chosen a new Muphti, as their chief Interpreter in matters of Religion, by whom he made an Interpretation of the Alcaron, which gave more liberty to the people. He treated them with great humanity and indulgence, severely punishing the Souldiers for any misdemeaner, Declaring, That he took up arms to reform the ill Government of the Empire. And as the Caracan was passing from Alexandria to constantinople, he defaced the Seals of the Passports given by the Grand Seignior, causing his own to be given them; And sent a Letter by them to the Grand Seignior, wherein he lets him understand, That the Son of Sultan Amurath, being lawfully successour of the Empire, he ought of right to have Natolia, and if he refused that, the [Page] said Bassa would make his way into constantinople by force of Arms: Where, if he should advance the standard of Mahomet to oppose him, then the said Bassa would erect the standard of the Prophet Ali, by which means he doubted not to draw the Persians to him.

The said Bassa had well nigh subdued all Asia, and seemed to intend no lesse then parting Stake with the Emperour; but the chief Visier being marched to Scutari, April 7. with an Army of 20000 Horse, and 30000 Foot, and expecting 60000 more to joyn with him, being Ordered to reduce him to Obedience; He having notice of the strength of the chief Visier, called a Council of his principal Officers, where, weighing their own inability, they concluded to implore the mercy of the Grand Seignior by a timely submission. To this end, they sent a dispatch to complement the chief Visier, and let him know, That they had not taken Arms, against their Prince, but against certain persons that had abused his Trust and Favour; Yet, rather then tumults should be longer continued, they humbly cast themselves upon the clemency of their Lord, the Grand Seignior. Of which, when the Sultan was advertized, he was so affected to see so grand a civil War so soon ended, that he sent his pardon to the Bassa and his Complices.

But he with some of his Associates, putting himself into the tuition of Mortaza Bassa, who promised to obtain their pardon, he caused them to be beheaded, and sent their heads to Constantinople, where 31 of the most eminent, were perched on Poles before the Seraglio, among whom was Keiman Bassa, Brother to the Bassa of Buda. Afterwards the said Mortaza, falling upon a Party which were rallied in the Territories of Aleppo, cut 3000 in pieces, and dispersed the rest, so that there remained not the least footstep of their undertaking.

[Page] April 20, 1659. Ussaim Bassa heretofore General in Candia, and then Bassa of Bosna, being returned to Constantinople to give an Account of his Actions, was imprisoned in the 7 Towers: and was May 9. beheaded by Order from the Grand Seignior.

The German Emperour having concluded a Peace with the Turk, upon Condition that the House of Austria should not meddle in Prince Ragotzies cause, sent the Baron of Radolt to tell Ragotzi, that his best way was to retire out of Transilvania into some safer place, because he could not protect him, without hazarding a War in Hungary. He levyed 20000 stout men under the command of General Lamboy, May 18.

The Venetian forces in Morea had good successe, May 15. The Infantry being landed, and divided into 21 Battalions, and the Horse in 4 squadrons, drawing up within three Leagues of Calamata, the Turks presently advanced thence in a great body, and good order, but were put to flight towards the said place, and were so close pursued, that the Venetians entred the City with them, making a great Massacre, and gained rich booty; during which time, the Turks that kept the Castle, being terrified with the cries of their men, and the Cities Flames, quitting the place, got over the River; but some Horse, and 1000 [...] pursuing them, they were most cut in pieces, and the rest taken Prisoners.

Afterwards they passed to Milo, where the Generalissimo, having given a Moneths pay to the Souldiers and Seamen, and furnished the men of War, and Galleys with all necessaries, he sailed towards Mitylene to encounter the Captain Bassa, whose Armado was supposed to be thereabouts; which consisted of twenty four Galleys, four Galleasses, and twelve men of War: also the Gallions under their Captain Generall Contarini, with a [Page] squadron of [...], having run up and down about the Isles of the Archipelago, and gained good prizes, returned May the thirtieth, to the mouth of the Dardanelles, where all the Officers declared a high resolution to oppose the passage of the Turks, which were to come that way from Constantinople.

The troubles in Asia were not quite extinct by the death of the Bassa of Aleppo, because a Nephew of his who was Lievtenant of his Army, had openly declared, That he would revenge his death; and recollecting new forces, drew one Charan Bassa to his party, a man of a Noble spirit. Hereupon Assam [...], who had a hand in executing some of the said Bassa's party, which were his prisoners; gave over that severity, lest upon this stir it should provoke the people. The Bassa of Bosna likewise, having [...] oppressed the people in his Government, was complained of to the Grand Seignior, whereupon the Sultan sent for him to Constantinople; Which order he would not obey, having a Guard of 6000 Horse: But the Inhabitants of Mustar, unable to endure his Tyranny, put themselves in Arms, and received fourty Troops of Horse for succour, from Constantinople, the Commander of them having Commission to try to gain the Bassa by fair means, and for that end, to offer him the Government of Buda for his own, with divers other advantages, which the said Bassa accepting, and resting secure, was seised on, and lost his head. Much about that time, it hapned, That one of the Ministers of the Divan, presuming to speak but a word in the presence of the Grand Seignior, in favour of Ragotzi, was presently strangled.

Yet Prince Ragotzi, being in hope to win favour [Page] from the Grand Seignior, was content to deliver to him the fortresse of Varadin; But fearing the Grand Seignior might lay claim to the two Countries he held in Hungary, he yielded them to the Emperour's protection, June the 7th.

The Bey of Jergay, being Resolved to joyn with the Rebells in Asia, (under pretence that he had been grieved by the Bassa of Gran Cairo) got an Army of 30000 men, hoping to make them up 100000 by the aid of the Saniac's of Egypt, who were (mostly) Christians; so that the Sultan not knowing how to entrap him, was much perplexed, which was like to divert his fury from Dalmatia. But divers of [...] Ring leaders were executed, whose sons and Heirs sided with the Persians for revenge.

The Venetian Generallissimo Morisini riding near the Dardanelles, took two Turkish Vessels laden with provisions for candia; but twelve got through, which were carrying provision for the Turkish Fleet, July 8. Their Embassador Bellarini was commanded to appear before the chief Vizier, by whom he was seriously examined how far his Commission did extend about an accommodation, and whether his Masters would not quit candia for a considerable sum; To which he answered, that there was no likelihood any such Proposal should be hearkned unto; whereupon they threatned the Venetian State, and the Embassador was re-committed to his old custody. The great Turk extraordinarily honored the French Embassador, having heard of the peace between France and Spain, fearing lest they should aid the Venetian State, which for so many years alone, sustained the fury of that mighty enemy of the Christian name.

July, 27. contarini, captain of the Venetian Galleys, hearing that about 28 Turks Galleys were near the Dardanelles, he engaged them, and put them to flight, many [Page] being taken, with two principal persons on the Turks side, but he lost but few; the greatest fury of the encounter having fallen upon the captain Generall's ship.

Aug. 2, the Pirates of Algiers took severall Ships from the Christians, and at one time, 7 together; two of them were Holland ships, Laden with fine Linnen, and other commodities, valued at 100000 crowns.

Prince Ragotzi desired the Germane Emperour to take his Forts into his protection, lest the Turk should take them into his own power, and so infest Hungary with his forces. Hereupon, the Emperors forces in Hungary, went to take possession of them.

In Venice, Aug. 15. A tempest rose on a sudden, which overturned divers houses, dispersed and tore abundance of boats: and the Arms of the Seignory, which were in Marble, upon the frontispiece of the Arsenal, were blown down. And on the 24 of Aug. another great tempest, brake down great part of St. Maries Church, the mischief done by it, being valued at above 100000 crowns.

The Emperour determining to take Ragotzi into his protection, ordered forces to be on the Frontires of Hungary, under the command of Arch-Duke Leopold; and Gonzaga marched thither with 2500 fresh men, that if the Turks should meditate a passage into Hungary, they might make it a matter of difficulty, for they threatned to make their way through Hungary, to fall upon Venice.

The Grand Seignior departed from constantinople, Sept. 7. in regard the pestilence increased daily, and he intended to take this occasion, finally to extirpate the Rebels: to which end, he ordered most of the Divan to accompany him, with the Janizaries and Spahies, and all that he could collect, leaving the care of his affairs to the Muphti and his mother the Sultana.

The chief Visier ordered two new Forts to be built [Page] near the Dardanelles, but that work was much Interrupted by the frequent shooting of contarini Captain of the Venetian Galleys, who retarded it, though he could not [...] it.

Prince Ragotzi encountred with his competitor, (who was back't by the Turks) aud defeated him, who took refuge in the Castle Deina, that Garrison intending to deliver him to Ragotzi, who thereupon was received by the Nobility and Gentry, whereby his establishment was compleated. The great Turk onely required a sum of mony to defray his expences which he sustained in the quarrel of the other Prince.

A Table whereby you may find most of the remarkable Passages contained in this foregoing History.

[Page]

A.

AChmat I. crown'd Emperour of Turks, 1233. confirms Hasan in his Generalship, 1247. besiegeth Strigonium, 1255. but depart, 1260. besiegeth it again, 1285. and wins it, 1288. concludes Articles of peace with the Emperour, 1296, 1297. marries his Daughter to Mechmet Bassa, 1340. commands every Nation to wear its own habit, 1387. confirms his peace with the Emperour for 20 years, 1400. and dies, 1406. having first appointed his Brother to be his Successour, 1408.

Achmat II. established Emperour of the Turks, captivates 50000 Christians, 1427. strangles the aspiring Visier Bassa, 1428. beheads a Persian Embassadour, and defeats the Prince of Valachia, 1433. imprisons Christian Embassadors, 1435. drives Ragotzi out of his Country, 1437. honours the French Embassadour, 1446. departs from Constantinople, 1447.

Achomates, Bajazets son, comes to Scutari, and sollicites for resignation of the Empire, 455. spoyls Bythinia, 457. puts his Father's Embassadours to death, and is proclaimed Traytor, 458. surpriseth useg, 467. and is strangled, 471.

Aladin Kingdom erected, 64.

Aladin, Sultan of Iconium, dies, 121.

Aleppo's Bassa overthrowes the Bassa of Damasco, wins Tripolis, 1290. withstands the Turks Forces, but flies, 1301.

Alexander made Vayvod of Moldavia, 1381. puts the Horroveans and Tartars to flight, 1382. and Turks, 1385, 1390. invades Valachia, 1391. is taken and sent to Constantinople, 1398.

Alexius made Emperour of Greece, 34. is deposed and strangled, 40.

Alexius Angelus crowned Emperour of Greece, 44. seeks the life of Isaac his Brother's son, 65. [...] from Constantinople, 67. is put to death by the Latines, 73.

Alexius Ducas, or [...], betrayes young Alexius, 68. is chosen Emperour, and strangles Alexius, 69. his eyes are put out, 73.

Algier is perplexed with great drought, but Christian Captives, [Page] through their prayers, obtain rain, 1354.

Almericus chosen King of Jerusalem, drives Saracon out of Egypt, 45. and dies, 48.

Alphix Sultan of Egypt, razeth Tripolis, 112. and dies at Damasco, 113.

Amesa, Scanderbeg's Nephew, flies to Mahomet, 346. invades Epirus, 347. is created King thereof, 350. is taken Prisoner, and brought to Scanderbeg, 352. is sreed, 353. returns to Constantinople, and dies, 354.

Amurath I. made King of Turks, 170. takes Dydimothicum, 170. Hadrianople, 172. and Nissa, 175. overthrowes Aladin Sultan of Iconium, and takes Despotopolis, 177, 178. marries the Greek Emperour's Daughter, 180. overthrowes Lazarus his great Army, 182. and is stabb'd, 183.

Amurath II. crowned King of the Turks, 231. hangs Mustapha who ruled in Europe, 233. assaults Constantinople in vain, 234. wins Thessalonica, 236. invades Hungary, 237. besiegeth Belgrade in [...], 239, to 242. sends Alis Bassa to subdue Epirus, who is overthrown, 264. besiegeth Ico nium, 265. concludes peace with Hungary, 264. invades Rascia, 283. befiegeth Sfetigrade, 289. and wins it, 294. besiegeth Croia, 295. and dyes, 303.

Amurath III. enthroned Emperour of Turks, murthers his Brethren, 879. appoint Stephen Bator, King of Poland, 880. invades Persia, 898. and fights with Tochomac, 900. subdues Sirvan, but returns in distress, 905, 906, 907. overthrowes the Georgians, 917. circumciseth his son Mahomet, 931. appoints Ferat Bassa General, 941. his Mother dies, 944. reneweth his League with the German Empero:, 952. strangles the Tartar-King, and puts his Brother in his stead, 954. appoints Osman Bassa to be Chief Visier and General of his Army, 956. makes Ebraim Bassa of Egypt, 962. and sends him against the Drusians, 963. who commits sundry Villanies there, 965, to 971. breaks his League with the German Empe. our, 991. but strángles Ali Bassa of Buda for breaking that League, 993. makes a League with the Persians, 994. encourageth Q. Elizabeth against Spain, 996. breaks his League with the Emperour, 1002. endamageth the Christians, 1004, to 1007. but receives great losse, 1019, 1020. and dies, 1054.

Amurath IV. chosen Emperor of Turks, wins Rava and Babylon from the Persians, 1429.

Andreas Auria wins Corona from the Turks, 588. relieves it, 590, 591. and dyes, 791.

Andronicus aspires to the Empire, 35. comes to Constantinople, 37. is joyned in the Empire with Alexius, 40. marries Anne the French King's daughter, 41. is shamefully executed, 43.

Andronicus Paleologus crowned Emperour of Constantinople, 132. [Page] is deposed, 158. and dyes, 159.

Andronicus the younger obtains the Empire, 156. suffers losse in Asia, 162.

Antioch taken by the Christians, 14.

Araphax chosen Sultan of Egypt, 113.

Axan, Nephew to Tangroliphix; invades Media, 4.

B.

BAjazet I. crowned King of Turks, 184. wins Philadelphia, 185. Neapolis, and Constantinople, 186. overthrowes Sigismund the German Emperour, 187. subdues Caramania, 191. is put into an iron Cage by Tamerlane, 202. and kills himself, 210.

Bajazet II. received Emperour of Turks, 404. puts his Brother Zemes to flight, 406. murthers Achmetes, 411. subdues Caramania, 414. invades Egypt with loss, 415. wins Lepanto, 427. Modon, 428. and Dyrrachium, 429. concludes a peace with the [...], 431. poysoneth his son Mahometes, 447. and is poysoned, 464.

Bajazet, Solyman's son rebells, 741, 742. is pardoned, 743. seeks his Brother Selimus his death, 744, 745. fights with his Brother, and retreats, 749. flies to the Persian King, 752. is imprisoned, 753. with his Sons, is strangled. 755.

Baldwin I. subdues Cilicia and Cappadocia, 13. slew 10000. Turks, with the losse of 4000. Christians, 15. crowned King of Jerusalem, 18. wins Ptolemais, [...] and Sydon, 19, 20. is made Prince of Antioch, 21. and dies, 20.

Baldwin Brugensis II. crowned King of Jerusalem, 20. overthrows the Turks in Antioch, 21. dies, 22.

Baldwin III. crowned King of Jerusalem, 22. dies at Berytus, 28.

Baldwin IIII. crowned King of Jerusalem, 48. puts Saracon to flight, 49. and dies, 51.

Baldwin V. crowned King of Jerusalem, 51. is supposed to be poysoned; 52.

Baldwin Count of Flanders, crowned I. Latine Emperour of Greece 71. besiegeth Adrianople, 72. is barbarously slain, 73.

Baldwin the II. chosen Emperour of Greece, 85. pawned his Son to the Bruges Merchants, 102. flies from Constantinople, 104.

Barbarussa made King of Algiers, 599. comes to Constantinople, 600. is made 4th Bassa 601. takes Lucidius and Spelunca, 602. puts Muleasses to flight, 605, wins Tunis, 607. and New-Castle, 654. besiegeth Nice, a City in Provence in vain, 713. he endamageth the Christians, 721, 722. and dyes, 723.

Bassa of Aleppo, a Rebell comes to Scutari, 1439, overthrows the Grand Seignior's Army, 1440, 1442. submits, and is beheaded, 1443.

Belgrade besieged in vain by Mahomet II. 325. taken by Solyman, 527.

B thlem Gabor Prince of Transilvania, [Page] assists the Bohemians against the Emperour, 1416. wins Presburg, 1417. is proclaimed King of Hungary, 1419.

Bohemud made Prince of Antioch, 15.

Botscay a Rebell, stiles himself Prince of [...]; and overthrows Belgiosa, 1262. takes Cassovia 1263. receives 130000 Florens from the Hussars, 1267. 6000 revolt to him, 1270. and wins Vacia, 1271. propounds Articles of peace to the Emperour, 1283, 1289. and peace is concluded, 1290. he wins Tokay, 1291. and dyes at Cassovia, 1299.

Buda in Hungary is yielded to Solyman, 562. is besieged by Ferdinand in vain, 666, 696.

Bator takes the Government of Transilvania, 1315. submits to Turkish protection, 1330. is discomfited, ibid. and kills Nage. 1345.

C.

CAmpson Gaurus invades Syria, 487. is chosen Sultan of Egypt, 493. his Army is put to fl ght by Selimus, and he is [...] to death, 495.

Cambalu, 28 miles in compass, built by Zingis, 63.

Caragusa, a Turkish Champion conquered by Manessi, 285.

Carambey the Turks Generall taken prisoner by Huniades, 255. ransomed, 264.

Cassanes the Tartar, wins Jerusalem and Damasco, 114.

Cassan Bassa of Caramania revolts, and overthrowes 4. Zanzacks, 1128, but is taken and put to death, 1129.

Cayerbeius Governour of Aleppo, revolts to Selymus, 493. is made Depury of Egypt, 518.

Caytheius Sultan of Egypt, comforteth Zemes, 406. overthrowes Caragoses and Achmetes, 413. puts Calibeus to flight, 417.

Catalonians break into Thessaly, 139. take Thebes and Athens, 140.

Charles the French King invadeth Naples, 421. wins Capua, 422. Naples, 423. and dyes, 424.

Charles the Emperour besiegeth Florence, 575. wins it, 576. invades Tunis, 617. takes Guletta, 621. he rescueth a Captain with his own hands, 624. puts Barbarussa to flight, 623. wins Tunis, 624. besiegeth Algiers, 683, 684, 685. loseth 140 Ships, 688. raiseth his siege, 689. returns with great loss, 690. delivers up his Empire, 755. and dyes, 756.

Conrade, Emperour of Germany, goes to the Holy War, 24. is ill entertained by the Greeks, 25. and puts the Turks to flight, 26.

Constantinople taken by the Latines, 71. regain'd by the Greeks, 105. won by the Turks, 315. is filled with Grashoppers, 1336, 1345.

Constantine, Vayvod of Moldavia, is expelled, 1344.

Corcutus crowned Emperor of Turks, resigns it to his Father Bajazet, 404.

[Page] [...], sent by [...] against the Arabians, revolts. [...]. [...] against Axan, 8. subdues part of Greece, 9.

D.

DAmiata taken by the Christians, 80. again yielded to the Turks, 83. regain'd by the Christians, 91.

Diogenes proclaimed Emperour of Greece, wins Hierapolis, puts the Turks to flight, 6. is taken prisoner by the Turks, 7. is set at liberty by Axan, and hath his eyes put out, whereof he dyes, 8. Dyrrachium won by Bajazet II. 429.

E.

EUdocia, Empresse of Constantinople, marries Diogenes, 6. Edessa taken by the Turks, 24. [...] made Emperour of Greece, 23. is discomfited by the Turks, 31. concludes a peace with their Sultan, 34. and dyes, ibid.

Edward, son to Hen. 3d. of England, comes to Tunis, and wins Nazareth, 109. he narrowly escapes murther, and is crowned at his return, 110.

[...] comes into lesser Asia, 120. [...] a Castle, 121. and dies, 122.

F.

FErat [...] made Generall by Amurath III, 941. fortifies Castles at Lori, 945. is threatned by the Janizaries, 948, 949. is discharged of that Office, 950. regains it, 986. takes Genge, 994. is made General in Sinan's place, 1060. is discomfited, 1062. is fent for home and strangled, 1079.

Ferdinand King of Bohemia, claims Hungary, and comes to Buda, 565. subdues Transylvania, 566. breaks his League with Solyman, 637. besiegeth Exek in vain for want of Victuals, 640. suffers [...], 642. to 645. takes Vicegrade, 663. besiegeth Buda, 666. is discomsited by the Turks, 673, 674. besiegeth it again, 696. but shamefully departs, 699.

Ferdinand, Arch-Duke of Austria, besiegeth Canisia, 1175. but is forced by cold to depart, 1160.

Frederick German Emperour wins Iconium, and is drowned, 55.

Frederick his son is made General, 16. overthrowes the Turks, and dies at the siege of Tyre, 56.:

Frederick the Emperour King of Sicily, hath all Palestine yielded to him, and is crowned King of Jerusalem, 87.

Fulk King of Jerusalem, overthrown by Sanguin the Turk, dies by a fall off his horse, 23.

G.

GOdfrey goes to the Holy War, 11. besiegeth Jerusalem, 17. taketh it, is made King thereof, and dies of the Plague, 18.

Guy crowned King of Jerusalem, 52. is made King of Cyprus, 60.

Gazelles, an Egyptian Champion yieldeth to the Turks, 510. but rebells, 526. and is [...], 527.

H.

HAssan Bassa besiegeth AlbaRegalis, 1167. and wins it, 1169. comes to relieve Buda in vain, 1173. [...] slain in a Battle against the [...] in Asia, 1176.

Henry, Baldwin's Brother, crowned Emperour of Greece, 73. and dies, 84.

Henry King of France, obtains a Fleet of Solyman, 729.

Horruccius becomes King of Algiers, 598. coming to Ora, is put to flight, and slain, 599.

Hungary imbroyled in Civill Wars, 239.

Huniades puts the Turks to flight, 243. is in danger, 244. overthrowes Mesites, 245. discomfits the Turks, 250. slayes 30000 Turks, 253. conquers Carambey, 255. after three dayes fight, flies, 282. puts the Turks to flight, 283. repulseth them at Belgrade, 326. and dies, 327.

Hysmael, [...]'s son, flies after his Father's death, 433. embraceth his Superstition, 434. takes Tauris, 435. puts Elvan the Persian King to flight, 436. subdues Mesopotamia, 437. fights with Selimus, 477, 478. and retires, 479. pursues him, and takes his Ordnance, 480.

I.

JAcaia, second Son to Mahomet, is sent into Morea, joyns with the Rebels in Asia, and is wounded, 1374.

Janizaries, their first rise, 173. make a Tumult in Constantinople, 1185, 1277, 1428, 1429.

Ibraim I. chosen Emperour of Turks, strangles his Admiral, 1425. hath various events against the Venetians, 1426. is deposed, 1427.

Jerusalem taken by the Christians, 18. is won by Cassanes the Tartar, and given to the Christians, 114. is retaken by the Turks, 115.

John the Greek Emperor takes Tarsus, and dies, 23.

John, King of Jerusalem, bebesiegeth Damiata, 78. and takes it, 80.

John Ducas succeeds Lascaris in the Empire at Nice, 85. and dyes, 96.

John Castriot delivers his sons for Hostages to Amurath, 236.

John, Vayuod of Transylvania, chosen King of Hungary, 564. is deposed, 566. re-installed at Buda by Solyman, 575. besiegeth Strigonium, 577. and dyes, 659.

John made Vayuod of Valachia by Selimus II. 876. overthrowes Peter, Vayuod of Transylvania, 870. takes Teina, discomfits the Turks, 872. is vanquished by the Turks, 874.

Jonūses Bassa is sent to Damasco, 406. wounded in Selimus's sight, 509. is executed, 520. he slew his wife, 522.

Isaac Comnenus taken prisoner by Axan, 8.

Isaac saluted Emperour of Greece, 42, 43. is deprived of sight and Empire, 44. is restored to his Crown, 67. and dies, 68.

[...], saluted King of Persia, for his cruelty is killed, 893.

L.

LAdislaus chosen King of Hungary, 278.

Lascaris crowned Emperour of Greece at Nice, 72. and dies, 85.

Leopold of Austria, crowned Emperor of the Romans, 1436. denyes aid to Ragotzi, 1138. concludes a peace with the Turk, 1444. takes Ragotzi into his protection, 1447.

Lepanto besieged in vain by Solyman Bassa, 384. yielded to the Turks, 427.

Lewis 8th of France makes a vain Expedition into Palestine, 27.

Lewis 9th of France, takes Damiata, 91. wins Carthage, besiegeth Tunis, and dies, 108.

Lewis King of Hungary is overruled by his Nobles, 560. is drown'd, 562.

M.

MAhomet I. invested King of Turks, 212. overthrowes Cara, 214. puts his Brother Isa to flight, 217, 219. sends Musa into Europe, where he is made King, 222. is put to flight by Musa, 224. takes Musa prisoner, and strangles him, 226. takes the Caramanion King prisoner, 227. and dies, 229.

Mahomet II. crowned Emperor of Turks, 306. subdues Caria, 308. besiegeth Constantinople, 309. wins it, 315. beheads Irene, 321. conquers [...], and Athens, 322. [...] Servia, assaulteth Belgrade, 325. is wounded, and departeth, 326. befiegeth Rhodes with losse, 327. wins [...], 328. and [...], 329. takes Mytelene and its Prince, 333. subverts Bosna, and sends Amesa into Epirus, 334. besiegeth Croia, 370. again besiegeth Croia, but returns with loss, 372. takes it, 387. takes the Island Euboea, 375. subdues Mysia, 378. and [...], 380. besiegeth [...] in vain, 382. loseth an Army in Valachia, 383. surpriseth the Venetians, 385. after infinite losse wins Scodra, 395. invades Transylvania with losse, 396. besiegeth Rhodes, 397. but leaves it, 401. and dies, 402.

Mahomet made King of Persia, is hated, 895. is invaded by the Turks, 898. sends his son against them, 910. who regains Sumachia, 911.

Mahomet III. saluted Emperor of Turks, 1055. suffers losse, 1056. proclaims War against the Emperour, 1092. invades Transylvania, 1097. besigeth Agria, 1100. wins it, 1102. is discomfited, 1104. invades Hungary, 1114. suffers losse, 1119. besiegeth Canisia, 1149. wins it, 1151. Ibrahim Bassa being dead, he appoints Hassan General, 1154. appeaseth Rebels in Asia, 1190. puts his eldest Son Mahomet to death, 1191. invades Hungary, 1205. is sorely troubled by Rebels, 1214. and at Sea, 1215. he suffers loss, 1224, 1225. and dies, 1230.

[...] besieged by Solyman, 767. who takes Elm-Castle, 773. but returns with losse, 790. its Knights suffer losse by Sea, [...]. takes the Castle Lango, 1333.

[Page] Manucchiar Prince of the Georgians joyns with the Turks, 900. and is circumcised, 914. but revolts, 943.

[...] an Engineer in Rhodes, defeated, 55. Turkish Mines, 541.

Masut divides the Turks Kingdome, 29.

Matthias King of Hungary spoyls Servia, 364. wins the Kingdom of Bosna, 373.

Count Mantsfield is made General of Upper Germany, 1061. besiegeth Dotis, 1066. and Strigonium, 1067. discomfits the Bassa of Buda, 1072. takes the Lower Town of Strigonium, 1074. and dies, 1075.

Matthias made Arch-Duke of Austria, 1022. wins Novigrade, 1023 besiegeth Strigonium, 1026. but raiseth the siege, 1033. is made General of Lower Hungary, 1061. wins [...] and [...], 1077. takes Ali Bassa prisoner, 1167. is crowned King of Hungary, 1317. makes an agreement between Papists and Protestants, 1319. makes Illeshachius Palatine, 1317. who dyes, 1320. is crowned Emperour of Germany, 1339. sends Negroni Embassador to [...] I. 1350.

Maximilian crowned Roman Emperour, 803. concludes a peace with Selimus, 806.

Maximilian made Generall of the Emperour's forces, 1098. wins Hatwan, 1099. overthrows the Turks, 1104. but flies, 1105.

Melechsala, made Sultan of Damasco, but is betrayed to Saladin, 48.

Meledin Sultan of Egypt, dyes 91.

Melechsala chosen Sultan of Egypt, 91. overthrows the French Army, 94. and dyes, 112.

Duke Mercury made Generall, 1130. wins Alba-Regalis, 1155. discomfits Hassan Bassa, 1175.

[...] come into Greece, 185.

Michael Ducas made Emperour instead of Diogenes, 8.

Michael Emperour of Greece, goes to Magnesia, but returns with losse, 135. and dies, 144.

Michael is created Vayvod of Valachia, 1050. revolts from the Turk, 1052. wins Hersowa and Silistra, 1054. overthrowes Turks and Tartars, 1056, 1057. submits to the Turk, 1107. yet takes Nicopolis, 1118. invades Transylvania, 1125. overthrowes Bator Vayvod thereof, 1126. and wins it, 1127. receives an Embassador, and rich Presents from the Turk, 1137, 1138. subdues Moldavia, 1140. is overthrown by [...], 1145. resigns Transylvania to the German Emperour, 1146. recovers it, and drives out Sigismund, 1162. is slain in his Tent, 1163.

Michna Vayvod of Valachia, proclaimed Prince of Moldavia, 1394.

[...] is made Admiral by the Venetians, [...] doth great harm to the Turks, 377, 378. gives up that charge, 379. is chosen Duke of Venice, 383.

Moses revolts from Scanderbeg, 342. and comes to Epirus with an [Page] Army, 343. is discomfited, 344. submits to Scanderbeg, 345. is taken by the Turks, and is flead alive, 366.

Moyses, Sigismunds Lievtenant, is overthrown by [...], 1165, 1197. loseth Solomose Castle, 1198. invades. Transylvania, 1109. wins Claudinopolis, 1201. puts the Valachians to flight, but is discomfited and slain, 1203.

Mustapha chosen Emperour of Turks. 1408. imprisoneth the French Embassadour for [...] escape, 1411. but frees him, 1412.

N.

NAdasti, who had done excellent service for the Emperour in Hungary, dyes, 1229.

Nassuf, the Grand Visier, his life related, 1365. he is strangled, 1366.

Nice is recovered by the Christians, 161.

Noradine, Sultan of Damasco, fires Panead, 27. wins it, and Arethusa, 45. and dyes, 48.

O.

[...] wins Prusa, 160. is established King of Turks, 161. wins Nice, 163. and [...], 165. and dies, 169.

Original of the Turks uncertain, 1, 2.

Osman Bassa is sent for by Amurath III, 952. puts the Tartars to flight, 954. is appointed Chief Visier, and General, 956. is surprized by the Persian's sleights, 975. wins Tauris, 976. falls sick, 977. his Army is discomfited by the Persians, 978, 979. and dies, 980.

Osman I. proclaimed Sultan, 1113. sends an Embassadour to K. James of England, 1414. and is strangled, 1423.

Othoman made Governour of the Oguzian Turks, 123. surpriseth the Castle Chalce, 124. and Einegiol, 128. settleth his Kingdome, 129. subdues Bythinia, 130, and dyes, 160.

Otranto taken and fortified by the Turks, 402. but regained, 403.

P.

[...] crowned Emperour of Greece, 101. gains Constantinople from the Latines, 105. and dies, 85.

Palfi, Governour of Strigonium, dies, 1130.

Pappa yielded to the Turks, 1133.

Persian King [...] Taur's, 984. his eldest son Hamsy is slain, 990. recovers Tauris, 1214. wins Babylon, 1237, 1268. overthrows Cicola, 1243, 1246, 1268. wins Damasco and Adena, 1289. defeats the Turks, 1323. kills 60000 Turks, 1404. besiegeth Babylon, 1440.

Peter stirs up Christian Princes to the Holy War, 10.

Peter Count of Flanders, chosen Emperour of Constantinople, 84. dyes, 85.

Philip 2. of France, departs for Sicilia, 57. returns out of Syria, 59. invades Normandy, 61.

Philes Paleologus chaseth the Turks out of Europe, 143.

Plague in the Christian Camp, [Page] whereof 50000 dye, 15. in Constantinople, where 200000 dye, 1328, 1340.

Prodigies seen in the Air, 1339, 1365, 1414, 1419.

Ptolemais yielded to the Christians, 58. and razed by the Turks, 114.

R.

R [...] Prince of Transylvania, deposed by the Turk, re-aslumes his Government, 1433. discomfits the Turks, 1434. the States establish him, 1435. puts the Bassa of Buda to flight, 1436. delivers Varadin to the Turk, 1446. takes his Competitor prisoner, 1448.

Rhodes besieged by Mahomet in vain, 398 — 401. its scituation, 541. besieged by Solyman, 542. and yielded to him, 558.

Richard I. King of England, sets forward to Syria, takes Cyprus, with its King, 57. and becomes King of Jerusalem, 60.

Robert of Normandy chosen King of Jerusalem, 18.

Rodolph the Emperour makes a League with Amurath III. 952. which is broken, 991, 1002. overthrowes the Turks at SisegCastle, 1012. wins Subatska, 1017. discomfits the Turks, and takes Filek, 1018. sends an Embassadour to the Duke of Muscovy, who promiseth aid, 1024. takes Jasperin Castle, 1026. and Rab, 1112. overthrowes the Turks and Tartars, 1122. takes a prize from the Turks, 1123. besiegeth Buda, 1171. wins [...], 1172. and Adona, 1174. raiseth Buda's siege, 1175. discomfits the Turks, 1213. takes Hatwan, 1222. hath aid from the Pope, 1250. hath a Treaty of peace with the Turks, 1252, 1253. which is broken, 1254. suppresseth the Rebels of Transylvania, 1265. hath Cassoria yielded to him, 1266. puts the Turks and Rebels to flight, 1289. concludes Articles of peace with the Hungarians, 1293, 1294, 1307, 1308. grants free exercise of Religion in Bohemia, 1322. and dies, 1339.

Ronzerius entertained by the Greek Emperor, and slain, 136.

Roxalana, a slave, married to to Solyman, married to Solyman, 731. plotteth Mustapha's destruction, 732, 733.

S.

SAladin is made Sultan of Egypt, 47. invades the Holy Land, and is put to flight, 49. breaks his League with Baldwin, and is overthrown, 50. loseth 15000 men, and flies, 52. takes Ptolemais, and [...] Towns, with [...], 53. makes a great slaughter of the Christians, 55. and dyes, 61.

Saracon invades Egypt, is vanquished by Almericus, 46. is appointed Sultan of Egypt, and dies, 61.

Scanderbeg delivered to the Turks for Hostage, 236. hath [...] delivered to him, 259. gains Petrella and Petralba, 260. taketh Sfetigrade, 262. puts Alis Bassa, 264. Ferises, 276. and Muslapha to flight. 277. overthrows the Venetians, 284. takes Mustapha, [Page] 285. assaults the Turks Camp, 291, 298. takes Amesa prisoner, 335. kills Debrias, 336. receives aid from Alphonsus, 339. is surprized at Belgrade, 340. discomfits his revolted Nephew Amesa, 352. concludes 2. years peace with the Turk, 354. defeats Sinam, Asam, Jussumbeg, and Caraza, 355. makes a peace with Mahomet, 357. spoyles the Turks borders, 360. surprizeth Seremet Bassa, 363. [...] Balabanus 4. times, 365 — 368. and slew Jacup, 369. With Venetian aid he raiseth Croia's siege, where [...] is slain, 371. dies, and is interred in Lyssa, 373.

Scrivano, a Rebell, overthrows Mehemet Bassa, 1153, 1164. wins many Cities in Asia, and dyes, 1176.

Selimus I. aided by the Tartar, comes into Europe, 448. to Hadrianople, 450. is put to flight by his Father, 454, 455. is made General, and saluted Emperour, 462. invades Armenia, 474. fights with Hysmael, 477, 478. puts Aladeules to flight, 485. sends Sinan Bassa into Egypt, 498. takes Caire, 509, 510. and dyes, 524.

Selimus II. installed Emperour of Turks, 799. invades Cyprus, 815. wins Nicosia, 821. besiegeth Famagusta, 822, 823. and wins it, 837. makes John Vayuod of Valachia, 876. subdues it to himself, 876. wins Tunis, and dyes, 878.

Sigismund cator Vayvod of Transylvania, revolts from the Turks, 1047. makes a League with the German Emperor, 1028. wins Tergovista, 1082, 1083. & Zorza Castle, 1084. goes to the Emperour in person, 1090. overthrowes the Turks and Tartars at Temeswar, 1096. resigns Transylvania to the Emperour, 1108. reassumes the Government, 1116. yields it to the Turks, 1121. takes Basta prisoner, 1160. is expelled, 1162. is received again, 1164. & submits to the Emperour, 1166, and dies at Prague, 1361.

Sinan is made General against the Persians, 923. dismisseth his Army, 929. is made Visier. 931. is degraded, 937. is made General against the Hungarians, 1001. marcheth towards Buda, and wins Siseg Castle, 1014. and Vesprizcium, 1015. is put to flight, 1017. takes Dotis, 1037. besiegeth Rab with losse, 1038, [...]. but takes it, 1042. is called home, 1060. regains his Generalship, and is discomfited, 1079. He dyes, 1090.

Solymaa, son to Orchanes, takes Callipolis, 168. is slain with a fall, 169.

Solyman, son to Bajazet, is made Sultan in Europe, 218. invades Asia, and is received in Prusa, 220. returns into Europe, and puts Musa to flight, 222. is forsaken and strangled, 223.

Solyman installed Emperour of Turks, 526. wins Belgrade, 527. comes in person to Rhodes, 541. gives two assaults with losle, 945, 546, 548, 553. commands [...] [Page] and Pyrrhus to be executed, but spares them upon intreaty, 549. [...] Mustapha to rule Egypt, 550. enters Rhodes, 558. invados Hungary, 560. overthrowes the Kings Army, and wins Buda, 562. gives the Kingdome to Joha Sepusius, 563. besiegeth Vienna, 570. and raiseth that siege, 575. besiegeth Gunza, 581. spoyls the Country, 583. renews his League with the Venetians, 593. sends Grittus into Hungary, 574. who kills the Vayvod of Transylvania, 595. and is slain, 597. takes Tauris, 608. and Babylon, 610. is driven out of Persia, 612. murthers Amurath Bassa, 614. invades Italy, 629. besiegeth Corfu in vain, 633. turns Hungary into a Turkish Province, 678. subdues Transylvania, 681. aids the French King against Charls the Emperour, 701. invades Hungary, 703. takes Strigonium, 706. and Alba-Regalis, 711. concludes a Peace with Charls the Emperor, 723. breaks it, 725. wins [...] in Barbary, 727. and Temeswar in Hungary, 728. marries Roxalana, 731. murthers his son Mustapha, 735. besiegeth Zigeth, 739, 794. wins it, 795. invades Hungary, 792. takes Giula Castle, 793. and dies, 795.

Stephen Vayvod of Moldavia, turns Tyrant, 1377. is defeated by Alexander, 1381. and put to flight by Coreski, 1383. turns Turk, 1394.

Strigonium is won by the Christians, 1077. besieged by the Turks in vain, 1255. and taken by them, 1288.

T.

TAmas the Persian King concludes a peace with Selimus, 808. and dies, 881.

Tamerlan's Original, he is made King, and overthrowes the Muscovite, 194. conquers China, 195. razeth Sebastia, 198. overthrows Bajazet's Army, and takes him prisoner, 202. wins Prusa, 203. puts the Egyptian Sultan to flight, takes Damasco, 206. Damiata, 207. and Caire, 208. razeth Damasco, 210. and dies, 216.

Tangrolipix proclaimed Sultan of Persia, 3.

Tarquemius a Mamaluke is created Sultan of Egypt, 35.

Tartars invade Moldavia, 1085. but are kept back, 1086. do much harm in Hungary, 1177, 1192. overthrow Radall of Valachia, ibid. fire a Jew's house in Constantinople, doing great harm, 1295.

Techellis lives obscurtly, 432. invades the Turks Dominions, 438. encouraged by Hysmaell, 439. puts the Asian Viceroy to flight, 440. takes Catay, 441. discomfits Alis Bassa, 443. flies into Armenia, and is burnt alive, 444.

Theodore saluted Emperour of Greece, 97. dies, and leaves his sou John to succeed, 99.

Tomombeius is chosen Sultan of Egypt, 497. his [...] discovered to the Turks, 503. fortifieth Caire, 507. is taken, and strangled, 515.

[Page] Transylvania [...] great misery through famine, 1238, 1244.

Tumults arise in Constantinople, 995, 1428.

Tuscanian Duke endangereth the Turks, 1332, 1333, 1360, 1361.

V.

VEnetians with 200 Galleys, defeat the Turkes near Rhodes, take Smyrna, 15. Chios & Rhodes, 22. Besiege Corinth, but leave it, 355. win Aulis, Larsum, Himber, and Alhens, but suffer loss at Patras, 363. Spoyl the Turks Dominions, 377. Put the Turks to flight in Epirus, but are vanquished, 384, 385. Take [...], 428. Discomfite the Turks at Ambracia, 429. Besiege Mytelene in vain, 429, 430. overthrow the Turks at Corcyra, 691. Send Ragazonius to treat of peace with Selimus 11, 828. Conclude a with the Pope and King of Spain, 830. discomfite the Turks in the battle of Lepanto, 849, to 854. make Fuscarinus Admiral, 859. recover Tunis, 873. make a League with the Turks, 874. give them two [...], 1427, 1428. Defeat them, making Moccenigo [...], and win [...], 1430. and [...], driving. the Turks from Candia, 1431. difcomfit them with the loss of [...], but lose Tenedos, 1432. defeat the Turks at the Dardanelles, 1435. attempt to surprize Canea in vain, 1437. [...] rives at [...], 257. makes a the Turks in Morea, 1444. suffer great losse by Tempests, 1447. defeat the Turks, 1448.

Villerius Lilladamus chosen Great Master of the Rhodes, 528. encourageth the Citizens, 536, 554. is honourably received by Solyman, 557.

[...] passeth over Danubius against the Turks, 252. arLeague with Amurath, 264. breaks it, 267. sends to Scanderbeg for aid, 268. is slain, 272.

Uscoques, what they are, 1405.

Usun [...] overthrowes the Persian King, and Mustapha, Amurath's son, 380. but is put to slight, 181.

X.

XAynes, a Rhodian, treachecherously taken by the Turks, 535.

Xene, Mother to Alexius, condemned and strangled, 39.

The Xeriffs seize upon the Province of Suz, and Morocco, 1362. defeat the King of Fez.

Z.

ZEllaly, a Rebell, overthrowes the Bassa of Bosna, and takes his Government, 1227. is driven out by Zeffer Bassa, and is made Governour of Temeswar, 1240. his design to surprize Lyppa is frustrated, 1243.

Zemes, [...]'s son, flies into Egypt, 406. and to Rhodes, 409. is delivered to the Pope, 412. and is poysoned, 419.

FINIS.

Information about this book

Title statement

A compendious history of the Turks: containing an exact account of the originall of that people; the rise of the Othoman family; and the valiant undertakings of the Christians against them: with their various events. / By Andrew Moore, Gent.

Moore, Andrew, Gent.

Edition statement

1659

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2009-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1).

ID [DLPS]

A67910

ID [STC]

Wing M2530

ID [STC]

ESTC R13134

ID [EEBO-CITATION]

99859421

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99859421

ID [VID]

130480-02

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(EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A67910)

Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 130480-02)

Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 217:E1742[1] and 217:E1743[1] and 217:E1744[1] or 217:E1745[1])

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— A compendious history of the Turks: containing an exact account of the originall of that people; the rise of the Othoman family; and the valiant undertakings of the Christians against them: with their various events. / By Andrew Moore, Gent., Moore, Andrew, Gent..

Extent

[4], 624, 621-882, 882, 893-1290, 1287-1434, [14] p.

Printed by John Streater,. London :: 1660 [i.e. 1659]. (Annotation on Thomason copy: "Nouem. 1659"; the 0 in the imprint has been crossed out.) (Reproduction of the original in the British Library.)

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