The history of the troubles and tryal of the Most Reverend Father in God and blessed martyr, William Laud, Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury. vol. 1 wrote by himself during his imprisonment in the Tower ; to which is prefixed the diary of his own life, faithfully and entirely published from the original copy ; and subjoined, a supplement to the preceding history, the Arch-Bishop's last will, his large answer to the Lord Say's speech concerning liturgies, his annual accounts of his province delivered to the king, and some other things relating to the history.

The history of the troubles and tryal of the Most Reverend Father in God and blessed martyr, William Laud, Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury. vol. 1 wrote by himself during his imprisonment in the Tower ; to which is prefixed the diary of his own life, faithfully and entirely published from the original copy ; and subjoined, a supplement to the preceding history, the Arch-Bishop's last will, his large answer to the Lord Say's speech concerning liturgies, his annual accounts of his province delivered to the king, and some other things relating to the history.

Table of contents

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Title page

THE PREFACE.

THE CONTENTS OF THIS VOLUME.

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Title page

AN INTRODUCTION To the following History: CONTAINING THE DIARY OF THE Most Reverend Father in God WILLIAM LAUD, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury.

Anno 1573.

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Anno: 1589.

Anno: 1590.

Anno: 1593.

Anno: 1594.

Anno: 1596.

Anno: 1597.

Anno: 1598.

Anno 1600.

Anno 1601.

Anno 1602.

Anno 1603.

Anno 1604.

Anno 1605.

Anno 1606.

Anno 1607.

Anno 1608.

Anno 1609.

Anno 1610.

Anno: 1611.

Anno: 1612.

Anno: 1614.

Anno: 1615.

Anno: 1616.

Anno: 1617.

Anno: 1618.

Anno 1619.

Anno 1620.

Anno 1621.

Anno 1622.

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Anno 1623.

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Anno 1624.

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Anno 1625.

Anno 1625.

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Anno 1626.

Anno 1626.

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Anno 1627.

Anno 1627.

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Anno 1628.

Anno 1629.

Anno 1630.

Anno 1631.

Anno 1632.

Anno 1633.

Anno 1634.

Anno 1635.

Anno 1636.

Anno 1637

Anno 1638.

Anno 1639.

Anno 1640.

[Anno 1641.]

Anno 1642.

Anno 1643.

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Things which I have Projected to do, if God Bless me in them.

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Title page

THE HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES OF WILLIAM LAUD LORD Arch-Bishop of Canterbury: Which began to fall upon him, 〈◊〉 18: 1640.

CAP. I.

CAP. II.

CAP. III

CAP. IV.

CAP. V.

CAP. VI.

CAP. VII.

CAP. VIII.

CAP. IX.

CAP. X.

CAP. XI.

CAP. XII.

CAP. XIII.

CAP. XIV.

CAP. XV.

CAP. XVI.

CAP. XVII.

CAP. XVIII.

CAP. XIX.

CAP. XX.

CAP. XXI.

CAP. XXII. The First Day of my Hearing.

CAP. XXIII. The Second Day of my Hearing.

CAP. XXIV.

The Third Day of my Hearing.

CAP. XXV. The Fourth Day of my Hearing.

CAP. XXVI. The Fifth Day of my Hearing.

CAP. XXVII. The Sixth Day of my Hearing.

CAP. XXVIII.

CAP. XXIX. The Seventh Day of my Hearing.

CAP. XXX.

My Eighth Day of Hearing.

CAP. XXXI.

The Ninth Day of my Hearing.

CAP. XXXII.

The Tenth Day of my Hearing.

CAP. XXXIII. The Eleventh Day of my Hearing.

CAP. XXXIV. My Twelfth Day of Hearing.

CAP. XXXV. The Thirteenth Day of my Hearing.

CAP. XXXVI.

The Fourteenth Day of my Hearing.

CAP. XXXVII. The Fifteenth Day of my Hearing.

CAP. XXXVIII. The Sixteenth Day of my Hearing.

CAP. XXXIX. The Seventeenth Day of my Hearing.

CAP. XL. The Eighteenth Day of my Hearing.

CAP. XLI. The Nineteenth Day of my Hearing.

CAP. XLII. The Twentieth, and the Last Day of my Hearing.

CAP. XLIII. My Recapitulation.

CAP. XLIV.

CAP. XLV.

CAP. XLVI.

A short Supplement to the preceeding History, taken from the Historical Collections of John Rushworth, par: 3: vol: 2: p: 834.

A Larger Supplement to the preceeding History, taken out of Dr: Heylin's Cyprianus Anglicus,: or, his Life of Arch-Bishop Laud. Pag: 527, &c.

The Speech of the Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, spoken at his Death, upon the Scaffold on the Tower-Hill, Jan. 10. 1644.

The Arch-Bishop's Last Will and Testament. In Dei Nomine, Amen.

Several Passages of Arch-Bishop Laud's Conference with Fisher the Jesuit, 〈◊〉 Londin. 1639. Fol. referred to in the preceding History.

I.

II.

III.

IV.

V.

VI.

VII.

VIII.

IX.

X.

XI.

XII.

XIII.

XIV.

XV.

XVI.

XVII.

XVIII.

XIX.

XX.

XXI.

THE ANSWER OF THE Most Reverend Father in God, William Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, TO THE SPEECH OF THE Lord Say and Seal, touching the Liturgy.

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Title page

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INSTRUCTIONS Sent from the King to Arch-Bishop Abbot, in the Year: 1629.

Arch-Bishop Abbot's Account of his Province for the Year: 1632. sent to the King.

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INSTRUCTIONS Sent from the King to Arch-Bishop Laud, in the Year: 1634. Ex Registro Laud: Fol: 217.

A Memorial of the Arch-Bishop's Annual Account to the King's Majesty, of his Province, for the Year: 1635. Ex Registro Laud, fol: 241.

W. S. A. C.

Mr. Raymond's Letter to my Lord Arch-Bishop Sancroft; concerning the following Papers.

Arch-Bishop Laud's Account of his Province, sent to the King, for the Year 1633. with the King's Apostills, in the Margin.

The Arch-Bishop's Account of his Province to the King for the Year: 1634.

The Arch-Bishop's Account of his Province to the King, for the Year 1635.

The Arch-Bishop's Accounts of his Province to the King, for the Year: 1636.

The Arch-Bishop's Account of his Province to the King, for the Year: 1637. In Dei Nomine, Amen.

The Arch-Bishop's Account of his Province to the King, for the Year: 1638.

The Arch-Bishop's Account of his Province to the King, for the Year: 1639. In Dei Nomine, Amen.

H. W.

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Title page

ROME's MASTER-PIECE.

Sir William Boswell's first Letter to the Arch-Bishop concerning the Plot.

Andreas ab Habernfield his Letter to the Arch-Bishop, concerning the Plot revealed to him.

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The general Overture and Discovery of the Plot sent with Sir William Boswell's first Letter.

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The Arch-Bishop of Canterbury's Letter to the King concerning the Plot: With the King's directions in the Margin, written with his own Hand.

Sir William Boswell's second Letter to the Arch-Bishop.

Sir William Boswell's third Letter to the Arch-Bishop, sent with the larger Discovery of the Plot.

The large particular Discovery of the Plot and Treason against the King, Kingdom, and Protestant Religion; and to raise the Scottish Wars.

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A further Evidence and Confirmation of some things in the Relation concerning the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury.

Observations on, and from the Relation of this PLOT.

THE EXAMINATION OF HENRY MAYO.

H. W.

Letter from Oxon, to Mr: Fish of Clerkenwell; to convey two Oxford Youths beyond Sea.

My Letter to the Vice-chancellor [Dr: Bayly] Aug: 29: 1637. sent presently away, for care to be had of this Business.

My LETTER to the Vice-Chancellor [Dr: Frewen] for watchfulness against Jesuits, Febr: 7:

Arch-Bishop Laud's Letter to Sir Kenelm Digby.

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BOOKS Printed for RICHARD CHISWELL.

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ARCH-BISHOP LAUD's HISTORY.

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Effigies Reverendissima et Sanctissimi Praesulis Willelmi LAUD Archepiscopi Cantuariensis, Qui pro Christi Ecclesiā Martyrium passus est, Anno: 1644/5 Ianuar: 10: AEtatis suae: 72.—.

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THE HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES AND TRYAL OF The Most Reverend Father in God, and Blessed Martyr, WILLIAM LAUD, Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury.

Wrote by HIMSELF, during his Imprisonment in the Tower.

To which is prefixed THE DIARY OF HIS OWN LIFE Faithfully and entirely Published from the Original Copy: And subjoined A SUPPLEMENT to the Preceding HISTORY: The Arch-Bishop's Last Will; His Large Answer to the Lord SAY's Speech concerning Liturgies; His Annual Accounts of his Province delivered to the King; And some other Things relating to the History.

IMPRIMATUR, Martij: 7: 1693/4.

JO: CANT.

LONDON: Printed for Ri: Chiswell, at the Rose and Crown in St: Paul's Church-Yard, M DC, XCV.

THE PREFACE.

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THAT the Reader may be satisfied, how it came to pass, that an History wrote of, and by, a Person of so great a Character in this Nation, and by him designed for the Publick, hath lain hid, and been suppressed for near Fifty Years; through whose Hands it hath passed; and by what means, and by whose Labour it is at last Published; he may be pleased to take the following Account.

The Most Reverend Arch-Bishop, the Author and Subject of this History, was very exact and careful in keeping all Papers, which concerned himself, or any Affairs of Church and State, passing through his Hands; not only kept a Journal of his own Actions, but from time to time, took minutes of whatsoever passed at Council-Table, Star-Chamber, High-Commission-Court, &c. Digested all his Papers in most exact Order; wrote with his own Hand on the back or top of every one, what it Concerned, when it was Received, when Wrote or Answered, &c.

This his Enemies knew full well; and therefore, when after they had caused him to be Impeached of High Treason, of endeavouring to introduce Popery and Arbitrary Government, and to be Imprisoned upon the Impeachment in the end of the Year, 1640. and had now in vain laboured for two Years and an half, to find out Evidence to prove this their Accusation; but the more they sought, they found to their confusion, so much the greater Evidence of the contrary: After they had in vain ransacked all Papers left by the Arch-Bishop in his Study at Lambeth, and Examined all his Intimate Friends and subaltern Agents upon Oath; when nothing did appear, they hoped to find somewhat against him, either in his private Journal of his Life, which they knew to be kept by him, or in those Papers, which he had carried with him from Lambeth at his first Commitment, in order to his future Defence. Vpon these hopes, they with great privacy [...] an Order, for the searching his Chamber and Pockets in the Tower, in May 1643. and committed the Execution of it, to his inveter ate Enemy, William Prynne; who thereupon took from the Arch-Bishop Twenty One Bundles of Papers, which he had prepared for his Defence; his Diary, his Book of Private Devotions, the Scotch Service-Book, and Directions accompanying it, &c. And although he then faithfully promised Restitution of them within three or four days, yet never restored any more than three Bundles; employed such against the Arch-Bishop at his Trial, as might seem prejudicial to his Cause; suppressed those, which might be advantageous to him; Published many, Embezzeled some; and kept the rest to the day of his Death.

As soon as Prynne was possessed of the Arch-Bishop's Papers, he set himself with eager Malice to make use of them to his Defamation, and to prove the charge of Popery and abetting Arbitrary Government, by the Publication of many of them. His first Specimen in this kind, was a Pamphlet, which [Page] came out in August following, Entituled, Rome's Master-piece, in Five Sheets in Quarto, containing the Papers and Letters relating to the Plot, contrived by Papists against the Church and State then Established in England, and discovered by Andreas ab Habernfeild. But never did Malice appear so gross and ridiculous together, as in this case. For from this Plot, if there were any Truth in it, it appeared, that the Life of the Arch-Bishop was chiefly aim'd at by the Plotters, as the grand Obstacle of their Design, and one who could by no Arts be wrought to any connivance of them, much less concurrence with them. This Pamphlet being, after the Publication of it, carried to the Arch-Bishop in the Tower, he made several Marginal Annotations on it, in Answer to Prynne's Falsifications and Malitious Calumnies intermixed therein. Which Copy, coming afterwards into the Hands of Dr: Baily, the Arch-Bishop's Executor, was by him given to the Learned Antiquary, Mr: Anthony Wood, and by him Transmitted to me, in order to be placed among the other Papers and Memorials, which are to follow this History, according to the Arch-Bishop's own Direction.

But Prynne's Malice could not be abated by the shame of one Miscarriage. In the next place, he bethought himself of Publishing the Arch-Bishop's Diary, as soon as his Trial ended, wherein it had been often produced as Evidence against him. This then he Published in the beginning of September, 1644. in Nine Sheets in Folio, with this Title, A Breviat of the Life of, &c. (intending it, as he saith, for a Prologue to the much desired History of his Tryal) but neither entire, nor faithfully, as far as he did Publish it; but altered, mangled, corrupted, and glossed in a most shameful manner; accompanied with desperate Untruths, as the Arch-Bishop complains in this History; and therefore addeth: For this Breviat of his, if God lend me Life and Strength to end this (History) first; I shall discover to the World, the base and malitious Slanders, with which it is fraught. This the Arch-Bishop wrote, when he despaired that ever his Diary should be recovered out of those vile Hands, in which it then was; and be Published faithfully and entirely, which would be the most effectual discovery of the Baseness and Malice of Prynne therein.

Yet notwithstanding so vile and corrupt an Edition of it, all those who have wrote any thing of this Excellent Prelate, have been forced to make use of it; not being able to gain the sight of the Original, nor perhaps so much as suspecting any such fraud in the Edition of it. Particularly, it is much to be lamented, that Dr. Heylin, who wrote the History of the Arch-Bishop's Life with great Care and Elegance, was forced, in most things, to borrow his Account from this corrupted Edition of his Diary, and hath thereby been led into many and great Errors. Others also have, since him, taken up and divulged many false Opinions concerning the Diary it self; as that it was wholly wrote in Latin by the Arch-Bishop, that it was by himself Entituled A Breviat of his Life, and that it was Translated and Published entire [...] Prynne.

The True and Faithful Publication of it, which I have made from the Original, now in my Hands, will not only supply the defect of what the Arch-Bishop intended in the words before related, but never effected; but will also undeniably assert his Innocence from those greater Accusations [...] brought against him, and will farther clear [...] from many later [Page] Aspersions of lesser moment. I will name but one, which is to be found in the Life of Arch-Bishop Williams, wrote by Bishop Hacket, and lately Published: Therein (pag. 63, 64.) Dr. Laud is taxed of high Ingratitude against Williams, who is there in a long Relation represented as his great Benefactor, and who particularly gained of King James the Bishoprick of St. Davids for him, by his great and restless importunity, when the King had determined not to Promote him, as unworthy of his Favour, for Reasons there expressed. I question not Bishop Hacket's Veracity, or that Arch-Bishop Williams did indeed relate this to him. But then Williams will be found strongly to have prevaricated, when he pretended that Laud owed that Preferment to his Kindness, and thereupon taxed him of Ingratitude. For from what is related in the following Diary, at June 29 1621. it appears indeed, that Williams stickled hard to gain the Bishoprick of St. Davids for Laud, not out of any Kindness to him, but for his own ends, that so himself might retain the Deanry of Westminster, with the Bishoprick of Lincoln, (to which he was then Nominated) which otherwise had slipped from him; the King having designed to give it to Dr. Laud, upon the avoidance of it by the Promotion of Dr. Williams to the See of Lincoln. But whatever may be in this Matter alledged against Dr. Laud; I am sure, no Art or Colour can defend that bitter Revenge of Arch-Bishop Williams, related in this History; which prompted him to move earnestly in the House of Lords, that the Jurisdiction of the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury (then a Prisoner in the Tower) might be Sequestred, and put into the Hands of his Inferiour Officers; which by his importunity he obtained, to the great Prejudice of the Church, and no small Infamy of himself.

I do not pretend to justifie the whole Proceeding of Arch-Bishop Laud, during the whole course of his Power and Government, against Arch-Bishop Williams. I do rather lament it, as the great Misfortune, both of themselves, and the Church at that time; that two such Eminent Prelates, equally endued with extraordinary Learning, Wisdom, and Greatness of Mind, should be engaged in constant Opposition and Enmity to each other, at first raised by mutual Distrust and Emulation, and ever after kept up and fomented by reciprocal Injuries, and false Representations on each side. But that the blame of this Misfortune should be cast wholly on the one side; that unworthy Reflections should be made and Published in prejudice of Arch-Bishop Laud; that he should be accused of base Ingratitude, of impotent Malice, of insatiable Revenge; while the other is represented as the most Calm, most Innocent, and most Heroical Person imaginable; I cannot without some Indignation observe in the before mentioned Historian, otherwise of Eminent Worth and Character; who to approve his Gratitude to his Patron and Promoter, hath grosly neglected the Laws of History; and cared not how injuriously he treated the Memory of Arch-Bishop Laud, that he might justifie the Quarrel, and heighten the Encomium of Arch-Bishop Williams. Vpon this Hacket's Life of Arch-Bishop Williams, Par. 1. pag 64. Account, and with this design, Williams is pretended to have been the great Patron and Benefactor of Laud, to have procured him his first Rotchet, &c. that so the latter might appear guilty of the highest Ingratitude against the other. Hence these Reflections are frequently repeated. Of all Men, Bishop Laud was the Man, whose Enmity was most tedious Par. 2 pag. 115. and most spightful against his great Benefactor Williams. This dealing of Laud is past Excuse, and can bear no Apology. And the Par. 2: pag. 65, 66. [Page] Cause of his (Bishop Williams's) incessant molestations for Twelve [...]. 2. pag. 85. Years, was his known Enemy Bishop Laud. Could he so soon forget him, that first made him a Bishop? &c. —The undoing of his Pag. 86. 115. &c. Brother was so much in his Mind; that it was never out of his Dreams. In other places Laud is represented, as utterly implacable and irreconcilable in his Malice against Williams; is accused of impotent Malevolence; and his implacable spight against a Bishop, his Raiser, and Pag. 129. now (by being a Prisoner in the Tower) become a spectacle of pity, said to be unpardonable. Again he is Traduced to have been possessed with a Revengeful Mind. Whereas to the other, this lofty Encomiam is beslowed; Pag. 131. that, There did not Live that Christian, that hated Revenge Pag. 230. more than he, or that would forgive an Injury sooner. These and many like Passages, are as far remote from Truth and Justice, as they are from that Sincerity and Impartiality, which become an Historian.

I had intended to have said no more upon this Head. But I cannot prevail with my self to pass by an heinous Accusation, formerly brought against Arch-Bishop Laud, concerning his having altered the Oath Administred to King Charles I: at his Coronation, in favour of the Crown, and prejudice of the People. Which Accusation, it hath pleased an Honourable, Reverend, L. C. Baron Atkin's Speech to the Lord Mayor, Octob: 1693. pag: 4, 5. and Learned Person, very lately to renew in a Publick Speech, in these words—The striking out of that part of the Ancient Oath in King Charles his time at his Coronation, by Arch-Bishop Laud (that the King should consent to such Laws, as the People should choose) and instead of that, another very unusual one inserted, Saving the King's Prerogative Royal.— And I could tell you of somewhat more of that kind, done since, in the time of the late King James; at the time of his Coronation, there was much more struck out of the Coronation Oath: which might well be worth the enquiring, how it came about. I must not presume to oppose any thing delivered by an Oracle of the Law, in a Court of Judicature, to a great Auditory, upon a Solemn Occasion. However, I beg leave to acquaint the Reader, that a full and undeniable justification of Arch-Bishop Laud from this Charge, may be found in this History, cap. 33. I may farther presume, that the Author of this Speech, is too Just and Honourable, to intend by the latter Clause, any [...] upon another Arch-Bishop, who Administred the Coronation Oath to King James II. Or if any Reader should be so ill informed, as to mis-conceive his Lordship herein; I hope it will be no offence to say, that it would be no difficult matter, to justifie in this Case the Proceeding of the one Arch-Bishop, as clearly, as this History doth the other.

I might farther add, that the entire Publication of this Diary, contributes very much to Illustrate the History of those Times; and that both it, and the following History, discover many Secrets (before unknown) in Matters of Church and State, and correct many Errours, commonly taken up and received in Relation to either. To give one particular instance; I know a certain [...], who would fain be esteemed, and is generally accounted by these of his Party, to know more of the Secret History of the Transactions preceeding and accompanying the Grand Rebellion, than the whole [...] besides; who hath confidently Related, that when the Earl of Strafford enter'd into the Service of King Charles I. and began to be employed as Chief Minister of State, he covenanted with him, that no Session of Parliament should be called or held during his Ministry. Now the [...] of this Report [Page] appears from what the Arch-Bishop hath wrote in his Diary at Dec. 5. 1639. that the first movers for calling a Parliament at that time, were the Earl of Strafford and himself. Nothing also can reflect more Honour upon the Memory of any Person, that what the Arch-Bishop (in the following History, cap. 9.) relateth of the Earl's rejecting the unworthy Proposition made to him, by Mr. Denzell Hollis, in the Name of the Leading Men of the House of Commons; a matter wholly unknown before.

But to proceed with Prynne, soon after the Martyrdom of the Arch-Bishop, whether prompted by his unwearied Malice, or by his eternal itch of scribling, or incited by the Order of the House of Commons, made March 4. 1644/5. desiring him to Print and Publish all the Proceedings concerning the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury's Trial: He immediately set himself to Defame the Arch-Bishop, and justifie the Proceedings of the Rebel Parliament against him, more at large. To which purpose, he Published in 1646. in 66 Sheets in Folio, his Necessary Introduction to the History of the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury his Trial: Which in the Preface, he calleth A New Discovery of sundry Plots, and hidden Works of Darkness: Containing bitter Invectives and Accusations against the whole Proceedings of the Court, from the time of the Treaty about the Spanish Match, to that day; and labouring to prove, that both King James and Charles designed to overthrow the [...] Religion, and to introduce Popery, using Arch-Bishop Laud as their chief Instrument in that bad Design: An Accusation, which neither himself, nor any other Man in his Wits, ever believed.

Soon after this, in the same Year 1646. was Published by the same Author, Canterbury's Doom, or the First Part of a compleat History of the Trial of the Arch-Bishop, in 145 Sheets in Folio, containing (as himself Epist: Ded. acknowledgeth) only the History of the Preliminaries of the Trial till the commencement of it, together with the Commons Evidence, his Answers to it, and their Replies upon him, in maintenance of the first general Branch of their Charge of High Treason against him, to wit, his Trayterous endeavours to alter and subvert God's True Religion by Law Established among us, to introduce Popery, and to reconcile the Church of England to the Church of Rome. The remaining part of the Trial he engaged (by Promise Rushworth also promised to Publish such an exact History of the Trial of this Arch-Bishop, as he had done of that of the Earl of Strafford. Collect. Par. 3. vol. 2. pag. 833. but never did effect it. made both in the beginning and end of that Book) to Compleat and Publish with all convenient speed; but never made good his Vndertaking; nor, as I believe, ever did intend it. For he well knew, that however what was urged against the Arch-Bishop at his Trial in this matter, and was largely amplified in his History, in proof of the Arch-Bishop's endeavour to subvert the Established Religion, carried with it some shew of Truth in the Judgment of a then miserably deluded People; who were cheated into a Belief (cursed be the wilful Authors of that Cheat, which in great measure yet continueth) that good Works, Building, Repairing, Consecrating and Adorning Churches, bowing at the Name of Jesus, prosiration to God in Prayer, wearing Copes, retaining the use of Canonical Hours in Prayer, and such like Decent Vsages and Ceremonies, were downright Popery (for these and such like were the Proofs of that Accusation brought against the Arch-Bishop) Yet that all which they did or could produce in confirmation of their other Heads of Accusation against the Arch-Bishop, carried not with it the least appearance of proof. For which Reason, Prynne [Page] began the History of his Trial with the Charge and Proofs of Popery; although that was not the first, but the last, Head of Accusation, brought against him, and canvassed in the course of his Trial.

However, the Godly Cheat, once begun, was by any means to be continued; and therefore it was pretended by Prynne, and other Adversaries of the Arch-Bishop; that although, to give him his due (for such are Prynne's own words, pag. 462.) the Arch-Bishop made as full, as gallant, as pithy a Defence of so bad a Cause; and spake as much for himself, as was possible for the Wit of Man to invent; and that with so much Art, Sophistry, Vivacity, Oratory, Audacity and Confidence, without the least acknowledgment of Guilt in any thing, &c. yet that after all, the Crimes objected being undeniably proved against him; and himself thereupon despairing of being able to justifie and clear his Innocence, either to the then present or to succeeding times, did burn all the Notes of his Answers and Defence before his Death, of purpose to prevent their publication after it. Which Calumny Prynne hath twice (in Epist. Dedic. and pag. 461.) repeated, pretending to have received the knowledge of it from the Arch-Bishop's own Secretary Mr. Dell.

The falsity of this base Report appears sufficiently from this History, wrote by the Arch-Bishop, and now Published. He had begun to compose it before the end of the Year 1641. and continued it from time to time, till the 3d of January 1644/5. which was the seventh day before his Execution. For on the 4th of January, being acquainted that Sentence had passed upon him in the House of Lords, he conveyed the Original Copy of his History into safe hands, and prepared himself for Death. That he had begun it before the end of 1641. and augmented it from time to time; appears evidently from several places of it. And although in the Narration of his Trial, many things said or alledged in the Recapitulation on the last days, be interwoven with the History of every days Trial; yet all those passages were added by him afterwards on the blank pages, which he had for that purpose left over-against every written page in the Original Copy; and from thence were according to his directions transcribed in the other Copy into one entire Narration. Hence it comes to pass, (which the Reader will easily observe) that the Arch-Bishop writing down the Transactions of every day, as they happened, hath left so many plain Indications of haste, and sometimes of heat. Some things seem to have been wrote, while his Spirits had not yet recovered a sedate Temper; many improprieties of Language committed; and other defects admitted: which the Arch-Bishop himself being sensible of, had wrote in the first leaf of his Book: Non apposui manum ultimam. W. Cant.

That the most Reverend Author wrote this History for the publick Vindication of himself, cannot be doubted. Nay himself more than once affirmeth, that he intended it for the Vindication of himself to the whole Christian World; and chiefly indeed for the defence of himself and the Church of England in Foreign parts; where wrong Notions are generally entertained of the Constitution of our Church, as being for the most part taken from the Writings of some Puritanical Divines among us. For this Reason the Arch-Bishop earnestly desired (which desire is thrice in this Work expressed) that it might be carefully and exactly Translated into Latin, and Printed; that he might thereby appeal to the Judgment of the Learned in all parts of Christendom. To this end himself had procured the Liturgy, which [Page] he had composed for the Church of Scotland, to be turned into Latin, that it might be Published with it. To the end (saith he) that the Book may be extant, and come to the view of the Christian World, and their Judgment of it be known, I have caused it to be exactly Translated into Latin; and if right be done me, it shall be Printed with this History. This Latin Translation of the Scotch Liturgy, as also the English Original Copy of the first draught of it, are now in my Hands; and shall one or both of them be hereafter (God willing) published in the Collection of Memorials. It should seem, that when the Arch-Bishop designed a Latin Edition of his History, he despaired that the generality of this Nation, then miserably distemper'd in Matter of Religion, would ever so far regain the use of their Wits, as to be able to pass an impartial Judgment upon his Cause. But, God be thanked, the Church, for which he suffered, and which was ruined with him, was in a short time after beyond hope Re-established; and therewith Sobriety returning into the minds of Men, no place is now so fit for the publication of this History, as our own Island; and no Language more proper for it, than our own, which is the Original, wherein it was wrote.

It should seem, that what was already wrote of this History, in May 1643. when Prynne searched the Arch-Bishop's Chamber in the Tower, and seized his Papers found there, escaped his ravenous Hands. Whether after the Arch-Bishop's death, and the completion of it, the Copy of it came into his hands, I cannot certainly affirm (the Reason of my uncertainty I shall relate presently) but do believe, that it did. Which if it did, I suppose he having got notice of it, seized it by Vertue of an Order of the House of Commons, March 4. 1644/5. empowering him to send for all Writings, &c. relating to the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury his Trial.

To proceed, all the Arch-Bishop's Papers taken from him by Prynne, either out of his Study at Lambeth soon after his Commitment, or out of his Chamber and Pockets in the Tower, or seized after his Martyrdom, remained in Prynne's hands until his Death. When Arch-Bishop Sheldon, well knowing that the Papers of his Predecessor Arch-Bishop Laud had been unjustly seized and detained by him; procured an Order of the King and Council, deputing Sir William Dugdale, and some others, to view his Study, and taking thence all the Books and Papers formerly belonging to Arch-Bishop Laud, to deliver them into his hands. This was accordingly done; and the Books and Papers being seized, brought to Arch-Bishop Sheldon; although very much diminished in number, and embezeled, since they had come into Prynne's hands. For he seems either to have Printed many of them from the Originals, to save the labour of transcribing them; or to have burned them, or otherwise employed them to common uses, when once Printed. So that very few of those Papers, which Prynne had published in the several Pamphlets and Books before named, came into Arch-Bishop Sheldon's hands. And not a few, even of those which had not been Published, were found wanting. Particularly the Papers of Arch-Bishop Laud, concerning the Conversion of his Godson, Mr. William Chillingworth; which the Arch-Bishop saith were taken away from him by Mr. Prynne, and being by him produced at the Committee for drawing up his Charge, were there Examined.

Whether the Copy of this History was seized at this time in Mr. Prynne's Study, or came to Arch-Bishop Sheldon by other means, I cannot certainly [Page] affirm. But this I am assured of, that Arch-Bishop Sheldon having about this time got into his Hands the Copy of this History, and having now gained also the other Papers of Arch-Bishop Laud; sent for the truly Reverend and Learned Dr. William Sancroft, then Dean of St. Pauls, and delivered both to him; ordering him to Publish the History, with such Papers as were necessary to it, with all convenient speed. This Dr. Sancroft willingly undertook; but upon Reading of the History, found the Copy to be so very vitious; that it would not be sit to be Published, till the Original might be recovered, whereby the defects of it might be supplied and corrected. Hereupon they set themselves to search after the Original; which at last they found in St. John's Colledge in Oxford, having been deposited there (as I suppose) by Dr. Richard Baily, formerly President of that Colledge, and Executor to the Author.

After this was done, a new scruple was started concerning the Language, wherein it should be Published. Arch-Bishop Sheldon was desirous it might be Translated into, and Published in Latin, in complyance with the Desire and Intention of the Author. The Dean of St. Pauls on the other side was of Opinion; that it would be more useful to the Publick, and serviceable to the Memory of the Author, to Publish it in English. This difference of Opinion protracted the Edition of it from time to time; until at last Arch-Bishop Sheldon continuing resolved in his Opinion, the Dean yielded to his Authority; and only desiring that some Learned Civilian might be joyned with him, who might render the Forms of Pleading in apt Latin Expressions, prepared himself for the undertaking. But in the interim Arch-Bishop Sheldon dying, the Dean was most deservedly chosen to succeed him in the Arch-Bishoprick. Whereby being involved in constant Publick Business both of Church and State, he was forced to lay aside his design of publishing this History, yet not without hopes of finding at some time or other opportunity to perform it: for which Reason he devolved not the care of it upon any other; but kept it by him, and in the mean time endeavoured to get into his Hands all other Papers relating to Arch-Bishop Laud or his Cause.

But in vain did he hope to find so much leisure, while the Administration of the chief Office in the Church took up his whole care and thoughts. What he could not then do, he hoped to accomplish after his Retirement into Suffolk, in August 1691. Yet neither then did he set about it, until the middle of the Year 1693. when opening his Papers, he began to collate the Copy with the Original, to divide the History into Chapters, to examine the Citations, to write down several Directions and Memoranda's for his own use in preparing the Edition, to Note what places deserved to be amended or considered, to write several Observations on the [...], to draw up a Catalogue of the Memorials to be added as an Appendix to the History, to Note which of them were in his Hands, and which being wanting to him, were to be sought elsewhere.

He was earnestly employed about this Matter; and the Original and Copy, with many of the Papers belonging to it, lay on his Scrutoire before him; and himself was then writing certain Quaeries, Memoranda's and Directions for his use therein in a [...] paper; when a violent [...] seized him, August 25. which having [...] him to his Bed full thirteen weeks, he at last surrendred up his Pious Soul to God, the 24th: of November, on Friday, early in the Morning, in the 77th Year of his Age.

[Page] As soon as he had Reason to apprehend, that his Sickness would prove mortal; remembring what he was last employed about, the Edition of this History, he was desirous to see me, that so he might commit the care of it to me. But so it was, that I hearing of his Sickness, and not knowing any thing, either of this History being in his Hands, or of his Intentions about it, took a Journey into Suffolk, to wait upon him, as in Duty bound, (having the Honour and the Happiness to be his Chaplain) whither I came on the last day of October. He was then pleased to acquaint me with his Design; related to me, how the History with the other Papers of Arch-Bishop Laud came into his Hands, how he had often prepared himself for the perfection of this Edition, and was at last hindred by his present Sickness. In fine, he laid his Commands upon me, to perfect what he had begun, and to Publish the History, as soon as might be; and then immediately caused to be delivered to me the Original and Copy of the History, with the Diary, and all other Papers of Arch-Bishop Laud, or his own, relating to them, which then laid upon or about his Scrutoire, or could be found in his Study. His Voice was then very weak, and his Spirits faint; so that he could not give to me that perfect account, by what means the Copy came into Arch-Bishop Sheldon's Hands, which I had desired of him. For he having omitted to tell me that distinctly, and I desiring satisfaction in that and some other Questions about this Book; he could only answer me: These are material Questions; but I am weary with speaking, and my Spirits are faint. I cannot make to you any farther Answers herein. After which, I never presumed to trouble him with the Question.

However, having observed, upon Reading the Book, and looking over the Papers, that many even of those Memorials were wanting, which I found that my Most Reverend Patron had in his written Notes marked to be in his Hands; I took the boldness, when I next waited on him (on November 22. following) to acquaint him with this defect. Whereupon, he immediately ordered me to search all his Papers, (the greater part of which had not been opened, nor put in order, since his removal from Lambeth) which I began forthwith to do; and thereby found many Papers relating to this History, or other Papers of Arch-Bishop Laud, scattered and divided among several parcels of other Writings. But before I had searched half way, evident signs of approaching Death appearing in him, I quitted the search at that time; and renewed it not again, till several weeks after his Death; when I looked over the remaining part of his Papers, and, with the leave of his Executors, took thence whatsoever related to, or might be subservient to this Design.

In this latter search I found many things; but neither first nor last could find several Papers of Arch-Bishop Laud, of great moment; which I am well assured were in the Hands of my late Lord Arch-Bishop Sancroft; because I find them testified so to be in the Catalogue of Arch-Bishop Laud's Papers in his hands, drawn by himself. Among these, is a large Answer of Arch-Bishop Laud, to a Speech made by William Lord Viscount Say and Seal against the Civil Power of Bishops, and Printed by him, London, 1642. His Answer to the Speech of the same Lord against the Liturgy, and Printed London 1641. I found, and have published in the end of this Volume; as well because it contains many Historical passages of the Arch-Bishop's own [Page] Life and Actions; as for that, it is no where referred to in this History, and so could not well be placed among the Memorials intended for the Second Part. Arch-Bishop Laud had also wrote a large and elaborate Answer to the Speech of Nathaniel Fiennes, Son to the Lord Say, against the new Canons, made in the end of the Year 1640. and Printed London, 1641. which [...] to in this History. This also was in the Hands of my late Lord Arch-Bishop Sancroft; as I find as well by the written Catalogue before mentioned, as by a particular Paper of Observations made by him upon it, toward the completion and illustration of it; whereby it appears to consist of above fifty Pages in Folio. But this, after a tedious and diligent search, I could not find. Which will not appear incredible to those, who know what a vast multitude of Papers and Collections my late Lord Arch-Bishop Sancroft left behind him; and therein more perhaps wrote with his own Hand, than any Man, either of this or the last Age, ever did write.

Having obtained all the Papers, which could be found, I set my self to perfect the Edition of this History; which I have at last performed, yet with greater trouble and labour, than can easily be imagined. I caused the Diary to be exactly Transcribed, adjoined an English Translation to the Latin part of it, diligently collated the Copy of the History with the Original, the Articles and other Memorials with the Printed Copies, if any such were; added what Observations I thought necessary, in the Margin; have every where Religiously retained the Author's own words and expressions throughout, (although therein, I must confess, against the Judgment of my most Reverend Patron expressed in his written Notes) have only amended the Orthography (which both in Original and Copy was monstrously vitious) inserted some words, where the Sense was imperfect, but have always included such in Crotchets; and in some places substituted Greek words instead of Latin, in Citations out of Greek Fathers or Authors. So that the Reader may be assured, this History is faithfully conveyed to the Publick.

I have retained all my late Lord Arch-Bishop Sancroft's Observations, whether wrote in the Margin of the Book, or elsewhere, if considerable; subjoyning to them the Letters: W: S: A: C: I have subjoined to many of my own Observations of greater moment, the Letters, H. W. And where Arch-Bishop Laud had added any thing in the Margin, I have adjoyned the Letters, W: C:

As for the Collection of Memorials and other Papers, which by the Author's Direction should have accompanied this History; finding that they could [...] be Published in the same Volume without swelling it to too great a bulk; I have reserved them for a Second Part; and (if God grant me Life and Health) will cause them shortly to follow; and therewith give to the Publick what farther Account of them I shall then judge necessary.

The Originals, both Diary and History, I intend at my Death to leave to St: John's Colledge in Oxford, where the Authour the Arch-Bishop was bred, to which place he ever bore so great a Love, and where his Body now remaineth. Which Intention of mine I chose here to mention; that the [...] and Fellows of that Colledge may hereafter, if they shall think so [...], demand them from my Executors.

To conclude, although Private and Personal Matters or Affections, ought [...] to be admitted to accompany a Work of such a publick Nature; [Page] yet I cannot forbear to say, that it is an inexpressible satisfaction to me, that in the Edition of this Work, I have been able to serve the Illustrious Author of it, and my most Reverend Deceased Patron, and the Church of England, at the same time: And more particularly, that I account it the most Fortunate Transaction of my whole Life, to have contributed herein to the vindication of the Memory and the Cause of that most Excellent Prelate and Blessed Martyr, to whom I have always paid a more especial Veneration, ever since I was able to form any Judgment in these matters; as firmly believing him to have taken up and prosecuted the best and most effectual Method (although then in great measure unsuccessful, through the malignity of the Times) and to have had the Noblest, the most Zealous, and most sincere Intentions therein, towards Re-establishing the Beauty, the Honour, and the Force of Religion, in that part of the Catholick Church (the Church of England) to the Service of which I have entirely devoted my Life, my Labours, and my Fortunes.

Feb: 2. 1693/4.

Hen. Wharton.

THE CONTENTS OF THIS VOLUME.

[Page]

[Page]

ARch-Bishop Laud's Diary of his Life; wrote by himself, and published from the Original.

Pag. 1

His Account of matters of Piety and Charity, projected to be done by himself.

68

His large History of his own Troubles and Tryal, divided into CHAPTERS.

71

CAP. I. An Account of his first Accusation and Commitment.

73

CAP. II. Of the Original Causes and Occasions of his Troubles.

75

CAP. III. The Articles exhibited against him to the Parliament by the Scottish Commissioners, with an Answer to them.

87

CAP. IV. The Additional Charge of the Scots exhibited against him, with an Answer to it.

137

CAP. V. An Account of what passed in relation to him or his Cause, from his Commitment to Febr. 26. [...].

144

CAP. VI. An Account of what Passed at the Bar of the House of Lords, when the Commons brought up their Charge against him.

148

CAP. VII. The first Articles of the Commons exhibited against him, with an Answer to them.

[...]

CAP. VIII. An Account of his Commitment to the Tower, and what passed [...] thence, to March 13. [...].

174

[Page] CAP. IX. Of what passed from thence to May 1. 1641.

Pag. 176

CAP. X. Of what passed from thence to September 23. 1641.

181

CAP. XI. Of what passed from thence to January 4. [...].

183

CAP. XII. Of what passed from thence to February 24, [...].

187

CAP. XIII. Of what passed from thence to March. 6 [...].

190

CAP. XIV. Of what passed from thence to March 24. [...].

192

CAP. XV. Of what passed from thence to May 16. 1642

194

CAP. XVI. Of what passed from thence to January 6. [...].

196

CAP. XVII. Of what passed from thence to May 27. 1643.

200

CAP. XVIII. Of the Search made upon him in the Tower, and his Papers taken away from him, May 31. 1643.

205

CAP. XIX. Of what passed from thence to October 3. 1643.

207

CAP. XX. Of what passed from thence to March 9. 1643/4.

211

CAP. XXI. An Account of the Preliminaries and Preparation to his Tryal, which began March 12 [...].

216

CAP. XXII. An account of his First Day's Tryal, March 12. 1643/4.

220

CAP. XXIII. Of the Second Day's Tryal, March 13 [...].

229

CAP. XXIV. Of the Third Day's Tryal, March 16. [...].

242

CAP. XXV. Of the Fourth Day's Tryal, March 18. 1643/4.

244

CAP. XXVI. Of the Fifth Day's Tryal, March 22. 1643/4.

260

CAP. XXVII. Of the Sixth Day's Tryal, March 28 1644.

270

CAP. XXVIII. Of the Preparation to the Seventh Day's Tryal.

280

CAP. XXIX. Of the Seventh Day's Tryal, Apr. 16. 1644.

282

CAP. XXX. Of the Eighth Day's Tryal, May 4. 1644.

292

CAP. XXXI. [...] the Ninth Day's Tryal, May 16. 1644.

301

CAP. XXXII. Of the Tenth Day's Tryal, May 20. 1644.

310

[Page] CAP. XXXIII. Of the Eleventh Day's Tryal, May 27. 1644.

Pag. 317

CAP. XXXIV. Of the Twelfth Day's Tryal, June 6. 1644.

329

CAP. XXXV. Of the Thirteenth Day's Tryal, June 11. 1644.

338

CAP. XXXVI. Of the Fourteenth Day's Tryal, June 14. 1644.

347

CAP. XXXVII. Of the Fifteenth Day's Tryal, June 20. 1644.

354

CAP. XXXVIII. Of the Sixteenth Day's Tryal, June 27. 1644.

390

CAP. XXXIX. Of the Seventeenth Day's Tryal, July 5. 1644.

366

CAP. XL. Of the Eighteenth Day's Tryal, July 17. 1644.

374

CAP. XLI. Of the Nineteenth Day's Tryal, July 24. 1644.

389

CAP. XLII. Of the Twentieth Day's Tryal, July 29. 1644.

400

CAP. XLIII. The Arch-Bishop's Recapitulation of his Defence, made at the Bar of the House of Lords Sept. 2. 1644.

412

CAP. XLIV. The Plea or Defence made for the Arch-Bishop by his Councel at the Bar of the House of Lords, Octob. 11. 1644.

422

CAP. XLV. The Arch-Bishop's Defence of himself, at the Bar of the House of Commons, Novemb. 11. 1644.

432

CAP. XLVI. An Account of what passed from thence in both Houses to his Condemnation, Jan. 4. [...].

441

A short Account of the Arch-Bishop's Condemnation & Suffering, taken from Mr. Rushworth's Collections.

443

A larger Account of the same, and of the manner of his Suffering, taken from Dr. Heylin's Life of him.

444

The Arch-Bishop's Speech made upon the Scaffold Jan: 10: [...]. with his Prayers and behaviour there.

447

The Arch-Bishop's Last Will and Testament.

454

Nine Passages taken out of the Arch-Bishop's Conference with Fisher the Jesuit, referr'd to in the preceding History.

458

Twelve Passages out of other Printed Books, referr'd to in the preceding History and Tryal.

461

[Page] The Arch-Bishop's large Answer to the Speech of the Lord Say and Seal, touching the Liturgy.

Pag. 470

The Arch-Bishop's Annual Accounts of his Province, presented to the King; with the King's Apostils or Marginal Notes upon them.

515

The King's Instructions sent to Arch-Bishop Abbot, in the Year 1629.

517

Arch-Bishop Abbot's Account of his Province to the King, for the Year 1632.

519

The Kings Instructions sent to Arch-Bishop Laud, in the Year 1634.

520

A Memorial of the Arch-Bishop's Account of his Province to the King, for the Year 1635.

523

A Note of Arch-Bishop Sancroft, and a Letter to him about the same.

524

Arch-Bishop Laud's Account of his Province to the King, for the Year 1633.

525

His Account for the Year, 1634.

529

His Account for the Year: 1635.

535

His Account for the Year: 1636.

538

His Account for the Year: 1637.

546

His Account for the Year: 1638.

553

His Account for the Year: 1639.

558

A Pamphlet published against the Arch-Bishop by Will. Pryn, entituled Rome's Master-piece; with the Arch-Bishop's Notes upon it.

[...]

Two Letters of the Arch-Bishop's (then Chancellor of the Vniversity of Oxford) to the Vice-Chancellor there, charging him to enquire after, prevent and punish the Practices of some Romish Emissaries in that Place.

609

The Arch-Bishop's Letter to Sir Kenelm Digby, upon the News of his Reconciliation to the Church of Rome.

610

The Testimony of Mr: Jonathan Whiston concerning the Joy expressed at Rome upon the News of the Arch-Bishop's Death.

616

The Testimony of Mr: John Evelyn concerning the same.

616

§

§

[Page]

AN INTRODUCTION To the Following HISTORY: Containing the DIARY OF THE Most Reverend Father in God WILLIAM LAUD, LORD Arch-Bishop of Canterbury: EXTENDING From His Birth to the middle of the Year, MDCXLIII. Being the Seventieth Year of His Age.

Faithfully and Entirely Published from the Original Copy, Wrote with His own Hand.

The Latine part rendered into English, and adjoined.

LONDON, Printed for Ri: Chiswell, at the Rose and Crown in St: Paul's Church-Yard, 1694.

AN INTRODUCTION To the following History: CONTAINING THE DIARY OF THE Most Reverend Father in God WILLIAM LAUD, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury.

[Page]

[Page]

Anno 1573.

§

NATUS fui Octob: 7: 1573. Redingi. In infantiâ penè perii morbo, &c.

§

I WAS born Octob: 7: 1573. at Reading. In my Infancy I was in danger of Death by Sickness, &c.

Anno: 1589.

I came to Oxford, July: 1589.

Anno: 1590.

I was chosen Scholar of St: John's, June: 1590.

Anno: 1593.

I was admitted Fellow of St: John's, June; anno: 1593.

Anno: 1594.

My Father died, April: 11: 1594. die Mercurii.

I proceeded Batchelour of Arts, June: 1594.

Anno: 1596.

I had a great Sickness,: 1596.

Anno: 1597.

And another, anno: 1597.

Anno: 1598.

I proceeded Master of Arts, July: 1598.

I was Grammar Reader that Year; and fell into a great Sickness at the end of it.

Anno 1600.

[Page]

My Mother died November 24. 1600.

I was made Deacon, 4. Januar. 1600. comput. Angl.

Anno 1601.

I was made Priest, April 5. 1601. being Palm-Sunday: both by Dr. Young, Bishop of Rochester. [Viz. Both Orders were conferred by him.]

Anno 1602.

I read a Divinity Lecture in St. John's College, anno 1602. It was then maintained by Mrs. Maye. I was the last that read it.

Queen Elizabeth died at Richmond, March 24. 1602. comput. Angl.

Anno 1603.

I was Proctor of the University, chosen May 4. 1603.

I was made Chaplain to the Earl of Devonshire, Septemb. 3. 1603.

Adjecta est spes mea de A. H. Jan. 1. 1603. Which after proved my great happiness. Incaepi sperare, Januar. 21. 1600. comp. Angl.

Hope was given to me of A. H. Jan. 1. &c. I first began to hope it, Jan. 21. &c.

Anno 1604.

I was Batchelour in Divinity, July 6. being Friday, 1604.

Anno 1605.

My cross about the Earl of Devon's Marriage, Decemb: 26: 1605. die Jovis.

Anno 1606.

The Quarrel Dr: Ayry picked with me about my Sermon at St. Mary's, Octob. 21. 1606.

Anno 1607.

I was inducted into the Vicaridge of Stanford in Northamptonshire, November 13. 1607.

Anno 1608.

The Advowson of North-Kilworth in Leicestershire given to me, April 1608.

My acquaintance with C. W. began.

I proceeded Doctor in Divinity in the Act, anno 1608.

I was made Chaplain to Dr. Neile, then Ld. Bishop of Rochester, August 5. 1608.

After my unfortunateness with T. (whose death was in July, 1604.) the first offer in this kind that I had after, was by M. Short, June 1606. then by P. B. not accepted.

Anno 1609.

My first Sermon to King James at Theobalds, Septemb. 17. 1609.

I changed my Advowson of North-Kilworth for West-Tilbery in Essex; to which I was inducted, Octob. 28. 1609. to be near my Ld. of Rochester, Dr. Neile.

My next unfortunateness was with E. M. Decemb. 30. being Saturday, 1609. A stay in this.

Anno 1610.

My Ld. of Rochester gave me Cuckstone in [...], Maii 25. 1610.

[Page] I resigned my Fellowship in St: John's Colledge in Oxford, Octob: 2: 1610. and left Oxford the 8th: of the same Month.

I fell Sick of a Kenish Ague, caught at my Benefice, Novemb: 5: 1610. which held me two Months.

In the midst of this Sickness, the Suit about the Presidentship of St: John's began.

I left Kuckstone, and was inducted in Norton, Novemb: 1610. by Proxy.

The Lord Chancellor Elsmere's Complaint against me to the King at Christmas, 1610. He was incited against me by Doctor Abbot, Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, Elect.

Anno: 1611.

My next unfortunateness was by S. B. Feb: 11: 1611. It continued long.

I was chosen President of St: John's, May: 10: 1611.

The King sat in Person three hours to hear my Cause about the Presidentship of St: John's at Tichburne, Aug: 29: 1611. It was Dies Decollat. S: Johannis-Bapt. The Arch-Bishop of Canterbury was the Original Cause of all my Troubles.

I was Sworn the King's Chaplain, Novemb: 3. 1611.

Anno: 1612.

My next unfortunateness was by S. S. June: 13: 1612. It ended quickly.

My next with A: D: which effected nothing, and ended presently, Septemb: 1612.

My great Business with E. B. began Januar: 22: 1612. It setled, as it could, March: 5: 1612. comp: Angl: It hath had many changes; and what will become of it, God knoweth.

Anno: 1614.

My great misfortune by M. S. began April: 9: 1614.

A most fierce salt Rheume in my left Eye, like to have indangered it.

Dr: Neile, then Bishop of Lincoln, gave me the Prebend of Bugden, April: 18: 1614.

Anno: 1615.

Dr: Neile, the Bishop of Lincoln, gave me the Archdeaconry of Huntingdon, Decemb: 1: 1615.

Anno: 1616.

The King gave me the Deanry of Gloucester, Novemb: 1616.

I resigned my Parsonage of West-Tilbery.

I set forward with the King toward Scotland, March: 14: 1616. Stilo nostro; and returned a little before him, 1617.

My acquaintance began with W: Sta. March: 5: 1616. comp: Angl:

Anno: 1617.

.... Cum E. B. July: 28: 1617. Die Lunae, primè.

St: John's Colledge on fire under the stair-case in the Chaplain's Chamber, by the Library, Septemb: 26: 1617. die Veneris. Both these days of Observation to me.

I was inducted to Ibstock in Leicestershire, Aug: 2: 1617. in my return out of Scotland; and left Norton.

Anno: 1618.

Lu. Bos. B. to E. B. May: 2: 1618. Et quid ad me?

[Page] My ill hap with E. Beg. June 1618.

The great Organ in St. John's Chappel set up: It was begun Febr. 5. 1618. comp. Angl.

Anno 1619.

I fell suddenly dead for a time at Wickham, in my return from London, April 2. 1619.

Anno 1620.

I was Installed Prebendary of Westminster, Januar. 22. 1620. comp. Angl. having had the Advowson of it Ten Years the November before.

Anno 1621.

The King's Gracious Speech unto me, June 3. 1621. concerning my long Service. He was pleased to say: He had given me nothing but Gloucester, which he well knew was a Shell without a Kernel.

June 29. His Majesty gave me the Grant of the Bishoprick of St. Davids, being St. Peter's day. The general expectation in Court was, that I should then have been made Dean of Westminster, and not Bishop of St. Davids. The King gave me leave to hold the Presidentship of St. John Baptist's Colledge in Oxon, in my Commendam with the Bishoprick of St. Davids: [But by Reason of the strictness [...] Clause is [...], omitted by Prynne. of that Statute, which I will not violate, nor my Oath to it, under any colour, I am resolved before my Consecration to leave it.]

Octob. 10. I was chosen Bishop of St. Davids, Octob. 10. 1621.

I resigned the Presidentship of St. Johns in Oxford, Novemb. 17. Hence may be corrected an Error of Dr: Heylin, and [...], who following him, relate, that Dr: Laud held the Presidentship of St: Johns, in Commendam with the Bishoprick of St: Davids. 1621.

I Preached at Westminster, Novemb. 5.

I was Consecrated Bishop of St. Davids, Novemb. 18. 1621. at London-House Chappel, by the Reverend Fathers, the Lords Bishops of London, Worcester, Chichester, Elye, Landaffe, Oxon. The Arch-Bishop being thought Irregular for casual Homicide.

Januar. 6. The Parliament, then sitting, was dissolved by Proclamation, without any Session.

Januar. 14. The King's Letters came to the Arch-Bishop, and all the Bishops about London, for a Contribution of the Clergy toward recovery of the Palatinat.

Januar. 21. The Arch-Bishop's Letters came to me about this business.

Januar. 25. I sent these Letters and my own into the Diocess.

Febr. 17. I Preached at Westminster. All my former Sermons are omitted.

March. 9. I heard of the death of L. B. He died Januar. 17. between 6 and 7 in the Morning.

March 18. Dr. Theodore Price went towards Ireland out of London, about the Commission appointed there.

March 24. I Preached at Court, commanded to Print.

Anno 1622.

April. 13. The King renewed my Commendam.

April 16. I was with his Majesty and the Prince's Highness, to give notice of Letters I received of a Treasonable Sermon Preached in Oxford, on Sunday, April 14. by one Mr. Knight of [...].

[Page] April 14. Sunday, I waited at the Entertainment of Count Swartzenburge, the Emperour's Ambassadour, in the Parliament House.

April 23. Being the Tuesday in Easter week, the King sent for me, All these Passages concerning his Conference with Fisher, and setling the Marquess and Countess of Buckingham in Religion, are omitted by Prynne. and set me into a course about the Countess of Buckingham, who about that time was wavering in point of Religion.

April 24. Dr. Francis White and I met about this.

May 10. I went to the Court to Greenwich, and came back in Coach with the Lord Marquess Buckingham. My promise then to give his Lordship the Discourse he spake to me for.

May 12. I Preached at Westminster.

May 19. I delivered my Lord Marquess Buckingham the Paper concerning the difference between the Church of England and Rome, in point of Salvation, &c.

May 23. My first Speech with the Countess of Buckingham.

May 24. The Conference between Mr. Fisher a Jesuit, and my self, before the Lord Marquess Buckingham, and the Countess his Mother. I had much Speech with her after.

June 9. Being Whitsunday, my Lord Marquess Buckingham was pleased to enter upon a near Respect to me. The particulars are not for Paper.

June 15. I became C. to my Lord of Buckingham. And

June 16. Being Trinity Sunday, he Received the Sacrament at Greenwich.

June 22. &c. I saw two Books in Folio of Sir Robert Cottons. In the one was all the Order of the Reformation in the time of Hen: 8. The Original Letters and Dispatches under the Kings and the Bishops, &c. own hands. In the other, were all the Preparatory Letters, Motives, &c. for the suppression of the Abbies: their suppression and value, in the Originals. An Extract of both which Books I have per Capita:

July 5. I first entred into Wales.

July 9. I began my first Visitation at the Colledge in Brecknocke, and Preached.

July 24. I visited at St. Davids, and Preached July 25.

August 6, 7. I visited at Carmarthen, and Preached. The Chancellor and my Commissioners visited at Emlyn, &c. July 16, 17. and at Haverford-West, July 19, 20.

Aug. 15. I set forwards towards England from Carmarthen.

Septemb. 1. My Answer given to His Majesty about 9: Articles delivered in a Book from Mr: Fisher the Jesuit. These Articles were delivered me to consider of, Aug. 28.

The Discourse concerning them the same Night at Windsor, in the presence of the King, the Prince, the Lord Marquess Buckingham, his Lady, and his Mother.

Septemb. 18. aut circiter. There was notice given me, that Mr. Fisher had spread certain Copies of the Conference had between him and me, Maij 24. into divers Recusants hands.

Octob. .... I got the sight of a Copy, &c. in October; made an Answer to it.

Octob. 27. I Preached at Westminster.

Decemb. 12. My Ancient Friend, Mr: R: Peashall died, horâ 6. matutinâ. [Page] It was Thursday, and Sol in Capri. Lucia Virgo in some Almanacks a day before, in some, a day after it.

Decemb. 16. My Lord Marquess Buckingham's Speech to me about the same Keye.

Decemb. 25. I Preached at St. Giles without Cripplegate.

I was three times with the King this Christmas; and Read over to him the Answer which I had made to Fisher; which he commanded should be Printed: and I desired it might pass in a third Person, under the Name of R. B.

Januar. 11. My Lord of Buckingham and I in the inner Chamber at York House.

Quòd est Deus Salvator noster Christus Jesus.

Januar. 17. I received a Letter from E. B. to continue my favour, as Mr. R. P. had desired me.

Januar. 19. I Preached at Westminster.

Januar. 27. I went out of London about the Parsonage of Creeke, given me into my Commendam.

Januar. 29. I was instituted at Peterborough to the Parsonage of Creeke.

Januar. 31. I was inducted into Creeke.

Februar. 2. Being Sunday and Candlemas day, I Preached and Read the Articles at Creeke.

Febr. 5. Wednesday, I came to London. I went that Night to his Majesty, hearing he had sent for me. He delivered me a Book to read and observe. It was a Tract of a Capuchin, that had once been a Protestant. He was now with the French Ambassadour. The Tract was to prove, that Christ's Body was in two places at once, in the Apparition to St: Paul, Act: IX:

Feb. 9. I gave the King an account of this Book.

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Febr. 9. Promovi Edmundum Provant Scotum in Presbyterum. Primogenitus meus fuit in Domino.

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I Ordained Edmund Provant a Scot Priest. He was my Firstbegotten in the Lord.

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Febr. 17. Munday, the Prince and the Marquess Buckingham set forward very secretly for Spain.

Febr. 21. I wrote to my Lord of Buckingham into Spain.

Febr. 22. Saturday, I fell very ill; and was very suddenly plucked down in 4 days.

I was put into the Commission of Grievances. There were in the Commission the Lord Marquess Buckingham, Lord Arundel, Lord Pembroke, Bishop of Winchester, and my self. The Proclamation came out for this, Febr. 14.

March 9. I Ordained Thomas Owen, Bat: of Arts, Deacon.

March 10. I Ordained him and John Mitchel, Priests.

March 23. I Preached at White-Hall.

Anno 1623.

March 31. I received Letters from my Lord of Buckingham out of Spain.

[Page] April 9. I received Letters from my Lord of Buckingham out of Spain.

April 13. Easter-day, I Preached at Westminster.

April 26. I Ordained John Burrough, Master of Arts, Deacon and Priest.

May 3 and 16. My Speech with B. E. and the taking off my Jealousies about the great business.

June 1. Whitsunday, I Preached at St. Brides.

June 13. I received Letters from the Duke of Buckingham out of Spain.

June 15. R. B. died at Stony Stratford; which what it will work with B. E. God in Heaven knoweth; and be merciful unto me.

July 6. I Preached at Westminster.

July 15. St. Swythin: A very fair day till towards 5 at Night. Then great extremity of Thunder and Lightning. Much hurt done: The Lanthorn at St. James's House blasted: The Vane bearing the Prince's Arms, beaten to pieces. The Prince then in Spain. It was Tuesday; and their St. James's day, Stilo Novo.

Aug. 17. I received Letters from the Duke of Buckingham out of Spain.

Aug. 31. I Preached at Sunninge, with my Lord of Bristol.

Septemb. 8. I was at Bromley; and heard of the unfortunate passage between my Friends there.

Octob. 3. Friday, I was with my Lord Keeper; to whom I found some had done me very ill Offices. And he was very jealous of L. B's Favour.

Octob. 5. The Prince and the Duke of Buckingham landed at Portsmouth, from Spain.

Octob. 6. Munday, they came to London. The greatest expression of Joy by all sorts of People, that ever I saw.

Octob. 20. I Ordained Thomas Blackiston, Batch. of Arts, Deacon.

Octob. 26. The fall of an House, while Drewrye the Jesuit was Preaching, in the Black-Fryars. About 100 slain. It was in their Account, Novemb. 5.

Octob. 31. I acquainted my Lord Duke of Buckingham with that which passed between the Lord Keeper and me.

Novemb. 12. Wednesday night, a most grievous Fire in Bread-street in London. Alderman Cocking's House, with others, burnt down.

Novemb. 18. Tuesday night, the Duke of Buckingham Entertained the two Spanish Embassadors, Don Diego de Mendoza the Extraordinary, and Don Carolos Columnas the Ordinary, and Mexia (I think his Name was) Ambassador from the Arch-Dukes. One of the Extraordinary Ambassadors of Spain, Marquess Iniioca came not; because Mendoza and he, could not agree upon Precedency. His Majesty and the Prince were there. The Bishop of London and my self waited upon the King.

Decemb. 14. Sunday night, I did Dream that the Lord Keeper was dead: that I passed by one of his Men, that was about a Monument for him: that I heard him say, his lower Lip was infinitely swelled and fallen, and he rotten already. This Dream did trouble me.

[Page] Decemb. 15. On Munday Morning, I went about business to my Lord Duke of Buckingham. We had Speech in the Shield-Gallery at White-Hall. There I found, that the Lord Keeper had strangely forgotten himself to him; and I think was dead in his Affections.

Decemb. 21. I Preached at Westminster.

Decemb. 27. St. John's day, I was with my Lord Duke of Buckingham. I found, that all went not right with the Lord Keeper, &c. He sent to speak with me, because he was to Receive the next day.

Decemb. 30. I adventured to tell my Lord Duke of Buckingham, of the Opinion generally held touching the Commission of sending Sir Edward Coke, and some others into Ireland, before the intended Parliament.

Januar. 3. I received my Writ to appear in Parliament, Febr. 12. following.

Januar. 10. I received a Command under Seal from my Lord of London, to warn for the Convocation.

Januar. 10. I was with my Lord Duke of Buckingham; and shewed him the state of the Book Printed about the Visitation of the Church, and what was like to ensue upon it.

Januar. 11. I was with his Majesty, to shew him the Epistle, that was to be Printed before the Conference between me and Fisher the Jesuit, Maij 24. 1622. which he was pleased to approve. The King brake with me about the Book Printed then of the Visitation of the Church. He was hard of belief, that A. B. C. was the Author of it. My Lord Keeper met with me in the with-drawing-Chamber, and quarrelled me gratis.

Januar. 12. I sent the Summons down into the Country to the Clergy, for their appearance at the Convocation.

Januar. 14. I acquainted my Lord Duke of Buckingham, with that which passed on the Sunday before, between the Lord Keeper and me.

Januar. 16. I was all day with Doctor W. about my Papers of the Conference; and making them ready for the Press.

Here is left a large void space in the Original, to insert the Occurrences of the Eight following Days: which space was never filled up.

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Januar. 25. Dies Solis erat. Ego solus, & nescio quâ tristitiâ languens. Premebat anxium invidia J. L. & odium gratuitum. Sumpsi in manus Testamentum Novum Groeco idiomate, pensum diei ordine lecturus. Caput autem mihi occurrit ad Hebr. XIII. Ibi statim occurrit mihi moerenti metuentique illud Davidis, Psal. 56. Dominus mihi Adjutor; non timebo quid faciat mihi homo. Exemplum mihi putavi propositum; [Page] & sub eo Scuto quis non tutus? Protege me O Dominus Deus meus.

Januar. 31. Commissio emissa sub magno Sigillo Angliae me inter alios Judicem Delegatum constituit in Causa Dilapidationis inter Rev. in Christo Patrem Richard. Neile Dominum Episcopum Dunelm. & Franciscum James Filium & Haeredem Praedecessoris. Huic Commissioni inservivi ab horâ secundâ [...] ad quintam. Dies erat Saturni. Locus Camera magna, ubi Legum Doctores simul convivant, vulgò dictus Doctors Commons.

Februar. 1. Dies solis erat. Astiti Illust. Principi Carolo Prandenti. Hilaristum admodum, sibi conviva; multa obiter cum suis. Inter caetera, se, si necessitas aliquod genus [...] imponeret, Juristam esse non posse. Subjunxit Rationes. Nequeo (inquit) malam causam defendere, nec in bonâ succumbere. Sic in majoribus succedas in aeternum faustus, Serenissime Princeps.

Februar. 4. Dies Mercurij erat. Colloquium cum Fishero Jesuitâ habitum, Maij 24. 1622. Jussu Sereniss. Regis Jacobi Scriptis mandatum, Regi ipsi antea perlectum, typis excudendum hodiè traditur; cum Approbatione Episcopi London. Nunquam ante-hac sub praelo Laboravi. Nullus Controversor. Et ita oro, amet beetque animam meam Deus; ut ego benè & ad gloriam nominis ejus sopitas cupio conorque Ecclesiae nunquam satis deflendas distractiones. [Page] Invisi hodiè Ducissam Buckinghamiae. Ostendit mihi illa, [...], Faemina Precum formulam. Hanc ei in manus dedit alia, mihi nè de Nomine nota, Mulier. Perlegi. Mediocra omnia: nihil egregium, nisi quòd Poesi similior canebat.

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Januar. 25. It was Sunday. I was alone, and languishing with I know not what sadness. I was much concerned at the Envy and undeserved Hatred born to me by the Lord Keeper. I took into my Hands the Greek Testament; that I might Read the portion of the day. I lighted upon the XIII Chapter to the Hebrews; wherein that of David, Psal. 56. occurred to me then grieving and [Page] fearing: The Lord is my helper: I will not fear, what man can do unto me. I thought an Example was [...] to me; and who is not safe under that Shield? Protect me O Lord my God.

Januar. 31. A Commission, passed under the Broad Seal of England, constituted me among others a Judge Delegate in a Suit of Dilapidation, between the Rev. Father in God Richard Neile, Lord Bishop of Durham, and Francis James Son and Heir of his Predecessor. I attended the Execution of this Commission from Two to Five a Clock in the Afternoon on Saturday, in the great Chamber at Doctors Commons.

Februar. 1. Sunday. I stood by the most Illustrious Prince Charles at Dinner. He was then very merry; and talked occasionally of many things with his Attendants. Among other things, he said, that if he were necessitated to take any particular Profession of Life, he could not be a Lawyer; adding his Reasons. I cannot (saith he) defend a bad, nor yield in a good Cause. May you ever hold this Resolution and succeed (most Serene Prince) in Matters of greater moment, for ever prosperous.

Februar. 4. Wednesday, my Conference held with Fisher the Jesuit, May 24. 1622. and put in writing at the Command of King James, having been before Read to the King, was this day put into the Press; being Licensed by the Bishop of London. I had not hitherto appeared in Print. I am no Controvertist. May God so Love and Bless my Soul; as I desire and endeavour, that all the never to be enough deplored distractions of the Church, may be composed happily, and to the Glory of his Name.

[Page] This day I waited on the Duchess of Buckingham. That Excellent Lady, who is Goodness it self, shewed me a Form of Devotions, which another Woman, unknown to me, had put into her Hands. I Read it. All was mean in it: nothing extraordinary; unless that it was more like to Poetry.

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Febr. 6. Friday, my Lord Duke of Buckingham told me of the Reconciliation the day before made with the Lord Keeper.

Febr. 10. Shrove-Tuesday, at the Commons, Sentence in my Lord of Durham's Case.

Febr. 12. Thursday, the Parliament was to begin; but was put off to Monday the 16 of February.

Febr. 15. Sunday, I Assisted at the Consecration of Dr: Harmer Bishop of St. Asaph.

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Febr. 16. Dies Lunae erat. Dux Richmondiae subitâ Paralysi correptus, mortuus est. Hoc fatum rejecit Parliamentum in 19 Februarii.

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Febr. 16. Munday, The Duke of Richmond, being seized suddenly with the Palsie, died. This accident put off the Parliament to the 19 of February.

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Februar. 18. Wednesday, my Lord Duke of Buckingham told me of the Reconciliation and Submission of my Lord Keeper; and that it was confessed unto him, that his Favour to me was a chief Cause. Invidia quo tendis? &c. At ille de novo foedus pepigit.

Februar. 19. Thursday, The Parliament began.

Februar. 20. Friday, The Convocation began.

Februar. 22. Will. Fulwell, Mr. of Arts, of Qu. Coll. in Cambridge, made Deacon.

Februar. 24. Tuesday, The Duke of Buckingham's Relation of the Negotiation with Spain about the Prince's Marriage, to both Houses of Parliament.

Febr. 29. Sunday, In the Evening the Duke of Buckingham's Coach overthrown between Exeter-House and the Savoy. The Spanish Embassador lay there. No Omen I hope, more than that they thought to Soyl him. Secretary Conway was in the Coach with him. Mr. Bond came into the help, and told it me.

March 7. Mid-Lent-Sunday, I Preached at White-Hall.

March 14. Passion-Sunday, I Preached at Westminster.

March 17. Lord Keeper his Complementing with me. Will. Fulwell made Priest.

March 22. Munday, Dismal day. The Accident of my Lord of Rutland giving Not Content to the Form consented to in the Parliament House, being the only Voice dissenting.

March 23. Tuesday, The Censure of Morley, Waterhouse, and the Printer, about the Petition against my Lord Keeper.

[Page] That Afternoon the King declared to the Committee, that he would send a Messenger presently into Spain, to signifie to that King, that his Parliament advised him to break off the Treaties of the Match and the Palatinate, and to give his Reasons of it; and so proceed to recover the Palatinate as he might.

Bonfires made in the City by the forwardness of the People, for Joy that we should break with Spain. O quoties tenuit me illud, Psal. LXVII. 31. Dissipa gentes, quae bella volunt: Sed spero, quia coacti.

March 24. Wednesday, Initium Regis Jacobi. The Earl of Oxford, practising a Tilt, fell and brake his Arm.

That Night, inter horas 6. & 7. a great Eclipse of the Moon.

March 25. Thursday, The Recess of the Parliament for a Week.

Anno 1624.

March 26. Good-Friday, Viscouut Mansfeild, running at Tilt to practice, with the shock of the meeting, his Horse, weaker or resty, tumbled over and over, and brake his own neck in the place; the Lord had no great harm. Should not this day have other Imployment?

March 27. Saturday, Easter-Even, my Speech with my Lord Duke of Buckingham about a course to ease the Church in times of Payment of the Subsidy now to be given. His Promise to prepare both the King and the Prince.

March 28. Easter-day, Richard Earl of Dorset died, being well and merry in the Parliament House on Wednesday the 24.

Quàm nihil est vita Hominis? Miserere nostri Deus.

His Grand-father, Thomas Earl of Dorset, died suddenly at the Council-Table. His Grand-mother rose well, and was dead before Dinner. His Father Robert lay not above two days. And now this Man. Sir Edward Sackvill ......

March 29. Easter-Munday, I went and acquainted my Lord Keeper, with what I had said to my Lord Duke. He approved it, and said it was the best Office that was done for the Church this Seven Years. And so said my Lord of Durham. They perswaded me to go and acquaint my Lord's Grace (of Canterbury) with what I had done. I went. His Grace was very angry. Asked, what I had to do to make any Suit for the Church. Told me, never any Bishop attempted the like at any time, nor would any but my self have done it. That I had given the Church such a wound, in speaking to any Lord of the Laity about it, as I could never make whole again. That if my Lord Duke did fully understand what I had done; he would never indure me to come near him again. I answered: I thought I had done a very good Office for the Church; and so did my Betters think. If his Grace thought otherwise, I was sorry I had offended him. And I hoped, being done out of a good Mind, for the support of many poor Vicars abroad in the Country, who must needs sink under Three Subsidies in a Year, my Error (if it were one) was pardonable. So we parted.

I went to my Lord Duke, and acquainted him with it; lest I might have ill Offices done me for it, to the King and the Prince.

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Sic Deus beet me servum suum, laborantem sub pressurà eorum, qui semper voluerunt mala mihi.

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So may God bless me his Servant, labouring under the pressure of them, who alway wished ill to me.

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April 16. Friday, My Conference with Fisher the Jesuit Printed, came forth.

April 18. Sunday, I Preached at Paul's Cross.

April 27. Tuesday, My very good Friend Dr. Linsell cut for the Stone, Circiter horam nonam ante Meridiem. About Nine a Clock in the Forenoon.

May 1. Saturday, E. B. Marryed. The Sign in Pisces.

May 5. Wednesday, Ascension-Eve, The King's Speech in the Banquetting House at Whitehall, to the upper House of Parliament, concerning the Hearing of the Lord Treasurer's Cause, which was to begin the Friday following. This day my Lord Duke of Buckingham came to Town with his Majesty Sick. And continued Ill till Saturday, May 22.

May 13. Thursday, Lionel Earl of Middlesex, Lord Treasurer of England, and Master of the Wards, Censured in Parliament for Bribery and Extortion, and Deceiving the King, &c. To lose his Offices. To be ever disinabled to bear any: Fined to the King in 50000 l. Imprisoned in the Tower, during the King's Pleasure. Never to sit again as a Peer in Parliament. Not to come within the Verge of the Court.

May 15. Saturday, Whitson-Eve, The Bill passed in Parliament, for the King to have York-House in exchange for other Lands. This was for the Lord Duke of Buckingham.

May 16. Whitsunday night, I watched with my Lord Duke of Buckingham. This was the first Fit, that he could be perswaded to take orderly.

May 18. Tuesday night, I watched with my Lord Duke of Buckingham: he took this Fit very orderly.

May 19. Wednesday, The Bishop of Norwich, Samuel Harsnet, was presented by the House of Commons to the Lords. His Cause was referred by the House to my Lord's Grace of Canterbury and the High Commission.

May 22. Saturday, My Lord Duke of Buckingham missed his Fit.

May 26. Wednesday, He went with his Majesty to Greenwich.

May 28. Friday, E. B. came to London. He had not leisure to speak with me (though I sent and offered to wait all opportunities) till June 16 being Wednesday.

May 29. Saturday, The first Session of Parliament ended. And the Prorogation was to the Second of November.

June 6. Second Sunday after Trinity, I Preached at Westminster.

June 8. Tuesday, I went to New-Hall to my Lord Duke of Buckingham, and came back to London on Friday, June 11.

June 16. Wednesday, I took my lasting leave of E. B.

The great dry Summer.

[Page] My Dream June 4. Wednesday night, 1623. In this Dream was all contained, that followed in the carriage of E. B. towards me; and that Night R. B. Sickned to the Death.

May 29. Saturday night, 1624. I was marvellously troubled with E. B. before they came to London. That there was much declining to speak with me; but yet at last I had Conference, and took my lasting leave. And this so fell out, Respice ad Maij 28. See May 28.

July 7. Wednesday night, My Lord of Durham's quarrel about the trifling business of Fr. N.

July 23. Friday, I went to lye and keep House, and Preach at my Livings, held in Commendam, Creek and Ibstock. That Friday night, at St. Albans, I gave R. R. my Servant, his first Interest in my Businesses of moment.

July 27. This I confirmed unto him, the Wednesday Morning following, at Stanford.

August 7. Saturday, while I was at Long Whatton with my Brother, my passion by Blood, and my fear of a Stone in my Bladder.

August 8. Sunday, I went and Preached at my Parsonage at Ibstock, and set things in order there.

August 26. Thursday, My Horse trod on my foot, and lamed me: which stayed me in the Country a week longer than I intended.

Septemb. 7. Tuesday, I came to London.

Septemb 9. Thursday, My Lord of Buckingham consulted with me about a Man, that offered him a strange way of Cure for himself and his Brother. At that time I delivered his Grace the Copies of the two little Books, which he desired me to write out.

Septemb. 16. Thursday, Prince Charles his grievous fall, which he had in Hunting.

Septemb. 25. Saturday, My Lord Duke's proposal about an Army, and the Means, and whether Sutton's Hospital might not, &c.

Octob. 2. Saturday, In the Evening at Mr. Windebanks, my Ancient Servant Adam Torless fell into a Swoon; and we had much ado to recover him; but I thank God, we did.

Octob. 10. Sunday, I fell at Night in Passionem Iliacam; which had almost put me into a Fever. I continued ill fourteen days.

Octob. 13. Wednesday, I delivered up my Answer about Sutton's Hospital.

Novemb. 21. Sunday, I Preached at Westminster.

Decemb. 6. Munday, There was a Referment made from his Majesty to my Lord's Grace of Canterbury, My Lords of Durham and Rochester, and my self, to Hear and Order a Matter of Difference in the Church of Hereford, concerning a Residentiaryship, and the Lecturer's place; which we that day Ordered.

Decemb. 13. Munday, I received Letters from Brecknock; that the Salt-Peter Man was dead and buried the Sunday before the Messenger came. This Salt-Peter Man had digged in the Colledge-Church for his work, bearing too bold upon his Commission. The News of it came to me to London, about Novemb. 26. I went to my Lord Keeper, [Page] and had a Messenger sent to bring him up, to answer that Sacrilegious abuse. He prevented his punishment by Death.

Decemb. 21. Tuesday, Fest. Sancti Thomae, Mr. Crumpton had set out a Book, called St: Augustins Summe. His Majesty found fault with divers passages in it. He was put to recall some things in Writing. He had Dedicated this Book to my Lord Duke of Buckingham. My Lord sent him to me to overlook the Articles, in which he had recalled and explained himself; that I might see, whether it were well done, and fit to shew the King. This day Mr: Crumpton brought his Papers to me.

Decemb. 23. Thursday, I delivered these Papers back to Mr. Crumpton. The same day at York-House, I gave my Lord Duke of Buckingham my Answer, what I thought of these Papers. The same day I delivered my Lord a little Tract about Doctrinal Puritaenism, in some Ten Heads; which his Grace had spoken to me that I would draw for him, that he might be acquainted with them.

Decemb. 31. Friday, His Majesty sent for me; and delivered unto me Mr. Crumpton's Papers, the second time (after I had read them over to himself) and commanded me to correct them, as they might pass in the Doctrin of the Church of England.

Januar. 3. Munday, I had made ready these Papers, and waited upon my Lord Duke of Buckingham with them; and he brought me to the King. There I was about an hour and a half, reading them, and talking about them with his Majesty and my Lord Duke. After this, I went to visit my Sister, who lay then Sick at London.

Januar. 5. Wednesday, My Lord Duke of Buckingham shewed me two Letters of, &c. the falshood of, &c. That day, as I waited to speak with my Lord, Secretary Calvert fell in Speech with me about some differences between the Greek and the Roman Church. Then also, and there, a Young Man, that took on him to be a Frenchman, fell into discourse about the Church of England. He grew at last earnest for the Roman Church; but Tibi dabo claves, and Pasce oves: was all he said, save that he would shew this proposition in St. Augustin, Romana Ecclesia facta est caput omnium Ecclesiarum ab instante mortis Christi. I believe, he was a Priest; but he wore a Lock down to his shoulders. I heard after, that he was a French Gentleman.

Januar. 15. Saturday, The Speech which I had with my Lord Duke at Wallingford-House.

Januar. 21. Friday, The business of my Lord Purbeck, made known unto me by my Lord Duke.

Januar. 23. Sunday Night, the Discourse which Lord Duke had with me about Witches and Astrologers.

Januar. 25. Tuesday Night, I acquainted my Lord Duke with my hard hap in my business with L. C. D. For which I had been so often blamed.

Januar. 28. Friday, I took my leave of my Lord Duke. His wish that he had known K. L. sooner, but, &c.

Januar. 30. Sunday Night, my Dream of my Blessed Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ. One of the most comfortable passages that ever I had in my Life.

[Page] Febr. 12. Saturday, I Ordained Mr. Thomas Atkinson, of St. John's, Deacon.

Febr. 13. Sunday, I Preached at Westminster.

March 5. Saturday, The High Commission sat first about Sir R. H. &c.

March 6. Sunday, the first in Lent, I Preached at the Temple, at the Reader's Solemnity. The Duke of Buckingham and divers other Lords there.

March 13. Sunday, second in Lent, I Ordained Robert Rockell Priest, Eleazar Dunkon and Edward Quarles Deacons. They were Masters of Arts of Pembroke-Hall in Cambridge.

§

Anno 1625.

Mart. 27. [...] media quadragesimae, Concionem habui in Aulâ Regiâ vulgò dicta White-Hall.

Turbatus & tristissimis temporibus ascendi suggestum, Rumoribus tum praevalentibus Regem Serenissimum Jacobum, & Sacratissimae mihi Memoriae mortuum esse. Avocatus Doloribus Ducis Buckinghamiae, Sermonem abrupi medio.

Mortuus est Rex Theobaldi, quùm tempus numer asset tres quartas ultra horam undecimam ante meridianam, Religiosissimè & constantissimâ fide intrepidus emisit Animam Beat am.

Eo die horam circiter quintam, Proclamatione Carolus Princeps, quod faustum foelixque sit, Rex promulgatur.

AEgrotare incaepit Rex, Mart. 4. die Veneris. Morbus, qui apparuit Tertiana Febris. Sed vereor repercussam Medicinis à pedibus ad inveriora Podagram.

Apr. 1. Die Veneris, Accepi Literas a Comite Pembrochiae Camerario Regio, in iis Mandatum Serenissimi Regis Caroli de concione per me habendâ in Comitiis Parlamentariis coram ipso & [Page] Proceribus Regni, Maij 17. proximè futuro.

Apr. 3. Die Solis, Dedi in manus Ducis Buckinghamiae, Annotationes breves in Vitam & Mortem Augustissimi Regis Jacobi; quas jussit ut describerem.

Apr. 5. Die Martis, Schedulam exhibui, in qua Nomina erant virorum Ecclesiasticorum sub Literis, O. & P. Nomina ut sic digererem jussit ipse Dux Buckinghamiae, traditurus ea (ut dixit) Regi Carolo.

Apr. 9. Die Sabbati, Mihi omnibus nominibus colendissimus Dux Buckinghamiae certiorem me fecit: Aliquem ex nescio quâ Invidiâ Nomen meum denigrasse apud Serenissimam Majestatem Caroli. Causa arrepta ex errore, in quem nescio quo fato olim in causa Caroli Comitis Devoniae, Decemb. 26. 1605. incidi.

Eodem die in Mandatis accepi, ut Reverendum Episcopum Winton adirem, & quid velit in causâ Ecclesiae sciscitarer; Responsumque referrem, praecipuè in quinque Articulis, &c.

Apr. 10. Die Solis post concionem finitam adij Episcopum, qui tum in Camerâ suâ in Aulâ [...] erat. Protuli quae accepi in Mandatis. Responsum dedit. Simul indè Livimus. invisi, ut preces in Domo Somersetensi audituri. Audimus. Postea ibi invisimusCorpus nuperrimi [Page] Regis Jacobi, quod ibi expectabat adhùc diem Funeris.

Apr. 13. Die Mercurij, Retuli ad Ducem Buckinghamiae, quid responderit Episcopus Winton.

Eodem tempore certiorem me fecit de Clerico, qui Regi erat à Conclavi, Venerando Episcopo Dunelm. quid statuerat Rex, & de Successore.

Apr. 17. Die Paschatis, AEgrotante Episcopo Dunelm. Assignatus fui (sed petitione dicti Episcopi) ab Illustrissimo Comite Pembrokiae Domi Camerario, ut inservirem Regiae Majestati loco Clerici à Conclavi; quod munus praestiti, ad Maij primum.

Apr. 23. Burton Scriptum tradidit Regi.

Maij. 1. Conjugium Celebratum Parisiis, inter Regem Serenissimum Carolum, & Insignissimam Heroinam Henriettam Mariam Galliae Henrici Quarti Filiam.

Maij 7. Die Saturni, Funus ducimus Jacobi Regis.

Maij 11. Die Mercurij, Primo manè Dux Buckinghamiae versùs mare se transtulit; obviam iturus Reginae Mariae in Galliam.

Dedi ad Ducem eo die Literas, sed quae properantem sequerentur.

Maij 17. Parliamentum rejectum est in Maij ult.

Maij 18. Iter brevius suscepi cum Fratre meo ad vicum Hammersmith; visurus ibi communes Amicos. Dies erat Mercurij.

[Page] Maij 19. Die Jovis, Literas secundas misi ad Ducem Buckinghamiae, tum paulisper morantem Parisiis.

Maij 29. Die Solis, Literas tertias dedi in manus Episcopi Dunelm: qui cum Rege iturus, traderet eas Duci Buckinghamiae ad Littus applicanti.

Maij 30. Die Lunae, Chelsey profectus sum ad Ducissam Buckinghamiae.

Maij 31. Die Martis, Parliamentum secundò expectat initium Junij 13. Die Lunae.

Carolus Rex versùs Doroberniam iter suscepit, obviam iturus Reginae.

Junij 5. Die Pentecostes, manè instanter iturus ad Sacra, Literae è Galliâ à Duce Clarissimo Buckinghamiae, in manus meas se dedere.

Junij 6. Responsum dedi Aurorâ proximâ. Post datum Responsum, Episcopus Venerabilis Lancel. Winton, & ego simul proficiscimur ad aedes Tusculanas, quas juxta Bromlye possidet Joh. Roffensis. Prandemus, Redimus Vesperi.

Junij 8. Die Mercurij Chelsey profectus sum; sed frustratus redij.

Junij 12. Die Solis, [...] Trinitatis Dies fuit, Regina Maria maria pertransiens, ad Littus nostrum appulit circitèr horam 7. vespertinam. Det Deus, ut Hespera sit & foelix Stella Orbi nostro.

Junij 13. Die Lunae, Parliamentum iterum expectans Regem, recedit in Diem Sabbati, Junij 18.

Junij 16. Die Jovis, Rex & Regina Londinum venerunt. Salutaverunt Aulam ad horam quintam. [Page] Dies erat tristior, & nubibus operta. Quùm jam ad Turrim Londinensem pervenerunt (nam aquâ usi sunt pro curru) & eduxit Rex Reginam in exteriora Cimbae, ut videret & Populum & Vrbem; magnus è coelo cecidit Imber, qui utrumque coegit in interiores recessus. Duravit Imber, usque dum intrassent Aulam, finemque accepit.

Junij 18. Dies Sabbati erat. Initium dedit primo sub Serenissimo Rege Carolo Parliamento, toties dilato. Interfuere Dux de Shiveruz & alii Nobiles Galliae, Episcopus etiam, qui Reginae inservivit. Metu Pestilentiae, quae tum caepit grassari, abstinuit Rex à pompâ illius diei; ne populus in multitudine conflueret. Et concio, quae mihi imposita est habenda in Cathedrali Westmonasteriensi, in initiandis illis Comitiis, rejecta est in diem proximum, i. e.

Junij 19. Dominicam primam post Trinitatem, quo die illam habui in Sacello Aulae Regiae, quae dicitur Alba.

Junij 20. Initium dedit Convocationi.

Junij 24. Festum fuit S. Johannis Bapt. Rex jussit Archiepiscopum Cant. cum sex aliis quos nominavit Episcopis consilium inire de Jejunio Publico & Precibus publicis, ut Deus misereatur nostrî, dum grassari inciperet Pestilentia, & coelum supra modum nubilum minabatur famem; & simul ut bearet Classem jam mare petituram. Episcopi erant Londinensis, Dunelmensis, Wintoniensis, [Page] Norwicensis, Roffensis, Menevensis: Quod factum fuit.

Junij 25. Die Sabbati, Episcopi simul omnes, qui tum praesentes erant, introducti sunt, ut osculo officii salutarent manus Reginae Mariae. Illa nos summâ cum gratiâ accepit.

Julij 2. Die Sabbati, celebratum est Jejunium ab utrâque Domo Parlamenti in exemplum totius Regni.

Julij 3. Die Solis, In Somnis apparuit mihi Serenissimus Rex Jacobus. Vidi tantum velociter praetereuntem. Hilari Vultu fuit & sereno. In transitu me vidit, annuit, subrisit, & subitò Oculis meis subductus.

Julij 7. Die Jovis, R. Montague inductus est in Domum Parliamenti inferiorem, &c.

Julij 9. Die Saturni, Placuit Serenissimo Regi Carolo, intimare Domui illi, sibi non placere, quae de Montacutio dicta ibi & statuta fuere se inconsulto.

Julij 11. Die Lunae, Parliamentum translatum est Oxonium, in diem primum Augusti.

Julij 13. Die Mercurij, quùm mortui sint Londini priori septimanâ 1222. Profectus sum rus in Domum amicissimi Francisci Windebank. Iter mihi eò facienti obviam mihi casu factus est R. Montacutius. Primus fui, qui eum certiorem feci de Regis erga ipsum gratiâ.

Julij 15. Die Veneris, Profectus sum Windlesoriam; negotia quaedam mihi à venerando Episcopo Dunelm Commissa peregi. Redij eâ nocte. Curia tum ibi.

[Page] Julij 17. Die Solis, iterum Windlesoriam invisi. Regi inter prandendum astiti. Philosophica quaedam discussa. Prandebam: Postea in domo Episcopi Glocestrensis Comedi. Interfuit ibi Baro Vaughan cum Filio nat u maximo. Proximo die unus è servis Episcopi, qui mensae astitit, Peste correptus est. Mihi caeterisque faveat Deus. Eâ nocte redij, subitò claudus, nescio quo humore in crus sinistrum delapso. Aut, ut existimavit R. An. ex mortu Cimicum. Convalui intra biduum.

Julij 20. Die Mercurij, Jejunium publicum per totam Angliam.

Concionem ego habui in Parochiâ de Hurst, ubi cum Magistro Windebanke commoratus sum.

Julij 21. Die Jovis, Invisi Rich. Harrison militem, & redij.

Julij 24. Die Solis, Concionatus sum in Parochiâ de Hurst.

Julij 29. Die Veneris, Oxonium ingressus sum.

Julij 31. Die Solis, In triclinio Hospitij Presidentis Collegij D. Joh. Baptistae Oxon. Nescio quomodo cecidi; & laesum retuli Humerum sinistrum & coxendicem.

Aug. 1. Die Lunae, incaepit Parlamentum Oxonij. Statim ferè magnus impetus fuit in Duoem Buckinghamiae.

Aug. 12. Die Veneris, solutum est Parliamentum: Populo non satis auscultante Regis propositis.

Aug. 15. Relapsus meus; nunquam infirmior, teste M. dies erat Lunae. Eodem die iter suscepi versùs Walliam.

[Page] Aug. 21. Die Solis. Concionatus sum Brecon, ubi per biduum transigendis negotiis intentus commoratus sum.

Eâ nocte in somnis visus est mihi Dux Buckinghamiae in lectum meum ascendere; ubi multo erga me amore se gessit, post illam quietem qua fessi admodum solent gaudere. Et visi etiam sunt mihi multi cubiculum intrare, qui hoc videbant.

Non multis diebus antea in somnis visus sum videre Ducissam Buckinghamiae, egregiam illam Dominam, primò perplexam satis circa Maritum, sed postea hilarem & gaudentem, quòd metu Abortionis liberata sit, ut debito tempore [...] iterum esse mater.

Aug. 24. Dies erat Mercurij, & Festum St. Bartholomaei, in aedes proprias apud Aberguillye tutus (Deo gratiae) perveni. Quùm tamen bis eo die inter Aber-Markes & domum meam eversus sit currus meus. Prima vice ego in eo fui; posteriore verò vacuus fuit.

Aug. 28. Dies erat Solis, Consecravi Capellam sive Oratorium propriis sumptibus extructum in domo meâ communitèr vocatâ Aberguillye-House. Nomen indidi Capellae S. Joh. Baptistae, in gratam memoriam Collegij S. Joh. Bapt. Oxon. cujus primò Socius, & dein Praeses fui. Et hoc consultò feci. Intervenit autem aliud, non mali omnis spero, de quo nunquàm cogitavi. Hoc fuit. Die Sabbati, vesperi immediatè praecedente Consecrationem celebrandam, dum precibus eram intentus; nescio quì violentèr in mentem meam irruit adesse diem Decollationis S. Joh. Bap. Finitis Precibus fasta consului. Reperio diem illum in [Page] diem Lunae, 29 scilicet Augusti, non in diem Solis incidere. Optassem diem ipsum; sed gavisus sum, me Consecrationem solennem peracturum, Vigiliâ saltem illius Diei. Nam illâ die Serenissimus Rex Jacobus causam meam circa Electionem in Praesidentem Colleg j S. Joh. Bapt. Oxon per tres integras horas ad minimum audivit, & me è manu inimicorum potentum justissimè liberavit.

Septemb. 4. Die Solis, Nocte sequente valdè turbatus sum per insomnia. Totum me tenuit Dux Buckinghamiae, Servi & Familia ejus; non satis ordinata omnia. Ducissa malè se habens, evocat Ancillas, & lectum petit. Det Deus meliora.

Septemb. 11. Die Solis, [...] habui apud Carmarthen, Judicibus tum praesentibus. Eâdem nocte somniavi quòd Dr. Theod. Priceus monuit me de Ma. 3. & quòd erga me infidus fuit, & patefecit omnia, quae novit: Et ut ideo caverem, nequè amplius, &c.

Postea de Sack. Croe, quòd peste mortuus esset, quum non diu [antè] cum Rege fuisset.

Septemb. 24. Ordines Sacros solus unus à me petiit: Examinationi undique impar.

[Page] Septemb. 25. Cum Exhortatione non ordinatum dimisi. Dies erat Sabbati.

Septemb. 26. Die Solis, Eâ nocte somniavi de Nuptiis, nescio cujus Oxon. Omnes qui aderant, vestibus viridioribus florentes. Neminem novi praeter Tho. Flaxnye. Statim pòst sine interjectâ vigiliâ (quantùm novi) visus est mihi Episcopus Wigorn. Capite & Cervicibus linteis obductus. Suasit mihi amicè, ut cum illis habitarem; designando locum ubi Curia Marchionatus Walliae tum tenebatur; sed (responsione [...] non expectata) respondit ipse, se scire me non potuisse tam exiliter vivere, &c.

Octob. 8. Die Sabbati, Rediit è Walliâ Comes. North. Praeses Walliae, itinere per mare suscepto.

Octob. 9. Die Solis, Concionatus sum apud Carmarthen.

Octob. 10. Die Lunae, Equo vectus Montes petij: Dies erat pro tempore Anni serenissimus, & adeò temperatus, ut redeuns prandium sumpsimus & ego & qui mecum erant sub dio, in loco dicto Pente Cragg, ubi Registrarius rusticabatur.

Octob. 30. Die [...], Sr. Thom. Coventrey, made Lord Reeper.

Novemb. 11. Dies er at Veneris, Iter suscepi, rediturus in Angliam.

Novemb. 17. Die Jovis, Carolus Filius Ducis Buckinghamiae, natus.

Novemb. 20. Die Solis, Concionem tum habui apud Hony-Lacye in Comitatu Herefordensi.

Novemb. 24. Die Jovis, Perveni ad aedes Amicissimi F. Windebank apud Hains-Hill. Ibi Vxor [Page] Amici mei (nam ille eo tempore Aulicus) statim à primo adventu narravit, Duci Buckinghamiae, tum apud Belgas negotium Regni agenti, natum esse Filium: Cui Deus omnibus bonis Coeli & Terrae benedicat.

Decemb. 4. Die Solis, Concionem habui apud Hurst. Ibi Ruri degebam ad festum usque Nativitatis.

Decemb. 14. Dies erat Mercurij, Windlesoriam petij, sed redij eodem die.

Decemb. 25. Die Solis, Concionem habui apud Hurst in Festis Domini Natalitiis.

Decemb. 31. Die Sabbati, ad Aulam Regiam profectus sum (quae erat tum Hamptoniae) Ibi,

Januar. 1. Die Solis, accepi me inter alios Episcopos nominatum, ut die Mercurij sequente apud Aulam White-Hall dictam, consilium ineamus de Ceremoniis Coronationis. Accepi simulLegatum extraordinarium Gallorum destinatum esse, ut in maximâ parte AEdium Dunelmensis Episcopi resideret.

Januar. 2. Die Lunae, Reversus sum ad Hains-Hill. Ibi enim, horum negotiorum nescius, Chartas necessarias unà cum cistulâ post reliqui. Has quùm aptaverim, ad aedes me contuli Rich. Harrison militis; ut valedicerem amicis. Ibi primùm quid de me senserit F. H. ni fallor, cognovi. Ipse apertè dixi, quo animo fui, &c. Redij.

Januar. 3. Die Martis, veni Londinum ad aedes proprias Westmonasterij. nam hebdomadâ ante Natalitia, misi servum, qui mea omnia è domo Amici mei Episcopi Dunelm (quo cum ut Hospes per [Page] totum quadriennium vixi) ad aedes proprias deferret, praeter libros, quos male distuli in adventum meum. Cogebat enim & Legati Gallici adventus, ut nimis properarem; & moles negotiorum optavit Libros ad manum. Vesperi adij Ducem Buckinghamiae.

Januar. 4. Die Mercurij, Convenimus Aulae vulgò dictae White-Hall, ad deliberandum de Caeremoniis Coronationis. Misi servum, qui Libros adduceret: adduxit. Eâ nocte disposui per Musaeum: Nec dabatur mora. Nam quùm simul eramus in deliberatione de Caeremoniis, exiit à Rege & ad nos venit Comes Pembrochiensis, Regiae Domûs Camerarius Honoratissimus; & nomine Regis jussit me paratum esse in Febr. sextum, ut eo die in initio Parlamenti Concionem habere possim.

Januar. 6. Die Veneris, Dies erat Epiphaniae; convenimus iterum de Caeremoniis, & responsum damus Regi.

Januar. 16. Mandatum Regis mihi exposuit Archiepiscopus Cant. me supplere debere in Coronatione futurâ, vices Decani Westmonasterij. Nolle enim Regem, ut Episcopus Lincoln. tum Decanus interesset Caeremoniis. Dies erat Lunae.

Eodem die consultum est Jussu Regis, quid in causa Rich. Montacutii agendum. Aderant Episcopi Londin. Dunelm. Winton. Roffens. Meneven.

[Page] Januar. 17. Responsum per Literas dedimus, subscriptas Die Martis. Hoc die etiam Episcopus Lincoln. me deputavit Scriptis suis Sigillo munitis ad supplendum vices suas, qua Decanus er at Westmon. in Coronatione Regis Caroli.

Januar. 18. Die Mercurij, Ad Regem me adduxit Dux Buckinghamiae: Ostendi illi Notulas, si quae offenderint, &c.

Eodem Die jussu Regis Archiepiscopus Cant. cum Londin. Dunelm. Winton. Roffens. Meneven. consulebant de Precum Formulâ, ut gratias agamus pro Peste remissâ.

Januar. 23. Libellum perfectum de Caeremoniis Coronationis paratum habui, per omnia cum Libro Regali. Dies erat Lunae.

Januar. 29. Dies erat Solis, Intellexi quid D. B. collegit de causâ, Libro, & Opinionibus Rich. Montacutij, R. C. apud se statuisset. Videor videre Nubem surgentem & minantem Ecclesiae Anglicanae. Dissipet pro Misericordiâ suâ Deus.

Januar. 31. Dies erat Martis, Episcopi, & alij Proceres antea nominati à Rege ut de Caeremonijs Corationis Consilium inirent, ut mos antiquus observaretur, Regis Jussu ipsum adimus. Inspicit Rex omnia Regalia: Induit se Tunicis S. Edwardi: Jussit me legere Rubricas directivas. Omnibus Lectis, retulimus Regalia ad Ecclesiam Westmon. & loco suo condimus.

[Page] Feb. 2. Die Jovis & Purificationis B. V. Mariae, Coronatus est Rex Serenissimus Carolus: Ego functus sum vice Decani Westmon. Intravit Rex Ecclesiam, quum nondum sonuit Hora Decima; & Tertia praeterijt, antequam exivit. Dies clarissimo gaudebat Sole.

Solemnibus finitis, in Aulâ magnâ Westmon. quum tradidit mihi in manus Regalia, quae in Ecclesiâ B. Pet. Westmon. servantur: De novo dedit Gladium Cortanam dictum, & duos alios, qui coram Rege eo Die deferebantur, ut servarentur cum reliquis Insignibus in Ecclesiâ. Redij, & ad Altare Solemnitèr obtuli Nomine Regis, & cum alijs reposui.

Nihil in tanto negotio, & frequentiâ Populi incredibili, amissum, fractum, turbatum nihil. Pulpitum sive Scena vacuum, & expeditum Regi, Proceribus & negotio; & audivi Comites alloquentes Regem inter redeundum, se nunquam vidisse Solennia, etiam multò minora, tam pacifica, tam ordinata.

Feb. 6. Lunae erat Dies, Concionem habui coram Rege Carolo, & Proceribus Regni, in initio Parlamenti.

Feb. 11. Die Sabbati, Ad instantiam Comitis Warwicensis Colloquium fuit in [...] Rich. Montacutij in AEdibus Ducis Buckinghamiae, &c.

Feb. 17. Die Veneris, Colloquium praedictum secundò habitum est, [Page] non paucis Porceribus Regni praesentibus, Loco praedicto.

Feb. 21. Dies erat Martis, & Carnivale: Misit D. Buckinghamiae, ut ad se venirem. Tum in Mandatis mihi dedit, ut, &c.

Feb. 23. Die Jovis, Quaesivi Ducem apud Chelsei. Ibi primò vidi nuper Natum Haeredem ejus Carolum. Ducem non inveni. Redij, dein inveni [...] ejus me quaerentem. Cum eo propero, & in Aulâ invenio. Quid à me factum narro.

Febr. 24. Die Veneris, & S. Matthiae, Cum eo fui in AEdibus suis per Horas fere tres, ubi suâ manu, &c. aliquid ut adderem jussit. Dicto obsequutus sum; & proximo Die attuli: Feb. 25.

Feb. 26 Dominicâ primâ Quad. Concionem, quam habui in initio Parlamenti, Regio Mandato Typis jam excusam in manus Serenissimi Regis Caroli dedi, Vesperi.

Feb. 27. Die Lunae, Periculum Regis Caroli ab Equo, qui fractis duobus Ephippiorum cingulis, & Ephippio unà cum Sessore in ventrem devoluto, tremens constitit, donec Rex salvus, &c.

Martij 1. Dies erat Mercurij, & Festum S. Davidis, Clamor incaepit in Domo Inferiori Parlamenti, Nominatim contra Ducem Buckinghamiae ob moratam Navim dictam, The St. Peter of Newhaven, post Sententiam latam. Perpetuae in Domo illâ agitationes erant à die illo.

Martij 6. Resignavi Rectoriam [Page] de Ibstock, quam habui in Commendam.

Martij 11. Proposuit in Domo Dr. Turner Medicus Quaesita Septem, vulgò dicta Quaeres, contra Ducem Buckinghamiae: Non alio tamen nixas Fundamento, quam quod ex Famâ quidem Publicâ, ut dixit, petijt. Dies erat Saturni.

Martij 16. Die Jovis, Proposuit quidam è Belgia Nomine Joh. Oventrout se viam ostensurum, quî Occidentalis-India excuteret Jugum Hispaniae, & se Regi nostro Carolo subderet. Res refertur [...] Comiti de Totnes, Baroni Conway Secretario Principali: & quia dixit Stratagema suum à Religione non minimas vires petiturum, adjungor ego. Proposuit Senex quaedam de Aricâ capiendâ: Nec qui capi potuit, ullis Argumentis edocuit; nisi quòd velit dividi Incolarum animos in causâ Religionis, immisso illic Catechismo Hidelbergiae. Dimisimus Hominem; nec Sapientiores redimus.

Anno 1625.

[Page]

March 27. Midlent Sunday, I Preached at White-Hall.

I ascended the Pulpit, much troubled, and in a very melancholy moment, the Report then spreading, that his Majesty King James, of most Sacred Memory to me, was Dead. Being interrupted with the dolours of the Duke of Buckingham, I broke off my Sermon in the middle.

The King died at Theobalds, about three quarters of an hour past Eleven in the forenoon. He breathed forth his Blessed Soul most Religiously, and with great constancy of Faith, and Courage.

That day, about five a Clock, Prince Charles was Solemnly Proclaimed King. God grant to him a Prosperous and Happy Reign.

The King fell Sick, March, 4. on Friday. The Disease appeared to be a Tertian Ague. But I fear it was the Gout, which by the wrong application of Medicines, was driven from his feet to his inward vital parts.

April 1. Friday, I received Letters from the Earl of Pembroke, Lord Chamberlain to the King, and therein a Command from his Majesty King Charles, to Preach a Sermon before himself [Page] and the House of Peers in the Session of Parliament, to be held on the 17 day of May next following.

Apr. 3. Sunday. I delivered into the Duke of Buckingham's hands, my short Annotations upon the Life and Death of the most August King James; which he had commanded me to put in writing.

April 5. Tuesday, I Exhibited a Schedule, in which were wrote the Names of many Church-Men, marked with the Letters O. and P. The Duke of Buckingham had commanded to digest their Names in that method; that (as himself said) he might deliver them to King Charles.

April 9. Saturday, The Duke of Buckingham, whom upon all accounts I am bound for ever to Honour, signified to me, that a certain Person, moved through I know not what envy, had blackened my Name with his Majesty King Charles; laying hold for that purpose of the Error; into which, by I know not what Fate, I had formerly fallen in the business of Charles Earl of Devonshire, 1605. Decemb: 26.

The same day I received in Command, to go to the Right Reverend the Bishop of Winchester, and learn from him, what he would have done in the Cause of the Church; and bring back his Answer, especially in the matter of the Five Articles, &c.

April 10. Sunday, after Sermon was done, I went to the Bishop, who was then in his Chamber at Court. I acquainted him with what I had received in Command. He gave to me his Answer. From thence we went together to hear Prayers in Somerset-House. Having heard [Page] Prayers, we afterwards saw there the Body of the late King James; which rested there till the day of his Funeral Rites.

April 3. Wednesday, I brought back to the Duke of Buckingham, the Answer of the Bishop of Winchester.

At the same time the Duke made known to me, what the King had determined concerning his Clerk of the Closet, the Right Reverend the Bishop of Durham, and about his Successor in that Office.

April 17. Easter-day, The Bishop of Durham being Sick, I was appointed (but at the desire of the said Bishop) by the Right Honourable the Earl of Pembroke, Lord Chamberlain of the Household, to wait upon his Majesty in the Quality of Clark of the Closet; which place I Executed till the first of May.

April 23. Burton presented his Paper to the King.

May 11. The Marriage was Celebrated at Paris, between his Majesty King Charles, and the most Illustrious Princess Henrietta Maria of France, Daughter of Henry IV.

May 7. Saturday, we Celebrated the Funeral of King James.

May 1. Early in the Morning the Duke of Buckingham went towards the Sea-side, to pass over into France to meet Queen Mary.

I wrote Letters to the Duke that day; which might follow after him. For he went in great haste.

May 17. The Parliament was put off till the last day of May.

May 18. I took a short Journey, with my Brother to Hammersmith; that we might there see our common Friends. It was Wednesday.

[Page] May 19. Thursday, I sent Letters the second time to the Duke of Buckingham, then staying for a while at Paris.

May 29. Sunday, I gave a third Letter into the hands of the Bishop of Durham, who was to Attend the King; that he might deliver them to the Duke of Buckingham at his first Landing.

May 30. Munday, I went to Chelsey, to wait upon the Dutchess of Buckingham.

May 31. Tuesday, The Parliament was a second time put off, till Munday the 13. of June.

King Charles set forward toward Canterbury, to meet the Queen.

June 5. Whitsunday, in the Morning, just as I was going to Prayers, I received Letters from France, from the most Illustrious Duke of Buckingham.

June 6. I wrote an Answer next Morning. After I had finished my Answer, the Right Reverend Lancelot Lord Bishop of Winchester and I, went together to the Country House, which John Lord Bishop of Rochester hath by Bromley. We Dined there; and returned in the Evening.

June 8. Wednesday, I went to Chelsey, but returned with my Labour lost.

June 12. Sunday, it was Trinity Sunday, Queen Mary crossing the Seas, Landed upon our Shore about Seven a Clock in the Evening. God grant, that she may be an Evening and an Happy Star to our Orb.

June 13. Munday, the Parliament waiting for the King's coming, adjourned again till Saturday, the 18th of June.

June 16. Thursday, the King and Queen came to London. They arrived at Court at five a Clock. [Page] It was ill weather, and the day cloudy. When they came by the Tower of London (for they came by water instead of Coach) the King led out the Queen to the outside of the Barge, that she might see the People and the City. But at the same time, a violent shower of Rain falling down, forced them both to return into the inward part of the Barge. The shower continued, until they had entred White-Hall; and then ceased.

June 18. Saturday, The first Parliament of King Charles, which had been so often put off, now began. There were present at the opening of it, the Duke of Shiveruz, with other French Noblemen; a Bishop also, who Attended the Queen. For fear of the Pestilence, which then began to be very rife, the King omitted the pomp usual upon that day, lest the great conflux of People should be of ill consequence. And the Sermon, which had been imposed upon me to be Preached in Westminster Abbey at the beginning of this Session, was put off to the next day, that is, to

June 19. First Sunday after Trinity, on which day, I Preached it in the Chappel at White-Hall.

June 20. The Convocation began.

June 24. Was the Feast of St: John Baptist. The King Commanded the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, with six other Bishops, whom he then Named, to advise together concerning a Publick Fast, and a Form of Prayer, to implore the Divine Mercy, now that the Pestilence began to spread, and the extraordinary wet weather threatned a Famin; [Page] and also to beg the Divine Blessing upon the Fleet now ready to put to Sea. The Bishops were London, Durham, Winchester, Norwich, Rochester, St. Davids. This was done.

June 25. Saturday, All the Bishops, who were then in Town, were introduced together, that they might wait upon Queen Mary, and kiss her Hand. She received us very Graciously.

July 2. Saturday, The Fast was kept by both Houses of Parliament, to set an Example therein to the whole Kingdom.

July 3. Sunday, in my Sleep his Majesty King James appeared to me. I saw him only passing by swiftly. He was of a pleasant and serene Countenance. In passing he saw me, beckned to me, smiled, and was immediately withdrawn from my Sight.

July 7. Thursday, Richard Montague was brought into the Lower House of Parliament, &c.

July 9. Saturday, it pleased his Majesty King Charles, to intimate to the House of Commons; that what had been there said and resolved, without consulting him, in Montague's Cause, was not pleasing to him.

July 11. Monday, The Parliament was Prorogued to Oxford, against the first day of August.

July 13. Wednesday, there having died in the former week at London 1222 Persons. I went into the Country, to the House of my good Friend Francis Windebank. In going thither, Richard Montague met me by chance. I was the first, who certified him of the King's Favour to him.

July 15. Friday, I went to Windsor; and performed some Businesses committed to my trust by the Right Reverend Bishop of Durham. I returned that night. The Court was there at that time.

[Page] July 17. Sunday, I went again to Windsor. I stood by the King at Dinner time: Some Matters of Philosophy were the Subject of Discourse. I Dined: Afterwards I Eat in the House of the Bishop of Glocester. Baron Vaughan was there present, with his Eldest Son. The next day one of the Bishops Servants, who had waited at Table, was seized with the Plague. God be merciful to me and the rest. That Night I returned, being become lame on the sudden, through I know not what humor falling down upon my left Leg, or (as R: An: thought) by the biting of al. [...]. Buggs. I grew well within two days.

July 20. Wednesday, A Publick Fast was held throughout all England.

I Preached in the Parish of Hurst; where I then abode with Master Windebanke.

July 21. Thursday, I visited Sir Richard Harrison, and returned.

July 24. Sunday, I Preached in the Parish of Hurst.

July 29. Friday, I entred into Oxford.

July 31. Sunday, I fell down, I know not how, in the Parlour of the President's Lodging at St. John's Colledge, and hurt my left shoulder and hip.

Aug. 1. Monday, The Parliament began at Oxford. Presently after the beginning of it, a great assault was made against the Duke of Buckingham.

Aug. 12. Friday, The Parliament was dissolved; the Commons not hearkning, as was expected, to the King's Proposals.

Aug. 15. My Relapse, I never was weaker, in the judgment of the Phisician. It was Munday. The same day I began my journey towards Wales.

[Page] Aug. 21. Sunday. I Preached at Brecknock; where I stayed two days, very busie in performing some Business.

That Night, in my Sleep, it seemed to me, that the Duke of Buckingham came into Bed to me; where he behaved himself with great kindness towards me, after that Rest, wherewith wearied Persons are wont to solace themselves. Many also seemed to me to enter the Chamber, who saw this.

Not long before, I dreamed that I saw the Dutchess of Buckingham, that Excellent Lady, at first very much perplexed about her Husband, but afterwards chearful, and rejoycing, that she was freed from the fear of Abortion, so that in due time she might be again a Mother.

Aug. 24. Wednesday, and the Festival of St. Bartholomew, I came safely (thanks be to God) to my own House at Aberguille. Although my Coach had been twice that day overturned between Aber-Markes and my House. The first time I was in it; but the latter time it was empty.

Aug. 28. Sunday, I Consecrated the Chappel or Oratory, which I had built at my own charge in my House, commonly called Aberguilly-House. I Named it the Chappel of St. John Baptist, in grateful remembrance of St. John Baptist's Colledge in Oxford, of which I had been first Fellow, and afterwards President. And this I had determined to do. But another thing intervened (of no ill Omen as I hope) of which I had never thought. It was this. On Saturday, the Evening immediately preceeding the Consecration, while I was intent at Prayer, I know not how, it came strongly [Page] into my mind, that the day of the Beheading of St. John Baptist was very near. When Prayers were finished; I consulted the Calendar. I found that day to fall upon Munday, to wit, the 29th of August, not upon Sunday. I could have wished, it had fallen upon that same day, when I Consecrated the Chappel. However, I was pleased, that I should perform that solemn Consecration at least on the Eve of that Festival. For upon that day, his Majesty King James heard my Cause about the Election to the Presidentship of St. John's Colledge in Oxford, for three hours together at least; and with great Justice delivered me out of the hands of my powerful Enemies.

Septemb. 4. Sunday, The Night following I was very much troubled in my Dreams. My Imagination ran altogether upon the Duke of Buckingham, his Servants, and Family. All seemed to be out of order: that the Dutchess was ill, called for her Maids, and took her Bed. God grant better things.

Septemb. 11. Sunday, I Preached at Carmarthen, the Judges being then present. The same Night I Dreamed, that Dr: Theodore Price, admonished me concerning Ma: 3. and that he was unfaithful to me, and discovered all he knew: and that I should therefore take heed of him, and trust him no more, &c.

Afterwards I dreamed of Sackville Crow, that he was dead of the Plague, having not long before been with the King.

Septemb. 24. One only Person desired to Receive Holy Orders from me; and he found to be unfit, upon Examination.

[Page] Septemb. 25. I sent him away with an Exhortation, not Ordained. It was then Saturday.

Septemb. 26. Sunday, That Night I dreamed of the Marriage of I know not whom at Oxford. All that were present, were cloathed with flourishing green Garments. I knew none of them, but Thomas Flaxnye. Immediately after, without any intermission of Sleep, (that I know of) I thought I saw the Bishop of Worcester, his Head and Shoulders covered with Linnen. He advised and invited me kindly, to dwell with them, marking out a place, where the Court of the Marches of Wales was then held. But not staying for my Answer, he subjoyned, that he knew I could not live so meanly, &c.

Octob. 8. Saturday, the Earl of Northampton, President of Wales, returned out of Wales, taking his Journey by Sea.

Octob. 9. Sunday, I Preached at Carmarthen.

Octob. 10. Munday, I went on Horseback up to the Mountains. It was a very bright day for the time of Year, and so warm, that in our return, I and my Company dined in the open Air, in a place called Pente-Cragg, where my Registrary had his Country-House.

Octob. 30. Sunday, Sir Thomas Coventry, made Lord Keeper.

Novemb. 11. Friday, I began my Journey, to return into England.

Novemb. 17. Thursday, Charles the Duke of Buckingham's Son, was born.

Novemb. 20. Sunday, I Preached at Honye-Lacye in Herefordshire.

Novemb 24. Thursday, I came to the House of my great Friend Fr. Windebank. There the Wife [Page] of my Freind (for himself was then at Court) immediately as soon as I came told me, that the Duke of Buckingham (then negotiating for the Publick in the Low-Countries) had a Son born; whom God bless with all the good things of Heaven and Earth.

Decemb. 4. Sunday, I Preached at Hurst. I stayed there in the Country until Christmas.

Decemb. 14. Wednesday, I went to Windsor; but returned the same day.

Decemb. 25. Sunday, I Preached at Hurst upon Christmas day.

Decemb. 31. Saturday, I went to the Court, which was then at Hampton-Court. There,

Januar. 1. Sunday, I understood, that I was Named among other Bishops, who were to consult together on Wednesday following at White-Hall, concerning the Ceremonies of the Coronation. I was also at the same time informed, that the bigger part of the Bishop of Durham's House was appointed for the Residence of the Ambassadour Extraordinary of the King of France.

Januar. 2. Munday, I returned to Hains-Hill. For there, not then knowing any thing of these Matters, I had left my necessary Papers with my Trunk. When I had put these in order; I went to Sir Richard Harrison's House, to take leave of my Friends. There (if I mistake not) I first knew, what F. H. thought of me. I told my mind plainly, &c. I returned.

Januar. 3. Tuesday, I came to London, and fixed my self at my own House at Westminster. For the week before Christmas I had sent my Servant, who had brought all my things out of the House of [Page] my good Friend the Bishop of Durham (with whom I had abode as a Guest for Four Years compleat) to my own House, save only my Books; the removal of which, I unadvisedly put off till my own coming. For the coming of the French Ambassadour forced me to make over-much haste; and the multitude of business then laying upon me, made it requisite, that I should have my Books at hand. In the Evening I visited the Duke of Buckingham.

Januar. 4. Wednesday, We met at White-Hall, to consult of the Ceremonies of the Coronation. I sent my Servant to bring my Books, who brought them. That Night I placed them in order in my Study. And it was high time. For while we were in consultation about the Ceremonies, the Right Honourable the Earl of Pembroke, Lord Chamberlain of the Houshold to his Majesty, came from the King to us, and delivered to me the King's Order, to be ready against the sixth day of February, to Preach that day at the opening of the Parliament.

Januar. 6. Friday, Epiphany day, We met again, to consult concerning the Ceremonies; and gave up our Answer to the King.

Januar. 16. The Arch-Bishop of Canterbury made known to me the King's Pleasure, that at the Coronation I should supply the place of the Dean of Westminster. For that his Majesty would not have the Bishop of Lincoln, then Dean, to be present at the Ceremony. It was then Munday.

The same day, by the King's Command, a Consultation was held, what was to be done in the Cause of Richard Montague. There were present, the Bishops of London, Durham, Winchester, Rochester, and St. Davids.

[Page] Januar. 17. Tuesday, We gave in our Answer in Writing, Subscribed this day. This day also, the Bishop of Lincoln deputed me under his Hand and Seal, to supply the place for him, which he, as Dean of Westminster, was to Execute in the Coronation of King Charles.

Januar. 18. Wednesday. The Duke of Buckingham brought me to the King, to whom I shewed my Notes, that if he disliked any thing therein, &c.

The same day, by the King's Command, the Arch-Bishop of Cant. and the Bishops of London, Durham, Winchester, Rochester and St. Davids, consulted together concerning a Form of Prayer, to give Thanks for the decrease of the Plague.

Januar. 23. I had a perfect Book of the Ceremonies of the Coronation made ready, agreeing in all things with the Kings Book. It was Munday.

Januar. 29. Sunday, I understood what D. B. had collected concerning the Cause, Book, and Opinions of Richard Montague, and what R. C. had determined with himself therein. Methinks, I see a Cloud arising, and threatning the Church of England. God of his Mercy dissipate it.

Januar. 31. Tuesday, The Bishops and other Peers before nominated by the King to consult of the Ceremonies of the Coronation, that the ancient Manner might be observed, by his Majesties Command went together to him. The King viewed all the Regalia; Put on St. Edward's Tunicks; Commanded me to read the Rubricks of direction. All being read, we carried back the Regalia to the Church of Westminster, and laid them up in their place.

[Page] Febr. 2. Thursday and Candlemas day, His Majesty King Charles was Crowned. I then officiated in the place of the Dean of Westminster. The King entred the Abby-Church a little before Ten a Clock; and it was past Three, before he went out of it. It was a very Bright Sun-shining Day.

The Solemnity being ended, in the great Hall at Westminster, when the King delivered into my hands the Regalia, which are kept in the Abby-Church of Westminster, he did, (which had not before been done) deliver to me the Sword called Curtana, and two others, which had been carried before the King that day, to be Kept in the Church, together with the other Regalia. I returned, and Offered them Solemnly at the Altar in the Name of the King, and laid them up with the rest.

In so great a Ceremony, and amidst an incredible concourse of People, nothing was lost, or broke, or disordered. The Theatre was clear, and free for the King, the Peers, and the Business in hand; and I heard some of the Nobility saying to the King in their return, that they never had seen any Solemnity, although much less, performed with so little Noise, and so great Order.

Febr. 6. Monday, I Preached before King Charles and the House of Peers, at the opening of the Parliament.

Febr. 11. Saturday, At the desire of the Earl of Warwick, a Conference An Account of this Conference is in my hands but wrote very Partially, in favour of Dr: Preston and prejudice of Dr: White. H: W: was held concerning the Cause of Richard Montague, in the Duke of Buckingham's House [between Dr. Morton and Dr. Preston on the one side, and Dr. White on the other.]

Febr. 17. Friday, The foresaid Conference was renewed, in the [Page] same place, many of the Nobility being present.

Febr. 21. Shrove-Tuesday, the Duke of Buckingham sent for me to come to him; and then gave me in Command, that, &c.

Febr. 23. Thursday, I sought the Duke at Chelsey. There I first saw his Son and Heir Charles lately born. I found not the Duke. Returning, I found his Servant, who was seeking me. I went immediately with him, and found the Duke at Court. I related to him, what I had done.

Febr. 24. Friday, and S. Matthias's Day, I was with the Duke in his own House almost Three Hours; where with his own hand, &c. he commanded me to add somewhat. I did so, and brought it to him next Day, Febr. 25.

Febr. 26. First Sunday in Lent, in the Evening, I presented to his Majesty King Charles my Sermon, which I had Preached at the opening of the Parliament, being now Printed, by his Majesties Command.

Feb. 27. Munday, The Danger which hapened to King Charles from his Horse; which having broken the two Girts of the Saddle, and the Saddle together with the Rider fallen under his Belly, stood trembling, until the King, having received no hurt, &c.

March 1. Wednesday, and the Festival of S: David, a Clamour arose in the House of Commons, against the Duke of Buckingham, more particularly for stopping a Ship, called, The St: Peter of Newhaven, after Sentence pronounced. From that day there were perpetual Heats in the House.

March 6. I resigned the Parsonage [Page] of Ibstock, which I held in Commendam.

March 11. Dr. Turner, a Physician, offered in the House Seven Queries against the Duke of Buckingham; yet grounded upon no other Foundation, than what he received from publick Fame; as himself confessed. It was then Saturday.

March: 16: Thursday, a certain Dutchman, Named John Oventrout, proposed to shew a way how the West-Indies might shake off the Yoke of Spain, and put themselves under the Subjection of our King Charles. The Matter was referred to be disclosed to the Earl of Totnes, the Lord Conway Principal Secretary; and because he said that his Stratagem did depend in a great measure upon Religion, I was added to them. The Old Man proposed somewhat about the taking of Arica; Yet shewed not to us any Method, how it might be taken; unless it were, that he would have the Minds of the Inhabitants to be divided in the Cause of Religion, by sending in among them the Catechism of Heidelberg. We dismissed the Man, and returned, not a whit the wiser.

§

Anno 1626.

Martij 26. Die Solis, Misit me ad Regem D. B. Ibi certiorem feci Regem de duobus negotijs, quae, &c. Gratias egit Rex Serenissimus.

Martij 29. Rex Carolus utramque Domum Parliamenti alloquitur, praecipuè verò Inferiorem, & per se, & per Honoratissimum Dominum Custodem Magni Sigilli, in Palatio de White-Hall. In multis Domum Inferiorem reprehendit. Multa etiam adjecit de Duce Buckinghamiae, &c.

[Page] In Convocatione illo Die habitâ multa agitata sunt de Concione, quam habuit Gabr. Goodman Episcopus Glocestr. coram Rege Die Solis praecedente, Dominicâ 5. Quadragesimae.

April 5. Die Mercurij, Manè misit Rex, ut Episcopi Norwicensis, Lichfeldensis, & Menevensis nosmetipsos coram sisteremus. Adsumus ego & Litchfeldensis: Norwicensis Rus abijt. Accipimus Mandata Regis circa, &c. Redimus.

April 12. Die Mercurij, Hor. 9. ante Meridiem, convenimus Archiepiscopus Cant. Episcopi Winton. Dunelm. & Meneven. jussi à Rege consulere de Concione, quam habuit coram Majestate Regiâ Episcopus Glocestrensis Dr. Goodman, Dom. 5. Quadrag. ultimò elapsâ: Consulimus; & Responsum damus Regi; quaedam minus cautè dicta, falsò nihil: Nec innovatum quidquam ab eo in Ecclesiâ Anglicanâ: Optimum fore, si iterum tempore à seipso electo iterum Concionem haberet, & ostenderet quomodò & in quibus malè acoeptus intellectus (que) fuit ab Auditoribus. Eâ nocte post horam nonam Regi renuntiavi, quae in Mandatis accepi die 5. April, & alia eo spectantia; inter caetera, de Impropriationibus reddendis. Multa gratissimè Rex; ego quùm prius disserui de modo.

[Page] April 14. In Febrem incidit Dux Buckinghamiae. Dies erat Veneris.

April 19. Die Mercurij, Petitio Joh. Digbye Comitis Bristoliensis contra Ducem Buckinghamiae lecta est in Domo Superiori Parlamenti: Acris illa, & quae perniciem minatur alteri partium.

April 20. Die Veneris, Retulit Cognitionem totius negotij & etiam Petitionis Comitis Bristoliensis Domui Parlamenti Rex Carolus.

April 21. Dies erat Sabbati, Misit Dux Buckinghamius, ut ad se venirem. Ibi audivi, quid Primicerius Regius Dom. Joh. Cocus contra me suggessit, Thesaurario Angliae, & ille Duci. Domine miserere Servi tui.

April 22. Die Solis, Misit Rex, ut omnes Episcopi cum ipso essemus, Horâ quartâ pomeridianâ. Adsumus 14. numero. Reprehendit, quòd in causis Ecclesiae hoc tempore Parlamenti silemus, & non notum facimus ei, quid Vtile vel Inutile foret Ecclesiae; se enim paratum esse promovere causam [...].

Deinde jussit, ut in Causis Bristoliensis & Buckinghamiae Conscientiâ nostrâ duce, sequamur tantùm probationes, non rumores.

April 30. Die Solis, Concionem habui apud White-Hall coram Rege.

Maij 1. Lunae Dies erat, Comes Bristoliensis accusatur Laesae Majestatis in Parlamento ab Atturnato Regio Roberto Heath Milite: Comes dictus Articulos 12. exhibuit tum & ibidem contra Ducem [Page] Buckinghamiae, & illum ejusdem Criminis reaccusat. Et alios Articulos contra Baronem Conwaye Secretarium. In custodiam traditur Comes Bristol. Jacobo Maxwell Ordinario Domûs Par. Officiario.

Maij 4. Die Jovis, Arthurus Lake Bathon. & Well. Episcopus Londini mortuus est.

Maij 8. Dies erat Lunae, Hora 2da. post Meridiem, Domus Inferior detulerunt Ducem Buckinghamiae accusationibus 13. [...] ad Domum Superiorem.

Maij 11. Die Jovis, Rex Carolus venit in Domum Parlamenti. Paucis alloquitur Proceres de Honore Nobilium conservando, contra viles & infestas Calumnias eorum è Domo Inferiori, qui detulerunt Ducem, &c. Octo fuerunt qui in eo negotio partes sortitas exornarunt. Prologus Dudleius Diggs, & Epilogus, Joh. Elliot, hoc die jussu Regis Turri Mandati sunt. Liberati intra paucos dies uterque.

Maij 25. Dies erat Jovis, Quia non remissus Domui Comes Arundelius, nec causa patefacta; suspicio crevit de laesis Privilegijs. Conclusum est inter Proceres de Domo comperendinandâ in crastinum: Quo die,

Maij 26. Iterum comperendinant in Junij 2. Statuentes se nihil acturos ante restitutum Comitem, vel causam saltem prolatam, &c.

Maij 25. Quo die hae turbae primò moverunt, erat Urbani Papae; & hodiè sedet Urbanus Octavus; cui & Hispano simul si quid gratum facere velint, quibus id maxime [Page] curae est; non video, quid melius excogitare possint, quàm ut in Partes distrahant Concilium Regni.

Junij 15. Die Jovis, Post multas agitationes privata Malitia in Ducem Buckinghamiae superavit, & suffocavit omnia publica Negotia. Nihil actum est, sed Parlamentum solutum.

Junij 20. Dies erat Martis, Serenissimus Rex Carolus me nominavit in Episcopum Bathon. & Wellen. Et simul injunxit, ut Concionem haberem paratam in Solenne Jejunium, quod Proclamatione sanxit in diem Julij 5. sequentem.

Julij 5. Solenne Jejunium institutum, partim ob grassantem adhuc in multis locis Regni Pestilentiam, & partim ob metum Hostium minitantium. Concionem habui eo die coram Rege & Proceribus apud White-Hall. Dies erat Mercurij.

Julij 8. Concionem praedictam jussit Rex, ut Typis excusam in publicum emitterem. Dies erat Sabbati.

Julij 16. Die Solis, Theobaldis Concionem illam, quae jam Praelum sensisset, in Regias Manus dedi, & redij.

Julij 26. Dies erat Mercurij, Signavit Rex Congedeslier, &c. ut potestas sit Decano & Capitulo me eligendi in Episcopum Bathoniensem.

Julij 27. Die Jovis, Manè detulit ad me Dr. Feild Episcopus Landavensis Literas quasdam ab Illustrissimo Duce Buckinghamiae. Litterae apertae erant, & partim Characteribus Conscriptae. Misit autem eas ad me Dux; ut consulerem [Page] quendam Nomine Swadlinge, nominatum quidem in ipsis Literis, ut qui possit Characteres legere. Ipse etiam nominatus eram, utpote cui iste Swadlinge notus erat; & educatus in Collegio S. Joh. Oxon. eo tempore quo Ego Praeses eram Collegij.

Aug. 1. Venit ad me Thomas Swadlinge, quem à discessu è Collegio, ad diem illum per 8. fere Annos aut circiter ne semel vidi. Ille operâ insumptâ tandem legit Characteres, &

Aug. 4. Dies Veneris erat, Ego & ille unâ adimus Ducem. Legit: malitiosa quaedam erant. Dux, ut decuit, contemnit. Redimus.

Aug. 16. Electus fui in Episcopum Bathoniensem. Dies erat Mercurij, & Littera D.

Aug. 25. Dies erat Veneris, Duae Rubeculae seu Rubelliones simul per ostium in Musaeum volant, quasi unus alterum persequens. Motus ille subitus me quasi resilire facit. Dimisi sicut intrârunt. Ego tum paraturus eram Concionem in Ephes. 4. 30. & chartis incubui.

Septemb. 14. Die Jovis, Vesperi voluit Dux Buckinghamiae, at Instructiones quasdam in formam redioerem, partim Politicas, partim Ecclesiasticas, in causâ illâ Regis Daniae paulò ante afflicti à Duce Tillio, mittendas per omnes Parochias. Brevissima Capita mihi tradita sunt. Paratas esse voluit in diem Saturni sequentem.

Septemb. 16. Paravi, & horâ praefixa attuli: Legi. Ducit me ad Regem. Ibi iterum jussus perlegi; uter (que) approbant.

[Page] Sept. 17. Die Solis, Propositae lectae (que) sunt (nam deposui apud Ducem chartas) coram Honoratissimis Regis Consiliarijs. Deo gratias, ab omnibus probatae sunt.

Sept. 18. Lunae die, Confirmata est electio mea in Bathon. & Wellen. Episcopum.

Sept. 19. Die Martis, Apud Theobaldas Homagium juravi Seren [...] Regi, qui ibi statim restituit me ad Temporalia à tempore mortis.

Quae inter me & Dom. Baronem Conwaye Principalem Regis Secretarium acciderunt, dum simul redimus.

Sept. 21. Die Lunae, Horâ matutinâ ferè quartâ Lancelotus Andrews Episcopus Winton. Meritissimus, Lumen Orbis Christiani, Mortuus est.

Sept. 30. Die Saturni, Certiorem me fecit Dux Buckinghamiae, quòd decrevit Serenissimus Rex, ut ego Successor sim Episcopo Winton. defuncto in Officio Decanatûs Sacelli Regis.

Octob. 2. Die Lunae, narravit idem mihi, quid de me ulteriùs eo die Rex statuisset, si: A. B. C. &c.

Octob. 3. Die Martis, Ad Aulam profectus sum; ea tum Hamptoniae erat. Ibi gratias egi Regi pro Decanatu Sacelli, mihi tum concesso. Redij Londinum.

Octob. 6. Juramentum à Decano Sacelli suscipiendum subivi in Sacrario coram Honoratissimo Camerario Regio Philippo Mongomeryae Comite: Ministrante Juramentum Stephano Bouton Sub-decano. Dies erat Veneris.

Novemb. 14. Vel circitèr, occasione sumptâ ex abruptâ tum incaeptione tum finitione Precum Publicarum die 5. Novemb. petij à Serenissimo [Page] Rege Carolo, ut interesset Lyturgiae aequè ac Concionibus quolibet die Dominico, & ut quocunque tempore Precum advenisset, Sacerdos qui Ministraret pergeret usque ad finem Precum. Non modò annuit Rex Religiosissimus; sed & gratias mihi egit. Non factum hoc antea ab initio Regni Jacobi ad hunc diem. Nunc, Deo gratias, obtinet.

Decemb. 21. Somniavi de Sepulturâ nescio cujus, & me astitisse pulveri, &c. Evigilavi [...].

Decemb. 25. Christmas-day: Dies erat Lunae, Concionem habui primam ut Decanus Sacelli [...], at White-Hall, in S. [...] 1. 14. par. 1. 1626.

Januar. 5. [...] erat Epiphaniae, & dies Veneris, nocte [...] avi Matrem meam diu ante defunctam lecto meo astitisse, & deductis paululum stragulis, hilarem in me aspexisse, & laetatus sum videre eam aspectu tam jucundo. Ostendit deindè mihi Senem diù ante defunctum, quem ego, dum vixit, & novi & amavi. Jacuisse videbatur ille humi, laetus satis, sed rugoso vultu; Nomen ei Grove. Dum paro salutare, evigilavi.

Januar. 8. Dies erat Lunae. [...] visum Ducem Buck. Gavisus est, & in manus dedit Chartam de Invocatione Sanctorum, quam dedit ei Mater, Illi vero nescio quis Sacerdos.

Jan. 13. Dies erat Saturni, Episcopus Lin. petiit reconciliationem cum [...] Buckinghamiae, &c.

[Page] Januar. 14. Die Solis, versùs manè somniavi Episcopum Lin. nescio què advenisse cum catenis ferreis; sed redeuns liberatus ab iis equum insiluit; abiit, nec assequi potui.

Januar. 16. Die Martis, Somniavi Regem venatum [...]; & quòd quum esuriit, abduxi eum de improviso in Domum Fran. Windebanck Amici mei. Dum parat comedere, ego, dum alii aberant, Calicem ei, de more porrigebam. Potum attuli; non placuit. Iterum adduxi; sed poculo argenteo. Dicit Serenissimus Rex: Tu [...], me semper è vitro bibere. Abeo iterum: evigilavi.

Januar. 17. Die Mercurij: Ostendi Rationes Regi, cur Chartae Episcopi Winton. defuncti de Episcopis quòd sint Jure Divino, praelo tradendae sint, contra illud quod miserè, & in maximum damnum Ecclesiae Anglicanae, Episcopus Lincoln. significavit Regi; sicut Rex ipse mihi antea narravit.

Febr. 7. Dies erat Cinerum, Concionatus sum in Aulâ ad White-Hall.

Feb. 9. Die Veneris, nocte sequente somniavi me morbo scorbutico laborasse; & repentè Dentes omnes mihi laxos fuisse; unum praecipuè in inferiori maxillâ, vix digito me retinere potuisse, donec opem peterem, &c.

Feb. 20. Die Martis, Incaepit Jo. Fenton [...] pruriginis [...], &c.

[Page] Febr. 22. Die Jovis, Iter suscepi versus Novum Mercatum, ubi tum Rex fuit.

Martij. 3. Dies Saturni erat, Cantabrigiam concessi unà cum Duce Buckinghamiae, Cancellario istius almae Academiae, & alijs Comitibus & Baronibus. Incorporatus ibi fui; & sic primus, qui praesentatus fuit Illustrissimo Duci, tum sedenti in domo Congregationis, ipse fui. Habitus ibi fuit ab Academicis Dux insignis & Academicè & celebriter. Redimus.

Martij 6. Die Martis, Rediit Rex è Novo Mercato, & ego, versùs Londinum.

Martij 8. Die Jovis: Veni Londinum. Nocte sequente somniavi me reconciliatum fuisse Ecclesiae Romanae. Hoc anxiè me habuit; & miratus sum [...], unde accidit. Nec solum mihi molestus fui [propter Errores illius Ecclesiae, sed etiam] propter scandala, quae ex illo lapsu meo multos egregios & doctos viros in Ecclesiâ Anglicanâ onerarent. Sic turbatus insomnio, dixi apud me, me statim iturum, & confessione factâ veniam ab Ecclesiâ Anglicanâ petiturum. Pergenti obviam se dedit Sacerdos quidam; voluit impedire. Sed indignatione motus, me in viam dedi. Et dum fatigavi me morosis cogitationibus, evigilavi. Tales impressiones sensi; ut vix potui credere me somniâsse.

Martij 12. Die Lunae, cum Rege concessi Theobaldas. Redij die proximo, Martij 13.

[Page] Martij 17. Die Saturni Vigiliâ Palmarum: Horâ noctis ferè mediâ, sepelivi Carolum Vicecomitem Buckinghamiae Filium natu maximum & tum unicum Georgij Ducis Buckinghamiae, AEtdtis [...] fuit Anni unius & ferè quatuor mensium. Mortuus est Die Veneris praecedente.

Anno 1626.

March 26. Sunday, D. B. sent me to the King. There I gave to the King an account of those two Businesses, which, &c. His Majesty thanked me.

March 29. King Charles spoke to both Houses of Parliament (but directed his Speech chiefly to the Lower House) both by himself, and by the Right Honourable the Lord Keeper of the Great Seal, in the Palace at White-Hall. He also added much concerning the Duke of Buckingham, &c.

[Page] In the Convocation held that Day, there was much debating concerning the Sermon which Gabriel Goodman Bishop of Glocester had Preached before the King on the Sunday preceding, being the fifth Sunday of Lent.

April: 5: Wednesday, The King sent in the Morning, commanding the Bishops of Norwich, Litchfeild, and St: Davids, to attend him. I and the Bishop of Litchfeild waited upon him; the Bishop of Norwich being gone into the Country. We received the King's Commands about, &c. and returned.

April 12. Wednesday, at 9. in the Forenoon, we met together, viz. the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, the Bishops of Winchester, Durham, and St: Davids; being commanded by the King to consult together concerning the Sermon, which Dr: Goodman the Bishop of Glocester had Preached before his Majesty on the 5th. Sunday in Lent last past. We advised together, and gave this Answer to the King; That some things were therein spoken less cautiously, but nothing falsely; That nothing was innovated by him in the Doctrine of the Church of England. That the best way would be, that the Bishop should preach the Sermon again, at some time to be chosen by himself, and should then shew, how, and wherein he was misunderstood by his Auditors. That Night after 9. a Clock, I gave to the King an account of what I had received in command on the 5th. of April, and of other things relating thereto. Among the rest, concerning restoring Impropriations. The King spoke many things very graciously therein; after I had first discoursed of the manner of effecting it.

[Page] April 14. Friday, The Duke of Buckingham fell into a Fever.

April 19. Wednesday, The Petition of John Digby Earl of Bristol, against the Duke of Buckingham was read in the House of Lords. It was very sharp, and such as threatens Ruin to one of the Parties.

April 20. Friday, King Charles referred the Cognisance of that whole matter, as also of the Petition of the Earl of Digby, to the House of Parliament.

April 21. Saturday, the Duke of Buckingham sent to me to come to him. There I first heard what Sir John Cook the King's Secretary had suggested against me to the Lord Treasurer, and he to the Duke. Lord be merciful to me thy Servant.

April 22. Sunday, The King sent for all the Bishops to come to him at 4. a Clock in the Afternoon. We waited upon him, 14. in number. Then his Majesty chid us, that in this time of Parliament we were silent in the Cause of the Church, and did not make known to him what might be Useful, or was Prejudicial to the Church; professing himself ready to promote the Cause of the Church.

He then commanded us, that in the Causes of the Earl of Bristol and Duke of Buckingham we should follow the direction of our own Consciences, being led by Proofs, not by Reports.

April 30. Sunday, I Preached before the King at White-Hall.

May 1. Munday, The Earl of Bristol was accused in Parliament of High Treason, by the King's Attorney Sir Robert Heath; the Earl then and there preferred 12. Articles against the Duke [Page] of Buckingham, and therein charged him with the same Crime; and other Articles also against the Lord Conway Secretary of State. The Earl of Bristol was committed to the Custody of James Maxwell, the Officer in Ordinary of the House of Peers.

May 4. Thursday, Arthur Lake Bishop of Bath and Wells Died at London.

May 8. Munday, At Two a Clock in the Afternoon, the House of Commons brought up to the House of Peers a Charge against the Duke of Buckingham, consisting of 13. Articles.

May 11. Thursday, King Charles came into the Parliament House; and made a short Speech to the Lords, concerning preserving the Honour of the Nobility against the vile and malicious Calumnies of those in the House of Commons, who had accused the Duke, &c. They were Eight, who in this matter chiefly appeared. The Prologue, Sir Dudly Digges, the Epilogue, John Elliot, were this day by the King's Command committed to the Tower. They were both dismissed thence within few days.

May 25. Thursday, The Earl of Arundel not being sent back to the House, nor the Cause of his detainment made known, the House of Peers began to be jealous of the breach of their Priviledges; and resolved to Adjourn the House to the next day: On which day,

May 26. They Adjourned again to June 2. resolving to do nothing, until the Earl should be set free, or at least a Cause given, &c.

May 25. On which day these Troubles first began, was the Feast of Pope Vrban; and at this time Vrban VIII. sitteth in the Papal Chair; to whom and to [Page] the Spaniard, if they, who most desire it, would do any acceptable service; I do not see, what they could better devise in that kind, than to divide thus into Parties the great Council of the Kingdom.

June 15. Thursday, After many Debates and Struglings; private Malice against the Duke of Buckingham prevailed, and stopped all publick Business. Nothing was done; but the Parliament was dissolved.

Junij 20. Tuesday, His Majesty King Charles named me to be Bishop of Bath and Wells: And at the same time commanded me to prepare a Sermon for the Publick Fast; which he had by Proclamation appointed to be kept on the 5th. of July following.

July 5. A Solemn Fast appointed, partly upon account of the Pestilence yet raging in many Parts of the Kingdom, partly on account of the Danger of Enemies threatning us. I Preached this day, before the King and Nobility, at White-Hall. It was Wednesday.

July 8. The King commanded me to Print and Publish the Sermon. It was Saturday.

July 16. Sunday, I presented that Sermon, which was now Printed, to his Majesty; and returned.

July 26. Wednesday, The King signed the Conge d' Eslire, empowering the Dean and Chapter to elect me Bishop of Bath and Wells.

July 24. Thursday, In the Morning Dr. Feild Bishop of Landaff, brought to me [...] Letters from the most Illustrious Duke of Buchingham. The Letters were open, and wrote partly in Characters. The Duke sent them [Page] to me; that I should consult one Named Swadlinge, mentioned in those Letters, as one who could read the Characters. I was also named in them, as to whom that Swadling was known, having been educated in S. John's Colledge in Oxford, at what time I was President of that Colledge.

Aug. 1. Thomas Swadlinge came to me, whom, from his leaving the Colledge to that day, for almost 8. Years, I had not once seen. He bestowing some pains, at length read the Characters, and

Aug. 4. Friday, I and he went to the Duke. He read them: They were certain malicious things. The Duke, as was fit, despised them. We returned.

Aug. 16. I was elected Bishop of Bath and Wells, being Wednesday, the Letter D.

Aug. 25. Friday, Two Robinred-breasts flew together through the Door into my Study, as if one pursued the other. That sudden motion almost startled me. I was then preparing a Sermon on Ephes. 4. 30. and Studying.

Septemb. 14. Thursday Evening, the Duke of Buckingham willed me to form certain Instructions, These may be found in Heylin's Life of Laud. p: 162. partly Political, partly Ecclesiastical, in the Cause of the King of Denmark, a little before brought into great streights by General Tilly, to be sent through all Parishes. Certain heads were delivered to me. He would have them made ready by Saturday following.

Sept. 16. I made them ready, and brought them at the appointed hour. I read them to the Duke. He brought me to the King. I being so commanded, read them again. Each of them approved them.

[Page] Sept. 17. Sunday, They were read (having been left with the Duke) before the Lords of the Privy-Council; and were (thanks be to God) approved by them all.

Sept. 18. Munday, My election to the Bishoprick of Bath and Wells was confirmed.

Sept. 19. Tuesday, At Theobalds I swore Homage to his Majesty; who there presently restored me to the Temporalties, from the death of my Predecessor.

What passed between me and the Lord Conway, Principal Secretary to the King, in our return.

Sept. 21. Munday, about four a Clock in the Morning, Died Lancelot Andrews, the most worthy Bishop of Winchester, the great Light of the Christian World.

Sept. 30. Saturday, The Duke of Buckingham signified to me the King's Resolution, that I should succeed the Bishop of Winchester in the Office of Dean of the Chappel-Royal.

Octob. 2. Munday, The Duke related to me, what the King had farther resolved concerning me, in case the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury should die, &c.

Octob. 3. Tuesday, I went to Court, which was then at Hampton-Court. There I returned Thanks to the King for the Deanry of the Chappel, then granted to me. I returned to London.

Octob. 6. I took the Oath belonging to the Dean of the Chappel, in the Vestry, before the Right Honourable Philip Earl of Montgomery, Lord Chamberlain; Stephen Boughton the Sub-Dean Administring it. It was Friday.

Novemb. 14. Or thereabout, taking occasion from the abrupt both beginning and ending of Publick Prayer on the fifth of [Page] November, I desired his Majesty King Charles, that he would please to be present at Prayers as well as Sermon every Sunday; and that at whatsoever part of the Prayers he came, the Priest then Officiating might proceed to the end of the Prayers. The most Religious King not only assented to this Request; but also gave me thanks. This had not before been done from the beginning of K. James's Reign to this day. Now, thanks be to God, it obtaineth.

Decemb. 21. I dreamed of the burial of I know not whom, and that I stood by the Grave. I awaked sad.

Decemb. 25. Christmas-day, Munday, I Preached my first Sermon, as Dean of the Chappel-Royal, at White-Hall, upon S. John: 1: 14. part: 1.

Januar. 5. Epiphany-Eve, and Friday, In the Night I dreamed, that my Mother, long since dead, stood by my Bed, and drawing aside the Cloaths a little, looked pleasantly upon me; and that I was glad to see her with so merry an aspect. She then shew'd to me a certain Old Man, long since deceased; whom, while alive, I both knew and loved. He seemed to lye upon the ground; merry enough, but with a wrinkled Countenance. His Name was Grove. While I prepared to salute him, I awoke.

Januar. 8. Munday, I went to visit the Duke of Buckingham. He was glad to see me, and put into my hands a Paper concerning the Invocation of Saints, which his Mother had given to him; a certain Priest, to me unknown, had given it to her.

Januar. 13. Saturday, The Bishop of Lincoln desired reconciliation with the Duke of Buckingham, &c.

[Page] Januar. 14. Sunday, towards Morning, I Dreamed, that the Bishop of Lincoln came, I know not whether, with Iron Chains. But returning loosed from them, leaped on Horseback, went away; neither could I overtake him.

Januar. 16. Tuesday, I Dreamed, that the King went out to Hunt; and that when he was hungry, I brought him on the suddain into the House of my Friend Francis Windebank. While he prepareth to eat, I, in the absence of others, presented the Cup to him after the usual manner. I carried Drink to him; but it pleased him not. I carried it again, but in a silver Cup. Thereupon his Majesty said: You know, that I always drink out of Glass. I go away again; and awoke.

Januar. 17. Wednesday, I shew my Reasons to the King, why the Papers of the late Bishop of Winchester, concerning Bishops, that they are Jure Divino, should be Printed; contrary to what the Bishop of Lincoln had pitifully, and to the great detriment of the Church of England, signified to the King; as theKing himself had before related to me.

Febr. 7. Ash Wednesday, I Preached at Court, at White-Hall.

Febr. 9. Friday, The following Night I Dreamed, that I was troubled with the Scurvey; and that on the sudden all my Teeth became loose; that one of them especially in the lower Jaw, I could scarce hold in with my Finger, till I called out for help, &c.

Febr. 20 Tuesday, John Fenton began the cure of a certain Itch, &c.

[Page] Febr. 22. Thursday, I began my Journey towards New-Market, where the King then was.

March 3. Saturday, I went to Cambridge with the Duke of Buckingham, Chancellor of that famous University, and other Earls and Lords. I was there incorporated; and so I was the first who was presented to the most Illustrious Duke, then sitting in the Congregation House. The Duke was treated by the University in an Academical manner, yet splendidly. We returned.

March 6. Tuesday, The King returned from New-Market, and I with him, toward London.

March 8. Thursday, I came to London. The Night following I dreamed, that I was reconciled to the Church of Rome. This troubled me much; and I wondred exceedingly, how it should happen. Nor was I aggrieved with my self, [ These Words are most maliciously omitted by Prynne. only by Reason of the Errors of that Church, but also] upon account of the Scandal, which from that my fall, would be cast upon many Eminent and Learned Men in the Church of England. So being troubled at my Dream, I said with my self, that I would go immediately, and, confessing my fault, would beg pardon of the Church of England. Going with this resolution, a certain Priest met me, and would have stopped me. But moved with indignation, I went on my way. And while I wearied my self with these troublesome thoughts, I awoke. Herein I felt such strong impressions; that I could scarce believe it to be a Dream.

March 12. Munday, I went with the King to Theobalds. I returned next day, March 13.

[Page] March 17. Saturday, the Eve of Palm-Sunday, about mid-night I buried Charles Viscount Buckingham, the Eldest, and then only, Son of George Duke of Buckingham. He was then about a year and four months old. He died on the Friday before.

§

Anno 1627.

Martij 25. Dies erat Paschatis. Concionatus sum in Aulâ, &c.

Martij 27. Die Martis; sequente nocte somnium habui quale sequitur. [...] quaedam data erant Dominae Dorotheae Wright, viduae Georgij W. Militis, familiaris mei: Legatae erant 430 minae & ampliùs: Datae à Consanguineo quodam, Viduae & Filiis, Nomine Farnham. Ad instantiam Viduae, quum Legata solvere Executor aut negavit aut distulit, Literas obtinui ab Illustrissimo Duce Buckinghamiae in gratiam Viduae. (Dux enim erat Magister Equitum, & dictus Georgius W. sub eo fuit inter Ministros Regis) quùm Literas jam in manibus haberem, daturusque eram Viduae, ut mitteret in Hiberniam, ubi Executor degebat, hac nocte apparuit mihi in somnis Georgius W. Miles, per biennium antè ad minimum mortuus, visus est mihi valdè habilis hilarisque satis. Dixi, quid pro Viduâ & Liberis ejus tum egi. Cogitabundus paulisper respondit; Executorem sibi, dum in vivis esset, satisfecisse pro Legatis illis: Et statim, inspectis quibusdam Chartis in museolo suo adjacente, addidit iterum ita esse.

Et insuper mihi in aurem dixit, me causam esse, cur Episcopus Lin. [Page] non iterum admitteretur in gratiam & in Aulam.

Apr. 4. Die Mercurij. Quùm Rex Serenissimus Carolus absolvebat D. Dun circa lapsus quosdam in Concione habitâ Die Solis Apr. 1. Quod gratiosissimè mihi tum dixit, literis nunquam delendis, cum summâ Gratiarum actione Deo & Regi, in corde scripsi.

Apr. 7. Dies erat Saturni, Dum Aulam petij, ut Regiae coenae servus intersim, è Rhedâ exeuns, titubante pede praeceps ruebam; graviori casu nunquam sum lapsus; sed miserante Deo, contusâ [...] Coxendice, idque leviter, evasi.

Apr. 24. Dies erat Martis, [...] ad me missae sunt Exceptiones, quas exhibuit A. B. C. contra Concionem Doctoris Sibthorp, & quae sequuntur.

Apr. 29. Die Solis, Factus sum Serenissimo Regi Carolo à Consiliis Secretioribus. In honorem [...] & bonum Regni & Ecclesiae, oro, [...] Deus.

Maij 13. Die Pentecostes, Concionem habui coram [...], &c.

Anno 1627.

March 25. Easter-day, I Preached at Court, &c.

March 27. Tuesday, That Night I had the following Dream. Some Legacies had been given to the Lady Dorothy Wright, the Widow of Sir George Wright my Acquaintance. The Legacies amounted to above 430 l. being bequeathed by a certain Kinsman named Farnham, to the Widow and her Children. When the Executor denied or deferred to pay the Legacy, I had, at the desire of the Widow, obtained Letters in her behalf from the Duke of Buckingham (for the Duke was Master of the Horse, and the said Sir George W. was employed under him in the King's Service) when I had now those Letters in my Hands, and was about to deliver them to the Widow, that she might send them into Ireland, where the Executor dwelt; this Night Sir George Wright appeared to me in my Sleep, having been dead two Years before at least. He seemed to me in very good plight, and merry enough. I told him, what I had done for his Widow and Children. He, after a little thought, answered; That the Executor had satisfied him for those Legacies, while he was yet alive. And presently looking upon some Papers in his Study adjoyning, he added, that it was so.

He moreover whispering in my Ear, told me; that I was the [Page] Cause, why the Bishop of Lincoln was not again admitted into Favour, and to Court.

Apr. 4. Wednesday, When his Majesty King Charles forgave to Doctor Donne certain slips in a Sermon Preached on Sunday, Apr. 1. what he then most graciously said unto me, I have wrote in my Heart with [...] Characters, and great [...] to God and the King.

Apr. 7. Saturday, Going to Court, to wait upon the King at Supper, in going out of the Coach, my foot stumbling, I fell headlong. I never had a more dangerous fall; but by God's mercy, I escaped with a light bruise of my Hip only.

Apr. 24. Tuesday, There were then first sent to me the Exceptitions, which the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury had Exhibited against Doctor Sibthorp's Sermon, and what followed.

April 29. Sunday, I was made Privy-Councellour to his Majesty King Charles. God grant, it may conduce to his Honour, and to the good of the Kingdom and the Church.

May 13. Whitsunday, I Preached before the King, &c.

§

Junij 7 & 8. I attended King Charles from London to Southwick by Portsmouth.

Junij 11. His Majesty dined a-board the Triumph; where I attended him.

June 17. The Bishoprick of London was granted me at Southwick.

June 22. We came to London.

June 24. I was commanded to go all the Progress.

June 27. The Duke of Buckingham set forwards towards the Isle of Ree.

June 30. The Progress began to Oatlands.

July 4. The King lost a Jewel in Hunting of a 1000 l. value. That day the Message was sent by the King for the Sequestring of A. B. C.

July 7. Saturday-night, I dreamed that I had lost two Teeth. The Duke of Buckingham took the Isle of Ree.

July 26. I attended the King and Queen at Wellingburrough.

[Page] July 29. The first News came from my Lord Duke of his Success: Sunday.

August 12. The second News came from my Lord Duke to Windsor: Sunday.

August 26. The third News came from my Lord Duke to Aldershot: Sunday.

September. News came from my Lord Duke to Theobalds: The first fear of ill Success; News from my Lord Duke to Hampton-Court; I went to my Lord of Rochester, to consider about A. B. C. and returned [...] [...]-Court.

[...] King's Speech to me in the withdrawing Chamber. That if any did, &c. I, &c. before any thing should sink, &c. The business of Doctor Bargrave. Bargar, Dean of Canterbury, began about the Vicaridge of Lidd.

October. The Commission to the Bishops of London, Durham, Rochester, Oxford, and my self then Bath and Wells, to Execute Archiepiscopal Jurisdiction, during the Sequestration of my Lord's Grace of Canterbury.

The Dean of Canterbury's Speech, that the business could not go well in the Isle of Ree. There must be a Parliament, some must be Sacrificed, that I was as like as any. Spoken to Doctor W. The same Speech after spoken to the same Man, by Sir Dudlye Diggs. I told it, when I heard it doubled, Let me desire you, not to trouble your self with any Reports; till you see me forsake my other Friends, &c. Ita Ch. R. The Retreat out of the Isle of Ree.

November. My Lord Duke's return to Court. The Countess of Purbeck censured in the High Commission for Adultery.

December 25. I Preached to the King at White-Hall.

January 29. Tuesday, A resolution at the Council Table for a Parliament, to begin March 17. if the Shires go on with levying Money for the Navy, &c.

January 30. Wednesday, My Lord Duke of Buckingham's Son was Born, the Lord George: New Moon die 26.

February 5. Tuesday, The straining of the back sinew of my right Leg, as I went with his Majesty to Hampton-Court. I kept in till I Preached at the opening of the Parliament, March 17. but I continued lame long after, saving that

Februar. 14. Thursday, Saint Valentine's-day, I made a shift to go and Christen my Lord Duke's Son, the Lord George, at Wallingford-House.

March 17. I Preached at the opening of the Parliament; but had much ado to stand; it was Munday.

Anno 1628.

June 1. Whitsunday, I Preached at White-Hall.

June 11. My Lord Duke of Buckingham Voted in the House of Commons to be the Cause, or Causes, of all Grievances in the Kingdom.

June 12. Thursday, I was complained of by the House of Commons for warranting Doctor Manwaring's Sermons to the Press.

June 13. Dr. Manwaring answered for himself before the Lords; and the next day,

June 14. Being Saturday, was Censured. After his Censure my [Page] Cause was called to the Report. And by God's Goodness towards me, I was fully cleared in the House.

The same day the House of Commons were making their Remonstrance to the King: One Head was Innovation of Religion. Therein they Named my Lord the Bishop of Winchester and my self. One in the House stood up, and said: Now we have Named these Persons, let us think of some Causes why we did it. Sir Edw. Cooke answered, Have we not Named my Lord of Buckingham without shewing a Cause, and may we not be as bold with them?

June 17. This Remonstrance was delivered to the King on Tuesday.

June 26. Thursday, The Session of Parliament ended, and was Prorogued to October 20.

July 11. Tuesday, My Conge-deslier was Signed by the King for the Bishoprick of London.

July 15. Tuesday, St. Swithin, and fair with us: I was Translated to the Bishoprick of London. The same day the Lord Weston was made Lord Treasurer.

August 9. Saturday, A terrible salt Rheum in my left Eye, had almost put me into a Fever.

August 12. Tuesday, My Lord Duke of Buckingham went towards Portsmouth to go for Rochell.

August 23. Saturday, St: Bartholomew's Eve, the Duke of Buckingham slain at Portsmouth by one Lieutenant Felton, about Nine in the Morning.

August 24. The News of his Death came to Croydon; where it found my self and the Bishops of Winchester, Ely, and Carlile, at the Consecration of Bishop Montague for Chichester, with my Lord's Grace.

August 27. Wednesday, Mr. Elphinston brought me a very Gracious Message from his Majesty, upon my Lord Duke's Death.

August 30. As I was going out to meet the Corps of the Duke, which that Night was brought to London, Sir W: Fleetwood brought me very Gracious Letters from the King's Majesty, written with his own Hand.

September 9. Tuesday, The first time that I went to Court after the Death of the Duke of Buckingham, my dear Lord: The Gracious Speech, which that Night the King was pleased to use to me.

September 27. Saturday, I fell Sick, and came Sick from Hampton-Court. Tuesday, Septemb. ult. I was sore plucked with this Sickness, &c.

October 20. Munday, I was forced to put on a Truss for a Rupture. I know not how occasioned, unless it were with swinging of a Book for my Exercise in private.

Novemb. 29. Felton was Executed at Tyburn for killing the Duke; and afterwards his Body was sent to be Hanged in Chains at Portsmouth. It was Saturday and St. Andrew's Even; and he killed the Duke upon Saturday St. Bartholomew's Even.

December 25. I Preached at White-Hall.

December 30. Wednesday, The Statutes which I had drawn, for the reducing of the Factious and Tumultuary Election of Proctors in [Page] Oxford to several Colledges by course, and so to continue, were passed in Convocation at Oxford, no Voice dissenting.

January 26. Munday, the 240 Greek Manuscripts were sent to London-House. These I got my Lord of Pembrooke to buy and give to Oxford.

January 31. Saturday-night, I lay in Court. I dreamed, that I put off my Rochet, all save one sleeve; and when I would have put it on again, I could not find it.

Feb. 6. Friday, Sir Thomas Roe sent to London-House 28 Manuscripts in Greek, to have a Catalogue drawn, and the Books to be for Oxford.

March 2. Munday, The Parliament to be dissolved declared by Proclamation, upon some disobedient passages to his Majesty that day in the House of Commons.

March 10. Tuesday, the Parliament Dissolved, the King present. The Parliament, which was broken up this March 10. laboured my ruin; but, God be ever blessed for it, found nothing against me.

Anno 1629.

March 29. Sunday, Two Papers were found in the Dean of Paul's his Yard before his House. The one was to this effect concerning my self; Laud, look to thy self; be assured thy Life is sought. As thou art the Fountain of all Wickedness, Repent thee of thy monstrous Sins, before thou be taken out of the World, &c. And assure thy self, neither God nor the World can endure such a vile Councellor to live, or such a Whisperer; or to this effect. The other was as bad as this, against the Lord Treasurer. Mr. Dean delivered both Papers to the King that Night. Lord, I am a grievous Sinner; but I beseech thee, deliver my Soul from them that hate me without a Cause.

April 2. Thursday, Maundy-Thursday as it came this Year, About Three of the Clock in the Morning the Lady Dutchess of Buckingham was delivered of her Son the Lord Francis Villiers, whom I Christened, Tuesday Apr. 21.

Apr. 5. I Preached at White-Hall.

Maij 13. Wednesday, This Morning, about Three of the Clock the Queen was delivered before her Time of a Son. He was Christened, and Died within short space, his Name Charles: This was Ascention Eve. The next Day being

Maij 14. Ascention Day, Paulò ante mediam Noctem, I Buried him at Westminster. If God repair not this loss; I much fear it was Descention-day to this State.

Aug. 14. Dies erat Veneris, I fell sick upon the way towards the Court at Woodstock, I took up my Lodging at my ancient Friend's House, Mr. Francis Windebanck. There I lay in a most grievous burning Fever, till Munday Sept. 7.

Septemb. 7. On which Day I had my last Fit.

Octob. 20. I was brought so low, that I was not able to return towards my own House at London, till Tuesday Octob. 29.

Octob. 26. I went first to present my humble Duty and Service to his Majesty at Denmark-House, Munday 26. Octob.

March 21. After this I had divers Plunges, and was not able [Page] to put my self into the service of my Place, till Palm-Sunday, which was March 21.

Anno 1630.

Apr. 10. The Earl of Pembroke, Lord Steward, being Chancellor of the University of Oxford, died of an Apoplexie.

Apr. 12. The University of Oxford chose me Chancellor; and word was brought me of it, the next Morning, Munday.

April 28. Wednesday, The University came up to the Ceremony, and gave me my Oath.

Maij 29. Saturday, Prince Charles was born at St. James's. Paulò ante Horam primam post Meridiem, I was in the House 3. Hours before, and had the Honour and the Happiness to see the Prince, before he was full one Hour old.

Junij 27. Sunday, I had the Honour, as Dean of the Chappel, my Lord's Grace of Canterbury being infirm, to Christen Prince Charles at St. James's, Horâ ferè quintâ Pomeridianâ.

August 22. Sunday, I Preached at Fulham.

Aug. 24. Tuesday, St: Bartholomew, Extream thunder, Lightning, and Rain: The Pestilence this Summer: The greatest Week in London was 73. à 7. Octob. ad 14. spread in many Places, miserably Pestis. in Cambridge. The Winter before was extream wet; and scarce one Week of Frost.

This Harvest scarce: A great Dearth in France, England, the Fames. Low-Countreys, &c.

Octob. 6. Wednesday, I was taken with an extream Cold and Lameness, as I was waiting upon St. George his Feast at Windsor; and forced to return to Fulham, where I continued ill above a Week.

Octob. 29. Friday, I removed my Family from Fulham to London-house.

Novemb. 4. Thursday, Leighton was degraded at the High Commission.

Novemb. 9. Tuesday, That Night Leighton broke out of the Fleet. The Warden says, he got or was [...] over the Wall; the Warden professes, he knew not this till Wednesday Noon. He told it not me till Thursday Night. He was taken again in Bedfordshire, and brought back to the Fleet within a Fortnight.

Novemb. 26. Friday, Part of his Sentence was executed upon him at Westminster.

Decemb. 7. Tuesday, The King Sware the Peace with Spain: Don Carlo Colonna was Embassadour.

Decemb. 25. I Preached to the King, Christmas-day.

January 16. Sunday, I Consecrated St. Catherine Creed-Church in London.

January 21. The Lord Wentworth Lord President of the North, and I, &c. In my little Chamber at London-House, Friday.

January, 23. I consecrated the Church of St. Giles in the Fields, Sunday.

Feb. 20. This Sunday Morning Westminster-Hall was found on Fire, by the Burning of the little Shops or Stalls kept there: It is thought, by some Pan of Coals left there over night; it was taken in time.

[Page] Feb. 23. Ash-Wednesday, I preached in Court at White-Hall.

March 20. Sunday, His Majesty put his great Case of Conscience to me, about, &c. Which I after answered. God Bless him in it.

The Famine great this Time: But in part by Practice.

Anno 1631.

March 27. Coronation day, and Sunday, I Preached at St. Paul's Cross.

April 10. Easter-Munday, I fell ill with great pain in my throat, for a Week. It was with Cold taken after Heat in my service, and then into an Ague. A fourth part almost of my Family Sick this Spring.

June 7. Tuesday, I Consecrated the Chappel at Hammersmith.

June 21. Tuesday, and June 26. Saturday, My nearer Acquaintance began to settle with Dr. S. I pray God bless us in it.

June 26. My business with L. T. &c. about the Trees which the King had given me in Shotover, towards my building in St. John's at Oxford. Which work I resolved on in November last. And published it to the Colledge about the end of March. This day discovered unto me that which I was sorry to find in L. T. and F. C. sed transeat.

July 26. The first Stone was laid of my building at St. John's.

Aug. 23. In this June and July were the great disorders in Oxford, by appealing from Doctor Smith then Vice-Chancellor. The chief Ring-leaders were Mr. Foord of Magdalen-Hall, and Mr. Thorne of Baliol Colledge. The Proctors Mr. Atherton Bruch and Mr. John Doughty received their Appeals, as if it had not been perturbatio pacis, &c. The Vice-Chancellor was forced in a Statutable way to Appeal to the King. The King with all the Lords of his Council then present, heard the Cause at Woodstock, Aug. 23. 1631. being Tuesday in the After-noon. The Sentence upon the Hearing was: That Foord, Thorne, and Hodges of [...] Colledge, should be banished the University: [...] both the Proctors were commanded to come into the Convocation House, and there resign their Office; that two others might be Named out of the same Colledges. Doctor Prideaux Rector of Exeter Colledge, and Dr. Wilkinson Principal of Magdalen Hall, received a sharp admonition for their mis-behaviour in this business.

Aug. 29. Munday, I went to Brent-wood, and the next day began my Visitation there, and so went on and finished it.

Novemb. 4. Friday, The Lady Mary, Princess, born at St. James's, inter horas quintam & sextam matutinas. It was thought, she was born three weeks before her time.

Decemb. 25. I Preached at Court.

Januar. 1. The extreamest wet and warm January, that ever was known in memory.

February 15. I Preached at Court, Ashwednesday.

February 19. D. S. came to my Chamber, troubled about going quite from Court at Spring: First Sunday in Lent, after Sermon.

Anno 1632.

[Page]

April 1. I Preached at Court. Easter-day.

Maij 26. Saturday, Trinity-Sunday Eve, I Consecrated the Lord Treasurer's Chappel at Roehampton.

Maij 29. Tuesday, My meeting and setling upon express Terms with K. B. in the Gallery at Greenwich. In which business God bless me.

Junij 15. Mr. Francis Windebancke my Old Friend was sworn Secretary of State; which place I obtained for him of my Gracious Master King Charles.

Junij 18. Munday, I Married my Lord Treasurer Weston's Eldest Son to the Lady Frances, Daughter to the Duke of Lenox, at Roehampton.

Junij 25. Munday, D. S. with me at Fulham, cum Ma. &c.

Junius. This was the coldest June clean through, that was ever felt in my memory.

Julij 10. Tuesday, Doctor Juxon, then Dean of Worcester, at my suit sworn Clark of his Majesties Closet. That I might have one that I might trust near his Majesty, if I grow weak or infirm; as I must have a time.

Julij 17. Tuesday, I Consecrated the Church at Stanmore magna in Middlesex, built by Sir John Wolstenham.

The cold Summer, Harvest not in within forty miles of London after Michaelmas, &c.

Decemb. 2. Sunday, The small pox appeared upon his Majesty; but God be thanked, he had a very gentle Disease of it.

December 27. Thursday, the Earl of Arundel set forward towards the Low-Countries, to fetch the Queen of Bohemia and her Children.

Decemb. 25. I Preached to the King, Christmas-day.

Januar. 1. My being with K. B. this day in the afternoon ..... troubled me much, God send me a good issue out of it.

The warm open Christmas.

January 15. Tuesday, K. B. and I, unexpectedly came to some clearer Declaration of our selves. Which God bless.

Febr. 11. Munday-night, till Tuesday-morning, the great Fire upon London Bridge ....... Houses burnt down.

Feb. 13. Wednesday, The Feoffees, that pretended to buy in Impropriations, were dissolved in the Chequer-Chamber. They were the main Instruments for the Puritan Faction to undo the Church. The Criminal Part reserved.

Feb. 28. Thursday, Mr. Chancellour of London, Dr. Duck, brought me word, how miserably I was slandered by some Separatists. I pray God give me patience and forgive them.

March 6. Ashwednesday, I Preached at White-Hall.

Anno 1633.

April 13. The great business at the Council-Table, &c. When the Earl of Holland made his submission to the King.

This April was most extream wet, and cold, and windy.

[Page] Maij 13. Munday, I set out of London, to attend King Charles into Scotland.

Maij 24. The King was to enter into York in State. The Day was extream Windy and Rainy, that he could not, all day long: I called it York-Friday.

Junij 6. I came to Barwick. That Night I dreamed that K. B. sent to me in Westminster-Church, that he was now as desirous to see me, as I him, and that he was then entring into the Church. I went with Joy, but met another in the middle of the Church, who seemed to know the Business, and laugh'd: But K. B. was not there.

Junij 8. Saturday, Whitsun-Eve, I received Letters from K. B. unalterable, &c. By this, if I return, I shall see, how true, or false, my Dream is. &c.

Junij 15. Saturday, I was sworn Counsellor of Scotland.

Junij 18. Tuesday after Trinity-Sunday, King Charles Crowned at Holyrood-Church in Edinburgh. I never saw more expressions of Joy, than were after it, &c.

Junij 19. Wednesday, I received second Letters from K. B. no Changling, &c. Within Three Hours after, other Letters from K. B. Believe all that I say, &c.

Junij 29. Friday, Letters from K. B. no D. true if not to my Contentment, &c.

Junij 30. I Preached to his Majesty in the Chappel in Holyrood-House in Edinburgh.

July 1. Munday, I went over Forth, to Brunt-Island.

July 2. Tuesday, To St. Andrews.

Julij 3. Wednesday, Over Taye, to Dunde. Julij 4. Thursday, To Faukland.

Julij 7. Sunday, To St. Johnston.

Julij 8. Munday, To Dunblain, and Sterling. My dangerous, and [...] Journey, crossing part of the Highlands by Coach, which was a Wonder there.

July 9. Tuesday, To Lithgow, and so to Edinburgh.

July 10. Wednesday, His Majesties dangerous Passage from Brunt-Island to Edinburgh.

Julij 11. Thursday, I began my Journey from Edinburgh towards London.

Julij 12. Friday, That Night at Anderweek, I Dreamed that L. L. came and offered to fit above me at the Co. Ta. and that L. H. came in, and placed him there.

Julij 20. Saturday, The King came from Scotland, to Greenwich; having come Post from Barwick in four Days.

Julij 26. Friday, I came to my House at Fulham, from Scotland.

Julij 28. Sunday, K. B. and I met: All the strange Discourses mistaken. And that which was a very High Tide at—was then the lowest Ebb at Greenwich, that ever I saw: I went away much troubled: But all setled again well, Aug. 3. Saturday following.

[Page] Aug. 4. Sunday, News came to Court of the Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury's Death; and the King resolved presently to give it me. Which he did Aug. 6.

Aug. 4. That very Morning, at Greenwich, there came one to me, Seriously, and that avowed ability to perform it, and offered me to be a Cardinal: I went presently to the King, and acquainted him both with the Thing and the Person.

Aug. 7. Wednesday, An absolute Settlement between me, and K. B. after I had made known my Cause at large. God bless me in it.

Aug. 14. Wednesday, A Report brought to me, that I was Poisoned.

Aug. 17. Saturday, I had a serious offer made me again to be a Cardinal: I was then from Court, but so soon as I came thither (which was Wednesday Aug. 21.) I acquainted his Majesty with it. But my answer again was; that somewhat dwelt within me, which would not suffer that, till Rome were other than it is.

Aug. 25. Sunday, My Election to the Arch-Bishoprick was returned to the King then being at Woodstock.

Septemb. 19. Thursday, I was translated to the Arch-Bishoprick of Canterbury. The Lord make me able, &c. The Day before, viz.

Sept. 18. When I first went to Lambeth, my Coach, Horses and Men sunk to the bottom of the Thames in the Ferry-Boat, which was over-laden, but I Praise God for it, I lost neither Man, nor Horse.

A wet Summer, and by it a Casual Harvest. The Rainy Weather continuing till Novemb: 14. which made a marvellous ill Seed-time. There was Barley abroad this Year, within 30: Miles of London, at the end of October.

Novemb. 13. Wednesday, Richard Boyer, who had formerly named himself Lodowick, was brought into the Star-Chamber, for most grosly Misusing me, and Accusing me of no less than Treason, &c. He had broke Prison for Felony, when he did this. His Censure is upon Record. And God forgive him.

About the beginning of this Month the Lady Davis Prophesied against me, that I should very few Days out-live the Fifth of November.

And a little after that, one Green came into the Court at St. James's, with a great Sword by his Side, swearing, the King should do him Justice against me, or he wou'd take another course with me. All the wrong I ever did this Man, was, that being a poor Printer, I procured him of the Company of the Stationers 5 l. a Year during his Life. God preserve me, and forgive him. He was committed to Newgate.

Novemb. 24. Sunday in the After-noon I Christened King Charles his Second Son, James Duke of York, at St. James's.

Decemb. 10. and 29. Twice or Thrice in the Interim, I advertised his Majesty of the Falsehood and Practice that was against me, by L. T. &c. This brake out then.

[Page] Jan. 1. The way to do the Town of Reading good for their Poor; which may be compassed by God's Blessing upon me, though my Wealth be small. And I hope God will bless me in it, because it was his own Motion in me. For this way never came into my Thoughts (though I had much beaten them about it) till this Night, as I was at my Prayers. Amen Lord.

Anno 1634.

March 30. Palm-Sunday, I Preached to the King at White-Hall.

Maij 13. I received the Seals of my being chose Chancellor of the University of Dublin in Ireland. To which Office I was chosen Sept. 14. 1633. There were now, and somewhat before, great Fractions in Court: And I doubt, many private ends followed to the prejudice of Publick Service. Good Lord preserve me.

Junij 11. Mr. Prynne sent me a very Libellous Letter, about his Censure in the Star-Chamber for his Histriomastix, and what I said at that Censure; in which he hath many ways mistaken me, and spoken untruth of me.

Junij 16. I shewed this Letter to the King; and by his command sent it to Mr. Atturney Noye.

Junij 17. Mr. Atturney sent for Mr. Prynn to his Chamber; shewed him the Letter, asked him whether it were his hand. Mr. Prynn said; he could not tell, unless he might read it. The Letter being given into his hand, he tore it into small pieces, threw it out at the Window, and said, that should never rise in Judgment against him: Fearing, it seems, an Ore tenus for this.

Junij 18. Mr. Atturney brought him, for this, into the Star-Chamber; where all: this appear'd with shame enough to Mr. Prynn. I there forgave him, &c.

Julij 26. I received word from Oxford, that the Statutes were accepted, and published, according to my Letters, in the Convocation-House that Week.

Aug. 9. Saturday, Mr. William Noye, his Majesties Atturney General, dyed at Brainford, circa Horam Noctis Decimam. And Sunday Morning,

August 10. His Servant brought me word of it to Croydon, before I was out of my Bed. I have lost a dear Friend of him, and the Church the greatest, she had of his Condition, since she needed any such.

Aug. 11. One Rob: Seal of St: Albans, came to me to Croydon; told me somewhat wildly about a Vision he had at Shrovetide last, about not Preaching the Word sincerely to the People. And a Hand appeared unto him, and Death; and a Voice bid him go tell it the Metropolitan of Lambeth, and made him swear he would do so; and I believe the poor Man was over-grown with Phansie. So I troubled not my self further, with him, or it.

Aug. 30. Saturday, At Oatlands the Queen sent for me, and gave me thanks for a Business, with which she trusted me; her Promise then, that she would be my Friend, and that I should have immediate address to her, when I had Occasion.

[Page] Septemb. 30. I had almost fallen into a Fever with a Cold I took; and it held me above three weeks.

Octob. 20. The extream hot and faint October and November, save three days frost, the dryest and fairest time. The Leaves not all off the Trees at the beginning of December. The Waters so low, that the Barges could not pass. God bless us in the Spring, after this green Winter.

Decemb. 1. Munday, My Antient Friend, E. R. came to me, and performed great Kindness, which I may not forget.

Decemb. 4. I Visited the Arches, it was Thursday.

Decemb. 10. Wednesday, That Night the Frost began, the Thames almost frozen; and it continued until the Sunday Sevennight after.

Dec. 15. X. E. R.

Januar. 8. Thursday, I Married the Lord Charles Herbert and the Lady Mary, Daughter to the Duke of Buckingham, in the Closet at White-Hall.

Januar. 5. Munday-night, being Twelfth-Eve, the Frost began again; the Thames was frozen over, and continued so till February 3. 1634.

A mighty Flood at the Thaw.

Feb. 5. Thursday, I was put into the great Committee of Trade and the King's Revenue, &c.

March 1. Sunday, The great business, which the King commanded me to think on, and give him account, and L. T.

March 14. Saturday, I was Named one of the Commissioners for the Exchequer, upon the death of Richard Lord Weston, Lord High Treasurer of England.

That Evening K. B. sent to speak with me at White-Hall, a great deal of free and clear expression, if it will continue.

March 16. Munday, I was called against the next day into the Forrain Committee, by the King.

March 22. Palm-Sunday, I Preached to the King at White-Hall.

Anno 1635.

April 9. Wednesday, and from thence-forward, all in firm Kindness between K. B. and me.

Maij 18. Whitson-Munday, At Greenwich, my Account to the Queen put off till Trinity-Sunday, Maij 24. then given her by my self. And assurance of all that was desired by me, &c.

May, June and July, In these Months, the Troubles at the Commission for the Treasury, and the difference, which hapned between the Lord Cottington and my self, &c.

Julij 11. Saturday, and Julij 22. Wednesday, Two sad meetings with K. B. and how occasioned.

Julij 12. Sunday, At Theobalds the Soap business was ended, and setled again upon the new Corporation, against my offer for the Old Soap-boylers; yet my offer made the King's Profit double; and to that, after two Years, the new Corporation was raised; how 'tis performed, let them look to it, whom his Majesty shall be pleased to trust with his Treasurer's Staff. In this business and some other of great consequence, during the Commission for the Treasury, my old Friend, [Page] Sir F: W: forsook me, and joyned with the Lord Cottington: Which put me to the exercise of a great deal of patience, &c.

August 16. Sunday-night, Most extream Thunder and Lightning. The Lightning so thick, bright and frequent, I do not remember that I ever saw.

Septemb. 2. Wednesday, I was in attendance upon the King at Woodstocke, and went thence to Cudsden, to see the House which Dr: John Bancroft then Lord Bishop of Oxford had there built, to be a House for the Bishops of that See for ever. He having built that House at my perswasion.

Septemb. 3. Thursday, I went privately from the Bishop of Oxford's House at Cudsden, to St: John's in Oxford, to see my building there, and give some directions for the last finishing of it. And returned the same Night, staying there not two Hours.

Septemb. 23. Wednesday, I went to Saint Pauls to view the building, and returned that Night to Croydon.

Septemb. 24. Scalding Thursday.

Septemb. 29. The Earl of Arundel brought an Old Man out of Shropshire. He was this present Michaelmas-day shewed to the King and the Lords, for a Man of 152 or 153 Years of Age.

Octob. 26. Munday, This Morning between four and five of the Clock, lying at Hampton-Court: I dreamed, that I was going out in haste, and that when I came into my outer Chamber, there was my Servant Will: Pennell in the same Riding Suit, which he had on that day sevennight at Hampton-Court with me. Methoughts I wondred to see him (for I left him sick at home) and asked him, how he did, and what he made there. And that he answered me, he came to recieve my Blessing; and with that fell on his knees. That hereupon I laid my Hand on his Head, and Prayed over him, and therewith awaked. When I was up, I told this to them of my Chamber; and added, that I should find Pennell dead or dying. My Coach came; and when I came home, I found him past Sense, and giving up the Ghost. So my Prayers (as they had frequently before) commended him to God.

Novemb. 15. Sunday, at Afternoon the greatest Tide that hath been seen. It came within my Gates, Walks, Cloysters, and Stables, at Lambeth.

Novemb. 21. Saturday, Charles Count Elector Palatine came to White-Hall, to the King.

This Month the Plague, which was hot in some parts of France and in the Low-Countries, and Flanders, began at Greenwich. God be merciful unto us.

Novemb. 30. Saint Andrew's day, Munday, Charles Prince Elector Palatine, the King's Nephew, was with me at Lambeth, and at solemn Evening Prayer.

Decemb. 1. Many Elm-Leaves yet upon the Trees; which few Men have seen.

Decemb. 14. Munday, Charles Prince Elector came suddenly upon me, and dined with me at Lambeth.

Decemb. 25. Christmas-day, Charles Prince Elector Received the Communion with the King at White-Hall. He kneeled a little beside [Page] on his left Hand. He sate before the Communion upon a Stool by the wall, before the Traverse; and had another Stool and a Cushion before him to kneel at.

Decemb. 28. Munday, Innocent's-day, about ten at Night, the Queen was Delivered at St. James's, of a Daughter Princess Elizabeth. I Christend her on Saturday following, Jan. 2.

Feb. 2. Tuesday, Candlemas-day, My nearer care of J. S. was professed, and his promise to be guided by me, And absolutely setled on Friday after, Feb. 5.

Feb. 14. Sunday-night, my Honest Old Servant Rich. Robinson dyed of an Apoplexy.

Feb. 28. I Consecrated Doctor Roger Manwaring, Bishop of Saint Davids.

March 6. Sunday, William Juxon Lord Bishop of London made Lord High Treasurer of England: No Church-Man had it since Henry 7. time. I pray God bless him to carry it so, that the Church may have Honour, and the King and the State Service and Contentment by it. And now if the Church will not hold up themselves under God; I can do no more.

Anno 1636.

April 7. Thursday, The Bill came in this day, that two dyed of the Plague in White-Chappel. God bless us through the Year.

An extream dry and hot April and May, till the middle of June.

Maij 16. Munday, The Settlement between L. M. St. and me. God bless me, &c.

Maij 17. Tuesday, I Visited the Dean and Chapter of St. Pauls London, &c.

Maij 19. Thursday, the Agreement between me and L. K. Ch. which began very strangly, and ended just as I thought it would.

Junij 21. Tuesday, My Hearing before the King about my Right to Visit both the Universities Jure Metropolitico. It was Ordered with me: The Hearing was at Hampton-Court.

Junij 22. Wednesday, The Statutes of Oxford finished, and Published in Convocation.

Aug. 3. Wednesday-Night, towards the Morning, I Dreamed, that L. M. St. came to me the next Day Aug. 4. and shewed me all the Kindness I could ask. And that Thursday, he did come, and was very Kind towards me. Somniis tamen haud multum fido.

Aug. 19. Friday, I was in great danger of breaking my Right Leg. But God be Blessed; for his Providence only delivered me.

Aug. 29. Munday, King Charles and Queen Mary entred Oxford, being to be there entertain'd by me as Chancellor of the University.

Aug. 30. On Tuesday, I entertained them at St. John's Colledge. It was St. [...] his Day; and all passed happily. Charles Prince Elector Palatine, and his Brother Prince Rupertus, was there. These two were present in Convocation; and with other Nobles, were made Masters of Arts.

Aug. 31. Wednesday, They left Oxford, And I returned homewards, the Day after: Having first entertained all the Heads of Houses together.

[Page] Octob. 14. Friday Night, I Dreamed marvelously, that the King was offended with me, and would cast me off, and tell me no cause why. Avertat Deus. For Cause I have given none.

Novemb. 4. Friday Night, the most extream Wind, that ever I heard; and much Hurt done, by Sea, and by Land.

Twice or thrice since, Thunder, and Lightning, and Hail.

Novemb. 20. Sunday Night, my fearful Dream. Mr. Cobb brought me word. &c.

Decemb. 24. Saturday, Christmas-Eve, That night I Dreamed, I went to seek Mr. St. and found him with his Mother sitting in the Room. It was a fair Chamber; he went away, and I went after, but missed him; and after tyred my self extreamly; but neither could I find him, nor so much as the House again.

Anno 1637

March 30. Thursday, I Christened the Lady Princess Ann, King Charles his third Daughter: She was born on Friday, March 17.

Junij 10. My Book It is a very noble and fair Volum in Fol. curiously Written and richly [...]. It is still kept in the Library at Lambeth. H: W: of the Records in the Tower, which concerned the Clergy, and which I caused to be Collected, and Written in Vellam, was brought me finished. 'Tis ab Ann. 20. Ed. 1. ad Ann. 14. Ed. 4.

Junij. 14. This Day Jo: Bastwick Dr: of Physick Hen: Burton Batch: of Divinity, and Will: Prynne. Barrister at Law, were Censured for their Libells against the Hierarchy of the Church, &c.

Junij forsan 16. 26. The Speech I then spake in the Star-Chamber, was commanded by the King, to be Printed. And it came out Junij the 25.

Junij 26. This Day, Munday, The Prince Elector and his Brother Prince Rupert, began their Journey toward the Sea Side, to return for Holland.

Junij 30. Friday, the above named three Libellers lost their Ears.

Julij 7. Friday, A Note was brought to me, of a Short Libel pasted on the Cross in Cheapside: that the Arch-Wolf of Cant. had his Hand, in persecuting the Saints, and shedding the Blood of the Martyrs: Memento, for the last of June.

Julij 11. Tuesday, Dr. Williams Lord Bishop of Lincoln was Censured in the Star-Chamber for tampering, and corrupting of Witnesses. Wit, in the King's Cause.

Julij 24. Being Munday, He was suspended by the High Commission, &c.

Aug. 3. Thursday, I Married James Duke of Lenox, to the Lady Mary Villars, sole Daughter to the Lord Duke of Buckingham: The Marriage was in my Chappel at Lambeth; the Day very Rainy; the King present.

Aug. 23. Wednesday, My Lord Mayor sent me a Libel found by the Watch at the South Gate of St. Pauls. That the Devil had lett that House to me, &c.

Aug. 25. Friday, Another Libel brought me by an Officer of the High Commission, fastned to the North Gate of St. Pauls. That the Government of the Church of England is a Candle l. and in the Snuff, going out in a Stench.

[Page] Aug. 25. The same Day at Night, my Lord Mayor sent me another Libel, hanged upon the Standard in Cheapside. My Speech in the Star-Chamber, set in a kind of Pillory, &c.

Aug. 29. Tuesday, Another short Libel against me, in Verse.

Octob. 22. Sunday, A great Noise about the perverting of the Lady Newport: Speech of it at the Council: My free Speech there to the King, concerning the increasing of the Roman Party, the Freedom at Denmark-house, the Carriage of Mr. Wal. Montague and Sir Toby Matthews. The Queen acquainted with all I said that very Night, and highly displeased with me; and so continues.

Novemb. 22. Wednesday, The extream and unnatural hot Winter Weather began, and continued till Decemb. 8.

Decemb. 12. Tuesday, I had Speech with the Queen a good space, and all about the Business of Mr. Montague, but we parted fair.

Anno 1638.

April 29. The Tumults in Scotland, about the Service-Book offered to be brought in, began July 23. 1637. and continued increasing by fits, and hath now brought that Kingdom in danger. No question, but there is a great Concurrence between them, and the Puritan Party in England. A great aim there to destroy me in the King's Opinion, &c.

Maij 26. Saturday, James Lord Marquess Hamilton set forth, as the King's Commissioner, to appease the Tumults in Scotland. God prosper him, for God and the King. It was a very Rainy Day.

June. My Visitation then began of Merton Coll. in Oxford, by my Visitors; was Adjourned to my own Hearing, against, and upon Octob. 2.

Octob. 2. 3. 4. I sate upon this Business these Three Days, and Adjourned it to July 1. inter Horas primam & tertiam, Lambeth. The Warden appeared very foul.

Octob. 19. Friday, News was brought to us, as we sate in the Star-Chamber, That the Queen-Mother of France was Landed at Harwich; many and great Apprehensions upon this Business; Extream Windy and Wet Weather a Week before, and after; the Water-men called it, Q: Mother Weather.

Octob. 26. Friday, A most Extream Tempest upon the Thames. I was in it, going from the Star-Chamber Home, between six and seven at Night. I was never upon the Water in the like Storm: And was in great Danger at my Landing at Lambeth Bridge.

Octob. 31. Wednesday, The Q: Mother came into London, and so to St: James's.

Novemb. 13. Tuesday, The Agreement between me and Ab. S. &c.

Novemb. 21. Wednesday, The General Assembly in Scotland began to Sit.

Novemb. 29. Thursday, The Proclamation issued out, for dissolving the General Assembly in Scotland, under pain of Treason.

Decemb. 20. They sate notwithstanding; and made many strange Acts, till Decemb. 20. which was Thursday, and then they rose. But have indicted another Assembly against July next.

[Page] Januar. 14. Munday, About 5. at Night, a most grievous Tempest of Wind, Thunder, Lightning and Rain.

Feb. 10. My Book against Fisher the Jesuit was Printed; and this day, being Sunday, I delivered a Copy to his Majesty.

Feb. 12. Tuesday-night, I dreamed, that K. C. was to be Married to a Minister's Widow. And that I was called upon to do it. No Service-Book could be found; and in my own Book, which I had, I could not find the Order for Marriage.

Anno 1639.

March 27. Wednesday, Coronation-day, King Charles took his Journey Northward, against the Scottish Covenanting Rebels. God of his infinite Mercy bless him with Health and Success.

March 29. Friday, An extream Fire in St. Olaves Parish Southwark: forty Houses burnt down.

April 3. Wednesday, Before the King's going, I setled with him a great business for the Queen; which I understood she would never move for her self. The Queen gave me great Thanks. And this day I waited purposely on her, to give her Thanks for her gracious acceptance. She was pleased to be very free with me, and to promise me freedom.

April 29. Munday, This day the King went from York toward New-Castle; but stayeth at Durham for a week at least.

Maij 28. His Majesty incamped two Miles West from Barwick by Tweed.

Junij 4. Whitson-Tuesday, As I was going to do my duty to the Queen; an Officer of the Lord Mayor's met me, and delivered to me two very Seditious Papers, the one to the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, the other to excite the Apprentices, &c. Both Subscribed by John Lilburn, a Prisoner in the Fleet, Sentenced in the Star-Chamber, &c.

Junij 5. Wednesday, I delivered both these to the Lords of the Council.

Junij 15 & 17. Saturday and Munday, The Peace concluded between the King and the Scottish Rebels. God make it safe and Honourable to the King and Kingdom.

Junij 28. Friday, I sent the remainder of my Manuscripts to Oxford, being in number 576. And about an Hundred of them were Hebrew, Arabick, and Persian. I had formerly sent them above 700 Volumes.

Aug. 1. Thursday, His Majesty came back from his Northern Journey to Theobalds, and to White-Hall on Saturday, Aug. 3.

Many Varieties, since the Assembly held and ended in Scotland. The Bishops thrust out. The Parliament there yet sitting.

Octob. 11. & 12. Friday and Saturday, The Spanish Navy was set upon by the Hollanders in the Downs. The Fight began to be hot, when they were past Dover. They were in all near 60 Sail. The Spaniards suffered much in that Fight, not without our dishonour, that they should dare to begin the Fight there. But this is one of the effects of the Scottish daring.

Decemb. 2. Munday, A. Sh. my Chyrurgeon in trust, gave me great and unexpected ease in my great Infirmity. But after, the weakness continued.

[Page] Decemb. 5. Thursday, The King declared his Resolution for a Parliament, in case of the Scottish Rebellion. The first Movers to it were my Lord Deputy of Ireland, my Lord Marquess Hamilton, and my self. And a Resolution Voted at the Board, to assist the King in extraordinary ways; if the Parliament should prove peevish, and refuse, &c.

Decemb. 27. Friday, Being St: John's-day, at Night, between 12 and 2 of the Clock next Morning, the greatest wind that ever I heard blow. Many of the poor Watermen at Lambeth had their Boats tumbled up and down, as they lay on the Land, and broken to pieces. One of my Servants went into London; and durst not come home; the Evening was so foul. And it was God's great Blessing both on him and me. Hence may be corrected a great mistake committed by Heylin in the Life of the Arch-Bishop, p: 450: The Relation also, which followeth in Heylin, [...] p: 451. concerning the Accident which happened that Night at Christ's-Church Canterbury, is a [...] less wide mistake, being unadvisedly taken, as well as the former, from Prynne (Breviat of the Arch-Bishop's Life: p: 34, 35.) who not [...] took the latter from a lying Pamphlet, Wrote and Published by that [...] Villain Richard Culmer, Entituled, Cathedral News from Canterbury, H: For that Night the shafts of two Chimneys were blown down upon the Roof of his Chamber, and beat down both the Lead and the Rafters upon his Bed; where had he been that Night, he must have perished. At Croydon, one of the Pinnacles fell from the Steeple; and beat down the Lead and the Roof of the Church, near 200 foot square.

Januar. 24. Friday, At Night I dreamed, that my Father (who died 46 Years since) came to me; and, to my thinking, he was as well and as chearful, as ever I saw him. He asked me, what I did here? And after some Speech, I asked him, how long he would stay with me? He answered; he would stay, till he had me away with him. I am not moved with Dreams; yet I thought fit to remember this.

Januar. 25. Saturday, St. Paul's, A very blustering and a tempestuous day.

Januar. 26. Sunday, I received the Queen's Gracious Assurance of her favour in the business, which his Majesty had committed to me with others, &c.

February 9. Sunday, A large passage inserted, and afterwards blotted out.

Anno 1640.

April 13. Munday, The Parliament sat down, called about the Rebellion of Scotland.

April 14. Tuesday, The Convocation began at Saint Pauls.

April 24. Friday, The hot Contestation in the Lords House, which should have precedence, the King's Supply, or the Subjects Grievance. Voted in the upper House for the King.

May. 5. Tuesday, The Parliament ended, and nothing done. The Convocation continued.

May 9. Saturday, A Paper posted upon the Old-Exchange, animating Prentices to sack my House upon the Munday following, May 11. early.

H: W: From this place, four Pages together in the Original are in part burned, in the form of a Crescent. This damage was done to the Book, while it was in Mr: Prynne's hands, before it was produced as Evidence [Page] against the Arch-Bishop at his Trial. For in the following History, at March:13: 1643. The Arch-Bishop saith. I know into whose Hands my Book is fallen; but what hath been done with it, I know not. This is to be seen; some passages in that Book are half burnt out; whether purposely, or by chance, God knoweth. And the like words of the Arch-Bishop occur afterwards, at July: 29: 1644. That passage (of Febr: 11: 1640. urged against the Arch-Bishop out of his Diary) is more than half burnt out; as is to be seen; whether of purpose by Mr: Prynne, or casually, I cannot tell; yet the passage as confidently made up, and read to your Lordships, as if nothing were wanting. It is indeed undeniably evident to any one, who compareth the Original with Prynne's Printed Copy; that this Accident had befallen the Book, before Prynne had caused it to be Transcribed for the Press. Yet he taketh no notice of it; but filleth up the places with such Words, as himself pleaseth; and publisheth the whole without any distinction of his own Additions. I have partly from Prynne, partly from my own conjecture, supplied the mutilated places, as well as I could; but have included all such suppletory Words in Crotchets; that so the Reader may easily distinguish those Words, which are yet to be Read in the Original, from those which are not; and may judge, whether the several places be aptly filled up.

May 11. Munday-night, At Midnight my House a [t Lam] beth was beset with 500 [of] these Rascal Routers. [I] had notice, and stren [gthened] the House as well as I could; and God be [thanked, I had] no harm, t [hey continued] there full two hours: Since I hav [e—for]tified my House as well as I can; and hope all may be safe. But yet Libels are continually set up in all places of Note in the City.

My deliverance was great; God make me thankful for it.

Maij 21. Thursday, One of the Chief being taken, was Condemned at Southwark, and Hanged and Quartered on Saturday Morning following, Maij 23.

But before this, May 15. Some of these mutinous People came in the day time, and brake the White-Lyon Prison; and let loose their Fellows, both out of that Prison, and the King's-Bench, and [...] other Prisoners also out of the White-Lyon.

Maij 29. Friday, The Convocation sate after the ending of the Parliament till May 29. and then ended; having made in that time 17. Canons; which, I hope, will be useful to the Church.

Maij. 29. The Bishop of Glocester, Godfrye Goodman, suspended for notorious Scandal to the Church, in refusing first to subscribe the Canons, and after l. for professing. to profess a Reservation. He had long before been suspected as inclining to Popery.

The Canons were all [voted] Nemine dissenti [ente,] save this Bishop, who had in general consented before.

Julij 10. Friday, I took my Oath to the new Canons at the Council-Table; and so did my Lord Bishop of London; and after him the Bishop of Glocester submitted himself, and took the Oath; and was released out of Prison by the King's Command.

Julij 22. Tuesday, I Christned the King's young Son Henry, at Oatlands. The Queen was there happily Delivered of him, Julij 8.

[Page] On Wednesday, being the Day of the Solemn Fast, about 6. of the Clock in the Evening: Aug. 20. Thursday, His Majesty took his Journey towards the North in haste, upon Information that the Scots were entred the Munday before into England, and meant to be at New-Castle by Saturday: The Scots entred Aug. 20.

Aug. 22. Saturday, A [vile] Libel brought me, [found in] Covent-Garden; Ani [mating] the Apprentices [and Soul]diers to fall up [on me] in the King's absence.

Sept. 21. I received a [Letter from] John Rockel a M [an both by] Name and Person [unknown] to me. He was [among the] Scots, as he tra [velled through the] Bishoprick of [Durham] he heard them [inveigh and] rail at me [exceedingly, and that] they hoped Shortly [to see me, as the Duke was] Slain by [one least] suspected. His Letter [was to] advise me to look to my self.

Septemb. 24. Thursday, A great Council of the Lords were called by the King to York, to consider what way was best to be taken to get out the Scots; and this day the Meeting began at York, and continued till Octob. 28.

Octob. 22. Thursday, The High Commission sitting at St. Pauls, because of the Troubles of the Times: Very near 2000 Brownists made a Tumult at the end of the Court, tore down all the Benches in the Consistory; and cryed out, they would have no Bishop, nor no High Commission.

Octob. 27. Tuesday, Simon and Jude's Eve, I went into my upper Study, to see some Manuscripts, which I was sending to Oxford. In that Study hung my Picture, taken by the Life; and coming in, I found it fallen down upon the Face, and lying on the Floor, the String being broken, by which it was hanged against the Wall. I am almost every day threatned with my Ruine in Parliament. God grant this be no Omen.

Novemb. 3. Tuesday, The Parliament began: the King did not ride, but went by Water to Kings Stairs, and thorough Westminster-Hall to the Church, and so to the House.

Novemb. 4. Wednesday, The Convocation began at St. Pauls.

Novemb. 11. Wednesday, Thomas Vis [count] Wentworth, Earl of Straffor] d, Accused to the Lords [by the] House of Commons, for [High] Treason, and restrained to the Usher of the House.

Novemb. 25. Wednesday, He was sent to the Tower.

Decemb. 2. Wednesday, A great Debate in the House, that no Bishop should be so much as of the Committee for preparatory Examinations in this Cause, as accounted Causa Sanguints; put off till the next day.

Decemb. 3. Thursday, The Debate declined.

Decemb. 4. Friday, The King gave way, that his Council should be Examined upon Oath in the Earl of Strafford's Case. I was Examined this day.

Decemb. 16. Wednesday, The Canons Condemned in the House of Commons, as being against the King's Prerogative, the Fundamental Laws of the Realm, the Liberty and Propriety of the Subject, and containing divers other things tending to Sedition, and of dangerous [Page] Consequence. Upon this I was made the Author of [them,] and a Committee put upon me to enquire into all my Actions, [and] to prepare a Charge.

The same Morning, in [the] Upper House, I was na [med as an] Incendiary by [the Scot] tish Commissioners; and [a ....] Complaint promised to [be drawn up] to morrow.

Decemb. 18. Friday, I w [as Accu]sed by the House [of Commons] I was Consecrated Bishop of Saint Davids, November: 18: 1621. for High Trea [son, without] any particular [Charge] laid against me; [which they] said, should be [prepared] in convenient time. [Mr. Denzell] Hollys was the [Man that brought] up the Message [to the Lords. Soon] after, the Charge [was brought into] the Upper-House [by the Scottish] Commissioners, [tending to prove me an [Incendiary.] I was presently [committed to] the Gentleman Us [her; but was permitted] to go in his Company [to my House at Lam] beth, for a Book or two to Read in, and such Papers, as pertained to my Defence against the Scots.

I stayed at Lambeth till the Evening, to avoid the gazing of the People. I went to Evening Prayer in my Chappel. The Psalms of the day, Psal. 93, and 94. and Chap. 50. of Esai, gave me great Comfort. God make me worthy of it, and fit to receive it.

As I went to my Barge, hundreds of my poor Neighbours stood there, and prayed for my safety, and return to my House. For which I bless God and them.

Decemb. 21. Munday, I was Fined 500 l. in the Parliament House, and Sir John Lambe and Sir Henry Martin 250 l. a piece, for keeping Sir Robert Howard close Prisoner in the Case of the Escape of the Lady Viscountess Purbecke out of the Gate-House; which Lady he kept avowedly, and had Children by her. In such a Case, say the Imprisonment were more than the Law allow; what may be done for Honour and Religion sake? This was not a Fine to the King, but Damage to the Party.

[Decemb. 23.] Wednesday, The Lords Ordered me to pay the Money presently; which was done.

[Januar. 21.] Thursday, A Parliament [Man] of good Note, and Interessed [with] divers Lords, sent me word, [that] by Reason of my patient [and m]oderate Carriage since my [Commit]ment, four Earls of great [power] in the Upper-House [of] the Lords were not [now] so sharp against me [as at] first. And that now they [were] resolved only to Se [quester] me from the King's Coun [cil, and] to put me from my [Arch-]Bishoprick. So I see, what Justice I may expect; since here is a Resolution taken, not only before my Answer, but before my Charge was brought up against me.

Febr. 14. Sunday, A. R. And this, if I Live, and continue Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, till after Michaelmas-day come Twelve-month, Anno 1642. God bless me in this.

Febr. 26. Friday, This day I had been full ten weeks in restraint at Mr. Maxwell's House. And this day, being St. Augustin's day, my Charge was brought up from the House of Commons to the Lords, by Sir Henry Vane the Younger. It consisted of fourteen Articles. These Generals they craved time to prove in particular. The Copy of this General Charge is among my Papers. I spake something to it. [Page] And the Copy of that also is among my Papers. I had Favour [from the] Lords not to go to the [Tower] till the Munday following.

March 1. Munday, I went [in Mr.] Maxwell's Coach to the [Tower.] No noise, till I came [into] Cheapside. But from [thence] to the Tower, I was [followed] and railed at by the [Prentices and] the Rabble, in great [numbers] to the very Tower [Gates, where I left] them; and I thank God, [he made me] patient.

March 9. Shrove-Tuesday, [........] was with me in [the Tower;] and gave great [engagements of his] Faith to me. The defects of this place are supplied from the following History.

March 13. Saturday, [Divers Lords] Dined with the [Lord Herbert, at his] new House by [Fox-Hall in] Lambeth. Three [of these Lords in the] Boat together, [when one of] them saying, he [was sorry for my] Commitment, because [the buil]ding of St. Pauls went [slow] on there-while; the Lord Brooke replied; I hope, some of us shall live to see no one stone left upon another of that Building.

March 15. Munday, A Committee for Religion setled in the Upper-House of Parliament. Ten Earls, ten Bishops, ten Barons. So the Lay-Votes shall be double to the Clergy. This Committee will meddle with Doctrine as well as Ceremonies; and will call some Divines to them to consider of the Business. As appears by a Letter hereto annexed, sent by the Lord Bishop of Lincoln, to some Divines to attend this Service. Upon the whole matter, I believe this Committee will prove the National Synod of England, to the great dishonour of this Church. And what else may follow upon it, God knoweth.

March 22. Munday, The Earl of Strafford's Trial began in Westminster-Hall; and it continued till the end of April, taking in the variation of the House of Commons, who after a long Hearing drew a Bill of Attainder against him.

[Anno 1641.]

[March 25.] Thursday, A. Sh. performed his Promise to the uttermost.

[May 1.] Saturday, The King came into the Upper-House; and there declared before both Houses, how diligently he [had] hearkned to all the Proceedings with the Earl of Strafford; [and] found that his fault, what-ever [it was], could not amount to [High Tre]ason: That if it went by [Bill] it must pass by him; and [that] he could not with his Con [science] find him Guilty, nor [would] wrong his Conscience [so fa]r. But advised them to pro [ceed] by way of Misdemeanour; [and he] would concur with them. The same day, after the [King] was gone, a Letter was [Read] in the Upper-House from the Scots; in which, they did earnestly desire to be gone. It was moved for a present Conference with the House of Commons about it. The Debate about it was very short; yet the Commons were risen beforehand.

Maij 12. Wednesday, The Earl of Strafford beheaded upon Tower-Hill.

June 23. Wednesday, I acquainted the King by my Lord of London, that I would resign my Chancellorship of Oxford, and why.

June 25. Friday, I sent down my Resignation of the Chancellorship of Oxford, to be published in Convocation.

[Page] July 1. Thursday, This was done; and the Earl of Pembroke chosen Chancellor by joint consent.

August 10. Tuesday, The King went Post into Scotland, the Parliament sitting, and the Armies not yet dissolved.

Septemb. 23. Thursday, Mr: Adam Torles, my Ancient, Loving and Faithful Servant, then my Steward, after he had served me full forty two Years, dyed, to my great loss and grief.

Octob. 23. The Lords in Parliament Sequestred my Jurisdiction to my inferior Officers; and Ordered, that I should give no Benefice, without acquainting them first, to whom I would give it; that so they might approve. This Order was sent me on Tuesday, Novemb. 2. in the Afternoon.

Novemb. 1. News came to the Parliament of the Troubles in Ireland, the King being then in Scotland, where there were Troubles enough also.

Novemb. 25. Thursday, The King at his return from Scotland, was sumptuously Entertained in London; and great joy on all hands. God prosper it.

Decemb. 30. Thursday, The Arch-Bishop of York, and eleven Bishops more, sent to the Tower for High Treason, for delivering a Petition and a Protestation into the House, that this was not a free Parliament, since they could not come to Vote there, as they are bound, without danger of their Lives.

Januar. 4. Tuesday, His Majesty went into the House of Commons; and demanded the Persons of Mr: Denzill Hollis, Sir Arthur Haslerig, Mr: John Pym, Mr: John Hampden, and Mr: William Stroude; whom his Attorney had the day before, together with the Lord Kimbolton, Accused of High Treason, upon seven Articles. They had Information; and were not then in the House: they came in after, and great stir was made about this Breach of the Priviledges of Parliament.

Febr. 6. Saturday, Voted in the Lords House, that the Bishops shall have no Votes there in Parliament. The Commons had passed that Bill before. Great Ringing for joy, and Bonfires in some Parishes.

Febr. 11. Friday, The Queen went from Greenwich toward Dover, to go into Holland with her Daughter the Princess Mary, who was lately Married to the Prince of Orange his Son. But the true Cause was, the present Discontents here. The King accompanied her to the Sea.

Febr. 14. His Majesties Message to both Houses, Printed, by which he puts all into their Hands; so God bless us.

Febr. 14. An Order came, that the Twelve Bishops might put in Bail, if they would; and that they should have their Hearing upon Friday, February: 25: They went out of the Tower on Wednesday, February: 16: and were sent in again, February: 17: the House of Commons, on Wednesday-night, protesting against their coming forth, because they were not in a Parliamentary way made acquainted with it.

Feb. 20. Sunday, There came a tall Man to me, under the Name of Mr: Hunt. He professed, he was unknown to me; but came [Page] (he said) to do me service in a great particular; and prefaced it, that he was not set on by any States-Man, or any of the Parliament. So he drew a Paper out of his Pocket, and shewed me 4. Articles drawn against me to the Parliament, all touching my near conversation with Priests, and my Endeavours by them to subvert Religion in England. He told me, the Articles were not yet put into the House: they were subscribed by one Willoughby, who (he said) was a Priest, but now come from them. I asked him, what Service it was he cou'd do me. He said; he looked for no advantage to himself. I conceived hereupon, this was a piece of Villany: And bad him tell Willoughby, he was a Villain; and bid him put his Articles into the Parliament, when he will. So I went presently into my inner Chamber; and told Mr: Edward Hide, and Mr: Richard Cobb, what had befallen me. But after I was sorry at my Heart, that my Indignation at this base Villany made me so hasty, to send Hunt away; and that I had not desir'd Mr: Lieutenant to seize on him, till he brought forth this Willoughby.

Feb. 25. Friday, The Queen went to Sea for Holland, and her Eldest Daughter the Princess Mary with her.

March 6. Sunday, After Sermon, as I was walking up and down my Chamber before Dinher, without any Slip or Treading awry, the Sinew of my Right Leg gave a great crack, and brake asunder in the same place where I had broken it before. Feb: 5: [...].

Orders about Stisted.

Anno 1642.

It was two Months, before I could go out of my Chamber. On Sunday (Maii: 15:) I made shift between my Man and my Staff to go to Church. There one Mr: Joslin Preached, with Vehemency becoming Bedlam, with Treason sufficient to hang him in any other State, and with such particular Abuse to me, that Women and Boys stood up in the Church, to see how I could bear it. I humbly thank God for my Patience.

All along things grew higher between the King and the Parliament. God send a good Issue.

Maij 29. Four Ships came into the River, with part of the Ammunition from Hull.

August 22. Munday, the King set up his Standard at Nottingham.

August 24. The Parliament having committed Three Officers of the Ordinance, and sent two new ones in the room: This day they brake open all the Doors, and possessed themselves of the Stores.

August 27. Saturday, Earl of Southampton and Sir Jo. Culpepper sent from the King to have a Treaty for Peace, refused; unless the King would take down his Standard, and recall his Proclamation which made them Traytors.

Septemb. 1. Thursday, Bishops Voted down, and Deans and Chapters, in the Lower House. That Night Bonfires and Ringing all over the City: Ordered cunningly by Pennington the new Lord Mayor.

[Page] About this time (ante ult. Aug.) the Cathedral of Canterbury grosly Profaned.

Septemb. 9. Friday, An Order from the House, about the giving of Alhallows-Bread-street. The Earl of Essex set forward towards the King.

Septemb. 10. Voted down in the upper House (Dubitatur)

Octob. 15. Saturday, Resolved upon the question, that the Fines, Rents, and Profits of Arch-Bishops, Bishops, Deans and Chapters, and of such notorious Delinquents who have taken up Arms against the Parliament, or have been active in the Commission of Array, shall be sequestred for the use and service of the Commonwealth.

Octob. 23. Sunday, Keinton Field.

Octob. 24. Munday, An Order from the House to keep but Two Servants, speak with no Prisoner or other Person, but in the presence of my Warder, (this common to other Prisoners)

Octob. 26. Wednesday, Mr. Cook's Relation to me of some Resolutions taken in the City, &c.

Octob. 27. The Order of Octob. 24. not shewn me till Octob. 26. and I sent a Petition to the House, for a Cook and a Butler, Thursday.

October 28. This Order revoked, Friday: And this granted me.

Novemb. 2. Wednesday Night, I Dreamed the Parliament was removed to Oxford; the Church undone: Some old Courtiers came in to see me, and jeared: I went to St. John's; and there I found the Roof off from some parts of the Colledge, and the Walls cleft, and ready to fall down. God be Merciful.

Novemb. 8. Seventy Eight Pounds of my Rents taken from my Controuler, by Mr. Holland and Mr. Ashurst; which they said was for Maintenance of the King's Children.

Novemb. 9. Wednesday Morning, Five of the Clock, Captain Brown, and his Company entred my House at Lambeth, to keep it for Publick Service; and they made of it

The Lords, upon my Petition to them, deny'd they knew of any such Order; and so did the Committee; yet such an Order there was, and divers Lords hands to it; but upon my Petition they made an Order, that my Books should be secured and my Goods.

Novemb. 10. Some Lords went to the King about an Accommodation.

Novemb. 12. Saturday, A Fight about Brainford: Many slain of the Parliaments Forces, and some taken Prisoners; Such as would not serve the King, were sent back with an Oath given them. The Fight is said to begin casually about billotting. Since this, Voted in the House for no Accommodation, but to go on, and take all advantages.

Novemb. 16. Wednesday, An Order to barr all Prisoners Men from speaking one with another, or any other, but in presence of the Warder; nor go out without the Lieutenants leave: And to barr them the Liberty of the Tower.

[Page] Novemb. 22. Tuesday, Ordered, That any one of them may go out to buy Provision.

Novemb. 24. Thursday, The Souldiers at Lambeth House brake open the Chappel door; and offered violence to the Organ; but before much hurt was done, the Captains heard of it, and stayed them.

Decemb. 2. Friday, Some of the King's Forces taken at Farnham. About an hundred of them brought in Carts to London: Ten Carts full, their Legs bound. They were sufficiently railed upon in the Streets.

Decemb. 19. Munday, My Petition for Mr: Coniers to have the Vicaridge of Horsham. Before it came to be delivered, the House had made an Order against him, upon complaint from Horsham of his disorderly Life. So

Decemb. 21. St. Thomas's day, I petitioned for my Chaplain, Mr. William Brackstone. Refused: yet no Exception taken.

That day, in the Morning, my young dun [...] were taken away, by Warrant under the Hands of Sir John Evelyn, Mr. Pim, and Mr: Martin.

Decemb. 23. Thursday, Dr. Layton came with a Warrant from the House of Commons, for the Keys of my House to be delivered to him, and more Prisoners to be brought thither, &c.

January 5. A final Order from both Houses, for setling of Lambeth Prison, &c. Thursday. All my Wood and Coals spent, or to be spent there, not reserving in the Order, that I shall have any for my own use; nor would that Motion be hearkned to.

January 6. Friday, Epiphany, Earl of Manchester's Letter from the House, to give All-Hallowes-Bredstreet to Mr. Seaman.

January 26. Thursday, The Bill passed the Lords House for Abolishing Episcopacy, &c.

Feb. 3. Friday, Dr. Heath came to perswade me to give Chartham to Mr. Corbet, &c.

Febr. 14. Tuesday, I received a Letter from his Majesty, dated January 17. to give Chartham to Mr: Reddinge, or lapse it to him. That Afternoon, the Earl of Warwick came to me, and brought me an Order of the House to give it to one Mr: Culmer. This Order bare date, Febr: 4:

Febr. 25: Saturday, Mr: Culmer came to me about it. I told him, I had given my Lord my Answer.

[...] [...]: Thursday, St: Cedd's day, The Lord Brooke shot in the left Eye, and killed in the place, at Lichfeild, going to give the Onset upon the Close of the Church; he having ever been fierce against Bishops and Cathedrals: His Bever up, and armed to the Knees; so that a Musket at that distance could have done him but little harm. Thus was his Eye put out, who about two Years since said, he hoped to live to see at St: Pauls not one Stone left upon another.

March 10. Friday, This Night preceeding, I dreamed a Warrant was come to free me; and that I spake with the Lieutenant, that my Warder might keep the Keys of my Lodging, till I had got some place for my self and my Stuff, since I could not go to [Page] Lambeth. I waked, and slept again; and had the very same Dream a second time.

March 20. Munday, The Lord of Northumberland, Mr: Pierpoint, Sir John Holland, Sir William Ermin, and Mr: Whitlock, went from both Houses to Treat of Peace with his Majesty. God of his Mercy bless it and us.

March 24. Friday, One Mr: Foord told me (he is a Suffolk Man) that there was a Plot to send me and Bishop Wrenn, as Delinquents to New-England, within fourteen days. And that Wells, a Minister that came thence, offered wagers of it. The Meeting was at Mr: Barks, a Merchant's House in Friday-street, being this Foord's Sonin-Law. I never saw Mr: Foord before.

Anno 1643.

March 28. Tuesday, Another Order from the Lords, to give Chartham to one Mr: Edward Hudson. My Answer, as before.

April 11. Tuesday, Another Order for the same, and very peremptory. This came to me April 12. whereupon I petitioned the House Thursday, April 13. My former Answer being wilfully mistaken by Hudson.

That present day another Order, very quick; which was brought to me Friday, April 14. I Petitioned the House again the same day with great submission; but could not disobey the King.

April l. 21. 12. Another peremptory Order, to Collate Chartham on Mr: Edw: Corbet, brought to me Saturday April 22.

April 24. Munday, I gave my Answer as before, but in as soft Terms as I could.

April 25. Tuesday, It was moved in the House of Commons to send me to New-England. But it was rejected. The Plot was laid by Peters, Wells, and others.

Maij 1. Munday, My Chappel windows at Lambeth defaced, and the steps torn up.

Maij 2. Tuesday, The Cross in Cheapside taken down.

Maij 9. Tuesday, All my Goods seized upon, Books and all. The Seizers were Captain Guest, Layton, and Dickins. The same day an Order for further restraint of me, not to go out of it without my Keeper. This Order was brought to me Maij 10.

Maij 16. Tuesday, An Order of both Houses for the [...] of my Benefices, &c. void, or to be void. This Order was brought to me Wednesday, Maij 17. at Night. Methinks, I see a cloud rising over me, about Chartham business: There having been a Rumour twice, that I shall be removed to a Prison Lodging.

Maij 23. Tuesday, I sent my Petition for Maintenance.

This day the Queen was Voted a Traytor in the Commons House.

Maij l. 20. 19. Saturday, Another Order to Collate Edward Corbet to Chartham. It was brought to me Friday, Maij: 26. I Answered it Saturday, Maij: 27. as before.

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H: W: Thus far the Arch-Bishop had proceeded in his Diary; when it was violently seized, and taken out of his [...] by William Prynne, on the last day of May 1643. The [...] of [...] by Prynne himself (Breviat of the Arch-Bishop's Life, p. 28.) and gloried in, as a most worthy Action. But the barbarous manner of it is more largely described by the Arch-Bishop himself in the following History. After the Book came into his Enemies Hands, it was frequently urged against him as Evidence at his Trial; and when the Trial was near finished, Prynne caused it to be Printed, and Published it in the beginning of September 1644. but corrupted, and in part only; of which see before in the Preface. The Arch-Bishop had almost filled up his Paper Book (wherein he wrote this Diary) when it was taken from him. But in the last Leaf of it, are found certain Projects wrote with his own Hand, (at what Time, or in what Year, is uncertain) which I have subjoyned.

Things which I have Projected to do, if God Bless me in them.

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I: BLotted out.

II: To Build at St: Johns in Oxford, where I was bred up, for the good and safety of that Colledge. Done.

III: To overthrow the Feoffment, dangerous both to Church and State, going under the specious pretence of buying in Impropriations. Done.

IV: To procure King Charles to give all the Impropriations, yet remaining in the Crown, within the Realm of Ireland, to that poor Church. Done, and setled there.

V: To set upon the Repair of St: Paul's Church in London. Done.

VI: To Collect and Perfect the broken, crossing, and imperfect Statutes of the University of Oxford; which had lain in a confused Heap some Hundred of Years. Done.

VII: Blotted out.

VIII: To settle the Statutes of all the Cathedral Churches of the new Foundations; whose Statutes are imperfect, and not confirmed. Done for Canterbury.

IX: To annex for ever some settled Commendams, and those, if it may be, sine curâ, to all the small Bishopricks. Done for Bristol, Peterborough, St. Asaph, Chester, Oxford.

X: To find a way to increase the Stipends of poor Vicars.

XI: To see the Tythes of London Settled, between the Clergy and the City.

XII: To set up a Greek Press in London and Oxford, for Printing of the Library Manuscripts; and to get both Letters and Matrices. Done for London.

XIII: To settle 80. Pounds a Year for ever, out of Dr: Fryar's Lands, (after the Death of Dr: John Fryar the Son) upon the Fabrick of St: Paul's, to the repair till that be finished, and to keep it in good state after.

XIV: To procure a large Charter for Oxford, to confirm their ancient Priviledges, and obtain new for them, as large as those [Page] of Cambridge, which they had gotten since Hen: 8: which Oxford had not. Done.

XV: To open the great Square at Oxford between St: Maryes and the Schools, Brasen-nose and All-Souls.

XVI: To settle an Hospital of Land in Redding, of 100. Pounds a Year, in a new way. I have acquainted Mr: Barnard, the Vicar of Croydon, with my Project. He is to call upon my Executors to do it; if the Surplusage of my Goods (after Debts and Lega. cies paid) come to three Thousand Pounds. Done to the value of 200. Pounds per Annum.

XVII: To erect an Arabick Lecture in Oxford, at least for my Life time, my Estate not being able for more: That this may lead the way, &c. Done. I have now settled it for Ever. The Lecture began to be read Aug: 10: 1636.

XVIII: The Impropriation of the Vicaridge of Cuddesden to the Bishop of Oxford, finally Sentenced Wednesday: April 19: 1637. And so the House built by the now Bishop of Oxford Dr: John Bancroft, setled for ever to that Bishoprick. Done.

XIX: A Book in Vellam fair Written, containing the Records, which are in the Tower, and concern the Clergy. This Book I got done at my own Charge, and have left it in my Study at Lambeth for posterity, Junij: 10: 1637. Ab Anno 20: Ed: 1: ad Annum 24: Ed: 4: Done.

XX: A new Charter for the Colledge near Dublin to be [...] of his Majesty; and a Body of new Statutes made, to rectify that Government. Done.

XXI: A Charter for the Town of Reading, and a Mortmain of &c. Done.

XXII. If I live to see the repair of St: Pauls near an end, to move his Majesty for the like Grant from the High Commission, for the buying in of Impropriations, as I have now for St: Pauls. And then I hope to buy in two a Year at least.

XXIII: I have procured for St: John Baptist's Colledge in Oxford the perpetual Inheritance and Patronage of &c.

FINIS.

§

§

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THE HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES AND TRYAL OF THE Most Reverend Father in God WILLIAM LAUD, Lord Arch-Bishop Of CANTERBURY.

Wrote by Himself, during his Imprisonment in the Tower.

Psal: XI: 3: Old Translation.

The Foundations will be cast down; and what hath the Righteous done?

Or, as it is Rendred in the last Translation.

If the Foundations be destroyed; what can the Righteous do?

LONDON, Printed for Ri: Chiswell, at the Rose and Crown in St: Paul's Church-Yard, M DC XCIV.

THE HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES OF WILLIAM LAUD LORD Arch-Bishop of Canterbury: Which began to fall upon him, [...] 18: 1640.

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CAP. I.

DEcemb. 18. 1640. being Friday. Upon this day, Mr. Densell See Rushworth's Collections, par: 3. vol: [...] 123. Prynne's Compt. Hist: p: 19. &c. Hollis, second Son to John Earl of Clare, by Order from the House of Commons, came up to the Lords, and Accused me of High Treason; and told the Lords, they would make proof thereof in convenient time: But desired in the mean time, that I might be committed to safe Custody. This was strange News to my Innocency: For this I can say of my self, without falshood or vanity, that to the uttermost of my Understanding, I served the King, my Gracious Master, with all Duty and Faithfulness; and without any known or wilful Disservice to the State there-while. And this I did, with as true and free a Heart, as ever any Man did, that served a King. And I thank God, my care was such for the Publick, that it is well known, I much neglected my own private Fortunes there-while. The more was I amazed at the first apprehension of this heavy and undeserved Charge.

Upon this Charge, I was commanded to withdraw. But I first desired leave to speak a few words: And I spake to this effect; That I was heartily sorry for the Offence taken against me; and that I was most unhappy, to have my Eyes open to see that day, and mine Ears to hear such a Charge: But humbly desired their Lordships, to look upon the whole course of my Life, which was such, as that I [Page] did verily perswade my self, not one Man in the House of Commons did believe in his Heart, that I was a Traytor. Here my Lord the Earl of Essex interrupted me, and said, That Speech of mine, was a Scandal put upon the whole House of Commons, that they should viz. should charge me. bring me up charged with so high a Crime, which themselves did not believe. I [...] desired then, that I might be proceeded with in the Antient Parliamentary way of England. This the Lord Say excepted against; as if I would prescribe them, how they should proceed. So I withdrew, as I was commanded, and was presently called in again to the Bar; and thence delivered to Mr. James Maxwell, the Officer See the Order of the Lords for his Commitment apud Prynne p. 22. of the Black Rod, to be kept in safe Custody, till the House of Commons should farther Impeach me.

Here I humbly desired leave, that I might go home to fetch some Papers, necessary for my Defence. This was granted me with some difficulty; and Mr. Maxwell was commanded to Attend me all the while I should stay. When I was gone to Lambeth, after some little discourse (and sad enough) with my Steward, and some private Friends, I went into my Chappel to Evening Prayer. The Psalms Psal: 93. & 94. In vulgara Editione, Ps. 92, & 93. for that day gave me much comfort, and were observed by some Friends then present, as well as by my self. And upon the Comfort I then received, I have every day since (unless some urgent Business prevented me) Read over both these Psalms, and, God willing, purpose so to do every day of my Life. Prayers being ended, I went with Mr. Maxwell, as I was commanded; Hundreds of my Poor Neighbours standing at my Gates to see me go, and Praying [...] for my safe return to my House: For which, I blessed God, and them.

CAP. II.

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AND because here I am sure to find my self, being now Imprisoned; I will begin farther off, and shew briefly why, and how, this Malignity pursued, and overtook me.

When I was first Bishop of London, His Majesty expressed a great desire, which he had, to settle a Liturgy in the Church of Scotland; and this continued in agitation many Years. And what my part was therein, I shall clearly and ingenuously set down hereafter, when I come to Answer the Scottish Accusations of me in that behalf, or the Articles of the Parliament here, one of which relates to them. In the Year 1633. His Majesty went into Scotland, and was Crowned there; I attended his Majesty in that Service. The Parliament then sitting in Scotland, was very quick about some Church Affairs; and the King was much unsatisfied with some Men, and their Proceedings. At his Majesty's Return, in the same Year, I was, by his special Grace and Favour, made Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, 19 Septembris. The debate about the Scottish Liturgy was pursued a-fresh; and at last it was resolved by the King, that some Scottish Bishops should draw up a Liturgy, as near that of England as might be; and that then his Majesty would have that Confirmed and Setled for the use of that Kingdom. This Liturgy was carefully considered of, and at last Printed and Published, An. 1637. It seems, the Bishops, which were trusted with this business, went not the right way, by a General Assembly, and other Legal Courses of that Kingdom. But what way soever was taken, or in whomsoever there was a failure; this was certain in the Event: The Bishops were deceived in their expectation of a peaceable admission of that Service-Book; The King lost the Honour and Safety of that Settlement; And that Kingdom such a Form of God's Service, as I fear they will never come near again. And that People, by cunning and factious practices, both at home and from hence, were heated into such a Phrensie, as will not easily be cured. And 'tis well, if we their Neighbours run not mad for Company.

These violent Distempers continued from the Publishing of this Service-Book, in the Year 1637. till the Year 1638. Then they grew up into a formal Mutiny: And the Scottish Subjects began to Petition with Arms, in their Mouths first, and soon after in their Hands. His Majesty was often told, that these Northern Commotions had their Root in England. His Majesty's Goodness was confident upon the Fidelity of his Subjects of both Nations, and would not believe that of either, which was most true of a powerful Faction in both: Till at last, after much intercourse and mediation lost, and cast away, the King was so betray'd by some of his own Agents, that the Scots appeared upon their Borders in a formal Army. His Majesty went with an Army to Barwick. There, after some stay, a Pacification was made; and his Majesty returned to White-Hall, Aug. 3. 1639.

[Page] Now during all this time, from the Publishing of this Service-Book, to this Pacification, I was voyced by the Faction in both Nations, to be an Incendiary, a Man that laboured to set the two Nations into a bloody War: Whereas, God knows, I laboured for Peace so long, till I received a great check for my labour. And particularly at the beginning of these Tumults, when the Speech of a War first began in the Year 1638. openly at the Council-Table at Theobalds, my Counsels alone prevailed for Peace, and Forbearance, in hope the See this Confirmed by the King's own Testimony, in his large Declaration, p: 420. W: S: A: C: Scots would think better of their Obedience. But their Counsels were fomented to another end, as after appeared.

The Pacification being made, was in Terms as followeth.

The Articles of the Pacification.

1.The Forces of Scotland to be disbanded, and dissolved within [...] twenty four hours. Eight and Forty Hours after the Publication of his Majesty's Declaration being agreed upon.

2.His Majesty's Castles, Forts, Ammunitions of all sorts, and Royal Honours to be delivered after the Publication, so soon as his Majesty al. shall. can send to receive them.

3.His Majesty's Ships to depart presently after the delivery of the Castles, with the first fair Wind; and in the mean time no interruption of Trade or Fishing.

4.His Majesty is Graciously pleased, to cause to be restored, all Persons, Goods, and Ships, detained, and arrested, since the first of November last past.

5.There shall be no Meetings, Treatings, Consultations, or Convocations of his Majesty's Lieges, but such as are warrantable by Act of Parliament.

6.All Fortifications to desist, and no further working therein, and they to be remitted to his Majesty's Pleasure.

7.To restore to every one of his Majesty's Subjects their Liberty, Lands, Houses, Goods, and Means whatsoever, taken and detained from them by whatsoever means, since the aforesaid time.

The Copy of the Act of the Pacification as it passed The Articles of Pacification were concluded 1639. [...] 17: Signed by the King, June: 18: under his Majesties Hand, and includes these Articles above written, is as follows.

§

Ch. R.

WE having considered the Papers, and humble Petitions presented unto us, by those of our Subjects of Scotland, who were admitted to attend our pleasure in the Camp; and after a full Hearing by Our Self of all, that they could say or alledge thereupon, having communicated the same to Our Council of both Kingdoms; upon mature deliberation, with their unanimous Advice, We have thought fit, to give them this Just and Gracious Answer: That though We cannot condescend to Ratifie and [Page] Approve the Acts of the pretended General Assembly at Glasgow, for many Grave and Weighty Considerations, which have happened, both before, and since, much importing the Honour, and Security of that true Monarchical Government Lineally descended upon Us from so many of Our Ancestors; Yet such is Our Gracious Pleasure, That notwithstanding the many disorders committed of late, We are pleased, not only to confirm, and make good, whatsoever Our Commissioner hath granted and promised in Our Name; But also, We are further Graciously pleased, to declare and assure, That according to the Petitioner's humble desires, all Matters Ecclesiastical shall be determined by the Assemblies of the Kirk, and Matters Civil by the Parliament, and other inferiour Judicatories Established by Law; which accordingly shall be kept once a Year, or as shall be agreed upon al. by the General Assembly, and Our Commissioner for the time being. at the General Assembly.

And for setling the general distractions of that Our Ancient Kingdom, Our Will and Pleasure is, that a free General Assembly be kept at Edinburgh, the sixth day of August next ensuing, where We intend God willing to be personally present; And for the Legal Indiction whereof, We have given Order and Command to Our Council; and thereafter, a Parliament to be holden at Edinburgh, the 20th day of August next ensuing, for Ratifying of what shall be concluded in the said Assembly, and setling such other things, as may conduce to the Peace and Good of Our Native Kingdom, and therein, an Act of Oblivion to be passed.

And whereas, We are further desired, that Our Ships and Forces by Land, be recalled, and all Persons, Goods, and Ships, restored, and they made safe from Invasion: We are Graciously pleased to Declare, that upon their disarming and disbanding of their Forces, dissolving and discharging all their pretended Tables and Conventicles, and restoring unto Us, all Our Castles, Forts, and Ammunitions of all sorts; as likewise, Our Royal Honours, and to every one of Our Good Subjects, their Liberty, Lands, Houses, Goods, and Articulo 7: Means whatsoever, taken and detained from them, since the late pretended General Assembly; We will presently thereafter recall Our Fleet, and retire our Land-Forces, and cause Restitution to be made to all Persons, of their Ships and Goods detained, and arrested, since the aforesaid time: Whereby it may appear, that Our intention in taking up of Arms, was no ways for Invading of Our Native Kingdom, or to Innovate the Religion and Laws, but meerly, for the Maintaining, and Vindicating of Our Royal Authority.

And since that hereby it doth clearly appear, that We neither have, nor do intend any alteration in Religion, or Laws, but that both shall be maintained by Us, in their full integrity: We expect the performance of that Humble and Dutiful Obedience, which becometh Loyal and Dutiful Subjects, and as in their several Petitions they have often professed.

And as We have just Reason to believe, that to Our peaceable, and well-affected Subjects, this will be satisfactory; so We take God and the World to witness, that whatsoever Calamities shall ensue by Our necessitated suppressing of the Insolencies of such, as shall [Page] continue in their disobedient Courses, is not occasioned by us, but by their own procurement.

This Pacification was not much sooner made by the King, than it was broken by the Scots. For whereas it was agreed by the Seventh Article, and is repeated in the Body of the Pacification; That every one of his Majesties good Subjects shou'd enjoy their Liberty, Lands, Houses, Goods, and Means whatsoever, taken, and detayned from them since the aforesaid time, The * Lord Lindsay in the Name of the rest made a Protestation either in the Camp at Dunns, or at the Cross in Edinburgh, that no Bishop, or Clergyman was included in this Pacification; which yet in manifest and plain Terms, extended it self to all the Kings good Subjects. And this Protestation was so pursued, as that it obtained; and no Clergyman was relieved in any the Particulars.

Upon this and other Particulars agitated in Parliament amongst them, his Majesty thought fit to look to himself, and examine their Proceedings farther. To this end he often called his Council; and in particular, made a Committee of eight, more particularly to attend that service. They were the Lord Bishop of London, then Lord Treasurer, the Lord Marquis Hamilton, the Earl of Northumberland Lord Admiral, the Earl of Strafford Lord Deputy of Ireland, the Lord Cottington, Sir Henry Vane, and Sir Francis Windebanck Secretaries, and my self; to which was after added the Earl of Arundel Lord Marshal. And though I spake nothing of these Scottish Businesses, but either openly at Council-Table; or in presence of all, or so many of this Committee, as occasionally met, and so had Auditors and Witnesses enough of what I did or said; yet it was still cast out among the [...], that I was a chief Incendiary in the Business: Where yet, had I said or done any thing worse than other, there wanted not Sir Henry Vane to discover it.

At this Committee many things were proposed diversly, for the Aid and Assistance of the King; and many Proposals rejected as Illegal. At last the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland propos'd the calling of a Parliament. Much was not said against this, but much said for it: Nor indeed was it safe for any Man to declare against it, after it was once publickly moved. So a Parliament was resolved on, and called against April 13. 1640. At that time it sat down, and many Tumultuary Complaints were made by the Scots against the Bishops and Church Government in England, and with great vehemency against my self. All this while the King could get no Money, to Aid him against the Scottish Rebellion. At last, after many Attempts, Sir Henry Vane told the King plainly, that it was in vain to expect longer, or to make any other overture to them. For no Money wou'd be had against the Scots.

Hereupon his Majesty called all his Lords of Council together; and upon Maij 5. being Tuesday at Six in the Morning they met in the Council-Chamber. I, by the mistake of the Messenger, was warned to be there at Seven in the Morning (as if need be, I can prove by sufficient Witness) and at that Hour I came. By this accident I [Page] came late, and found a Resolution taken, to Vote the dissolution of that Parliament, and the Votes entred upon; my Lord Cottington being in his Speech, when I came into the Council-Chamber. All Votes concurred to the ending of that Parliament, save two. The Persons dissenting, were the Earls of Northumberland and Holland. I co-operated nothing to this breach, but my single Vote: Yet the very next day, Libels were set up in divers parts of the City, animating and calling together Apprentices and others, to come and meet in St. George's Fields, for the Hunting of William the Fox, for the Breach of the Parliament. This setting up of Libels, and animation of the baser People continued. I acquainted his Majesty and the Council with it. But upon Munday night following, being May 11. Five Hundred of them came about my House at Lambeth, to offer it and me violence. By God's Merciful Providence, I had some Jealousie of their intent; and before their coming, left the best Order I could to secure my House; and by the Advice of some Friends, went over the water, and lay at my Chamber in White-Hall that Night, and some other following. So, I praise God, no great hurt was done. One young Fellow only had a little hurt with a Dag, who was after taken and Executed. Thus you see, how the malignity of the Time fastned and continued upon me. For this Libelling, in a very base and most unworthy manner, continued against me. But not one of them charged me with any one Particular, save the breaking of the Parliament, of which I was not guilty.

During this Parliament, the Clergy had agreed in Convocation, to give his Majesty six Subsidies, payable in six Years: which came to Twenty Thousand Pound a Year, for six Years; but the Act of it was not made up. His Majesty, seeing what lay upon him, and what fears there were of the Scots, was not willing to lose these Subsidies; and therefore thought upon the continuing of the Convocation, though the Parliament were ended; but had not opened those Thoughts of his to me. Now, I had sent to dissolve the Convocation at their next sitting; haste and trouble of these businesses making me forget, that I was to have the King's Writ for the Dismissing, as well as the Convening of it. Word was brought me of this from the Convocation-House, while I was sitting in Council, and his Majesty present. Hereupon, when the Council rose, I moved his Majesty for a Writ. His Majesty gave me an unlooked for reply: Namely, that he was willing to have the Subsidies, which we had granted him; and that we should go on with the finishing of those Canons, which he had given us power under the Broad Seal of England to make. And when I replyed, it would be excepted against in all likelyhood by divers, and desired his Majesty to Advise well upon it: The King Answered me presently; That he had spoken with the Lord Keeper, the Lord Finch, about it, and that he assured him it was Legal. I confess, I was a little troubled, both at the difficulties of the Time, and at the Answer it self; that after so many Years faithful Service, in a business concerning the Church so nearly, his Majesty would speak with the Lord Keeper, both without me, and before he would move it to me: [Page] And somewhat I said thereupon, which pleased not; but the Particulars I do not well remember. Upon this, I was Commanded to sit, and go on with the Convocation. At first, some little lege Question was made. Exception was taken there, by two or three of the Lower House of Convocation, whether we might sit or no. I acquainted his Majesty with this doubt; and humbly besought him, that his Learned Council, and other Persons of Honour, well acquainted with the Laws of the Realm, might deliver their Judgment upon it. This his Majesty Graciously approved; and the Question was put to them. They answer'd, as followeth under their Hands.

§

The Convocation being called by the King's Writ, under the Great Seal, doth continue, until it be dissolved by Writ, or Commission under the Great Seal, notwithstanding the Parliament be Dissolved.

14. Maij 1640. Jo. Finch. C. S.

H. Manchester. John Bramston. Edward Littleton. Ralph Whitfield. John Bankes. Rob. Heath.

This Judgment of these great Lawyers, setled both Houses of Convocation. So we proceeded according to the Power given us under the Broad-Seal, as is required by the Statute 25 H. 8. Cap. 19. In this Convocation thus continued, we made up our Act perfect for the gift of six Subsidies, according to Ancient Form in that behalf, and delivered it under Seal to his Majesty. This passed Nemine Refragante, as may appear apud Acta. And we followed a President in my Lord Arch-Bishop Whitgift's time, An. 1586, who was known to be a Pious and a Prudent Prelate, and a Man not given to do boisterous things against the Laws of the Realm, or the Prerogative of the Crown; but one, that went just and fair ways to both. Nor did this Grant lye dead and useless; for divers Processes are yet to be seen, for the fetching in of that which was so Granted to the Queen's use, in case any Man refused payment.

Together with this Act for Subsidies, we went on in deliberation for certain Canons, thought necessary to be added, for the better Government and more setled Peace of the Church, which began to be much disquieted by the proceedings of some Factious Men (which have since more openly and more violently shewed themselves.) In the Debates concerning these Canons, I dare be bold to say, never any Synod sate in Christendom, that allowed more freedom either of Speech or Vote. The Canons, which we made, were in number seventeen; and at the time of the Subscription, no Man refused, or so much as checked at any one Canon, or any one Branch in any one of them: Saving [Page] a Quaere, who were these Canonists, and how had they Votes in Convocation? Have we any such; properly so called? W: S: A: C: Canonist or two, who excepted against two or three Clauses in some of the last of the Canons, which concerned their Profit, and their Carriage towards the Clergy; in which, they were publickly, and by joint consent, over-ruled in the House: And excepting I suppose to be here meant some Civilians, Graduates Legum five utriusque Juris, viz: of the Canon and Civil (or Imperial) Laws, or others perhaps interessed in the Spiritual Courts, being in Holy Orders, and sitting in that Convocation, either in their own Right, as Deans or Arch-Deacons, or by Delegation from the Clergy of some Diocess; or perhaps, Proxies for some absent Members of the Convxation. H: [...] Godfrey Goodman Lord Bishop of Glocester, who was startled at the first Canon, about the Proceedings against the Papists. This Canon is very express for the use of all good and Christian means, to bring them out of their Superstitious Errors, and to settle them in the Church of England. This Canon would not down with my Lord of Glocester. And the Morning before the Subscription was to be, he came over to Lambeth to me; and after great expressions of his dislike, I gave him the best Counsel I could, that he would keep himself out of that scandal, which his refusing to Subscribe would bring, both upon his Person, his Calling, and the Church of England, in these broken times especially. But I fell so short of prevailing with him; that he told me plainly, He would be torn with wild Horses, before he would Subscribe that Canon: And so we parted.

The hour of Convocation drew on; and we met to Subscribe the Canons. When it came to the Bishop of Glocester's turn, his Lordship would neither allow the Canons, nor reject them; but pretended, (as he had once done about a week before) that we had no Power to make Canons out of Parliament time, since the Statute of H. 8. It was then told his Lordship, that we had the King's Power according to that Statute; And that his Lordship was formerly satisfied by the Lawyers Hands, as well as we; And that this was but a pretence to disgrace our Proceedings, the better to hide his unwillingness to Subscribe that Canon against the Papists; as appeared by that Speech, which he had privately used to me that Morning, and with which I publickly charged him upon this occasion; and he did as publickly in open Convocation acknowledge, that he spake the words unto me. Besides this, he was further told; that in all Synods the Suffragants were to declare themselves by open Affirmation or denyal of the Canons agreed upon; and that therefore he ought to express his Consent or his Dissent.

And though at that time I pressed it no further on him, yet it stands with all Reason it should be so. For otherwise it may so fall out, that the Synod may be disappointed, and be able to determine nothing. And it seems, they were bound to declare in Synod. For otherwise, when points of difficulty or danger came, the Fathers might have with more sasety forborn to Vote; which yet they did not. For in the Case of Nestorius in the Concil Ephes: Par: 1: & 2: Ephesine Council, the heats grew very high between Cyril of Alexandria, and John of Antioch; and though most of the Votes went with Cyril for the deposition of Nestorius; yet the rest held with John who was thought to favour Nestorius. So, for matter of Opinion, and point of Faith, when Cyril had set out his twelve Anathematisms, Recorded in the Concil Ephes: Par: 3: Acts of the Ephesine Synod; The Eastern Bishops in a Body, and Theodoret by [Page] himself, set out their Confutations of them. And this I believe verily, they had not done, the temper of those Times considered, if they might have sate still as Spectators only, without declaring their Judgment.

But this appears more plainly by the Fourth Council of Toledo; where it was Decreed, That no Man Concil. Tol: 4: cap: 3: Bin: To: 2. par: 2: p: 346. Concilium quoque [...] solvere audeat, [...] fuerint [...] determinata; [...] deliberatione communi [...], Episcoporum [...] manibus [...]. should dare to dissolve the Council, till all things were determined and subscribed by the Bishops: For this makes it evident, that every one who had a Voice in Council, was not only to declare his Judgment, but subscribe his Name. Nor can I see, why either the absence of a Bishop being Summon'd thither, or his departure thence before all things were concluded, should be so penal, as by the Ancient Canons it was; in case they were not bound to declare their Judgments being once come thither; (It being all one upon the matter, to be absent thence, and to say nothing there:) For by the Concil: Arelat: 2: [...]: 9: Bin: To: 1: par: 1: p: 589. Council of Arles, it was no less than Excommunication. And though that was after mitigated in the Concil: Aurelianense, 5: [...]. To: 2: par: 2: p: 39. Council of Orleans, to suspension for six Months, in the Year 552. Yet in the Concil: Hispalense: Ibid: p: 295. Council of Sevil, in the Year 590. upon sight of the Inconveniencies which fell out upon it, it was made Excommunication as it was formerly.

And a President of this, we have in our own Acts of Convocation, An. 1571. And this was not only since the Act of the submission of the Clergy, but since the Reformation too. For there it appears, that I have seen the Records of some Proceedings against this Bishop Cheyney; from which it appears, that he was suspected of being a secret Papist, as was afterwards his Successor Bishop Goodman. H: [...] Richard Cheyney Bishop of Glocester, for not attending the Convocation, though he were then in Westminster, and going home without leave asked of the Arch-Bishop, was Excommunicated by the joint consent of all his Brethren. Yet I may not deny, that in the Question of King Hen. 8th's Marriage with his Brother's Wife, when the business came to Voting in the lower House of Convocation, Quatnordecim affirmâsse, septem negâsse, [...] dubitâsse, Acta Synod: Lond: A: 1533. M: S: fourteen affirmed, that the Law, De non ducendâ fratris Relictâ, for a Man's not Marrying the Widow of his Brother, was indispensable; and seven denied; and one doubted. As also in the Act of the Submission of the Clergy, consisting of three Articles, when it came to Voting in that Acta Synod: Lond: An: 1532. M: S: House, the first Article was denied by eighteen, and referred by eight: The two other were denied by nineteen, and referred by seven; the residue consenting unto all.

But neither of these, had they then been thought on, could have relieved the Bishop of Glocester: Because he neither doubted, nor referred; but peremptorily said to me that Morning, that he would be torn with wild Horses, before he would subscribe that Canon against the Papists: And yet when it came to the Subscription, he would neither affirm, nor deny the Canon; but would have turn'd it off, as if we had not Power to make those Canons. Therefore when his Lordship would not do either, I with the consent of the Synod suspended him. Divers of my Lords the Bishops were very tender of him, and the Scandal given by him. And John Davenant then Lord Bishop of Salisbury, and Joseph Hall then Lord Bishop of Exeter, desired leave of the House, (and had it) to speak with my Lord [Page] of Glocester, to see if they could prevail with him. They did prevail; and he came back and Subscribed the Canons, in open Convocation. But I told him: Considering his Lordship's Words, I did not know with what Mind he Subscribed; and would therefore according to my Duty acquaint his Majesty with all the Proceedings, and there leave it. The Subscription to the Canons went on, no one man else checking at any thing. And that work ended, the Convocation was dissolved Maij 29. being Friday.

The Convocation thus ended, I did acquaint his Majesty with my Lord of Glocester's Carriage, and with that which was done upon it. His Majesty having other Jealousies of this Bishop besides this, resolved to put him to it. So his Lordship was brought before the King, and the Lords in Council; and restrained to his Lodging, and a Writ Ne exeat Regnum sent him. But this Writ proceeded not for any thing said or done by his Lordship in the Convocation, but upon other information which his Majesty had received from some Agents of his beyond the Seas; As shall appear hereafter, if this be objected against me. In the mean time let this Bishop rest for me.

The Canons, thus Freely and Unanimously Subscribed, were Printed. And at their first Publication they were generally approved in all Parts of the Kingdom; and I had Letters from the remotest Parts of it, full of Approbation: Insomuch, that not my self only, but my Breth'ren which lived near these Parts, and which were not yet gone down, were very much Joyed at it. But about a Month after their Printing, there began some Whisperings against them by some Ministers in London; and their Exceptions were spread in writing against them: And this set others on work both in the Western, and the Northern Parts: Till at last, by the practice of the Faction, there was suddenly a great alteration, and nothing so much cryed down as the Canons. The comfort is, Christ himself had his Osanna turned into a Crucifige in far less Time. By this means the Malice of the Time took another occasion to whet it self against me.

The Synod thus ended, and the Canons having this Success; but especially the Parliament ending so unhappily; The King was very hardly put to it, and sought all other means, as well as he could, to get supply against the Scots. But all that he could get, proved too little, or came too late for that service. For the averse party in the late Parliament, or by and by after, before they parted, ordered things so, and filled Mens Minds with such strange Jealousies; that the King's good People were almost generally possest, that his Majesty had a purpose to alter the ancient Laws and Liberties of the Kingdom, and to bring in Slavery upon his People: A thing (which for ought I know) his Majesty never intended. But the Parliament-men, which would not relieve the King, by their meeting in that Assembly, came to understand and inform one another; and at their return, were able to possess their several Countries with the Apprehensions themselves had; and so they did. Upon this, some Lords and others, who had by this time made an underhand solemn Confederacy with a strong faction of the Scots, brought an Army of them into the Kingdom. For all [Page] Men know, and it hath been in a manner confessed; that the Scots durst not have come into England at that Time, if they had not been sure of a Party here, and a strong one; and that the King should be betrayed on all hands, as shall after appear.

By these, and the like means, the King being not assisted by his Parliament, nor having Means enough to proceed with his Forces in due Time, the Scots were brought in (as is aforesaid) upon both King and Kingdom. They under the Conduct of Sir Alexander Leshley their General, passed the Tyne at Newborne, Aug. 17: Aug. .... 1640. and took New-castle the next Day after. And all this gross Treason, though it had no other end than to Confirm a Parliament in Scotland, and to make the King call another in England, that so they might in a way of Power extort from him what they pleased in both Kingdoms; yet Religion was made almost all the pretence both here, and there; and so in pursuance of that pretence, Hatred spread and increased against me, for the Service-Book.

The King hearing that the Scots were moving, Posted away to York, Aug. 20. being Thursday. There he soon found, in what Straights he was; and thereupon called his Great Council of all his Lords and Prelates to York to be there by September 24. But in regard the Summons was short and suddain, he was Graciously pleased to dispense with the Absence of divers, both Lords, and Bishops, and with mine among the rest. How things in Particular succeeded there, I know not; nor belongs it much to the Scope of this short History, intended only for my self. But the Result of all, was a present Nomination of some Lords Commissioners, to treat at Rippon about this Great Affair with other Commissioners from the Scotch Army.

But before this Treaty at Rippon, one Melborne, or Meldrum, Secretary to general Leshly (as he was commonly said to be) at the Shire-House in Durham, when the Country-Gentlemen met with the chief of the Scottish Army, about a composition to be made for Payment of Three Hundred and Fifty Pounds a Day for that County, expressed himself in this Manner, Septemb. 10. 1640. I wonder, that you are so Ignorant, that you cannot see what is good for your selves. For they in the South are sensible of the good that will ensue, and that we came not unsent for, and that oftner than once, or twice, by your own Great Ones. There being a Doubt made at these words Great Ones: He reply'd, your own Lords; with farther Discourse. These Words were complained of, during the Treaty at Rippon, to the English Lords Commissioners, by two Gentlemen of the Bishoprick of Durham; to whom the Words were spoken by Meldrum. The Gentlemen were Mr. John Killinghall, and Mr. Nicholas Chaytor; and they offer'd to Testify the Words upon Oath: But the Lords required them only to Write down those Words, and set their Hands to them; which they did very readily. The Lords acquainted the Scotch Commissioners with the Words. They sent to Newcastle to make them known to General Leshly. He called his Secretary before him, questioned him about the Words. Meldrum denyed them: (was that enough, against two such Witnesses?) This Denyal was put in Writing, and sent to Rippon. Hereupon some [Page] of the English Lords Commissioners required, that the two Gentlemen should go to Newcastle to the Scotch Camp, and there give in their Testimony before General Leshly. The two Gentlemen replyed (as they had great reason to do) that they had rather testify it in any Court of England, and could do it with more safety: Yet they would go and testify it there, so they might have a safe Conduct from the Scottish Commissioners, there being as yet no Cessation of Arms. Answer was made by some English Lords, that they should have a safe Conduct. Hereupon one of the Kings Messengers attendant there, was sent to the Scotch Commissioners for a safe Conduct for the Two Gentlemen. He brought back Word from the Earl of Dumfermling (to whom it was directed) that the Two Gentlemen were unwise, if they went to give such Testimony at the Camp. And then speaking with the Lord Lowdon, he came again to the Messenger, and told him, that such a safe Conduct could not be granted, and that he would satisfy the Earl that sent for it (who was Francis Earl of Bedford.) The Messenger returning with this Answer, the Gentlemen were dismissed. So the business dyed; it being not for somebody's safety, that this Examination should have proceeded; for it is well enough known since, that many had their hands in this Treason, [for Gross Treason it was by the express Words of the Statute of 25 Edw. 3. c. 2.] The Truth of all this will be sworn to by both the Gentlemen yet living, and by a very honest grave Divine, who was present at all these Passages at Rippon, and gave them to me in Writing.

In this Great Council, while the Treaty was proceeding slowly enough; it was agreed on, that a Parliament should begin at London Nov. 3. following: And thither the Commissioners and the Treaty were to follow; and they did so. After this how things proceeded in Parliament, and how long the Scotch Army was continued, and at how great a charge to the Kingdom, appears olsewhere upon Record; for I shall hasten to my own particular, and take in no more of the Publick, than Necessity shall inforce me, to make my sad Story hang together.

After they had continued at York till Octob. 28. the King and the Lords returned, and the Parliament sate down Novemb. 3. Great Heats appear'd in the very beginning. On Wednesday Nov. 11. Rushw. Novemb. 10. Tho. L. [...] Earl of Strafford was accused by the House of Commons of High Treason, and Committed by the Lords to Mr. James Maxwell the Officer of the House: And upon general Articles The [...] Diary saith Nov 22. W: [...]. A: C. sent up, He was upon Wednesday Novemb. 25. committed to the Tower. It is thought, (and upon good Grounds) that the Earl of Strafford had got Knowledge of the Treason of some Men, and that he was preparing to accuse them. And this Fear both hastned and heated the proceedings against him. And upon Dec. 4. being Friday, his Majesty, at the great Importunity of some Lords of his Council, gave way that his Council should be examined upon Oath in the Earl of Strafford's Case; and I (with others) was examined that very Day. There were great Thoughts of Heart upon this Business, and somewhat vapoured out at Mens Tongues; but the thing was done.

[Page] Now at, and after the breaking up of, the late Parliament, Sir Hen. Vane, at the private Committee concerning the Scotch Affairs (before mentioned) instead of setting down the Heads of the several Businesses then Treated of, Writ down what every Man said at the Committee, though it were but Matter of deliberation and debate. Afterwards by a cunning conveyance between his Son (who had been Governour in New-England) and himself, this Paper, or a Copy of it, was delivered to some Members of the House of Commons; and in all probability, was the Ground of that which was after done against the Lord Strafford, my self, and others, and the Cause, why the King was so hard pressed to have the Lords and others of his Council examined, was, that so Sir Henry Vane might upon Oath avow the Paper which his Son had seen and shewed; and others be brought to witness as much (had Truth, and their Memories been able to say as much) as his Paper.

After The Bishops were before this inveighed against in several Speeches Nov. 7 9. 21. 25. &c. Rushw. the examination of me and others, concerning these Particulars; there arose great and violent Debates in the House of Commons against the Bishops, and particularly their Votes in Parliament. After that, Decemb. 16. 1640. they Voted against the late Canons, as containing in them many Matters contrary to the fundamental Laws, and Statutes of the Realm, to the Rights of Parliaments, to the Property, Vide Rushw. par. 3. vol. [...] pag. 99.—112. and Liberty of the Subject; and matters tending to Sedition, and of dangerous Consequences. I was made the Author of all, and presently a Committee put upon me to inquire into my Actions, and prepare a Charge. The same Morning in the Upper-House, I was The Order for erecting this Committee may be found in [...] Compl. Hist. p. [...] Named as an Incendiary, in an Accusation put in by the Scottish Commissioners: For now by this Time they were come to that Article of the Treaty, which reflected upon me. And this was done with great noise, to bring me yet further into Hatred with the People, especially the Londoners; who approved too well the Proceedings See the Petition of the Londoners against the Bishops, presented Dec. 11. 1640. apud Rushw. p. 93. of their Brethren the Scots, and debased the Bishops and the Church Government in England. The Articles, which the Scots put into the Upper House (by the Hands of their Lords Commissioners against me Decemb. 15.) were read there Decemb. 16. I took out a true Copy as it follows here. And though I was to make no answer Decemb. 16. 1640. then, till the House of Commons had digested them, and taken as much out of them as as they pleased, to fill my intended Charge withall; yet because I after found, that the House They are Printed intire in Rushw. pag. 113. Pryn p. 31. &c. Abbreviated in Heylin's Life of Laud. p. 466. Published by the Scots themselves London 1641. [...]. and soon after by Pryn in his Antipathy of the English Prelacy. par. 1. p. 334. of Commons insisted upon very few of these particulars (if any) I thought my self bound to vindicate my Innocency even in these Particulars; which shall now appear in their full strength against me, if they have any in Wise and Learned Mens Judgments.

CAP. III

[Page]

THe Novations in Religion (which are universally acknowledged to be the main Cause of Commotions in Kingdoms and States, and are known to be the true Cause of our present Troubles) were many and great; besides the Book, Rushw. Books of Ordination and Homilies. First, some particular alterations in matters of Religion pressed upon us without Order, and against Law, contrary to the Form established in our Kirk. Secondly, a new Book of Canons [Rushw. & Pryn. and Constitutions Ecclesiastical.] Thirdly, a Liturgy, or Book of Common-Prayer; which did also carry with them many dangerous Errours in matters of Doctrine. Of all Which, Rushw, & Pryn. these we challenge the Prelate of Canterbury To be, Rushw. as the prime Cause on Earth.

I shall easily grant; that Novations in Religion are a main Cause of Distempers in Commonwealths. And I hope it will be as easily granted to me (I am sure it should) that when great Distempers fall into Kingdoms, and Common-wealths; the only way to ingage at home and get Credit abroad, is to pretend Religion; which in all Ages hath been a Cloak large enough to cover (at least from the Eyes of the Many) even Treasons themselves. And For the present Troubles in Scotland, Novations in Religion are so far from being known to be the true Cause, as that it is manifest to any Man, that will look upon it with a single Eye, that Temporal Discontents, and several Ambitions of the great Men, which had been long a working, were the true cause of these Troubles: And that Religion was call'd in upon the bye, to gain the Clergy, and by them the Multitude.

For besides that which was openly spoken by the right Honourable James then Earl of Carlile, that somewhat was a brewing in Scotland among some discontented there, which wou'd break out to the Trouble of this Kingdom; 'tis most apparent, there were many discontents among them: Some whereof, had no relation at all to Religion, and were far antienter than the Troubles now began, and were all Legally proved against the Process against the Ld. Balmerino: A Copy whereof I had by me when I writ this. W. C. Lord Balmerino, who was condemned of high Treason before any of these Stirs began. For there were Grievances (as they said) propounded in the Convention, Anno 1628. about Coyning, and their black Money; which (they say) were slighted again in the Parliament held 1633. Murmuring also there was, as if the Articles and Parliament were not free. Great Clamour likewise was there against the Bishops Power in choosing the Lords of the Articles; though that Power belonged unto them by the fundamental Laws of that Kingdom. As much against the Act of Revocation, and the Taxations (which yet were voluntarily offer'd, and miscalled on purpose to edge the People:) As also for Applying (as they said) these Taxations to wrong uses: With all which, and more, Religion had nothing to do. Nay, this discontented Party grew so High and so Bold; that a very Base and Dishonourable Libel was made and spread against the King, Anno 1633. by these and the like Pretences to alienate the Hearts of the People from him. Of this Libel if one See, [...] CH. large Declaration, p. 13, &c. Hagg were the Authour, Balmerino was the Divulger, and so prov'd. And though it be true, that then also some things were to be done against the Church-government; yet their Novations now spoken of were [Page] not then on Foot. So that it is evident enough to any Man that will see, that these Commotions had another, and a higher cause, than the present pretended Innovations. And if his Majesty had played the King then, he needed not have suffered now. Besides, they are no Fools who have spoken it freely (since the Act of Oblivion for the Scottish Business was passed) that this great League before mentioned, between the discontented Party of both Kingdoms, was Consulted on in the Year 1632. and after the King's being in Scotland, Anno 1633. it went on, till they took occasion another way to hatch the Cockatrice Egg, which was laid so long before.

But they say, these Novations were great, besides the Books of Ordination, and Homilies. So the Books of Ordination, and Homilies, were great Novations. Had they then in Scotland no set Form of Ordination? I promise you, that's next Neighbour to no Ordination; and no Ordination to no Church, formal at least. And therefore if this be a Novation among them, its high time they had it. And for the Homilies, if they taught no other Doctrine than was established and current in the Church of Scotland, they were no Novations; and if they did contain other Doctrine, they might have Condemned them, and there had been an end. Howsoever, if these Books be among them in Scotland; they were sent thither in King James his Time, when the Prelate of Canterbury neither was, nor could be, the prime cause on Earth of that Novation.

The other Novations, which they proceed unto, are first, some particular Alterations in matters of Religion, pressed upon them without Order, and against Law. To this I can say nothing, till the particular Alterations be named. Only this in the general; be they what they will, the Scottish Bishops were to blame, if they pressed any thing without Order, or against Law. And sure I am, the Prelate of Canterbury caused them not, nor would have consented to the causing of them, had he known them to be such. The two other Novations, in which they instance, are the Book of Canons, and the Liturgy; which (they say) contain in them many dangerous Errours in Matter of Doctrine. To these, how dangerous soever they seem, I shall give (I hope) a very sufficient, and clear answer; and shall ingenuously set down whatsoever I did, either in or to the Book of Canons, and the Liturgy; and then leave the ingenuous Reader to judge, how far the Prelate of Canterbury is the prime cause on Earth of these Things.

ART. I.

AND first, that this Prelate was the Author and Vrger of some particular Changes, Rushw. & Pryn. Things which made great disturbance amongst us, we [Rushw. & Pryn. make] manifest, first by Fourteen Letters Subscribed W. Cant. in the space of two Years, to one of our pretended Bishops, Ballatine; wherein he often enjoyns him, and our other pretended Bishops, to appear in the Chappel in their Whites, contrary to the Custom of our Kirk, and to his [Rushw. & Pryn. own] Promise made to the pretended Bishop of Edinburgh at the Coronation; That none of them after that Time should be more pressed to wear those Garments; thereby moving him against his Will, to put them on for that time.

[Page] Here begins the first Charge about the Particular Alterations. And first, they Charge me with Fourteen Letters written by me to Bishop Ballantyne. He was then Bishop of Dunblain, and Dean of His Majesties Chappel Royal there. He was a Learned and a Grave Man; and I did write divers Letters to him, as well as to some other Bishops, and some by Command; but whether just fourteen or no, I know not. But sure I am, their Love to me is such; that were any thing worse than other, in any of these Letters, I should be sure to hear of it.

First then, They say, I injoyned wearing of Whites, &c. surely I understand my self a great deal better, than to injoyn where I have no Power. Perhaps I might express that, which His Majesty Commanded me, when I was Dean of his Majesty's Chappel here; as this Reverend Bishop was in Scotland: And His Majesty's Express Command was, that I should take that care upon me; that the Chappel there, and the Service, should be kept answerable to this, as much as might be; And that the Dean should come to Prayers in his Form, as likewise other Bishops when they came thither. And let my Letters be shewed; whether there be any Injoyning, other than this; and this way. And I am confident, His Majesty would never have laid this Task upon me; had he known it to be, either without Order, or against Law.

Next I am Charged; that concerning these Whites, I brake my Promise to the Bishop of Edinburgh. Truly to the uttermost of my Memory, I cannot recall any such Passage, or Promise, made to that Reverend and Learned Prelate. And I must have bin very ill advised, had I made any such Promise; having no Warrant from his Majesty to ingage for any such thing. As for that which follows; that he was moved against his will to put on those Garments: Truly he expressed nothing at that time to me, that might signifie it was against his Will. And his Learning and Judgment were too great, to stumble at such External Things: Especially such having been the Ancient Habits of the most Reverend Bishops from the descent of many Hundred Years; as may appear in the Life of St. When St. Cyprian was brought to the place of his Execution, exuit se lacernum birrum, quem indutus erat, &c. dehinc tunicam tulit, & Diaconibus tradidit; & stans in [...] expectabat Spiculatorem. Now if you ask, what that linea was, sure it could not be his Shirt. For that could not stand with his Episcopal Gravity; nor was it necessary for him, in regard of his kind of Death, which was Beheading. But Baronius tells us, Annal. Eccles. An. 261. n. 40. that it was [...] illud Vestimentum, [...] omnibus Commune, Italicè Rocheto dicunt. And by this passage concerning S. Cyprian, it is evident; that this Habit there mentioned was the usual and known Habit of a Bishop in those times. Cyprian. And therefore the Novation was in the (Church) of Scotland, when her Bishops left them off, not when they put them on.

In these Letters, he (the Prelate of Canterbury) directs (Bishop Ballantine) to give Order for saying the English Service in the Chappel twice a day: For his neglect, shewing him that he was disappointed of the Bishoprick of Edinburgh, promising him upon his greater care of these Novations, advancement to a better Bishoprick.

For the direction for Reading the English Service, it was no other than His Majesty Commanded me to give. And I hope, it is no Crime for a Bishop of England, by His Majesties Command, to signifie to a Bishop in Scotland, what his pleasure is for Divine Service in his own Chappel. Nor was the Reading of the English Liturgy any [Page] Novation at all in that place. For in the Year 1617. I had the Honour, as a Chaplain in Ordinary, to wait upon King James of Blessed Memory into Scotland; and then the English Service was Read in that Chappel, and twice a Day. And I had the Honour again to wait upon King Charles, as Dean of His Majesties Chappel Royal here, at his Coronation in Scotland, in the Year 1633: And then also was the English Service Read twice a Day in that Chappel. And a strict Command was given them by His Majesty, that it should be so continued; and Allowance was made for it. And none of the Scots found any fault with it at that time, or after, till these Tumults began. And for Bishop Ballantyn's missing the Bishoprick of Edinburgh, and my promising him another upon his better Care of his Majesties Commands; I gave him both the Answers, and the Reason, and the Promise, which His Majesty gave me, and Commanded me to write to him. It follows—

That I taxed him (that is, Bishop Ballantine) for his boldness in Preaching the sound Doctrine of the Reformed Kirks against Mr. Michell; who had taught the Error of Arminius in the Point of the Extent of the Mercy, [...]. Merit of Christ.

They should do well to shew my Letter; and then I will answer punctually to any thing in it. In the mean time I do not know, that ever Mr. Michell Preached Arminianism. For that Christ died for all Men, is Christus Crucisixus est propter [...] humanum. Just. Mart. Dial. cum Tryph. p. 246. [...]. Athan. de Incarn. [...]. Euseb. [...] Orbe universo. Greg. Naz. Orat. 42. Aug. in Ps. 95. Pro Proditore [...]. S. Ambros. L. de Paradiso, c. 8 Pro [...] qui curari [...]. S. Amb. Lib. 2. de Cain & Abel. c. 3. Pro Gentibus, sed [...] non voluerunt. S. Chrysost. Hom. 7. in 1 Tim. 2. Pro [...], si omnes redimi vellent. S. Hieron in 1 Tim. 2. 1. Primasius, Ibid. [...] ratio dubitandi est, Prosper. L. 2. de Vocat. Gent. c. 16. Non pro sidelibus [...], sed pro, &c. Theoph. in Heb. 11. 9. Oecumenius, Ibid. the Universal and constant Doctrine of the Catholick Church in all Ages, and no Error of Arminius: And are the S. [...]. 3. 17. 2 Cor. 5. 15. Heb. 2. 9. [...] Tim. 2. 6. 1 Tim. 4. 10. 1 S. Jo. 2. 1, 2. express words of Scripture it self, in more places than one. And the Nemo mortalium est, qui non [...] & seriò per ministros Evangelij vocari ad [...] remissionis Peccatorum & [...] per mortem Christi: Act. 13. 38. & S. Jo. 3. 17, 18. Evangelio autem nibil falsum aut simulatum subest; sed quicquid in [...] per [...] effertur, aut [...] hominibus, id [...] ab Authore [...] offertur & [...]. Sic [...] pro omnibus mortuus est, ut omnes & singuli, mediante, [...] possint virtute [...] hujus [...] & vitam [...] consequi. &c. Sententia Theologorum Magn. Britan. apud Acta Synod. Dord. Artic. 2. Thes. 3. Synod of Dort, called purposely about the Errours of Arminius, allows this for Orthodox; Christum Mortuum esse pro omnibus. And for my part, I wish with all my heart, that this had been the greatest Error of Arminius. But yet whether I taxed that worthy Prelate for this or no, I know not: This I know, that if I did tax him, he deserved it. And for Bishops, even of divers Churches, to write one to another about Points of Divinity, yea, and sometimes to tax one another too, as their Judgments lead them, hath been usual in all Times and Places. The next Charge is—

That I bid him send up a List of the Names of the Counsellors, and Senators of the Colledge of Justice, who did not Communicate in the Chappel, in a Form which was not received in our Kirk: And that I commended him, when I found him Obsequious to these my Commandments; telling him, that I had moved the King the Second time, for the Punishment of such as had not received in the Chappel.

[Page] Here I must desire again, that this Letter of mine may be produced. For I have cause enough to suspect some material Change in the Matter or Form of my Words. Howsoever, if they be justly set down, I answer; That if this be one of the Things which made great Disturbance amongst them, they would be greatly disturbed with a very little. For first, I writ nothing in this, but what I was expresly Commanded by His Majesty: And I have His Majesties Warrant under His Hand to keep a Correspondence with that Bishop of Dunblain; that from time to time he might receive His Majesties Direction by me, for the Ordering of all those Things. And howsoever, the thing it self is no more than as if His Majesty should Command all his Counsellors and Judges here, once in the Year at least to receive the Communion in his Chappel at White-Hall.

And if you say 'tis more, because it was to Communicate in such a Form as was not received in the Church of Scotland; under Favour, that is not so neither. For this Form here spoken against, was to receive it Kneeling: And to receive the Sacrament Kneeling, was an Dr. Lindsay, Proceedings in the Assembly at Perth. An. 1618. Par. 2. p. 26. Article of the Synod of Perth, made in a General Assembly, and Confirmed by Act of Parliament; Both then in force, when my Letters were written. And therefore either this Form was received in their Kirk, (which is here denied;) Or else there was little Obedience in their Kirk, and Kirk-Men, either to General Assembly, or Parliament. See the Articles of Perth in Heylin's Life of Laud. p. 78. and in Spotswood's Hist. of the Church of Scotland, p. 538.

As for that which comes fluttering after, That I commended him, when I found him Obsequious; I had reason to do it: For (whatsoever is said here) it was to the Kings Commands, not to mine. And the Reason why I writ, that I had moved the King a Second time for the Punishment of such as disobeyed, was, because the Bishop had written unto me, that if some were not Checked, or Punished, none would obey. And 'tis true too; that I took occasion, once, and a second time, (but upon Second Letters of his to the same effect) to move the King: But only by shewing His Majesty, what was written by him, that was upon the place, and trusted with the Office. Nor did I ever meddle farther in those Businesses, than by laying before His Majesty what was written to me to that end: Leaving the King (as it became me) to Judge both of the Motion, and the Person that made it, as in his Princely Wisdom he thought fit. The next thing is, that in these Letters,

I did upbraid him (Bishop Ballantine, that is) that in his First Synod at Aberdeen, he had only disputed against our Custom in Scotland, of Fasting sometimes on the Lord's Day: And that I did Presumptuously Censure their Kirk, that in this we were opposite to Christianity it self, and that amongst us there Were [...]. Rushw. & Pryn. was no Canon at all. More of this stuff may be seen in the Letters themselves.

And my humble desire is, that the Letters may be seen. For whatsoever account is made of this Stuff, it was once, (and in far better times of the Church) valued at a better rate. And I shall not be ashamed of any Stuff, contained in any of my Letters to this Bishop, or any other; let them be produced when they please. But what then is this Stuff? 'Tis, that I upbraid this worthy Prelate about their Custom in Scotland of Fasting sometimes on the Lord's Day: And censure [Page] their Church presumptuously, as opposite herein to Christianity. Surely I do not use to upbraid meaner Men than the Bishop is; much less presumptuously to censure a Church. If I thought (as I do) that [...] in an Errour for only disputing against that which he should have reformed; I conceive, it was no upbraiding.

As for the Custom in Scotland, of Fasting on the Lord's-Day; It is not only sometimes, as is here expressed; but continually, when they have any Solemn Fast, the Lord's-Day is the Day for it. And if I did Write, that that was opposite to Christianity it self; I doubt it is too true. For it is against the Practice of the whole Church of Christ: And that which is so, must oppose Christianity it self. And this I find: That as Apostolical Universal Tradition settled the Lord's-Day for Holy and Publick Worship; So from the very Apostles times, the same general Tradition hath in all times accounted it unlawful to Fast upon that Day. And if an Ordinary Fast were not Lawful upon that Day, much less was a Solemn. Nor is there any thing more clear in all Antiquity. For in the [...]. Can. Apost. 65. Canons of the Apostles (which if they be not theirs, are very antient) If a Priest did fast upon the Lord's day, he was to be deposed; and if a Layman, he was to be Excommunicated. And [...]. St. Igna. Epist 8. S. Ignatius tells us, if any Man fast upon the Lords Day, he is Christ's Interfector, a Murtherer of Christ: And that I am sure is against Christianity it self. Die [...] nefas esse ducimus. Tert. de [...]. militis c. 3. Tertullian professes 'tis altogether unlawful. The [...]. Si quis tanquam hoc [...] convenire judicans, Die Dominico Jejunaverit, [...] in ejusdem diei contemptum, Anathema sit. Con. Gangren. Can. 18. Council of Gangra, held An. 324. decreed against it, and set an Anathema upon it; and that not only when it is done in contempt of the Day: but also though it be done as a help to Continency. And Constitutum est, ne diebus deminicis jejunaretur. S. Hil. [...]. in Psal. S. Hilary agrees with this; and calls it not a Custom, but a Constitution; such a Constitution, as that if any Man shall advisedly, and of set purpose, Fast on the Lord's Day, by the Decree of the Fourth Qui Die Dominico fludiose jejunat, non credatur Catholicus. Concil. Carthag. 4. Can. 64. Anno 398. Council of Carthage, he should not be accounted a Catholick: And they must needs do it advisedly, and of set purpose, who appoint a publick solemn Fast upon that Day, and then keep it. And this was so strictly observed in Quadragesima totis [...] Sabbatum, & Dominicum Jejunatur diebus. Ambros. de Elia & Josu. c. 10. S. Ambrose his time; that it was not held Lawful to Fast upon that Day, no not in Lent. Nay he goes farther: For Hoc est in Resurrectione Christi non credere, si Legem quis Jejunij Die Resurrectionis indicat. S. Ambros. Epist. 83. he says expresly, If any Man make a Law, or give a Command for Fasting on the Lord's Day; he believes not in the Resurrection of Christ. And is not this opposite to Christianity it self? And is not that Legem indicere, when they Proclaim, or Command a Publick Fast? With him [...] hunc Diem Jejunio decernendum putaverit, non parvo Scandalo erit. S. Aug. Epist. 86. Christus enim gaudium manducantibus, Luctum [...] deputavit. S. Mat. 9. 15. Ibid. S. Augustin joyns very fully; and first says, it is a great Scandal: Then he gives the reason of it; Because Christ joyned Mourning with Fasting, which becomes not this Day; unless Men think 'tis fit to be sorry, that Christ is risen from the Dead. And this I am sure, is opposite to Christianity it self. For [Page] if Christ be not Risen, then is our Preaching vain, and your Faith is also vain. 1. Cor. 15. 14. 1. Cor. 15. After this Quis non Deum offendet, si velit cum scandalo totius, [...] ubique dilatata est, Ecclesiae Die Dominico Jejunare? Ibid. Versùs Med. he asks this Question, Who doth not offend God, if with the Scandal of the whole Church of Christ, he will Fast upon the Lord's Day? I will not go lower down: This is enough if any thing be. Yet this I will add, that as this Fasting on Sunday was antiently prohibited; so was it never practised of old, but by notorious and professed Hereticks; as by the Manichees, who appointed that Day for fasting, (so Illum ut legitimum diem suis Auditoribus ad Jejunandum constituerunt. S. Aug. Epist. 86. S. Aug.) and were justly condemned for it; (so S. Ambrose Epist. 83. Manichaeos ob istius diei Jejunia jure damnamus. S. Ambrose) And by Aerians, who Fasted on Sunday, and Feasted on Fridays; (so Epiphan. Haeres. 85. n. 3. Epiphanius:) And by the Priscilianists, whom Manichaeorum simillimos. S. Aug. Epist. 86. S. Aug. therefore calls the Imitators of the Manichees; and so they were indeed: For neither of them believed, that our Blessed Saviour was a true Man; and therefore disregarded the Day of his Resurrection, as appears in S. Leo. Epist. 93. c. 4. S. Leo. And as against these the Council held at Conc. Caesar. August. can. 2. apud Bin. To. I. par. 1. p. 553. Caesar-Augusta, An. 381. provided; so before An. 324. the Council Conc. Gangrens. c. 18. & Baron. Annal. An. 361. [...]. 53. at Gangra, made their Canon against Eutactus the Armenian Monk, and his Ground was pretence of Abstinence, as if he could never Fast enough. This is enough; and all this is within the compass of the Primitive Church; which certainly if these Men did not scorn, they would never have urged this against me. Well! This is (they say) drawn out of my fourteen Letters. Next they will prove me the Author of many Disturbances among them.

2. By two Papers of Memoirs and Instructions from the Pretended Bishop of St. Andrews, to the pretended Bishop of Ross The Word coming is added from Rushw. & Pryn. [coming] to this Prelate (that is, of Canterbury) for ordering the Affairs of the Kirk, and Kingdom of Scotland.

It is manifest here by their own Words, that these Memorials, and Instructions, whatsoever they were, had not me the Prelate of Canterbury for their prime cause on Earth; for they came from the Reverend and Prudent Arch-Bishop of St. Andrews, to the Reverend To be deliver'd. Bishop of Ross, by him to deliver to me, for the ordering of the Affairs of the Kirk and Kingdom of Scotland. Surely, I think no Man will judge it to be a Crime in me, to give my Bretheren the Bishops of Scotland the Best Counsel, and with that Counsel the best Assistance to his Majesty, that I could in their Church-Affairs; considering their absence, and remoteness from him, and the Place that I bear about him. And for my own part, had I been defective therein; I should have thought my self not only unkind to them, but faulty otherwise in my Duty, both to his Majesty, and that Church. But for the Affairs of that Kingdom (though I had the Honour to be a Sworn Counsellor of that State as well as this) yet I never medled with them, but at such time, and in such a way, as I was called and commanded to, by his Majesty. Let us therefore see the Particulars, which are Named.

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As not only to obtain Warrants to order the Exchequer, the Privy-Council, the great Commission of Surrenders, The matter of Balmerinoe's Process, as might please our Prelates; but Warrants also for the sitting of the High-Commission-Court once a Week in Edinburgh; and to gain from the Noble-Men, for the Benefit of the Prelates and their Adhaerents, the Abbacies of Kelsoe, Arbroth, St. Andrews and Lindores.

For the first of these, my obtaining Warrants to order the Exchequer there; that is indeed an Affair of the Kingdom, and a great one. But all or most that I did herein, was at the earnest entreaty of the Earl of Traquair, Treasurer Depute, and after that Lord Treasurer; who avowed to me, that if the Orders were setled for the Exchequer, he would not only bring the King out of Debt, but raise him some Revenue also; with a Protestation farther, that for that, and some such like particulars, he could trust no hand but mine in his absence to get them done, and kept private. And at so great an Officers intreaty, and for Matters under his own Charge, I could not refuse so much Service for the King, as was pretended by him.

As for Orders to the Privy-Council, I remember not any procured by me. And sure I am, if I did any thing to that Honourable Body, it was by his Majesty's Command, and in relation to Church Affairs there. And for the Great Commission of Surrenders, in which both the Bishops, and the inferiour Clergy, were deeply interessed, and did much fear the loss of their Tythes, and to be made Stipendiaries; I conceive, I had all the reason in the World to give them my best assistance; and yet I undertook not this Care, till his Majesty gave me a special Command to do what I did. And if the Bishops were in any thing mistaken in this Commission; that cannot Be charged. charge upon me, who followed it no farther than I received special directions from his Majesty for the publick good. For the Lord Balmerinoe's Process, I heard much discourse of it at Court, but I medled nothing with it, one way or other, saving that at the intreaty of some Men of Honour of that Nation, I did twice (if not thrice) adventure to become an humble Suitor to his Majesty in that Lord's behalf. And this was all the Harm I did him.

As for the High-Commission-Court, if there were no fault in it, as such a Court, then I am sure, there could be none in the Sitting of it once a Week. If the having of such a Court be a Fault (as it seems 'tis now accounted, as well here, as there) yet for my own part, with all humble Submission to better Judgment, I cannot think it is; and I must still pray, that both Nations have not Cause to Repent the Abolishing of it. But howsoever, this was not of my procuring. A Scotchman of good Place was imployed about it from the Bishops, and effected it; and I could name him; but since it is here charged as a Fault, I shall accuse no Man else, but defend my self. And this for the Sitting of it once a Week. But for the establishing of that Court in that Kingdom; that was done long before I was a Bishop, or had any thing to [Page] do in the Publick. For it appears by one of the greatest Ad Anglicani Tribunalis Exemplar [...] est. An. 1610. Aliud in Scotiâ, cujus Authoritate, & Potestate [...] [...] efformandum erat. Quidam Ministri Episcopalem Jurisdictionem & [...] in Ecclesia affectantes, armati sunt Potestate utriusq, gladii, quo facilius Episcopalem Dominationem invaderent; id (que) sub diplomate Regio, abs (que) [...] Statuto vel Specie minimi consensus Procerum & Ordinum Regni, ut in Anglia. Delegata Commissariorum Jurisdictione freti, Ecclesiam [...] in hunc usque Diem vi subigunt, & miserum in modum opprimunt. Spottiswodius Andr politanus; Lawes Glascuensis, &c. Altare Damascenum p. 28. Typis excusus est hic Liber An. 1623 Factionists in that Kingdom; that the Hich-Commission-Court was setled, and in full Execution in the Year 1610. when all Men know I led a private Life in Oxford; by which it is more than manifest, that I neither was, nor could be, Author of this pretended Novation, or any disturbance that followed from it.

The next is a great Charge indeed, were there any Truth in it: That I laboured to gain from the Noblemen, for the Benefit of the Prelates, and their Adhaerents, the Abbacies of Kelsoe, Arbroth, S. Andrews, and Lindores. To begin at the last; The Man that followed that, was Mr. Andrew Lermot. He came recommended to me very highly, and with assurance that the Title which he laid to Lindores was Just and Legal. But notwithstanding all this, my Answer was, That I knew not the Laws of that Kingdom, nor would meddle with any thing of that nature. And though he made great means to me, yet he could never get me to meddle in it; and which is more, I told him and his Friends; that for so much as I did understand, I did much fear this way, taken by him, would do Mischief. And tho' Mr. Lermot have the general repute of an Honest and a Learned Man; yet for this very business sake, I have made my self a Stranger to him, ever since; and that all this is Truth, he and his Friends yet living are able to Testify.

For St. Andrews, his Majesty took a resolution to Rebuild the Cathedral there; which he found he could no way so well do, as by annexing that Abby to the Arch-Bishoprick of St. Andrews, with a Legal Caution for so much Yearly to be laid out upon that Building. My Lord Duke of Richmond and Lenox, who was owner of it; had for it ....... Thousand Pounds. The Earl of Tarquair (who then managed the Lord Duke's Affairs) made the Bargain with the King; and that which I did in it, was meerly to consider, how security might be given, that the Money, which the King intended for so good and great a Work, as the rebuilding of that Cathedral, might be imployed to the right use, and no other.

For Arbroth, my Lord Marquis Hamilton, without any the least Thought of mine that way, made his earnest Suit to me; that his Majesty would take Arbroth, and joyn it to the very poor Bishoprick of Brechen, close to which it lay, and give him for it [...] Grant a Request, or [...] desired. a Suit here in England. At his Lordship's intreaty I obtained this: And he very Nobly conveyed Arbroth, as he promised. But things were so carried by the Earl of Traquair the Lord Treasurer of Scotland, that the poor Bishop of Brechen could never get that setled upon his See: which was not the only thing, in which that Lord played fast and loose with me.

For Kelsoe, the like earnest Suit did my Lord the Earl of Roxborough make to me of himself for an Exchange, and pressed me [Page] three or four times, before he could get me to move his Majesty. Indeed, I was fearful, least the King should grow weary of such Exchanges; (for sure I was, whatsoever was pretended, none of these Lords meant to lose by their Bargain:) Till at last, my Lord of Roxborough was so Honourable, as that he would needs leave Kelsoe to the King's disposing, and stay for such Recompence, as he should think fit to give him, till his Majesty found his own time. This (at his earnest intreaty still) I acquainted the King with: And so that business setled for a small time; but how 'tis now, I know not. And this was all, that ever I did about Arbroth and Kelsoe. And these two Honourable Lords are yet living, and will witness this Truth. But the Charge says farther—

That in the smallest Matters, they (the Prelates) received his Commandments: As for taking down Galleries, and stone Walls, in the Kirks of Edinburgh, and St. Andrews, for no other end, but to make way for Altars, and Adoration towards the East: which (beside other Evils) made no small noise and disturbance amongst the People, deprived hereby of their ordinary accommodation for Publick Worship.

This Charge is like the rest. Is it probable, that such Grave and Learned Men, as those of the Scottish Bishops were, which held intercourse with me, should not resolve in the smallest Matters, till they received my Commandments; who never sent Command to any of them in my Life, but what I received expresly from the King? And they certainly were not for the smallest Matters.

As for the taking down of Galleries in St. Andrews; to the uttermost of my Memory, I never gave either Command or Direction. Nor can it stand with any shew of probability, that I should command the taking down of Galleries in St. Andrews, where I had nothing to do, and let Galleries stand in so many Churches in London, and other parts of my Province, where I had Power. The Truth is; I did never like Galleries in any Church. They utterly deface the grave Beauty and Decency of those Sacred Places; and make them look more like a Theater, than a Church. Nor in my Judgment, do they make any great accomodation for the Auditory: For in most places, they hinder as much room beneath, as they make above; rendring all, or most of, those places useless, by the noise and trampling of them, which stand above in the Galleries. And if I be mistaken in this, 'tis nothing to the business in hand: For be Galleries what they will for the use, I commanded not the taking of them down at St. Andrews.

At Edinburgh the King's Command took down the stone Walls and Galleries, which were there removed, and not mine. For his Majesty having in a Christian and Princely way, Erected and Indowed a Bishoprick in Edinburgh; he resolved to make the great Church of St. Giles in that City, a Cathedral: And to this end, gave Order to have the Galleries in the lesser Church, and the Stone-wall which divided them, taken down. For of old, they were both one Church, and made two by a Wall, built up at the West end of the Chancel; So [Page] that that which was called the lesser Church, was but the Chancel of St. Giles, with Galleries round about it; And was for all the World like a square Theater, without any shew of a Church: As is also the Church at Brunt-Iland over-against it. And I remember, when I passed over at the Frith, I took it, at first sight, for a large square Pigeon-House: So free was it from all suspition of being so much as built like an Antient Church. Now, since his Majesty took down these Galleries, and the Stone-wall, to make St. Giles's Church a Cathedral there; certainly my Command took them not down, to make way for Altars, and Adoration towards the East; which I never commanded in that, or any other Church in Scotland. The Charge goes on.

ART. II.

The second Novation which troubled our Peace, was a Book of Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiastical obtruded upon our Kirk, found by our General Assembly to be devised for Establishing a Tyrannical Power in the Persons of our Prelates, over the Worship of God, and over the Consciences, Liberties, and Goods of the People, and for Abolishing the whole Discipline and Government of our Kirk, by General and Provincial Assemblies, Presbyteries, and Kirk-Sessions; which was setled by Law, and in continual practice from the time of Reformation.

This Charge begins with a General, and will come to Particulars after. And first, it seems they are angry with a Book of Canons. Excellent Church-Government, it seems, they would have, that will admit of no Canons, to direct or controul their Liberty. And if they mean by obtruding upon their Church, that the Canons were unduly thrust upon them, because that Book was Confirmed by the King's Anthority; then 'tis a bold Phrase to call it Obtruding. For if His Majesty that now is, did by his Sole Authority Command the present Book of Canons to the Church of Scotland; he did but Exercise that Power which King James challenged did in the right of his Crown belong to him: As appears manifestly by a Letter of his to the Prelates of Scotland then Assembled at Perth. That Royal Letter is large, but very worthy any Mans Reading, and is to be seen in the Proceedings at Perth. p. 50. Relation of those Proceedings. But because they speak of my Novations, if they mean that this Book of Canons was Obtruded upon their Church by me; Or if it were found in a Just Synod, and upon fair Proceedings, to Establish a Tyrannical Power of the Prelates over the Worship of God, or the Consciences, Liberties, or Goods of the People; Or for Abolishing any thing that was setled by Laws; they had Reason both to be troubled, and to seek in a Dutiful manner, first rightly to inform His Majesty, and then to desire a Remedy from him. But if the Book of Canons did really none of these things, as (for ought I yet know) it did not, and as I hope will appear, when they come to Particulars; then this will be no longer a Charge, but a Slander. And howsoever, if any thing in those Canons were Ordered against their Laws; it was by our invincible Ignorance, and their Bishops fault, [Page] that would not tell us, wherein we went against their Laws, if so we did. And for my own part; I did ever advise them to make sure in the whole Business, that they attempted nothing against Law. But if their late General Assembly, in which (they say) these things were found to be against Law, did proceed Unwarrantably, or Factiously, (as the most Learned Men of that Kingdom avow it did;) the less heed must, and will in future times, be given to their Proceedings. But before they come to Particulars, they think fit to lay Load on me, and say—

That Canterbury was Master of this Work, is manifest, by a Book of Canons sent to him, written upon the one side only, with the other side blank, for Corrections, Additions, and putting all in better Order, at his pleasure: Which accordingly was done; as may appear by the Interlinings, Marginals, and filling up of the Blank Pages, with Directions sent to our Prelates.

I was no Master of this Work, but a Servant to it, and Commanded thereunto by His Sacred Majesty (as I have to shew under his Hand.) And the Work it self was begun in His Majesties Blessed Fathers Time: For the Bishops of Scotland were gathering their Canons then. And this is most manifest by a Passage in the Sermon, which my Lord the Arch-Bishop of S. Andrews Preached before the General Assembly at Perth, An. 1618, when I was a private Man, and had nothing to do with these things. The words are these: And when I least expected, these Articles (that is, the five Articles of Perth) were sent unto me; not to be proponed to the Church, but to be Proceedings of Perth. p. 40. inserted amongst the Canons thereof, which were then in gathering, touching which Point I humbly excused my self, &c. So this Work was begun, and known to that Church, long before I had any thing to do with it. And now, when it came to be Perfected, I did nothing but as I was Commanded, and Warranted, by His Majesty. But indeed according to this Command, I took a great deal more pains than I have thanks for; as it too often falls out with the best Church-Men. To this end, 'tis true, a Book of Canons was not sent me, but brought by my Lord the Bishop of Ross, and delivered to me: And if it were written on one side only, and left Blank on the other for Corrections, or Additions; I hope there's no sin in that, to leave room and space for me to do that, for which the Book was brought to me. As for that which follows, it hath less fault in it. For they say, it was for my putting all in better Order. And I hope, to put all in better Order, is no Crime Censurable in this Court. And whatever they of Scotland think; that Church did then need many things to be put in better Order, and at this Day need many more.

Yea, but they say, this should not be done at my pleasure. I say so too; Neither was it. For whatsoever I thought fit to correct, or add in the Copy brought to me, I did very humbly and fairly submit to the Church of Scotland: And under those Terms delivered it back to the Bishop which brought it, with all the Interlinings, Marginals, and fillings up of Blank Pages, and the best Directions I was able to give them. And all this was in me, Obedience to His Majesty, and no Wrong, that I know, to the Church of Scotland; I am sure not [Page] intended by me. Neither are these Interlinings, or Additions, so many, as they are here insinuated to be; for the Bishops of Scotland had been very careful in this Work. All which would clearly appear, were the Book produced. Yet the Charge goes on against me still.

And that it was done by no other than Canterbury, is evident by his Magisterial way of Prescribing; and by a new Copy of these Canons, all written with S. Andrews own hand precisely to a Letter, according to the former Castigations and Directions, sent back to procure the King's Warrant unto it; which accordingly was obtained.

By no other Hand than Canterburies, is very roundly affirmed. How is it proved? Why, by two Reasons. First they say, 'tis evident, by his Magisterial way of Prescribing. An Excellent Argument! The Book of Canons was delivered to me ready made. That which was mine, is here confessed to be but Interlinings, and Marginals, and Corrections; and at most some Additions: And they would be found a very small Some, were the Original Book seen. And yet it must be Evident, that no Hand but mine did this, by my Magisterial way of Prescribing, in an Interlining, or a Marginal. Excellent Evidence! Secondly, they have another great Evidence of this. But because that is so nervous and strong; I will be bold to reduce it to some Form, that it may appear the clearer, though it be against my self. There was (they say) a new Copy of these Canons all written with S. Andrews own Hand, and according to the former Castigations and Directions, sent to have the King's Warrant to it, which was obtained: Therefore these Interlinings and Marginals, &c. were done by no other than Canterbury. Most Excellent Evidence, and clear as Mid-Night!

The plain Truth is contrary to all this Evidence. For by the same Command of His Majesty, the Reverend Bishop of London was joyned with me in all the view, and Consideration, which I had either upon the Book of Canons, or upon the Service-Book after. So it is utterly untrue; that these Interlinings, or Marginals, or Corrections, or call them what you will, were done by no other than Canterbury. For my Lord of London's both Head and Hand were as deep in them as mine. And this I avow for well known Truth, both to the King, and those Scottish Bishops which were then imployed; and this notwithstanding all the Evidences of a Magisterial way, and a New Copy. And yet this General Charge pursues me yet farther, and says,

The Kings Warrant was obtained (as is said) to these Canons, but with an Addition of some other Canons, and a Page of Some other, Rushw. & Pryn. New Corrections, according to which the Book of Canons thus Composed, was Published in Print. The inspection of the Books, Instructions, and his Letters of Joy for the success of the Work, and of other Letters of Rushw, & Pryn. from the Prelate of London, and the Lord Sterling, to the same purpose, (all which we are ready to exhibit,) will put the Matter out of all debate.

[Page] Yet more ado about nothing? Yet more noise of Proof to put that out of all debate, which need never enter into any? For if no more be intended, than that I had a view of the Book of Canons, and did make some Interlinings, and Marginals, and the like; I have freely acknowledged it, and by whose Command I did it, and who was joyned with me in the Work. So there will need no Proof of this, either by my Letters, or the Prelate of Londons, or the Lord Sterlings. Yet let them be exhibited, if you please. But if it be intended (as 'tis laid) that this was done by no other than Canterbury; then I utterly deny it; and no Proof here named, or any other shall ever be able to make it good.

As for the Addition of some other Canons, and Pages of New Corrections, according to which the Book of Canons is said to be Composed and Published: Truly, to the utmost of my Memory, I know of none such; but that the Copy written by my Lord of S. Andrews own Hand, and sent up, (as is before mentioned) was the very Copy which was Warranted by His Majesty, and Published without any further Alteration. But if any further Alteration were; it was by the same Authority, and with the same Consent. And for my Letters of Joy for the Success of the Work; let them be exhibited, when you please. I will never deny that Joy, while I live, that I conceived of the Church of Scotland's coming nearer, both in the Canons, and the Liturgy, to the Church of England. But our gross unthankfulness both to our God, and King, and our other many and great Sins, have hindred this great Blessing. And I pray God, that the loss of this. which was now almost effected, do not in short time prove one of the greatest Mischiefs which ever befel this Kingdom, and that too. This is the General Charge about the Canons; Now follow the Particulars.

Beside this General Charge; there be some things more special, worthy to be adverted unto, for discovering his Spirit. First, the Fourth Canon of Cap 8. For as much as no Reformation in Doctrine or Discipline can be made perfect at once in any Church: Therefore it shall and may be Lawful for the Kirk of Scotland, at any time, to make Remonstrances to His Majesty, or his Successours, &c. Because this Canon holds the Door open to more Innovations; he writes to the Prelate of Ross, his Prime Agent in all this Work, of his great Gladness, that this Canon did stand behind the Curtain; And his great desire, that this Canon might be Printed fully, as one that was to be most useful.

Now come the Particulars, worthy to be adverted unto for the discovery of my Spirit. And the first is taken out of the Fourth Canon of Cap. 8. The Charge is, that this Canon holds the Door open to more Innovations. First I conceive, this Accusation is vain. For that Canon restrains all Power from private Men, Clergy or Laye; nay, from Bishops in a Synod, or otherwise, to alter any thing in Doctrine or Discipline, without Authority from His Majesty or his Successours. Now all Innovations come from private assumption of Authority, not from Authority it self. For in Civil Affairs, when the King and the State, upon Emergent Occasions, shall abrogate some Old Laws, and make other [Page] New, that cannot be counted an Innovation. And in Church-Affairs, every Synod, that hath sate in all times, and all places of Christendom, have with leave of Superiour Authority, declared some Points of Doctrine, condemned other-some; Altered some Ceremonials, made new Constitutions for better assisting the Government. And none of these have ever been accounted Innovations, the Foundations of Religion still remaining firm and unmoved. Nay, under favour, I conceive it most necessary, that thus it ought to be. And therefore, this Canon is far from holding a Door open for more Innovations; since it shuts it upon all, and leaves no Power to alter any thing, but by making a Remonstrance to the Supream Authority, that in a Church-way approbation may be given when there is Cause.

And therefore, if I did write to the Prelate of Ross, that this Canon might be Printed fully, as one that was to be most useful: I writ no more then, than I believe now. For certainly it is a Canon, that in a well-governed Church may be of great use: And the more, because in Truth, it is but Declaratory of that Power, which a National Church hath, with leave and approbation of the Supream Power, to alter, and change, any alterable thing pertaining to Doctrine or Discipline in the Church. And as for that Phrase, said to be in my Letter, that this Canon did stand behind the Curtain: it was thus occasioned. My Lord, the Bishop of Ross, writ unto me, from the Arch-Bishop of S. Andrews, that no words might be made of this Canon; (what their Reason was, they best know:) I returned Answer belike in this sort; That the Canon stood behind the Curtain, and would not be throughly understood by every Man; yet advised the Printing, in regard of the necessary use of it. For let this Canon be in force, and right use made of it; and a National Church may ride safe by God's Ordinary Blessing, through any Storm; which without this Latitude it can never do. The next Charge is in—

2. The Title prefixed to these Canons by our Prelates. For there 'tis thus: Canons agreed on to be proponed to the several Synods of the Kirk of Scotland; And is thus changed by Canterbury; Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiastical, &c. Ordained to be observed by the Clergy. He will not have Canons to come from the Authority of Synods, but from the Power of Prelates, or from the Kings Prerogative.

I perceive, they mean to sift narrowly, when the Title cannot scape. But truly in this Charge, I am to seek, which is greater in my Accusers, their Ignorance, or their Malice: Their Ignorance in the Charge; or their Malice in the Inference upon it. The Title was, Canons agreed upon to be proponed to the Synods of the Kirk of Scotland. And this was very fit, to express the Prelates intendment, which (for ought I know) was to propose them so. But this Book, which was brought to me, was to be Printed: And then that Title could not stand with any Congruity of Sense. For no Church uses to Print Canons, which are to be proponed to their Synods; but such as have been proposed, and agreed on. Nor did this altering of the [Page] Title, in any the least thing hinder those worthy Prelates from Communicating them with their Synods, before they Printed them. And therefore the Inference must needs be extream full of Malice, to force from hence, that I would not have Canons come from the Authority of Synods, but from the Power of Prelates, or the King's Prerogative: Whereas most manifest it is, that the fitting of this Title for the Press, doth neither give any Power to Prelates, nor add to the King's Prerogative more than is his due, nor doth it detract any thing from the Authority of Synods. For I hope, the Bishops had no purpose but to Ordain them in Synod to be observed by the Clergy, &c. and Approved and Published by the King's Consent and Authority. After this, comes—

3. The formidable Canon, Cap. 1. 3. threatning no less than Excommunication, against all such Persons whatsoever shall open their Mouths against any of these Books; proceeded not from our Prelates, nor is to be found in The Copies, Rushw. the Copy, Pryn. Copies sent from them, but is a Thunderbolt forged in Canterbury's own Fire.

First, whether this Canon be to be found in the Copies sent from your Prelates, or not, I cannot tell; but sure it was in the Copy brought to me, or else my Memory forsakes me very strangely. Secondly, after all this Noise made of a Formidable Canon, because no less is threatned than Excommunication; I would fain know, what the Church can do less upon Contempt of her Canons, Liturgy, and Ordinations, than to Excommunicate the Offenders; or what Church, in any Age, laid less upon a Crime so great. Thirdly, suppose this Thunderbolt (as 'tis called) were forged in Canterbury's Fire; yet that Fire was not outragious. For this Canon contains as much as the 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. Canons of the Church of England, made in the beginning of the gracious Reign of King James: And yet to every one of those Canons there is an Excommunication in Facto affixed, for every one of these Crimes single: Whereas this Canon shoots this one Thunderbolt but once against them all. And this I would my Accusers should know; that if no more Thunderbolts had been forged in their Fire, than have been in mine; nor State, nor Church would have Flamed, as of late they have done.

4 Our Prelates in divers Places witness their dislike of Papists. A Minister shall be deposed, if he shall [Rushw.] be found negligent to convert Papists. Cap. 8. 15. The Adoration of the Bread is a Superstition to be condemned. Cap. 6. 6. They call the Absolute Necessity, Pryn. & Rushw. Absoluteness of Baptism, an Errour of Popery. Cap. 6. 2. But in Canterbury's Edition the Name of Papists and Popery It Rushw, & Pryn. are not so much as mentioned.

Here's a great general Accusation, offered to be made good by three Particulars. The general is, that in the Copy of the Canons, which their Prelates sent, there's a dislike of Papists: But none in the Edition, as it was alter'd by me. Now this is utterly untrue; for it is manifest cap. 1. 1. There is express care taken for the King's [Page] Majesty's Jurisdiction over the Estate Ecclesiastical, and abolishing all Foreign Power repugnant to it. And again in the same Canon, That no Foreign Power hath (in his Majesty's Dominions) any Establishment by the Law of God: And this with an Addition, That the Exclusion of all such Power is just. And, Cap. 2. 9. 'tis Ordained, that every Ecclesiastical Person shall take the Oath of Supremacy. And, Cap. 10. 3. All Readers in any Colledge or Schools, shall take the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy. And sure, I think, 'tis no great matter, whether Papists, or Popery be Named; so long as the Canons go so directly against them. This for the General. Now for the three Particulars.

And first, That which was in Cap. 8. 15. That a Minister shall be deposed, if he be found negligent to convert Papists; I did think fit to leave out, upon these two Grounds. The one, that the Word Negligent is too general an Expression, and of too large an extent, to lay a Minister open to Deposition. And if Church-Governours, to whom the execution of the Canons is committed, should forget Christian Moderation (as they may Pati humana) a very worthy Minister might sometimes be undone for a very little Negligence; for Negligence is Negligence, be it never so little. Besides, I have learned out of the Canons of the Church of England, that even Can. 69. gross Negligence, in a matter as great as this is, is punished but with Suspension for three Months. The other Ground, why I omitted this clause, is; Because I do not think the Church of Scotland, or any other particular Church, is so blessed in her Priests, as that every of her Ministers is for Learning, and Judgment, and Temper, Able and Fit to convert Papists. And therefore I did think then, and do think yet; that it is not so easie a work, or to be made so common; but that it is, and may be much fitter for some able selected Men to undertake. And if any Man think God's Gifts in him to be neglected (as Men are apt to overvalue themselves;) let them try their Gifts, and labour their Conversion in God's Name: But let not the Church by a Canon set every Man on work; lest their Weak or Indiscreet Performance hurt the Cause, and blemish the Church.

The second Particular is an excellent one. 'Tis about the Adoration of the Bread in the Blessed Sacrament, Cap. 6. 6. And 'tis implyed, as if this Superstition were condemned in the Copies sent by their Prelates, but left out by me. Good God! how shameless are these Church-Men! for they drew up these Articles against me, though the Lay-Commissioners delivered them. And was there neither Clergy nor Lay-Man among them so careful, as to compare the words of the Charge, with the words of the Canon, before they would venture to deliver them into so great a Court as the Parliament of England? Would not Mr. Alexander Henderson, who was the Prime Leader in these Church-Affairs, be so careful for himself, and his own Reputation, as not publickly to deliver in a most Notorious Untruth? For most manifest it is, that these words, As therefore the Adoration of the Bread is condemned, &c. stand still in the Copy Revised by me, as is to be seen in the Printed Copy of those Canons; and in the same place by them quoted; and in a different Character; [Page] that I wonder how any Man's Eye could miss them. So here I am accused for putting that out, which I left in.

The third Particular is, That their Prelates call the Absoluteness of Baptism an Error of Popery, Cap. 6. 2. Which is [...] out too (they say) in my Edition (as they will needs call the Printed Copy.) The Truth is, this we did think fit to leave out: Because the Absolute necessity of Baptism (in the Ordinary way of the Church, leaving God (as he is) most free to save with Baptism, or without, as himself pleases) is no Popish Error, but the true Tenet of the Catholick Church of Christ; and was, by their good leave, an Error in your Prelates to call it so: And I provided both for Truth, and their Credit, by keeping it from the view of Christendom. Nor could you expect other from me in this Point, being an Arch-Bishop of the Church of England, which maintains the Necessity of Baptism, such as is above mentioned: As appears in the Rubrick before Publick Baptism in the Service-Book, confirmed by Act of Parliament. The Words are these: Though it be fittest to Administer Baptism on Sundays and other Holydays, &c. Nevertheless, if Necessity so require, Children may at all times be Baptised at Home. And again, in the Rubrick before private Baptism, thus; When great need shall compel them to Baptise their Children at Home, it shall be Administred on this fashion. And farther, the Church [...]. 69. of England takes care to have such Ministers Punished, as shall defer Baptism, if the Child be in Danger. So that I could not let this Clause stand in the Scottish Canons, but I must Charge my Mother the Church of England, as guilty of maintaining an Error of Popery, and the Parliament of England for confirming it.

5. Our Prelates have not the boldness to trouble us in their Canons, with Altars, Fonts, Chancels, Reading of a long Liturgy before Sermon. Rushw. & Pryn. Sermons, &c. But Canterbury is Punctual and Peremptory in all these.

When I met so often with this Phrase; Our Prelates do not this, and that, in which Canterbury is Punctual and Peremptory: It made me hope at first, these Men had some good Opinion of their own Prelates. But so soon as they had once gotten the Power into their own Hands; they made it presently appear, that though their Prelates had not the boldness to trouble them; yet they had the Impudence to cast the Prelates out of all the Means they had, and without any the least Mercy to themselves, their Wives, and Children: And that in a most Ignorant, and Barbarous manner, calling them the Limbs and Members of Antichrist.

But what's the Crime, which your Prelates had not the boldness to trouble you with, and in which Canterbury (that strange Man,) is so Punctual and Peremptory? O! Grave Crimen Caie Caesar! 'Tis a Charge indeed; A mighty Charge! A Novation of above Thirteen Hundred Years old. For after the Church was once formally setled under the Christian Emperours; (nay, and for some Years before) I challenge these Men to shew any Church under Heaven, without that which was promiscuously called, The Holy Table, or Altar; Or without a Font, or a Chancel, or a formal set Liturgy before Sermon, [Page] &c. And therefore if I were punctual in these, I did but my Duty. But Peremptory I am sure I was not, as well knowing the difference between things of Decency and Uniformity, and things of Necessity to Salvation. But the Charge must go on for all this.

6. For although the words of the 10 Canon, Cap. 3. be fair; yet the wicked Intentions of Canterbury and Ross may be seen in the point of Justification of a Sinner before God, by comparing the Canon as it came from our Prelates, and as it was returned from Canterbury, and Printed.

Here's a Confession, that the words of the 10 Canon, Cap. 3. are fair; And so they are indeed. The Canon runs thus; It is manifest, that the Superstition of former Ages is turned into great Prophaneness; and that People, for the most part, are grown cold for doing any good; esteeming that Good Works are not necessary. Therefore shall all Presbyters, as their Text gives occasion, urge the necessity of Good Works to their Hearers. These words they say are fair; and sure they are so. What's amiss then? What? Why, the wicked Intentions of Canterbury and Ross. God bless us! Wicked Intentions under such fair words? Now God forbid. I hope Ross had none; I am sure Canterbury had not. But how come they to be Judges of our Intentions? How? Why, they say, they may be seen in the point of the Justification of a Sinner before God. That's a high Point, and a dangerous, for any Man to have Wicked Intentions about it. How then may our Wicked Intentions be seen? Why, by comparing the Canons; so they say. And I desire nothing more, than that the Book, which I perused, may be produced: And upon sight of it, I will acknowledge and make good whatsoever I did; or humbly crave Pardon for what I cannot make good. And though I cannot get to see the Book, yet you shall hear the Comparison.

Our Prelates say thus: It is manifest, that the Superstitions of former Ages, are turned into a great Prophaneness, and that People are grown cold, for the most part, in doing any good; thinking there is no place for Good Works, because they are excluded from Justification. Therefore shall all Ministers, as their Text gives occasion, urge the necessity of Good Works, as they would be Saved; and remember that they are, Via Regni, the Way to the Kingdom of Heaven, quamvis non sint Causa Regnandi, howbeit they be not the Cause of our Salvation.

How the Canon goes now, is manifest in the words preceeding: How it went before in the Copy which their Prelates sent, is now expressed. And if it be fairly related, here are two things Charged to be left out. The one is this passage, Because they are Excluded from Justification. And the other is, that known place of St. Bernard, That Good Works are Via Regni, non Causa Regnandi. Now I conceive, both these Passages may be left out of this Canon, without any Wicked Intentions in either Canterbury or Ross against the point of Justification. But let the Charge proceed.

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Here Ross gives his Judgment, that he would have this Canon simply commanding Good Works to be Preached, and no mention made what place they have or have not in Justification. Vpon this motion so agreeable to Canterbury's mind, the Canon is set down, as it stands, without the distinction of Via Regni, & Causa Regnandi, or any word sounding that way, urging only the Necessity of Good Works.

Well! now at last I see the bottom of this Charge: And I see too, that too many Men are shye of Good Works; and for fear more should be attributed to them, than is fit, refuse to acknowledge that which is due unto them. But sure I am, there is a Command, and more than one, expresly, in the Text, for the doing of Good Works, and that without any distinction. And so I conceive the Scripture is warrant enough for this Canon, to command the Preaching of Good Works, even without any distinction at all whatsoever; since God hath so absolutely and so expresly commanded, that we should serve him in Good Works: To which Deut. 10. 12 Moses and Mat. 7. 19. & 22. 37. & 6. 16. Christ, The Esai. 1. 19, 20. Prophets, and Ephes. 2. 10. & 1 Tim. 6. 18. & Titus 2. 7. 14. & 3. 1, 8, 14. S. James 2. 17. & 1 S. Pet. 2. 12. S. Je. [...]. 3. [...]. & 21. 27. & 22. 12. Apostles, do sufficiently bear witness.

But it seems, these Men have very good Intelligence, that when I looked over these Canons (which I protest I did alone by my self, and then sent them to my Lord the Bishop of London, for him to do the like) can yet tell, that here Ross gave his Judgment, and would have the Canon go absolutely, and that this being according to Canterbury's mind, so it went. Where yet I shall humbly crave leave to observe two Things. The one is; That if this be true, that Ross would have these things out: Then one of their own Prelates, and he trusted from the rest, was the Cause of this omission: And so Canterbury was neither Master of the Work, nor were all things in it done by him, and no other; as is before affirmed in the beginning of the second Novation. The other thing is, the omission it self: Of which, I shall say two things. The one is; That if Ross did give that Reason, That it was fit that Canon should command the Preaching of Good Works in general, because it was a time of such Prophaneness, as is mentioned in the beginning of the Canon; I for my part, cannot but approve it. The other is, That the leaving out of that known saying of St. Bernard's, I humbly conceive is no fault, either in my self, or any other. For though the Speech be good, and though the Sayings of private Men, Eminent in their times, were some-times put into the Canons of National Churches; yet usually it was not so. And since themselves confess, the words of the Canon, as it now is, are fair; were any Charity in them, they would not make so foul an Interpretation of other Mens Intentions.

7. By comparing Canon 9. Cap. 18. as it was sent in Writing from our Prelates, and as it is Printed at Canterbury's Command, may be also manifest; that he went about to Establish Auricular Confession, and Popish Absolution.

I have shew'd before, that this Book of Canons was not Printed by [Page] my Command. But I have a long time found by sad experience, that whatsoever some Men disliked, was presently my doing. God forgive them. But to the present Charge, I shall answer nothing; but only Transcribe that Canon, and leave it to the Judgment of all Orthodox and Moderate Christians, whether I have therein gone about to establish Auricular Confession, and Popish Absolution. The Canon is as follows.

Albeit Sacramental Confession, and Absolution, have been in some Places very much abused; yet if any of the People be Grieved in Mind, for any Delict or Offence committed, and for the unburdening of his Conscience, Confess the same to the Bishop, or Presbyter; they shall, as they are bound, Minister to the Person so Confessing, all Spiritual Consolations out of the Word of God; and shall not deny him the Benefit of Absolution, after the manner which is prescribed In the Service-Book both of England, and Scotland. in the Visitation of the Sick, if the Party shew himself truly Penitent, and humbly desire to be Absolved. And he shall not make known or reveal what hath been opened to him in Confession, at any time, or to any Person whatsoever; except the Crime be such, as by the Laws of the Realm his own Life may be called in question for concealing the same.

This is the Canon word for word; where first give me leave to observe the Care that I had of the Laws of the Kingdom. For I believe, it will hardly be found that such a Clause is inserted in any Canon, concerning the Seal of Confession, as is expressed in this Canon, in relation to the Laws of the Realm, from the time that Confession came into solemn use, till our English Canon was made Anno 1603. with which this agrees. And then for the matter Can. 113. of the Canon; if here be any thing to establish Popish Confession, or Absolution, I humbly submit it to the Learned of the Reformed Churches thorough Christendom: All Men (for ought I yet know) allowing Confession; and Absolution, as most useful for the good of Christians, and condemning only the binding of all Men to confess all Sins, upon absolute danger of Salvation. And this indeed B. [...], Argumento in Lib. Tertul. de [...]. p. 471. some call Carnificinam Conscientiae, the Rack or Torturing of the Conscience; but impose no other Necessity of Confessing, than the weight of their own Sin shall lay upon them; nor no other inforcement to receive Absolution, than their Christian Care to ease their own Conscience shall lead them unto: And in that way Calvin commends Confession exceedingly; and, if you mark it, you shall find that our Saviour Christ, who gives the Priest full Power of the Keys to Bind and Loose; that is, to receive Confession, and to Absolve or not Absolve; as he sees Cause in the Delinquent; yet you shall not find any Command of his to inforce Men to come to the Priest, to receive this Benefit. 'Tis enough, that he hath left Power in the Ministery of the Church to give Penitent Christians this Ease, Safety, and Comfort, if they will receive it when they need. If they need, and will not come; or if they need, and will not believe they do so, let them bear their own Burden. But yet they have not done with our Prelates; one Charge more comes.

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8. Our Prelates were not acquainted with Canons for inflicting of Arbitrary Penalties: But in Canterbury's Book, wheresoever there is no Penalty expresly set down, it is provided, that it shall be Arbitrary, as the Ordinary shall think fittest. By these and many other The like, Rushw. & Pryn. like it is apparent, what Tyranical Power he went about to establish in the Hands of our Prelates over the Worship of God, and the Souls, and Goods of Men, overturning from the Foundation the whole Order of our What Seeds of Popery he did sow in our Kirk; Pryn, & Rush. Kirk; and how large an entry he did make for the grossest Novations afterward; which hath been a main Cause of this Combustion.

This is the last Shot against these Canons, and me for them: And I conceive, this is no great thing. For Arbitrary Government is one thing: And 'tis quite another, that wheresoever there is no Penalty expresly set down, it is provided, that it shall be Arbitrary, as the Ordinary shall think fittest, which are the words of the Canon. For since no Law can meet with all particulars; some things must of necessity be left Arbitrary in all Government, though that be perfectest and happiest that leaves least. Nor is it an unheard of thing, to find something Arbitrary in some Canons of the Church, which are very antient. As in the Pauco tempore [...], ut [...] esse videatur, Conc. Elib. Can. 21. Council of Eliberis the Punishment of him who was absent from the Church three Sundays, was that he should be Abstentus, and barred from the Church for some small time; that his negligence in the Service of God may seem to be punished. But this small Time being not limited, is left to Arbitrary Discretion. So likewise in the In quantum Ratio [...]. Conc. Valentin. Can. 2. Council of Valence, An. 374. The giving of the Sacrament to such as had vowed Virginity, and did afterwards Marry, was to be deferr'd, as the Priest saw Reason and Cause for it; and that sure is Arbitrary. The like we find in the third Ut [...] secundum peccatorum [...] Episcopi [...] Tempora [...]. Conc. Carthag. 3. Can 3. Council of Carthage; where the Time of Penance, according to the quality of the Sin, is left to the Discretion of the Bishop. And these Councils were all within the fourth Century. By all which it is apparent, that in Church as well as in State, some things may be left Arbitrary; and have been in Better and Wiser Times, than these of ours. Nay 'tis confest by Author of the Observations [...] some of [...] Majesty's late Answers, p. 34. one that Writes almost as well as Junius Brutus, that there is an Arbitrary Power in every State, somewhere, and that no Inconvenience follows upon it. And the Conc. Ancyran. Can. 1. & 2. Council of Ancyra, inflicting Censures upon Presbyters first, and then Deacons, which had fallen in time of Persecution, yet gives leave to the Bishop to mitigate the Penance at his Discretion.

Again, 'tis manifest by the care taken in the preceeding Canons, that here's little or nothing of moment left Arbitrary: And then the Ordinary will fall into an Excess more dangerous to himself, than his Arbitrary Punishment can be to him that suffers it, if he [Page] offer to Tyrannize. For this Clause, wheresoever it is inserted in Canon or Statute, (as it is in the Statutes of very many Colledges) stands but for a Proviso, that Disorderly persons may not think they shall escape Punishment, if they can cunningly keep off the Letter of the Law: And yet so, that the Arbitrary Punishment be Regulated by that, which is expressed in the Canons or the Statutes, for Omissions or Commissions of like nature.

And therefore that which is inferred upon all this Charge, and the Particulars in it; Namely, That I went about to establish a Tyranical Power in the Hands of their Prelates, either over the Worship of God, or the Souls and Goods of Men, is utterly false, and cannot be proved to follow out of any of the Premises. Not over the Goods of the People; For no Prelate, not invested with Temporal Power, can meddle with them; so that were there any Canon made for that, it would be void of it self. Nor over the Souls of Men; for they are left free in all things, save to commit Sin and Disorder; which to repress by Canons is, and hath been, the Church way. Much less over the Worship of God: For these Canons have laboured nothing so much, as to Honour, and Establish that in Decency and Uniformity. And as for that which follows, That these Canons over-turn from the Foundation, the whole Order of their Kirk; 'Tis more than I believe will be proved, that they have over-turned any good Order in their Church, much less Foundations: Though it may be thought by some, (and perhaps justly,) that there is so little Order in their Church, and that so weakly founded, that it may be over-turned with no great stress. And for the large Entry made for the Gross Novations afterwards, you see what it is: And when you have considered the Gross Novations, which are said to come after; I hope you will not find them very Gross, nor any way fit to be alledged as a main Cause of this Combustion. Now follows

ART. III.

The third, and great Novation, which was the Book of Common-Prayer, Administration of Sacraments, and other parts of Divine Worship, Rushw. Service, Pryn. Service, brought in without Warrant from our Kirk; to be Vniversally received as the only Form of Divine-Service, under the highest pains, both Civil and Ecclesiastical.

Now we are come to the Arraignment of the Liturgy, and the Book of Common-Prayer; and this (they say) was brought in without Warrant from their Kirk. If this be true; it was the fault of your own Prelates, and theirs only, for ought I know. For though I like the Book exceeding well, and hope I shall be able to maintain any thing that is in it, and wish with all my Heart, that it had been entertained there; yet I did ever desire, it might come to them with their own liking and approbation. Nay, I did ever, upon all Occasions, call upon the Scottish Bishops, to do nothing in this Particular, but by Warrant of Law. And farther, I professed unto them before [Page] His Majesty, that though I had obeyed his Commands in helping to Order that Book; yet since I was ignorant of the Laws of that Kingdom, I would have nothing at all to do with the manner of introducing it; but left that wholly to them, who do, or should, understand both that Church, and their Laws. And I am sure, they told me, they would adventure it no way but that which was Legal. But they go on; And say, this Book

Is found by our National Assembly, besides the Popish Frame, and Forms in Divine Worship, to contain many Popish Errors and Ceremonies, and the Seeds of manifold and gross Superstitions, and Idolatries; and to be repugnant to the Doctrine, Discipline, and Order of our Reformation, to the Confession of Faith, Constitutions of General Assemblies, and Acts of Parliament Establishing the true Religion. That this was also Canterbury's Work, we make manifest.

This is a great Charge upon the Service-Book indeed: But it is in Generals, and those only affirmed, not proved. And therefore may with the same case, and as justly, be denied by me, as they are affirmed by them. And this is all I shall say, till they bring their Proofs. And though this be no more Canterbury's Work, than the Canons were; yet, by their good will, I shall bear the burden of all. And therefore, before they go to prove this great Charge against the Service-Book; they go on to make it manifest, that this was my How far this was my Work, you may see afterwards. Work: And so far as it was mine, I shall ingenuously and freely acknowledge in each Particular, as occasion shall be offered me. But how do they make it manifest, it was my Work? Why;

1. By the Memoirs. Rushw. Memories, Pryn. Memoirs and Instructions, sent unto him by our Prelates; wherein they give special account of the Diligence they Had. Rushw. & Pryn. have used to do all which herein they were enjoyed.

This Proof comes very short. For considering the Scottish Bishops were Commanded by His Majesty to let me see, from time to time, what they did in that Service-Book; they had good reason (as I conceive) to give me some Account of their Diligence and Care in that behalf: And yet this will never conclude the Work to be mine. Why, but if this Proof come not home, yet it will be Manifest

2. By the approbation of the Service-Book sent unto them, and of all the Marginal Corrections, wherein it varies from the English-Book; shewing their desire to have some few things changed in it, which notwithstanding was not granted. This we find written by S. Andrews own Hand, and subscribed by him and Nine other of our Prelates.

This Argument is as loose as the former. For I hope, though I had had nothing at all to do with that Book; yet I might have approved both the Book it self, and all the Marginal (or other) Corrections, [Page] wherein it differs from, (so it be not contrary to) the English Book: Therefore my approving it will not make me the Author of it. As for that which follows, that their Prelates did desire to have some few things changed in it, which was not granted: First you see, they say before, that the Popish Errors in that Book be many; and yet the change of a few things would serve their turn. And if this Change were not granted, that was not my fault, but their own; who might have changed what they pleased, whether I would or no. But they should do well, to shew this Paper under St. Andrews Hand, and nine other Bishops. For my part, as I remember it not, so I believe it not. But they hope to prove it better—

3. By Canterbury's own Letters, witnesses of his Joy, when the Book was ready for the Press; of his Prayers that God would speed the work; of his hope to see that Service set up in Scotland; of his diligence in sending for the Printer, and directing him to prepare a Black Letter, and to send it to his Servants at Edinburgh for Printing this Book; of his Approbation of the Proofs sent from the Press; of his fear of delay In, Rushw & Pryn. for bringing this work speedily to an end, for the great good (not of that Church) but of the Church; of his incouraging Ross, who was intrusted with the Press, to go on In, Rushw. & Pryn. with this piece of Service, without fear of Enemies. All which may be seen in the Autographs.

This Argument is as weak as any of the former. Indeed, it is nothing but a heap of Non Sequiturs. My Letters express my Joy, when the Book was ready for the Press: Therefore I made the Book. As if I might not be glad, that a Good Book was ready for the Press; but I must be the Author of it. Next, I prayed, that God would speed the Work: I did indeed, and heartily: but may not I humbly desire God to bless a Good Work, though I be not the Author of it? Yea, but I hoped to see that Service set up in Scotland. I did indeed, and was heartily sorry when my hopes failed: And that Nation will one day have more cause to be sorry for it, than I. But what then? It follows not thence, that the Work was mine. Again, I was diligent with the Printer to prepare Letters, and send to his Servants. I was indeed diligent herein; but it was at the intreaty of my Brethren the Scottish Bishops. And truly I could do little for them, the Printer being then in England, If I would not send to him, and desire him to be diligent. Yea, but I Approved the Proofs that were sent from the Press. And there was good Reason I should, if they were well done. But I hope, many a Man takes care of the Proofs from the Press, though the Work be not his.

The next they would fain have seem something; but 'tis no better than the rest. For they would prove this Book was my work, because I feared delay; whereas, I would have a speedy end for the Good of (not that Church, but) the Church. Fear of delay, is no proof that the work was mine. But do you not mark the subtlety? For the good of the Church, not that Church. They would fain have some Mystery hid here; but sure there is none. For if I writ any such thing, The Church, and That Church, were the same Church of Scotland. For when a Man writes to a Learned Man of another Nation, and desires [Page] any thing to be done for the good of the Church; he is to be understood, of the good of that Church; unless some circumstance sway his meaning another way; which is not here. Yea, but I incouraged Ross, who was intrusted with the Press, to go on without fear of Enemies: Therefore the work was mine. Will not young Novices laugh at this Logick? Well, they say all this appears in the Autographo. Let them shew the Autographon: And if all this be there, then you see all is nothing; they have shewed but their Weakness to collect so poorly. And if it be not there, then they have shewed their Falshood, with which some of them are too well acquainted. But prove it good, or bad; another proof they have. And that is,

4. By Letters sent from the Prelate of London, [to Ross:] wherein, [To Ross] are added from [...] and [...] as he rejoyceth at the sight of the Scottish Canons, which although they should make some noise in the beginning, yet they would be more for the good of the Kirk, than the Canons at Edinburgh for the good of the Kingdom: So concerning the Liturgy, he sheweth, that Ross had sent to him, to have from Canterbury an Explanation of some passages of the Service-Book, and that the Press behoved to stand, till the Explanations came to Edinburgh; which therefore he had in haste obtained from his Grace, and sent the dispatch by Cant. his own conveyance.

This Argument is much ado about nothing: In which, notwithstanding, I shall observe some passages, and then come to the force of the Argument, such as it is. And first, though the business of the Canons be over, yet a Merriment in the Bishop of London's Letter must be brought in. Secondly, Though by this Letter of the Prelate of London, it be manifest, he had to do with those Canons as well as I; and though he past as full and as Honourable a Censure upon them, as I do in any Letter of mine; yet against their Knowledge, and their Conscience, they avouch peremptorily before, that this was done by Cant. and no other; and all this, to heap all the Envy they could upon me alone. Thirdly, Here's the same Phrase used by my Lord of London, that was used a little before by me: Namely, that these Canons would be for the good of the Kirk. And yet here's never a wise Observation upon it, as was upon me; that they would be for the good (not of that Church, but) of the Church.

Now for the force of Mr. Henderson's Logick (for these Arguments out of doubt are his:) Ross writ to the Prelate of London, to have from Canterbury an Explanation of some passages of the Service-Book, because the Press staid; and he obtained them; Therefore this Book was Canterbury's work, as is before asserted. Certainly, if Mr. Henderson had any Learning in him, he would be ashamed of this stuff. Ross sent to me for the Explanation of some things, which perhaps were my Additions or Alterations in that Book, and used the Prelate of London for his means, and the Press staid, and I know not what? As if any of this could make me Author of that Book: Which yet if I were, I would neither deny, nor be ashamed of. Howsoever, he should do well to let Canterbury alone, and answer the Learned Divines of Aberdeen; who have laid him and all that Faction, open enough to [Page] the Christian World, to make the Memory of them, and their Cause, stink to all Posterity.

5. But (say they) the Book it self, as it standeth interlined, margined, and patched up, is much more than all that is expressed in his Letters; and the Changes and Supplements themselves, taken from the Mass-Book, and other Romish Rituals, by which he makes it to vary from the Book of England, are more pregnant Testimonies of his Popish Spirit, and Wicked Intentions, which he would have put in Execution upon us, than can be denyed.

In the next place, the Book it self is brought in Evidence; and that's a greater Evidence, than all that is expressed in my Letters. A greater Evidence! But of what? Not that the Book was of my sole making, which they have hitherto gone about to prove, and which the former part of this Argument would seem to make good. But now, these Interlinings, and Margins, and Changes, and Supplements, are pregnant proofs of my Popish Spirit, and Wicked Intentions. First, I Praise God for it, I have no Popish Spirit: And, God bless me, as (to the utmost of my knowledge) I had no Wicked Intentions in any thing, which I did in, or about, that Service-Book.

For the other stuff, which fills up this Argument, That these Changes and Supplements are taken from the Mass-Book, and other Romish Rituals; and that by these the Book is made to vary from the Book of England; I cannot hold it worth an Answer, till I see some particulars named. For in this I could retort many things, could I think it fit to put but half so much Gall into my Ink, as hath made theirs black. In the mean time, I would have them remember, that we live in a Church Reformed; not in one made New. Now all Reformation, that is good and orderly, takes away nothing from the old, but that which is Faulty and Erroneous. If any thing be good, it leaves that standing. So that if these Changes from the Book of England be good, 'tis no matter whence they be taken. For every line in the Mass-Book, or other Popish Rituals, are not all Evil and Corruptions. There are many good Prayers in them; nor is any thing Evil in them, only because 'tis there. Nay, the less alteration is made in the Publick Ancient Service of the Church, the better it is; provided that nothing Superstitious or Evil in it self, be admitted or retained. And this is enough, till I see particulars charged: Yet with this; That these Variations were taken, either from the first Book of Edw. 6. which was not Popery; or from some Antient Liturgies, which savour'd not of Popery.

The Large Declaration professeth, that all Rushw. & Pryn. the variation of our Book from the Book of England, that ever the King understood, was in such things as the Scottish Humours would better comply with, than with that which stood in the English Service.

That which the Large Declaration professeth, I leave the Author of it to make good. Yet whosoever was the Author, thus much I can say, and truly; That the Scottish Bishops (some of them) did often [Page] say to me, that the People wou'd be better satisfied by much, to have a Liturgy composed by their own Bishops, (as this was) than to have the Service-Book of England put upon them. But to what end is this added out of the Large Declaration? Why, 'tis to cast more hatred upon me. For thus they infer:

These Popish Innovations therefore have been surreptitiously inserted by him, without the King's knowledge, and against his Purpose.

This is as false, as 'tis bold: For let them prove, that any one particular, be it the least, was so added by me to that Book; and let no Justice spare me. In the mean time, here I take it upon my Salvation, that I inserted nothing without his Majesties Knowledge, nor any thing against his Purpose.

Our Scottish Prelates do Petition, that somewhat may be abated of the English Ceremonies; as the Cross Here Rushworth's Copy addeth, in Baptism, the Ring in Marriage, and some other Things. But Canterbury will not only have those kept, but a great many more, and worse, super added; which was nothing else but the adding of Fuel unto the Fire. To express and discover all, would require a whole Book. We shall only touch some few in the matter of the Communion. So also Pryn.

I cannot remember, that ever any such Petition was shewed to me. This I remember well; that when a deliberation was held, whether it were better to keep close to the English Liturgy, or venture upon some additions; some of your Scottish Bishops were very earnest to have some Alterations, and some Additions. And they gave this for their Reason: Because, if they did not then make that Book as perfect as they could, they should never be able to get it perfected after. Canterbury therefore was not the Man, that added this Fuel to your Fire. And whereas, to heap on farther hatred, it is said, That I did not only add more, but worse Ceremonies; I can say nothing to that: Because I know no one Ceremony in the one Book, or the other, that is Bad. And when they give an Instance in the Ceremonies, which they say are worse in their Book than in ours; I shall give such answer as is fitting, and such as I doubt not shall be sufficient. And now it seems, they'll come to particulars: For they say—

1. This Book inverteth the Order of the Communion, in the Book of England, as may be seen by the numbers setting down the Order of this new Communion, 1. 5. 2. 6. 7. 3. 4. 8. 9. 10. 11. Of the divers secret Reasons of this Change, we mention one only; injoyning the Spiritual Praise, Rushw. & Pryn. Sacrifice, and Thanksgiving, which is in the Book of England pertinently after the Communion, with the Prayer of Consecration, before the Communion; and that under the Name of Memorial, or Oblation; for no other end, but that the Memorial and Sacrifice of Praise mentioned in it, may be understood according to the Popish meaning: (Bellarm. de Missa. [Page] l. 2. c. 21.) not of the Spiritual Sacrifice, but of the Oblation of the Body of the Lord.

This Book, (they say) Inverts the Order of the Communion in the Book of England. Well, and what then? To Invert the Order of some Prayers, in the Communion, or any other part of the Service; doth neither pervert the Prayers, nor corrupt the Worship of God. For I hope, they are not yet grown to be such superstitious Cabbalists, as to think that Numbers work any thing. For so, the Prayers be all good (as 'tis most manifest these are) it cannot make them ill to be read in 5. 7. or 3. place, or the like; unless it be in such Prayers only, where the Order is essential to the Service then in hand. As for Example, to read the Absolution first, and the Confession after; and in the Communion to give the Sacrament to the People first, and read the Prayer of Consecration after. In these Cases to Invert the Order, is to Pervert the Service; but in all other ordinary Prayers, which have not such a necessary dependence upon Order, first, second, or third work no great effect. And though I shall not find fault with the Order of the Prayers, as they stand in the Communion-Book of England, (for, God be thanked, 'tis well;) yet, if a Comparison must be made, I do think, the Order of the Prayers, as now they stand in the Scottish Liturgy, to be the better, and more agreeable to use in the Primitive Church; and I believe, they which are Learned, will acknowledge it. And therefore these Men do bewray a great deal of Will and Weakness, to call this a New-Communion; only because all the Prayers stand not in the same Order.

But they say; there are divers secret Reasons of this Change, in the Order. Surely there was Reason for it, else why a Change? But that there was any hidden secret Reason for it (more than that the Scottish Prelates thought fit that Book should differ in some things from ours in England; and yet that no differences could be more safe, than those which were in the Order of the Prayers; especially since both they, and we, were of Opinion, that of the two this Order came nearest to the Primitive Church) truly I neither know, nor believe.

As for the only Reason given of this Change, 'tis in my Judgment a strange one. 'Tis, forsooth, for no other end (they say) but that the Memorial and Sacrifice of Praise mentioned in it may be understood according to the Popish meaning, not of the Spiritual Sacrifice, but of the Oblation of the Body of the Lord. Now Ignorance, and Jealousie, whither will you? For the Sacrifice of Praise and Thanksgiving, no Man doubts, but that is to be Offer'd up: Nor doth any Man of Learning question it, that I know, but that according to our Saviour's own Command, we are to do, whatsoever is done in this Office, as a Memorial of his Body and Blood Offered up and shed for us. S. Luc. 22. Now 'tis one thing to Offer up his Body, S. Lu. 22. 19. and another to Offer up the Memorial of his Body, with our Praise, and Thanks, for that infinite Blessing: So that were that Change of Order made for this end, (which is more than I know) I do not yet see, how any Popish Meaning, so much feared, can be fastned [Page] upon it. And the Words in that Prayer are plain, (as they are also in the Book of England) That we offer and present unto God, our Selves, our Souls and Bodies, to be a reasonable, holy, and lively Sacrifice unto him. What is there here, that can be drawn to a Popish Meaning, unless it be with the cords of these Mens Vanity? Yet thus much we have gained from them; That this Prayer comes in the Book of England pertinently after the Communion. Any approbation is well of that Antichristian Service-Book (as 'tis often called:) And I verily believe, we should not have gained this Testimony of them for it, but only that they are content to approve that, to make the greater hatred against their own. Next they tell us—

2. It seems to be no great matter, that without warrant of the Book of England, the Presbyter going from the North end of the Table, shall stand during the time of Consecration, at such a part of the Table, where he may with the more ease and decency use both his Hands; Yet being tryed, it importeth much: As that he must stand with his hinder parts to the People; representing (saith Durand) that which the Lord said to Moses, Thou shalt see my hinder parts.

Truly, this Charge is, as it seems, no great matter. And yet here again they are offended, that this is done without warrant of the Book of England. How comes this Book of England to be so much in their esteem, that nothing must be done without warrant from it? Why, 'tis not that they approve that Book, for they will none of that neither: But 'tis only, to make their Complaint more acceptable in England. Yet they say, this very remove of the Presbyter during the time of Consecration, upon tryal imports much. The Rubrick professes, that nothing is meant by it, but that he may use both his Hands with more ease and decency about that work. And I protest in the presence of Almighty God, I know of no other Intention herein, than this. But these Men can tell more. They are sure it is, that he may turn his hinder parts to the People, representing that which the Lord said to Moses. And what Warrant have they for this? Why Durand says so. Now truly the more Fool he. And they shall do well to ask their own Bishops, what acquaintance they have with Durand? For as for my self, I was so poorly satisfied with the first Leaf I Read in him, that I never medled with him since. Nor indeed, do I spend any time in such Authors as he is. So I have nothing to do with this. Yea, but they find fault with the Reason given in the Rubrick. For they say—

He must have the use of both his Hands, not for any thing he hath to do about the Bread and the Wine; (for that Must, Rushw. may be done at the North end of the Table, and be better seen of the People.) But (as we are taught by the Rationalists) That he may be stretching Forth, Rushw. & Pryn. out his Arms, represent the extension of Christ on the Cross.

But the Reason given in the Rubrick doth not satisfie them: For they say plainly, They have no use of both their Hands, for any thing that [Page] is to be done about the Bread and the Wine. Surely these Men Consecrate these Elements in a very loose and mean way, if they can say truly, that they have not use of both their Hands in this work. Or, that whatsoever is done, may as well be done at the North end of the Table; which in most places is too narrow, and wants room, to lay the Service-Book open before him that Officiates, and to place the Bread and Wine within his reach. So that in that place 'tis hard for the Presbyter to avoid the unseemly disordering of something, or other, that is before him, perhaps the very Elements themselves; which may give Scandal to them which come to Communicate: Especially, since in the Margin of the Prayer of Consecration, he is ordered to lay his Hand upon the Bread and the Wine, which he Consecrates. As for his being better seen of the People; that varies according to the Nature of the Place, and the Position of the Table: So that in some Places he may be better seen, and in some not. Though I am not of Opinion, that it is any End of the Administration of the Sacrament to have the Priest better seen of the People. Thus much against the Viz. Their Argument Taken from the Reason of the Posture of the Priest, given in the Rubrick, H. W. Reason given in the Rubrick.

Next, they produce other Reasons of this Position of his at the Holy-Table. And first, they say, 'tis not for the more convenient use of both his Hands, in the Celebration of that Work: But it is (say they) that he may, by stretching out his Arms, represent the Extension of Christ on the Cross. Why, but I say not this; nor is there any such thing Ordered or Required in the Book; nor doth any English Divine practise this that I know. Why then is this Charged upon me? Nor is it sufficient for them to say, they are taught thus by the Rationalists; unless I did affirm, or practise, as those Rationalists do. Here's a great deal of Charity wanting. But they bring another Reason, as good as this is: And that is—

That he may the more conveniently lift up the Bread and Wine Above Rushw. & [...]. over his Head to be seen, and adored, of the People; who, in the Rubrick of General Confession a little before, are directed to kneel humbly on their Knees, that the Priests Elevation, so magnified in the Mass, and the Peoples Adoration may go together.

Good God! whither tends this Malice? There is not a Word in the Book of this neither: Not of lifting the Bread and Wine over his Head; much less is there any thing, to have it Adored by the People. And as there is nothing in the Book, so nothing hath ever been said, or done, by me, that tends this way. Now, if none of this hath been said, or done by me; what means this? Sure they mean to charge the Rationalists with this, and not me; unless I did by Word, or Deed, approve them herein. Yea, but a little before, in the Rubrick of General Confession, the People are directed to kneel humbly on their Knees. That's true: And what Posture so fit, as that which is Humble, when Men are making Confession of their Sins to God? But that which follows, namely, that the Priest's Elevation, and the Peoples Adoration, may go together, is utterly false. There is not one Word of it in the Rubrick, nor ever was there [Page] one Thought of it in my self, or (as I verily believe) in any of the Compilers of that Book. And 'tis well known, that through the whole Church of England, the Form is to receive that Blessed Sacrament Kneeling; and yet without any Adoration at all of the Bread and Wine. So this Charge, which way soever it look, cannot hit me. However, God forgive this Malice. For are the People directed to Kneel, to the end the Priest's Elevation, and the Peoples Adoration, may go together? why then so let them go: For the Priest with us makes no Elevation; nor therefore the People any Adoration, of those Elements. But there is yet more behind: For they say—

That in this Posture, speaking with a low Voice, and muttering (for at some times he is Commanded to speak with a loud voice, and distinctly) he be not heard by the People; which is no less a mocking of God and his People, than if the Words were spoken in an unknown Language.

This again, by my Accusers good leave, is utterly false. For there is no Rubrick in the whole Book, that commands the Priest to use a muttering or low Voice. This therefore is drawn in only by consequence, and that an ill one. As if, because he is sometimes commanded to speak aloud, he were thereby enjoyned, in other parts of the Service, to speak with a low Voice; which is not so. In the Book of England, in some places the Minister is directed before he begins the Prayer, to say, Let us Pray; which is but to keep their Attention waking; and to put them in mind what they are doing, or ought to do. And shall any Man infer upon this, Let us Pray; therefore they were not at Prayer before? So here, if in some principal part of the Service, there be a Caveat given, that the Presbyter shall speak with a loud Voice, and Distinctly: (I say [If] for I do not yet find the Rubrick where it is) It implies, That he be very careful in that place, that his Voice be Audible and Distinct; but it imports not, that therefore in other parts of the Service, it may be low, or confused, or unheard. And yet, if such a Consequence were to be drawn; 'tis no new thing in the Church of Christ, that the Minister did Pray sometimes in the Publick Assembly, in a very low Voice, if at all Audible. For it was ordered in the [...]. [...]. Can. 18. Council of Laodicea, That among the Prayers which were made by the Faithful, after the Hearers and the Penitents were gone out, that the first should be in Silence: Perhaps for the Presbyter to commend himself, and his Office which he was then to execute, privately to God. But howsoever, in the Publick Service, that all should be Publick, I rather approve.

As for that which follows; That to utter the Common Service of the Church in a low voice, not heard by the People, is no less a mocking of God, and his People, than if the Words were spoken in an Unknown Tongue: This were well Charged, if any Man did command that the Publick Service should be Read in so low a voice, that the People might not hear it. But since no Man, that I know, approves it, and since there is nothing in the Book that requires it; I know not to what end 'tis [Page] urged here. And yet this by their leave too; were Prayers Read in so low a voice, it were a mocking of the People I confess, to call them to Church, and not let them hear. But how either Prayer in a low voice, or a Tongue unknown to the People, should be a mocking of God, I cannot conceive; unless these Men think (as Elias put it upon the Prophets of Baal) That their God is talking, or journeying, or perhaps sleeping, and must be awaked before he can hear; or, that any Tongue unknown to the People, is unknown to God also. But this I presume they will not dare to say, if it be but for that of St. Paul; He that speaks in the Church in an unknown tongue, speaks not unto Men, for they understand him not; yet he speaks to God, and doubtless doth not mock him; for he edifies himself; and in the Spirit speaks Mysteries: neither of which can stand with the mocking of God. Now say they—

As there is no word of all this in the English Service; so doth the Book in King Edward's Time, give to every Presbyter his liberty of Gesture: which yet gave such offence to Bucer (the Censurer of the Book, and even in Cassander his own Judgment, a Man of great Moderation in Matters of this kind) that he calleth them, Nunquam-satis-execrandos Missae gestus; and would have them to be abhorred, because they confirm to the Simple and Superstitious, ter-impiam & exitialem Missae fiduciam.

As there is no word of all this in the English Service; so neither is there, in the Book for Scotland, more, or other, or to other purpose, than I have above expressed. For the Book under Edw. 6. An. 1549. Citantur [...] Bucero in Script. Anglican. p. 455. at the end of it, there are some Rules concerning Ceremonies; and it doth give liberty of Gesture to every Presbyter. But it is only of some Gestures, such as are there named, & Similes, not of all. But if any will extend it unto all, then I humbly desire, it may be Piously and Prudently considered; whether this confusion, which will follow upon every Presbyters Liberty and Choice, be not like to prove worse, than any Rule that is given in either Book for Decent Uniformity.

And yet (say they) these Gestures, for all this Liberty given, gave such offence to Bucer the Censurer of the Book, that he calls them Nunquam-satis-execrandos Missae gestus, the never sufficiently execrable Gestures of the Mass. First 'tis true; Bucer did make some Observations upon that Common-Prayer-Book under Edw. 6. And he did it at the intreaty of Arch-Bishop Cranmer: And after he had made such Observations upon it, as he thought fit, he writ thus to the Arch-Bishop. Memor [...] quid [...], & [...] Anglicanis cum primis debeam, [...] datum est mibi bac in re [...], id [...] subscribere; [...] Paternitas [...], aliique [...] de his Judicabunt. [...] Epist. ad [...]. quae extat [...] Opera ejus Angl. p. 456. Being mindful how much I owe to your most Reverend Father-Hood and the English Churches, that which is given me to see and discern in this business, I will subscribe: This done, your most Reveverend Father-hood, and the rest of your Order (that is, the rest of the Bishops) may judge of what I write. Where we see, both the care of Bucer to do what was required of him, and his Christian Humility, to leave what he had done, to the judgment of the then Governours [Page] of this Church. By which it appears, that he gave his Judgment upon that Book, not as being the Censurer of it, (as these Men call him) but as delivering up his Animadversions upon it, to that Authority which required it of him. Much less was it such a Censure, as must bind all other Men to his Judgment, which he very modestly submits to the Church. Howsoever, this has been the common Error (as I humbly conceive) of the English Nation, to entertain and value Strangers in all Professions of Learning beyond their desert, and to the contempt, or passing by at least, of Men of equal worth of their own Nation; which I have observed, ever since I was of ability to judge of these things.

But be this as it may. These Men have Notoriously corrupted Bucer. For they say, he calls them Nunquam-satis-execrandos Missae gestus, referring the Execration to the Ceremonial Gestures. But Bucer's words are, Nunquam-satis-execrandae Missae gestus, referring the Execration to the Mass it self, not to the Gestures in it, of bowing the Knee, or beating the Breast, or the like, which in themselves, (and undoubtedly in Bucer's Judgment also) are far enough from being In [...]. [...]. p. 465. Execrable.

As for that which follows, (and which are Bucer's words indeed) That, These Gestures, or any other which confirm to the simple, ter impiam & exitialem Missae fiduciam (as he there calls it) the thrice impious and deadly Confidence of the Mass, are to be abhorred, there's no doubt to be made of that: Unless, (as Cassander infers well out of Luther and Bucer both,) they be such Ceremonies, as Impeach not the free Justification In [...] de [...] Viri. p. 867. of a Sinner by Faith in Christ, and that the People may be well instructed concerning the true use of them. Now all this at the most, is but Bucer's Speech against such Ceremonies (and in such time and place, must be understood too) as are apt to confirm the simple People in their Opinion of the Mass. But such Ceremonies are neither maintained by me, nor are any such Ordered or Established in that Book. Therefore this Charge falls away quite from me, and Bucer must make his own [...]. [...]. Speeches good. For my own part, I am in this point of Ceremonies of the same Mind with Cassander, (that Man of great Moderation in Matters of this kind, as my Accusers here call him:) And he says plainly a little after, in the same place, concerning Luther's and Bucer's Judgment in these things, Quanquam est, quod in istis viris desiderem; though I approve them in many things, yet there is somewhat which [...] I want in these Men. But the Charge goes on.—

3. The Corporeal [...]. Corporal Presence of Christ's Body in the Sacrament, is also to be found here. For the Words of the Mass-Book, serving to that purpose, are sharply censured by Bucer in King Edward's Lyturgy, and are not to be found in the Book of England, and yet are taken in here. Almighty God is in called, that of his Almighty Goodness he may vouchsafe so to Bless and Sanctifie with his Word and his Spirit these gifts of Bread and Wine, that they may be unto us the Body and Blood of Christ. The change here, is made a work of God's Omnipotency: The words of the Mass, ut fiant nobis, are Translated in King Edward's Book, that they may be unto us; which [...] is again turned into Latin by Alesius, ut fiant nobis.

[Page] They say, the Corporal Presence of Christ's Body in the Sacrament, is to be found in this Service-Book. But they must pardon me; I know it is not there. I cannot be my self of a contrary Judgment, and yet suffer that to pass. But let's see their proof. The words of the Mass-Book, serving to that purpose, which are sharply censured by Bucer, in King Edward's Liturgy, and are not to be found in the Book of England, yet are taken into this Service-Book. I know no words tending to this purpose in King Edard's Liturgy, fit for Bucer to censure sharply; and therefore not tending to that purpose: For did they tend to that, they could not be censured too sharply. The words it seems are these. In the Prayer of Consecration in the [...] for Scotland. O Merciful Father, of thy Almighty Goodness, vouchsafe so to Bless and Sanctifie with thy Word and Holy Spirit, these thy Gifts and Creatures of Bread and Wine, that they may be unto us the Body and Blood of thy most dearly beloved Son. Well; if these be the words, how will they squeeze Corporal Presence out of them? Why, first the Charge here, is made a work of God's Omnipotency. Well, and a work of Omnipotency it is, what ever the Change be. For less than Omnipotence cannot Change those Elements, either in Nature, or Vse, to so high a Service as they are put in that great Sacrament. And therefore the Invocating of God's Almighty Goodness to effect this by them, is no proof at all, of intending the Corporal Presence of Christ in this Sacrament. 'Tis true, this passage is not in the Prayer of Consecration in the Service-Book of England; but I wish with all my Heart it were. For though the Consecration of the Elements may be without it; yet is it much more solemn and full by that Invocation.

Secondly, these words (they say) intend the Corporal Presence of Christ in the Sacrament, because the Words in the Mass are The words in the Canon of the Mass are. Ut nobis Corpus & Singuis fiant dilectissimi [...] tui Domini nostri Jesu Christi. ut fiant nobis, that they may be unto us, the Body and the Blood of Christ. Now for the good of Christendom, I would with all my Heart, that these words, ut fiant nobis; That these Elements might be, To us, worthy Receivers, the blessed Body and Blood of our Saviour; were the worst Error in the Mass. For then I would hope, that this great Controversie, which to all Men that are out of the Church, is the shame, and among all that are within the Church, is the division of Christendom, might have some good Accommodation. For if it be only, ut fiant nobis, that they may be to us, the Body and the Blood of Christ; it implies clearly, that they are to us, but are not Transubstantiated in themselves, into the Body and Blood of Christ, nor that there is any Corporal Presence, in, or under the Elements. And then nothing can more cross the Doctrine of the present Church of Rome, than their own Service. For as the Elements after the Benediction, or Consecration, are, and may be called, the Body and Blood of Christ, without any addition, in that real and true Sense in which they are so called in Scripture: So, when they are said to become the Body and the Blood of Christ, nobis, to us that Communicate as we ought; there is by this addition, fiant nobis, an allay in the proper signification of the Body and Blood: And the true Sense, so well signified and expressed, that the words cannot well be understood otherwise, than to imply not the Corporal Substance, but the Real, and yet the Spiritual use of them. And so the words, ut fiant [Page] nobis, import quite contrary to that which they are brought to prove. And I hope, that which follows, will have no better success.

On the other side, the Expressions of the Book of England, at the delivery of the Elements; of feeding on Christ by Faith; and of eating and drinking in remembrance that Christ died for thee, are utterly deleted.

Before, they went about to prove an intendment to establish the Doctrine of the Corporal Presence of Christ in the Sacrament, by some positive words: And here they go about to prove the same by the omission of some other words of the Book of England. For they say (and 'tis true) that those words are expressed in the English Liturgy, at the delivery of the Elements, and are left out of the Book prepared for Scotland. But it is altogether false, either that this omission was intended to help to make good a Corporal Presence; or that a Corporal Presence can by any good consequence be proved out of it. For the first, of feeding on Christ by Faith, if that omission be thought to advantage any thing toward a Corporal Presence; surely, neither the Scottish Bishops, nor my self, were so simple to leave it out here, and keep these words in In the Collect of Thanksgiving after the Receiving. immediately after; that thou dost vouchsafe to feed us, which have duly received those Holy Mysteries, with the Spiritual food of the most precious Body and Blood of thy Son. For the feeding on Christ by Faith, and the Spiritual Food of the Body and Blood of Christ, are all one; and 'tis hard, that the asserting of a Spiritual Food, should be made the proof a Corporal Presence; or, that the omitting of it in one place, should be of greater force, than the affirming it in another. The like is to be said of the second omission, of eating and drinking in remembrance that Christ died for us. For that remembrance of his Death and Passion, is expressed almost immediately In the Prayer of Consecration. before. And would not this have been omitted as well as the other; had there been an intention to forget this remembrance, and to introduce a Corporal Presence? Besides, St. Paul himself, in the 1 Cor. 11. adds this, in a Cor. 11. 24. 1 Cor. 10. 16. remembrance of me: But in the 1. Cor. 10. The Cup of blessing, which we bless, is it not the Communion of the Blood of Christ? The Bread which we break, is it not the Communion of the Body of Christ? Which Interrogation there, is a pressing Affirmation; and these words in remembrance of Christ, are omitted. And what then will these my Learned Adversaries say, that St. Paul omitted this to establish a Corporal Presence? I hope they will not.

But whatsoever this omission may be thought to work; it cannot reflect upon me. For when I shall come to set down, (as I purpose God willing to do) the brief Story, what hand I had in this Liturgy for Scotland; it shall then appear, that I laboured to have the English Liturgy sent them, without any Omission or Addition at all, this or any other; that so the Publick Divine Service might, in all his Majesty's Dominions, have been one and the same. But some of the Scottish Bishops prevail'd herein against me; and some Alterations they would have from the Book of England, and this was one; as I have to shew under the then Bishop of Dunblain's Hand, Dr. Wetherborne, whose [Page] Notes I have yet by me, concerning the Alterations in that Service-Book. And concerning this particular, his words are these: ‘The Body of our Lord Jesus Christ, which was given for thee, preserve thy Body and Soul unto Everlasting Life: And so, The Blood of, &c. whereunto every Receiver answer'd, Amen. There is no more in King Edw. 6. his first Book. And if there be no more in ours, the Action will be much the shorter. Besides, the words which are added since, take, eat in remembrance, &c. may seem to relish somewhat of the Zuinglian Tenet, That the Sacrament is a bare Sign taken in remembrance of Christ's Passion.’ So that for my part, First, I see no hurt in the omission of those latter words, none at all: And next, if there be any, it proceeded not from me. That which follows, is a meer flourish in the general: For they say—

Many Evidences there be in this part of the Communion of the Bodily presence of Christ, very agreeable to the Doctrine taught by his Secretaries, [...]. Sectaries; which this Paper cannot contain. They teach us, that Christ is received in the Sacrament Corporaliter, both Objectivè, & Subjectivé. Corpus Christi est objectum, quod recipitur; at Corpus nostrum est subjectum, quo recipitur.

Many weak Collections and Inferences are made by these Men out of this part of the Communion of the Bodily Presence of Christ; but not one Evidence is, or can be shewed. As for Sectaries, I have none, nor none can have in this Point. For no Men can be Sectaries, or Followers of me in that, which I never held or maintained. And 'tis well known, I have maintained the contrary, and Conference with Fisher, §. 34. puncto 4. p. 292. &c. perhaps, as strongly, as any my Opposits, and upon Grounds more agreeable to the Doctrine of the Primitive Church. Among these Sectaries, which they will needs call mine; they say there are, which teach them, that Christ is received in the Sacrament Corporaliter, both Objectivè, & Subjectivé. For this Opinion, be it whose it will, I for my part do utterly condemn it, as grosly Superstitious. And for the Person that affirms it, they should have done well to name him, and the place where he delivers this Opinion. Had this been done, it had been fair: And I would then have clearly acknowledged what Relation (if any) the Person had to me; and more fully have spoken to the Opinion it self, when I might have seen the full scope together, of all that he delivered. But I doubt, there is some ill Cause, or other, why this Author is not named by them. Yet the Charge goes on—

4. The Book of England, abolishes all that may import the Oblation of † an unbloody Sacrifice: but here we have, besides the any, [...]. & Pryn. preparatory Oblation of the Elements, which is neither to be found in the Book of England now, nor in King Edward's Book of old; The Oblation of the Body, and the Blood of Christ, which Bellarmin calls, Sacrificium Laudis, quia Deus per illud magnoperè laudatur. This also agrees [well, [...]. & Pryn. well] with their late Doctrine.

[Page] First, I think no Man doubts, but that there is, and ought to be offered up to God at the Consecration and Reception of this Sacrament, Sacrificium Laudis, the Sacrifice of Praise: And that this ought to be expressed in the Liturgy, for the Instruction of the People. And these Words, We entirely desire thy Fatherly Goodness, Mercifully to accept this our Sacrifice of Praise, and Thanksgiving, &c. are both in the Book of England, and in that which was prepared for Scotland. And if Bellarmin do call the Oblation of the Body, and the Blood of Christ a Sacrifice of Praise, sure he doth well in it; (for so it is) if Bellarmin mean no more, by the Oblation of the Body, and the Blood of Christ, than a Commemoration, and a Representation of that great Sacrifice offered up by Christ himself: As Bishop Jewel very Learnedly, and fully acknowledges. Respons. ad Harding, Art. 17. divis. 14. But if Bellarmin go farther than this; and by the Oblation of the Body and the Blood of Christ, Differentia [...] in modo; illic enim Christus [...] occisus est: Hic [...] sit [...]. Hugo Grot. in Consult. Cassandri. ad Art. 10. p. 25. mean, that the Priest Offers up that, which Christ himself did, and not a Commemoration of it only; he is Erroneous in that, and can never make it good. But what Bellarmin's Opinion and Meaning is, when he calls it Sacrificium Laudis, a Sacrifice of Praise, I cannot tell; till they be pleased to cite the place, that I may see, and consider of it. In the mean time there is as little said in the Liturgy for Scotland, which may import an Oblation of an unbloody Sacrifice, as is in the Book of England. As for the In the Prayer of Consecration in the Liturgy for Scotland. Oblation of the Elements; that's fit, and proper: And I am sorry for my part, that it is not in the Book of England. But they say farther.

We are ready (when it shall be judged convenient, and we shall be desired) to discover much more of Matters in this kind, as Grounds laid for Missa Sicca, or the Half Mass; for Private Mass without the People; of Communicating in one kind; of the Consumption by the Priest, and Consummation of the Sacrifice; of receiving the Sacrament in the Mouth, and not in the Hand, &c.

Here's a Conclusion of this Charge against me concerning the Service-Book: And these charitable Men, which have sought no less than my Life, now say, they are ready, when it shall be convenient, and that they shall be desired, to deliver much more in this kind. Sure the time can never be more convenient for them than now, when any thing they will say shall be believed, even against apparent Evidence, or most full Proof to the contrary. And I do desire them, that notwithstanding this is Hora vestra, & Potestas Tenebrarum, their most convenient time; that they will discover any thing which they have more to say. But the Truth is; here's nothing in this threatned Heap, but Cunning and Malice. For they would seem to reckon up many things; but divers of them are little different, as Missa Sicca, and Communicating in one kind. And neither these, nor any of the rest, offered with any Proof; nor indeed are they able to prove, that any Grounds are laid for any one of them, in that Service-Book. And for my own part, I have [Page] expressed my self as fully against these particulars, as any Protestant that hath Written. Yet they say—

Our Supplications were many against these Books: But Canterbury procured them to be Answered with when, [...]. & Pryn; Horrible Proclamations. We were constrained to use the Remedy of Protestation: But for our Protestations, and other Lawful Means, which were used for our Deliverance, Canterbury procured us to be declared Rebells and Traytors to all the Parish-Kirks of England terrible Rush. & Pryn. where we were seeking to possess our Religion in Peace, against those Devices, and Novations; Canterbury kindled, Rushw. & Pryn. kindles War against us. In all these it is known, that he was, although not thes ole, yet the principal, Agent and Adviser.

Their Supplications against these Books of the Canons and the Service, were many indeed: But how well qualified, (the matter duly considered) I leave to them, who shall take the pains to look into them. And howsoever, most untrue it is, that I caused them to be answered with Horrible Proclamations. Nor were they constrained by any thing that I know, but their own wilfulness, to use the Churlish Remedy of Protestation against their Sovereigns Lawful Power in Lawful Things. They add, that for their Protestations, and other Lawful Means, which they used for their Deliverance, Canterbury procured them to be proclaimed Rebels. Now truly I know no other Lawful means, that they used, but taking up of Arms professedly against the King: And I for my part do not conceive, that Lawful for Subjects to do, in any Cause, of Religion, or otherwise; and this I am sure, was the Ancient Christian Doctrine

And yet when they had taken up Arms, I did not procure them to be declarered Rebels, and Traytors. The Proclamation for that went out by Common Advise of the Lords of the Council; and their carriage at that time deserv'd it plentifully; let them paint over that Action how they can. And let the World, and future Ages judge; whether to take Arms against their Sovereign were a Christian, and an orderly, seeking to possess their Religion in Peace; especially being against no worse Devices, or no greater Novations, than they have quarelled at, in these Books. Yet for all this, I shall after make it appear, that I kindled no War against them, but kept it off from them, as much, and as long as I could. And as themselves confess, I was not the Sole; so neither they, nor any man else, shall ever be able to prove, I was the Principal, Agent or Adviser of that War. Yea but—

When by the Pacification at Barwick, both Kingdoms looked for Peace and Quietness; he spared not openly in the hearing of many, often before the King, and privately at the Council-Table, and the Privy Junto, to speak of us, as of Rebels and Traytors; and to speak against the Pacification, as dishonourable, and meet to be broke. Neither did his malignancy and bitterness ever suffer him to rest; till a new War was entred upon, and all things prepared for our destruction.

[Page] This Article about the breach of the Pacification, the Parliament of England have thought fit to make a part of their Charge against me: And therefore I shall put off the main of my Answer, till I come to those Articles. In the mean time thus much in brief I shall say to some circumstantial things in this Charge. And first, I do not think, that any thing can be said to be Privately spoken at the Council-Table, that is openly delivered there, in the hearing of his Majesty and all the Lords present: And so was all which I spake there. Secondly, they say, I did openly, and often speak of them (the Scots) as of Rebels and Traytors. That indeed is true; I did so: And I spake as I then thought, and as I think still. For it was as desperate a plotted Treason, as ever was in any Nation. And if they did not think so themselves, what needed their Act of Oblivion in Scotland? or the like in England, to secure their Abetters here? Thirdly, For the Pacification at Barwick, whatever I said touching the Dishonour of it (as shall after appear) yet no Man can truly Charge me, that I said, it was meet to be broken. Fourthly, I had no Malignity answerable to their bitterness against the Church of England; nor did the entring upon a new War proceed from my Counsels; nor did I give farther way to it, than all the Lords of the Junto did. Lastly, it is manifest here, how truly the King was dealt with on all Hands. For here ye see, they take on them to know, not only what was done at the Council-Table, but what was said also at the private Junto: When in all that time his Majesty could get no information of any thing, that proceeded in Scotland. But they proceed yet farther against me.

By him was it, that our Covenant, approven by National Assemblies, Subscribed by his Majesty's Commissioner, and by the Lords of his Majesty's Council, and by them commanded to be Subscribed by all the Subjects of the Kingdom, as a Testimony of our Duty to God and the King: By him was it still called, Ungodly, Damnable, Treasonable: By him were Oaths invented, and pressed upon divers of our poor Countrymen, upon the pain of Imprisonment, and many [ Rushw. other] Miseries, which were unwarranted by Law, and contrary to their National Oath.

This their Covenant indeed, as it was made at first, without at least, if not against, the King, I did utterly dislike. And if I did say, it was Vngodly, Damnable, and Treasonable; I said no more than it deserved. Nor was it any thing the better, but much the worse, if (as it was so made at first) it were approved by National Assemblies: For that was but the greater sign, that the Rebellious Faction grew stronger. But I never What is meant by [...] the King into the Covenant, and his Commissioner Subscribing it, see the King's Large Declaration. p. 134. &c. W. S. A C. found fault with their Covenant, after they were pleased to take in the King, and by his Authority, signified by the Subscription of his Commissioner, to do what was fit to be done. Nor was there any Oath invented or pressed by me upon their Countrymen, unwarrantable by Law; for I neither invented nor pressed any: But whatsoever was done in this kind, was done by Publick Authority at the Council Table. And if any Oath, tendred to them there, were contrary to their National Oath; I doubt it will easily be found, that their National Oath (if such it be) [Page] was contrary to their due and Natural Allegiance. But what's next? Why, this:

When our Commissioners did appear to render the Reasons of our demands; he spared not, in the presence of the King and the Committee, to rail against our National Assembly, as not daring to appear before the World and Kirks abroad; where himself and his Actions were able to indure tryal: And against our just and necessary Defence, as the most malicious and treasonable Contempt of Monarchical Government, that any by-gone Age had heard of. His hand also was at the Warrant of Restraint and Imprisonment of our Commissioners, sent from the Parliament, warranted by the King, and seeking the Peace of the Kingdom.

There are divers things in this part of the Charge. And the first is, that I railed at their National Assembly, in the presence of the King and the Committee. But that under favour is not so. Nor is it my fashion to rail at any body, much less in such a Presence. I was then openly taxed, and by Name, by the L. Lowdon, one of the Commissioners; and that which I said in answer to him, was in my own defence: And it was to this effect. That whatsoever their Assembly had concluded, did not much move me. For I did assure my self, nothing they could say or do, could sink my Credit in Christendom; going upon grounds, which would every where abide tryal: And I somewhat doubted, whether the Acts of their Assembly would do so; since even at home, not the Bishops only, but the Learned Divines of Aberdeen, opposed divers of them. This was not railing against their Assembly. And if it shall be thought too much to be spoken by (though for) my self; I humbly desire the Christian Reader to remember, That even S. Paul 2 Cor 12. 11. was forced to commend himself, when false Brethren accused him, 2 Cor. 12.

Next, they say, I spake against their just and necessary defence. Truly not I: That which I spake, was against their defence, as being neither Just nor Necessary. And if I then said (speaking of things, as they stood then) that they were Treasonable Contempts of Monarchical Government; then, being such, their defence of them could neither be Just, nor Necessary. And truly, as they stood then I held them very desperate, against the Honour and just Power of the King. I say, as they stood then. For since his Majesty hath referred them to Honourable Commissioners of both Nations, and out of his Clemency and Goodness, hath admitted all, or most of them, (which I believe few Kings would have done;) I have spoken nothing of them, but in Prayer, that God will graciously be pleased to turn all these things, to the Good and Peace of both Kingdoms; which must be little less than a Miracle, if he do.

As for my Hand, that it was at the Warrant of Restraint of the Commissioners, sent from the Parliament, &c. This also is but a meer clamour, to bring me into further hatred, which hath been their aim all along. For why else, is my Hand picked out alone; whereas, the Hands of all (for ought I know) that were then present at the Committee, were subscribed to that Warrant? And yet it seems, no Hand [Page] hath troubled them but mine. And for these Commissioners, seeking the Peace of the Kingdom, I will not offer to enter upon their Thoughts, what they sought; but leave it to future times, that will discover the success of things, and by it open the aim of the Agents, how they sought the Peace of these Kingdoms. But yet they go on—

For when we had (say they) by our Declarations, Remonstrances, and Representations, manifested the Truth of our Intentions, and Lawfulness of our Actions to all the good Subjects of the Kingdom of England; when the late Parliament could, [...]. & Pryn. would not be moved to assist, or enter into a War against us, maintaining our Religion and our Liberties; Canterbury did not only advise the breaking up of that High and Honourable Court, to the great grief and hazard of the Kingdom; but (which is without Example) did sit still in the Convocation, and make Canons and Constitutions, against us, and our Just and Necessary defence.

They did indeed offer by many Pamphlets, Printed and sent into England, to manifest the Truth of their Intentions; which was to join close with their Party here, and come and gain some good Booty in England: And this end they have obtained. But the lawfulness of their Actions, they neither have, nor can make good, to any Impartial and Judicious Reader of them. And whereas they say, they have made the lawfulness of them manifest, to all the good Subjects of the Kingdom of England; you must know, that they are only such English as joyn with them in their Plot, or at least in their [...]. in Affection to Religion: And 'tis easie, to make any thing that fits their Humour, and comes from their Associats, manifest enough. But God forbid, these should be all the good Subjects of England, which (it may too justly be feared) are none of them. And yet it cannot be denied, but that England hath, at this day, much too many of these good Subjects.

They add further; that the late Parliament would not assist, nor enter into a War against them. I believe that is true; and I leave the Parliament to give their own Reasons, why they would not. But I am sure, that which follows is most untrue, That I gave Advice for the breaking of it up; as appears, by that which I have formerly set down, and will not repeat. And I shall ever wish from my Heart, that the Kingdom may never be hazarded more than it hath been by my Counsels; and then, by God's Blessing, it shall be a happier Kingdom, than the youngest now alive are like to see it, if things go on in the Track they now are.

Next they say; that without all Example, I sat still in Convocation, though the Parliament were risen: Without Example: What is that to them, if it were so? But the Arch-Bishops of Canterbury have sate in Convocation, and made Canons too, when no Parliament hath been sitting; as is most manifest by the Records of that See. Yea, but there is no Example of it since the Reformation. Be it so: Nor is it, for all that, forbidden in the Statute of the submission of the Clergy, 25 H. 8. so they sit by the King's Writ. And yet here I was so careful, as that I caused the great Lawyers of the Kingdom to be [Page] consulted abaut it, and followed their Judgments, as is before expressed. And for the Canons which were made, they were not against them. One branch indeed of the first Canon, is against Subjects bearing Arms against their King, offensive, or defensive, under any pretence whatsoever. But this, as it is the Antient Doctrine, which the Church of Christ hath ever Taught in all times and places: So is it not against them at all, unless they, against p. 40. Christian Religion, and Natural All giance, bear Arms against their King. But if they do, or have done so; the Canon, that was not made against them, hits them full. And in this Case, let them pretend what they list, their Defence can neither be Just nor Necessary. Yea, but they say farther, that I—

Ordained under all highest pains, That hereafter the Clergy shall The place is corrected from Pryn. & Rush. Preach four times in the Year, such Doctrine, as is contrary not only to our Proceedings, but to the Doctrine and Proceeding. of other Reformed Kirks, to the Judgment of all sound Divines and Politicks, and tending to the utter Slavery and Ruine of all States and Kingdoms, and to the dishonour of Kings and Monarchs.

This goes high indeed; if it were as full in proof, as 'tis loud in expression. But here is not one shew of Proof added, either from Reason or Authority, Divine or Humane, more than their bare word; And therefore I must answer it in the same Key. First then, 'tis true, that in the Preface of the first Canon, every Minister is injoyned, under a Penalty, to Publish to his People the Exposition of Regal Power contained in that Canon; and this once every quarter of a Year. So then, if the Doctrine contained in that Canon be true, (and it was approved for Truth, by the whole National Synod of England;) then all this high Charge falls low enough. Besides, it will concern them to consider well, what their Proceedings have been. For as for this Canon, it is according to the Doctrine and Practice of the Primitive Church: And they, surely, were both Pious and Sound Divines that lived in it; and I, for my part, shall hold no Man a Sound Divine, that runs contrary to it.

Now, that the Primitive Christians were of Opinion, that Subjects ought not to take Arms against their Kings, Offensive or Defensive, upon any pretence whatsoever (which are the words in our Can. 1. sub Carolo. Canon, which they are so angry with) no, not for, or under, pretence of Religion, see the Proofs in the Margin. Plures nimirum, &c. vestra omnia [...], urbes, insulas, castella, &c. [...] bello non idonei, &c. qui [...] libenter [...], si non apud istam disciplinam occidi magis liceret, quam [...]? Tert. Apologet. c. 37. And in another place, speaking of the Rebellions raised by Cassius, Niger, and Albinus, he Notes, that none of their [...] were Christians. Nunquam Albiniani, [...], vel Cassiani, [...] Christiani: And then adds; [...] nullius est [...], nedum Imperatoris, &c. [...]. ad Scapulam, c 2 § 2. Constantius the [...] Emperor [...] heavy upon the [...] Christians: And when it was suggested unto him, that [...] and other [...], had secretly stirred up [...] to invade the Empire; the Holy Father having fully confuted the Calumny, concludes thus: [...]. S. Athanas. [...]. ad Constantium. Edit. Gr. Lat. p 681. The like faithful Subjects the Christians shewed themselves to Julian the [...], when he used them very sowrly. And though they would not obey him, when he commanded them to [...] Idols; yet in other things they did, and Rebelled not, S. [...]. in Psal. 124. Nor did they forbear, either for want of strength or opportunity: For when Julian dyed, the whole Army cryed our, We are all Christians. Soc. Lib. 3. Hist. [...]. c. 22. And so St. Amb. to [...] the Younger: Against your Forces, my Weapons are Prayers and Tears; [...] nec debeo nec possum resistere, &c. Non ego me vallabo circumfusione Populorum, &c. (which as the case stood then with him, he was able to do;) [...], Auguste, non pugnamus. S. Amb. in Orat. [...]. inter Epistolas 32, & 33. The like for Defensive Arms: Inde est enim, quod nemo nostrum, quando apprehenditur, reluctatur, nec adversus injustam violentiam vestram, quamvis nimius & copiosus noster sit Populus, ulciseitur. Cyprian. Epistola ad Demetrianum. Quum tam [...], ne verbe quidem reluctamur; sed Deo [...] ultionem. Lactant. L. 5. Divin. Instit. c. 22. Neque tunc Civitas Christi quanquam haberet, [...] magnorum agmina Populorum, adversùs impios persecutores pro temporali salute pugnavit. Sed [...] ut obtineret [...], non repugnavit. S. Aug. Lib. 22. de Civitat. Dei. c. 6. For in the most bitter Times of Persecution, for the very highest points of Religion, whatever Miseries they indured, they still contained themselves within the bounds of their Obedience: And that too, not out of any want of Power, but will, to hurt. And if the Doctrine of other Reformed Churches be contrary to this, they shall do well to shew it; and then I'll give such farther Answer as is fit.

[Page] But if the Canon be contrary to the Judgment of sound Politiques; I know not which they call sound. For if they mean such as are of their Feather, I think their Judgments are alike Sound; that is, neither. And if they mean Learned and well experienced Politiques, I believe they will be able to shew none of their Opinion; unless they be such, as have been bred up either in their Faction, or in the Opposite at Rome. For Nec singulis civibus, nec universis fas est summi, Principls vitam, famam aut fortunas in discrimen [...], & si omnium scelerum, &c. Poenis acerbissimis statuendum est in eos, qui [...] scriptis subditos in Principes armare consueverunt. Bodin. L. 2. de Repub. c. 5. p. 210, & 212. Bodin is clear, That Arms may not be taken up against the Prince, be he never so Impious and Wicked: And instances in Saul, and Temporibus & Locis nimium servientes, &c. Nec hoc locum habet in privatis tantum, sed nec Magistratibus inferioribus hoc licet, &c. Grotius. L. 1. de Jure belli & pacis, c. 4. n. 6. Nebuchadnezzar. And Grotius doth not only say as much as Bodin, but Censures them which hold the contrary, to be Men which serve Time and Place, more than Truth. Nor is it any whit more Lawful for Inferiour Magistrates, to make this resistance against the King, than it is for private Men. Ibid. n. 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14. And this is universally true, where the Princes are free, and have not undertaken the Government, under that or the like Condition; or being free, seek with a Hostile Mind to ruine their People, which is scarce possible. And a great Civilian Rebellem propriè & strictè dici, qui contra Imperatorem, vel ejus officiales resistit, in pertinentibus ad statum Imperij. Asserit Lancelot Conradus. L. 1. de praestantia & potestate, Imperat. n. 12. tells us, that he is properly a Rebel, that resists the Emperor or his Officers, in things belonging to the State of the Empire. Some Cases he lays down indeed, in which the pleasure of a Prince may not be obeyed, but none, in which his Greg. Turonens. L. 5. Hist. n. 18. Power is to be resisted.

Nor is it any marvel, that Christians do disallow the taking up of Arms against the Prince; since even the soundest Politicks among the Heathen, have declared so likewise. Aristoteles citat. apud Grotium. L. 1. de Jure [...], c. 4. n. 2. Aristotle was of this Opinion, that if the Magistrate strike, yet he is not to be struck again: And Seneca. Epist. 73. Seneca; that Men are to bear the unjust, as well as the just Commands of Princes. And Tacitus. L. 4. Histor. Tacitus, that good Emperours are to be desired, but whatever they be, to be born with. And Nec [...] nec licitum Regis [...] manus [...]. Plutarch. In vit. Agidis & Cleomen. Plutarch, that it is not Lawful to Boni expetendi, qualescunque tolerandi.offer any Violence to the Person of the King. And [...]. L. 1. Epist Fam. Epist. 9. [...], nec patriae vim offerri oportere. Cicero, That no Force is to be offered either to a Man's Parent, or to his Country: And therefore (in his Judgment) not to the Prince, who is Pater Patriae, the Father of his Country. And the truth is, where-ever the contrary Opinion is maintained, the Prince can never be safe, nor the Government setled. But so soon as a Faction [Page] can get a fit Head, and gather sufficient strength; all is torn in pieces, and the Prince lost for no considerable Errour, or perhaps none at all. For a strong Party, once Heated, can as easily make Faults, as find them, either in Church or Common-wealth: And make the King say, as Zedekiah sometimes did to his potent Nobles, Behold Jeremiah is in your Hands; for the King is not he, that can do any thing against you. Jerem. 38. Jerem. 38. 5.

But whereas they say; it is a Doctrine, that tends to the utter Slavery and ruin of all States and Kingdoms: That will appear most untrue by the very Letter of the Canon it self; which gives way to no Tyranny, but expresses only the true Power of a King given by God, and to be exercised according to God's Law, and the several Laws of Kingdoms respectively. And, I hope, there will ever be a real difference found in Christian Kingdoms, between the Doctrine that tends to Slavery and Ruine, and that which forbids taking up of Arms against their Sovereign; which is all that this Canon doth. And in the mean time, I pray God this, not Doctrine only, but Practice also, of taking up Arms against the Lord's Anointed, under meer pretence of Religion, do not in a shorter time, than is fear'd, bring all to Confusion, where-ever 'tis Practised. For howsoever it bears a shew of Liberty, yet this way of maintaining it is not only dishonourable to Kings, but the ready way to make them study ways of Force, and to use Power, when-ever they get it, to abridge the Liberties of such over-daring Subjects. And in all times it hath sown the Seeds of Civil Combustions, which have ended in Slavery and Ruine of flourishing Kingdoms. And I pray God, these do not end so in this. But they go on—

And as if this had not been sufficient, he Procured, Rushw. & Pryn. procures six Subsidies to be lifted of the Clergy, under pain of Deprivation to all who should refuse.

The giving of the King Subsidies is no new thing. The Clergy have bin ever willing to the uttermost of their Power; But what I and my Brethren of the Clergy did at this time therein, is p. 9. before set down: And I hold it not fit to lengthen this Tract with the needless Repetition of any thing.

And which is yet Worse, Rushw. & Pryn. more, and above which Malice it self cannot ascend; by his means a Prayer is framed, Printed, and sent through all the Parishes of England, to be said in all Churches in time of Divine Service, next after the Prayer for the Queen and Royal Progeny, against our Nation by Name, as Trayterous Subjects, having cast off all Obedience to our Anointed Sovereign, and coming in a Rebellious manner to Invade England; that shame may cover our Faces, as Enemies to God and the King.

We are now come to the last part of their Charge; and that's the Prayer, which was made and sent to be used in all Churches when the Scots came into England. But this Prayer was made not [Page] by my means, or procurement, but by his Majesties special Command to me to see it done. And it hath bin ever usual in England, upon great and urgent occasions, to have one or more Prayers made by some Bishop or Bishops, nearest hand, to fit the Present business. And this may appear by divers Forms and Prayers so made, and publickly used in all times since the Reformation. And since this Prayer was made by his Majesties own Command; I am sorry they should say of it, that Malice it self cannot ascend above it. Though I perswade my self they thought to hit me, not him in this Speech.

Now, what I pray is that, above which Malice it self cannot ascend? Why, first it is, That they were called in that Prayer, trayterous Subjects, which had cast off all Obedience to their Anointed Sovereign. Why, but Truth spake this, not Malice? For Trayterous Subjects they were then, if ever a King had any: And the Kings Proclamation called them so before that Prayer came forth. And what Title soever it is fit to give them now, since his Majesty hath bin graciously pleased to treat with them, and pass by their Offence, that's another thing; but as the case stood then, they had shaken off all Obedience, and were as they were then called, Trayterous Subjects. And I had a special Charge from the King, not to spare that Name.

Secondly, They except against this, that 'tis there said, that they came in a Rebellious manner to Invade this Kingdom. And that is most true too; for whereas they said, they came in a peaceable manner to deliver their Petitions to the King, for the Liberty of their Religion and Laws: Is it a peaceable way to come two or three and twenty Thousand Men strong, and Armed, to deliver a Petition? Let the whole World judge, whether this were not a Rebellious Invasion.

Thirdly, They say 'tis desir'd in the Prayer, that God would with shame cover the Faces of his, and the King's Enemies. Out of doubt, this Petition proceeds from Devotion, not from Malice. And if the Scots (when they Invaded England, upon a Treacherous Plot, and Conjunction. Conjuncture with the like Faction here, that so both might have their Ends against the King, and the Church,) were not God's Enemies, and the Kings, the Prayer meddles not with them: If they were (as for my part I must believe, if I judge by their Actions) they deserve all that can be prayed against them, so long as they continue in that Disobedience. And yet the Prayer was not (as 'tis said) against their Nation by Name: No, God forbid; their Nation hath I doubt not very many devout Servants to God, and Loyal Subjects to their King. But it was aginst that prevailing Faction among them, which in that great Rebellious Action became Enemies both to God, and the King. Now follows the Conclusion.

Whosoever [...], Rushw. & Pryn. will Impartially Examin what hath proceeded from himself in these two Books of Canons, and Common Prayer; what Doctrine hath bin Published and Printed these Years By [...], Rushw. & Pryn. past in England, by his Disciples and Emissaries; What gross Popery in the most material Points we have found, and are ready to shew in the Posthume Writings of the Prelates of Edinburgh and [Page] Dunblaine, his own Creatures, his nearest Familiars, and most willing Instruments to advance his Counsels and Projects; shall perceive, that his Intentions were deep and large against all the Reformed Kirks, and Reformation of Religion, which in his Majesties Dominions was Panting, and had by this time rendred up the Ghost, if God had not in a wonderful way of Mercy prevented It, [...]. us.

The Conclusion is like the rest; much said in it, and nothing proved. Where first I desire no favour, but an Impartial Examination of a Discreet, Pious, and Judicious Reader, of all things done by me in the one Book or the other. Next, for the Doctrine which hath been Printed these Years past; (though little or none hath been Published by any Disciple or Emissary of mine:) I perswade my self, the Intelligent, and Impartial Reader will find it to be as sound and Orthodox, as any that hath been Printed in any so many Years since the Reformation. And if they, whom I was necessarily to trust in that Business, have slipped any thing; they are subject to answer the Laws in that behalf. Thirdly, what gross Popery they have found in the Posthume Writings of the Prelates of Edinburgh and Dunblaine, I know not. This I know; 'tis an Easie, but a base thing, to abuse the Dead, who cannot answer for themselves: And they which are so over-bold with the Living, may easily and justly enough be suspected not to hold over-fair quarter with the Grave.

But whereas it is said, that these worthy Men (for such they were) were my Creatures, my nearest Familiars, my willing Instruments, and the like: This I do here avow for truth; I was a meer Stranger to Dr. Forbys, [...]. late Prelate of Edinburgh. The first time that ever I saw him, was when I attended as a Chaplain in Ordinary upon King James of blessed Memory, in the Year 1617. At which time I heard him Preach very learnedly before his Majesty. After that time I never saw him, till I attended his Majesty, that now is, as Dean of his Chappel, into Scotland, in the Year 1633. In the mean time I had contracted no Friendship; no Letters had passed between us. Then he Preached again very Learnedly, and his Majesty resolved to make him Bishop of Edinburgh; which was done accordingly; and to my Remembrance, he lived not above a Year after, or very little more. And this was all the near Familiarity that was between him and me.

With the Bp. of Dunblaine, Dr. Wedderborne; I confess, I had more, and longer Acquaintance; for he lived some Years in England, and was recommended unto me, as a Man that had very good parts and Learning in him. He lived long with Mr. Isaac Casaubon, who was not like to teach him any Popery, and who certainly would not have retained him so long, or so near unto him, had he not found him a deserver. After I came acquainted with him, I wished him very well for his worth sake, and did what I could for him to enable him to live. But sure if my Intentions were so deep, as they are after said to be, he could be no fit Instrument for me; he being a meer Scholar, and a Book-Man, [Page] and as unfit for, as unacquainted with, such Counsels and Projects, as these Men would make me Author of. And if my Intentions were so deep; out of doubt I had Brains enough to make a wiser Choice of Instruments to advance them. This for the Men.

But for the Matter, if any posthume Papers of theirs be other than they ought; their Credit must answer for them to the World, as their Conscience hath already done to God. And for my own part, I protest I do not, nor ever did, know of any such Papers which they had, or left behind; nor do I believe, they left any behind them, but such as were worthy their Learning and Integrity.

But my Intentions (they say) were deep and large against all the Reformed Kirks. Surely the deeper, the worse, if they were so ill. But as I cannot be so vain, to assume to my self any such depth: So I humbly thank God for it, I am free from all such wickedness. The worst thought I had of any Reformed Church in Christendom, was to wish it like the Church of England; and so much better, as it should please God to make it. And the deepest intention I had concerning all or any of them, was how they might not only be wished, but made so: As for the Reformation of Religion in his Majesties Dominions, which (they say) was panting, and had given up the Ghost, if God had not in a wonderful way of Mercy prevented them. First, this is, under Favour, most untrue, and a base and most undeserved Scandal put upon his Majesty's Government. Secondly, I shall take leave to Prophesy, that unless after all this Tumbling the People can be [...], that all stand for matters of Religion, both Doctrine, and Discipline (and that rather with addition to the Churches Power, than detracting from it) as they then did, when these Men say the Reformation was pantting, and giving up the Ghost: I much doubt, that neither they, nor their Childrens Children after, shall see such Happy Days again for all things, as these were, which they so unthankfully to God and their King, murmured against, and as these Men yet snarl at. And for the Spirit which prevented them in this Action, in such a wonderful way of Mercy, if ever they awake out of this Lethargy (for better it is not) they will then see whence he is, and whither he tends. They add to this—

That if the Pope himself had been in his place, he could not have been more Popish; nor could he more Zealously have Negotiated for Rome against the Reformed Kirks, to reduce them to the Heresies in Doctrine, the Superstitions [...]. & [...]. Superstition, and Idolatry in Worship, and the Tyranny in Government, which are in that See, and for which the Reformed Kirks did separate from it, and came forth of Babel. From him certainly hath issued all this Deluge, which almost hath overturned all.

What, not the Pope himself? now surely he could do little then. For (as I told you in the very last Passage) I never intended more to the Reformed Churches, than to wish them in Doctrine and Discipline, like the Church of England. And I hope, that was neither [Page] to Negotiate for Rome, nor to reduce them to Heresie in Doctrine, nor to Superstition and Idolatry in Worship, no, nor to Tyranny in Government. All which are here most wrongfully imputed to me. And this comparing of me with the Pope himself, I could bear with more ease, had I not Written more against Popish Superstition, than any Presbyter in Scotland hath done. And for my part I wou'd be contented to lay down my Life to Morrow, upon Condition the Pope and Church of Rome would admit and confirm that Service-Book, which hath been here so eagerly charged against me: For were that done, it would give a greater blow to Popery; which is but the Corruption of the Church of Rome, than any hath yet been given: And that they know full well. And whereas they say, that for these things the Reformed Churches did separate from it, and came forth of Babel. That is true, that they did separate; and for these things: But not till for the maintaining of the contrary to these things, they were Excommunicated, and Thrust out. Then indeed they separated, but not till they were forced by a double necessity; of Truth, from which they might not depart; and of that Punishment, which would not suffer them to enter. And yet the Reformed Churches, all and every of them, had need look well to themselves: For if they came out of Babel to run down into Egypt, they'll get little by the Bargain. Now they end in Confidence.

§

We are therefore confident, that your Lordships (this they speak to the English Commissioners, who were to deliver this their Charge against me into the Lords House;) will by your means deal effectually [with the Parliament] that this great Fire-brand Desunt [...], in Rushw. may be presently removed from his Majesties Presence; and that he may be put to Tryal, and put to, Rush, & Pryn. have his deserved Censure, according to the Laws of the Kingdom: Which shall be good Service to God, Honour to the King and Parliament; Terror to the Wicked, and Comfort to all good Men; and to us in special, who, by his means principally, have been put to so many and grievous Afflictions; wherein we had Perished, if God had not been with us.

Decemb. 14. 1640.

Ad. Blayer.Who was Register, or Secretary, to the Scotch Commissioners.

They were, and they might well be confident upon their Lordships: For all, or some chief of that Committee were in league with them: And some of them the principal Men which brought the Scots in, to have their ends upon the King. And they did deal effectually with the Parliament: For (as appears by the Date) this Charge was delivered to the English Commissioners, Decemb. 14. It was Read in the upper House, Decemb. 14. 1640. and transmitted to the House of Commons; and such haste made of it there, that they, though they had no Articles drawn, yet came up in haste, and accused me to the Lords of High Treason, desiring my Commitment, and Promising the bringing up of their Articles and Proof [Page] against me in convenient time. So upon this Accusation only, I was, upon Decemb. 18. committed to Mr. James Maxwell, the Officer Decemb. 18. 1640. of the House, and so removed from his Majesty's Presence; which was the great aim against me. For they conceiv'd I wou'd speak my Conscience, if I came near him: And they could not with any Colour of Justice take me from him, but by an Accusation of High Treason; of which I would not for all the World be as Guilty as some of them are, which Accused me. This was their desire for my Commitment.

Their next desire was, That I might be brought to Tryal, and receive my Censure according to the Laws. And this hath been, and yet is my desire, as well as theirs. For I long for nothing more than a Tryal; and I can fear no Censure that is according to Law; and am as free from the Breach of any Law, that can make me guilty of Treason, as I was when my Mother bare me into the World. And when I was thus far on upon my Answer, I had remained at Mr. Maxwell's, and in the Tower Eleven Months (so many it was when I writ this) But before I came to my Hearing I had been Thirteen Months in Prison, and neither brought to Tryal, no nor so much as a Particular Charge brought up against me, that I might prepare for an Answer, in so heavy a Business. And I am somewhat farther of my Accusers Mind; That to bring me to a just Tryal according to Law, would be good Service to God, Honour to the King, and the Parliament, who cannot but suffer in the Judgment of Moderate Men, for laying a Man of my Place and Calling so long in Prison, (a thing without all Precedent) and yet charging me with no particular. Nay, and I think, in a good Sense too, it would be a Terrour to the Wicked, to see an Innocent Man brought to such a Tryal. Yea, and yet a Comfort to all Good Men too, when they see, that an Innocent Man shall not be let lye, and languish to Death in Prison, (which may be my Case for ought I see) but that in some time they may hope for Tryal: Yea, and to them, the Scots in special. For this Bold, and most true Word I'll speak: The Scottish Nation in general, the City of Edinburgh in special, and very many particular Men of good Worth, and some Men of Honour, besides Clergy-men of all sorts, during the time I had Interest in Court, have been more beholding to me, than to any ten English Subjects of what rank and condition soever: And this his Majesty knows, and I dare say will Witness. And for their present Afflictions which they speak of, the Current of this Discourse will shew to the indifferent Reader, what a Principal means I have been of them. In the mean time, I little deserved from them the Name of This great Firebrand; for many of them have warmed themselves at me, but yet I never Fired any of them. Nor can I make any doubt but that God Ecclus. 51. [...]. will deliver me out of the midst of this Fire, which he knows I kindled not. Howsoever letthem take heed, for as sure as they now make themselves in the Conjunction. Conjuncture of a great Party, in which one Wave seconds, and keeps up another; yet though these Waves of the Sea are mighty, and rage horribly, the Lord that dwelleth on High is Mightier. And Psal: [...] under him I rest, and I hope shall, till their Waves be broken against some Rock or other.

CAP. IV.

[Page]

NOW follows Adam Blair the second, with a Codicil, or a Corollary to this Charge. And this though it concerns my Brethren, the Bishops, as much as me; yet because it charges upon the Calling, and was delivered in with the Charge against me, though Decemb 15. 1640. under another date, of December 15. I shall express what I think of that too. For I think the Scotch Commissioners took another day in upon advice, that they might have a fling at the whole Calling. And I cannot but think, it was upon design among them, when I consider, how eagerly the House of Commons hath followed Episcopacy ever since. This Codicil to their last Will and Testament concerning me begins thus:

We do indeed confess, that the Prelates of England have been of very different humours, some of them of a more hot, and others of them Men of a moderate Temper; some of them more, and some less inclinable to Popery: yet what known Truth, and constant Experience, hath made undeniable, we must at this Opportunity Profess, Rushw. & Pryn. express.

And so must we: For we as ingenuously confess, that the Presbyters of Scotland have been of very different humours; some of them of a more hot, and others of them Men of a moderate Temper. And the more moderate for Temper, and the more able for Learning among them, have ever declared for the Episcopacy of England. But whereas they say, some of the Bishops of England, are more, and some less inclinable to Popery; that may seem to imply, that all of them are more or less inclinable to Popery: which I dare say is a loud untruth. Perhaps that which some of them call Popery, is Orthodox Christianity, and not one whit the worse for their miscalling it, though they much the worse for disbelieving it. But now you shall hear, what that known truth is, which constant experience (they say) hath made undeniable.

That from the first time of the Reformation of the Kirk of Scotland, not only after the coming of King James of Happy Memory into England, but before, the Prelates of England have been by all means uncessantly working the overthrow of our Discipline and Government.

A little change in the words answers this. For from the very first of the Reformation of the Church of England, as well before, as after, the coming in of King James of Happy Memory, the Presbyters of Scotland have been by all means uncessantly working the overthrow of Episcopacy, our Discipline and Government: As appears most manifestly in The Scottish [...]. The Survey of the Discipline. Archbishop Bancroft's Works. So then, either this is a loud untruth, if our Prelates did not so practise against [Page] them: Or if it be truth, our Bishops had altogether as much reason, (if not more, the justice of the Cause considered) to work the overthrow of their Discipline, than they had of Episcopacy. But they tell us:

It hath come to pass of late, that the Prelates of England having prevailed and brought Vs to Subjection in point of Government, and finding their long-waited-for Opportunity, and a rare Congruity of many Spirits and Powers ready to co-operate for their Ends, have made a strong Assault upon the whole External Worship and Doctrine of our Kirk.

Surely for their Doctrine, 'tis too large a Field to beat over at this time. Yet many Doctrines are on foot amongst them, which are fitter to be weighed, than swallowed, would they permit them to be brought to the Sanctuary and Balanced there. And for the whole External Worship which they speak of, I have heard it said, they have none at all; and out of doubt, 'tis very little they have, if any. And therefore if the Prelates of England had gotten an Opportunity, and a Congruity of Spirits and Powers to co-operate, (which yet is not so) they had been much to blame, if they had not pursued it, till they had brought both the one and the other to a better Condition than they stand in at present. And if they had such an Opportunity, they were much to blame that deserted it; And if they had not, these Men are unworthy for asserting it. But what End had the Prelates of England in this? Why sure—

By this their doing they did not aim to make us conform to England; but to make Scotland first (whose weakness in resisting they had before experienced in Novations of Government, and of some Points of Worship) and Thereafter, Pryn & Rushw. therefore England, conform to Rome, even in those matters wherein England had separated from Rome, ever since the time of Reformation.

These Men out of doubt have, or take on them to have, a great insight into the Hearts and Souls of the Prelates of England. They know that we did not aim to make them conformable to England, but to make Scotland first, and then England, conformable to Rome. But I know the contrary; and will leave the Book it self to be judged by the Learned in all parts of Christendom, (for it is carefully Translated into Latin;) whether it teach, or practise Conformity with Rome, or not: which trial is far beyond their unlearned, and uncharitable Skill. Assertion. And if any other of my Brethren have had this aim, they should do well to name them. But they are so void of Charity; that they cannot forbear to say, that we aim to make them Conformable to Rome, even in those things wherein England had separated from Rome, ever since the Reformation. Which is so monstrous an untruth that I wonder how Impudence it self dare utter it; considering what the Bishops of England have written in defence of their Reformation against Rome, and how far beyond any thing which the Presbyters of Scotland have written against it.

[Page] As for the Reason, which is given, why we began with Scotland, namely, because we had experience of their weakness in resisting Novations of Government, and of some Points of Worship: I know not what they mean by their weakness in resisting, unless it be, That they did not prevail against King James of Blessed Memory, (for resist they did to their power;) when he brought in Bishops, (which it seems they call Novations in Government,) and the Articles of Perth, which they stile Novations in some Points of Worship. And if this be that which they mean; there is no Novation in the one, or the other. And for their weakness in resisting, you may see what it is. For no sooner have they gotten the Opportunity, which they speak of in the beginning of this Codicil, but they cast out all their Bishops; reversed all the Articles of Perth; all the Acts of Parliament, which confirmed both; brought back all to the rude draught of Knox and Buchanan; saving that they have made it much worse, by admitting so many Lay-Elders with Votes in their General Assemblies, as may inable the Lay-men to make themselves what Religion they please: A thing which the Church of Christ never knew in any part of it. Nor have they stayed here; but made use of the same Opportunity, to cry down the Bishops, and Church-Government in England: As you will see by that which comes next.

An Evil therefore, which hath issued, not so much from the Personal Disposition of the Prelates themselves, as from the innate Quality and Nature of their Office, and Prelatical Hierarchy, which did bring forth the Pope in Ancient times, and never Ceased. Rush. ceaseth till it Brought. Rushw. bring forth Popish Doctrine and Worship, where it is once rooted, and the Principles thereof fomented, and constantly followed.

They tell us here, that this Conformity with Rome, is an Evil that issues not so much from the Personal Disposition of the Prelates themselves, as from the innate Quality and Nature of their Office. Conformity with Rome in any Error, or Superstition, is doubtless an Evil; but that it issues from the Nature of a Bishop's Office, cannot be. For that Office is to Preach Christ, and to govern the Church of Christ, according to his Laws. If any Bishop break this, 'tis his Personal Error, and most unnatural to his Office; to which if he adhere, he can neither teach, nor practise, Superstition. Therefore certainly, what Error soever comes, is from his Person, not his Office. And 'tis great Ignorance to call this Evil an innate Quality of the Office; when the Office is a thing of Institution, not of Nature; and therefore cannot possibly have any innate Quality in it.

But since they will needs have it thus; let us invert it a little, and see how it will fit them, against their King; more than it can fit the Bishops for the Pope. For if we should say (as perhaps we may too truly) that the dangerous Positions, which too many of the Presbyterian Faction publickly maintain, and in Print, proceed not so much from the Personal Disposition of the Presbyterians themselves, as from the innate Quality and Nature of their Presbyteries, and their Antimonarchical Party; I believe it would trouble them to shape a good [Page] Answer to it, unless they will admit of that which I before have given. But then, if they do this, they Charge themselves with falshood in that which they lay upon the Bishops Office.

Next they tell you, that this Prelatical Hierarchy did bring forth the Pope in Ancient times. But truly I think they are thus far deceived; The Hierarchy cannot be said to bring forth the chief parts of it self. Now the Patriarchs, (of which the Bishop of Rome was one, if not Prime in Order,) were the Principal parts of the Hierarchy: Therefore the Hierarchy cannot well be said to bring them forth. But suppose it be so, that the Pope were brought forth by the Bishops; what fault is there in it? For the Pope was good, both Nomine & Re, in name, and in being, as they were at first. For thirty of them together were Martyrs for Christ [...], in Platinae Hyginum. Vide autem [...]. Dissert 1. 4. 2. W S. A. C. Rom. 1. 8.: And the Church of Rome was famous for her Faith over the World in the very Apostles times. Rom. 1. And if either the Popes, or that Church, have degenerated since; that is a Personal Crime, and not to be imputed to the Office. And therefore these Men do very ill, or very ignorantly, to affirm, that this Office (of Episcopacy) never ceases till it bring forth Popish Doctrine and Worship. For in all the time of these thirty Popes, there was no Doctrine brought forth, which may justly be accounted Superstitious, or called Popery. For the last of those thirty died in the Year 309. ..... And they cannot be ignorant that Jewell's Reply to Dr. Harding. Bishop Jewell, on the behalf of the Church of England, challenged the Current of the Fathers, for full Six Hundred Years, to be for it, against Rome, in very many and main Points of Popery. And therefore I may well say, there was no Popery in the World, when the Thirtieth Pope died. Well, if this Evil do not arise from the Hierarchy; yet it doth—

From the Antipathy and Inconsistence of the two Forms of the Ecclesiastical Government, which they conceived, and not without Cause, one Island, United. Rushw & Pryn. joyned also under one Head and Monarch, was not able to bear: The one being [The same is added from Pryn and Rush. the same] in all the Parts and Powers which it was in the time of Popery, and still is in the Roman Kirk: The other being the Form of Government received, maintained, and practised by all the Reformed Kirks; wherein, by their own Testimonies and Confessions, the Kirk of Scotland had amongst them no small Eminency.

Sure these Men have forgotten themselves. For they tell us immediatly before, that this Evil of bringing forth Popish Doctrine and Worship, proceeds from the very Office of a Bishop: And now they add, and from the Antipathy of these two Forms of Church Government. Doth the Bishops Office produce Popery? And doth the Antipathy between the Presbytery and Episcopacy produce Popery too? So then belike in these Men's Judgments both Bishops, and they which oppose Bishops, produce Popery. And if that be true, Popery must needs increase, that is produced on all sides.

An Evil then there is, though perhaps not this, which issues from that Antipathy and Inconsistence of these two Forms of Ecclesiastical Government, which (they say) we Prelates of England conceived, and not [Page] without Cause, one Island, joyned also under one Head and Monarch, was not able to bear: And that Evil was (as I conceive) the continual Jarrs and Oppositions, which would daily arise among His Majesties Subjects of both Kingdoms, concerning these different Forms of Government: And these would bring forth such Heart-burnings and Divisions among the People, that the King might never be secure at home, nor presume upon united Forces against a Foreign Enemy. And this is Evil enough to any Monarch of two divided Kingdoms; especially lying so near in one Island. Now, if the Bishops of England did conceive thus, and, as our Adversaries here confess, not without Cause; Then certainly by their own Confession, the Prelates of England had Reason to use all just endeavours to remove, and take away this Inconsistence, that the Form of the Ecclesiastical Government might be one, in one Island, and under one Monarch, that so Faction and Schism might cease; which else, when they get Opportunity, find a way to rent the Peace of Kingdoms, if not Kingdoms themselves. And this Island (God of his Mercy preserve it) is at this Jan. 22. 1641. time in great hazard to undergo the fatality of it in a great measure.

The next is a manifest untruth. For though there be (as is said) an Inconsistence between the Governments, which makes one Island under one King unable to bear both, in the different parts of the Island; or at least unsafe, while it bears them: Yet neither is Episcopacy in all the Parts and Powers of it, that which it was in time of Popery, and still is in the Roman Church. And this is most manifest to any Man, that will but look upon what Power the Prelates had before, and what they have since the Statute of the Submission of the Clergy in Hen. 8. time: Beside all those Statutes which have since been made in divers Particulars, to weaken their Power. Nor is the other Form of Government received, maintained, and Practised in all other Reformed Churches; unless these Men be so strait Laced, as not to admit the Churches of Sweden, and Denmark, and indeed, all, or most of the Lutherans, to be Reformed Churches. For in Sweden they retain both the Thing and the Name; and the Governours of their Churches are, and are called Bishops. And among the other [...] habens Lutherus rem sine Ecclesiae pernicie abrogari non posse, quod unum potuit nomen sustulit, [...]; puriore vocabulo Graeco parum Latinum supposuit; pro Episcopis Superintendentes, pro Archiepiscopis Generales Superintendentes appellans. Tilenus [...] ad Scotos, c. 6. And he well knew the state of his Neighbour Churches. Saravia similiter, Praefat. L. de diversis Ministrorum Evangelii gradibus. Zanchius de Relig. Observat. c. 25. n. 10, 11. Jacob. Haerbrand Lutheranus. In [...] Commun. p. 699. Saving that he dislikes not the Alteration of the Name. Lutherans the Thing is retained, though not the Name. For instead of Bishops they are called Superintendents, and instead of Archbishops, General Superintendents. And yet even here too, these Names differ more in sound, than in sense. For Bishop is the same in Greek, that Superintendent is in Latin. Nor is this change very well liked by the Learned. Howsoever Luther, since he would change the Name, did yet very wisely, that he would leave the Thing, and make choice of such a name as was not altogether unknown to the Ancient Church. For S. Aug. L. 19. de Civ. Des, c. 19. [...], Latinè superintendere possumus dicere, quod ille, qui [...], eis, quibus [...], [...], [...] sc. [...]. St. Augustine mentions it as plainly and as fully as any of these. As for the Eminency which (they say) their Kirk of Scotland had amongst them; I envy it not; but God bless it so, that it may deserve Eminence, and have it. And now we are come to the close of all, in which their desire is expressed.

§

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This also we represent to your Lordships most serious Consideration: That not only the Fire-brands may be removed, but the Fire may be provided against; that there be no more Recombustion after this, Rushw. & Pryn. Combustion afterwards.

Decemb. 15. 1640.

Ad. Blayer.

Their request is, That not only the Bishops, whom they are pleased to call the Fire-brands (which indeed themselves and their Adherents are) but the Office, or Episcopacy it self, (which they call the Fire) may be provided against; That there may be no combustion after. This I as heartily wish, as any Man can; but see as little cause to hope for. For what hope can there be against after-Combustion, while the Fire, which they themselves have kindled, while they call other Men Incendiaries, burns on still, and is like to fasten upon the very Foundations, to the eating of them out?

Yet I desire here that the Justice, and the Indifferency of these Men may be well considered, and that in two things. The one in the Cause it self: For Episcopacy is settled by Law here; Nay it is many ways woven into the Laws and Customs of this Realm. And their great Complaint is, that their Presbyteries (which they say are established by their Law) were offer'd to be supprest: So they are angry that their Presbyteries should be touch'd against their Law; but Episcopacy must be destroyed, though it be never so much against our Law. The other piece of their Justice, is Personal to me. For here, at one and the same time, and in this one and the same Charge, they do by Consequences lay load on me, as if I had invaded their Laws: while they invade ours avowedly, and dare present this their Invasion, as well as that by Arms, in full and open Parliament of England, to have their Will in the one, and their Reward for the other.

Now if these two Forms of Ecclesiastical Government, by Episcopacy, and by Presbyteries, be inconsistent under one Monarch (as they themselves here confess) then I (were I at liberty) would humbly beseech the Lords to consider, First, whether these men have any shew, or colour of Justice in this their demand. Secondly, whether that Form of Church-Government, which hath come down from the Apostles, continued to this Day, is established by the Laws, and usage of this Kingdom, ever since it was Christian, be not fitter for them to embrace and settle; than that Form which is but of Yesterday, and hath no acquaintance at all with our Laws, nor is agreeable with Monarchy? And lastly, when the Bishops are taken away, and a Parity (the Mother of confusion) made in the Church, and the Church-Lands Sacrilegiously made a Prey (which I have long feared is not the least Aim of too many) whether then the Temporal Lords shall not follow after? And whether their Honour will not then soon appear too great, and their Means too full, till a Lex Agraria will pass upon them, and lay them level [Page] with them, whom some of them Favour too much? And when these things are considered, God Bless them, whom it most concerns, to lay it to Heart betimes, if Time be not slipped already.

Here (having answer'd to all, which the Scots have laid in against me) I would have the Scotch Service inserted and Printed. The Book lyes by me, very exactly translated into Latin: And so I hope, this Tract shall be.

CAP. V.

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AND now having answered (and I hope sufficiently) to all the Particulars in the Charge of the Scots against me; I must return to the History again, as I left it: Where I told you, the House of Commons were very angry with the late Canons; and joyning this Accusation of the Scots to such Articles, as they in their Committee had framed against me, upon Decemb. 18. 1640. they accused me of High Treason († as is before expressed) and I was committed to Custody to Mr. James Maxwell, the Officer of the Vpper House. When they had lodg'd me here, I was follow'd with sharpness in both Houses, upon all Occasions of any Complaint made against the proceedings at Council-Table, Star-Chamber, High-Commission, See Rushw. par. 3. vol. 2. pag. 135. 152, 153, 154. 174. 183, 184, 187. 193, 194, &c. 207. 235. &c. 282, &c. or any place, or thing, in which I had ought to do. Nothing omitted by some cunning Agents, which might increase the Rage and Hatred of the People against me. The chief Instruments herein were the Brownists, and they which adhered unto them; who were highly offended with me, because I hindred, and Punished (as by Law I might) their Conventicles, and Separation from the Church of England. And though I pitied them (as God knows) from my very Heart; yet because necessity of Government forc'd me to some Punishment, their Malignity never gave me over.

Among, and above the rest, there were three Men, Mr. Henry See the Petitions of these three Men presented to the House of Commons against the Arch-Bishop, apud Rushworth. par. 3. vol. 1. p. 74, &c. Burton, a Minister Benificed in Friday-street in London, Dr. John Bastwick, a Phisician, and Mr. William Pryn, a Common Lawyer, who were censured Junii 14. 1637. in the Star-Chamber, for notorious Libels, Printed, and Published by them against the Hierarchy of the Church. They were then and there Sentenced to stand in the Pillory, and lose their Ears; and because they should not stay farther to infect London, they were sent away by Order of that Court; Mr. Burton to Garnsey, Dr. Bastwick to Silly, and Mr. Pryn to Jersy. In the giving of this Sentence I spake my Conscience; and was after commanded to Print my Speech. But I gave no Vote; because they had fallen so personally upon me, that I doubted many Men might think Spleen, and not Justice, led me to it. Nor was it my Counsel that advised their sending into those remote Parts. The Brownists, and the preciser Part of the Kingdom, were netled at this; and the Anger turned upon me, tho' I were the Patient all along. For they had published most venomous Libels against me; and I did but shew such as came to my Hands to the State, and there left them to do what they pleased in it. But that for which they were Sentenced, was a Book Written by Mr. Burton, and Printed and sent by himself to the Lords sitting in Council; and a Letany, and other Scandalous things, scattered, and avowed by Dr. [...]; and things of like nature by Mr. Pryn. And he was thought to deserve less Favour than the rest; because he had been censured before in that great Court, for gross abuses of the Queens Gracious Majesty, and the Government, in his Book Intituled Histriomastix.

[Page] This Censure being past upon these Men, though I did no more than is before mentioned, yet they, and that Faction continued all manner of Malice against me: And I had Libel upon Libel, scattered in the Streets, and pasted upon Posts. And upon Friday July 7. 1637. a Note was brought to me of a short Libel, pasted on the Cross in Cheapside, that the Arch-Wolf of Canterbury had his Hand in persecuting the Saints, and shedding the Blood of the Martyrs. Now what kind of Saints and Martyrs these were, may appear by their Libellous Writings; Courses, with which Saints and Martyrs were never acquainted. And most certain it is, that howsoever the Times went then, or go now, yet in Queen Elizabeth's Time, Penry was Hanged, and Vdal Condemned, and Dyed in Prison for less than is contained in Mr. Burton's Book; as will be evident to any Man that compares their Writings together. And these Saints would have lost their Lives, had they done that against any other State Christian, which they did against this. And I have yet one of the desperatest It was [...] Libel indeed in strictness of Law, having the Author's Name set to it; but it is called a Libel for the scurrilous and soul Language of it. H. W. Libels by me, that hath ordinarily been seen, which was sealed up in form of a Letter, and sent to me by Mr. Pryn, with his Name to it: And but that it is exceeding long, and from the present business, I would here have inserted it.

To return then: The Faction of the Brownists, and these three Saints, with their Adherents, (for they were now set at Liberty by the House of Commons, and brought into London in great Triumph) filled the Press almost Daily, with Ballads and Libels, full of all manner of Scurrility, and more Untruth, both against my Person, and my Calling. These were cried about London-streets, and brought (many of them) to Westminster, and given into divers Lords Hands, and into the Hands of the Gentlemen of the House of Commons: And yet no Order taken by either House to suppress the Printing of such known and shameless Lyes, as most of them contained: A thing which many sober Men found much fault withall, and which (I believe) hath hardly been seen, or suffered, in any Civil Common-wealth, Christian or other. But when I saw the Houses of Parliament so regardless of their own Honour, to suffer these base and Barbarous Courses against an Innocent Man, and as then not so much as Charged in general; I thought fit to arm my self with Patience, and endure that which I could not help. And by God's Blessing I did so; though it grieved me much more for my Calling, than for my Person. And this spreading of Libellous, Base Pamphlets continues Jan. 26. 1641. to this Day without controul; and how long it will continue to the Shame of the Nation, I cannot tell.

While I was thus committed to Mr. Maxwell, I found I was, by the course of the House, to pay in Fees for my Dyet and Custody, Twenty Nobles a day: This grew very heavy. For I was stayed there full ten weeks, before so much as any General Charge was brought up by the House of Commons against me; which in that time came to Four Hundred Sixty Six Pound Thirteen Shillings and Four Pence: And Mr. Maxwell had it all, without any Abatement. Dec. 21. 1640. In the mean time, on Munday December 21. upon a Petition [Page] of Sir Robert Howard, I was Condemned to pay Five Hundred Pounds unto him for false Imprisonment. And the Lords Order was so strict; that I was commanded to pay him the Money presently, or give Security to pay it in a very short time. I payed it, to satisfie the Command of the House; but was not therein so well advised as I might have been, being Committed for Treason.

Now, the Cause of Sir Robert Howard was this. He fell in League with the Lady Viscountess Purbeck. The Lord Viscount Purbeck being in some weakness and distemper, the Lady used him at her pleasure, and betook her self in a manner, wholly to Sir Robert Howard, and had a Son by him. She was delivered of this Child in a Clandestine way, under the Name of Mistress Wright. These things came to be known, and she was brought into the High-Commission; and there, after a Legal Proceeding, was found guilty of Adultery, and Sentenced to do Pennance: Many of the great Lords of the Kingdom being present in Court, and agreeing in the Sentence. There were present, and concurring in the Sentence, Sir The. Coventry, Lord Keeper of the Great Seal, [...]. [...] of Manchester, Lord President of the Council, W. Earl of Pembroke, Lord Steward, Philip [...] of [...], Lord Chamberlain, Edw. Earl of [...], Oliver Lord Viscount Grandison, George Lord Bishop of London, Rich. Lord Bishop of Duresme, Sam. Lord Bishop of [...], [...]. Lord Bishop of Rochester, William Lord Bishop of Bath and Wells, Sir [...]. Coke Secretary, Sir Hen. Martin, Jo. [...], Dean of St. Pauls, Walt. [...], Dean of Rochester, Tho. [...], Doctor of Divinity, Edm. Pope, and Hugh Barker, Doctors of Law, and Sir Charles [...], who only desired to be spared, and so gave no Sentence. Upon this Sentence she withdrew her self, to avoid the Penance. This Sentence passed at London-House, in Bishop Mountain's time, Novemb. 19. An. Dom. 1627. I was then present, as Bishop of Bath and Wells. After this, when the Storm was somewhat over, Sir Robert Howard conveyed her to his House at ....... in Shropshire, where she Lived avowedly with him some Years, and had by him ... Children. At last, they grew to that open boldness; that he brought her up to London, and lodged her in Westminster. This was so near the Court, and in so open view; that the King and the Lords took notice of it, as a thing full of Impudence, that they should so publickly adventure to outface the Justice of the Realm, in so fowl a business. And one day, as I came of course to wait on his Majesty, he took me aside, and told me of it, being then Arch-Bishop of Canterbury; and added, that it was a great Reproach to the Church and Nation; and that I neglected my Duty, in case I did not take order for it. I made answer, she was the Wife of a Peer of the Realm; and that without his leave I could not attach her; but that now I knew his Majesty's pleasure, I would do my best to have her taken, and brought to Penance, according to the Sentence against her. The next day I had the good hap to apprehend both Her and Sir Robert; and by Order of the High-Commission-Court, Imprisoned her in the Gate-House, and him in the Fleet.

This was (as far as I remember) upon a Wednesday; and the Sunday sevennight after, was thought upon her to bring to Penance. She was much troubled at it, and so was he. And therefore in the middle of the week following, Sir Robert dealt with some of his Friends, and among the rest, with one Sir ....... of Hampshire; who with Mony, corrupted the Turn-Key of the Prison (so they call him) and conveyed the Lady forth, and after that into France in Man's Apparel [Page] (as that Knight himself hath since made his boast.) This was told me the Morning after the escape: And you must think, the good Fellowship of the Town was glad of it. In the mean time, I could not but know, though not perhaps prove as then, that Sir Robert Howard laboured and contrived this conveyance. And thereupon, in the next sitting of the High-Commission, Ordered him to be Close Prisoner from the High-Commission-Court was not to shut him up in his Chamber, but only not [...] suffer him to go out of the Prison. W. C. close Prisoner, till he brought the Lady forth. So he continued close Prisoner about some two or three Months. For this the Fine above mentioned was imposed upon me, as being a most Unjust and Illegal Imprisonment. Whereas the Parliament (to the great Honour of their Justice be it spoken) have kept me in Prison now Jan. 28. 1641. full thirteen Months, and upward, and have not so much as brought up a particular Charge against me; and how much longer they will keep me, God knows. Now say that all Forms of Law were not observed by me; yet somewhat was to be indulged, in regard I did it to vindicate such a crying Impiety. But yet, I do here solemnly protest, I observed the Order of the Court in which I sat, and that Court setled by an Act of Parliament, 1. Eliz. And I did not knowingly err in any particular. More I could say in these my sufferings; but I will blast no Family of Honour for one Man's fault.

On Thursday, Januar. 21. 1640. A Parliament-Man, of Good Note Jan. 21. 1640. in the House of Commons, and well interessed in divers Lords, gave me to understand; that some Lords were very well pleased with my patient and moderate carriage since my Commitment: And that four Earls, of great power in the House, should say, that the Lords were not now so sharp against me, as they were at first; and that now they were resolved, only to Sequester me from the King's Counsels, and to put me from my Arch-Bishoprick. I was glad to hear of any favour, considering the Times; but considering my Innocency, I could not hold this for favour. And I could not but observe to my self, what Justice I was to expect; since here was a Resolution taken among the Leading Men of the House, what Censure should be laid upon me, before any Charge, so much as in general, was brought up against me.

CAP. VI.

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UPon Friday, Feb. 26. I had been full ten weeks in restraint, Feb. 26. 1640. at Mr. Maxwell's House: And this day, being St. Augustine's day, my Charge in general Articles was brought up from the House of Commons to the Lords, by Sir Hen. Vane the Younger. It consisted of Fourteen Articles. Rushworth saith, they were carried up by Mr. Pym, Mr. Hampden, and Mr. Maynard, and inserteth Pym's Speech, made at the [...] of them to the Lords, Par. 3. Vol. p. 195. 199. &c. So also Pryn, pag. 24, 25, 28. who also Exhibits, p. 23, 24. the Preliminary Votes and Orders of the [...], made Febr. 22, 23, 24, 26. for the framing and carrying up the Articles to the Lords. H. W. These Generals they craved time to prove in Particular; and that I in the mean time might be kept safe. Upon this I was presently sent for to the House, and the Articles were Read to me at the Bar. When the Clark of the Parliament had done Reading, I humbly craved leave of the Lords, to speak a few words; which were to this effect.

My Lords; This is a great and a heavy Charge; and I must be unworthy to live, if it can be made good against me: For it makes me against God, in point of Religion; Against the King, in point of Allegiance; And against the Publick, in point of Safety, under the Justice and Protection of Law. And though the King be little, if at all mentioned; yet I am bold to Name him, because I have ever been of Opinion, that the King and his People are so joyned together, in one Civil and Politick Body, as that it is not possible for any Man to be true to the King, as King, that shall be found Treacherous to the State Established by Law, and work to the Subversion of the People: Though perhaps every one, that is so, is not able to see thorough all the Consequences, by which one depends upon the other. So my Charge, my Lords, is exceeding heavy in it self; though I as yet, do not altogether feel the weight of it. For 'tis yet (as your Lordships see) but in Generals; And Generals make a great noise, but no Proof: Whereas, 'tis Proof upon Particulars, that makes the weight of a Charge sit close upon any Man. Now, my Lords, 'tis an old and a true Rule, Errare contingit descendendo, Error doth most often happen, and best appear, when Men descend to Particulars: And with them when I shall be Charged, I hope my Innocence will furnish me with a sufficient Answer to any Error of mine, that shall be thought Criminal, or any way worthy the Cognizance of this High and Honourable Court. As for Humane Frailties, as I cannot acquit my self of them, so I presume your Lordships will be favourable Judges of them: Since in the Transaction of so many businesses as passed my Hands, Men, far abler than ever I can be, have been subject to them, and, perhaps, to as many, and as great. But for Corruption in the least degree (I humbly praise God for it) I fear no Accuser, that will speak Truth. But (my Lords) that which goes nearest unto me among these Articles, is, that I should be thought foul and false in the profession of my Religion: As if I should profess with the Church of England, and have my Heart at Rome, and labour by all cunning ways to [Page] bring Romish Superstition in upon the Kingdom. This (my Lords) I confess, troubles me exceedingly; and if I should forget my self, and fall into passion upon it; I should but be in that case which St. Jerome confessed he was in; when he knew not how to be patient, when Falshood in Religion was charged upon him. And yet that was nothing so high a Charge as this which is laid against me: Which is not only to be basely false my self; but withal, to labour to spread the same Falshood over the whole Kingdom.

And here I humbly besought their Lordships, that I might a little inlarge my self, and I did so. But because I purpose here to set down the general Articles, that were brought up against me, and that one of them comes home to this point of Religion; I shall put it off till I come to 'Tis Article 10. that Article, and there set it down at large, what I now said. And this I do, to avoid an useless and a tedious Repetition. Here then follow the Articles themselves, as they were that day Charged upon me, with my general Answer to each of them. And more I cannot give, till Particulars shall be put up against me.

CAP. VII.

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ARticles of the Commons assembled in Parliament, in maintenance There are Printed also in Rushworth, par. 3 vol 1. p. 196. &c. [...] Compl. Hist. p. 25, &c. of their Accusation against William Laud Archbishop of Canterbury, whereby he stands Charged with High Treason, and other High Crimes and Misdemeanours Rushw..

1. That he hath Trayterously endeavoured to subvert the Fundamental Laws and Government of This Kingdom of England. Rush. & Pryn. the Kingdom: And instead thereof to introduce an Arbitrary and Tyrannical Government against Law: And to that end hath wickedly and Trayterously advised His Majesty, that he might at his own Will and Pleasure Levy and take Money of his Subjects without their consent in Parliament. And this he affirmed, was warrantable by the Law of God.

I did never endeavour to subvert the Fundamental Laws of this Ad [...]. Kingdom of England; nor to introduce an Arbitrary or Tyrannical Government, contrary to Law. I could not endeavour this; my knowledge and judgment going ever against an Arbitrary Government, in comparison of that which is settled by Law. I learned so much long ago, out of Arist. L 3. Polit. c. 11. Aristotle; and his Reasons are too good to be gone against. And ever since I had the honour to sit at the Council Table, I kept my self as much to the Law as I could; and followed the Judgment of those great Lawyers which then sat at the Board. And upon all References which came from His Majesty, if I were one, I left those freely to the Law, who were not willing to have their business ended any other way. And this the Lord Keeper, the Lord Privy Seal, and the Councel Learned, which attended their Clients Causes, can plentifully witness.

I did never advise His Majesty, that he might at his own Will and Pleasure levy Money of his Subjects without their Consent in Parliament. Nor do I remember that ever I affirmed any such thing, as is Charged in the Article. But I do believe, that I may have said something to this effect following: That howsoever it stands by the Law of God, for a King, in the just and necessary defence of himself and his Kingdom, to levy Money of his Subjects; yet where a particular National Law doth intervene in any Kingdom, and is settled by mutual consent between the King and his People, there Moneys ought to be Levied by and according to that Law. And by God's Law, and the same Law of the Land, I humbly conceive, the Subjects, so met in Parliament ought to supply their Prince, when there is just and necessary cause. And if an Absolute necessity do happen by Invasion, or otherwise, which gives no time for Counsel or Law; such a Necessity (but no pretended one) is above all Law. And I have heard the greatest Lawyers in this Kingdom confess; that in times of such a Necessity, The King's Legal Prerogative is as great as this.

[Page] And since here is of late such a noise made about the Subversion of the Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom, and Mens Lives called this way in question; 'tis very requisite, that these Fundamental Laws were known to all Men: That so they may see the danger, before they run upon it: Whereas now, the Common Laws of England have no Text at all. In so much, that many, who would think themselves wronged, if they were not accounted good Lawyers, cannot in many points assure a Man what the Law is. And by this means, the Judges have liberty to retain more in Scrinio Pectoris, than is fitting; and which comes a little too near that Arbitrary Government, so much and so justly found fault with: Whereas there is no Kingdom (that I know) that hath a setled Government, but it hath also a Text, or a Corpus Juris of the Laws written, save England. So here shall be as great a punishment, as is any where, for the breach of the Laws, and no Text of them for a Man's direction. And under favour, I think it were a work worthy a Parliament, to Command some prime Lawyers, to draw up a Body of the Common Law, and then have it carefully Examined by all the Judges of the Realm, and thoroughly weighed by both Houses, and then have this Book Declared and Confirmed by an Act of Parliament, as containing the Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom. And then let any Man go to Subvert them at his Peril.

2. He hath for the better accomplishment of that his Trayterous Design, advised and procured, divers Sermons and other Discourses, to be Preached, Printed, and Published, in which the Authority of Parliaments, and the force of the Laws of this Kingdom are denied, and an Absolute and Vnlimited Power over the Persons and Estates of his Majesties Subjects is maintained and defended, not only in the King, but also in himself, and other Bishops, above and against the Law. And he hath been a great Protector, Favourer, and Promoter of the Publishers of such false and pernicious Opinions.

I have neither advised nor procured the Preaching, Printing, or Ad Secundum. Publishing of any Sermons, or other Discourses, in which the Authority of Parliaments, and the force of the Laws of this Kingdom are denied, and an Absolute and Unlimited Power over the Persons and Estates of his Majesty's Subjects maintained and defended. Nay, I have been so far from this, that I have, since I came into place, made stay of divers Books, purposely written to maintain an Absolute Power in the [...]. King. Kingdom, and have not suffered them to be Printed, as was earnestly desired. And were it fit to bring other Mens Names in question, and expose their Persons to danger, I have some of those Tracts by me at this present.

And as I have not maintained this Power in the King's Majesty; so much less have I defended this, or any other Power against Law, either in my self, or other Bishops, or any other Person whatsoever: Nor have I been a Protector, Favourer, or Promoter of any the Publishers of such false and pernicious Opinions, knowing them to be such Men.

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3. He hath by Letters, Messages, Threats, Promises, and divers other ways, to Judges and other Ministers of Justice, interrupted and perverted; and at other times by the means aforesaid, hath indeavoured to interrupt and pervert, the course of Justice, in his Majesty's Courts at Westminster, and other Courts, to the Subversion of the Laws of this Kingdom; whereby, sundry of his Majesty's Subjects have been stopped in their Just Suits, and deprived of their Lawful Rights, and subjected to his Tyrannical Will, to their utter Ruin and Destruction.

I have neither by Letters, Messages, Threats, nor Promises, nor Ad Tertium. by any other Means, endeavoured to interrupt or pervert the course of Justice in his Majesty's Judges, or other Ministers of Justice, either to the Subversion of the Law, or the stopping of the Subjects in their Just Suits: Much less, to the ruin or destruction of any one; which God forbid I should ever be guilty of. The most that ever I have done in this kind, is this. When some poor Clergy-Men, which have been held in long Suits, some Seven, Nine, Twelve Years, and one for Nineteen Years together, have come and besought me with Tears, and have scarce had convenient Clothing about them to come and make their address; I have sometimes underwritten their Petitions to those Reverend Judges, in whose Courts their Suits were, and have fairly desired Expedition for them. But I did never desire, by any Letter, or Subscription, or Message, any thing for any of them, but that which was according to the Law and Justice of the Realm. And in this particular, I do refer my self to the Testimony of the Reverend Judges of the Common Law.

4. That the said Arch-Bishop hath Traiterously and Corruptly sold Justice to those that have had Causes depending before him, by Colour of his Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, as Arch-Bishop, High-Commissioner, Referree, or otherwise; and hath taken unlawful Gifts and Bribes of his Majesty's Subjects: And hath, as much as in him lyeth, indeavoured to corrupt other Courts of Justice, by advising [and procuring] his Majesty to sell places of Judicature, Rushw. & Pryn. and other Offices, [and procuring the Sale of them] contrary to the Desunt in Rushw. & Pryn. Laws and Statutes in that behalf.

I did least of all expect this Charge. For I have not corruptly Ad Quartum. sold Justice, either as Arch-Bishop, High-Commissioner, Referree, or otherwise: Nor have I taken any unlawful Gift or Bribe, of any his Majesty's Subjects. And though in this Article, there is no particular mentioned, more than in the rest; yet I am not ignorant, that I have been Charged in the House of Commons, for taking two Pipes of Sack, from one Mr. Tho. All this about Stone, is afterward more perfectly related, and so this to be omitted here, according to the Arch-Bishop's Direction, p. 159. Only compare them first together. W. S. A. C. The Account being short, I thought it better to let it stand here, than [...] the History, for the sake of one single Repetition. H. W. Stone, as a Bribe for the abarement of a Fine, imposed upon some Men of Chester, by the High-Commission at York: Which power of Abatement was in me, by vertue of a Broad-Seal granted me to that purpose, bearing [Page] Date ..... Now, because there is no Particular known to me but this, belonging to this or any other Article; and because I know not what course the Parliament will hold with me; namely, whether they will produce Particulars, or proceed by Bill of Attainder, I will take opportunity here to unfold all that is true in this odious Accusation of Stone. And the Case is thus,

Mr. Stone, knowing that these Fines with other were given by his Majesty towards the repair of St. Pauls in London; and that the Trust of that Business, with Power to abate any Fine, was committed to me, under the Broad Seal of England; became a very earnest Suiter to me in the behalf of these Chester-Men, fined at York. And he set divers of his Friends and mine upon me, for abatement of this Fine: And among others, his own Son-in-Law, Mr. William Wheat, Barrister at Law, who had been bred under me in St. John's Colledge in Oxford; and Mr. Wheat's Brother, Doctor Baylie, then Dean of Salisbury. In this Suit Stone pretended and protested too, that these Men ought him two or three Thousand Pound, (I well remember not whether) and that he should lose it all, if these Mens Fines were not abated. For they would hide their Heads, and never appear again. During this Suit, he came twice, if not thrice, to my Steward, and told him, he had at present excellent Sack, and that he would send in two Pipes for me. My Steward at each time refused his motion, and acquainted me with it (as my Command ever was he should do in Cases of receiving any thing into my House.) I at every of these times commanded it should not be received. Mr. Stone then protested to my Steward, that he did not offer this as any Bribe or Gratuity for the business of the Chester-Men; but meerly as a Token of his Thankfulness for many and great Kindnesses done by me to himself, his Son-in-Law, and his Friend Doctor Baylie. Notwithstanding this, I gave absolute Command the Sack should not be received: When Mr. Stone saw this, he found a time to send in the Sack when my Steward was not in the House, and told my Under-Servants that my Steward was acquainted with it. The next time Mr. Stone came to the House, which (as far as I remember) was the very next day: My Steward told him, he would send back the Sack, and was about to do it (as he after assured me.) Then Mr. Stone was very earnest with him, that he would save his Credit, and not send the Wine back to his disgrace; renewing his former deep Protestations, that he had in this no relation at all to the Chester-Mens business. Upon this, my Steward being acquainted with him, and his fore-named Friends, trusted him, and let the Wine stay, contrary to my former Commands. After all this, this unworthy Man put the price of this Wine upon the Chester-Mens Account; as if for that Gift I had abated their Fine; and so gave them an occasion to complain of me to the Parliament. Whereas both the Chester-Men, and Mr. Stone himself, had before acknowledged, I had used them kindly in the Composition for their Fine, and wished they had been referred to me for the whole Cause. And for my whole carriage in this business, I dare refer my self to the Testimony of Mr. Stone's own Sonin-Law, and Doctor Baylie, who were the chief Men whom Mr. Stone imployed to me.

[Page] Besides, after all this cunning, it will appear by my Servants their Accounts, that the Wine was not brought into my House, in the cunning manner before mentioned, till divers days after I had compounded with the Chester-Men for their Fine; so a Bribe for doing a business it could not be. And upon the whole matter, I am verily perswaded, considering Stone's Profession in Religion, (for he is a Brownist, or next Neighbour to him) that he did this of set purpose, to see if he could insnare me in this way. Lastly, I desire the Lords, and all Men, that have had any thing to do with me, to look upon me in the whole course of my Life; wherein they shall find me untainted with so much as the value of Six-pence in this base way. And it is not unknown to the World, that for many Years together I had opportunities enough to inrich my self by such a way, had I been minded to take that course: Whereas now, it is well known, my Estate is the meanest of any Arch-Bishop's of Canterbury that hath sate for many Years. And having carried it thus along for all my Life, I presume no Man can be so injurious to me, as to think I would now in mine Old Age (being Sixty Eight when this was Charged upon me) sell either my Conscience, or my Honour, for a Morsel of Bread, or a Cup of Wine.

And for the other part of this Article. I did never advise his Majesty, to sell Places of Judicature, or other Offices, or procure the Sale of them contrary to Law.

5. He hath Traiterousty caused a Book of Canons to be Composed and Published, [and those Canons to be put in Execution] without Desunt in [...]. & Pryu. any lawful Warrant and Authority in that behalf. In which pretended Canons, many Matters are contained contrary to the King's Prerogative, to the Fundamental Laws and Statutes of this Realm, to the Right of Parliament, to the Propriety and Liberty of the Subjects, and Matters tending to Sedition, and of dangerous Consequence; and to the Establishment of a vast, unlawful, and presumptuous Power in himself and his Successors: Many of the which Canons, by the practice of the said Arch-Bishop, were surreptitiously passed in the last Convocation, without due Consideration and Debate; others by fear and [...] were Subscribed to by the Prelates and Clerks there [...]; which had never been Voted and passed in the Convocation, as they ought to have been. And the said Arch-Bishop hath contrived and endeavoured, to assure and confirm the Vnlawful and Exorbitant Power, which he hath Vsurped and Exercised over his Majesty's Subjects, by a Wicked and Vngodly Oath, in one of the said pretended Canons, enjoyned to be taken by all the Clergy, and many of the Laity of this Kingdom.

I Composed no Book of Canons: The whole Convocation did it, with Ad Quintum. unanimous Consent. So, either I must be free, or that whole Body must be guilty of High-Treason. For in that Crime all are Principals, that are guilty; Accessory there is none.

Neither did I publish, or put in Execution those Canons, or any of them, but by Lawful Authority. And I do humbly conceive, and [Page] verily believe, there is nothing in those Canons contrary either to the King's Prerogative, the Fundamental Laws of the Realm, the Rights of Paliament, the Propriety and Liberty of the Subjects, or any matter tending to Sedition, or of dangerous consequence, or to the establishment of any vast or unlawful Power in my self and my Sucessors.

Neither was there any Canon in that Convocation surreptitiously passed by any practice of mine, or without due Consideration and Debate. Neither was there any thing in that Convocation, but what was voted first, and subscribed after, without fear or compulsion in any kind. And I am verily perswaded, there never sate any Synod in Christendom, wherein the Votes passed with more freedom, or less practice, than they did in this. And for the Oath injoyned in the sixth Canon, as it was never made to confirm any unlawful or exorbitant Power over his Majesty's Subjects; so I do humbly conceive, that it is no Wicked or Ungodly Oath in any respect. And I hope I am able to make it good in any learned Assembly in Christendom, that this Oath, and all those Canons (then made and here before recited) and every Branch in them, are Just and Orthodox, and Moderate, and most necessary for the present Condition of the Church of England; how unwelcom soever to the present Distemper.

6. He hath traiterously assumed to himself a Papal and Tyrannical Power, both in Ecclesiastical and Temporal Matters, over his Majesty's Subjects in this Realm of England, and other places; to the Disinherison of the Crown, Dishonour of his Majesty, and Derogation of his Supreme Authority in Ecclesiastical Matters. And the said Arch-Bishop claims the King's Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, as incident to his Episcopal and Archiepiscopal Office in this Kingdom; and doth deny the same to be derived from the Crown of England; which he hath accordingly exercised, to the high contempt of his Royal Majesty, and to the destruction of [Rush. & [...] divers of] the King's Liege-People in their Persons and Estates.

I have not assumed Papal or Tyrannicl Power, in matters Ecclesiastical Ad Sextum. or Temporal; to the least Disinherison, Dishonour, or Derogation of his Majesty's Supream Authority in matters Ecclesiastical or Temporal. I never claimed the King's Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, as incident to my Episcopal or Archiepiscopal Office in this Kingdom: Nor did I ever deny, that the exercise of my Jurisdiction was derived from the Crown of England. But that which I have said, and do still say, concerning my Office and Calling, is this, That my Order, as a Bishop, and my Power of Jurisdiction, is by Divine Apostolical Right, and unalterable (for ought I know) in the Church of Christ. But all the Power I, or any other Bishop hath to exercise any the least Power, either of Order or Jurisdiction, within this Realm of England, is derived wholly from the Crown: And I conceive it were Treasonable to derive it from any other Power, Foreign or Domestick. And for the Exercise of this Power under his Majesty, I have not used it to the Contempt, but to the great Advantage of his Royal Person, [Page] and to the Preservation, not the Destruction of his People: Both which appear already by the great Distractions, Fears, and Troubles, which all Men are in since my Restraint; and which (for ought I yet see) are like to increase, if God be not exceeding Merciful above our Deserts.

7. That he hath traiterously endeavoured to alter and subvert God's true Religion by Law established in this Realm; and instead thereof to set up Popish Superstition and Idolatry; and to that end hath declared and maintained in Speeches and Printed Books divers Popish Doctrines and Opinions, contrary to the Articles of Religion established [Rushw. & [...]. by Law.] He hath urged and injoyned divers Popish and Superstitious Ceremonies, without any warrant of Law, and hath cruelly persecuted those who have opposed the same, by Corporal Punishment and Imprisonment; and most unjustly vexed others who refused to conform thereto, by Ecclesiastical Censures of Excommunication, Suspension, Deprivation, and Degradation; contrary to the Law of the Kingdom.

I never endeavoured to alter or subvert God's true Religion established Ad Septim. by Law in this Kingdom; or to bring in Romish Superstition. Neither have I declared, maintained, or Printed any Popish Doctrine, or Opinion, contrary to the Articles of Religion established, or any one of them, either to the end mentioned in this Article, or any other. I have neither urged nor injoyned any Popish or Superstitious Ceremonies without warrant of Law; nor have I cruelly persecuted any Opposers of them. But all that I laboured for in this particular was, that the external Worship of God in this Church, might be kept up in Uniformity and Decency, and in some Beauty of Holiness. And this the rather, because first I found that with the Contempt of the Outward Worship of God, the Inward fell away apace, and Profaneness began boldly to shew it self. And secondly, because I could speak with no conscientious Persons almost, that were wavering in Religion, but the great motive which wrought upon them to disaffect, or think meanly of the Church of England, was, that the external Worship of God was so lost in the Church (as they conceived it;) and the Churches themselves, and all things in them, suffered to lye in such a base and slovenly Fashion in most places of the Kingdom. These, and no other Considerations, moved me to take so much care as I did of it; which was with a single Eye, and most free from any Romish Superstition in any thing. As for Ceremonies; all that I injoyned, were according to Law. And if any were Superstitious, I injoyned them not. As for those which are so called by some Men, they are no Innovations, but Restaurations of the ancient approved Ceremonies, in, and from the beginning of the Reformation, and setled either by Law or Custom; till the Faction of such as now openly and avowedly separate from the Church of England, did oppose them, and cry them down. And for the Censures which I put upon any, I presume they will to all indifferent Men, [Page] which will Understandingly and Patiently hear the Cause, appear to be Just, Moderate, and according to Law.

8. That for the better advancing of his Traiterous Purpose and Designs, he did abuse the great Power and Trust his Majesty reposed in him; and did intrude upon the Places of divers great Officers, and upon the Right of Other, Rushw. & Pryn. divers his Majesty's Subjects; whereby he did procure to himself the Nomination of sundry Persons to Ecclesiastical Dignities, Promotions and Benefices, belonging to his Majesty, and divers of the Nobility, Clergy, and others; and hath taken upon him the Commendation, Rushw. & Pryn. Nomination of Chaplains to the King; by which means he hath preferred to his Majesty's Service, and to other great Promotions in the Church, such as have been Popishly affected, or other wise Vnsound and Corrupt both in Doctrine and Manners.

I did never wittingly abuse the Power or Trust, which His Majesty Ad Octavum. reposed in me. Nor did I ever intrude upon the Places of any great Officers, or others, to procure to my self the Nomination of Persons Ecclesiastical, to Dignities, Promotions, and Benefices, belonging to His Majesty, the Nobility, or any other. And though here be no Particular named; yet I guess at that which is meant, and will clearly set down the Truth.

His Majesty, some few Years since, assumed to himself, from the Right Honourable the Lord Coventry, the Lord Keeper that then was, and from my Lord Cottington, then Master of the Court of Wards, the disposing of all such Benefices, as came to the King's Gift by Title of Wardship, of what value soever they were. The Reason, which moved His Majesty to do this, was; The Lord Keeper and the Lord Cottington became humble Suitors to him, to end a Contention between them, about the giving of those Benefices, both for their own Quiet, and the Peace of other His Majesties Subjects. For the Course was, when any thing fell void in the Gift of a Ward, he of these two great Officers, which came first to know of the avoidance, gave the Living. This caused great, and oft-times undue, Practising among them which were Suitors for the Benefices. And many times the Broad-Seal, and the Seal of the Court of Wards, bore Date the same Day: And then the Bishop, which Clerk soever he Instituted, was sure to offend the other Lord. And these Lords too many times, by the earnest putting on of Friends, were not well pleased one with another in the Business. Upon this Suit of their own, His Majesty gave a Hearing to these Lords; and in Conclusion of it, took the Disposal of all such Benefices into his own Hands, and (for ought I know) with both their liking and content. In the disposing of these Benefices to such Men, as had served His Majesty at Sea, or otherwise, I was trusted by the King; and I served him in it faithfully; but proceeded no farther, nor otherwise, than he directed, and commanded me. But I never took the Nomination of any one to my self, or my own disposing. And the Truth of this, as His Majesty knows; so I am Confident, my Lord Cottington, who is yet living, will Witness.

[Page] For the Nomination of Chaplains to the King, if I had done it, I think the work was as proper for the Arch-Bishop, as for any Man: Yet because by Ancient Custom it was conceived to belong in a great part to the Lord Chamberlain (who was then the Right Honourable the Earl of Pembrook;) I never Named any to His Majesty, but I did fairly acquaint the Lord Chamberlain with it, and desired his favour. But in all my time I never was the means to prefer any Man to His Majesties Service, as a Chaplain, or to any Promotion, whom I knew to be Popishly affected, or any way Corrupt in Doctrine or Manners.

9. He hath for the same Trayterous and Wicked intent, chosen and employed such Men to be his [ Pryn, & Rushworth. own Domestical] Chaplains, whom he knew to be Notoriously disaffected to the Reformed Religion; grosly addicted to Popish Superstition; and Erroneous, and unsound both in Judgment and Practice: And to them, or some of them, he hath committed Licensing of Books to be Printed; By which means divers false and Superstitious Books have been Published, to the great Scandal of Religion, and to the seducing of many of His Majesties Subjects.

I never chose any Man to be my Chaplain, who I knew, or had Ad [...]. good Cause to suspect, was Popishly affected: Nor any that was unsound in Judgment or Practice. Nor did I commit the Licensing of Books to any such; but to those only, who I then did, and do still believe, are Orthodox and Religious Divines, and Men of very good Judgment, for that Necessary and great Service. And if they, or any of them, have by negligence, or otherwise suffered any Erroneous and Dangerous Books to pass the Press; they must answer both the Church and the State, for whatsoever they have done amiss in that kind; for it is not possible for the Archbishop to perform all those Services in Person: And in the committing of them to my Chaplains, and other Divines of Note, I have done no new thing, but that which my Predecessors have done before me. This I am sure of: I gave often, and express and strict Command to all and every of them, that they should License nothing that was contrary to the Doctrine and Discipline Established in the Church of England, or might Personally or otherwise give Offence or Distaste. And I hope they have Obeyed my Directions: If not, they must Answer for themselves.

10. He hath Trayterously and Wickedly endeavoured to reconcile the Church of England with the Church of Rome: And for the effecting thereof hath Consorted, and Confederated with divers Popish Priests and Jesuits, and hath kept secret intelligence with the Pope of Rome; And by himself, his Agents and Instruments, treated with such as have from thence received Authority and Instruction. He hath permitted and countenanced a Popish Hierarchy or Ecclesiastical Government to be Established in this Kingdom. By all which Trayterous and Malicious Practices this [Page] Church and Kingdom have been exceedingly indangered, and like to fall under the Tyranny of the Roman See.

The Article is now come, of which I spake before; and in my Ad [...]. Answer to which I promised to set down the substance of that which I spake in the Parliament House, to the Lords, when this General Charge was brought up against me; and I shall somewhat inlarge it, yet without any Change of the Grounds upon which I then stood. And now I shall perform that Promise. And I shall be of all other least afraid to answer all that is here said concerning Religion. For my Heart (I bless God for it) is sound that way, to the uttermost of my Knowledge; and I think I do well understand my Principles. And my Old Master Aristotle hath taught me long since, that Arift. l 2. Rhetor. c. 5. Arift. Rhet. l. 2. c. 7. §. 12. [...] Qui se bene habent ad divina, audaciores sunt; they which are well and setledly composed in things pertaining to God, (that is, in Religion) are much the bolder by it: And this not only against Slanders and Imputations cast upon Men for this, but in all other Accidents of the World, what ever they be.

And surely I may not deny it: I have ever wished, and heartily Prayed for, the Unity of the whole Church of Christ, and the Peace and Reconciliation of torn and divided Christendom. But I did never desire a Reconciliation, but such as might stand with Truth, and preserve all the Foundations of Religion entire. For I have Learned from a Non omnis [...] perficit [...] boni, sed solùm illa, à quâ dependet esse perfectum [...]. Tho. 1. 2. q. 36. Art. 3. ad quint: Prime School-Man of their own; That every Vnion doth not perfect the true Reason, or Definition of that which is good; but that only, upon which depends, Esse perfectum Rei, the perfect Essence of that thing. So that in this particular, if the substance of Christian Religion be not perfected by any Vnion; that Vnion it self cannot have in it Rationem boni, the true Being and Nature of Good. And therefore I did never desire, that England and Rome should meet together, but with forsaking of Errour and Superstition; especially such as grate upon and frett the Foundations of Religion. But were this done, God forbid, but I should Labour for a Reconciliation; if some Tenets of the Roman Party on the one side, and some deep and imbittered Disaffections on the other, have not made it impossible; as I much doubt they have. But that I shou'd practice with Rome, as now it stands, and to that end should confederate with Priests and Jesuits; or hold secret intelligence with the Pope, or treat with him, or any I would not adventure to [...] and disjoint the History; The Reader (if he so pleaseth) may [...] by such Repetitions. H. W. Instruments Authorised by him, or by any Agents, is utterly untrue: As I hope may fully appear by that which follows. I find that some things in my general Answer to the Articles are repeated again in the beginning of my particular Answers, when my Tryal came on. I desire (for I had no time to do it my self) that, to avoid tediousness, all those may be left out of the first Answer, that are perfected in the 2d. W. [...] vid. init. libri.

And First, (in hope that they which have observed my Life in times past, will give me Credit in this time of my Affliction) I do here make my solemn Protestation, in the Presence of God, and this great Court, that I am Innocent of any thing, greater or less, that is charged in this Article, or any part of it. And I do here offer my Corporal Oath (Please it the Lords to give it me) in the strictest form that any Oath can be conceived; that I [Page] am wholly Innocent of this Charge. And let nothing be tendred against me but Truth, and I do challenge whatsoever is between Heaven and Hell to come in and Witness whatsoever they can against me in this Particular. For all that I have feared in all this Charge against me, is not Guilt, but Subornation of Perjury: Against which Innocency it self cannot be safe. And I have found the deadly Hatred of some Men against me to be such, as that, though I cannot suspect the House of Commons of such an Irreligious Baseness, yet I have great Cause to suspect some particular Men, which I see make no Conscience of the Way, so they may compass their End.

Secondly; Should I practice (be it with whom you will) to superinduce Romish Tyranny and Superstition over the true Religion 2. established in England, I have taken a very wrong way to it. For I have hindred as many from going to the Roman Party, and have reduced as many from it; and some of great Quality, and some of great Learning and Judgment; as I believe any Divine in England hath done. And is this the way to bring in Romish Superstition, to reduce Men from it? Or is this the Reward from the State, which Men must look for, that have done these Services?

Thirdly; The Book, which I have Written against Mr. Fisher the Jesuit, must of Necessity either acquit me of this Calumny, or proclaim me a Villain to the World. And I hope, I have so 3. lived, as that Men have not that Opinion of me; sure I am, I have not deserved it. And had this Book of mine been written according to the Garb of the Time, fuller of Railing than Reason; a Learned Jesuit would have Laughed at it and me; and a Learned Protestant might have thought I had Written it only to conceal my self and my Judgment in those Difficulties. But being Written in the way it is, I believe no Romanist will have much Cause to Joy at it, or to think me a Favourer of their Cause. And since I am thus put to it, I will say thus much more. This Book of mine is so Written (by God's great blessing upon me) as that whensoever the Church of England (as they are growing towards it apace) shall depart from the Grounds which I have therein laid, she shall never be able, before any Learned and disingaged Christian, to make good her Difference with, and her Separation from, the Church of Rome. And let no Man think I speak Pride or Vanity in this. For the Outrages, which have been against me, force me to say it; and I am confident, future times will make it good; unless Profaneness break in, and over-run the whole Kingdom; which is not a little to be feared.

Fourthly; I must confess, I am in this Particular most unfortunate. For many Recusants in England, and many of that Party beyond the Seas, think I have done them and their Cause more 4. Harm, than they which have seemed more fierce against them. And I doubt not, but I shall be able to prove, that I have been accounted beyond Sea, the greatest Enemy to them that ever sat in my Place. And shall I suffer on both sides? Shall I be accounted an Enemy by one part for opposing the Papist; and accused for a Traytor by the other for Favouring and Complying with [Page] them? Well; If I do suffer thus, 'tis but because Truth usually lies between two Extreams, and is beaten by both: (As the poor Church of England is, at this day, by the Papist and the Separatist.) But in this, and all things else, in despight of all Malice, Truth shall be either my Protection from Suffering, or my Comfort while I suffer: And by God's gracious assistance I shall never depart from it, but continue at the Apostle's Ward, 2 Cor. 13. Nihil possum contra veritatem, I can do 2 Cor. 13. 8. nothing against the Truth; and for it, I hope God will enable me patiently to suffer any thing.

Fifthly; If I had practised with the Pope, or his Agents, for the 5. alteration of Religion in England; surely I must have used many great and dextrous Instruments to compass my end. And in a business of so great Consequence, Difficulty and Danger, to all that should have a Hand, nay but a Finger in it, no Man would venture to meddle without good pay. And 'tis well known, that I have filled no Purse, nor laid up any store, to set ill Instruments on work, upon that or any other unworthy design.

Sixthly; I am a Man in Years, great Years for a Man so loaded 6. with business as I have been all my Life: And it cannot be long, before I must go to give God Almighty an account of all my Actions. And whatsoever the Malignity of the Time may put upon me; yet they which know me and my ways, will easily believe, that I have not so little Conscience, or care of my Soul, as to double with God to my very Death. Nay, could I have doubled thus, I could easily have seen a way through all this difficulty; and how to have been as gracious with the People, as any, even the worst, of my Predecessours. But I have ever held, that the lowest depth of Baseness, to frame Religion to serve turns; and to be carried about with every wind of vain Doctrine, to serve and please other Mens Fancies, and not a Man's own either Understanding or Conscience.

Seventhly; I think the greatest Enemies I have, are of Opinion, 7. that if I would have turned to the Roman Party, especially if I would have been such an active Instrument for them, as this Article would make me, I might have been welcome to them, and should have been rewarded by them; at least, that I should have been made able to live in Credit, if not in Honour. And this being granted; I would fain know, what could stay me here, save only my Conscience in and to the Truth. Surely, not any care of Wife and Children, for I have them not: And as this Storm drives upon me, I most humbly and heartily bless God for it, that I have not any of these Clogs to hang about me. Not the Greatness of my Place: For if in this present Tumble, any thing be put either upon it or me, that a knowing Conscience ought to check at, the World shall soon see, how little I value Canterbury in regard of Conscience. Not the Honour of my place neither: For if I stood upon that, I cannot but see how Malice hath laid that in the Dust, or lower if it may be. And can any Man think then, that I would indure so much hatred, and so many base Libels, as have filled the Streets against me, and such bitter revilings of me in Print, as the Gall of some Pens have cast upon me, when I might go live elsewhere with Content and Reputation? Sure nothing but Conscience could stay me here in such a Condition. Not [Page] the Wealth to be gotten in my place: For the Arch-Bishoprick of Canterbury is far short of the value put upon it, (according as I have given a faithful Account to his Majesty.) And if it were of never so great a value, I have made it manifest to the World, that Wealth is not my aim. For whatsoever benefit hath accrewed to me, over and above my necessary and decent Expences, I have refunded back upon the Poor, or the Publick, or the Church from whence I had it; as in better times Church-Men were wont to do. So there could be no external motive to work upon me, to make me stay here, if my Conscience went along with Rome. And my Conscience being not that way set, (as most certainly it is not) no Man can so much as probably think, I should with hazard of my Life and Honour, and all things, practise the Change of Religion, and that against my Conscience.

Eighthly; This scandalous false Report, that I should Negotiate [...]. with the Pope, and with Rome, for the Change of Religion in this Kingdom, was first spread by the Scots, who In a Book [...], The Remonstrance of the Nobility, [...], [...], Ministers and Commons, within the Kingdom of Scotland. Feb. 27. 1639. p. 12. Edinburgh. shamelesly Printed it in these words; Canterbury did Negotiate with Rome, about the frame of our Service-Book and Canons, &c. Now if this be false, why did they Print it? And if it be true, why do they desert it? It comes a great deal more home, than double all else they have said against me. And yet it seems, when they had considered better of it, and found they could not make it good, they left it quite out of those Articles which they preferred into the Parliament of England against me. And I presume, they would never have left that out which they had published in Print to the World, could they have gotten any shew of Proof. Immediately upon the arrival of this Pamphlet in England, Court, City, and Country grew presently full of it; that the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury had Negotiated with Rome about the alteration of Religion. And since they have thus Defamed me, and that in Print, I do challenge Mr. Alexander Henderson, (who doubtless was either sole Author of that Remonstrance, or had a great hand in it) either to make it good against me; or by like Publick acknowledgment of it in Print, give me satisfaction for so foul a Calumny; or to answer me, when I shall not fail to challenge him for it, at the Bar of Christ.

Lastly; I received Information out of Holland, when his Majesty 9. was last in the North, that there was a Plot laid of a dangerous Treason against his Majesty's Life: That this Treason was plotted here in England, by Signior Con and his Complices; and that these Contrivers took a deep dislike against me, because they could not get within me, nor make me pliable to their Projects about Religion; and that they were so angry with me for it, as that they resolved my Life must be first taken away, before they could hope to get their Will of the King. This Advertisement came to me from one, that professed he was in the Bosom of Con, and knew all the Secrets of his Imployments hither. This business was first made known under an Oath of [...] (as I remember) to Sir William Boswell, his Majesty's Agent in Holland; and it was ordered between them, that his Papers should be sent over sealed to me, as they were, and that by an Express; and a Charge to deliver them to no Hand but mine, as he tendred the [Page] King's safety, in regard so many Great Men were (as he said) in the Treason. I sent away these Letters and Papers to his Majesty's own Hands; and received direction, what Answer I should give to Sir William Boswell. At his Majesty's return, at the beginning of this Parliament, he named a Committee of Lords to hear this business, and commanded me to bring the Papers thither. This I did, and they were all Read before his Majesty and the Committee. Sir William Boswell's These Papers were taken [...] the Arch-Bishop by Pryn, 1643. May. 31. and shortly after Published [...] a Pamphlet Entituled Rome's Master-piece. H. W. Ps. 31. [...], 16. Letters and the other Papers are yet all in my Hands; but it seems, the Particulars could not all be got out. Now this is a hard straight, into which I am cast. The Pope's Agent (as 'tis said) plots my Death on the one side, because I will not be wrought upon to help to bring in the Roman Superstition; and the Parliament on the other side Articles to overthrow me, out of a Jealousie that I go about to bring it in. So that I am in the Prophet David's Case, Ps. 31. For I (also) have heard the Blasphemy of the Multitude, and fear is on every side, while they conspire together against me, and take their Counsel to take away my Life. But my hope hath been (and is) in thee, O Lord.

And for the latter part of this Article, it is utterly untrue, that ever I either permitted or countenanced any Popish Hierarchy or Ecclesiastical Government to be Established in this Kingdom: And if any such be Established, it is more than I know, to this Instant. But this I am sure of, and can prove, that when the Queen's Almoner was to be made a Bishop, I laboured as much against it as I could: Whereupon he delayed the taking of his Bishoprick upon him, for a good time. And when divers Offers were made on his behalf, and the Queen grew earnest for his Preferment; I was called again by his Majesty, in the presence of a Secretary of State, and commanded to speak my Judgment and my Conscience. And I did so: And declared clearly against any Bishops of the Roman Party his coming into the Kingdom, to reside, or exercise any Jurisdiction here. And I gave then for my Reason, the very self-same which is since Published by the [...] of Commons in their Remonstrance; A different and Remonst. die Mercurij. 15. Decemb. 1641. p. 20. inconsistent Church within a Church, which ever brought hazard upon the State. And in this Judgment I persisted, and never permitted, much less countenanced, any Popish Hierarchy to settle in this Kingdom; but hindred it, by all the [...] and means I could.

11. He in his own Person, and his Suffragans, Visitors, Surrogats, Chancellors, or other Officers, by his Command, have caused divers Learned, Pious, and Orthodox Ministers, Rushw. & [...]. Preachers of Gods Word, to be Silenced, Suspended, Deprived, Degraded, Excommunicated, or otherwise grieved and vexed, without any just and lawful Cause; whereby, and by divers other Means, he hath hindred the Preaching of God's Word, caused divers of his Majesty's Loyal Subjects to forsake the Kingdom, and increased and cherished Ignorance and Prophaneness amongst the People: That so he might the better facilitate the way to the effecting of his own Wicked and Trayterous Design, Rush. & Pryn. Designs, of altering and corrupting the True Religion here Established.

I have neither by my self, nor by my Command to my Officers, [...] [Page] Silenced, Suspended, Deprived, Degraded, or Excommunicated any Learned, Pious, and Orthodox Preachers, nor any other, but upon Just Cause Proved in Court, and according to Law. And I think it will appear, that as few (be the Cause never so Just) have been Suspended or Deprived in my Diocess, as in any Diocess in England. Nor have I by these Suspensions, hindred the Preaching of Gods Word, but of Schism and Sedition; as now appears plainly by the Sermons frequently made in London, since the time of Liberty given and taken since this Parliament [first began.] Nor have I caused any of his Majesty's Subjects to forsake the Kingdom; but they forsook it of themselves, being Separatists from the Church of England; as is more than manifest to any Man, that will but consider what kind of Persons went to New-England.

And whereas in their late Remonstr. Die Mercurij 15. [...] 1641. p. 14. Remonstrance they say; The high Commission grew to such excess of Sharpness and Severity, as was not much less than the Romish Inquisition; and yet in many Cases by the Arch-Bishops Power was made much more heavy, being assisted and strengthned by Authority of the Council-Table. I was much troubled at it, that such an Imputation from so great a Body should be fastned on me. And therefore first I considered, that my Predecessors were all or most of them strengthned with the same Authority of the Council-Table, that I was: And therefore if I did use that Authority to worse ends, or in a worse manner, than they did, I was the more to blame. Therefore to satisfie my self and others in this particular, I did in the next place cause a diligent search to be made in the Acts of that Court (which can deceive no Man) what Suspensions, Deprivations or other Punishments had past in the Seven Years of my Time before my Commitment. Then I compared them with every of the Three Seven Years of my immediate Predecessor (for so long he sat, and somewhat over, and was in great esteem with the House of Commons all his Time) and I find more by Three Suspended, Deprived, or Degraded, in every Seven Years of his Time, than in the Seven Years of my Time, so cryed out upon (as you see) for Sharpness and Severity, even to the equasling of that Commission almost to the Romish Inquisition. So safe a thing it is for a Man [...] Imbarque himself into a Potent Faction; and so hard for any other Man, be he never so intire, to withstand its Violence.

12. He hath [...] endeavoured to cause Division and Discord between the Church of England and other Reformed Churches: And to that end hath Suppressed and Abrogated the Priviledges and Immunities, which have been by his Majesty and his Royal Ancestors granted to the French and Dutch Churches in this Kingdom; And divers other ways hath expressed his Malice and Disaffiction to these Churches; that so by such Distinction, Rushw. Disunion, Pryn. Disunion the Papists might have more advantage for the Overthrow and Extripation of both.

I never endeavoured to set Division between the Church of England Ad [...]. and other Reformed Churches: And if I had so done, it had [Page] been a very Unchristian and unworthy Act; but yet no Treason, as I conceive. And for the Priviledges and Immunities, granted by his Majesty, and his Royal Progenitors, to the French and Dutch Churches in this Kingdom; I did not seek to Suppress or Abrogate any of them, which kept Conform to their first Toleration here; much less did I labour by any Disunion betwixt them and us to advantage the Papists, to the overthrow of both. But this I found, that they did not use their Priviledges with that Gratitude and Fairness to his Majesty, the State, and Church of England, as they ought to have done. And hereupon I acquainted his Majesty and the Lords, in full and open Council, with what I conceived concerning that business. As Namely,

1. That their living as they did, and standing so strictly to their own Discipline, wrought upon the Party in England, which were addicted to them, and made them more averse, than otherwise they would have been, to the present Government of the Church of England.

2. That by this means they lived in England, as if they were a kind of God's Israel in Egypt, to the great Dishonour of the Church of England, to which at first they fled for Shelter against Persecution. And in that time of their Danger, the Church of England was in their Esteem not only a true but a glorious Church. But by this Favour, which that Church received, it grew up and incroached upon us, till it became a Church within a Church, and a kind of State within a State. And this I ever held dangerous, how small beginning soever it had: And that upon two main Reasons. The one, because I find the Wisdom of God against it. For he says plainly to his prime People, One Law, (and especially for Divine Worship) shall be to him that is home-born, and to the Stranger that Sojourns among you, Exod. 12. And the other, because Exod. 12. 49. I find the Wisdom of this State against it. For this Parliament, in their Remonstrance, give the self-same Reason against the Papists, Which. but must hold good against all Sects that labour to make strong and inlarge themselves. The Words are these, Remonst. Die Mercurii, 15. Decemb. 1641. p. 20. Another State moulded within this State, independent in Government, contrary in Interest and Affection, [...] corrupting the Ignorant or Negligent Professors of our Religion, and closely Vniting and Combining themselves against such as are sound, in this posture waiting for an Opportunity, &c. And the Words are as true of the one Faction, as the other; and I ever pressed the Argument alike against both; as I can prove by good Witness, if need be. And I pray God, this Faction, too little feared, and too much nourished among us, have not now found the Opportunity waited for.

3. That they live here, and enjoy all freedom, and yet for the most part scorn so much as to learn the Language, or to converse with any, more than for advantage of Bargaining. And will take no Englishman to be their Apprentice, nor teach them any of their Manufactures: which I did then, and do still, think most unreasonable.

4. That for Religion, if after so many descents of their Children born in the Land, and so Native Subjects, these Children of theirs [Page] should refuse to Pray and Communicate with the Church of England, into whose bosom their Parents fled at first for succour; I thought then, and do still, that no State could with safety, or would in Wisdom, endure it. And this concerning their Children, was all that was desired by me: As appears by 26. Septemb. 1635. the Act, which my Vicar General made concerning those Churches at Canterbury, Sandwitch, and Maidstone, in my Diocess, and 11. Octob. 1635. the Publication of this Act in their Congregations, by their own Ministers, in this Form following.

I am commanded to signifie unto you, that it is not his Majesty's intent, nor of the Council of State, to dissolve our Congregations. And to that end, his Majesty is content to permit the Natives of the first degree, to continue Members of our Congregations, as before. But the Natives in this Church, after the first descent, are injoyned to obey my Lord Arch-Bishop his Injunction; which is to conform themselves to the English Discipline and Liturgy, every one in his Parish; without inhibiting them notwithstanding, from resorting sometimes to our Assemblies. And my Lord Arch-Bishop of [...] means notwithstanding; that the said Natives shall continue to contribute to the Maintenance of the Ministry and Poor of this Church, for the better subsisting thereof: And promiseth to obtain an Order from the Council, if need be, and they require it, to maintain them in their Manufactures, against those which would trouble them by Informations.

Now that which I injoyned the French and Dutch Churches, was to a syllable all one with this, in all parts of my Province where these Churches resided: As at South-hampton, and Norwich. And I have a Dat. Sept. 14. 1635. Letter to shew, full of thanks, from the Ministers and Elders of the French and Walloon-Churches at Norwich. All which is far from an endeavour to suppress any just Priviledges and Immunities, which these Churches had in England, or ought to have in any well-governed Kingdom.

And since this time I have not only seen, but gotten, the very Original Letter of Queen Elizabeth of Happy Memory, written to the Lord Treasurer Pawlet, specifying what Order she would should be taken with, and for, these Churches. The Letter is Signed with her Majesty's own Hand and Signet; and gives them not half so much Liberty, I do not say as they take, but as I have been ever most content to give them. For the Queen in these Letters allows them nothing contrary to her Laws; and therefore nothing but our Liturgy in their own Language, not another Form of Divine Service and Discipline, much different from it. This was the Wisdom of those times, which I pray God we may follow. The Queen's Letter follows in these words.

Elizabeth.

RIght Trusty and right well-beloved Cozen, we greet you well.

Whereas in the time of our Brother, and Sister also, the Church of the late Augustine Fryars was appointed to the use of all the Strangers reparing to the City of London, for to have therein [Page] Divine Service; considering, that by an Universal Order, all the rest of the Churches have the Divine Service in the English Tongue, for the better edifying of the People, which the Strangers Born understand not. Our Pleasure is, that you shall Assign and Deliver the said Church, and all things thereto belonging, to the Reverend Father in God the Bishop of London, to be appointed to such Curates and Ministers as he shall think good, to serve from time to time in the same Churches, both for daily Divine Service, and for Administration of the Sacraments, and Preaching of the Gospel: so as no Rite nor Use be therein observed, contrary or derogatory to our Laws. And these our Letters shall be your sufficient Warrant and Discharge in that behalf.

Given under Our Signet

at Our Palace of Westminster the ...... of February, the Second Year of our Reign.

To our Trusty and right well beloved Cousin and Counsellor, the Marquess of Winchester, High Treasurer of England.

13. He hath maliciously and Trayterously Plotted, and endeavoured to stir up War and Enmity betwixt his Majesty's two Kingdoms of England and Scotland; and to that purpose hath laboured to introduce into the Kingdom of Scotland divers Innovations both in Religion and Government, all or the most part tending to Popery and Superstition; to the great Grievance and Discontent of his Majesty's Subjects of that Nation. And for their refusing to submit to such Innovations, he did trayterously Advise his Majesty to Subdue them by Force of Arms: And by his own Authority and Power, contrary to Law, did procure sundry of his Majesty's Subjects, and inforced the Clergy of this Kingdom, to contribute toward the Maintenance of that War. And when his Majesty with much Wisdom and Justice had made a Pacification betwixt the two Kingdoms; the said Arch-Bishop did presumptuously censure that Pacification, as Dishonourable to his Majesty; and [by his Counsel and Endeavours] so incensed These Words are added from Pryn, & Rushw. his Majesty against his said Subjects of Scotland, that he did thereupon, by Advice of the said Arch-Bishop, enter into an offensive War against them, to the great [...] of his Majesty's Person, and his Subjects of both Kingdoms.

I did not Endeavour to stir up War between his Majesty's two Ad 13. Kingdoms of England and Scotland; but my Counsels were for Peace: As may appear by the Counsel which I gave at Theobalds in the beginning of these unhappy Differences. For there my Counsel only put a stay upon the Business, in hope his Majesty might have a better Issue without, than with a War. And if I were mistaken in this Counsel, yet it agreed well with my Profession and with the Cause, which was differences in Religion, which I conceived might better be composed by Ink than by Blood. And [Page] I think it cannot easily be forgotten that I gave this Counsel: For my Lord the Earl of Arundel opposed me openly at the Table then, and said my Grounds would deceive me. And my Lord the Earl of Holland came to me, so soon as we were risen from Counsel, and was pleased to say to me, that I had done my self and my Calling a great deal of Right, and the King my Master the best Service, that ever I did him in my Life. And Mr. Patrick Maule. Male, of his Majesty's Bed-chamber, when he heard what I had done, came and gave me a great deal of Thanks in the Name of that Nation.

Nor did I labour to introduce into the Kingdom of Scotland any Innovations in Religion or Government: Neither do all, or the most part, or indeed any of those pretended Innovations tend to Popery or Superstition, as hath before been sufficiently proved. Neither did I, upon their refusal to submit to these, Advise his Majesty to Subdue them by force of Arms, but the Counsels which I gave were open, either at the Committee, or the Council-Table. Neither did I by my own Power and Authority, contrary to Law, procure any of his Majesty's Subjects, or inforce the Clergy of England to contribute to the maintenance of that War: But the Subsidies which were given to his Majesty at that time, were given freely, and in open Convocation, and without any practice of my self, or any other; as appears by what I have formerly laid down.

But because so much noise hath been made against me both in the Scottish Charge before answered, and in this Article about Popish Innovations in that Service-Book, and that I laboured the introducing both of it and them: I think it fit, if not necessary, to set down briefly the Story what was done, and what I did, and by what Command in all that Business. And it follows.

Dr. John Maxwel, the late Bishop of Ross, came to me from his Majesty, it was during the time of a great and dangerous Fever, under which I then laboured: It was in the Year 1629. in August or September, which come that time is Feb. 8. 1641. Thirteen Years since. The Cause of his coming was to speak with me about a Liturgy for Scotland. At his coming I was so extream Ill, that I saw him not. And had Death (which I then expected daily, as did my Friends and Physicians also) seized on me, I had not seen this heavy time. After this, when I was able to sit up, he came to me again, and told me it was his Majesty's Pleasure, that I should receive Instructions from some Bishops of Scotland concerning a Liturgy for that Church; and that he was imployed from my Lord the Arch-Bishop of St. Andrews, and other Prelates there about it. I told him I was clear of Opinion, that if his Majesty would have a Liturgy setled there, it were best to take the English Liturgy without any variation, that so the same Service-Book might be established in all his Majesty's Dominions: Which I did then, and do still think would have been a great Happiness to this State, and a great Honour and Safety to Religion. To this he replyed, that he was of a contrary Opinion, and that not he only, but the Bishops of that Kingdom thought their Countrymen [Page] would be much better satisfied, it a Liturgy were framed by their own Clergy, than to have the English Liturgy put upon them; yet he added, that it might be according to the Form of our English Service-Book. I answered to this, that if this were the Resolution of my Brethren the Bishops of Scotland, I would not entertain so much as Thoughts about it, till I might by God's Blessing have Health and Opportunity to wait upon his Majesty, and receive his farther directions from himself.

When I was able to go abroad, I came to his Majesty, and represented all that had passed. His Majesty avowed the sending of Dr. Maxwell to me, and the Message sent by him. But then he inclined to my Opinion, to have the English Service without any alteration to be established there: And in this Condition I held that Business, for two if not three Years at least. Afterwards, the Scottish Bishops still pressing his Majesty that a Liturgy Framed by themselves, and in some few things different from ours, would relish better with their Countrymen. They at last prevailed with his Majesty, to have it so, and carried it against me, notwithstanding all I could say or do to the contrary. Then his Majesty Commanded me to give the Bishops of Scotland my best Assistance in this Way and Work. I delayed as much as I could with my Obedience; and when nothing would serve, but it must go on; I confess I was then very serious, and gave them the best help I could. But wheresoever I had any doubt, I did not only acquaint his Majesty with it, but Writ down most of the Amendments or Alterations in his Majesty's Presence. And I do verily believe, there is no one thing in that Book, which may not stand with the Conscience of a right Good Protestant. Sure I am his Majesty approved them all; and I have his Warrant under his Royal Hand for all that I did about that Book. And to the end the Book may be extant, and come to the view of the Christian World, and their Judgment of it be known; I have caused it to be exactly Translated into Latin, and, if right be done, it shall be Printed with this History. This was that which I did concerning the Matter and Substance of this Service-Book.

As for the way of Introducing it, I ever advised the Bishops, both in his Majesty's Presence, and at other times, both by Word and by Writing, that they would look carefully to it, and be sure to do nothing about it but what should be agreeable to the Laws of that Kingdom: And that they should at all times be sure to take the Advice of the Lords of his Majesty's Council in that Kingdom, and govern themselves and their Proceedings accordingly. Which Course if they have not followed, that can no way reflect upon me, who have both in this, and all things else, been as careful of their Laws as any Man who is a Stranger to them could be. And in a Letter of mine after my last coming out of Scotland, thus I wrote to the late Reverend Arch-Bishop of S. Andrews, Septemb. 30. 1633. concerning the Liturgy: That whether that of England, or another were resolved on, yet [...] should proceed Circumspectly; Because his Majesty had no intendment to do any thing, but that which was according to Honour and Justice, and the [Page] Laws of that Kingdom: And a Copy of this Letter I have yet by me to shew: And for the truth of this Narration, I know His Majesty, (and my Lord of Ross) himself will avow it.

And here I take leave to acquaint the Reader, That this was no new Conceit of His Majesty, to have a Liturgy framed, and Canons made for the Church of Scotland: For he followed his Royal Father King James his Example and Care therein, who took Order for both at the Proceedings of the Assembly at Perth. p. 40. & 68. Assembly of Perth, An. 1618.

And now to return again to the Article. There is one Charge more in it, and that's concerning the P. 41. Pacification made the [...] Year. The Article says I did Censure it as Dishonourable; and Advise for a new War: But I did neither. That which I spake, was openly at the Council-Table, and in His Majesty's presence: And it was this. There arose a debate at the Table, about these Affairs, and the Pacification; and I said that I did often wish from my Heart that His Majesty had kept the Army which he had at Barwick together but Eight or Ten Days longer: And that I did not doubt, but that if he had so done, he might have had more Honourable Conditions of his Scottish Subjects. This I said, and more or otherwise I said not; and whosoever shall relate them otherwise, forgets Truth. Now to say, that His Majesty might have had more Honourable Conditions, doth not infer, that the Pacification then made was upon Dishonourable Conditions; but only upon less Honourable than it might have been. And I had great Reason to observe my own words, and remember them; because I saw some Lords at the Table touched with them, perhaps in their own Particulars.

Nor was I alone in this Judgment: For my Lord the Earl of Holland, though he then said nothing at the Council-Table; yet at his first return from Barwick, his Lordship did me the Honour to come and see me at Lambeth: And in the Gallery there, while we were discoursing of the Affairs in the North; of himself he used these words to me: That His Majesty did too suddenly dissolve his Army there; indeed so suddenly, that every body wondered at it: And that for his part he was so sorry, especially for the dismissing of all the Horse; (which he said were as good as any were in Christendom:) And farther, that he offer'd His Majesty to keep one Thousand of them for a Year at his own and his Friends Charge, till the King might see all things well setled again in Scotland. By which it is apparent, that in his Lordships Judgment things might have been better, had not that Army been so suddenly dissolved: And I hope it was no Sin in me to wish the best success, and the most Honour to the King's Affairs.

Now that which moved me to say thus at the Council-Table, was this. The last Article in the Pacification was, To restore to every one of His Majesties Subjects their Liberties, Lands, Houses, Goods and Means whatsoever, taken and detained from them by whatsoever means since the aforesaid time: But within two Days (or three at the most) after the Pacification agreed upon, and concluded, the Lord Lindsay made an open and publick Protestation either in the Camp at Dunns, or at the [...] in Edenburgh, or both, that no Clergy Man, his Goods or Means [...]. was included in the Pacification: Which yet expresses every one of His Majesties Subjects. And this, I did then conceive, [Page] (and do still) was a very bold audacious Act of that Lord, very injurious to the Poor Clergy, and not so Honourable for the King. And this made me say, and I say it still, His Majesty might have had more Honourable Conditions, and his Pacification better kept, had he continued his Army but Eight or Ten Days longer: For in all probability the Scots could not so long have continued their Army together. And I did farther conceive, that by this Act of the Lord Lindsay in protesting, and by the Scots making his Protestation good against the Clergy, there was a direct and manifest Breach of the Pacification on their behalf. And then, though I saw no Reason why the King should be bound to keep that mutual Pacification, which they had broken; (for a Knot must be fast at both ends, or loose at both:) Yet remembring my Calling, I did not Incense His Majesty against his Subjects in Scotland; nor did hereupon advise the undertaking of an Offensive War against them; nor ever give other Counsel in this Particular, than what I openly gave before the Lords, either in the Committee, or at the Board: And there my Concurring in Opinion with all the rest of the Lords, was (I hope) no other, nor no greater fault, than in them, though I be thus singled out.

And for the Pacification, I shall say thus much more: Though I could with all my Heart have wished it more Honourable for the King, and more express and safe for my Brethren of the Clergy; yet all things Considered, which were put unto me, I did approve it. For before the Pacification was fully agreed upon, His Majesty did me the Honour to write unto me all with his own Hand: In this Letter He Commanded me, all delay set apart, to send him my Judgment plainly and freely what I thought of the Pacification; which was then almost ready for conclusion. I in all Humility approved of the Pacification, as it was then put to me; and sent my Answer presently back, and my Reasons why I approved it: Little thinking then, but that my Poor Brethren the Bishops of Scotland should have had all restored unto them, according to the Article of the Pacification, before recited; or at least for so long, till they had defended themselves and their Calling, and their Cause, in a free General Assembly, and as free a Parliament. Now this was ever Assured. assumed to me should be done; and to procure this, was all which the Bishops seemed to desire of me. And for the Truth of this I appeal to His Majesty, to whom I writ it: And to my Lord Marquess Hamilton, to whom the King shewed my Letter, (As my Lord Marquess himself told me at his return.) And to Dr. Juxon Lord Bishop of London, then Lord High Treasurer of England; to whom I shewed my Letter before I sent it away. And this is all I did concerning the Pacification.

14. That to preserve himself from being questioned for these and other his Trayterous Courses, he hath laboured to subvert the Rights of Parliament, and the Ancient Course of Parliamentary proceedings; And by false and malicious Slanders to incense His Majesty against Parliaments. By which Words, Counsels, and Actions, he hath Trayterously, and contrary to his Allegiance, laboured to [Page] alienate the Hearts of the Kings Liege People from his Majesty, to set a Division between them, and to [...] and Destroy his Majesty's Kingdoms. For which they do impeach him of High Treason against our Soveraign Lord the King, his Crown and Dignity.

I did never Labour to subvert the rights of Parliaments, or the antient Ad 14. Course of their Proceedings: And not doing it at all, I could not do it to keep my self from being questioned. Much less did I by any malitious Slanders, or any other way, incense his Majesty against Parliaments, nor ever thereby labour to alienate the Hearts of the King's Liege People from his Majesty, nor to set any Division between them, or to Ruine and Destroy his Majesty's Kingdoms. And am no way Guilty in the least Degree of High Treason against our Soveraign Lord the King, his Crown and Dignity.

It is true, I have been much and very often grieved, to see the great distractions which have happened of later Years, both in King James his time, and since, about the Breaches which have been in Parliaments. And I have as heartily wished, and to my Power endeavoured, that all Parliaments which have been called, might come to their Happy Issue, and end in the Contentment of the King and his People. And I have ever been of Opinion, and I shall Live and Dye in it; That there can be no true and setled Happiness in this or any other Kingdom, but by a fair and Legal, as well as Natural Agreement between the King and his People; and that, according to the Course of England, this Agreement is in a great proportion founded upon Parliaments. Now Parliaments (as I humbly conceive) can never better preserve their own Rights, than by a free and honourable way, to keep up the Greatness and Power of their King; that so he may be the better able, against all Forreign Practices, to keep up the Honour as well as the Safety of the Nation; both which usually stand or fall together. And if any particular Mens Miscarriages have distempered any Parliaments, and caused or occasioned a Breach; I have (upon the Grounds before laid) been as sorry as any Man for it, but never contributed any thing to it. And I hope it is not Criminal to think, that Parliaments may sometimes, in some things, by Misinformation or otherwise, be mistaken, as well as other Courts.

This in conclusion I clearly think, Parliaments are the best preservers of the Ancient Laws and Rights of this Kingdom. But this I think too, that Corruptio optimi est Pessima; that no Corruption is so bad, so foul, so dangerous, as that which is of the best. And therefore, if Parliaments should at any time be misguided by practice of a [...] Party; nothing then so dangerous as such a [...]; because the highest Remedy being Corrupted, [...] sure Redress left at all. And we had a lamentable [...] of such a Parliament, [...] Hen. 4. was set up. For that [...] was the Cause of [...] the Civil Wars, and that great [...] of Blood which followed soon after in this Kingdom. God make us mindful and careful to prevent the like.

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The said Commons do farther aver, that the said William Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, during the time, in which the A forementioned Crimes, Rushworth. Crimes aforementioned were done and committed, Pryn. Treasons and Offences afore-named were Committed, hath been a Bishop, or Arch-Bishop in this Realm of England, one of the King's Commissioners for Ecclesiastical Matters, and One of, Rush. & Pryn. of his Majesty's most Honourable Privy Council: And that he hath taken an Oath for his Faithful discharge of the said Office of Counsellor, and hath likewise taken the Oath of Supremacy and Allegiance. And the said Commons by Protestation, saving to themselves the Liberty of Exhibiting at any time hereafter, any other Accusation or Impeachment against the said Arch-Bishop, and also of replying to the Answers that the said Arch-Bishop shall make unto the said Articles, or to any of them; and of offering farther Proof also of the Premises, or any of them [These words are added from Pryn & Rushworth. or of any other Impeachment or Accusation that shall be exhibited by them] as the Case shall, according to the Course of Parliaments, require; do pray that the said Arch-Bishop may be put to answer to all and every the Premises; and that such Proceedings, Examinations, Tryal and Judgment may be upon every of them had and used, as is agreeable to Law and Justice.

This is the Conclusion of these general Articles then put up against me; and is added only for Form, and so requires no Answer from me. But in the Close, they of the House of Commons make two Petitions to the Lords; and both were granted, as 'tis fit they should. The one is, That they may add farther Accusations, or farther Proof of this, as the Course of Parliaments require. And I refuse no such either Accusation or Proof; so the due Course of Parliaments be kept. The other is, That there may be such Proceedings, Examinations, Tryal and Judgment, as is agreeable to Law and Justice. And such Proceedings my Innocency can never decline. But whether the Proceedings hitherto against me, be according to the Antient Proceedings in Parliament, or to Law and Justice, I leave Posterity to judge: Since they which here seem so earnestly to call for Examinations, Tryal and Judgment, have not to Feb. 10. 1641. this Day proceeded to any Tryal, nay, have not so much as brought up any particular Charge against me, it being almost a full Year since they brought up this general Charge, and called for Examinations and Tryal; and yet have kept me in Prison all this while, to the great Weakning of my Aged Body, and Waste of my poor Fortunes: And how much longer they mean to keep me there, God knows. Whereas all that I do desire, is a Just and Fair Tryal, with such an Issue, better or worse, as it shall [...] God to give.

CAP. VIII.

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WHen these Articles had been Read unto me in the Upper House, and I had spoken to the Lords, in a general Answer to them, what I thought fit, as is before expressed: I humbly desired of the Lords (this being upon Friday Feb. 26.) that my going Feb. 26. 1640. to the Tower might be put off till the Monday after, that so I might have time to be the better fitted for my Lodging. This I humbly thank their Lordships was granted. I returned to Mr. Vide [...]. p. 202. Maxwell's Custody, and that Afternoon sent my Steward to Sir William Balfore, then Lieutenant, that a Lodging might be had for me with as much convenience as might be. On Munday March 1. Mar. [...]. 1640. Mr. Maxwell carried me in his Coach to the Tower. St. George's Feast, having been formerly put off, was to begin that Evening. By this means Mr. Maxwell (whose Office tied him to attendance upon that Solemnity) could not possibly go with me to the Tower at Evening, as I desired. Therefore Noon, when the Citizens were at Dinner, was chosen as the next fittest time for Privateness. All was well, till I passed through Newgate Shambles, and entred into Cheapside. There some one Prentice first Hallowed out; And more. more and followed the Coach, (the Number still increasing as they went) till by that time I came to the Exchange, the shouting was exceeding great. And so they followed me with Clamour and Revilings, even beyond Barbarity it self; not giving over, till the Coach was entred in at the Tower-Gate. Mr. Maxwell, out of his Love and Care, was extreamly troubled at it; but I bless God for it, my Patience was not moved: I looked upon a higher Cause, than the Tongues of Shimei and his Children.

The same Day there was a Committee for Religion named in the Mar. 1. 1640. Upper House of Parliament; Ten Earls, Ten Bishops, and Ten Barons. So the Lay Votes will be double to the Clergy; that they may carry what they will for Truth. This Committee professes to meddle with Doctrine, as well as Ceremonies; and to that end will call some Divines to them, to consider of and prepare Business. This appears by a Letter sent by Dr. Williams, then Lord Bishop of Lincoln, now Lord Arch-Bishop of York, to some Divines, which were named to attend this Service. The Copy of the Letter follows.

WIth my best Wishes unto you in Christ Jesus. I am Commanded Mar. 12. 1640. by the Lords of the Committee for Innovations in Matters of Religion, to let you know, that their said Lordships have assigned and appointed you to attend on them as Assistant in that Committee. And to let you know in general, that their Lordships do intend to examine all Innovations in Doctrine or Discipline, introduced into the Church without Law since the Reformation; and (if their Lordships shall in their Judgments find it behoveful for the good of the Church and State) [Page] to Examine after that, the degrees and perfection of the Reformation it self: Which I am directed to intimate unto you, that you may prepare your Thoughts, Studies and Meditations accordingly: Expecting their Lordships pleasure for the particular points, as they shall arise; and giving you to understand, that their Lordships next sitting, is upon Friday next in the Afternoon. I recommend you to God's protection, being

Your very loving Friend and Brother, Jo. Lincoln.

West. Coll. 12 Martij 1640.

To my very loving Friends and Brethren, Dr. Brownrig. Mr. Shute. Dr. Featly. Mr. Calamy. Dr. Hacket. Mr. White. Dr. Westfield. Mr. Marshal. Dr. Burges.

What use will be made of this Committee, for the present I shall expect; but what it shall produce in future, I dare not prophesie. But it may be, it will prove in time superiour to the National Synods of England: And what that may work in this Church and State, God knows.

I setled my self in my Lodging in the Tower, where I yet am, and pass my weary time as well as I can. On Saturday, Mar. 13. Divers Mar. 13. 1640. Lords dined with the Lord Herbert. Son to the Earl of Worcester, at his new House by Fox-Hall in Lambeth. As they came back after Dinner, three young Lords were in a Boat together, and St. Paul's Church was in their Eye. Hereupon one of them said, he was sorry for my Commitment, if it were but for the building of St. Pauls, which would go but slowly on there-while. The Lord Brook, who was one of the three, replyed, I hope one of us shall live to see, no one stone left upon another of that building. This was told and avowed by one of the Lords present: And when I heard it, I said, now the Lord forbid; and bless his poor Church in this Kingdom.

CAP. IX.

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ON Munday, Mar. 22. the Earl of Strafford's Tryal began in Mar. 22. 1641. Westminster-Hall: And it continued with some few Intermissions till the end of April. The Earl got all the time a great deal of Reputation by his Patient, yet Stout and clear Answers, and changed many Understanding Mens Minds concerning him: Insomuch, that the great Lawyers of his Council affirmed there openly, That there was no Treason appearing to them by any Law. Upon this the House of Commons (who were all the while present in a Body) left the Hall, and instead of leaving the whole Cause to the Judgment of the Lords in the ordinary Way of Parliaments, betook themselves to their Legislative Power, and so passed a Bill of Attainder against him; and having none, made a Law to take away his Life. This Bill was denyed by two or three and fifty, as able Men as any in the House of Commons. But the Faction grew so hot, that all their Names were Pasted up at the Exchange under the Title of Straffordians, thereby to increase the Hatred of the People, both against him and them; and the Libels multiplyed

This Bill went on with great haste and earnestness; which the King observing, and loth to lose so great and good a Servant, his Majesty came into the House of Lords, and there upon Saturday Maii 1. Declared unto both Houses how carefully he had Maij 1. 1641. heard and observed all the Charge against the Earl of Strafford, See the King's Speech apud Rush. p. 239. (for he was present at every Days Hearing) and found that his Fault, whatever it were, could not amount to Treason: And added, That if they meant to proceed by Bill, it must pass by him, and that he could not in his Conscience find him guilty, nor would ever wrong his Honour or his Conscience so far, as to pass such a Bill; or to that Effect. But advised them to proceed by way of Misdemeanour, and he would concur with them in any Sentence. This displeased mightily, and I verily think it hastened the Earl's Death. And indeed to what end should the King come voluntarily to say this, and there, unless he would have abode by it, whatever came? And it had been far more Regal to reject the Bill when it had been brought to him, (his Conscience standing so as his Majesty openly professed it did) than to make this Honourable Preface, and let the Bill pass after.

The House of Commons, and some Lords too, it seems, eagerly bent against the Earl of Strafford, seeing by this the King's bent, grew more sharp, and pursued the Bill the more violently: In so much that within two or three Days after, some Citizens of London and Prentices came down in Multitudes to the Parliament, called there for Justice, and pretended all Trade was stopp'd, till Justice was done upon the Earl of Strafford. Who brought on [Page] the People to this way, I would not tell you if I did certainly know; but wise Men see that plain enough without telling. These People press upon the Lords in a way unknown in the English Government, yea or in any setled Government in Christendom. In conclusion, they are taught to threaten the King and his Court in a strange Manner, if they may not have speedy Justice. The Bill comes up to the Lords, when the House was none of the fullest, (but what made so many absent I know not) and there it past. And upon Sunday, May 9. the King was so laid at, and so Maij 9. 1641. frighted with these Bugbears, that if Justice were not done, and the Bill Passed for the Earl of Strafford's Execution, the Multitude would come the Next Day, and pull down White-Hall, (and God knows what might become of the King himself) that these fears prevailing, his Majesty gave way, and the Bill passed; and that Night late, Sir Dudly Carlton, one of the Clerks of the Council, was sent to the Tower, to give the Earl warning that he must prepare to Dye the Wednesday Morning following.

The Earl of Strafford received the Message of Death with great Courage, yet Sweetness; (as Sir Dudly himself after told me:) On Munday Morning the Earl sent for the Lord Primate of Armagh to come to him. He came; and the same Day visited me, and gave me very high Testimony of the Earl's Sufficiency and Resolution: And among the rest this; That he never knew any Layman in all his Life, that so well and fully understood Matters of Divinity, as the Earl did; and that his Resolutions were as firm and as good.

In this Interim before the Day of his Death, he made by his Friends two Suits to his Majesty: The one, that he might Dye privately within the Tower; the other, That his Death might be Respited till the Saturday, that he might have a little more time to settle his Estate. His Majesty sent these Requests to the Houses. Answer was returned to the first, That the People would not besatisfied, nor believe he was Dead, unless they saw him Dye publickly. And to the second, That time enough was given already; and that if any farther delay were used, the People would think Justice should not be done at all, and resort thither again in Multitudes, to the hazzard of Publick Peace.

The Earl made these two Suits; and in the mean time one Offer was made to him. It was this, That if he would employ his Power and Credit with the King, for the taking of Episcopacy out of the Church, he should yet have his Life. His Christian Answer was very Heroical; Namely, That he would not buy his Life at so dear a rate. The Man that sent him this Message was his Brother-in-Law, Mr. Denzill Hollis, one of the great Leading Men in the House of Commons: And my Lord Primate of Armagh, avowed this from the Earl of Strafford's own Mouth. And as he was of too Generous a Spirit to lye basely, so being in preparing of himself to leave the World, it cannot be thought he would with a Dying-Mouth bely his Brother.

These Answers being returned, the Earl prepared himself: And [Page] upon Wednesday Morning, about Ten of the Clock, being May the Twelfth, he was Beheaded on the Tower-Hill, many Thousands beholding Maij 12. 1641. him. The Speech which he made at his End, was a great Testimony of his Religion and Piety, and was then Printed: And It is [...] apud Rushw. p. 267. in their Judgment, who were Men of Worth, and some upon, some near the Scaffold, and saw him Dye, he made a Patient, and Pious, and Couragious end; insomuch, that some doubted whether his Death had more of the Roman or the Christian in it, it was so full of both. And notwithstanding this hard Fate, which fell upon him, he is dead with more Honour, than any of them will gain who hunted after his Life. Thus ended the Wiseest, the Stoutest, and every way the Ablest Subject, that this Nation hath bred these many Years. The only Imperfections which he had, that were known to me, were his want of Bodily Health, and a Carelesness (or rather Roughness) not to oblige any: And his Mishaps in this last Action were, that he groan'd under the Publick Envy of the Nobles, served a Mild and a Gracious Prince, who knew not how to be, or be made great; and trusted false, perfidious and cowardly Men in the Northern Imployment, though he had many Doubts put to him about it. This Day was after called by divers, Homicidium Comitis Straffordiae, the Day of the Murder of Strafford: Because when Malice it self could find no Law to put him to Death, they made a Law of purpose for it. God forgive all, and be Merciful.

The Earl being thus laid low, and his great Services done in Ireland made part of his Accusation, I cannot but observe two things: The one, That upon Sunday Morning before, Francis Earl of Bedford (having about a Month before lost his second Son, in whom he most Joyed) Dyed; the Small Pox striking up into his Brain. This Lord was one of the Main Plotters of Strafford's Death: And I know where he, with other Lords, before the Parliament Sat down, resolved to have his Blood. But God would not let him Live to take Joy therein, but cut him off in the Morning, whereas the Bill for the Earl of Strafford's Death was not Signed till Night. The other is, That at this time the Parliament tender'd two, and but two Bills to the King to Sign. This to cut off Strafford's Head was one, and the other was, that this Parliament should neither be Dissolved, nor Adjourned, but by the consent of both Houses; in which, what he cut off from himself, Time will better shew than I can. God Bless the King and his Royal Issue.

I told you before, the People came in a Tumultuous Way to call for Justice: And half an Eye may see how, and by whom they were set on. In the mean time let me tell you farther, that this Art being once begun, without Consideration of the Danger, or Care of the Dishonour of such Proceedings; whensoever there was any thing proposed in the House of Commons, which it was thought the Lords would stick at, or the King not grant, by and by the Rabble came about the Houses, and called for this and that Justice, as they were prompted. God Bless the Government of this Kingdom, or all is lost.

[Page] I must tell you farther, that from the time that the Earl of Strafford was first brought to his Answer in Westminster-Hall, the bitter and fierce Libels of the factious People came daily out, to keep up and increase the Peoples Hate against him. And though they were full of most notorious Untruths, yet coming from that Party, were swallowed and believed by the most. Among divers others, they spread one, in which they delivered to the World, that the Earl of Strafford drawing near to his End, when he saw no Remedy, but he must Dye, fell into great and passionate Expressions against me; That I and my Counsels had been the Ruine of him and his House; and that he cursed me bitterly. Now as this is most false in it self, so am I most able to make it appear so. For his Lordship, being to Suffer on the Wednesday Morning, did upon Tuesday in the Afternoon desire the Lord Primate of Armagh, then with him, to come to me, and desire me that I would not fail to be in my Chamber Window at the open Casement the next Morning, when he was to pass by it, as he went to Execution; that though he might not speak with me, yet he might see me, and take his last leave of me. I sent him word I would, and did so. And the next Morning as he passed by, he turned towards me, and took the Solemnest leave, that I think was ever by any at distance taken one of another; and this in the sight of the Earl of Newport, then Lord Constable of the Tower, the Lord Primate of Armagh, the Earl of Cleveland, the Lieutenant of the Tower, and divers other Knights and Gentlemen of Worth. Besides, though during the time of both our Restraints, and the nearness of our Lodgings, we held no Intercourse each with other; yet Sir William Balfore, then Lieutenant of the Tower, told me often what frequent and great expressions of Love the Earl made to me: Which cannot stand with that base Slander which the lewd Libel vented. But I leave that Honourable Person in his Grave, and while I live shall Honour his Memory. But must here a little go back.

For May the first, after the King had declared his Conscience Maij 1. 1641; and his Judgment concerning the Earl of Strafford's Offences to both Houses (as is before set down) and was gone away, a Letter was read in the Vpper House from the Scots, in which their Army did earnestly desire to be gone. It was moved to have a present Conference with the Commons about it; and the Debate was very short, many Lords being desirous to lay hold of that Opportunity to be rid of the Scots. But so good and so quick was the Intelligence from some of the Lords, that the House of Commons was risen before the Messengers from the Lords could get thither, and so the Conference was not only prevented, but things so ordered, that the Scots stayed in England till the middle of August following, at a marvellous great Charge to the Kingdom, and with what Wrong and Dishonour to King and Kingdom, let Posterity Judge.

Before the Death of the Earl of Strafford, the Libels came out thick, and very Malitious against him. And all this to whet the Malice that was against him, and make the People more greedy [Page] for his Death. But no sooner was he gone into his Rest, but the Libellers, which during that time reviled him, fell on me; and no question but to the same end. And the Libels and Ballads against me were frequently spread through the City, and sung up and down the Streets. And (I thank God for it) they were as full of Falshood as Gall. Besides, they made base Pictures of me; putting me into a Cage, and fastning me to a Post by a Chain at my Shoulder, and the like. And divers of these Libels made Men sport in Taverns and Alehouses; where too many were as Drunk with Malice, as with the Liquor they sucked in. Against which my only Comfort was, that I was fallen but into the same Case with the Prophet David, Psal. 69. For they that sat in the Gate Psal. 69. 12. spake against me, and I was the Song of the Drunkards. About this time I fell into a Tertian Ague, which was Comfortless in a Prison. But I humbly Praise God for it, after seven or eight Fits he restored me to my Health; the only Comfort which I have under him in this time of my Affliction.

CAP. X.

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UPon Wednesday, June 23. I acquainted His Majesty by my Lord Junij 23. 1641. of London, that now I had answered all Complaints come against me concerning the Vniversity of Oxford, I thought it requisite for me to Resign the Chancellorship of that place: And I gave His Majesty such Reasons, as he approved, for my so doing. And the truth is, I suffered much by the Clamours of the Earl of Pembroke, who thought it long, till he had that place, which he had long gaped for: And after the Cloud was once spread over me, spared me in no Company; though I had in all the time of my Prosperity observed him in Court, more than ever he had deserved of me. And I had reason, notwithstanding all his causless Heat, to keep the place till I had justified my self against the Towns-Mens Petition to the Lords; wherein they Charged me with no less than Treason, for setting out a Proclamation about Regulating the Market in my own Name: But I made it appear to the Lords, that I did no more therein, than the Earl of Leicester in Queen Elizabeth's time, or the Earl of Dorset in King James his time, did before me, when they were Chancellors of that Vniversity. And I was able to shew the Lords, and did so, the Copies of both their several Proclamations in Print in their own Names. And farther I made appear by the Vniversity Records, that the Chancellors for the time being had frequently done it, ever since the time of King Edward 3: And that the Lord Mayor of London, and other Mayors having the Clark-ship of the Market, (as the Chancellors of Oxford have, and not the Mayor) do it daily. So this great, and most Malicious Complaint of the City of Oxford, vanished, when they, and some body else for them had shewed their Teeth, but could not bite. But having ended this Business, and my Vice-Chancellor (whom I was not willing to Expose to anothers f. Hatred. hand) had finished his Year, and that according to Duty, I had given His Majesty an Account of the Business, I pursued my Resolution: And upon Friday, June the 25th, I sent down Junij 25. 1641. my Resignation of the Chancellorship of Oxford, to be Published in Convocation; which was done accordingly, and the Earl of Pembroke had his desires, and was chosen into it. God bless the Vniversity Julij 1. 1641. there-while, and grant they may never have need of me, now unable to help them.

On Tuesday, August 10. His Majesty rode away Post into Scotland; Aug. 10. 1641. the Parliaments Sitting in both Kingdoms, and the Armies not yet dissolved. There was great Scanning about this Journey: And the House of Commons sent some Commissioners thither, as the Scots had some here. Among the Scotch Commissioners the Prime Man was the Earl of Róthes, who also was one of the greatest, and most Zealous Leaders of the Scottish Rebellion under the pretence of Religion, and a deadly Enemy to the Earl of Strafford, and was heard to say more than once, they would have his Head; And they had it. But much about this time, Rothes his Zeal was so hot among the [Page] Ladies, and the Citizens Wives, that he fell very foully into the Pox: And divers of his Friends (as they told me themselves) going to visit him were not admitted to see him; and at last he was conveyed from London to Richmond by his Aunt the Lady Roxborough, where he dyed: But this base and dishonourable End of his in Rottenness, they concealed as much as they could.

What the King did in Scotland, hath no Relation, for ought I yet hear, to this poor Story of mine. And the Parliament here made a Recess From [...] 9: till Octob: 20: So Rushworth p: 387, 388. Aug. ... till Octob. ..... leaving a considerable Committee Sitting to prepare Business against the House met again. During this Recess there was all silence concerning me; And as is conceived, upon this Ground; Because before the Recess, the Committee appointed for that Business, failed in some Proofs, which they well hoped should have reached me home in Matters of Religion; and thereupon have done little since: And the Libels since that time have neither been so frequent, nor so Malicious against me. God quiet this Storm; though (I praise God) I know not why it was raised so high against me. On Thursday, September: 23: 1641. Mr: Adam Torless, my Ancient, Loving, and Faithful Servant, and then my Steward, after he had served me full Forty and Two Years, dyed, to my great both loss and grief. For all my Accounts since my Commitment, were in his Hands; and had he not been a very Honest and Careful Man, I must have suffered much more than I did; yet I suffered enough besides the loss of his Person, who was now become almost the only Comfort of my Affliction, and my Age. So true it is, that Afflictions seldom come single.

CAP. XI.

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DUring the Recess of the Parliament, Sir Hen: Martyn dyed, and I made Dr: Merricke Judge of the Prerogative: Dr: Duck missing his hopes of this Office, by his own absence and default, and finding me under this thick Cloud, hoped to have wrested this Office out of my Hands, and his to whom I had given it. This was one of the basest, and most ungrateful parts, that ever any Man played me. But he failed in his hopes, and his Petition was cast out of the Lords House, to try his Right at Law; which was all that was asked by Dr: Merricke. Yet upon the earnestness of the then Lord Bishop of Lincoln, and now Arch-Bishop of York, the Lords Sequestred my Jurisdiction, and put it into the Hands of my Inferiour Officers; and added in the Order, that I should dispose of neither Benefice, nor any other thing, but I should first acquaint them with it. The Order follows, in haec verba.

§

Die Sab. 23. Octob. 1641. Octob. 23. 1641

IT is Ordered by the Lords in Parliament, that the Jurisdiction of the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury shall be Sequestred, until he shall be Convicted or Acquitted of the Charge of High Treason against him; and the same in the mean time to be Executed by his Inferiour Officers. And farther, concerning those Ecclesiastical Benefices, Promotions, or Dignities, that are in his disposing, he shall present to this House the Names of such Persons, as shall be Nominated by him for the same, to be Approved of first by this House, before they be Collated or Instituted.

Jo. Browne, Cler. Parliam. &c.

For my Jurisdiction (I Thank God) I never knowingly abused it. And of the other Restraint about the giving of my Benefices, I cannot but think it very hard in two respects: The one is, that I should be put to Name to them, before I give that, which by Law is mine to give. In the mean time they cry out of the violation of the Propriety which each Subject hath in his Goods; and yet I must not give my own: So also they condemn Arbitrary Government, and yet press upon me an Arbitrary Order against Law. The other is, that if in Obedience to this Order I shall Nominate any Man to them, be he never so worthy for Life and Learning; yet if upon Misinformation, or otherwise, the House should refuse him, I should not only, not do him the good I intended, but blast him for all the remainder of his Life: And whensoever he shall seek for any other Preferment, that shall be Objected. laid unto him, that he was thought unworthy by the High Court of Parliament. Yet how to ease my self against this Order, I know not.

[Page] This day, Novemb. 1. News came to the Parliament of the Nov. 1. 1641. Rebellion in Ireland; The King being then in Scotland, where there were Troubles enough also. The Irish pretended the Scots Example, and hoped they should get their Liberties, and the Freedom of their Religion, as well as they. But that Rebellion is grown fierce and strong; and what end that War will have, God knows: A happy one God of his Mercy send. For this Nation is in many difficulties at once; and we have drawn them all upon our selves. But this belongs not to my Story. Only this I shall add (which is the Judgment of all Prudent Men that I speak with, both of Ireland and England) that if the Earl of Strafford had Lived, and not been blasted in his Honour and Service, no Rebellion had been stirring there. And if this be so, 'tis a soar Account must be given for his Blood; If either that Kingdom be upon this occasion quite lost from the Crown of England, or not recover'd without great Expence, both of Treasure and Blood.

On Thursday Novemb. 25. the King returning from Scotland, entred Nov 25. 1641. Vide Rushw. p. 429. &c. into London, was received with great State and Joy, and Sumptuously Entertained. This made divers Men think, there would have been a Turn in the present Business. And what it might have proved, if the King would have presently and vigorously set himself to vindicate his own Just Power, and leave them their Antient and Just Priviledges, is not I think hard to judge. But he let it cool, and gave that which is truly the Malignant Faction (but call others so) time to underwork him, and bring the City round, and all ran then stronger in the same Current than ever it did. So God of his Mercy bless all.

On Thursday, Decemb. 30. the Lord Arch-Bishop of York, and Dec 30. 1641. Eleven other Bishops, were sent to the [...] for High Treason; and two other Bishops, Duresme, and Coventry and Litchfield, to Mr. See Rushw. p. 468. Maxwell's; for setting their Hands to a Petition, and delivering of it with a Protestation, that this was not a free Parliament; since they who had Antient Right there, could not come to give their Votes as they ought, without danger of their Lives. For by this time it was grown common, that the Multitude came down in heaps, if either the Lords or the King denyed any thing which the House of Commons affected. But how it came to pass that these Multitudes should come down in The Address of the 12 Bishops here subjoyned, is not right. It should be to the King. Quaere. W. S. A. C It was directed, To the King's most Excellent Majesty, and the Lords and Peers Assembled in Parliament: And was intended to have been presented in the House of Lords, the King being present, although it was presented in the absence of the King. See Life of Arch-Bishop Williams, par. 2. pag. 178. H W. It is also extant in Rushworth, p. 466. In Heylin's Life of Laud, p. 490. In Hacket's [...] of Williams, p. 178. such disorder, and yet be sent back and dissolved so easily, at a word or beck of some Men, let the World judge. The Petition and Protestation, which the Bishops delivered in, was as follows; and perchance it was unseasonably delivered; and perhaps some Words in it might have been better spared; but the Treason (and peradventure that's my Ignorance) I cannot find in it.

The Petition and Protestation of Twelve Bishops, for which they were Accused of High-Treason by the House of Commons, and Committed by the Lords to the Black-Rod.

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THat whereas the Petitioners are called up, Rushw. upon, by several and respective Writs, under great Penalties, to Attend in Parliament, and have a clear and indubitable Right to Vote in Bills, and all other Matters whatsoever debatable, Rushw. debated in Parliament, by the Antient Customs, Laws and Statutes of this Realm, and are to be protected by your Majesty, quietly to attend [Rushw. and prosecute] that great Service: They humbly remonstrate and protest before God, your Majesty and the Noble Lords and Peers, Rushw. Peers now Assembled in Parliament, that as they have an indubitable Right to Sit and Vote in the House of Lords, so they, if they may be protected from force and violence, are most ready and willing to perform their duties, Rushw. that Duty accordingly; and that they do abominate all Actions and Opinions tending to Popery, and the maintenance thereof, Rush. or any inclination to the Malignant Party, or any other side and Party whatsoever, to the which their own Reasons and Consciences shall not move them to adhere. Rushw. adhere. But whereas, they have been at several times violently Menaced, Affronted and Assaulted by multitudes of People, in coming to perform their Service to that Honourable House, and lately chased away and put in danger of their Lives, and can find, Rushw. find no Redress or Protection, upon sundry Complaints made to both Houses in these particulars, Rushw. that particular: They likewise humbly, Rushw. protest before your Majesty and that Noble House of Peers, that saving to themselves all their Rights and Interests of Sitting and Voting in that, Rushw. your House at other times, they dare not sit or, Rushw. to Vote in the House of Peers, until, Rushw. unless your Majesty shall further secure them from all Affronts, Indignities and Danger in the Premises. Lastly, whereas their fears are not built upon Fancies and Conceipts, but upon such Grounds and Objects, as may well terrifie Men of good, Rushw. great Resolution and much Constancy; they do in all Humility and Duty, protest before your Majesty, and the Peers of that, Rushw. this most Honourable House of Parliament, against all Laws, Orders, Votes, Rushw. Votes, Resolutions and Determinations; and that they are in themselves null, and of no effect, which in their absence since the Twenty Seventh of [this instant Month] December, 1641. have already passed, and likewise Rushw. against all such, as shall hereafter pass in that most Honourable House, Rush. Assembly, during the, Rushw. such time of this their, Rushw. their forced and violent, Rushw. violented absence from the said most Honourable House: Not denying, but if their absenting of themselves, were wilful and voluntary, that most Honourable, Rushw. Noble House might proceed in all these Premises, their absence and or this their, Rushw. Protestation notwithstanding. And humbly beseecheth your Most Excellent Majesty, to command the Clerk of the [Page] House of Peers, to enter this their Petition and Protestation Amongst his, Rushw. in their Records.

They will ever pray God to bless and preserve, &c.

Jo. Eborac. Williams.

Geo. Hereford, Coke.

Tho. Duresme, Moorton.

Rob. Oxon, Skinner.

Rob. Co. Lich. Wright.

Ma. Ely, Wren.

Jos. Norwich, Hall.

Godfr. Glouc. Goodman.

Jo. Asaphen, Owen.

Jo. Peterburg, Towers.

Guil. Ba. & Wells, Pearce.

Mor. Llandaff, Owen.

On Tuesday January 4. his Majesty went into the House of Commons; Jan. 4. 1641. some number of Gentlemen accompanyed him to the Door, but no farther. There he demanded the Persons of Mr. Denzil Hollis, Sir Arthur Haselrigge, Mr. Jo. Pymm, Mr. Jo. Hampden, and Mr. William Strode, whom together with the Lord Kimbolton, Sir Ed. Herbert, his Majesty's Attorney General, had the day before charged with High Treason, in the Vpper House, upon seven Articles of great consequence; It seems they had information of the King's coming, and were slipt aside. This made a mighty noise on all hands. But the business was so carried, that the House adjourned to sit in a Committee at Guild-Hall, and after at the Grocer's-Hall: Where things were so Ordered, that within two or three days, these Men were with great salutes of the People, brought, and in a manner guarded to the Committee, and after to the House at Westminster; and great stir made to and fro, about the Accusation of these Men, and the breach of the Priviledges of Parliament, by his Majesty's coming thither in that manner. Things were carried in a higher strain than ever before. The King left the City, and withdrew privately, first to Hampton-Court, after that to Windsor. Many puttings on and puttings off, concerning this and other great Affairs, between the King and the House: All which I leave to publick Records, as not concerning this poor History: Yet could not omit to say thus much in the general; because much of the Church-business, as well as the States, and much of mine, as well as the Churches, will depend upon it.

CAP. XII.

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UPon Thursday, January 20. upon no Complaint that I know Jan. 20. 1641. (for I am sure I never deserved any in that kind) there was an Order made in the Lords House to take away my Arms. They stood me in above Three Hundred Pounds. I provided them for the Service of the State, as Need might require; I never employed any of them to any the least Disservice of it, nor ever had thought to do. Yet the Order is as follows, both to my Disgrace to have them so taken from me, and to my loss; for though the Sheriffs of London be to take them upon Inventory, yet of whom shall I demand them when they are out of their Office?

§

Die Jovis, 20. Jan. 1641.

IT is this Day Ordered by the Lords in Parliament, That the Sheriffs of the City of London, or either of them, shall receive by inventory, all such Ordnance and other Arms, as belong to any private Persons, which are to be kept to their Uses, remaining now at Fox-Hall, Canterbury-House, the Arch-Bishop of York's House in Westminster, and in the Bishop of Winchester's House (a fit proportion of Arms being left at each Place for necessary Security thereof:) The said Sheriffs being to receive their Directions from a Committee lately appointed by the Parliament. But the Intents of the Lords are, and it is farther Ordered, that such Ordnance and Arms as do belong to his Majesty, shall be forthwith sent unto the King's Magazine in the Tower.

Upon Saturday, Feb. 6. the Bill passed, That the Bishops should have Feb. 6. 1641. Vide Rushw. par. 3. vol. 1. p. 276. [...]. 280, 281, 282. 396, 397. 553. He saith it was Passed by the King [...] Munday Febr. 14. no Votes in Parliament, nor have to do in Civil Affairs. This was mightily strugled for, almost all this Session, and now obtained. The Bishops have ever had this in Right and Possession ever since there was any use of Parliaments in England, which the antientest Family of the Nobility, which now sit there, and thrust them out, cannot say. There was great Joy upon the Passing of this Bill in both Houses, and in some Parishes of London Ringing and Bonfires. The King gave way to this Bill, and so that is setled: And if it after prove that the King and Kingdom have Joy in it, it is well. But it may be, that the Effects of this Eclipse may work farther than is yet thought on, and the Blackness of it darken the Temporal Lords Power, more than is yet feared. And here I must tell you two Things: The one, that for the compassing of their ends in this Bill, the nowbecome-usual Art was pursued, and the People came in Multitudes, and Clamour'd for the outing of the Bishops and the Popish Lords Votes (so they were still joyned) out of the House. Insomuch, that not the People of London only, but Petitioners were brought out of [Page] divers Counties with Petitions either sent unto them, or framed ready for them here against they came; and they in every Petition for preservation of the Priviledges of Parliament, desired the taking away of the Bishops and the Popish Lords Votes out of the House, as if it were a common Grievance: The other, That now the Bishops have their Votes taken away by Act of Parliament, you shall not see in haste any Bill at all Pass for taking away the Votes of the Popish Lords; which will infer this, as well as some other things, That these were joyned together, to make the Bishops more odious to the People, as if they were Popishly affected themselves, and to no other end.

The Court removed from Windsor to Hampton-Court, and on Thurs-Day, Febr. 10. The King and Queen came to Greenwich; and on Friday, Feb. 10. 1641. Feb. 11. 1641. Febr. 11. they went from thence toward Dover, the Queen resolving to go into Holland with her young Daughter the Princess Mary, who the Year before was Married to the Prince of Aurange his Son. But the true Cause of this intended Journey, was to be out of the Fears, Discontents and Dangers (as she conceived) of the present Times. And doubtless her Discontents were many, and great; and what her Dangers might have been by staying, or may be by going, God alone knows.

His Majesty, while he was upon that Journey, sent a Message to both Houses. This was Printed Febr. 14. By this the King puts all into Feb. 14. 1641. the Hands of the Parliament. His Words are

concerning the Government It may be found intire in [...]. p. 554. and Liturgy of the Church, his Majesty is willing to declare, that he will refer that whole Consideration to the Wisdom of his Parliament, which he desires them to enter into speedily, that the present Distractions about the same may be composed: But desires not to be pressed to any single Act on his part, till the whole be so digested and setled by both Houses, that his Majesty may clearly see, what is fit to be left, as well as what is fit to be taken away.

So here they are made Masters of all, and in a time of great exasperation against the Clergy and the Bishops, and their Votes being newly thrust out of the House. So God bless the poor Church of England, for I very much fear this can bode no good.

The same Day, being Munday, there came an Order from the Lords that the Twelve Bishops which were Committed Decemb. 30. might put in Bayl if they would; and that they should have their Hearing upon Friday, Febr. 25. They were glad Men, procured their Bayl, and went out of the Tower, on Wednesday, Febr. 16. This Order of the Feb. 16. 1641. Lords was known to the House of Commons well enough; yet they would take no Notice of it, nor offer to stay the Bishops. But on See [...]. p. p. 555. Wednesday, after they were sure the Bishops were come forth and gone to their several Lodgings, they sent a Message to the Lords, that they desired the Bishops might be presently remanded to safe Custody, or else they might and would Protest against their Lordships for Breach of the Priviledges of their House: Because being Impeached by them, the Lords had Bayled them, without acquainting them first with it in a Parliamentary way. This Message was very high, and so delivered by Mr. Denzil Hollis. The Lords yielded: And the poor Bishops were brought back again to the Tower the next Morning, Febr. 17. Febr. 17. But with an Order that they should not pay new Fees, and with a Promise that their Cause should be heard on Saturday, Febr. 19. I Febr. 19. [Page] will not so much as dispute any Priviledge of the House of Commons, and I presume the Lords were not willing to break any. This I am sure of, that as this Business was carried, though the Bishops had a great Indignity and Scorn put upon them; yet that which was put upon the Lords was far greater, and might certainly have been carried in a smoother way on all Hands. On Saturday, Febr. 19. according Feb. 19. 1641. to appointment, the Twelve Bishops were all at the House; and at the Bar Mr. Glin pressed the Charge of High Treason against them in the Name of the House of Commons. The Bishops said not much, but their Counsel were very earnest, that they might be presently Heard: But they were not admitted to speak. And so the Business was put off to Thursday, Febr. 24. That Night, when the Commons were returned into their own House, there was a Motion made to proceed against the Bishops by Bill, and not in the other Ordinary Way.

CAP. XIII.

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ON Sunday, Feb. 20. there came a tall Gentleman, by the Name Feb. 20. 1641. of Mr. Hunt, to my Lodging in the Tower to speak with me: I was then in my Bed-Chamber speaking with Mr. Edward Hide, one of the House of Commons. I went forth to speak with this Mr. Hunt. When I came, he professed, that though he was unknown to me, yet he came to do me service in a great Particular: And Prefaced it farther, that he was not set on to come to me by any States-Man, or by any of the Parliament, nor did expect any Reward, but only was desirous to serve me. I wondred what the matter should be. Then he drew a Paper out of his Pocket, and gave it me to read. It contained four Articles fairly Written, and drawn up against me to the Parliament. All of them were touching my near Conversation with Priests, and my endeavour by them to subvert Religion in England. He told me (when I had read them) that the Articles were not yet put into the House. They were subscribed by one Willoughby, who he said was a Priest, but now turned, and come away from them. I asked him what Service it was that by this he could do to me? He said, he left me to think on that; but professed he looked for no advantage to himself. I conceived hereupon, this was some piece of Villany, and bad him tell Willoughby from me, that he was a Villain to subscribe such a Paper; and for the Articles, let him put them into the Parliament when he pleased. Mr. Hunt desired me to take nothing ill from him, for he meant me Service. I reply'd, that he came to me Civilly, and used me in Speech like a Gentleman: But Willoughby was in this, as I had called him. I left him and his Paper, and returned to Mr. Hide into my Bed-Chamber. There I told him, and my Servant Mr. Richard Cobb, all that passed: And they were glad I gave him so short and so harsh an Answer, and did think as I my self did, that it was a Plot to intrap me. After they were gone, I sat thinking with my self, and was very Sorry that my Indignation at this base Villany had made me so hasty to send Hunt away, and that I did not desire Mr. Lieutenant of the Tower to seize on him, till he brought forth this Willoughby. I am since informed, that this Hunt is a Gentleman that hath spent all or most of his Means; and I verily believe this was a Plot between him and Willoughby to draw Money from me to conceal the Articles; in which way had I complyed with him, I had utterly undone my self. But I thank God for his Mercy to me, I am Innocent, and defy in this Kind what any Man can truly say against me. On Friday, Mar. 4. the two Bishops which were Mar. 4. 1641. at Mr. Maxwell's, namely, Thomas Moreton Bishop of Duresme, and Robert Wright Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield, having formerly Petitioned, were present in the House of Commons to speak for themselves; and they did so. At the same time the Petition of the other ten Bishops (which were in the Tower) which was sent into [Page] that House upon the Example of the other two was read. After this a Committee was named to draw up a Bill. But what it shall contain is not yet known: So herein they departed not from their former Resolution.

On Sunday, Mar. 6. after I came from Sermon, I walked in a Mar. 6. 1641. large Room, of which I had the use, before I went to Dinner: And after I had walked a pretty while, expecting some Company, upon the sudden, as I walked on, I heard a great Crack, as loud as the Report of a small Dag, to my thinking. And the Noise being near me, I had a conceit that one of the Boards brake under me; but it was a Tendon of my right Leg which brake asunder, God knows how. For I was upon plain Boards, and had no uneven step nor slip, not so much as a turning of my Foot aside upon any Chink. This Tendon, or part of the main Sinew above my Heel, brake just in the same Place where I had unhappily broken it before, Febr: 5: 1627. as I was waiting upon King Charles to Hampton-Court. Feb. 5. 1627. But I recovered of it, and could go strongly upon plain Ground. God be merciful unto me, now that he is pleased to humble me yet farther, and to take from me the use of my Limbs, the only Comfort under him, in the midst of my Afflictions. And this Lameness continued two whole Months, before I was able to go down Stairs to take any Air to refresh my self; and long after, before I received any competent Measure of Strength.

CAP. XIV.

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ST: Leonards Foster-Lane, London, is in the Gift of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster. Mr: William Ward the Incumbent had resigned, and besides was Censured by a Committee in Parliament, for Innovations, and I know not what. One Mr: George Smith was tender'd (it seems) to the Dean and Chapter of Westminster. How things were carried there, I know not; but they let their Living fall in Lapse to the Lord Bishop of London. His six Months likewise were suffered to slide over, and the Benesice was lapsed to me, as Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, about March the [...] In all this Mar. 3. 1641. time Mr: Ward had not the Prudence. Providence to seek to the King for remedy, or to the Original Patrons, whose Presentation at any time before the Bishop had filled the Church, was (as I am inform'd) good in Law. This Benefice being now in my dispose, the Precise part of the Parish Petition the Parliament for the aforesaid Mr. George Smith; and by the means of my Lord Kimbolton (a great Patron of such Men) obtain this Order following.

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Die Jovis, 17: Martij: 1641.

UPon the reading of the Petition of the Parishioners of St. Leonards Foster-Lane, London, it is Ordered by the Lords in Parliament, that Mr: George Smith, elected and approved by the Dean of Westminster, and the Parishioners of [...] Leonards Foster-Lane, be especially recommended to the Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury his Grace from this House, that the said Mr: Smith may be forthwith Presented to the Parish-Church of the said St: Lawrence.

John Brown Clericus Parliament.

This Order was brought me by the Church-Wardens, and some Mar. 19. 1641. of the Parish, on Saturday, March 19. I was sorry for the honest Incumbent's sake, Mr: Ward; and troubled in my self to have such an Order sent me: Especially, considering that the Lords former Order (though as I was informed against all Law) yet was so moderate, as to suffer me to Nominate to Benefices, so that the Men were without Exception. I put them off till Monday. In the mean time I advised with my Learned Councel, and other Friends. All of them agreed in this; That it was a great and a violent Injustice put upon me; yet in regard of the Time, and my Condition, they perswaded me to give way to their Power, and Present their Clerk. On Munday, Mar. 21. they repaired to me again: I Mar. 21. 1641. sent them to my Register, to draw a Presentation according to the Order of Parliament, and advised them while that was in drawing, to send Mr. Smith to me. One of them told me very boldly, that it was not in the Order of Parliament, that Mr. Smith should come to me; and another told me that Mr. Smith would not come to me. Upon this unworthy Usage of me, I dismissed them again, having first in Obedience to the Order Sealed and set my Hand to the Presentation, ready for delivery when Mr. Smith came [Page] for it. The next Morning these men repair again to the Lords House, and on Wednesday, Mar. 23. procure another Order, strictly commanding Mar. 23. 1641. me forthwith to deliver the Presentation to the Parishioners.

This Order being setled, the Earl of Holland made a Motion, and put the Lords in Mind that I lay under a heavy Charge, and had long lain so: That it would be Honourable for the Parliament to bring my Cause to Hearing, that so I might receive Punishment if I were found to deserve it, or otherwise have some end of my Troubles: There was a great dispute among my Friends, Quo Animo, with what Mind this Lord moved it, especially then, when almost all my Friends in both Houses were absent. Howsoever I took it for the best, desiring nothing more than an end; and therefore sent a Gentleman the next Day to give his Lordship Thanks for his Nobleness in remembring me. And if he did it with an Ill Mind, God forgive him, and preserve me. But whatsoever his Lordship's Intent was, his Motion after some Debate, begat a Message to the House of Commons, to ripen my Business; but it dyed again, and nothing done.

The Order last above written, concerning Mr. Smith, the Parishioners brought to me the same Day in the Afternoon. It happened that the Lord Primate of Armagh was then with me. I shewed him the Order, and he blessed himself to see it; yet advised me to obey, as my other Friends had done. I farther desired him to stay and hear my Answer to them, which was this, That I knew not what Report they had made of me and my Obedience to the Lords; and that therefore I would give their Lordships in Writeing an Account of my Proceedings; but would deliver the Presentation to Mr. Smith, when he came. The Lord Primate cryed shame of them to their Faces: So they went away. On Thursday, March Mar. 24. 1641. 24. in an humble Petition I informed the Lords how ready I was to obey: Only desired that Mr. Smith might come to me, that I might see his Orders, and examine his Sufficiency; to both which I stood bound both in Conscience, and by Law. Upon reading of this Petition, some Lords said Mr. Smith was an unmannerly Fellow, not to come to me: But the Lord Kimbolton told them he was a very worthy Man, and that he might go to me afterward; but it was fit their Order should be obeyed. And the Earl of Warwick added, that I desired Mr. Smith might come to me, only that I might pick a Quarrel with him, to frustrate the Order of the House. Upon this there followed Instantly a Peremptory Order, commanding me to present Obedience. So Mr. Smith was left to come to me afterwards, if he pleased; and he came not at all, which was as good as if he had come, to have his Sufficiency examined for that which he had already in possession. But how worthy and fit he proved, I refer to all honest Men that heard him afterwards. Upon this Order (according to the former Advice of my Friends) I delivered the Presentation to the Churchwardens and Parishioners; and if any thing proved amiss in the Man (as after did in a high Measure) or hurtful in the thing it self; I humbly besought God to have Mercy on me, and to call for an Account of them who laid this pressure upon me.

CAP. XV.

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BEfore this time the Rectory of Stisted in Essex was fallen void, and in my Gift. The E: of Warwick was an earnest Suitor to me for it, for one Mr: Clark: I delayed, having Six Months time by Law to dispose of my Benefices. During this delay Mr: Richard Howlett, a Batchelour of Divinity, and a Man of very good worth, a Dean in Ireland, was by the Rebels there turned out of all he had, and forced, for safety of his Life, to come with his Wife and Children into England: His Wife was my near Kinswoman. At their coming over I was forced to relieve them, else they might have begged. Hereupon I resolved in my self to give Stisted to Mr: Howlett, and to gratifie Mr: Clark with something after. Nothing doubting but that the Parliament would readily give way in such a case of Necessity, for so worthy a Man as Mr: Howlett was known to be.

While these things were in my Thoughts, two other great Benefices fell into my disposal, Bocking, and Lachingdon, both in Essex. Presently the Parishioners Petition me; They of Bocking for Dr: Gawden, a Chaplain of the Earl of Warwick's; They of Lachingdon, that they might chuse their own Minister. I gave a fair Answer to both, but reserved my self. Then I was pressed with Letters from the Earl of Warwick, for Dr: Gawden. My Answer was, I could not gratifie Dr: Gawden with Bocking, and Mr: Clark with Stisted. Then Dr: Gawden brings me a very earnest Letter, but very Honourable, from the Earl of Hertford. When I saw my self thus pressed, I resolved to name fit Men to all three Benefices, presently, and see how the Parliament would be pleased to deal with me. Before I did this, I thought fit to make a fair Offer to the Earl of Warwick, who by Dr: Gawden's intreaty came to me to the Tower. I freely told his Lordship my Resolution, which was, that at the desire of his Lordship, and my Honourable Friend the Lord Marquess of Hertford, I would give Bocking to Dr: Gawden; Lachingdon to Mr: Howlett, in regard of his Alliance to me, and his present Necessities; and Stisted to Mr: Newested, to whom I was pre-ingaged by Promise to my Ancient worthy Friend Sir Tho: Rowe, whom Mr: Newested had served in his Embassages seven Years; and for Mr: Clark, he should have the next Benefice which fell in my Gift, for his Lordship's sake. His Lordship seemed to be very much taken with this Offer of mine, and promised me, and gave me his Hand upon it, that he would do me all the kindness he could, that these my Nominations might pass with the Lords.

Upon this I rested, and according to my Promise, Petitioned the Mar. 31. 1642. Lords, as is expressed. Upon the Reading of this Petition, the Lords Order'd me presently to Collate Bocking upon Dr: Gawden; which I did, the Order being brought unto me the next Day. But for the April 1. 1642. other two the Lords took time to consider. The Earl of Warwick was then present in the House, and (as I am informed) said little [Page] or nothing. This made me fear the worst: And therefore I advised Mr: Howlett to get a full Certificate of the Lord Primate of Armagh, both for Life and Learning, and attend with it at the Parliament, to make the best Friends for himself. The Business stuck still. At last he met with the Lord Kimbolton, who presently made all Weather fair for him: And upon his Lordships motion to the House, Apr. 13. 1642. an Order passed for Mr: Howlett to have Lachingdon. The Motive this; Mr: Howlett was Fellow of Sidney College in Cambridge, and Tutor at that time to two Sons of the Lord Mountague, the Lord Kimbolton's Uncle: At which time also the Lord Kimbolton himself was a Student in the same College, and knew the Person and worth of Mr: Howlett. This his Lordship Honourably now remembred; else it might have gone hard with Mr: Howlett's Necessities. So upon the Order thus obtained, I Collated Lachingdon upon him.

After this the Earl of Warwick went Lord Admiral to Sea, by appointment of the Parliament: And forthwith I was served with another Apr. 20. 1642. Order to give Stisted to Mr: Clark. Hereupon I Petitioned again, and set forth my Resolutions and Ingagements to Sir Tho: Rowe: And Dr: Gawden having told me, that the Earl of Warwick had left that Business for me in trust with the Lord Roberts, I made bold to write to his Lordship, and intreat his lawful Favour. The Lord Roberts denied that any such Order or Care of that Business was left with him, nor would he meddle in it; but referred me to the Lord Kimbolton, who still followed the Business close for Mr: Clark. By all which it appeared to me, that the Earl of Warwick had forgotten his Promise to me, to say no more. Soon after I received another Order, to give Stisted to Mr: Clark. To this I answered Apr. 25. 1642. again by Petition, but with like Success: For another Order [...] 3. 1642. came forth Peremptorily to Command me to give Stisted to Mr: Clark. But it so fell out, that this Order was not brought to me till Ten Days after the Date; I sent my Councel to attend the Lords, that I might not fall into Contempt. The Business was not then [...] 16. 1642. called on, and by the Sixteenth of the same Month, Stisted fell in Lapse to His Majesty: So I lost the giving of the Benefice, and some body else their Ends upon me.

CAP. XVI.

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ON May 15. Sunday, I made a shift between my Man and my Maij 15. 1642. Staff, to go to Church. There Preached one Mr: [...]. Joslin. His Text, Judge 5: 23. Curse ye Meroz, &c. To pass over what was strangely Evil thoroughout his Sermon, his Personal Abuse of me was so foul and so palpable, that Women and Boys stood up in the Church, to see how I could bear it: And this was my first Welcome into the Church, after my long Lameness. But I humbly thank God for it, I bare his Virulence patiently, and so it vanished: As did much other of like Nature, which I bare both before and after this. God forgive them.

After this I had some quietness; most Particulars lying dead, out of several respects unknown to me. But all things grew higher and higher between the King and the Parliament, to the great Dammage and Distraction of the Kingdom. God of his Mercy send a speedy and a blessed Issue, and preserve his Majesty, the Kingdom, and this poor Church from Ruin: But I much fear our Sins are ripe for a very great, if not a final Judgment.

Friday, August the 19. Captain Royden and his Company, by Order Aug. 19. 1642. of Parliament, came about seven of the Clock in the Evening to my House at Lambeth, to take away my Arms. They stayed there all Night, and searched every Room, and where any Key was not ready, brake open Doors: And the next Morning they carried my Arms away in Carts to Guild-Hall, London; and I was sufficiently abused all the way by the People, as my Arms passed. They gave out in London, there were Arms for Ten Thousand Men; whereas there was not enough for Two Hundred. And the Arms I bought of my Predecessor's Executors; only some I was forced to mend, the Fashion of Arms being changed. He left to defend that large House, but six Swords, six Carbines, three Halberds, and two half Pikes: Though the Order formerly made by the Lords, required necessary defence for the House should be left. But it seems Captain Royden's Order now given was stricter; for he was towards me and my House very Civil in all things.

This day, Sept. 1. 1642. the Bishops were Voted down in the House Sept. 1. 1642. of Commons: And that Night there was great Ringing and Bonfires in the City; which I conceive was cunningly ordered to be done by Alderman Pennington, the new Lord Mayor, chosen in the room of Sir Richard Gurney, who was then in the Tower, and put out of his Office by the Parliament. And my Mind gives me, that if Bishops do go down, the City will not have cause to joy in it.

About this time the Cathedral Church of Canterbury was grosly Prophaned; yet far worse afterward.

All-Hallows Bredstreet was now fallen void, and in my Gift; and September 9. there came an Order from the House of Peers for me to Sept. 9. 1642. give it: But having Six Months Respite by Law, I delayed it for that time, which created me much trouble from the Parishioners, who often sollicited me.

[Page] About the Tenth of this Month, the Bishops were Voted down in Sept. 10. 1642. the Vpper House. So it seems I must live to see my Calling fall before me. Upon Saturday, Octob. 15. it was Resolved upon the Question, Octob. 15. That all Rents and Profits of all Arch-Bishops, Bishops, Deans and Chapters, and other Delinquents, should be Sequestred for the Use and Service of the Common-Wealth: According to which Ordinance, all the Profits of my Arch-Bishoprick were taken away from me, and not one Penny allowed me for Maintenance. Nay, whereas this Order was not made till a full Fortnight after Michaelmas; yet so hard a hand was carried over me, as that my Rents, due at Michaelmas, were seized on to the use of the Parliament: By which means my Estate was as good as Sequestred almost from our Ladyday before; more It was so then, though now [...]. than two parts of three of the Rents being payable only at Michaelmas.

An Order came from the House, Octob. 24. that no Prisoner should Octob. 24. keep above two Servants, nor speak with any Man, but in the presence and hearing of his Warder. My Case for the former Branch of this Order, differ'd from all other Prisoners. For they lay in several Warders Houses, in which they might be fitted by the Servants of the House for Ordering their Dyet; but I was in a Prison-lodging, void of all Comfort and Company. And therefore upon Octob. 27. Octob. 27. (which was the very next day after the Order was shewed to me) I humbly besought the Lords for a Cook and Butler, beside the Two which were to attend me in my f. Person. Prison, by Reason of my Age and Infirmities; which, though with difficulty, yet I humbly thank their Lordships, was granted me, Octob. 28. Octob. 28.

On Wednesday, Novemb. 2. I Dreamed (that Night) that the Church Novemb. 2. was undone, and that I went to St: Johns in Oxford, where I found the Roof off from some part of the College, and the Walls ready to fall down. God be merciful.

Upon Wednesday, Novemb. 9. about Five of the Clock in the Morning, Novemb. 9. Captain Brown and his Company entred my House at Lambeth, to keep it for Publick Service. Hereupon I Petitioned the Lords the same day, for the safety of the Library, of my own Study, and of such Goods as were in my House: All which was very Honourably granted unto me by a full Order of the Lords that very day; with a strict Charge, that they which were there employed in the Publick Service, should take special care that all the fore-named things should be preserved in safety. Either this day, or the day before, Mr: Holland and Mr: Ashurst, two of the House of Commons, came accompanied with some Musketeers, and entred my House, and searched for Mony; and took away Seventy and Eight Pound, from my Receiver Mr: Walter Dobson, and said it was for the Maintenance of the Kings Children. God of his Mercy look favourably upon the King, and bless his Children from needing any such poor Maintenance.

Novemb. 16. Wednesday, an Order forbidding the Prisoners Men to Novemb. 16. speak one with another, but in the presence of the Warder, and to bar them the liberty of the Tower: Only this Order was so far inlarged, Novemb. 22. that any of them might go out of the Tower to Novemb. 22. buy Provision or other Necessaries.

[Page] On the 24th of this Month, the Souldiers at Lambeth-House brake Novemb. 24. open the Chappel-doors, and offer'd violence to the Organ; but before much hurt was done, the Captain heard of it, and stayed them.

Upon the Death of Sir Charles Caesar, the Mastership of the Faculties fell into my gift; but I could not dispose of it, by Reason of the Order of Parliament, of Octob. 23. 1641. but with their Approbation. Decem. 7. 1642. Therefore I Petitioned the Lords, that I might give it to [...] Aylet or Dr: Heath, both then Attendants in that Honourable House; well knowing it would be in vain to Name any other: And the Lords sent me an Order to give it to [...] Aylet; and I did it accordingly. Decemb. 8.

The Vicaridge of Horsham in Sussex was in my gift, and fell Decemb. 19. void. At the intreaty of Sir John Conniers then Lieutenant of the Tower, I Petitioned the House that I might give it to Mr. Conniers the Lecturer at Bow. But before my Petition came to be delivered, the House had made an Order against him, upon complaint from Horsham of his disordered Life; so busie were that Party of Men to complain of all Men, who were not theirs in Faction; and such ready admittance had both they and their Complaints in both Houses. For my part the Man was a Stranger to me, and inquiring after him (as well as a poor Prisoner could) I heard no ill of him for his Life. Nevertheless, hearing how the Lords were possessed against him, I forbare the sending of that Petition, and sent another for my own Chaplain, [...] William Brackstone. But he was refused; yet no exception taken against him, for Life or Learning; nor indeed could any be.

Upon the [...] of the same Month, [...] Layton came with a Warrant Decemb. 23. from the Honourable House of Commons, for the Keys of my House at Lambeth to be delivered to him, that Prisoners might be brought thither. I referred my self to God, that nothing might trouble me: But then I saw it evident, that all that could, should be done to break my patience. Had it not been so, some body else might have been sent to Lambeth, and not Layton, who had been Censured in the Star-Chamber to lose his Ears, for a base and a most virulent Libel against Bishops and the Church-Government Established by Law: In which Book of his were many things, which in some Times might have cost him dearer. The same day it was Ordered by the Honourable House of Commons, that Mr: Glyn, Mr. Whitlock, Mr. Hill, or any two of them, should take care for the securing of the Publick Library belonging to the See of Canterbury, the Books, Writings, Evidences, and Goods in Lambeth-House, and to take the Keys into their Custody: And a Reference to the Committee, to prepare an Ordinance for the regulating of Lambeth-House for a Prison, in the manner as Winchester-House is regulated. And upon Jan. 5. a final Order Jan. 5. 1642. from both Houses came for the setling of Lambeth Prison: In which Order it was included, that all my Wood and Coal then in the House, should remain there for the use of the Souldiers. And when Motion was made, that I might have some to the Tower for my own necessary use, it would not be hearkned to. There was then in the House, above two hundred pounds worth of Wood and Coal which was mine.

[Page] The next day I received a Letter from the Earl of Manchester, commanding me, in the Name of the House, to give All-Hallows-Bredstreet to [...] Seaman. This I was no way moved at; because I had before expressed my self to my Lord of Northumberland, that I would give this Benefice, out of my Respects to his Lordship, to Mr. Seaman his Chaplain. Yet I cannot but observe, that though this was made known to the Earl of Manchester, yet he would not forbear his Letter, that the Benefice might be given by Order, and not seem to come from any Courtesie of mine to that Honourable Person.

CAP. XVII.

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ON Thursday, January 26. the Bill passed in the Lords House for Jan. 26. abolishing of Episcopacy. God be merciful to this sinking Church.

By this time the Rectory of Chartham in Kent was fallen void, Feb. 3. 1642. by the Death of the Dean of Canterbury, and in my Gift. It was a very good Benefice, and I saw it would create me much trouble in the Collating of it. The first onset upon me for it was by Dr. Heath; and it was to give it to Mr. Edward Corbet of Merton-College, of which House Dr. Heath had formerly been. Very earnest he was with me, and told me the Lord General was earnest for him, and that it would be carried from me, if I did it not willingly; which I were better do. My Answer was, I could not help that: But Mr. Corbet had many ways disserved me in Oxford, and that certainly I would never give it him. So we parted: And though I could not be jealous of Dr. Heath, yet neither could I take it well. And on Tuesday, Feb. 14. I received a Letter from his Majesty, bearing Feb. 14. Date January 17. in which Letters the King Commands me to give Chartham to one Mr. Reading, a Man of good Note in the Church; or if I were otherwise Commanded by Parliament not to give, then to Lapse it to him, that he might give it. I returned a present Answer by word of Mouth, and by the same Messenger, that I would either give, or Lapse the Benefice, as his Majesties Gracious Letters required of me.

I was now in a fine Case between the King and the Parliament: One I was sure to offend. Yet these Letters of the King's came happily in one respect: For that very Afternoon, the Earl of Warwick came to me to the Tower, and after a few fair words bestowed on me, drew out an Order of Parliament, to give Chartham to one Mr. Culmer, who his Lordship said was a very worthy Man; and perhaps I might have believed his Lordship, had I not known the contrary: But I well knew him to be ignorant, and with his Ignorance, one of the most daring Schismaticks in all that Country. This Order of Parliament bare Date, Febr. 4. but was not shewed me till then. My Answer to my Lord was, that I had received a Letter from his Majesty, which required me to give that Benefice to another Man, or else Lapse it to him; and therefore humbly desired his Lordship to do me good Offices in the Honourable House, considering in what difficulties I was, and how many great Livings I had given by Orders of Parliament, and none at the King's Command till now. So we parted.

After this, Mr. Culmer came to me about the Benefice, and protested his Conformity to the Church. I think the Man forgot that I knew both him and his ways. I told him I had given my Lord of Warwick my Answer. But Mr. Culmer rested not so: But got a Servant of mine down the Stairs to him, and there was very earnest with him to know, whether it were not possible to [Page] work me to give him Chartham. And then out of the abundance of his honesty and worthiness offer'd my Servant a Hundred and Fifty Pound to procure him the Benefice: And added, that he should have no cause to distrust him, for he should have the Money presently paid him. This is as worthy a piece of Symony as need to be: And but that the Earl of Warwick is a Man of Honour, and unfit to stoop to such base Courses, it is enough to make a Man think Mr. Culmer would have been very thankful to his Lordship for so much pains, as to come to the Tower and solicit for him. The Earl of Warwick at his next opportunity in the House, told the Lords, that whereas they had made an Order, that the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury should give Chartham to Mr. Culmer, a very worthy Preacher; he had been with me himself about it, and that I pretended Letters from the King, and refused to obey their Order. This was like to have stirred great Heat against me, but that a Lord stood up, and doubted of the Order; Putting them in Mind, that the Lord General was ingaged for this Benefice for Mr. Corbet, and had left the Care of it upon himself, and some other Lords in his absence. Hereupon there was inquiry made, when, and how, that Order passed for Culmer, and it was found to be slipped out at a very empty House. So the Earl of Warwick excused the Matter, that he knew not of the Lord General's purpose; and so the Business slept, and never awaked more for Culmer.

The Lord Brook was now in Action. A bitter Enemy he was to the Church, and her Government by Bishops. On March: 2: he Mar. 2. 1642. was going to give Onset upon the Close of the Cathedral at Lichfield: And as he was taking view of the place, from a Window in a House opposite to the Close, and his Bever up, so that a Musket at such a distance could have done him but little harm; yet was he Shot in the left Eye, and killed Dead in the place without speaking one word. Whence I shall observe three things. First, that this great and known Enemy to Cathedral-Churches died thus fearfully in the Assault of a Cathedral. A fearful manner of Death in such a Quarrel! Secondly, that this happened upon Saint Chads Day, of which Saint the Cathedral bears the Name: Thirdly, that this Lord coming from Dinner about two Years since, from the Lord Herbert's House in Lambeth, upon some Discourse of St. Paul's Church, then in their Eye upon the Water, said to some young Lords that were with him, that he hoped to live to see that one Stone of that Building should not be left upon another. But that Church stands yet, and that Eye is put out that hoped to see the Ruins of it. Many heavy Accidents have already fallen out in these unnatural Wars; and God alone knows, how many more shall, before they end: But I intend no History but of my own sad Misfortunes; nor would I have mentioned this, but that it relates to the Church, which for my Calling sake, I take as a part, and a near one of my self.

On Friday, March 24. one Mr. Ford came to me to the Tower, and Mar. 24. 1642. told me, there was a Plot to send me, and my Lord of Ely Bishop Wren, as Delinquents, to New England, within fourteen days: And that Mr. Wells, a Minister that came thence, offer'd Wagers of it. [Page] The Meeting where he heard this, was (he said) at Mr. Barnes, a Mercers House in Friday-Street, a Son in Law of Mr. Fords. This Gentleman told me he was a Suffolk man; but I never saw him before, and was doubtful of the Truth of his Relation: Partly, because I knew no motive he had to take such care of me, being a Stranger to him; And partly, because it could not sink into me, that the Honourable Houses, after so long Imprisonment, would send me into such a Banishment, without hearing me or my Cause. Yet he protested the truth of it very deeply, and wished me to endeavour to prevent it. That I knew not how to do: For to Petition against it upon such a private Information, might rather call it on, than keep it off, seeing what an edge there was against me. Therefore I referred my self to God, my constant Anchor, and so rested my Thoughts as well as I could.

It was now known in the House to the Lord General's Friends, that I had a resolution not to give Chartham to Mr. Corbet: And it may be it was thought also, that I did but pretend the Kings Letters about it; and that if some other Man were named, against whom I had no Exception, it might be that I would give it: And if I did give it, then they should discover, that either I had no Letters from the King; Or that I could make bold to dispence with them, so Mr. Corbet were not the Man. And if they could have gained this upon me, that notwithstanding his Majesties Letters, I would have given that Benefice to another man, they would then have recalled their Order for Culmer. from him, and commanded me for Mr. Corbet.

That this my Conjecture hath Truth in it, seems evident to me by all the future carriage of this Business. For one Mr. Hudson came and Preached at the Tower, and gave all men very good content: And on Tuesday, March 28. he brought me an Order from Mar. 28. [...] the Lords, requiring me to give Chartham to him. And this Order was known in the Tower: For some Prisoners of Note said, I might do well to give it him, being so good a Preacher. My answer to him was fair; yet I told him truly, that the King had written to me for another: That I had promised to give it, or lapse it, as his Majesty required me: That the King never asked any of me till now: That I hoped the Parliament would not take it ill, that I gave this one at the Kings requisition, since I had already given as many Benefices upon their Orders, as came to above Eight hundred Pounds a year, passing by my own Friends and Chaplains, honest and able men: And for his particular, I might live to pleasure him with another, so I were not over-pressed concerning this.

Hudson either mistook my Answer, or wilfully misreported it and me to the House; and thereupon came another Order to me of April 11. to give him Chartham. I was not willing to be mistaken again, April 11. and therefore desired Mr. Lieutenant to deliver me a Petition to the House on Thursday, Apr. 13. in which I set forth my true Answer, April 13. as is above expressed, and in all Humility desired their Favour. That very day another quick Order was made for Hudson, and brought to me the next day, April 14. I Petitioned the House again, the April 14. same day, with all submission; yet professed, that I could not disobey [Page] the King in so fair a Command. When all this would not serve, the Mask was pulled off, and a peremptory Order, bearing date April 21. was brought to me on Saturday April 22. to Collate April 21. Chartham upon Mr. Edw. Corbet. And upon Monday April 24. April 24. I humbly gave my Answer, as before; but in the softest Terms I could express it, and in a Petition.

Monday, May 1. the Windows of my Chappel at Lambeth were May 1. defaced, and the Steps to the Communion-Table torn up. And on Tuesday, May 2. the Cross in Cheapside was taken down, to cleanse May 2. that great Street of Superstition. The same day in prosecution of the former Plot, March 24. it was moved in the House of Commons, to send me to New England; but it was rejected. The Plot was laid by Peters, Wells, and others of that Crew, that so they might insult over me.

Then followed an Exemplary piece of Justice, and another of May 9. 1643. Mercy. Of Justice: For my Goods in Lambeth-House, and my Books were seized upon, and my Goods set to Sale by Captain Guest, Dickins, and Layton. And my Goods were sold, and scarce at a third part of their worth, all save what Layton took to himself, who usually said, all was his, House, Land, Goods and all. This was on Tuesday, May 9. And all this before any Proceedings had against me. And of Mercy: For the same day there came out an Order, for my farther Restraint, that I might not go out of my Lodging without my Keeper, so much as to take Air.

Much about this time I received another Letter from his Majesty, in which he requires me (as he had formerly done, for Chartham in particular) that as oft as any Benefice or other Spiritual Promotion whatsoever should fall void in my Gift, I should dispose it only to such as his Majesty should name unto me; Or if any Command lay otherwise upon me from either, or both Houses of Parliament, I should then let them fall into Lapse, that he might dispose of them to Men of worth.

Upon Tuesday, May 16. there came out an Ordinance of both Houses, May 16. May 17. The Ordinance may be found at large in Rushw. par. 3. vol. 2. p. [...] (for now the Order was grown up into an Ordinance) requiring me to give no Benefice, or Spiritual Promotion now void, or to be void at any time before my Trial, but with leave and Order of both Houses of Parliament. This Ordinance was delivered unto me the next day: And upon the reading of it I foresaw a Cloud rising over me, about this Business of Chartham, for which I did assure my self the Ordinance was made: And soon after came another Ordinance, May 20. requiring me by vertue of the said Ordinance to give Chartham to Mr. Corbet. This Order was not brought to me till Friday, May 26. Then it was brought unto me by Mr. Corbet himself, May 26. and Sir John Corbet a Parliament Man came with him. Now upon May 23. the Tuesday before I had sent an humble Petition to the Lords for Maintenance: The Prayer of which Petition was as follows: Humbly prayeth that your Lordships will take his sad condition into your Honourable Consideration, that somewhat may be allowed him out of his Estate to supply the Necessities of life; assuring himself that in Honour and Justice you will not suffer him either to beg or starve. And your Petitioner shall ever pray, &c. The Answer which this Petition had [Page] in the Lords House was, Let him give Chartham as is Ordered, and then We will consider of Maintenance. So my Petition was sent down to the House of Commons. To the last forenamed Order, I gave my former Answer, and humbly Petitioned the Lords accordingly, May 27. following. So they departed, and as they went down the Hill together, Sir John was over-heard to say to Mr. Corbet thus: The Archbishop hath Petitioned the Lords for Maintenance, and they have sent his Petition to the Commons; And since he will not give you the Benefice, I'll warrant you he shall have no Maintenance. And so accordingly my Petition was rejected in the House of Commons.

CAP. XVIII.

[Page]

THis was Wednesday, the last of May: It was the Fast-Day. May 31. A Search came betimes in the Morning into the Tower upon all the Prisoners, for Letters and other Papers. But I have some Reasons to think the Search had a special aim at me. First, because following me thus close about Chartham as they did, I conceive they [...] desirous to see whether I had any such Letter from the King, as I pretended: If I had not, they had advantage against me for my Falshood; if I had, they meant to see what Secret passed from his Majesty to me. Secondly, because I had lately Petitioned for Maintenance, and by this Search they might see what I had by me. And he that searched my Chamber, told me upon occasion, that he was to take all Papers which might discover Delinquents Estates. Thirdly, because all other Prisoners had their Papers re-delivered them before the Searchers went from the Tower; except some few Verses of Sir Edward Hern's: But mine were carried to the Committee; yet with promise, that I should have them again within two or three Days. Fourthly, because as Layton was put into Lambeth-House, so my implacable Enemy, Mr. Pryn, was picked out (as a Man whose Malice might be trusted) to make the search upon me. And he did it exactly.

The manner of the Search upon me was thus. Mr. Pryn came into the Tower, with other Searchers, so soon as the Gates were open. Other Men went to other Prisoners; he made haste to my Lodging, Commanded the Warder to open my Doors, left two Musketeers Centinels below, that no Man might go in or out, and one at the Stair-head; with three other, which had their Muskets ready Cocked, he came into my Chamber, and found me in Bed (as were also my Servants in theirs.) I presently thought upon my Blessed Saviour, when Judas led in the Swords and Staves about him. Mr. Pryn seeing me safe in Bed, falls first to my Pockets to rifle them; and by that time my two Servants came running in, half ready. I demanded the sight of his Warrant; he shewed it me, and therein was Expressed, that he should search my Pockets. The Warrant came from the Close Committee, and the Hands that were to it, were The Warrant may be found in Pryn's Breviat of the Life of the Arch-Bishop. p. 28. these. E. Manchester, W. Saye and Seale, Wharton, H. Vane, Gilbert Gerard, and John Pim. Did they remember when they gave this Warrant, how odious it was to Parliaments, and [...] of themselves, to have the Pockets of Men searched? When my Pockets had been sufficiently ransacked, I rose and got my Cloaths about me, and so half ready, with my Gown upon my Shoulders, he held me in the search till past Nine of the Clock in the Morning. He took from me Twenty and One Bundles of Papers, which I had prepared for my Defence; the two Letters before named, which came to me from his Gracious Majesty about Chartham and my other Benefices; the Scottish Service-Book, with such Directions as accompanied it; a little Book, or Diary, containing all the Occurrences of my Life; [Page] and my Book of Private Devotions; both these last written through with my own Hand. Nor could I get him to leave this last; but he must needs see what passed between God and me: A thing, I think, scarce ever offer'd to any Christian. The last place which he rifled, was a Trunk which stood by my Bed-side. In that he found nothing, but about Forty Pound in Money for my necessary Expences (which he meddled not with,) and a Bundle of some Gloves. This Bundle he was so careful to open, as that he caused each Glove to be looked into; upon this I tender'd him one pair of the Gloves; which he refusing, I told him he might take them, and fear no Bribe, for he had already done me all the Mischief he could, and I asked no Favour of him: So he thanked me, took the Gloves, bound up my Papers, left two Centinels at my Door, (which were not dismissed till the next Day Noon,) and went his way. I was somewhat troubled to see my self used in this manner; but knew no help but in God, and the Patience which he had given me: And how his Gracious Providence over me, and his Goodness to me, wrought upon all this, I shall in the End discover, and will magnisie, however it succeed with me.

CAP. XIX.

[Page]

UPon my last Answer to the House concerning Chartham, there came out an Ordinance against me, to take all my Temporalities into the Parliament's hands; that so they might give not only Chartham, but all things else, which fell into my Gift: And because it is an Ordinance of a great Power and Extent, I shall set it down, as it was Printed and Published, Junij 10. being Saturday. Junij 10. 1643.

Whereas by an Ordinance of the Lords and Commons, in this present Parliament, of the 17. of May, 1643. the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury It may be found also in Rushw. par. 3. vol. [...]. p. 330. is required, from time to time until his Tryal, to Collate such fit Persons unto any Ecclesiastical Preferment in his Patronage, as shall by both Houses be Nominated unto him; and in pursuance of the said Ordinance, another Ordinance of the Lords and Commons, past the 20th of the same Month, requiring the said Arch-Bishop to Collate upon Ed. Corbet, Fellow of Merton Colledge in the University of Oxford, the Rectory of Chartham in the County of Kent, void by the Death of Dr. Bargrave, the last Incumbent; and whereas the said Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, Rushw. refuseth Obedience to the said Ordinance: It is therefore Ordered, and be it so Ordained by the Lords and Commons in Parliament, that all the Temporalities of the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury be hereby Sequestred, by, and unto the Parliament; And William Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury be Susp. Rush. Suspended ab Officio & Beneficio, & omni, & omnimodâ Jurisdictione Archiepiscopali, until he be either Convicted or Acquitted of High Treason, for which he stands now Accused; and whatsoever Livings, Dignities, or Ecclesiastical Promotions, in the said Arch-Bishop's Gift or Collation are, or hereafter shall be void, shall henceforth be Instituted and Inducted unto by the Arch-Bishop's Vicar General, or any other having Authority in his Rushw. this behalf, upon the Nomination and Recommendation of both Houses of Parliament, during the time of the Suspension and Seque stration aforesaid. And upon this Ordinance it is Ordered, and be it so Ordained by the Lords and Commons in Parliament, that the said Ed. Corbet be, and is hereby Nominated and Recommended, forthwith upon sight hereof, to be Admitted, Instituted and Inducted by the Vicar General aforesaid, or any other having Authority in his Rushw. this behalf, into the said Rectory of Chartham, Ratione suspensionis Domini Gulielmi Archiepiscopi Cantuariensis Et Sequestrationis, Rush. Temporalium Archiepiscopatûs, in Manibus Supremae Curiae Parliamenti jam existentium, the same belonging unto their Gift. And it is hereby farther Ordained, by the Lords and Commons in Parliament, that during the Suspension and Sequestration aforesaid, the Jurisdiction of the said Arch-Bishop shall be Executed and Exercised by his Vicar General, and other his inferiour Judges and Officers, as formerly the same hath been.

This Ordinance was laid as a great Punishment upon me: But I humbly thank both Houses for it, as for the greatest Benefit they have bestowed on me since my Troubles; especially since the Sequestration [Page] of my Jurisdiction, Novemb. 2. 1641. For it appears before in this History, how ever since that time I have been troubled for every Benefice which hath fallen in my Gift; disinabled to prefer any Friend or Chaplain of my own, were he never so worthy: And (which is worse by much) forced to admit such Men, how unworthy so-ever, as were by them Nominated to me, or else fall under a Contempt of their Ordinances, and such Arbitrary Punishment as they shall thereupon load me with: Whereas now, I am freed both from the Trouble and the Sin of admitting unworthy Persons into the Church-Service, and leave them to the Business, and the Account for it.

On Sunday, Junij 11. One came and Preached at the Tower, (his [...] 11. 1643. Name I could not learn.) In his Sermon, after he had liberally railed on me, he told the Auditory, that Mr. Pryn had found a Book in my Pocket, which would discover great things: This to inflame the People against me; Et si non satis insanirent suâ sponte, instigare. This is Zealous Preaching! God forgive their Malice.

An Ordinance passed on Munday, Junij 12. that the Synod of Divines Junij 12. formerly Named by both Houses (not chosen by the Clergy) should begin to sit on the first of July following: And they did begin Julij 1. to sit that day; Dr. Twiss in the Chair; and he made the Latin Sermon. The Names of these Synodical Men, are to be seen in the Ordinance Printed Junij 12. Where any Man that will, may see a great, if not the greater part of them, Brownists, or Independents, or New-England-Ministers, if not worse, or at the best refractory Persons to the Doctrine or Discipline, or both, of the Church of England Established by Law, and now brought together to Reform it. An excellent Conclave! But I pray God, that befal not them, which Tully Cicero. L. 1. Tuscul. Qu. observes fell upon Epicurus, Si quae corrigere voluit, deteriora fecit; He made every thing worse that he went about to mend. I shall for my part never deny, but that the Liturgy of the Church of England may be made better; but I am sure withal it may easily be made worse. And howsoever, it would become this Synod well, to remember, that there is a Convocation of the English Prelates and Clergy, lawfully Chosen and Summoned, and by no Supream or Legal Authority as yet dissolved: And can there be two National Synods at one time, but that one must be irregular? Belike we shall fall to it in the Donatists way: They set up Altare contra Altare in Africk; and these will set up Synodum contra Synodum in England: And this, without God's Infinite Mercy, will bring forth a Schism, fierce enough to rent and tear Religion out of this Kingdom: Which God for the Merits and Mercies of Christ forbid.

A Committee of the House of Commons sent Mr. Dobson my Controwler to me to the Tower, to require me to send them word under my Hand, what Originals I had of the Articles of Religion Established, 1562, & 1571. This was on Wednesday, July 12. And I returned by Julij 12. him the same day this Answer in Writing, with my Name to it.

The Original Articles of 1571. I could never find in my Paper-Study at Lambeth, or any where else: And whether any Copy of them were ever left there, I cannot tell. The Original Articles of 1562. with many Hands to them, I did see, and peruse there: But whether the Bishops Hands were to them or not, I cannot [Page] remember.

This Answer satisfied them; but what their Aim was I cannot tell, unless they meant to make a search about the two first Lines in the twentieth Article, concerning the Power of the Church; in these words: The Church hath Power to decree Rites or Ceremonies, and Authority in Controversies of Faith: Which words are left out in divers printed Copies of the Articles, and are not in the one and twentieth Article of Edw. 6. nor in the Latin Copy of the Articles 1571. But in the Original Articles of 1562. the words are plain and manifest, without any Interlining at all. If this were their Aim, 'tis probable we shall see somewhat, by what their Synod shall do concerning that Article.

On Tuesday, August 3. my Servant Mr. Edw. Lenthrop, came to me Aug. 3. and told me, that the day before he met with Sir K. Digbye, who had the leave to go out of Prison, (by the Suit of the French Queen) and to Travel into France. But before he took his Journey, he was to come before a Committee, and there (he said) he had been. It seems it was some Committee about my Business; for he told Mr. Lenthrop, and wished him to tell it me, that the Committee took special notice of his Acquaintance with me, and Examined him strictly concerning me and my Religion, whether he did not know, that I was offer'd to be made a Cardinal; and many other such like things. That he Answer'd them, That he knew nothing of any Cardinal-ship offer'd me: And for my Religion he had Reason to think, I was truly and really as I professed my self; for I had laboured with him against his return to the Church of Rome: (Which is true, and I have some of my Papers yet to shew.) But he farther sent me word, that their Malice was great against me; though he saw plainly, they were like Men that groped in the Dark, and were to seek what to lay to my Charge. But soon after Mutterings arose, that Mr. Pryn in his Search had found great Matters against me, and that now I should be brought to Tryal out of Hand.

Some Men now it seems made Overture for Peace, and some good hopes of it began to shew themselves (as it was then said) in both Houses. This was on Saturday, Aug. 5. But there wanted not those, Aug. 5. 1643. Aug. 6. which made themselves ready for Battel: For on Sunday, Aug. 6. Printed Bills were pasted up in London, to animate the People to go to Westminster against Peace; and the like Bills were Read in some Churches. Excellent Church-work! And on Munday, Aug. 7. some Aug. 7. Thousands, Men and Women; went to the Parliament and clamorously Petitioned against Peace; and the next day five or six Hundred Aug. 8. Women, and these were as earnest for Peace: But ye may observe, 'tis but Hundreds for Thousands that came against it. Yet on Wednesday, Aug. 9. the number of Women increased, when it seems Aug. 9. Men durst not appear. But their desire for Peace was answer'd by some Troops of Horse which were sent for, by which some of the Women were killed, and divers of them shrewdly wounded. God of his Mercy set an end to these bloody Distractions. In the midst of this Fury of the People, on Thursday, Aug. 10. came out Rome's Master-Piece. Aug. 10. This Book Mr. Pryn sets forth in print, upon occasion of some Papers which he had in his search taken from me: And 'twas done to drive the People headlong into mischief, whose Malice against [Page] me needed not his setting on. After this the Diurnal and other Pamphlets began to mention me, and that now a Charge was drawing up against me.

Upon Friday, Aug. 11. Sir Robert Harlowe was made Lieutenant of Aug. 11. Aug. 15. the Tower, in the room of Sir Jo. Conniers. And on Tuesday, Aug. 15. he removed Mr. Bray, who had been my Warder from my first Commitment to the Tower, and put Mr. Cowes, another of the Warders, to be my Keeper. The cause of this change I could never learn. The Nineteenth of Aug. after, being Saturday, Alderman Pennington, Aug. 19. then Lord Mayor of London, was made Lieutenant of the Tower, and took possession of it. The next day being Sunday, in the Afternoon, Aug. 20. one Preached in the Tower-Church, in a Buff-Coat and a Scarf, but had a Gown on. He told the People, they were all Blessed that dyed in this Cause, with much more such Stuff. His Name (as I then heard) was Kem, Parson or Vicar of Low-Laighton. Loe-Layton in Essex, and then Captain of a Troop of Horse. Quam bene conveniunt! But the next Sunday, Aug. 27. during the Afternoon Sermon, a Letter, Subscribed Aug. 27. John Browne, was thrust under the Door of my Prison. When I opened it, I found it a most bitter Libel. God forgive the Author of it. On Munday, Septem. 11. the new Lieutenant the Lord Mayor, September 11. changed my Warder again, removed Mr. Cowes, and put Mr. Spencer to attend me. And when I moved him, that I might not have such often change put upon me, as no other Prisoner had; His Answer was, that if he did not remove Mr. Cowes, the Committee would. So I knew not how to help my self, but by Patience.

Then came the Covenant, that excellent Piece of ...... from Scotland, and was Sworn by the Parliament and the Synod, in St. Margarets September 25. Church in Westminster, on Munday, September 25. The Effects which followed, were as strict as the Covenant: For on Munday, Octob. 3. the Order made that time Twelve-Month, was renewed, and Octob. 3. all Prisoners locked up, and no Man suffered to speak with them, but by leave from the Lieutenant, and in the presence of their several Warders respectively.

CAP. XX.

[Page]

BY this time Mr. Pryn's malice had hammer'd out something: Octob. 24. See the Articles and Order of the Lords made thereupon, apud Rushworth, par. 3. vol. 2. p. 817, 820. apud Pr. p. 38,— 41. The A. B's [...] may be found in Rushpag. 820. Pryn p. 41. And on Tuesday, Octob. 24. an Order was brought me from the Lords, Dated Octob. 23. with a Copy of ten Additional Articles, brought up by the Commons against me. This Order required me to make my Answer in Writing by the Thirtieth of the same Month. These Articles charged me not with Treason only, as the former did, but with Treason, and other high Crimes and Misdemeanours. I sent instantly by the same Messenger a Petition for longer time; for Means out of my Estate to Fee my Councel, and bear the necessary Charge of my Trial; for Councel, and for a Solicitor, and some Servants to attend my Business. The Lords, I humbly thank them, gave me longer time, and assigned me Mr. Hearn, Mr. Chute, Mr. Hales; and at my Petition, Hern and Chute were assigned by Order of the Lords, Octob. 24. Hales added by their Order, Octob. 28. See both Orders apud Rushworth, p. 821. Pryn, p. 41, 42. Gerrard added by their Order, Jan. 16. See this Order also ibid. p. 825, & 46. The first Order apud Heylin's Life of Laud, p. 513. added Mr. Gerrard. For Money they referred me to the Committee of Sequestrations; but delayed their Answer concerning my Servants, and the Papers of my Defence, which Mr. Pryn took from me. For though he promised me a faithful Restitution of them within three or four days, yet to this day (being almost five Months after) I had received but three Bundles of the Twenty and one, which he had from me.

Friday, Octob. 27. I Petitioned again, that the Papers of my Defence Octob. 27. being (as I was informed) in the hands of the Close Committee, might be delivered unto me; and sent my Petition with the Order of the Lords annexed to the Committee for Sequestrations. There many were very favourable, till Mr. Glyn was pleased to say, They were not to allow me Means, and there was a known Course in Law, which was, that I might go on in Formâ Pauperis; and so was left without any Allowance out of my Estate, to Fee my Councel, or supply other Wants. This succeeding so ill with me, I Petitioned the Lords again on Saturday, Octob. 28. and then Mr. Dell my Secretary Octob, 28. 1643. was assigned me for my Solicitor; and I was allowed two See the Order of the Lords, apud Rushw. p. 821. Pryn, p. 42. Servants more to go about my Business: And the House of Commons by their Order agreed to the Lords, that I should have Copies of any the Papers taken from me; but it should be at my own Charge. Wonderful Favour this, and as much Justice! My Estate all taken from me, and my Goods sold, before ever I came to Hearing: And then I may take Copies of my Papers at my own Charge.

On Tuesday, Octob. 31. I humbly Petitioned the Lords for direction Octob, 31. The Petition may be found, apud Rushw. p. 821. Pryn, p. 42. of my Councel, how to carry themselves towards me and my Defence: and that they would Honourably be pleased, in regard the Articles Charged me with Treason and Misdemeanour, and were intermixed one with another; to distinguish which were for Treason, and which for Misdemeanour; as also for longer time to put in my Answer. The Lords upon this gave an Order, that I should have time till Novemb. 13. but [Page] would declare no Opinion touching the distinguishment of the Articles, See the Order of the Lords, Ibid. p. 822. 42. but left me to my Councel to advise as they pleased. My Councel told me plainly, I were as good have no Councel, if the Articles were not distinguished; for they were so woven one within another, and so knit up together in the Conclusion, that they might refer all to Treason, and so they be suffer'd to give me no Councel at all in matter of Fact. Hereupon they drew me another Petition to the same effect, which I caused to be delivered Novemb. 6. But it received the Novemb. 6. Novemb. 7. same Answer. Then Novemb. 7. being Wednesday I Petitioned the House of Commons to the same purpose: And Novemb. 8. this my Petition Novemb. 8. was read in the House of Commons; and, after a short Debate, the Resolution was, that they being my Accusers would not meddle with any thing, but left all to the Order of the Lords, before whom the Business was, and my Councel's own Judgment thereupon. This seemed very hard, not only to my self and my Councel, but to all indifferent Men, that heard it. In the mean time I could resort no whither but to Patience and God's Mercy.

Novemb. 13. I appeared in the Parliament-House according to the Novemb. 13. See the Order apud Rushw. p. 822. Order, and was at the Bar. That which I spake to the Lords was this:

That I had no Skill to judge of the Streights into which I might fall by my Plea, which I had resolved on, being left without all assistance of my Councel, in regard of the nature and form of the Impeachment, that was against me. That yet my Innocency prompted me to a ready Obedience of their Lordships Order, casting my self wholly upon God's Mercy, their Lordships Justice, and my own Innocency. Then I humbly desired that their Lordships Order first, and the Impeachment after might be read.

This done, I put in my Answer in Writing, as I was ordered to do, and humbly prayed it might be Vide Rushworth, p. 822: Pryn, p. 43. This Answer is otherwise worded in Pryn's Compl. Hist. p. 43. who took it (I suppose) from the Parliament Records, W. S. A. C. It is thus worded, All advantages of Exception to the said Articles of Impeachment to this Defendant saved and reserved, this Defendant humbly saith, that he is Not Guilty of all or any the Matters by the said Impeachment Charged, in such manner and form [...] the same are by the said Articles of Impeachment Charged. entred. My Answer was: All Advantages of Law against this Impeachment saved and reserved to this Defendant, he pleads, Not Guilty to all, and every part of the Impeachment, in manner and form as 'tis Charged in the Articles: And to this Answer I put my Hand. My Answer being thus put in, I humbly besought their Lordships ‘to take into their Honourable Consideration, my great Years, being Threescore and ten compleat, and my Memory, and other Faculties, by Age and Affliction much decayed: My long Imprisonment, wanting very little of three whole Years, and this last year little better than close Imprisonment: My want of skill and knowledge in the Laws to defend my self: The Generality and Incertainty of almost all the Articles, so that I cannot see any Particulars against which I may provide my self. In the next place I did thankfully acknowledge their Lordships Honourable Favour in assigning me such Councel as I desired: But I told their Lordships withal, that as my Councel were most ready to obey their Lordships in all the Commands laid upon them, so there were certain Doubts arisen in them, how far they might advise me without Offence; considering the Charges against me were so interwoven, and left without all distinguishment, [Page] what is intended as a Charge of Treason, and what of Crime and Misdemeanour: That to remove these Doubts, I had humbly besought their Lordships twice for distinguishment, by several Petitions: That their Lordships not thinking it fit to distinguish, I have without advice of Councel put in my Plea, as their Lordships see. But do most humbly pray, that their Lordships will take me so far into Consideration, as that I may not lose the Benefit of my Councel for Law in all, or any; and for Law and Fact, in whatsoever is not Charged as Treason, when it shall be distinguished: As still my Prayers were, that by their Lordships Wisdom and Honourable Direction, some way might be found to distinguish them: And that having (not without much difficulty) prevailed with my Councel to attend; their Lordships would be pleased to hear them speak in this perplexed Business.’ While I was speaking this, the Lords were very attentive, and two of them took Pen and Paper at the Table, and took Notes: And it was unanimously granted, that my Councel should See the Order [...] Rushw. p. 822. Pryn, p. 43. be heard; and so they were. And the Order then made upon their Hearing was, that they should advise me, and be heard themselves in all things concerning matter of Law, and in all things, whether of Law or Fact, that were. was not Charged as Treason; and that they would think upon the distinguishment in time convenient. This was all I could get, and my Councel seem'd somewhat better content, that they had gotten so much. Not long after this, I heard from good Hands, that some of the Lords confessed, I had much deceived their expectation; for they found me in a Calm, but thought I would have been stormy. And this being so, I believe the two Lords so careful at their Pen and Ink, made ready to observe any Disadvantages to me, which they thought Choler and Indignation might thrust forth. But I praise God the Giver, I am better acquainted with Patience, than they think I am.

So this my main Business staid a while. In the mean time, that I might not rust, I was warned, Decemb. 8. to appear in Parliament Dec. 8. 1643. the 18th. of that Month, as a Collateral Defendant in a Case of Smart against Dr. Cosin, formerly heard in the High Commission. This Cause had been called upon both in this and former Parliaments; but I never heard, that I was made a Defendant till now: Nor do I know any thing of the Cause, but that in the High Commission I gave my Vote according to my Conscience, and Law too, (for ought I know) and must refer my self to the Acts of that Court. On Wednesday, Decemb. 13. I Petitioned for Councel in this Decemb. 13. Decemb. 18. Cause, and had the same assigned me: And on the 18. day I appeared according to my Summons, but I was not called in, and the Business put off to that day three Weeks.

On Thursday, Decemb. 28. which was Innocents day, one Mr. Wells, Decemb. [...]. a New-England Minister, came to me, and in a boisterous manner demanded to know, whether I had Repented or not? I knew him not, till he told me he was Suspended by me, when I was Bishop of London, and he then a Minister in Essex. I told him, if he were Suspended, [Page] it was doubtless according to Law. Then upon a little further Speech, I recalled the Man to my Remembrance, and what care I took in Conference with him at London-House, to recall him from some of his turbulent ways; but all in vain: And now he inferred out of the good words I then gave him, that I Suspended him against my Conscience. In conclusion he told me, I went about to bring Popery into the Kingdom, and he hoped I should have my Reward for it. When I saw him at this heighth, I told him, he and his Fellows, what by their Ignorance, and what by their Railing, and other boisterous Carriage, would soon actually make more Papists by far, than ever I intended; and that I was a better Protestant than he, or any of his Followers. So I left him in his Heat. This Man was brought to my Chamber by Mr. Isaac Pennington, Son to the Lieutenant.

By this time something was made ready again in my great Business: Jan. 3. 1643. See the Order apud Rushw. p. 823. Pryn, p. 43. And Wednesday at Night, Januar. 3. I received an Order for my Appearance, and to Answer to the Impeachment against me, on the Munday following, Januar. 8. This Summons seem'd sudden after so great an Intermission: Yet I could not Petition for more time, till Saturday, Januar. 6. because (as the Messenger told me) the House Januar. 6. The Petition may be found apud Rushw. p. 823. And the Order of the Lords, p. 824. Both apud Pryn, p. 44. Januar. 7. sat not again till then. Then I Petitioned for more time, in regard my Councel were not in Town: And I had time given till Tuesday, Januar. 16. and that Day set peremptorily. Notwithstanding the shortness of this time, my Councel being out of Town, as not expecting it, I was on Sunday, Januar. 7. Ordered again to appear in Mr. Smart's Suit the next day. The Warrant bare date a Fortnight before; yet partly to Sanctifie the Sabbath For so those Puritans stiled and accounted the Sunday, H. W., and partly to shew his great Civility to me in giving me Warning, I was not served with it till Sunday night at Seven of the Clock. The next Morning I went to Westminster, as I was commanded: But I was sent back, and not so much as Januar. 8. called upon. So, beside the Charge I was at, that Day was lost and taken from me and my Business, as short time as I had given me.

Then Tuesday came on, Januar. 16. And whereas I was Ordered to Januar. 16. Vide the Order apud Rushw. p. 824. Pryn, p. 45. Mr. Maynard was then chief Manager for the Commons. See his Speech made then to the Lords, apud Rushw. p 824 & Pryn, p. 45. See the Order apud Rushw. p. 825. Pryn, p. 46, 47. Jan. 22. 1643 See the Arch-Bishop's Petition made herein, Jan. 19. apud Rushw. p. 825. Pryn. p. 46. appear at the Lords House, at Nine in the Morning, I was by another Order put off to One of the Clock in the Afternoon. Then I appeared. The Committee that were to press the Evidence against me, began to proceed upon the former general Articles, as well as upon the latter. But to the first Articles I had never been called to Answer, nor ever joyned Issue. Upon this, there was much looking one upon another, as if they meant to ask where the Failure was: But by this means there could not then be any Proceeding. So I was there peremptorily Ordered to put in my Answer on Munday, Jan. 22. both to the Original and to the Additional Articles, and in Writing.

At this day and time I appeared, as I was Ordered to do; but could not obtain of the Lords, either to take my former Answer off from the File, if I must put in another; nor to distinguish the Articles, which were Treason, and which Misdemeanour: Nor leave for my Councel to speak to the Generality and Uncertainty of the Original [Page] Articles, which they professed were such, This Answer was put in Jan. 22. being short, and in general Pleading Not Guilty, and making only a short particular Plea to the 13th Article. The said Answer may be found in Rush. p. 826. & Pryn, p. 47. I have Transcribed it from Pryn, and caused it to be here inserted. H. W. as no Man living could prepare Answer for. But I must put in my Answer presently, or be taken Pro Confesso. So in these Streights I put in my Answer to both Articles; which follows in haec verba.

THE Humble Answer of William Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, to the first and farther Articles of Impeachment brought up by the Honourable House of Commons against him, and by Order of the Right Honourable the Lords in Parliament of the 16th of this Instant, directed to be put in.

As to the 13th Article of the said first Articles, and the Matters therein charged, and all Matters or Things in the same, or any of the rest of the said Articles contained, which concern any Act of Hostility, whether between the King and his Subjects, or between Subject and Subject, or which may be conceived to arise upon the coming of any English Army against Scotland, or the coming of the Scottish Army into England; or upon any Action, Attempt, Assistance, Counsel or Device, having relation thereunto, and falling out by the occasion of the late Troubles, preceding the late conclusion of the Treaty, and return of the Scottish Army into Scotland: This Defendant saith; That it is Enacted by an Act made during the Sitting of this present Parliament, that the same, and whatsoever hath ensued thereupon, whether Trenching upon the Laws and Liberties of the Church and Kingdom, or upon his Majesty's Honour and Authority, in no time hereafter may be called in question, or resented as a Wrong, National or Personal; and that no mention be made thereof in time coming, neither in Judgment nor out of Judgment; but that it be held and reputed, as though never such things had been thought or wrought; as by the said Act may more at large appear: With this, that this Defendant doth Aver, that he is none of the Persons Excepted by the said Act, or the said Offences charged upon this Defendant, any of the Offences excepted by the said Act.

And as to all the rest of the said first and farther Articles, this Defendant, saving to himself all Advantages of Exception to the said Articles, Humbly saith; He is not Guilty of all, or any the Matters by the said Articles charged, in such Manner and Form as the same are by the said Articles charged against him.

This day the Thames was so full of Ice, that I could not go by Water. It was Frost and Snow, and a most bitter day. I went therefore with the Lieutenant in his Coach, and twelve Warders with Halberts went all along the Streets. I could not obtain either the sending of them before, or the suffering them to come behind, but with the Coach they must come; which was as good as to call the People about me. So from the Tower-gate to Westminster, I was sufficiently railed on, and reviled all the way. God of his Mercy forgive the misguided People. My Answer being put in, I was for that time [Page] dismissed; and the Tyde serving me, I made a hard shift to return by Water.

And now, notwithstanding all this haste made to have my Answer in, Mr. Pryn cannot make this broken Business ready against me. Therefore to fill up some time, I was Ordered to be at the House again on Munday, Jan. 29. about Mr. Smart's Business. But Jan. 29. being put to this Trouble and Charge, and shewed to the People for a farther Scorn, I was sent back again, and had nothing said to me.

All February passed over, and Mr. Pryn not yet ready; he had not yet sufficiently prepared his Witnesses. But on Munday, Mar. 4. an Mar. 4. See the Order [...] Rushw. p. 827. Pryn, p. 48. Mar. 9. Order passed to call me to the House, to answer my Charge of High-Treason, on Tuesday, March 12. following. And on Saturday, March 9. I received a Note from the Committee, which were to press the Evidence against me, what Articles they meant to begin with; which had a shew of some fair Respect; but the Generality and Uncertainty of the Articles was such, as rendred it a bare shew only; no Particular being charged, concerning which I might provide for any Witnesses or Counter-proof.

CAP. XXI.

AND now being ready to enter upon the Hearing and the Tryal it self, I hold it necessary for me to acquaint the Reader with some General things before that begin: Partly to the end he may see the course of this Tryal, and the carriage which hath been in it; and partly to avoid the often and tedious Repetition, which else must necessarily be of some of them; and especially that they may not be mingled, either with the Evidence, or my Answers to it, to interrupt the Current, or make any thing more obscure.

1. The Committee appointed by the House of Commons, to manage and press the Evidence against me, were Serjeant Wilde, Mr. Browne, Mr. Maynard, Mr. Nicolas, Mr. Hill: But none spake at the Bar, but the first four; Mr. Hill was Consul-Bibulus; Mr. Pryn was trusted with the providing of all the Evidence, and was Relater and Prompter, and all: Never weary of any thing, so he might do me mischief. And I conceive in future times, it will not be the greatest Honour to these Proceedings, that he, a Man twice Censured in the High Court of Star-Chamber, set in the Pillory twice; once for Libelling the Queen's Majesty, and other Ladies of great Honour; and again for Libelling the Church, and the Government and Governours of it, the Bishops, and that had his Ears there cropt; should now be thought the only fit and indifferent Man to be trusted with the Witnesses and the Evidence against me, an Arch-Bishop, and sitting at his Censure.

2. Mr. Pryn took to him two Young Men to help to turn his Papers, and assist him; Mr. Grice, and Mr. Beck. Mr. Grice was Son to Mr. Tho. Grice, Fellow of St. Jo. Bapt. Colledge in my time, and after Beneficed near Stanes. I know not what the matter was, but I [Page] could never get his Love: But he is Dead, and so let him rest. And now his Son succeeds, and it seems he Inherits his Father's Disposition towards me; for I hear his Tongue walks liberally over me in all Places. For Mr. Beck, he hath received some Courtesie from me, and needed not in this kind to have expressed his Thankfulness. But I leave them both to do the Office which they have undertaken, and to grow up under the shadow of Mr. Pryn; God knows to what.

3. It was told me by a Man of good Credit, that was present and heard it, That my Name coming in question among some Gentlemen, after divers had spoken their Thoughts of me, and not all one way, a Parliament-Man being there, was pleased to say, That I was now an Old Man, and it would be happy both for me and the Parliament that God would be pleased to take me away: And yet I make no doubt, but that if Age, or Grief, or Faintness of Spirit had ended my Days, many of them would have done Scilicet (plus quam) [...] triennio [...] tempus [...] judicium [...] seni. Tacit. L. 6. [...]. as Tiberius did in the case of Asinius Gallus; That is, Incusarent Casus, qui reum abstulissent, antequam coram Convinceretur. They would have [...]. cry out against this hard Chance, that should take away so guilty a Person from publick Tryal, when they were even ready for it. After this when a Friend of mine bemoaned my Case to another Parliament-Man (of whom I had deserved very well) and said, he knew I was a good Man: The Parliament-Man replyed, Be he never so Good, we must now make him Ill for our own Sakes. What the meaning of these Speeches is, let understanding Men Judge. And even during my Tryal, some Citizens of London were heard to say, that indeed I answered many things very well: But yet I must suffer somewhat for the Honour of the House.

4. So all my Hopes now, under God, lay wholly on the Honour and Justice of the Lords. Yet seeing how fierce many of the People were against me, and how they had Clamour'd in other Cases, and that Mr. Pryn was set up at once to mischief and to scorn me, and foreseeing how full of Reproaches my Tryal was like to be; I had a strong Tentation in me, rather to desert my Defence, and put my self into the Hands of God's Mercy, than indure them: But when I considered what Offence I should commit therein against the Course of Justice, that that might not proceed in the ordinary way; what Offence against my own Innocency and my good Name, which I was bound both in Nature and Conscience to maintain by all good means, which by deserting my Cause could not be: But especially, what Offence against God, as if he were not able to protect me, or not willing, in Case it stood with my Eternal Happiness, and his blessed Will of Tryal of me in the mean time; I say when I considered this, I humbly besought God for Strength and Patience, and resolved to undergo all Scorns, and whatsoever else might happen to me, rather than betray my Innocency to the Malice of any.

5. And though my Hopes under God were upon the Lords, yet when my Tryal came on, it did somewhat trouble me, to see so few Lords in that great House. For at the greatest Presence that was any day of my Hearing, there were not above Fourteen, and usually [Page] not above Eleven or Twelve. Of these, one third part at least, each day took, or had occasion to be gone, before the Charge of the day was half given. I never had any one day the same Lords all present at my Defence in the Afternoon, that were at my Charge in the Morning: Some leading Lords scarce present at my Charge, four days of all my long Tryal, nor three at my Defence: And which is most, no one Lord present at my whole Tryal, but the Right Honourable the Lord Gray of Wark, the Speaker, without whose Presence it could not be a House. In this Case I stood in regard of my Honourable Judges.

6. When my Hearing came on, usually my Charge was in giving till almost Two of the Clock. Then I was commanded to withdraw; and upon my Humble Petition for time to Answer, I had no more given me, than till Four the same Afternoon; scarce time enough advisedly to peruse the Evidence: My Councel not suffer'd to come to me, till I had made my Answer, nor any Friend else, but my Solicitor Mr. Dell, to help to turn my Papers; and my Warder of the Tower to sit by to look to this. And this was not the least Cause, why I was at first Accused of no less than Treason; Ne quis necessariorum Tacit. L. 3. [...]. juvaret periclitantem Majestatis Crimina subdebantur, as it fell out in Silanus his Case, who had more Guilt about him (yet not of Treason) than (God be thanked) I have; but was prosecuted with like Malice, as appears in that Story. At Four a Clock, or after, the House sate again; and I made my Answer: And if I produced any Witness, he was not suffer'd to be Sworn; so it was but like a Testimony at large, which the Lords might the more freely believe or not believe, as they pleased. After my Answer, one, or more of the Committee, replyed upon me. By that time all was done, it was usually half an Hour past Seven. Then in the heat of the Year (when it overtook me) I was presently to go by Water to the Tower, full of Weariness, and with a Shirt as wet to my Back with Sweat, as the Water could have made it, had I fallen in: Yet I humbly thank God for it, he so preserved my Health, as that though I were weary and saint the day after, yet I never had so much as half an Hours Headach, or other Infirmity, all the time of this Comfortless and Tedious Tryal.

7. Now for the Method, which I shall hold in this History of my Tryal, it shall be this. I will set down the Evidence given on each day, by it self, and my Answer to it. But whereas all the Evidence was given together, and so my whole Answer after; to avoid all looking back, and trouble of turning Leaves to compare the Answer with the Evidence, I will set down each particular Evidence, and my Answer to it, and so all along, that the indifferent Reader, may without farther trouble, see the force of the one, and the satisfaction given in the other, and how far every Particular is from Treason. And if I add any thing to my Answers in any place, either it is because in the shortness of time then given me to make my Answer, it came not to my present Thoughts; or if it did, yet I forbare to speak it with that sharpness; holding it neither fit nor safe in my Condition, to provoke either my Accusers or my Judges. And whatsoever is so added by me, in either of these respects, the Reader shall find it thus marked in the Margent, as here it stands in this.

[Page] 8. Nor did I wrong Mr. Pryn, where I say, Note, that where entire set Speeches were made by the Arch-Bishop, although spoken by him at the Bar, the same marks are put to it. But wheresoever those marks are found in the History, from the second to the last day of the Trial inclusive, the words to which they are affixed were not spoken at the Bar at that time, but either added afterwards by the Arch-Bishop at the Recapitulation of his Answer, or inserted in writing the History. H. W. that for all the haste to put in my Answer, Jan. 22. he could not make this broken Business so soon ready against me: For 'tis well known, he kept a kind of School of Instruction for such of the Witnesses as he durst trust, that they might be sure to speak home to the purpose he would have them. And this an Vtter Barrister, a Man of good Credit knows; who in the hearing of Men beyond Exception, said, The Arch-Bishop is a Stranger to me, but Mr. Pryn's tampering about the Witnesses, is so palpable and foul, that I cannot but pity him and cry shame of it. When I heard this, I sent to this Gentleman, to know if he tendered my Case so far, as to witness it before the Lords. The Answer I received was; that the Thing was true, and that very Indignation of it made him speak: But heartily prayed me, I would not produce him as a Witness; for if I did, the Times were such, he should be utterly undone: And 'tis not hard to guess by whom. Upon this I consulted some Friends; and upon regard of his safety on the one side, and my own doubt, lest if forced to his undoing, he might through Fear, blanch and mince the Truth to my own prejudice, who produced him; I forbare the business, and left Mr. Pryn to the Bar of Christ, whose Mercy give him Repentance, and amend him. But upon my Christianity this Story is Truth.

CAP. XXII. The First Day of my Hearing.

[Page]

AND now I come to Tuesday, March 12. the Day appointed Die Primo. for my Tryal to begin; and begin it did. When I was come, and settled at the Bar, Serjeant Wilde made a Solemn Speech Mar. 12. 1643. for Introduction. I had a Character given me before of this Gentleman, which I will forbear to express; but in this Speech of his, and his future Proceedings with me, I found it exactly true. His Speech my decayed Memory cannot give you at large; but a Skeleton of it I here present, according to such Limbs as my brief See a Relation of what then passed, before Wild began his Speech, apud Rushw. p. 827. and Wild's Speech entire, Ibid. p. 828, &c. and in Pryn's Compl. Hist. p. 51, &c. Notes then taken, can now call to my Memory.

He began, and told the Lords, That the Children, which I had travel'd with, were now come to the Birth; and that my Actions were so foul, and my Treason so great, as that the like could not be read in any History; nay so great, as that Nullus Poet a fingere, No Poet could ever fain the like: And that if all Treason were lost, and not to be found in any Author what it is, it might be recovered and found out in me and my Actions; with divers Pieces of Latin Sentences to this effect. [And though these high and loud Expressions troubled me much at the present; yet I could not but think, that in this Canto of his he was much like one of them which cry up and down the City, Have you any old Ends of Gold and Silver?]

After this he proceeded to give Reasons why I was not sooner proceeded against, having now lain by it above three years. The first Reason he gave, was the Distractions of the Time. [And they indeed were now grown great; but the Distractions which were now, can be no Argument why I was not proceeded against at the beginning of the Parliament, when things were in some better quiet.] His second Reason was the The Death and dispersion of our Witnesses, the [...] of some of our Members, who have been employed and taken pains in [...] business. So Wild's Speech apud Pryn, p. 51. Death of some Persons. [But this could be no reason at all: For if the Persons he speaks of were Witnesses against me, more might die, but the Dead could not be made alive again by this delay; unless Mr. Serjeant had some hope, the Resurrection might have been by this time, that so he might have produced them. And if the Persons were Members of the House of Commons, as all Men know Mr. Pym was in the Chair for Preparation of my Tryal; Then this is known too, that Mr. Pym came up to the Committee of Lords full of great hopes, to prove God knows what against me. The Persons to be examined, were William Lord Bishop of London, and Matthew Lord Bishop of Ely, my very Worthy Friends, and Men like to know as much of me as any Men. A Lord then present told me, there were some Eighteen or Nineteen Interrogatories, upon which these Bishops were to be Examined against me, concerning my Intercourse with Rome; but all were built upon the first, which was their knowledge of the Man, who (it [Page] seems) was thought to be my Chief Agent in that Secret. But both the Bishops denying upon their Oaths, that they, or either of them ever knew any such Man, all the rest of the Interrogatories, what Relations he had to me, and the like, must needs fall to nothing, as they did: And the Lord told me farther, he never saw Mr. Pym, and the rest, so abashed at any thing in his Life. After this Mr. Pym (as 'tis well known) gave over that Chair, despairing to do that against me, which was desired.] His third Reason, was a good large one, and that was The multitude of diversions, which we have had and have daily. So Wild's Speech, Ibid. other Impediments. [And that's true, some Impediments there were, no doubt, or else I had come sooner to Hearing. And, as I conceive, a chief Impediment was, that there was not a Man whose Malice would make him diligent enough to search into such a forsaken Business, till Mr. Pryn offered himself to that Service: For I think I may be confident, that that Honourable and Great House would not seek any Man out of their own Body for any such Imployment, had not Suit, some way or other, been made for it.]

After these Reasons given for the delay of my Tryal, he fell upon me again as foul as at first; as that I was the Author of all the Extravagancies in the Government, and of all the Concussions in the State: That the Quality of my Person aggravated my Crime: That my Abilities and Gifts were great, but that I perverted them all: And that I was guilty of Treason in the highest pitch and altitude. So Wild's Speech, p. 52. Treason in the highest Altitude. [These were the Liveries, which he liberally gave me, but I had no mind to wear them: And yet I might not desire him to wear this Cloth himself, considering where I then stood, and in what Condition.]

This Treason in the Altitude, he said, was in my Endeavour to alter the Religion established by Law, and to subvert the Laws themselves: And that to effect these I left no way unattempted. For Religion, he told the Lords, That I laboured a Reconciliation with Rome: That I maintained Popish and Arminian Opinions: That I suffered Transubstantiation is not mentioned in Wild's Speech apud Pryn, p. 52. Transubstantiation, Justification by Merits, Purgatory, and what not to be openly Preached all over the Kingdom: That I induced Superstitious Ceremonies, as The particular Ceremonies, charged with Popery and Superstition, are not named in Wild's Speech, Ibid. Consecrations of Churches, and Chalices, and Pictures of Christ in Glass-Windows: That I gave liberty to the Prophanation of the Lords-day: That I held Intelligence with Cardinals and Priests, and endeavoured to ascend to Papal Dignity; Offers being made me to be a Cardinal. [And for the Laws, he was altogether as Wild in his Assertions, as he was before for Religion: And if he have no more true sense of Religion, than he hath knowledge in the Law, (though it be his Profession) I think he may offer both long enough to Sale, before he find a Chapman for either.] And here he told the Lords, That I held the same Method for this, which I did for Religion. [And surely that was to uphold both, had the Kingdom been so happy as to believe me;] But he affirmed (with great Confidence,) None of the Particulars, which follow to the end (save the conclusive Sentence) are to be found in Wild's Speech apud Pryn; but only some General [...] and Accusations to this purpose. H. W. That I caused Sermons to be Preached in Court to set the Kings Prerogative above the Law, and Books to be Printed to the same effect: That my Actions were according to these: Then he fell upon the Canons, and discharged them upon me. Then, that I might be [Page] guilty enough, [if his bare Word could make me so] he Charged upon me the Benevolence, the Loan, the Ship-money, the Illegal pulling down of Buildings, Inclosures; saying, that as Antichrist sets himself above all that is called God, so I laboured to set the King above all that is called Law. And after a tedious stir, he concluded his Speech with this, That I was like Naaman the Syrian, a great Person (he confessed) but a Leper. [So ended this Noble Celeustes.]

I was much troubled to see my self, in such an Honourable Assembly made so vile: Yet seeing all Mens Eyes upon me, I recollected my self, and humbly desired of the Lords two things:

One, that they would expect Proof, before they give up their Belief to these loud, but loose Assertions: Especially, since it is an easie thing for Men so resolved, to Conviciate, instead of Accusing; when as the Rule given by Optatus holds firm, Quum intenditur Crimen, Optat. L. 6. Cont. [...]. when a Crime is objected, (especially so high a Crime, as this Charged on me) 'tis necessary that the Proof be manifest, which yet against me is none at all. The other, that their Lordships would give me leave, not to Answer this Gentleman's Particulars, (for that I shall defer till I hear his Proofs) but to speak some few things concerning my self, and this grievous Impeachment brought up against me.

Which being yielded unto me, I then spake as follows.

My Lords, my being in this Place, and in this Condition, recalls This Speech is extant also in Rushw. p. 830, &c. Heylin, p. 516, &c. Pryn, p. 53, &c. to my memory that which I long since read in Seneca; Tormentum est, etiamsi absolutus quis fuerit, Causam dixisse: 'Tis not a grief only, no, 'tis no less than a Torment, for an ingenuous Man to plead Capitally or Criminally, Rushworth & Pryn. Criminally, much more Capitally, at such a Bar as this; yea, though it should so fall out, that he be absolved. The great Sen L. 6. de Benef. c. 28. truth of this I find at present in my self: And so much the more, because I am a Christian; And not that only, but in Holy Orders; And not so only, but by Gods Grace and Goodness preferred to the greatest Place this Church affords; and yet now brought, Causam dicere, to Plead, and for no less than Life, at this Great Bar. And whatsoever the World thinks of me, (and they have been taught to think Much more, Rushw. & Pryn. more ill, than, I humbly thank Christ for it, I was ever acquainted with;) Yet, my Lords, this I find, Tormentum est, 'tis no less than Torment to me to appear in this Place to such an Accusation. Nay, my Lords, give me leave, I beseech you, to speak plain Truth: No Sentence, that can justly pass upon me, (and other I will never fear from your Lordships) can go so near me as Causam dixisse, to have pleaded for my self, upon this occasion, and in this Place. For as for the Sentence (I thank God for it) I am at St. Paul's Ward: If I have committed any thing worthy of death, I Act. 25. 11. refuse not to die: For I bless God, I have so spent my time, as that I am neither ashamed to live, nor afraid to die. Nor can the World be more weary of me, than I am of it: For seeing the Malignity which hath been raised against me by some Men, I have carried my Life in my Hands these divers years past. But yet, my Lords, if none of these things, whereof these Men accuse me, merit Death by Law; though I may not in this Case, and [Page] from this Bar appeal unto Caesar; yet to your Lordships Justice and Integrity, I both may, and do Appeal; not doubting, but that God of his Goodness will preserve my Innocency. And as Job in the midst of his Affliction said to his mistaken Friends, so shall I to my Accusers; God forbid, I should justifie you; till I Job 27. [...]. Dye I will not remove my Integrity from me; I will hold it fast, and not let it go; my Heart shall not reproach me, as long as I live.

My Lords, I see by the Articles, and have now heard from this Gentleman, that the Charge against me is divided into two main Heads; An [...] to subvert, Rush. & Pryn. the Laws of the Land, and the Religion by those Laws established.

For the Laws first, I think I may safely say, I have been, to my Understanding, as strict an Observer of them all the Days of my Life, so far as they concern me, as any Man hath; and since I came into Place, I have followed them, and been as much guided by them, as any Man that sat where I had the Honour to sit. And for this I am sorry I have lost the Testimony, Rush. & Pryn. Witness of the Lord Keeper Coventry, and of some other Persons of Honour, since Dead. And the Learned Councel at Law, which attended frequently at the Council Table, can Witness (some of them here [...], Heylin, & Rush. & Pryn.) that in References to that Board, and in Debates arising at the Board, I was usually for that part of the Cause where I found Law to be: And if the Councel desired to have their Clyents Cause referred to the Law, (well I might move in some Cases for Charity, or Conscience, to have admittance, but) to the Law I left them, if thither they would go. And how such a Carriage as this through the whole Course of my Life, in private and publick, can stand with an Intention, nay a Practice to overthrow the Law, and to introduce an Arbitrary Government, which my Soul hath always hated, I cannot yet see. And 'tis now many Years since I learned of my great Master (In humanis) Aristotle, Arist. 2. [...], c. 7, 8. Periculosum esse; that it is a very dangerous thing to trust to the Will of the Judge, rather than the written Law. And all Kingdoms and Commonwealths have followed his Judgment ever since; and the School-Disputes have not dissented from it. Nay more, Tho. 2. 2a. [...]. 60. [...]. 5. I have ever been of Opinion, that Humane Laws bind the Conscience, and have accordingly made Conscience of observing them. And this Doctrine I have constantly Preached, as occasion hath been offered me. And how is it possible I should seek to overthrow those Laws, which I held my self bound in Conscience to keep and observe? Especially, since an endeavour to overthrow Law, is a far greater Crime than to break or disobey any particular Law whatsoever; all Particulars being swept away in that General. And, my Lords, that this is my Judgment, both of Parliaments and Laws; I beseech your Lordships that I may read a short Passage in my Book against Fisher the Jesuit, which was Printed and Published to the World, before these Troubles fell on me, and before I could so much as suspect this Charge could come against me; and therefore could not be purposely written to serve any Turn. [I had leave, and did read it; but for Brevities Confer with Fisher, §. 26. Num. 14 p. 211. sake refer the Reader to the Book it self.]

[Page] As for Religion, I was born and bred up in, and under the Church of England, as it yet stands Established by Law. I have, by God's Blessing and the Favour of my Prince, grown up in it to the Years which are now upon me, and to the Place of Preferment which I now, Rush. & Pryn. yet bear: And in this Church, by the Grace and Goodness of God, I resolve to Dye. I have ever since I understood ought in Divinity, kept one constant Tenor in this my Profession, without variation or shifting from one Opinion to another, for any worldly Ends: And if my Conscience would have suffered me to shift Tenets in Religion with Time and Occasion, I could easily have slid through all the difficulties which have pressed upon me in this kind. But, of all Diseases, I have ever [...] a [...]. &c. [...] dangerous, Rushw. hated a Palsie in Religion; well knowing, that too often a Dead-Palsie ends that Difease, in the fearful forgetfulness of God and his Judgments. Ever since I came in Place, I laboured nothing more, than that the External Publick Worship of God (so Rush. & Pryn. too much slighted in most parts of this Kingdom) might be preserved, and that with as much Decency and Uniformity, as might be; being still of Opinion, that Vnity cannot long continue in the Church, where Vniformity is shut out at the Church-Door. And I evidently saw, that the Publick neglect of God's Service in the outward Face of it, and the nasty lying of many Places Dedicated to that Service, had almost cast a Damp upon the true and inward Worship of God; which while we live in the Body, needs External helps, and all little enough to keep it in any vigour. And this I did to the uttermost of my Knowledge, according both to Law and Canon, and with the consent and liking of the People: Nor did any Command Issue out from me against the one, or without the other, that I know of.

Farther, my Lords, give me leave, I beseech you, to [...] you with, Rush. & Pryn. tell you this also: That I have as little Acquaintance with Recusants of any sort, as I believe any Man of my Place hath or ever had since the [...], Rush. & Pryn. Place in England hath: And for my Kindred, no one of them was ever a Recusant, but Sir William Webb, Grandchild to my Uncle Sir William Webb, sometimes Lord Mayor of London; and since which, Rush. & Pryn. him, with some of his Children, I reduced back again to the Church of England, as is well known, and I as able to prove.

One thing more I humbly desire may be thought on; 'tis this, I I am fallen into a great deal of Obloquy in Matter of Religion, and that so far, as that 'tis charged in the Articles, That I have endeavoured to advance and bring in Popery. Perhaps, my Lords, I am not ignorant, what Party of Men have raised this Scandal upon me; nor for what End; nor perhaps by whom set on: But howsoever, I would fain have a good Reason given me (if my Conscience [...], Rush. & Pryn. lead me that way, and that with my Conscience I could Subscribe to the Church of Rome) what should have kept me here (before my Imprisonment) to indure the Libelling, Rush. & Pryn. Libels, and the Slanders, and the base usage in all kinds, which have been put upon me, and these to end in this Question for my Life: I say, I would fain know a good Reason of this.

[Page] For first, My Lords; Is it because of any Pledges I have in the World to sway me against my Conscience? No sure. For I have nor Wife nor Children, to cry out upon me to stay with them; and if I had, I hope the Call of my Conscience should be heard above them. Or Secondly; Is it, because I was loth to leave the Honour and the Profit of the Place I was risen unto? Surely no: For I desire your Lordships, and all the World else should know, I do much scorn Honour and Profit, both the one and the other, in comparison of my Conscience. Besides, it cannot be imagined by any Reasonable Man, but that if I could have complyed with Rome, I should not have wanted either Honour or Profit. And suppose I could not have so much of either, as here I had; yet sure, would my Conscience have served me that way, less of either with my Conscience, would have prevailed with me, more than greater against my Conscience.

Or Thirdly: Is it because I lived here at ease, and was loth to venture the loss of that? Not so neither: For whatsoever the World may be pleased to think of me, I have [...] very painful Life, and such as I could have been very well content to change, had I well known how. And had my Conscience served, Rush. & Pryn. led me that way, I am sure I might have lived at far more ease; and either have avoided the barbarous Libellings, and other bitter and grievous Scorns which I have here indured, or at the least been out of the hearing of them. Nay, my Lords, I am as Innocent in this business of Religion, as free from all Practice, or so much as thought of Practice for any alteration to Popery, or any way blemishing the True Protestant Religion Established in the Church of England, as I was when my Mother first bare me into the World. And let nothing be spoken against me but Truth, and I do here Challenge whatsoever is between Heaven and Hell, to say their worst against me in point of my Religion: In which by God's Grace I have ever hated Dissimulation; and had I not hated it, perhaps it might have been better with me for worldly safety, than now it is. But it can no way become a Christian Bishop to halt with God.

Lastly; If I had any purpose to blast the True Religion Established in the Church of England, and to introduce Popery; sure I took a very wrong way to it. For, my Lords, I have stayed more, Rush. & Pryn. as many that were going to Rome, and reduced more, Rush. & Pryn. as many that were already gone, as (I believe) any Bishop or other Minister in this Kingdom hath done; and some of them Men of great Abilities; and some of them Men of great abilities, and some, Rush. & Pryn. Persons of great Place. And is this the way, my Lords, to introduce Popery? I beseech your Lordships consider it well. For surely, if I had blemished the True Protestant Religion, I could not have setled such Men in it: And if I had promised Rush. & Pryn. W. Pryn in his Popish Royal Favour. p. 71. Pryn in Printing the Arch-Bishop's Speech, [...] this whole Passage concerning himself. H. W. purposed to introduce Popery, I would never have reduced such Men from it. And though it please the Author of the Popish Royal Favourite, to say, That scarce one of the swaying Lord Prelats is able to say, that ever he Converted one Papist to our Religion; yet how void of Charity this Speech of his is, and how full of Falshood, shall appear by the number of those Persons, whom by Gods Blessing upon my Labours, I have setled in the True Protestant Religion Established in England: [Page] And with your Lordships leave, I shall Name them, that you may see both their Number and their Condition; though I cannot set them down in that order of time, in which I either Converted or Setled them.

1. And first, Hen: Birk-head of Trinity Coll. in Oxford, was seduced by a Jesuit, and brought up to London to be conveyed beyond the Seas. His Friends complained to me: I had the happiness to find him out, and the blessing from God to settle his Conscience. So he returned to Oxford, and there continued See Rushworth, p. 832. who relateth, that when some of the Lords, hearing the Name of Birkenhead, and imagining him to be the Author of the Oxford Aulicus, smiled at it; the Arch-Bishop taking notice of it, stopped and assured the Lords, that he meant not him, but another Person of like Name. Yet after all, Pryn in publishing this Speech, hath the Impudence to affirm in the Margin of his Book, that this Convert of the Arch- [...], was the Author of all the Libellous Popish Oxford Aulicus's, although he knew full well, that his Name was John Birkenhead; and adds, that at the naming of this [...], most of the Lords and [...] smil'd; but saith not one word of the Arch-Bishop's correction of their mistake. H. W..

2. 3. Two Daughters of Sir Rich: Lechford in Surrey, were sent to Sea to be carried to a Nunnery. I heard of it, and caused them to be brought back, before they were got out of the Thames. I setled their Consciences, and both of them sent me great thanks, since I was a Prisoner in the Tower.

4. 5. Two Scholars of St: John's Coll. in Cambridge, Topping and Ashton, had slipped away from the College, and here at London had got the French Embassadour's Pass, (I have the Pass to shew:) I found means to get them to me, and I thank God setled both their Minds, sent them back to their College. Afterwards hearing of Topping's Wants, I allowed him Means till I procured him a Fellowship in St. Johns, Rush. & Pryn.: And he is at this time a very hopeful Young Man, as most of his time in that University, a Minister, and Chaplain in House at this Present, to the Right Honourable the Earl of Westmerland.

6. 7. 8. Sir William Web my Kinsman, and two of his Daughters; and the better to secure them in Religion, I was at the Charge (their Father being utterly decayed) to Marry them to two Religious Protestants; and they both continued very constant. And his Eldest Son I took from him, placed him with a careful 9. Divine, maintained him divers Years, and then setled him with a Gentleman of Good Worth.

10. 11. The next, in my remembrance, was the Lord Maio of Ireland, who, with another Gentleman (whose name I cannot recal) was brought to me to Fulham, by Chesford, Rush. & Pryn. Mr. Jefford, a Servant of his Majesty's, and well known to divers of your Lordships.

12. The Right Honourable the Lord Duke of Buckingham was almost lost from the Church of England, between the continual cunning Labours of Fisher the Jesuit, and the Perswasions of the Lady his Mother and Sister, Rush. & Pryn.. After some Miscarriages, King James of ever Blessed Memory Commanded me to that Service. I had God's Blessing upon me so far, as to settle my Lord Duke to his Death. And I brought the Right Honourable the Countess of Buckingham, Rush. & Pryn. Lady his Mother to the Church 13. again; but she was not so happy, as to continue with us.

14. The Lady Marchioness Hamilton was much solicited by some Priests, and much troubled in Mind about it. My Lord [Page] spake with me of it; and though at that present I was so overlaid with Business, that I could not (as I much desired) wait upon that Honourable Person my self; yet I told my Lord, I would send one to his Lordship, that should diligently attend that Service, and that I would give him the best direction I could. And this I did, and God be thanked, she dyed very quietly, and very Religiously, and a good Protestant: And my Lord Marquess told me, he had acknowledged this Service of mine to an Honourable Lord, whom I now see present.

15. Mr. Chillingworth's A desperate Apostate-Papist, Mr. Cheynes's Sermon at his Funeral, informs us how good a [...] be Lived and Died. Thus Godly Will. Pryn in his Marginal Note on this place, p. 56. Learning and Abilities are sufficiently known to all your Lordships. He was gone, and setled at Dowaye. My Letters brought him back; and he Lived and Dyed a Defender of the Church of England. And that this is so, your Lordships cannot but know: For Mr. Pryn took away my Letters, and all the Papers which concerned him, and they were Examined at the Committee.

16. 17. Mr. Digby was a Priest; and Mr. James [...] Gentleman, Rushw. & Pryn. Gentleman, a School-master in a Recusant's House. This latter was brought to me by a Minister (as far as I remember) in Buckinghamshire. I converted both of them, and they remain setled.

18. Dr. Hart a Civilian, Son to a Neighbour of mine at Fulham. He was so far gone, that he had written part of his Motives which wrought (as he said) that Change in him. I got sight of them; shewed him wherein he was deceived; had God's Blessing to settle his Conscience; and then caused an able Divine to Answer his Motives, and give him the Copy.

19. There were beside these, Mr. Christopher Seburne, a Gentleman of an Ancient Family in Hereford-shire; and Sir William Spencer 20. of Yarnton in Oxfordshire. The Sons and Heirs of Mr. Winchcomb, Rushw. & Pryn. Wintchome, 21. and Mr. Wollescot, Rushw. & Pryn. Williscot, whom I sent with their Friends good liking to Wadham-College in Oxford; and I received a Certificate, Anno 1638. of their continuing in conformity to the Church of England: Nor did ever any of these relapse again to Rome, but only the Old Countess of Buckingham, and Sir William Spencer, that ever I heard of It being only in God's Power, not mine, to preserve them from relapse. Rushw. & Pryn. Note, that the [...] Copies of this Speech, Printed in Rush. &c. are very different from this, being taken from the Arch-Bishop's Mouth as he spoke; this from the Original, as be wrote it. H. W.. And if any of your Lordships doubt of the Truth of any of these Particulars, I am able and ready to bring full proof of them all. And by this time I hope it appears, that one of the swaying Prelats of the time is able to say, he hath Converted one Papist to the Protestant Religion. And let any Clergy Man of England come forth, and give a better account of his Zeal to this present Church.

And now, my Lords, with my most humble Thanks for your Lordships favour and patience in hearing me; I shall cease to be farther troublesom for the present; not doubting but I shall be able to Answer whatever shall be particularly objected against me.

After I had ended this Speech, I was commanded to withdraw. As I went from the Bar, there was Alderman Hoyle of York, and some other, which I knew not, very Angry, and saying, it was a very strange Conversion that I was like to make of them; with other Terms of Scorn. I went patiently into the little Committee-Chamber at the entring into the House. Thither Mr. Peters followed me in great haste, and began to give me ill Language, and told me that [Page] he, and other Ministers, were able to name Thousands Hundreds of real Converts to Christ, for every one of his pretended ones, and that himself had Converted above 120 Papists, Pryn, p. 56. that they had Converted. I knew him not, as having never seen him (to my remembrance) in my Life, though I had heard enough of him. And as I was going to answer him, one of my Councel, Mr. Hearn, seeing how violently he began, stepped between us, and told him of his uncivil Carriage towards me in my Affliction: And indeed he came as if he would have struck me. By this time, some occasion brought the Earl of Essex into that Room, and Mr. Hearn complained to him of Mr. Peters his usage of me; who very Honourably checked him for it, and sent him forth. Not long after, Mr. Hearn was set upon by Alderman Hoyle, and used as coursly as Peters had used me, and (as far as I remember) only for being of Councel with such a one as I; though he was assigned to that Office by the Lords.

What put them into this Choler, I know not; unless they were Angry to hear me say so much in my own Defence; especially for the Conversion of so many, which I think they little expected. For the next day a great Lord met a Friend of mine, and grew very Angry with him about me; not forbearing to ask what I meant, to Name the Particulars, which I had mentioned in the end of my Speech, saying, many Godly Ministers had done more. And not long after this, (the day I now remember not) Mr. Peters came and Preached at Lambeth, and there told them in the Pulpit, that a great Prelat, their Neighbour, (or in words to that effect) had bragged in the Parliament-House, that he had Converted Two and Twenty; but that he had Wisdom enough, not to tell how many Thousands he had Perverted; with much more abuse. God of his Mercy relieve me from these Reproaches, and lay not these Mens causeless Malice to their Charge.

After a little stay, I received my Dismission for that time, and a Command to appear again the next day at Nine in the Morning: Which was my usual Hour to attend, though I was seldom called into the House in two Hours after.

CAP. XXIII. The Second Day of my Hearing.

[Page]

I Came as commanded. But here before the Charge begins, I shall set down the Articles, upon which, according to the Order Die Secundo. of March 9. they which were intrusted with the Evidence, Mar. 13. 1643. meant this Day to proceed. They were the First and Second Original Articles, and the Second Additional Article: which follow in these words.

1. That he hath Traiterously endeavoured to subvert the Fundamental Laws and Government of the Kingdom of England, and instead thereof, to introduce an Arbitrary and Tyrannical Government against Law; and to that end hath wickedly and traiterously advised his Majesty, that he might at his own Will and Pleasure Levy and take Money of his Subjects, without their Consent in Parliament; and this he affirmed was Warrantable by the Law of God.

2. He hath for the better accomplishment of that his traiterous Design, advised and procured divers Sermons and other [...] to be Preached, Printed and Published; in which the Authority of Parliaments, and the Force of the Laws of the Kingdom are denyed, and an Absolute and Unlimited Power over the Persons and Estates of his Majesty's Subjects is maintained and defended, not only in the King, but also in himself and other Bishops, above and against the Law; and he hath been a great Protector, Favourer and Promoter of the Publishers of such false and Pernicious Opinions.

Second Additional Article,

2. That within the space of Ten Years last past, the said Arch-Bishop hath Treacherously endeavoured to subvert the Fundamental Laws of this Realm; and to that end hath in like manner endeavoured to advance the Power of the Council-Table, the Canons of the Church and the King's Prerogative, above the Laws and Statutes of the Realm. And for manifestation thereof, about Six Years last past, being then a Privy Counsellor to his Majesty, and sitting at the Council-Table, he said, That as long as he sate there, they should know that an Order of that Board, should be of equal Force with a Law or Act of Parliament. And at another Time used these Words, That he hoped e're long, that the Canons of the Church and the King's Prerogative, should be of as great Power as an Act of Parliament. And at another Time said, That those which would not yield to the King's Power, he would crush them to pieces.

[Page] These three Articles they begun with; and the first Man appointed to begin was Mr. Maynard: And after some general things against me, as if I were the most violent Man for all illegal Ways; The First Particular charged against me was out of my Diary. I. The Words these, The King Declared his Resolution for a Parliament in Case of the Scottish Rebellion. The First Movers of it were my Lord Deputy of Ireland, the Lord Marquess Hamilton, and my self: And a Resolution voted at the Board, to Assist the King in Extraordinary Ways, if the Parliament should prove peevish, and refuse, &c. The Time was Decemb. 5. 1639. That which was inforced from these Words, was, First, that I bestowed the Epithete Peevish upon the Parliament: And the Second, that this Voting to Assist the King in Extraordinary Ways, in Case the Parliament refused, proceeded from my Counsel.

1. To this I replyed: And first I humbly desired once for all, that all things concerning Law may be saved entire unto me, and my Councel to be heard in every such Particular.

2.

Secondly, that the Epithete Peevish was a very Peevish Word, if written by me. I say, If: For I know into whose Hands my Book is fallen; but what hath been done with it I know not. This is to be seen, some Passages in that Book are half burnt out, whether Purposely, or by Chance, God knows: And some other Papers taken by the same Hand from me, are now wanting.

Is it not possible therefore some Art may be used in this? Besides, if I did use the Word Peevish, it was in my Private Pocket Book, which I well hoped should never be made Publick; and then no Disgrace thereby affixed to the Parliament. And I hope, should a Man forget himself in such an Expression of some Passage in some one Parliament, (and this was no more) it is far short of any thing that can be called Treason.

And yet farther, most manifest it is in the very Words themselves, that I do not bestow the Title upon that Parliament, in that Case; but say only, If it should prove Peevish; which is possible, doubtless, that in some particulars a Parliament may: Though for the Happiness of this Kingdom, I would to God it were impossible. But suppose the Word Peevish had been absolutely spoken by me; is it Lawful upon Record to say the Parliament An. 42. Hen. 3. was Insanum Parliamentum, Sir Ed. Cook Inst. p. 3. c. 1. a Mad Parliament; and that in the 6. Hen. 4. Indoctum, an Unlearned Parliament; and that in the 4. Hen. 6. a Parliament of Clubbs? And shall it be High Treason in me to say a Parliament in some one Particular was Peevish? or but to suppose if it were? Canany Man think, that an Vnlearned, or a Mad Parliament, or one of Clubbs did not do something Peevishly? Might my Precessor, Tho. Arundel, tell the Commons openly in Parliament, that Speed in Hen. 4. §. 42. their Petitions were Sacrilegious? And may not I so much as suppose some one Action of a Parliament to be Peevish, but it shall be Treason? May an ordinary Historian say of that Vnlearned Ibid. Parliament, that the Commons were fit to enter Common with their Cattle, for any Vertue they had more than Brute-Beasts? And may not I in my private Notes write the Word Peevish of them, without Treason?

[Page] 3. Thirdly, Whereas 'tis said, That the Voting at the Council-Table to assist the King in Extraordinary Ways, if, &c. was by my Counsel: There is no such thing in my Diary. There is, that I with others advised a Parliament: But there is not one Word, that the Voting mentioned at the Council-Table proceeded from any Advice of mine.

So there is no Proof from my Diary; and other Proof beside that, was not so much as urged; which was not in Favour, but because they had it not. For had they had any other Proof, I see already, it should not have been lost for want of urging.

Where, I desired their Lordships also to observe, in what a difficulty I have lived with some Men, who will needs make me a great Enemy to Parliaments, and yet are angry with me, that I was one with others who moved for that Parliament. So it seems, nothing that I do can content some Men: For a Parliament, or against it; nothing must be well, if the Counsel be mine.

4. Fourthly, For the Voting of Assistance in Extraordinary Ways, I was included in the general Vote of the Table; and therefore that cannot be called or accounted my Counsel.

5. Fifthly, It is expressed in my Diary, whence all this Proof is taken; that it was in and for the Scottish Business, and so is within the Act of Oblivion.

And these Answers I gave to Mr. Brown, when, in the summing up of the Charge against me in the Honourable House of Commons, he made this to be my Counsel to the King: And he began with it, in his Charging of the Points against Law.

The Second Particular this Day [...] against me, was, That II. after the Ending of the late Parliament, I did use these Words to the King, That now he might use his own Power, or Words to that Effect. This was attested by Sir Henry Vane the Elder, then a Counsellor, and present.

1. To this my Answer was, That I spake not these Words, either in Terms, or in Sense, to the uttermost of my Knowledge.

2. Secondly, If I had spoken these Words, either they were ill advised Words, but no Treason; and then they come not home to the Charge: Or they are Treasonable, and then I ought by 1 Eliz. c. 6. §. [...]. Law to have been tryed within Six Months.

Mr. Brown, in his Reply to me in the House of Commons, said, That this Statute expired with the Queen, because it concerned none but her, and the Heirs of her Body. I had here urged Part. 4. [...]. c. 74. Sir Edward Coke, as urging this Statute, and commending the Moderation of it. But I was therein mistaken for he speaks of 1. Eliz. c. 1. And that 1 Eliz. c. 1. & 1 Ed. 6. c, 12. Statute is in force, and is for Tryal within Six Months, for such Crimes as are within that Statute. So it comes all to one for my Cause, so either of the Statutes be in force. And to this Charge in general, I gave the same Answers which are here.

3. Thirdly, Sir Henry Vane is in this a single Witness; whereas 1 Ed. 6. c. 12. §. ult. & 1 Eliz. c. 6. §. ult. by Lav, he that is accused of Treason, must be convicted by two Witnesses, or his own Confession without Violence; neither of which is in this Case: And strange it is to me, that at such a full Table, no Person of Honour should remember such a Speech, but Sir Henry Vane.

[Page] 4. Fourthly, both this and the former Charge relate to the Scottish Business, and so are within the Act of Oblivion, which I have Pleaded.

Besides, here is nothing expressed in the Words Charged, which savours of Practice, Conspiracy, Combination or Force; and cannot therefore possibly be adjudged Treason; especially since there is no Expression made in the Words Witnessed, what Power is meant. For what should hinder the King to use his own Power? But Legal still: Since nothing is so properly a King's own Power, as that which is made or declared his own by Law. As for the Inference, That this was called his own, in opposition to Law: First, Sir Henry Vane is a Witness to the Words only, and not to any Inference: So the Words have but one Witness, and the Inference none. And perhaps it were as well for themselves, as for Persons questioned in great Courts, if they who are imployed about the Evidence, would be more sparing of their Inferences; The dreadful Licence of Inferences among our English Pleaders in Cases of Death. Speed. in H. 7. S. 61. many Men laying hold of them without Reason or Proof.

Lastly, For the Honour of Sir Henry Vane let me not forget this; he is a Man of some Years, and Memory is one of the first Powers of Man, on which Age works; and yet his Memory so good, so fresh, that he alone can remember Words spoken at a full Council-Table, which no Person of Honour remembers but himself. Had any Man else remembred such Words, he could not have stood single in this Testimony. But I would not have him brag of it: For I have read in St: Augustin, That Quidam Pessimi, some, even the worst of Men, have great Memories, and Aug. l. 7. de Civ. Dei. c. 3. are Tanto Pejores, so much the worse for having them. God Bless Sir Henry.

I have stayed the longer upon these Two, because they were apprehended to be of more weight than most which follow. The next was a Head containing my Illegal Pressures for Money, under which the next Particular was, That in the Case of Ship-Money III. I was very angry against one Samuel Sherman of Dedham in Essex. That I should say Dedham was a Maritime Town: And that when the Sum demanded of him was Named, I should say, a Proper Sum; whereas the Distress came to eleven Subsidies.

To this I Answered: First, here was no Proof but Sherman; and in his own Cause. Secondly, he himself says no more, than that he believes I was the Instrument of his Oppression (as he called it;) whereas his Censure was laid upon him by the Council-Table, not by me: Nor was I in any other Fault, than that I was present, and gave my Vote with the rest. So here's no Proof at all, but his Belief.

Lastly, here can be no Treason, but against Dedham, or Sherman, that I can discover.

The next to Sherman comes in my great Friend, Alderman IV. Atkins; and he Testifies, That when he was brought to the Council-Table, about the Ship-Money, none was so violent against him as I was, and that this Pressure for Ship-Money was before the Judges had given Sentence for the King. And that at another time I pressed him hard to lend Money, the King being present: At which time [Page] he conceived that I favoured Alderman Harrison for Country sake; because himself was Committed, and not the other.

To this I must confess, I did use to be Serious and Zealous too in his Majesty's Service; but not with any the least intention to violate Law. And if this here instanced were before the Judgment given for the King, yet it was long after the Judges had put the Legality of it under their Hands. And I for my part could not conceive the Judges would put that under their Hands to be Law, which should after be found unlawful. Therefore in this, as I Erred with Honourable Company at the Council-Table, so both they and I had, as we thought, sufficient Guides to lead us.

As for the [...] which he puts upon me in preserving my Country-man, Alderman Harrison, from Prison: First, he himself durst not affirm it upon his Oath, but says only that he Conceives I favoured him; but his Conceit is no Proof. Secondly, if I had favoured him, and done him that Office, 'tis far short of Treason. But the Truth is, Alderman Harrison gave a modest and a civil Answer; but this Man was Rough, even to Unmannerliness, and, so far as I remember, was Committed for that.

And whereas he says, I Pressed him hard to lend Money, and that none was so violent as I; he is much mistaken. For of all Men in that Fraternity, I durst never Press him hard for any thing, least of all for Money. For I knew not what Stuffing might fly out of so full a Cushion, as afterwards 'tis said did, when being a Colonel he was pressed, but not hard, in a little Skirmishing in Finsbury-Fields.

Then it was urged, that I aggravated a Crime against Alderman V. Chambers, and told him, that if the King had many such Chambers he would have never a Chamber to Rest in: That in the Case of Tunnage and Poundage, he laboured to take Bread from the King: And that I Pressed upon him in the Business of Coat and Conduct-Money.

To this I gave this Answer, That by the Affection Mr. Chambers then shewed the King, I had some Reason to think, he desired so many Chambers to his use, that if the King had many such Subjects, he might want a Chamber for himself; or to that effect: And the violence of his Carriage in that Honourable Assembly gave just Occasion to other Men to think so. But as for the Business of Tunnage and Poundage, and of Coat and Conduct-Money, I conceived both were Lawful on the King's part. And I was led into this Opinion by the express Judgment of some Lords present, and the Silence of others in that behalf; none of the great Lawyers at the Table contradicting either: And no Witness to this, but Alderman Chambers himself.

The sixth Particular was, That I urged the business of Ship-Money VI, upon Alderman Adams.

To this my Answer was; That I never pressed the Ship-Money, but as other Lords did at the Council-Table, nor upon other grounds: Nor doth Alderman Adams say any more, than that he was pressed to this payment by me and others. And to me it seems strange, and will I hope to all Men else, that this, and the like, should be a common [Page] Act of the Lords at the Council-Table, but should be High-Treason in no body but in me. And howsoever, if it be Treason, 'tis against three Aldermen, Atkins, Chambers, and Adams.

The Seventh Particular was, that I was so violent about the slighting VII. of the King's Proclamations, as that I said, A Proclamation was of as great force, or equal to a Statute-Law: And that I compared the King to the Stone spoken of in the Gospel, That whosoever falls upon it, [...]. Mat. 21. 44. shall be broken; but upon whomsoever it falls, it will grind him to powder. And for this they brought three Witnesses, Mr. Griffin, and Tho. Wood, and Rich. Hayles.

1. This was in the Case of the Soap-business, and two of the. the two Witnesses were Soap-boylers. They and their Company slighted all the Proclamations which the King set out; and all the Lords in the Star-Chamber were much offended, (as I conceive they had great Reason to be) at the great and open daring of that whole Company. And whatsoever Sentence passed upon them in that whole Business, was given by the Court of Star-Chamber, not by me.

For the Words; First, these Men have good Memories, that can punctually, being plain ordinary Men, Swear Words spoken full Twelve Years since: And yet, as good as their Memory is, they Swear doubtfully touching the time; as that the Words were spoken in May 1632, or 33.

2. Secondly, my Lords, 'tis impossible these Words should be spoken by me. For I think no Man in this Honourable Presence thinks me so ignorant, as that I should not know the vast difference that is between an Act of Parliament and a Proclamation. Neither can these Gentlemen, which press the Evidence, think me so wilfully foolish so to speak, considering they accuse me here for a Cunning Delinquent.

So God forgive these Men the Falshood and the Malice of this Oath.

3. For the Words spoken of the Stone in Scripture, 'tis so long since, I cannot recal whether I said it or no: Nor have I any great Reason to believe these Angry Witnesses in their own Cause. But if, by way of Allusion, I did apply that place to the King and them, 'tis far enough from Treason.

And let them, and their like, take heed lest it prove true upon themselves: For seldom do Subjects fall upon their King, but in the end they are broken; and if it so happen, that he falls upon them, they are ground to powder.

And Salomon taught me this Answer, where he says, The Anger of a King Prov. 16. 14. is Death. And yet I would not be mistaken. For I do not conceive this is spoken of a King and his Natural Anger, (though it be good Wisdom to stir as little Passion in Kings as may be;) but of his Legal Anger: According to which, if the Stone roul strictly, few Men can so Live, but for something or other they may be in danger of grinding.

4. And for these Soap-boylers, they have little cause to be so vehement against me. For if the Sentence, passed against them in the Star-Chamber, were in any thing illegal, though it were done by that Court and not by me; yet I alone, so soon as I heard but muttering of it, was the only means of resetling them and their Trade, which none of all the Lords else took care of.

And the Summ of these Answers I gave to Mr. Browne, when he gave up the Summ of his Charge against me.

[Page] The next Particular was about Depopulations. A Commission of Grace, to compound with some Delinquents in that kind, was Issued VIII. under the Broad Seal, to some Lords and other Persons of Honour of the Council, of which I was one. One Mr. Talboys was called thither. And the Charge about this was, that when he pleaded, that by Statute 39. Eliz. he might convert some to Pasture, I should say, Do you plead Law here? Either abide the Order, or take your Tryal at the Star-Chamber: And that he was Fined 50 l.

In this Particular Mr. Talboys is single, and in his own Cause; but I was single at no sitting of that Commission: Nor did I ever sit, unless the Lord Privy-Seal, and Mr. Secretary Coke were present; that we might have direction from their Knowledge and Experience.

And for the Words (if spoken) they were not to derogate from the Law; but to shew, that we sate not there as any Judges of the Law, but to offer his Majesty's Grace to such as would accept it.

As for the Fine mentioned, we imposed none upon him or any other, but by the consent of the Parties themselves. If any Man thought he was not faulty, and would not accept of the Favour shewed him, we left him to the Law. But the plain truth is, this Gentleman, being Tenant to the Dean and Chapter of Christ-Church in Oxford, offer'd them (as they conceived) great wrong in the Land he held of them; in so much as they feared other their Tenants might follow his Example, and therefore complained of him. And because I laid open his usage of his Landlords before the Commissioners, he comes here to vent his Spleen against me.

And 'tis observable, that in all the business of Depopulations, in which so many appeared, no one complained either against me or any other Lord, but only this Talboys. Mr. Browne, when he pressed the Summ of this Charge against me, added, That at the Council-Table, I was for all Illegal Projects, as well as for these Inclosures. But First, I was neither for this nor any other, either longer or otherwise than I understood them to be Lawful. And Secondly, I opposed there the business of Salt and the Base Mony; and I alone took off that of the Malt, and the Brewing: And three Gentlemen of Hertfordshire (which County was principally concerned in the Case of the Malt) came over to Lambeth to give me Thanks for it.

Then was charged upon me the Printing of Books, which asserted IX. the King's Prerogative above Law, &c. The instance was in Dr. Cowell's Book, Verbo, No such word there sure, it should be Prerogative Regis. W. S. A. C. Rex: That this Book was decryed by Proclamation; that Complaint was made to me, that this Book was Printing in a close House without Licence, and by Hodgkinson, who was my Printer; that I referred them to Sir John Lambe; that they came to me again, and a third time, and I still continued my Reference; which Sir John Lambe slighting, the Book came forth. The Witnesses to this, were Hunt and Wallye, if I mistook not their Names.

1. For this Book of Dr. Cowell's, I never knew of it, till it was Printed; or so far gone on in Printing, that I could not stay it: And the Witnesses say, it was in a close House, and without Licence; so neither I nor my Chaplains could take notice of it.

[Page] 2. They say, they informed me of it, but name no time, but only the Year 1638. But they confess I was then at Croydon: So being out of Town (as were almost all the High Commissioners) I required Sir John Lambe, who being a High Commissioner, had in that business as much power as my self, to look to it carefully, that the Book proceeded not; or if it were already Printed, that it came not forth. If Sir John slighted his own Duty and my Command, (as themselves say) he is Living, and may answer for himself; and I hope your Lordships will not put his Neglect upon my Account.

3. As for Hodgkinson, he was never my Printer; but Badger was the Man whom I imployed, as is well known to all the Stationers. Nor was Hodgkinson ever imployed by me in that kind or any other: Upon just Complaint I turned him out of a place, but never put him into any: And therefore those Terms which were put upon me, of my Hodgkinson, and my Sir John Lambe, might have been spared. Sir John was indeed Dean of the Arches, and I imployed him, as other Arch-Bishops did the Deans which were in their Times; otherwise no way mine: And Hodgkinson had his whole dependance on Sir Henry Martin, and was a meer Stranger to me.

And this Answer I gave to Mr. Browne, when he summ'd up the Charge. Nor could any danger be in the Printing of that Book to mislead any Man: Because it was generally made known by Proclamation, that it was a Book Condemned, and in such Particulars: But for other things the Book very useful.

The next Charge was, That when Dr: Gill, School-Master of Paul's X. School in London, was warned out by the Mercers (to the Care of which Company that School some way belongs) upon Dr: Gill's Petition to the King, there was a Reference to some other Lords and my self to hear the Business. The Charge is, that at this Hearing I should say, the Mercers might not put out Dr: Gill without his Ordinary's Knowledge: And that upon mention made of an Act of Parliament, I should reply, I see nothing will down with you but Acts of Parliament; no regard at all of the Canons of the Church: And that I should farther add, That I would rescind all Acts which were against the Canons; and that I hoped shortly to see the Canons and the King's Prerogative of equal force with an Act of Parliament.

To this I Answer'd; That if all this Charge were true, yet this is but the single Testimony of Samuel Bland, an Officer belonging to the Company of the Mercers, and no small Stickler against Dr. Gill, whose Aged Reverend Father had done that Company great Service in that School for many Years together.

The Reference he grants was to me and others: So I neither thrust my self into the Business, nor was alone in it.

And as there is a Canon of this Church, That no Man may be allowed Can. 77. to [...] School, but by the Bishop of the Diocess; so à paritate rationis, it stands good, They may not turn him out, without the said Bishops knowledge and Approbation. And 'tis expressed in another Canon; That if any School-Master offend in any of the Premises (there spoken of) Can. 79. he shall be [...] by his Ordinary; and if he do not amend upon that his [...], he shall then be Suspended from Teaching: Which I think [Page] makes the Case plain, that the Mercers might not turn out Dr. Gill, without so much as the Knowledge of his Bishop.

And for the Words; That I saw nothing would down with them but an Act of Parliament, and that no regard was had to the Canons; I humbly conceive there was no offence in the Words. For though the Superiority by far in this Kingdom belongs to the Acts of Parliament; yet some regard doubtless, is or ought to be had to the Canons of the Church:

And if nothing will down with Men but Acts of Parliament, the Government cannot be held up in many Particulars.

For the other Words, God forgive this Witness: For I am well assured, I neither did nor could speak them. For is it so much as probable, that I should say, I would rescind all Acts that are against the Canons? What power have I or any particular Man, to rescind Acts of Parliament? Nor do I think any Man that knows me, will believe I could be such a Fool, as to say, That I hoped shortly to see the Canons and the Kings Prerogative equal to Acts of Parliament; Since I have lived to see (and that often) many Canons rejected, as contrary to the Custom of the Place; as in choice of Parish-Clerks, and about the Reparation of some Churches; and the King's Prerogative discussed and weighed by Law: Neither of which hath, or can be done by any Judges to an Act of Parliament.

That there is Malice in this Man against me, appears plainly; but upon what 'tis grounded I cannot tell: Unless it be, that in this business of Dr. Gill, and in some other about placing Lecturers, (which in some Cases this Company of the Mercers took on them to do) I opposing it so far as Law and Canon would give me leave, crossed some way, either his Opinion in Religion, or his Purse-profit. I was (I confess) so much moved at the Unworthiness of this Man's Testimony, that I thought to bind this Sin upon his Soul, not to be forgiven him till he did publickly ask me Forgiveness for this Notorious Publick Wrong done me. But by God's Goodness I master'd my self; and I heartily desire God to give him a sense of this Sin against me his poor Servant, and forgive him.

And if these words could possibly scape me, and be within the danger of that Statute; then to that Statute, which requires my Tryal within six Months, I refer my self.

The Eleventh Charge of this day, was the Imprisonment of XI. Mr. George f. Walker. Waker, about a Sermon of his, Preached to prove (as he said) That 'tis Sin to obey the greatest Monarchs in things which are against the Command of God: That I had Notes of his Sermons for four or five Years together, of purpose to intrap him; That I told his Majesty he was Factious; That Sir Dadly Carlton writ to keep him close; That in this Affliction I protested to do him Kindness, and yet did contrary.

My Answer was; That for the Scope of his Sermon, To Obey God rather than Man, no Man doubts but it ought to be so, when the Commands are opposite. But his Sermon was viewed, and many factious Passages, and of high Nature, found in it. And yet I did not tell the King he was Factious, but that he was so complained of to me; and this was openly at the Council-Table.

[Page] And whereas he speaks of Notes of his Sermons for divers Years, with a purpose to intrap him; all that he says is, that he was told so, but produces not by whom. And truly I never had any such Notes, nor ever used any such Art against any Man in my Life. For his Commitment, it was done by the Council-Table; and after, upon some Carriage of his there, by the Court of Star-Chamber, not by me; nor can that be imputed to me, which is done there by the major part, and I having no Negative. And if Sir Dudly Carlton writ to keep him close at his Brother's House, contrary to the Lords Order, let him answer it: And if he supposes that was done by me, why is not Sir Dudly examined to try that Truth? As for the Protestation, which he says I made to his Wife and his Brother, that I complained not against him; it was no Denyal of my Complaint made against him at the first, that I heard he was Factious; but that after the time, in which I had seen the full Testimony of grave Ministers in London, that he was not Factious, I made no Complaint after that, but did my best to free him. And the Treason in these two Charges is against the Company of the Mercers, and Mr. Waker.

The next Charge was, that Dr: Manwaring having been Censured XII. by the Lords in Parliament for a Sermon of his against the Liberty and Propriety of the Subject, was yet after this preferred by me, in Contempt of the Parliament-Censure, both to the Deanery of Warcester, and the Bishoprick of St: Davids; And my own Diary witnesses that I was complained of in Parliament for it; And that yet after this I did consecrate him Bishop.

1. To this I answered, that he was not preferred by me to either of these; and therefore that could not be done in contempt of the Parliament-Censure, which was not done at all. For as for St: Davids, 'tis confessed, Secretary Windebank signified the King's Pleasure, not I. And whereas it was added, that this was by my means; That is only said, but not proved. And for Worcester, there is no Proof but the Docket-Book: Now, my Lords, 'tis well known in Court, that the Docket doth but signifie the King's Pleasure for such a Bill to be drawn, it never mentions who procured the Preferment: So that the Docket can be no Proof at all against me; and other there is none.

2. For the Sermon, 'tis true, I was complained of in Parliament, that I had been the Cause of Licensing it to the Press; and 'tis as true, that upon that Complaint, I was narrowly sifted, and an Honourable Lord now present, and the Lord Bishop of Lincoln, were sent to Bishop Mountain, who Licensed the Sermon, to Examine, and see, whether any Warrant had come from me, or any Message: But when nothing appeared, I was acquitted in open Parliament; To some Body's no small Grief.

God forgive them, and their Malice against me; for to my knowledge my Ruin was then thirsted for. And as I answered Mr. Brown's Summary Charge, when he pressed this against me, could this have been proved, I had been undone long since; the Work had not been now to be done.

That he was after Consecrated by me, is true likewise; and I [Page] hope, 'tis not expected I should ruine my self, and fall into a Premunire, by refusing the King's Royal Assent; and this for fear lest it 25 Hen. 8. c. 20. §. ult. might be thought I procured his Preferment. But the Truth is, his Majesty commanded me to put him in mind of him when Preferments fell; and I did so: But withal I told his Majesty of his Censure, and that I fear'd ill Construction would be made of it.

To this it was replyed, That I might have refused to Consecrate, the Cause why being sufficient, and justifiable in Parliament, and excepted in that Law.

But how sufficient soever that Cause may be in Parliament, if I had been in a Premunire there-while, and lost my Liberty and all that I had beside, for disobeying the Royal Assent; I believe I should have had but cold Comfort when the next Parliament had been Summoned; no Exception against the Man being known to me, either for Life or Learning, but only this Censure: Nor is there any Exception which the Arch-Bishop is by that Law allowed to make, if my Book be truly Printed.

Then followed the Charge of Dr. Heylin's Book against Mr. Burton; XIII. out of which it was urged, That an unlimited Power was pressed very far; and out of p. 40. That a way was found to make the Subject Heylin Cont. Burton, p. 40; free, and the King a Subject; that this Man was preferred by me; that Dr. Heylin confessed to a Committee, that I commanded him to Answer Mr. Burton's Book; and that my Chaplain Dr. Braye Licensed it.

I Answer'd as follows; I did not prefer Dr. Heylin to the King's Service; it was the Earl of Danby, who had taken Honourable Care of him before in the University. His Preferments I did not procure: For it appears by what hath been urged against me, that the Lord Viscount Dorchester procured him his Parsonage, and Mr. Secretary Coke his Prebend in Westminster.

For his Answer to the Committee, that I commanded him to Write against Burton, It was an Ingenuous and a True Answer, and became him and his Calling well; for I did so.

And neither I in Commanding, nor he in Obeying, did other than what we had good Precedent for in the Primitive Church of Christ. For when some Monks had troubled the Church at Carthage, but not with half that danger which Mr. Burton's Book threatned to this; Aurelius, then Bishop, commanded St. Aug. to Write against it; and he did so. Aug. 2. Retract. c. 21. His Words are, Aurelius Scribere Jussit, & feci.

But though I did, as by my Place I might, Command him to Write and Answer; yet I did neither Command nor Advise him, to insert any thing unsound or unfit. If any such thing be found in it, he must Answer for himself, and the Licenser for himself. For as for Licensing of Books, I held the same course which all my Predecessors had done: And when any Chaplain came new into my House, I gave him a strict Charge in that Particular. And in all my Predecessors Times, the Chaplains suffer'd for faults committed, and not their Lords; though now all is heaped on me.

As for the particular Words urged out of Dr. Heylin's Book, p. 40. there is neither Expression by them, nor Intention in them, against either the Law, or any Lawful Proceedings; but they are directed to Mr. Burton and his Doctrine only. The words are: You have found out a way (not the Law, but you Mr. Burton) to make the [Page] Subject free, and the King a Subject: Whereas it would well have beseem'd Mr. Burton, to have carried his Pen even at the least, and left the King his Freedom, as well as the Subject his.

From this they proceeded to another Charge: which was, That I XIV. preferred Chaplains to be about the King and the Prince, which were disaffected to the Publick Welfare of the Kingdom. The Instance was in Dr: Dove: And a Passage Read out of his Book against Mr: Burton: And it was added, that the declaring of such disaffection, was the best Inducement or Bribe to procure them Preferment.

To this I then said, and 'tis true; I did never knowingly prefer any Chaplain to the King or Prince, that was ill-affected to the Publick. And for Dr. Dove, if he utter'd by Tongue or by Pen, any such wild Speech concerning any Members of the Honourable House of Commons, as is urged, thereby to shew his disaffection to the Publick; he is Living, and I humbly desire he may answer it. But whereas it was said, That this was the best Inducement or Bribe to get Preferment; This might have been spared, had it so pleased the Gentleman which spake it: But I know my Condition, and where I am, and will not lose my Patience for Language.

And whereas 'tis urged, That after this he was Named by me, to be a Chaplain to the Prince his Highness; the Thing was thus, His Majesty had suit made to him, that the Prince might have Sermons in his own Chappel for his Family. Hereupon his Majesty, approving the Motion, commanded me to think upon the Names of some fit Men for that Service. I did so: But before any thing was done, I acquainted the Right Honourable the Lord Chamberlain, that then was, with it; my Lord knew most of the Men, and approved the Note, and delivered it to his Secretary Mr: Oldsworth, to Swear them. This was the Fact: And at this time, when I put Dr: Dove's Name into the List, I did not know of any such Passage in his Book, nor indeed ever heard of it till now. For I had not Read his Book, but here and there by snatches.

I am now come (and 'tis time) to the last Particular of this XV. day. And this Charge was, The giving of Subsidies to the King in the Convocation, without consent in Parliament; That the Penalties for not paying were strict, and without Appeal, as appears in the Act; where it is farther said, that we do this according to the Duty which by Scripture we are bound unto; which reflects upon the Liberties of Parliaments in that behalf. But it was added, they would not meddle now with the late Canons for any thing else, till they came to their due place.

1. My Answer to this was: That this was not my single Act, but the Act of the whole Convocation, and could not be appliable to me only.

2. That this Grant was no other, nor in any other way, Mutatis Mutandis, than was granted to Queen Elizabeth in Arch-Bishop Whitgift's time. This Grant was also put in Execution, as appeared by the Originals which we followed. These Originals (among many other Records) were commanded away by [Page] the Honourable House of Commons, and where they now are I know not: But for want of them my Defence cannot be so full.

3. For the Circumstances; as that the Penalties are without Appeal, and the like, 'tis usual in all such Grants. And that we did it according to our Duty and the Rules of Scripture, we conceived was a fitting Expression for our selves, and Men of our Calling, without giving Law to others, or any intention to violate the Law in the least. For thus, I humbly conceive, lyes the mutual Relation between the King and his People, by Rules of Conscience. The Subjects are to supply a full and Honourable Maintenance to the King: And the King (when Necessities call upon him) is to ask of his People, in such a way as is, per pacta, by Law and Covenant agreed upon between them, which in this Kingdom is by Parliament; yet the Clergy ever granting their own at all times. And that this was my Judgment long before this, appears by a Sermon of mine, appointed to be Preached at the opening of the Parliament; in the Year 1625. My Words My Sermon in Psal. 75. 2, 3, p. 14. are these. If you would have indeed a flourishing both State and Church; The King must trust and indear his People; and the People must Honour, Obey, and Support their King, &c. This, I hope, is far enough from derogating from any Law: And if I should privately have spoken any thing to him contrary to this, which I had both Preached and Printed, how could his Majesty have trusted me in any thing?

CAP. XXIV.

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THis brought this tedious Day to an End. And I had an Order Die Tertio. the same Day to appear again on Saturday, March 16. 1643. with a Note also from the Committee which were to Charge me, that they meant then to proceed upon part of the Second Additional Article, and upon the Third Original, and the Third and Fifth Additional Articles. The Second Additional Article is written down before. And here follow the rest now mentioned to be next proceeded upon.

3. The third Original is, He hath by Letters, Messages, Threats, Promises, and divers other ways, to Judges and other Ministers of Justice, Interrupted and Perverted, and at other Times by the means aforesaid, hath endeavoured to Interrput and Pervert the Course of Justice in his Majesty's Courts at Westminster, and other Courts, to the Subversion of the Laws of this Kingdom; whereby sundry of his Majesty's Subjects have been stopped in their just Suits, and deprived of their Lawful Rights, and subjected to his Tyrannical Will, to their utter Ruine and Destruction.

The Third and Fifth Additionals follow.

3. That the said Arch-Bishop, to advance the Canons of the Church and Power Ecclesiastical above the Law of the Land, and to Pervert and hinder the Course of Justice, hath at divers Times within the said Time, by his Letters and other undue Means and Solicitations used to Judges, opposed and [...] the granting of his Majesty's Writs of Prohibition, where the same ought to have been Granted for Stay of Proceedings in the Ecclesiastical Court, whereby Justice hath been delayed and hindered, and the Judges diverted from doing their Duties.

5. That the said Arch-Bishop about Eight Years last past, being then also a Privy-Counsellor to his Majesty, for the End and Purpose aforesaid, caused Sir John Corbet of Stoak in the County of Salop Baronet, then a Justice of Peace of the said County, to be Committed to the Prison of the Fleet, where he continued Prisoner for the space of half a Year or more; for no other Cause but for calling for the Petition of Right, and causing it to be Read at the Sessions of the Peace for that County, upon a just and necessary Occasion. And during the Time of his said Imprisonment, the said Arch-Bishop, without any Colour of Right, by a Writing under the Seal of his Arch-Bishoprick, granted away Parcel of the Glebe-Land of the Church of Adderly in the said County, whereof the said Sir Jo. Corbet was then Patron, unto Robert Viscount Kilmurry, without the consent of the said Sir John, or the then Incumbent of the said Church; which said Viscount Kilmurry, Built a Chappel upon the said Parcel of Glebe-Land, to the great prejudice of the said Sir John Corbet, which hath caused great Suits and [...], Rushw. Dissentions between them. And whereas [Page] the said Sir John Corbet had a Judgment against Sir James Stonehouse, Knight, in an Action of Waste in his Majesty's Court of Common Pleas at Westminster, which was afterward affirmed in a Writ of Error in the King's Bench, and Execution thereupon Awarded; yet the said Sir John, by means of the said Arch-Bishop, could not have the Effect thereof, but was committed to Prison by the said Arch-Bishop and others at the Council Table; until he had submitted himself unto the Order of the said Table, whereby he lost the benefit of the said Judgment and Execution.

The Third Day of my Hearing.

In the Interim, between the 13th and this 16th of March, upon Saturday, Mar. 16. 1643. some strict Charge to look to the Tower, my Solicitor was not suffer'd to come in to me. Whereupon, so soon as I was setled at the Bar, before the Evidence began to be open'd, I spake to the Lords as follows.

My Lords; I stand not here to complain of any thing, or any Man; but only am inforced to acquaint your Lordships with my sad Condition. Your Lordships have appointed my Secretary to be my Solicitor, and given him leave to assist me in the turning of my Papers, and to warn in such Witnesses, and to fetch me the Copies of such Records, as I shall have occasion to use. And I humbly desire your Lordships to consider, that my self being Imprisoned, and so utterly disinabled to do these things my self; it will be absolutely impossible for me to make any Defence, if my Solicitor be denyed to come to me, as now he is. Here the Relation is imperfect. It seems he mov'd, that his Solicitor might come to him, and in the mean time the Hearing put off. This was granted, and the Hearing adjourned till Munday following; and I humbly thanked their Lordships W. S. A. C. for it.

CAP. XXV. The Fourth Day of my Hearing.

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THE fourth Day of my Hearing was Munday, March 18. and Die Quarto. was only my Answer to the third Day's Charge, and the only time in which I was not put to answer the same Day. The first Charge of this Day was about St. Pauls. And first out of my I. Diary; (where I confess it one of my Projects to repair that Ancient Fabrick:) And three strict Orders of the Lords of the Council for the demolishing of the Houses Built about that Church. One was Novemb. 21. 1634. The demolishing of the Houses commanded by this before Jan. 6. for one, and for the rest by Midsummer. Another was Mar. 26. 1631. a Committee appointed with Power to compound with the Tenants, and with Order to pull down, if they would not Compound. The third was Mar. 2. 1631. which gives Power to the Sheriffs to pull down, if Obedience be not yielded.

To this I confess I did, when I came first to be Bishop of London, Project the Repair of that Ancient and famous Cathedral of St. Paul, ready to sink into its own Ruins. And to this I held my self bound in general, as Bishop of the Place; and in particular for the Body of the Church, the Repair of which is by the Local Statutes laid upon the Bishop. And the Bishop was well able to do it, while he enjoyed those Lands which he had, when that Burthen was laid upon him.

But what Sacrilegious Hands despoiled that Bishoprick of them, 'tis to no purpose to tell.

And truly, my Lords, since I am in this present Condition, I humbly and heartily thank God, that St. Pauls comes into my Sufferings; and that God is pleased to think me worthy to suffer either for it, or with it any way: Though I confess I little thought to meet that here, or as a Charge any where else. And so God be pleased (as I hope in Christ he will) to Pardon my other Sins, I hope I shall be able (Humane Frailties always set aside) to give an easie Account for this. But whereas I said, the Repair of St. Pauls was a strange piece of Treason. And they presently Replyed, that they did not Charge the Repair upon me, but the Manner of doing it, by demolishing of Mens Houses. To that I Answered as follows; with this first, that the Work hath cost me above One Thousand and two Hundred Pounds out of my own Purse, besides all my Care and Pains, and now this heavy Charge to boot: No one Man offering to prove, that I have Mis-spent or diverted to other use, any one Penny given to that work; or that I have done any thing about it, without the Knowledge, Approbation and Order of his Majesty, or the Lords of the Council, or both.

To the Particulars then. For the three Orders taken out of the Council-Books, I shall not need to repeat them. But what is the Mystery, that these Orders are reckoned backward, the last first? Is it to aggravate, as if it rose by steps? That cannot well be; because [Page] the first Order is the Sourest, if I conceive it right. Besides, here was real Composition allotted for them, and that by a Committee named by the Lords, not by me. And I think it was very real; for it Cost Eight or Nine Thousand Pounds (as appears upon the Accounts) meerly to take down the Houses (which had no Right to stand there) before we could come at the Church to Repair it.

And if any thing should be amiss in any of these (which is more than I either know or believe;) they were the Council's Orders, not mine. And shall that be urged as Treason against me, which is not Imputed to them so much as a Misdemeanour? Besides, the Lords of the Council are in the ancient Constitution of this Kingdom one Body; and whatsoever the Major Part of them concludes, is reputed the Act of the whole, not any one Man's. And this I must often Inculcate, because I see such Publick Acts like to be heaped upon my Particular.

1. The first Witness about this Business of St. Pauls is Mich. Burton, and 'tis charged that his House was pulled down in King James's time; That he was Promised relief, but had none: That hereupon he got a Reference from his Majesty that now is, and came with it to the Council, and was referred to the Committee. That Sir Hen. Martin told him that the Arch-Bishop was his hinderance. That he resorted to me, and that I bid him go to King James for his Recompence.

To this my Answer was, That this House, which he says was his, was (as is confessed by himself) taken down in King James's Time, when an attempt was made about the Repair of this Cathedral, but nothing done. If he desired satisfaction, he was to seek it of them who took down his House, not of me. If his Majesty that now is gave him a Reference, he was by the Lords of the Council, or by me (if to me it were Referred) to be sent to the Sub-Committee, because Satisfaction for each House was to be Ordered by them. Nor had I any Reason to take it on my Care, which was done so long before. He says, that Sir Henry Martin told him that I hindred him: But that's no Proof, that Sir Hen: Martin told him so: For 'tis but his Report of Sir Henry Martin's Speech: And I hope, Sir Henry neither did, nor would do me such apparent Wrong. He was the third Man to whom I brake my Intentions touching the Repair, and the Difficulties which I foresaw I was to meet with: And he gave me all Encouragement. And it may be, when nothing would satisfie the eager Old Man, I might bid him go to King James for Recompence; but 'tis more than I remember if I did so. And this Man is single, and in his own Case; and where lyes the Treason that is in it? Besides, least Consideration was due to this House: For, not many Years before the Demolishing of it, it was Built at the West End of St. Pauls for a Lottery; (it was said to be the House of one Wheatly;) and after the Lottery ended, finished up into a Dwelling-House, to the great annoyance of that Church: The Bishop, and Dean, and Chapter being asleep while it was done.

2. The next Charge about St. Pauls was Witnessed by Mary Berry, [Page] That her Husband was fain to set up his Trade elsewhere, and that every Man reported, the Bishop was the Cause of it.

Her Husband was forced by this Remove to set up his Trade elsewhere; so she says: And perhaps in a better Place, and with Satisfaction sufficient to make him a better Stock: Where's the Wrong? Beside, she is single, and in her own Cause, and no Proof, but that every Man reported the Bishop was the means to remove him. And it is Observable, that in King James his Time, when the Commission issued out for the demolishing of these very Houses, the Work was highly applauded; and yet no Care taken for Satisfaction of any Private Mans Interest:

That now great Care hath been taken, and great Sums of Money Expended about it, yet I must be a Traytor, and no less for doing it. This makes me think, some Party of Men were heartily angry at the Repair it self; though for very Shame it be turned off upon the demolishing of the Houses.

3. The next that came in, was Tho: Wheeler: He says that his House was pulled down by the Committee, by my Direction, above Eleven Years ago: And that Word was brought him of it.

His House was pulled down; but himself confesses it was by the Committee. It was, he says, above eleven Years ago, and the time limited in that Article is Sixteen. vide. Six Years. He says, that Word was brought him that I was the Cause, or gave the Direction. Word was brought him, but he Names not by whom, nor from whom; so all this Proof is a single Hearsay of he knows not whom: Whereas I had the Broad-Seal of England for all that was done. It was replyed here, That for demolishing of these Houses the King's Commission was no full and legal Warrant; I should have procured Authority from Parliament. I replyed to this Interruption, That Houses more remote from the Church of St. Pauls were pulled down by the King's Commission See this Record twice referred to afterwards. In the latter Place the useful Words of it are recited. So that, perhaps, it will not be necessary to print the whole Patent; but if it be, I have a Copy of it. W. S. A. C. This came not to my Hands. H. W. only in K. Ed. 3. time; and humbly desired a Salvo might be entered for me, till I might bring the † Record; which was granted.

4. The last Instance for this Charge of St. Pauls, was the House of W: Wakern; who Witnessed, that he had a Hundred Pound recompence for his House; but then was after Fined in the High-Commission-Court 100 l. for Prophanation, of which he paid 30 l.

To this I gave this Answer; That his Charge is true; and that after he had received 100 l. Composition, the Cry of the Prophanation brought him into the High-Commission. It was thus: The Skulls of Dead-Men (perhaps better than himself) were tumbled out of their Graves into his Draught, and part of the Foundation of the Church (as appeared in the taking down of his House) was broken, or pared away, to make room for the uncleanness to pass into the Vault: And surely were I to sit again in the High-Commission, I should give my Vote to Censure this Prophanation. But himself confesses, he paid but Thirty Pound of it, which was too little for such an Offence. And besides, my Lords, this was the Act of the High-Commission, and cannot be charged singly upon me.

[Page] And I cannot forbear to add thus much more, That the Bishop, and Dean, and Chapter, whoever they were, did ill to give way to these Buildings, and to increase their Rents by a Sacrilegious Revenue: No Law that I know giving way to Build upon Consecrated Ground, as that Church-Yard is. But howsoever, the present Tenants being not in Dolo, I ever thought fit they should have Recompence for their Estates, and they had it.

The next Charge was about the Shops of the Goldsmiths in Cheapside II. and Lumbard-street. An Order was made at the Council-Table, Novemb. 12. 1634. That within Six Months the Goldsmiths should provide themselves Shops there, and no where else, till all those Shops were furnished: And this under a Penalty, and to give Bond.

These two were the ancient Places for Goldsmiths only, Time out of Mind: And it was thought fit by the Lords, for the Beauty of the Place, and the Honour of the City, to have these Places furnished as they were wont, and not to have other Trades mixed among them. Beside, it concerned all Mens Safety: For if any Plate were stoln, the enquiry after it might be made with more ease and speed: Whereas if the Goldsmiths might dwell here and there, and keep their Shops in every by-place of the City, stoln Plate might easily be made off, and never heard of. But howsoever, if in this Order there were any thing amiss, it was the Order of the Council-Table, not mine: And far enough off from Treason, as I conceive.

1. Upon this Charge there were two Instances. The first is Mr: Bartley; who said, his House was taken from him, by Order to the Lord Mayor, 1637. That my Hand was to the Order; That he was Imprisoned Six Months, and recovered 600. l. Damages of Sir Ed. Bromfield; That after this he was Committed to Flamsted, a Messenger belonging to the High Commission, about Dr. Bastwick's and Mr. Burton's Books; That after this he was sent for to the Council, and there heard my Voice only; That when he desired some help, Sir Tho. Ailsbury's Man told him, he were as good take a Bear by the Tooth: That all this was for his entertaining a Man that came out of Scotland; and lastly, That Dr. Haywood, my Chaplain, had Licensed a Popish Book.

To which I gave this Answer: That if the Lord Mayor put him from his house, by Order from the Lords (being a Stationer among the Goldsmiths) then it was not done by me: And though my Hand were to the Order, yet not mine alone; and I hope my Hand there subscribed no more Treason than other Lords Hands did: And if he did recover 600 l. against Sir Ed. Bromfield, who (I think) was the Lord Mayor spoken of, surely he was a Gainer by the Business. And whereas he says, he was after seized again, and Committed to Flamsted about the Books Named: If he were (as was informed) a great Vender of those, and such like Books, less could not be done to him, than to call him to Answer. He says farther, that he was sent for to the Council-Table, and there he heard my Voice only against him. It may be so, and without all fault of mine: For that heavy Office was usually put upon me and the Lord Keeper, to deliver the Sense of the Board to such as [Page] were called thither, and Examined there: And by this Means, if any sour or displeasing Sentence passed (how just soever, it mattered not) it was taken as our own, and the Envy of it fell on us. And that this was so, many Lords here present know well. He adds what Sir Thomas Ailsbury's Man said, when he would have Petitioned again: But since Mr. Bartley is single here, and in his own Cause, why doth he rest upon a Hearsay of Sir Thomas Ailsbury's Man? Why was not this Man Examined to make out the Proof? And if this Man did so far abuse me, as to speak such Words of me, shall I be Abused first, and then have that Abuse made a Charge? That he was troubled thus for a Scotchman's coming to him, is nothing so, nor is any Proof offered: Though then the Troubles were begun in Scotland; and therefore if this had any relation to that Business, I pleaded again the Act of Oblivion. For that of Dr. Haywood, I shall give my Answer in a more proper Place; for 'tis objected again.

2. The second Instance was in Mr Manning's Case. He speaks also of the Order of the Council, Novemb. 12. 1634. That the Goldsmiths in their Book make an Order upon it, June 15. 1635. That they which obey not, should be suspended, (I think 'tis meant from use of their Trade;) That when some intreated them to Obedience, I should say, This Board is not so Weak, but that it can Command; or to that effect.

For the Council's Order, it was theirs, not mine. For the Order which the Company of Goldsmiths made upon it, It was their own Act, I had nothing to do with it. For the Words, If I did speak them (which is more than I remember) he is single that Swears them, and in his own Cause. But, my Lords, I must needs say, whether I spake it then, or not, most true it is, that the Council-Table is very weak indeed, if it cannot Command in things of Decency, and for Safety of the Subject, and where there is no Law to the contrary. And this was then my Answer.

The Third Charge of this Day, was, That I forced Men to III. lend Money to the Church of St: Pauls: And Mrs: Moore was called upon. But this was deserted.

The next Charge was concerning a long and tedious Suit between IV. Rich and Poole, about the Parsonage of North-Cerny in Glocestershire; That Rich was turned out after three Years Possession, by a Reference procured by Poole, to the Lord Keeper Coventry and my self; And that I did in a manner Act the whole Business at the Reference; That Letters were sent from the Council to Sir William Masters, one of the Patrons, to see Poole Instituted, and to Imprison Rich if he refused Obedience: That after, by the Lord Marshal's procurement, there was another Reference obtained to thirteen Lords; who awarded for Rich.

I was never more weary of any Business in my Life, than I was of this Reference: And I was so far from Acting the whole Business, as that I did nothing, but as the Lord Keeper directed; the Cause was so entangled with Quare Impedits, and many other Businesses of Law. Our Judgments upon full Hearing went with Poole, and we certified accordingly: And upon this (it may [Page] be) the Letters mentioned were sent down for Poole. And if the Lord Keeper that now is, then his Majesty's Solicitor, could not, or durst not meddle, but gave back his Fee (as was farther urged) his Lordship is living to tell the Cause himself; for here was none set down, though it were urged, as if he did it because I was a Referree: And in the mean time this is but a bare Report concerning him. If the thirteen Lords, to whom it was after referred, were of another Opinion, that was nothing to us, who without any touch of Corruption, did as our Knowledge and Conscience guided us. And, my Lords, it seems this Title was very doubtful; for after all this, it came into this Parliament, was referred to a Committee, where Mr. Rich was very willing to compound the Business.

And well he might; for I was since certified by a Gentleman, a Lawyer, that understood well, and was at the Hearing of that Cause, that it was one of the foulest Causes on Rich's side, that ever he heard. And out of this I took the Summ of my Answer, which I gave to Mr. Browne, when he Summed up my Charge.

The Witnesses to this Charge were Mr. Rich his Brother, and my good Friend Mr. Talboys. But this latter witnesses nothing but that he heard me say, that Poole's Behaviour was unfit; so there I checked the one Party: And that upon some words given me by Rich, I should say, do you throw dirt in my face? And why might I not ask this Question, if his words deserved it? So upon the Matter, here is Rich single in his Brother's Case; and nothing throughout that looks like Treason.

Here I had a snap given me, that I slighted the Evidence, whereas they (as 'twas said) did not urge these Particulars as Treason, but as things tending to the violation of Law, and should be found to make Treason in the Result.

The Truth is, I did then think within my self, that such Evidence might very well be slighted in an Accusation of Treason.

But I thought better to forbear; and so, in my continued patience, expected the next Charge.

Which was Mr: Foxlie's Imprisonment about Popish Books. That he V. was tender'd the Oath ex Officio; then brought before the Council, and imprisoned again by a Warrant under my Hand and others; and my Hand first to the Warrant; his Wife not suffer'd to come to him, till he was sick; that the chief Cause of all this was the Impropriations, because he desired to Name the Men for the Feoffment.

My Lords, This Man confesses, he was called in question about Popish-Books; but expressing no more, I cannot tell what to make of it; nor can I tell how to Accuse him of Popish Books.

For I cannot tell which is least, his Understanding of them, or his Love to them.

And for tendring him the Oath ex Officio, that was the usual proceeding in that Court. When he was brought before the Lords of the Council, he says the Warrant for his Imprisonment was under my Hand and others. This was according to course: So the Commitment of him was by the Lords, not by me. But my Hand was first; so was it in all things else, to which I was to set it. And the restraint of his Wife from coming to him, was by the same Order of the Lords: And upon her Petition, when her Husband was sick, both of them confess she had admittance. But whereas he says, The chief Cause of [Page] his Commitment was the Feoffment, he is much mistaken: Himself says before it was about Popish Books. This I am sure of, the Feoffment was not so much as mentioned against him: Though he freely confesses, that he got twelve Men to undertake that Feoffment, which was a great deal more power than he could take to himself by Law. And his Wife speaks not one word to the Cause of his Imprisonment. So he is single, and in his own Cause; and no Treason, unless it be against Mr. Foxlye.

The next Charge of this day, was Mr: Vassall's Imprisonment: VI. And to save Repetition, I shall weave all the circumstances of Aggravation and my Answer together.

First, he is single in all, both Substance and Circumstance. Secondly, he says that he conceives I was the cause of his Imprisonment. But his Conceit is no proof. He says again, that I said at the Council-Table (whither he was called,) Why sit we here, if we be not able to Judge? It may be, my Lords, I said so; I remember not now; but if I did say so, it was of such things only, as were fit and proper for that Honourable Board to judge of. Then he Charged me, that I should there say, That he did eat the Bread out of the King's Childrens Mouths; and that if he were in another Country he would be Hang'd for it.

I doubt this Gentleman has borrowed some of Sir Hen. Vane's Memory: But I remember no such thing.

Yet if I did say it, it was no Treason: For if I did say he might be Hang'd for the like in some other Country; it was because the Laws and Customs of other Countries, and this of ours, differ in many things. So that by this Speech, he was to thank the Law of the Land for his preservation, notwithstanding his opposition against Majesty; which, where the Laws were not so favourable to the Subject, would not be indured.

He says, He was fain to deposite 300 l. into the Hand of Sir Abra. Dawes, and that it was taken out the next day: But he says withal, it was done by a Decree at the Council-Board; and I hope I shall not be held Author of all Decrees which passed there. He says, that I called him Sirrah:

A high Crime, if I did so! High Treason at least!

But sure this Gentleman's Spleen swell'd up Sir into Sirrah:

For that is no Language of mine to meaner Men than Mr. Vassal is. The main of this Charge is Words; and those (if utter'd) hasty, not Treasonable: And as M. Lepidus spake in the Case of C. Lutorius Priscus, Tacit. L. 3. Annal. Vana à scelestis, dicta à maleficiis differunt; vain things differ from wicked, and words from malicious deeds; and let any Man else be sifted as I have been for all the time I have been a Bishop, which is now upon the point of Twenty and three Years, and I doubt not but as high Words as these will be heard fallen from him upon less occasion, and of greater Personages than Mr. Vassal is. Besides, Mr. Vassal, at the end of his Testimony, desired the Lords he might have Reparation; which altogether in Law infirms that which he Testified.

After this followed a Charge about a Grant passed from his Majesty VII. to one Mr. Smith. The difference was between Mrs. Burrill and him. As far as I can recall, it was thus. The King had made a Grant to Mr. Burrill, in his Life time, of a Wharf or something else belonging to the Thames. Mr. Smith conceals this, and gets a Grant from his [Page] Majesty, over the Head of the Widow and her Children. And, as himself confesses, His Majesty being informed that Mrs. Burrill was Sister to the Reverend Prelate Bishop Andrews, being then dead, did. should say, that he would not have granted it to Mr. Smith, had he known so much. This was an Honourable Memory of his faithful Servant, her Worthy Brother. But whatsoever was done in this business, was by Order of the Council-Board, and not by me: As was also the 250 l. which (he says) was paid in to Sir William Beecher, (by way of deposite, as I conceive;) In which if he had any hard Measure, the Law was open for his Right. And in the whole business he is single, and in his own Cause.

The next Charge was Sir Jo: Corbett's; which because it is expressed VIII. at large in the Article before recited, I shall not here repeat, but apply the Answer to it, which I then gave.

Sir John says, he was sent for about Reading the Petition of Right, at a Sessions in the Country; and that the Earl of Bridgwater should say, he was disaffected to the King. This concerns not me in any thing. He says, That for this he was Committed, lay long in the Fleet, and was denied Bail: But he says it was denyed by the whole Board.

So by his own Confession, this was the Act of the Council, not mine. And this Answer I gave to Mr. Browne, when he put this part of the Charge into his Summ.

In his Cause with Sir John Stonehouse about a Waste, I cannot recal the Particulars: But what-ever was done therein, himself confesses was by Order at the Council-Table, and His Majesty present, April 18. 1638.

For the Ile built by the Lord Viscount Kilmurrye; the Grant which I made was no more, than is ordinary in all such Cases: And 'tis expressed in the Body of the Grant, Quantum in nobis est, & de Jure possumus; so there is nothing at all done to the prejudice of Sir John's Inheritance: For if we cannot Grant it by Law, then the Grant is voided by its own words. And that the Grant was such, and no other, I shew'd the Deeds ready Attested out of the Office. Besides, had I wronged him, there was an ordinary Remedy open, by Appeal to the Delegates. And this was well known to him; for he did so Appeal from a like Grant against him, by the now Lord Bishop of Duresme, then of Lichfield, and Sir John's Diocesan. And whereas 'tis alledged, That I made this Grant without the consent of him the Patron, or the then Incumbent; Sir John acknowledges, like a Gentleman, that I sent unto him for his consent, if it might have been had. And this I foresaw also, that if I had denyed the Lord Viscount that which was not unusual; then the Complaint would have fallen more heavy on the other side, that I made Persons of Quality in a manner Recusants, by denying them that conveniency which was in my power to grant. So I must be faulty, whatever I do.

Then the business of the Tythes of London was raised up in Judgment IX. against me. And it was Read out of my Diary, that I projected to give the Ministers assistance therein.

I had been much to blame, having been Bishop of London, should I have had other thoughts. For their Case is very hard; all their Offerings being shrunk a way into nothing, but a poor Easter-Book. The [Page] Ministers of London had often petitioned about some Relief long before my time: And I did then, and do still think it most just, they should have it.

For they are now under the Taskmakers of AEgypt; the [...]. 5. 7. Tale of Brick must be made, they must Preach twice a Sunday, get Straw where they can.

And yet I never thought of any thing contrary to Law, had all been done which I desired. For that was no more, than that the Citizens would voluntarily yield to some reasonable addition, where Right and Need appeared: And this, I am sure, nor did nor could cross with the Act of Parliament concerning the Tythes of London. And Mr. Moss, who is their only Witness in this particular, says no more against me, but that I pressed this business much, and often: Which is most true I did, and held it my Duty so to do; but still in the way before mentioned.

After this came the great Charge (as it was accounted) concerning X. the Censure of Mr: Pryn, and Burton, and Bastwick, in the Star-Chamber, and their Banishment (as 'tis called) upon it. The Witnesses produced in some Circumstances of that Cause, were Mr: Cockshott, Tho: Edwards, William Wickens, Mr: Burton, Mrs: Bastwicke, and Mr: Pryn himself. The Censure is known, and urged to be against Law: But so far as any Particular is put upon me, my Answer is present to it.

1. And first for Mr: Cockshott, he says, Mr. Attorney Bancks sent him (being then his Servant) to give me an Account of that Business: Hence 'tis inferred, That I took care of it. This might have had some shew of Proof, if I had sent to Mr. Attorney to give me an account of it. But there's no word of any such Proof. And yet, considering what relation their Cause had to the Church, if I had sent and desired some Account of the Proceedings; I humbly conceive (my Place in the Church considered) it could have been no great Crime.

2. Then were Read certain Warrants: One Febr. 1. 1632. for Commitment; another of Febr. 2. 1636. to bar access to them. These were Acts of the Lords sitting in Star-Chamber, not mine. Then was Read a third Order after Sentence given, of May 13. 1634. for the seizing of his Books. But this, as the former, was an Act of the Court; not mine: And 'tis expressed in the Order (as the Charge it self lays it down) for the disposal of the Books according to Law. Then the Warrant of their Commitment to the Islands, Aug. 27. 1637. This Commitment was no Device of mine; nor did I ever hear of it, till it was spoken by others in the Star-Chamber: Nor do any one of these Warrants prove any thing, that can be call'd my Act: And I humbly conceive, that I ought not by Law, nor can by Usage of Parliamentary-Proceedings, be charged single for those things which were done in Publick Courts. The last Order was, November 12. 1637. about the Aldermen of Coventry, and the Quo Warranto resolved upon against the Charter of that City, only for supposed Favours shew'd to Mr. Pryn in his passage that way. First, 'tis confessed in the Charge, that this was an Act of the Lords. Secondly, that it was made at a full Board. Thirdly, 'tis not urged that any one Man disliked it. Fourthly, the Complaint which caused it, was, that both Aldermen and their Wives, and other Citizens, [Page] were not content to shew Mr. Pryn kindness; but they both did, and spake that which was disgraceful to the Star-Chamber-Sentence. But howsoever, there is no Particular in that Order, that is, or can be Charged upon me.

3. This for the Warrants. The next Witness concerning this Charge was Tho. Edwards. He says, That three Hampers of Mr. Pryn's Books were taken out of his House (whither it seems, they were conveyed for Safety,) and no Warrant shewed to take them. The weaker Man he, to let his Friends Books go so. But this Witness hath not one Word of me.

4. The next Witness, was William Wickens; he says, he knew of no Warrant neither; but that License was given by the Sheriffs about Six Years since. Here's never a Word concerning me; nor am I to Answer for the Sheriffs Act. And whereas it is an Aggravation in the Charge, That all Mr. Pryn's Books were sold: Tho. Edwards says there were but Three Hampers of them; and this Witness says he bought them for Two and Thirty Pounds: And these neither by Number nor Price, could be half of Mr. Pryn's Books, if I have heard Truth of his Library.

5. After this Man's Testimony comes Mr. Pryn himself in his own Cause. He made a long relation of the Business, and full of Bitterness against me. This I doubt not was purposely done, to represent me as Odious as he could, to the Lords and the Hearers. But I shall assume nothing to my self, that was done by Order of the Court of Star-Chamber: Whatsoever was done there by Common Consent, was their Act, not mine; and if any Treason be in it, they are as guilty as I; for Treason admits no Accessories. Nor will I meddle with the Language: God forgive him that, and what ever else he hath done against me: Only I shall answer to all such particulars of his, as seem to touch upon my self.

(1) First then he says, he brought a Prohibition, An. 1629. and that was the Ground of my Hatred against him. For Prohibitions, I shall Answer when they are Charged: But as I remember not this, so I bare him no Hatred; and bearing him none, it could not be for that Cause: Nor doth he so much as offer to prove it was.

(2) Next he says, I gave Direction to Mr. Attorney Noy, and that Dr. Heylin drew some Informations for him. Dr. Heylin was well acquainted with Mr. Attorney; but how long, or upon what grounds I know not: Nor did I give Mr. Attorney any direction. What Dr. Heylin did, if he did any thing, is nothing to me, unless I set him on; which is not Proved, nor Sworn.

(3) He farther says, That Mr. Attorney read his Book twice over, and said that he found nothing amiss in it. I know not what Mr. Attorney said to him; nor what he may say of Mr. Attorney, now he is dead: This I am sure of, and 'tis well known to some of your Lordships, he said far otherwise in open Court.

(4) He says, That his Book was Licensed to the Press, and after that seized, and that the Messenger told him it was done by me. This was done by Warrant of the High Commission, not by me: Nor doth he offer any Proof against me, but that the Messenger told him so; which is a bare Hearsay, and no Proof.

[Page] (5) Then he says, That there was another Order given about his Business, and that I did it. But he brings no Proof for this, but that Mr. Ingram, the then Keeper of the Fleet, told him so. But this is as bare a Hearsay as the former, and Mr. Ingram not produced to make out the Proof.

(6) Then he says, He writ me a Letter, and that I sent it to Mr. Attorney, to have him yet farther proceeded against. 'Tis true, my Lords, he did Write unto me; but whether it were a Letter, or a Libel, I leave other Men to Judge. This Letter I did send to Mr. Attorney; but only to let him see how I was used, not to have any farther proceeding against him. But Mr. Attorny was so moved at the sight of it, that when he saw me next, he told me he would call him Ore tenus for it. Therefore it seems, somewhat was very much amiss in it, call the Writing what you will.

(7) He says, Mr. Attorney thought he had not kept the Letter; but he was deceived, for he had it. But how was Mr. Attorney deceived? I'le tell your Lordships what himself told me. When Mr. Attorney saw that I would not agree to any farther Prosecution, he sent for Mr. Pryn, shewed him the Letter, and thought after he had Read it to give him some good Counsel, to desist from that Libelling Humour of his. But Mr. Pryn, after he had got the Letter into his Hands, went to the Window, as if he meant to read it, and while Mr. Attorney was otherwise busied, he tare it into small Pieces, and threw it out at the Window, and then said unto him, This shall never rise in Judgment against me. Now he confesses he hath the Letter still, and that Mr. Attorney was deceived: Belike he tare some other Paper for it, and put the Letter in his Pocket.

But that you may see the Honesty of this Man, and what Conscience he makes of that which he speaks upon his Oath; Here he says he had the Letter still, and that Mr. Attorney was deceived: And yet after this, when he sets out his Breviate of my Life; he confesses, W. Pryn's Breviate of the Arch-Bishop's Life. p. 19. in an unsavoury Marginal Note, That he Tare it, Mr. Attorney having need of such a Paper. And for this Breviate of his, if God lend me Life and Strength to end this first, I shall discover to the World the Base and Malicious Slanders with which it is fraught.

(8) He went on, and said, There was an Order made against him when Term was done, so that he could have no Remedy. This is directly against the Court and their Order, not against me.

(9) Then he cites out of the Epistle before my Speech in the Star-Chamber, Paulò post medium. that I Censured him for having his Hand in the Pamphlets of those times, and yet was doubtful of it. The Words are; For I doubt his Pen is in all the Pamphlets. But first, 'tis acknowledged I gave no Vote at all in his Censure: And if I did not Judicially Censure him, then sure I was not doubtful, and yet Censured. Secondly, he was Censured upon his own Pamphlet: And his Hand was certainly in his own, what doubt soever I might make of it's being in theirs. And Thirdly, if the Words be extended to their Pamphlets also, that's nothing to prove I doubted of the Justness of the Sentence. For the Words are not, I doubt his Pen is in all those Pamphlets of Mr. Burton, and Dr. Bastwick; but in all the Pamphlets, whether their [Page] Libels, or any others; so I might be doubtful of the one, and yet certain enough of the other.

(10) And whereas he adds, That he was joyntly Charged with Dr. Bastwick and Mr. Burton, yet could not be suffered to speak together for a joynt Answer; and that his Cross Bill was refused. All this was done by the Court of Star-Chamber; not by me. And your Lordships know well the Lord Keeper managed the Affairs of that Court, not I.

(11) Then he says, That at last, Mr. Holt came to him, but was threatned that very Afternoon for it. But he doth not tell your Lordships by whom; and for my part more than civil giving him the time of the Day, I never spake with him in all my Life.

(12) He tells your Lordships next, how he passed through Coventry, (to which I have spoken already) and how through Chester, and how some Chester men were used concerning him, and his entertainment. But, my Lords, whatsoever was done in this, was by the High-Commission at York; and if any thing be therein amiss, they must answer that did it.

(13) Lastly, he spake of sending Sir William Balfore to me, and some other like Particulars. Of all which there is no Proof, but a bare Relation, what Mr. Hungerford, Mr. Ingram and Sir William Balfore said; which is all Hearsay, and makes no Evidence, unless they were present to Witness what is said.

And here give me leave to observe, that Mr. Pryn hath in this Charge woven together all that he cou'd say concerning both Causes, for which he was Censured: For in the third Particular he speaks of his Book, for which he was first Censured; and in the Ninth and Tenth of his Cross-Bill, and the like, which were in his second Cause.

6. The sixth Witness was Mr. Burton, a Party too. For that which he said agreeable to Mr. Pryn, it received the same Answer. And he added nothing new, but that his Wife was kept from him by Warrant from the Lords: And if it was by the Lords Order, then was it not by me. And when it was replyed, that till he was Sentenced to Garnsey, his Wife had access to him: Mr. Burton answered, Yea; but, my Lords, she was not suffered to be with me at Nights. At which the Lords fell a Laughing, and there ended his Charge.

7. The last Witness was Mrs. Bastwick: And she also said nothing different from Mr. Pryn; but that she was kept from her Husband, and that she Petitioned the Lords about it: But of me in particular, not one Word.

And though Mr. Brown, in his last Reply upon me, said, The Time of these Mens Censure was the noted Time of the Oppression of the Subjects Liberty; yet I shall crave leave to say of these Men, as S. Augustin once said of two great Donatists in his time, who (it seems) had received some Sentence, and afterwards a return, not altogether unlike these Men: (They were Felicianus and Pretextatus;) of those thus S. Augustin, If these Men were Si [...] erant, quare [...] damnati [...] si scelerati, quare sic [...]? Aug. Epist. 172. Innocent, why were they so Condemned? And if they were Guilty, why were they with such Honour returned, and received? This applies it self. And here I am willing to put the Reader in Mind too, that Mr. Brown drawing up an exact Summ of my Charge, and pressing it hard against me, to my Remembrance (and I think my Notes could [Page] not have slipped it) passed by this Charge concerning Mr. Pryn; and I cannot but think, he had some Reason for it.

This tedious Charge being over, the World ran round, and XI. I was brought back again to another Charge about demolishing the Houses at St: Pauls; and here three Witnesses more came against me.

1. The first was Mr. Bently. He said, there were above Sixty Houses pulled down. I Answered, I know not the number; but if there were so many, the Recompence given was sufficient for more. He said farther, That there was Twenty Yards between the Church and some of the Houses. There were very few, if any such (let him look to his Oath;) but then some were close upon the Wall of the Church. And suppose all had been Twenty Yards distant; that was not room enough to bring in, and Lodge Materials for the Repair, and to turn the Carriages. And here again I made mention of my Salvo, before desired, for the Record of Ed. 3. touching the like Buildings, and their Demolition.

2. The second Witness was Mr. Goare. For the Sixty Houses as was before testified; I gave the same Answer; as also, that the Act of the Council-Table cannot be said to be my Act. For St. Gregory's Church, they were not left without a Place for Divine Service, (as he would fain have it thought:) For they were assigned to a part of Christ-Church, till another Church might be built for them. And for the pulling down of St. Gregory's, 'tis well known to divers of that Parish, that I was not so much as one of the Referees, to whose view and consideration it was referred. But the Truth is, this Man Rented the Parsonage-House, and had a good Penniworth of it to gain by his Under-Tenant. The going down of that House troubles him, and not the Church.

3. The Third Witness, Walter Biggs, says nothing different from the two former; but that I said I was opposed for the pulling down of the Houses. Whence it was inferred, that it was my Act; because I was opposed. But, my Lords, I hope I might say [I was Opposed] without any Offence, or without taking the Order of the Council-Table to my self: For 'tis well known, the Work of that Repair, under God, was mine; and I took no indirect, no oppressing Way to it; nor can I now be ashamed of that, which in future times, in despight of the present Malice, will be my Honour. So that the Care of the Work lying upon me, I might well say I was opposed, though the Opposition went higher, against the Orders of the Lords.

The last Charge of this Day, was about the putting down of two XII. Brewers in Westminster, because the Excessive and Noysom Smoak from thence much annoyed the King's House, Gardens and Park at St. James. These two were Mr: Bond, and Mr: Arnold.

1. For Mr. Bond, he begins with somewhat that I should say at the Council-Table: As Namely, that he must Seal a Bond of two Thousand Pounds, to Brew no more with Sea-Coal. Now this argues, if I did so speak, that it was in delivering to him the Sense of the Board; which Office (as I have before expressed, and is well known) was usually put upon me, if I were present. And your Lordships may here again see, what Envy hath followed me upon that, which I could not decline. He says farther, that upon this Mr. Attorney Banks proceeded against him in [Page] the Exchequer; That there, upon some occasion, the Lord Chief Baron should say, ye are wise Witnesses for the King; That his Councel were forbid to Plead; and so a Verdict passed for the King. All this is nothing to me; I was neither Chief Baron nor Witness, nor one of the Jury that gave the Verdict. He says, he was informed, that there was an Order of Council made, that no Man should put up a Petition for him. But himself doth not so much as mention, that this Order was procured by me: And it is but a Report that no Petition might be delivered for him; and none of them that told him so, produced for proof: So he scandalizes the Lords by Hearsay.

Next he says, that the King graciously sent him with a Reference to the Council for satisfaction. First, I must believe, if he were so sent, the Wrong being only the Kings, and he willing he should have satisfaction however for his Loss;

that the Lords would never refuse in such a Case, whatsoever is here said to the contrary. Secondly, it may be observed, how Gracious the King was to the Subject; that though the Annoyance was great to that House of his Recreation and retiring near the City; yet he would not have Mr. Bond suffer without satisfaction: Notwithstanding which Goodness of the King, he comes into this great Court; and so he may have a Blow at me, blasts (as much in him lies) all the King's Proceedings, under the Name of Oppression, and that in a high degree.

He says also, That a Friend of his perswaded him to come to me, and offer me somewhat to St. Pauls; and that he did come to me accordingly, and that I said I must have of him a Thousand Pounds to St. Pauls; That he was not unwilling to give it, because his Brewing was worth twice as much to him. My Lords, I humbly desire your Lordships to consider this part of the Charge well. First, what Friend of his this was, that came so to him, he says not, nor do I know, and so have no possibility to Examine. Secondly, he says, not that I sent this Friend of his to him, thus to advise him; and then his coming no way concerns me. Thirdly, when he was come upon this Friend's perswasion, if he were willing to give a Thousand Pounds to St. Pauls, in regard of his double gain from his Brew-House, as himself confesses; I do not see (under Favour) what Crime or Oppression is in it. Lastly, I remember none of this, and let him well weigh his Oath with himself: For I cannot call to mind one Penny that he gave to St. Pauls: Nor yet shall I ever think it a Sin, to take a Thousand Pounds to such a work, from any Rich and Able Man that shall voluntarily offer it; especially upon hope of gaining twice as much.

To make this Charge the heavier, He says, I sent him to the Queen-Mother, who lay then at St. James's; and that there he was laboured by some about her to change his Religion, and then he should have all Favour. This is a bold Oath; let him look to it, for I sent him not. It may be I might tell him, that if the Queen Mother were offended with the Annoyance from his House, it would not be in my power to help him; which was true. And that about his Religion, was added, to make your Lordships think, that I sent him thither for that purpose: But God be thanked, this Witness says not any one word tending that way. And for the Queen Mother, since she is thus mentioned, I shall [Page] crave leave to say two things: The one, that I did both in open Council, and privately, oppose her coming into England, with all the strength I had; though little to my own ease, as I after found: The other, that after she was come, the Lords of the Council went in a Body to do their Duty to her: That time I could not but go; but never either before or after was I with her.

Then he concludes, that there was a Capias out for him, and that he was fain to make an Escape by Night, which he did to Alderman Pennington, who very Nobly Succoured him privately in his House. All which concerns me nothing.

2. The other Witness is Mr. Arnold; who told as long a Tale as this, to as little purpose. He speaks of three Brew-Houses in Westminster, all to be put down, or not brew with Sea-Coal; That Secretary Windebanck gave the Order. Thus far it concerns not me. He added, that I told him they burnt Sea-Coal: I said indeed, I was informed they did; and that I hope was no Offence. He says, that upon Sir John Banks his new Information, four Lords were appointed to view the Brew-Houses, and what they burnt. But I was none of the four, nor did I make any Report, for or against. He says, Mr. Attorney Banks came one day over to him, and told him that his House annoyed Lambeth, and that I sent him over. The Truth is this; Mr. Attorney came one-day over to Dine with me at Lambeth, and walking in the Garden before Dinner, we were very sufficiently annoyed from a Brew-House; the Wind bringing over so much Smoak, as made us leave the place. Upon this Mr. Attorney asked me, why I would not shew my self more against those Brew-Houses, being more annoyed by them than any other? I replyed, I would never be a means to undo any Man, or put him from his Trade, to free my self from Smoak. And this Witness doth after confess, that I said the same words to himself. Mr. Attorney at our parting said, he would call in at the Brew-House: I left him to do as he pleased, but sent him not: And I humbly desire Mr. Attorney may be Examined of the Truth of this.

He farther says, that he came over to me to Lambeth, and confesses the words before mentioned; and that he offer'd me Ten Pound Yearly to St. Pauls, and that I said he might give Twenty. He says, that I sent him to Mr. Attorney; but withal told him, that if he found not such favour as I wished him, it was a sign he had more powerful Adversaries than my Friendship could take off. In all this I cannot see what Fault I have committed. And I foretold him Truth: For though the Business were after referred to Mr. Attorney and my self, (as himself says;) yet we were not able to end it. Then he says, I would not suffer Sir Edw. Powell, Master of the Requests, to deliver his Petition to the King. But first, this is but Sir Edw. Powell's Report, and so no Proof, unless he were produced to justifie it. Secondly, the World knows I had no power in Sir Edward: He would then willingly have delivered Petition, or any thing else, that he thought might hurt me: And the Cause is known.

Lastly, He says, Mr. Attorney sent out a Capias for him; that the Sheriff came by force to take him, and what hard shift he made to escape: That after upon his Petition, the Lords gave him six Months time to provide himself elsewhere; and that he was fain to give Five-Hundred-Pound-Bond [Page] not to Brew there. To all this I then said, and say still: First, here's no one thing Charged upon me in particular. Secondly, here's not a word of my Advice or Endeavour to set on Mr. Attorney, or to move the Lords to any thing against him. And whereas it hath been urged, that my Power was such, that I sway'd the Lords to go my way: This cannot be said, without laying an Imputation upon the Lords, as if they could so easily be over-wrought by any one Man, and that against Law; which is a most unworthy Aspersion upon Men of Honour. And if all this were true, it is but Treason against a Brew-House. Nor yet may this be called slighting of any Evidence, which is but to Answer home in my own just Defence.

And out of this I gave my Answer to Mr. Brown's summary Charge against me in the House of Commons, for that which concerned these two Brewers.

And here, before I close this day, give me leave, I beseech your Lordships, to observe two things. First, that here have been thirteen Witnesses at least produced in their own Cause. Secondly, that whereas here have been so many things urged this day about the Star-Chamber and the Council-Table; the Act made this Parliament, for the Regulating of the one, and the taking away of the other, takes no notice of any thing past; and yet Acts past (and those Joynt-Acts of the Council, and not mine) are urged as Treasonable, or conducing to Treason, against me. Nay, the Act is so far from looking back, or making such Offences Treason, as that if any offend in future, and that several times, yet the Act makes it but Misdemeanour, and prescribes Punishments accordingly.

CAP. XXVI. The Fifth Day of my Hearing.

[Page]

THE first Charge of this Day was concerning the Indictment I. of Mr: Newcommin, a Minister at Colchester, for refusing to Mar. 22. 1643. Friday. Administer the Sacrament, but at the Rails; and the Prosecution, which followed against Burrowes for this. The two Witnesses of the Die Quinto. Particulars, are Burrowes and Mr. Aske.

1. The Testimony which Burrowes gave, was; That Mr. Newcommin would not Administer the Communion, but at the Rail; That he Indicted him for receiving it there; That the Foreman threw it out, &c. If Mr. Newcommin did this, Complaint might have been made of him; but howsoever here's no one word of any Command from me. And it seems the Factious Malice of Burrowes was seen, that the Foreman at first threw away the Indictment. He says, that upon this he was called into the High Commission; A Warrant from me; His House beset; Stockdall left the Warrant with the Mayor; A Habeas Corpus not obeyed. The Warrant, by which he was detained, was from the High Commission, not from me: And himself says, there were six or seven Hands to the Warrant. But then he says, my Hand alone was to another Warrant; which is impossible, for there must be three Hands at the least, or no Warrant can issue out: And all his Proof of this latter is, that he saw my Hand; which I hope he may do, though other Hands besides mine were to it. For the Habeas Corpus, if the Mayor said (for so Burrowes adds) he would obey my Warrant, rather than the King's Writ, because it came first; he was extreamly ill advised: But if a Mayor of a Town give an undiscreet, or a worse Answer, I hope that shall not be imputed to me. And if there be any thing in this Business, why is not [...] the Messenger produced, that knows those Proceedings? Lastly, he speaks of a Letter sent to Judge Crawlye, and shew'd to Judge Hutton. But first, he says not, that Letter was sent by me, or by my means. Secondly, he names not the Contents of the Letter; without which, no Man can tell, whether it Charge any thing upon me or not. And until the Letter be produced, or sufficiently witnessed, (neither of which is offer'd) 'tis but like a written Hearsay. And I humbly pray you to observe from himself, that the two Reverend Judges looking into the Business, said, it was a meer Cheat for Money, and returned him back to Colchester: Which is a Proof too, that the Habeas Corpus was obeyed; for if he were not brought up before them, how could he be returned by them?

2. Then Mr. Aske, the second Witness, was produced. He said there came Players to Town, and that some, which said they came from me, were taken in a Tavern upon Easter-Eve at unseasonable Hours. I know not of any that were sent from me: But if any were, and kept any disorder in the Town, especially at such a time, Mr. Aske [Page] did very well to question them. He says, that upon the Matter I referred him twice to Sir John Lambe, and that at the second time he found the Plot was to make him an instrument about the Rails, which he absolutely refused. I did refer him (and it may be twice) to Sir John Lambe; but if Sir John spake to him about the Rails, he had no Commission from me so to do.

I understood Mr: Aske too well, to offer to make Frigidius dictum. W: S: [...] C. him an instrument in such a Business. His Zeal would have set the Rails on fire, so soon as ever he had come near them.

Next he says, that Mr. Newcommin was indicted, as is aforesaid, and that Indictment found: That Letters missive were sent for him and his Wife, by Stockdall. If Letters Missive by Stockdall, then they were sent by the High Commission, whose Joynt Act cannot be Charged upon me: And if any thing can be proved, why is not Stockdall produced? He says, that he went into Holland to avoid the Oath Ex Officio. The Oath Ex Officio was then the Common, and for ought I yet know, then the Legal Course of that Court: So I could not help the Tender of that Oath unto them, had they stayed and appeared. But the Truth is, he was too guilty to appear; for his Wife was a Separatist, and himself confesses, that she came not to the Prayers of the Church. And as for him, I ever found him the great maintainer of all wilful opposition against the Church. He farther says, he came to me to Croyden; and that there I told him he might have put the Indictment against Mr. Newcommin in his Pocket. Indeed, my Lords, if I did say so, I think I spake it truly. For if he had born any respect to the Reputation of the Clergy, I think he might have Pocketted it for one Sessions, without any prejudice at all to the Law, or any thing else. God knows, this is often done. And if thereupon I added (as Mr. Aske says I did,) That if he were so strictly set against Church-Men in the Temporal Courts, he must look for as strict Proceedings in the High Commission; I see no great Crime in it: For we are as strictly bound to Prosecute in the one, as he was in the other. And if his Clerk (as he says) was attached, who Read the Indictment; yet it is not said by himself, that he was Attached for reading it.

And if it were so, that some Jurors were Attached, and not Mr. Aske's Clerk only, (as Mr. Browne pressed it in the Summ of his Charge) yet the Answer comes all to one. For no Witness says, these Jurors were called into the High Commission, for being Jurors, or discharging that Legal Duty. And then I hope a Man's being of a Jury shall not excuse him from. for answering any Crime in any Court, that hath Power to call him: Provided he be not called off at the time of his Service, or while he is under the Priviledge of that Court, in which he is a Juror. And according to this I gave Mr. Browne my Answer. And howsoever, the Attachment goes of Course out from the Commission, and not from me.

The second Charge of this Day was about the Censure which fell II. on the Inhabitants of Beckington in Sommersetshire, about their refusing to remove the Communion-Table according to the Order of their Diocesan: About which were produced three Witnesses, to whose Evidence I shall Answer in order.

[Page] 1. The first was William Longe, who says he was Foreman of the Jury, when these Men were Indicted for a Riot; and that as he conceives, the Parson spake with the Judge about it, which caused a sudden Verdict. The Parson of the Place spake with the Judge, and he conceives that produced a sudden Verdict: First, he doth but conceive so, and that can make no Proof. If it did make Proof, 'tis only against the Parson, not against me. And if the Parson speaking of it, did say, (as Mr. Longe affirms he did) That this Riot was like a Waldensian, or Swisserland Commotion; He must answer for his own Distempered Language; me it cannot concern.

2. The second Witness was George Longe. He says, The Bishop of Bath Commanded the Communion-Table to be removed, and set at the upper end of the Chancel; that the Church-Wardens refusing, were Excommunicated: But he says withal, that they Appealed to the Arches, and had remedy. Then he adds farther, that the Bishop proceeded again, but the Church-Wardens would not remove it, saying it was an Innovation, and against Law. But, my Lords, 'tis neither: And therefore these Church-Wardens were in a great Contempt against their Bishop, to the ill Example of all that Country. And that it is no Innovation against Law, appears by the Injunctions of Queen Elizabeth, where it is Commanded Expresly to be set there. The Words are: The Holy Injunct. of Q. Eliz. [...]. Table in every Church (not Cathedrals only) shall be decently made, and set in the place where the Altar stood. Now all Men know, that with us in England the Altar stood North and South, at the upper end of the Chancel: And to set it East, and West, had been cross the place where the Altar stood, and not in it. And this being Law in the beginning of the Reformation, cannot now be an Innovation.

When they came to me again (as they say they did) if I then told them, they deserved to be laid by the Heels for the Contempt of their Bishop; under Favour, my Lords, I spake Truth. And give me leave, I beseech you, to tell you this: It began to be a General Complaint, not of the Bishop of Bath only, but of other Bishops also, that they could do little or no Service in their several Countries, by reason of the Inhibitions which issued out of my Courts to stay their Proceedings. And I wanted no good Friends in Court to tell the King as much, when any thing was complained of. By this I was brought into great straights: Deny Appeals I might not: Frequent granting in my Courts destroyed in a manner the Bishops Jurisdictions. In this difficulty, seeing the wilfulness of these Men, and knowing they had received full benefit by their Appeal once already in the same Case; I did refuse to hear any more of it (unless there were new Matter;) but yet left them free to Appeal to the Delegats.

For Mr. Hughes, the Parson there, if he gave ill Words, or laid violent Hands on any of his Neighbours, it concerns not me: Let him answer for what he hath said, or done. 'Tis farther said, That Mr. Hughes was with me at Windsor, and had Letters from me to the Lord Chief Justice Finch. But this Witness delivers not this upon his own knowledge; I sent no Letter by him, nor did he see me send by any other: So this is meerly a Report, and he doth not so much as tell from whom. Yea, but then he says, that Mr. Morgan (a [Page] Man inward with the Judge) told him, that the Judge told him, that the little Man had put a spoke in their Cart; and thereupon (as he conceives) the Petty-Jury was Changed. Here are, if your Lordships mark them, two great Proofs. The one is the Witnesses Report of Mr. Morgan's Report, that the Judge had said so of me: But why is not Mr. Morgan produced to clear this? The other is not the Knowledge, but the Conceit only of the Witness: He conceives, which I am Confident cannot sway with your Lordships for a Proof.

Besides, were Mr. Morgan never so inward with that Judge, yet it follows not, that he must know all. And if that Judge did mean me (for Name me he did not,) he did me the more wrong. For I never desired any thing of any Judge, him, or other, but what was according to Law. Nay, I so expressed my self, as that, if by mistake or misinformation I had desired any thing which was not according to Law; I humbly desired my Motion might be, as if it had never been made.

3. The third Witness is Mr. Jo. Ash. That which this Gentleman says, is, That Sir John Lambe told, that the Man which came about that Business, could have no Appeal admitted without me; and that if he would be so troublesome, he should be laid by the Heels. I have given your Lordships an Account, why he could not have an Appeal without me: He had had the benefit of an Appeal before in the same Cause. And for this Witness, he delivers no knowledge of his own; but only he says, the Man imployed, related it to him: So 'tis a Relation, no Proof. He says, the Penance was injoyned them in three Churches. And truly, my Lords, their Disobedience to their Bishop was great; but if the Penance injoyned were too heavy, it was the Act of their own Bishop, not mine. Then he says, that the Lord Finch told him, another powerful Hand was upon him, intimating me. First, this is no knowledge of the Witness, but a Speech of the Lord Finch. Secondly, if the Lord Finch did say so, of a powerful Hand, he wronged me much, but himself more, to confess he could be drawn awry in Judgment. Thirdly, this Witness says not that he named me, but that he Intimated me: I pray your Lordships Judgment, what a forward Witness this Man is, that can upon Oath deliver what is Intimated, and of whom.

He says farther, That upon Petition to Sir William Portman, for some Assistance, the Bishop of Bath laid all upon me; and that when himself came to me at the Tower, since my Restraint, I told him the Bishop of Bath did like an Obedient Bishop to his Metropolitan. For this, my Lords, here is no Proof, that the Bishop laid this Business upon me, but Sir William Portman's Report. Sir William is a worthy Gentleman; why is not he produced? Why is not the Bishop, that is said to lay all upon me, brought into the Court, that he may clear himself and me, if he said it not; or that I may make him ashamed, if he said it? For 'tis confessed, that in the first Business, the Church-Wardens had Remedy by their Appeal to me; but that then the Bishop began again, as the former Witness declared: Nor knew I any thing of this Business till the Appeal came. As for my Answer to himself, that, under Favour, is quite mistaken: For I did not say, That in this Particular, but that in his General Proceedings in [Page] his Diocess, the Bishop of Bath carried himself like an Obedient Bishop to his Metropolitan. Nor can my Words be drawn to mean this Particular: For how could I say, that in this Particular he carried himself like an Obedient Bishop to me, when after Remedy given to these Men by their first Appeal into my Court, he began with them again upon the same Cause? Besides, my Lords, this is not the first time Mr. Ash hath mistaken me.

Mr. Browne in summing up this Charge against me, falls twice very heavily upon this Business of Beckington. First, for the point of Religion: And there he Quoted a passage out of my Speech in the Star-Chamber, where I do reserve the indifferency of the standing of the Communion-Table either way; and yet (saith he) they were thus heavily Sentenced for that, which I my self hold indifferent. But first, this Sentence was laid upon them by their own Bishop, not by me. Secondly, the more indifferent the thing was, the greater was their Contumacy to disobey their Ordinary: And had it not been a thing so indifferent, and without danger of advancing Popery, would Queen Elizabeth, who banished Popery out of the Kingdom, have endured it in her own Chappel all her time? Thirdly, the heaviness of the Sentence so much complained of, was but to confess their Contumacy in three Churches of the Diocess, to Example other Men's Obedience. Secondly, for the same Point, as it contained Matter against Law, I answered Mr. Browne, as I had before answered the Lords.

The third Charge was about certain Houses given to S. Edmunds III. Lumbard-street, where old Mr. Pagett is Parson. The Witnesses are Two.

1. The first is Mr. Symms; who says, that after a Verdict, Mr. Pagett the Incumbent, upon a pretenc, that these Tenements were Church-Land, got a Reference to the Lord Bishop of London, then Lord Treasurer, and my self. My Lords, we procured not the Reference: But when it was brought to us under the King's Hand, we could not refuse to sit upon it. Upon full Hearing we were satisfied, that the Cause was not rightly stated, and therefore we referred them to the Law again for another Tryal; and for Costs to the Barons of that Court.

And this was the Answer which I gave to Mr. Browne, when he instanced in this Case.

He says, the Houses were given to Superstitious Vses. But Possessions are not to be carried away for saying so. If Men may get Land from others, by saying it was given to Superstitious Uses, they may get an easie Purchase. And Mr. Symms is here in his own Case: But whether the Houses were given to Superstitious Uses, or not, is the thing to be tryed in Law, and not to be Pleaded to us. He complains, that I would not hear his Petition alone: And surely, my Lords, I had no reason, since it was referred to another with me. And yet I see, though I was not in the Reference alone, nor would hear it alone, yet I must be alone in the Treason. And here I desired that Mr. Pagett, the Incumbent, might be heard.

2. The other Witness, was Mr. Barnard. He says, he was present at the Hearing, and that Mr. Symms said he was undone, if he must go to a new Tryal. But, my Lords, so many Men say, that by their troublesomness in Law-Suits go about to undo others. He [Page] says, that Mr. Pagett named his own Referees. If that be so, 'tis no fault of mine. He says, the Reference was made to us only to Certifie, not to make any Order in it. If this be so, here's no Proof so much as offer'd, that we did not Certifie, as we were required; and then had Power given to order it, which we did. And he confesses the Councel on both sides had full Hearing, before ought was done.

The Fourth Charge of this Day was concerning the Imprisonment IV. of one Grafton, an Upholster in London. The Witnesses Three. Of which,

1. The first is Grafton, in his own Cause; and 'tis much if he cannot tell a plausible Tale for himself. He says first, That twelve Years ago he was Committed, and Fined Fifty Pounds by other Commissioners. By others (my Lords,) therefore not by me: And an Act of the High Commission, by his own Words it appears to be. He says, He was continued in Prison by my procurement, as he verily believes. First, (as he verily believes) is no Proof. And the ground of his Belief is as weak: For he gives no reason of it, but this, That Dr. Ryves, the King's Advocate, spake with the Barons; But he doth not say about what, or from whom. He adds farther, that Mr. Ingram, Keeper of the Fleet, would not give way to his Release, notwithstanding the Barons Orders, till he heard from me. Here's no Man produced, that heard Mr. Ingram say so: Nor is Mr. Ingram himself brought to Testifie. Lastly, he says, that he then made Means in Court, and so repaired to the Barons again; but all in vain: And that Baron Trevor cryed out, O the Bishop! O the Bishop! First, here's a Confession of Means in Court made to the Judges: So belike, they may have Means made to them, so it be not by me. For the Particular, I did humbly desire, the Baron, being then present, might be asked. He was asked; he blushed and fumbled, the Lords laughed, and I could not hear what he said.

2. The second Witness was Mr. Lenthall: But he said nothing, but that there was an Order for Grafton's Liberty; which is not denied.

3. The third was Mr: Rivett. He says, that Mr. Ingram said, that Grafton was a Brownist, and must be brought into the Fleet again, because he did much hurt among the King's Subjects. This is a bare Report of a Speech of Mr. Ingram; it no way concerns me. And a Separatist he is from the Church of England; but whether a Brownist, or no, I cannot tell, there are so many Sects (God help us.) And much harm he hath done among weak People: For most true it is, Cyril Hierosol. Cateche. 15. which S. Cyril observes, [...].

That the Devil prepares these Schismatical Separations, that so much the more easily the Enemy may be received.

As for this Man, he was in his way cunning enough; for under pretence that he suffer'd by me, he got Madam Vantlett, and other of the French, to Negotiate with the Queens Majesty in his behalf. And this I found, that sometimes, when her Majesty knew not of it, they sent to the Barons for Favour for him.

And yet I never heard, that Baron Trevor ever cryed out, O the French! O the French! Nor can I tell what stopped his Mouth in this Cry, and opened it so wide in the other, when we [Page] moved to defend our selves and our Proceedings. Where, I humbly desire, this Passage of the Law may be considered. In the Case of depraving the Common-Prayer Book (so much Scorned and Vilified at this Day) and for not coming to Church. The Words of the Law are; For due Execution hereof, the Queens most Excellent Majesty, the Lords Temporal, and all the Commons in this present Parliament 1 Eliz. c. 2. Assembled, do in God's Name earnestly require, and Charge all the Arch-Bishops, and Bishops, and other Ordinaries, that they shall endeavour to the uttermost of their Knowledge, that the due and true Execution hereof may be had throughout their Diocesses and Charges, as they will answer before God, &c. Now, if I do not this, here's an apparent Breach of the Law: And if I do it against this common and great Depraver of this Book, then the Judge, who by this Law should assist me, Cries, O the Bishop! and this Answer I gave Mr. Browne, when he Summ'd his Charge against me.

The Fifth Charge of this Day, was Mr. John Ward's Case, in a V. Suit about Symony in the High Commission.

He says (for he also is in his own Cause;) That upon a pretence of a Lapse by Symony, I procured a Presentation from the King to the Church of Dinnington. His Majesty trusted me with the Titles, which did accrew to him in that kind; and because Symony had been so rife, Commanded me to be careful I might not betray this Trust; and therefore the Symony being offer'd to be proved, I procured his Majesties Presentation for Tryal of the Title. And this I conceive was no Offence: Though this be that, which he calls, the heaviness of my Hand upon him. He farther says, That I sent to the Bishop of Norwich, to admit the King's Clerk, the Church being void, 7. Junij. 1638. Nor do I yet see, my Lords, what Crime it is in me, trusted especially as before, to send to the Bishop to admit, when the Church is void: Many Lay Patrons do that upon Allegation of Symony, before Proof:

And Mr. Bland, produced as a Witness also, says, that the Lord Goring prevailed with the Lord Bishop of Norwich, not to admit. And I hope, an Arch-Bishop, and trusted therein by his Majesty, may as lawfully write to the Ordinary for Admission of the King's Clerk, as any Lay-Lord may write against it. But Mr. Ward says nothing to this of the Lord Goring;

but adds, That Sir John Rowse prevented this Admission by a Ne admittas, Junij. 12. And that thereupon I said, it was to no purpose for us to sit there, if after a long Tryal, and Judgment given, all might be stopped. If I did say so, I think it is a manifest Truth that I spake: For it were far better not to have Symony tryed at all in Ecclesiastical Courts, than after a long Tryal to have it called off into Westminster-Hall,

to the double Charge and trouble of the Subject. But if the Law will have it otherwise, we cannot help that. Nor is this Expression of mine any Violation of the Law.

Then he says, a Letter was directed from the Court of the High Commission, to the Judges, to revoke the Ne admittas; and that I was forward to have the Letter sent. How forward soever I was, yet it is confessed the Letter was sent by the Court, not by me: And let the Letter be produced, it shall therein appear, that it was not to revoke the Ne Admittas, but to desire the Judges to consider, [Page] whether it were not fit to be revoked, considering the Church was not void till Junij 14. And it hath been usual in that Court, to Write or send some of their Body to the Temporal Judges, where they conceive there hath been a Misinformation, or a mistake in the Cause; the Judges being still free to judge according to Law, both for the one and the other. And here he confesses the Writ of Ne admittas was revoked by three Judges, and therefore I think Legally.

But here he hopes he hath found me in a Contradiction. For when I writ to the Bishop of Norwich, Junij 7. 1638. I there said the Church was void; whereas this Letter to the Judges says, it was not void till Junij 14. But here is no Contradiction at all. For after the Tryal past, and the Symony proved, the Church is void to so much as the Bishop's giving of Institution; and so I writ Junij 7. But till the Sentence was pronounced in open Court, and Read, the Church was not void, as touching those Legalities, which (as I humbly conceive) do not till then take place in Westminster-Hall: And the Reading of the Sentence was not till Junij 14. However, if I were mistaken in my own private Letter to the Bishop; yet that was better thought on, in the Letter from the High Commission to the Judges. He says lastly, That upon a Quare Impedit after taken forth, it was found that the King had no Right. Why, my Lords, if different Courts judge differently of Symony, I hope that shall not be imputed to me. In the Court, where I sate, I judged according to my Conscience, and the Law, and the Proof, as it appeared to me. And for Dr. Ryve's his Letter, which he says was sent to the Cursitor to stop the Ne admittas; Let Dr. Ryves answer it: The Witness himself confesses, that Dr. Ryves says, the Command to the Cursitor, was from the Lord Keeper, not from me.

And here ends the Treason against Mr. Ward; and till now I did not think any could have been committed against a Minister.

Then follow'd the Case of Ferdinando Adams his Excommunication, VI. and the Suits which followed it: As it will appear by. in the Witnesses following, which were four.

1. The first was Mr: Hen. Dade, the Commissary then, before whom the Cause began: And he confesses, He did Excommunicate Adams for not blotting out a Sentence of Scripture, which the said Adams had caused to be written upon the Church-Wall, as in many Churches Sentences of [...] are written. But he tells your Lordships too, that this Sentence was, My House shall be called the House of Prayer; but ye have St: Mat: 21. 13. made it a Den of Thieves. The Commissary's Court was kept (as usually it is) at, or toward the West-end of the Church: And just over the Court Adams had written this Sentence upon the Wall, meerly to put a scorn and a scandal (though I hope an unjust one) upon that Court.

He was commanded to blot it out. He would not, because it was Scripture; as if a Man might not Revile and Slander, nay speak Treason too (if he will be so wicked) and all in Scripture-Phrase: Witness that lewd Speech lately utter'd, To your Tents 1 Reg. 12. 16. O Israel, &c.

Upon this he was Excommunicated, and I cannot but think he well deserved it. For the Suit which followed against Mr. Dade in the Star-Chamber; the Motion, that Mr. Attorney [Page] would leave him to the common Prosecutor, and not follow it in his own Name, himself confesses was made in open Court by Mr. Bierly, and that from me he had no Instructions at all.

2. The second Witness, is Adams in his own Cause. To the place of Scripture I have spoken already. And the next that he says, is, That Sir Nath. Brent, in my Visitation, commanded the setting of the Communion Table at the upper end of the Chancel; That upon his not blotting out the passage of Scripture, he had an Action, and that his Solicitor was Committed by J. Jones, till he relinquished his Suit. In all this, there is not one word of any thing that I did. And for that which Sir Nath. Brent did about placing the Communion Table, 'tis In the second [...] of this [...]. answered before. He says also, that when he saw that he must Prosecute his Suit against Commissary Dade in his own Name, he left the Kingdom. And surely, my Lords, if he would leave the Kingdom rather than Prosecute his Cause in his own Name, 'tis more than a sign, that his Cause was not very good.

3. The third Witness was Mr. Cockshot, one of Mr. Attorney Banks his Servants. He says, that Adams moved him, and he Mr. Attorney, and that thereupon Mr. Attorney gave his Warrant against Dade. By which your Lordships may see, how active Mr. Cockshot was against a Church-Officer, and in so foul a Scandal. He says also, that Mr. Dade came to Mr. Attorney, and told him, that I did not think it fit, a Prosecution in such a Cause should be followed in Mr. Attorney's Name. First, 'tis true, I did not think it fit; nor did Mr. Attorney himself, when upon Mr. Bierlye's Motion he fully understood it. Secondly, the Cause being so scandalous to a Church-Officer, I conceive I might so say to Mr. Dade, or any other, without offence. But then thirdly, here's not one word that I sent Mr. Dade to Mr. Attorney about it: He came and used my Name, so Mr. Cockshot says; but not one word that I sent him. Lastly, he says, That Mr. Attorney told him, that I blamed him for the business, and that thereupon he chid this Witness, and sent him to me, and that I rebuked him for it; but he particularly remembers not what I said. Nor truly, my Lords, do I remember any of this. But if I did blame Mr. Attorney for lending his Name in such a Scandalous Cause as this, I did (as I conceive) what became me: And if he chid his Man, he did what became him: And if I rebuked Mr. Cockshot, when he was sent to me, sure he deserved it; and it seems it was with no great sharpness, that he cannot remember any thing of it.

And so I answer'd Mr. Browne, when he instanced in this.

4. The last Witness was Mr. Pryn; who says, no Appeal was left him. But that, under Favour, cannot be: For if my Courts refused him (which is more than I know,) he might have Appealed to the Delegats. He says, That he advised Adams to an Action of the Case; that he blamed Lechford for deserting the Suit; and that he advised him to go to Mr. Attorney. So here's no assistance wanting to Adams, but the Church-Officer Mr. Dade must have none. Yet I blame not Mr. Pryn, because he says he did it as his Councel. He says farther, That when Adams was put to prefer his Bill in his owne [Page] Name, that then the Excommunication was pleaded in Bar: But he doth not say it was pleaded by me, or my Advice; nor do I hear him say, it was unjustly pleaded. And had not Adams been wilful, he might have taken off the Excommunication, and then proceeded as it had pleased him.

Then the Charge went on against me, about the stop of Mr. Bagshawe VII. the Reader of the Middle-Temple. The Witnesses are two Lawyers, which accompanied Mr. Bagshawe to Lambeth, Mr. White and Mr. Pepys. They say, that Mr. Bagshawe insisted upon these two points: First, that a Parliament might be held without Bishops; and Secondly, that Bishops might not meddle in Civil affairs. My Lords, these things are now setled by an Act of this Parliament; but then they were not. And I conceive, under Favour, that Mr. Bagshawe (the Crasiness of these Times considered) might have bestowed his time better upon some other Argument: And sure, no Man can think that either my self, or any Church-Governour, could approve his Judgment in that Particular. And whereas they say, that the Lord Keeper Finch, and the Lord Privy Seal told them, that I was the Man that complained of it to the King and the Lords. 'Tis most true I did so; and I think I had been much to blame if I had not done it. And if when they came over to Lambeth about it, they heard me tell Mr. Bagshawe (as they also say they did) that he should answer it in the High-Commission Court next Term; I humbly conceive this no great Offence; but out of all Question no Treason, to threaten the High-Commission to a Reader of the Inns of Court.

The last Charge of this Day was concerning the Lord Chief VIII. Justice Richardson, and what he suffered for putting down Wakes and other disorderly Meetings, in Sommersetshire, at the Assises there holden.

The single Witness to this is Edward Richardson, (a Kinsman of the Judges, as I suppose.) He says, That Complaints were made to the Judge of Wakes and Feasts of Dedication; that his Majesty writ Letters about it to Sir Robert Philips, and others: They Certify a Command comes by the Lord Keeper to revoke the Order next Assises. First, 'tis not done. Then by Command from the Lords of the Council, the Judge upon that second Command revokes it; but as 'tis Certified, not fitly. In all this here's not one Word that concerns me. Then he says, That upon this last Certificate, the business was referred to the Lord Marshal and my self, and the Judge put from that Circuit. I cannot now remember, what Report we made: But what e're it was, the Lord Marshal agreed to it as well as I. Then a Letter of mine was produced of Octob. 4. 1633. But the Letter being openly read, nothing was found amiss in it. And, under your Lordships Favour, I am still of Opinion, that there is no Reason the Feasts should be taken away for some Abuses in them; and those such as every Justice of Peace is able by Law to remedy, if he will do his Duty.

Else by this kind of proceeding, we may go back to the old Cure, and Remedy Drunkenness by rooting out all the Vines; the Wine of whose Fruit causes it.

As for the Pretences, which this Witness spake of; they were none of mine, as appears Evidently by the Letter it self.

[Page] As an Appendix to these, was added a Letter of my Secretary Mr. Dell, to Sir John Bridgman, Chief Justice of Chester, in a Cause of one XI. Ed. Morris. It was (as I think it appears) upon an Incroachment made in the Marches Court upon the Church: In which Case I conceive by my Place I may write to any Judge for Information: And there is nothing Peremptory in the Letter. The Words are (If things be rightly suggested.) But howsoever, the Letter is Dell's; and if he have done amiss in it, he is here present to Answer. And it will be a hard business with Men of Honour, if, when any Lord shall Command his Secretary to Write, and give him Directions for the Matter, he shall afterwards be answerable for every slip of his Secretary's Pen; especially in so high a way, as 'tis Charged on me. But the best is, here's nothing amiss, that I know.

CAP. XXVII. The Sixth Day of my Hearing.

THE First Charge of this Day concerned the Censure, Deprivation I. and Imprisonment of Mr: Huntly. The Witnesses produced Thursday, Mar. 28. 1644. are Four.

1. Mr. Merifield comes on first. He says, That himself was Committed Die Sexto. by the Lords of the Council; and that there I said, that he the said Merifield deserved to be laid by the Heels, and to be called into the Star-Chamber. This Man was (as I take it) Mr: Huntly's Attorney; and if I did speak those Words concerning him, surely his Words and Carriage deserved it: Else I am confident the Lords would not have Committed him for a naked, and an orderly following of his Clyent's Cause; especially in the presence of two Judges, Justice Jones, and Justice Crook; who he says himself were present.

And this Answer I gave Mr: Brown; who in the Sum of his Charge against me omitted not this Case of Mr: Merifield, for so was this Attorney's Name.

2. The next Witness is Mr: Huntly himself. He says, That I said unto him, that he being an Ecclesiastical Person, and in an Ecclesiastical Cause, ought not to decline the Church-Censure: Then followed his Imprisonment, and his Action for false Imprisonment, and the rest of his proceedings. In all which the High-Commission proceeded against him, and he proceeded against the High-Commissioners; nothing done by me, or against me, in particular. So nothing of this Charge falls upon me, but the Words; and for them, they are very far from offering to Exclude from the Benefit. Exempt any Clergyman, him or other, from the Temporal Laws, it things cognizable by them. But I humbly conceive, his Oath of Canonical Obedience considered, that he ought not to decline the Ecclesiastical Judicature, in things meerly Ecclesiastical. And if in [Page] this my Judgment I do Err, yet it is Error without Crime: And surely, my Lords, no Treason.

3. The Third Witness is John Dillingham. He says, That Mr: Huntly moved before the Lord Chief Justice Richardson, and that the Judge replyed, By his Faith he durst not do him Justice. To this, my Lords, I answer: Here's never a Word, that he durst not do him Justice for fear of me; that's not said by the Witness, and ought not by Conjectures be inforced against me. But howsoever, if he spake those Words, the more shame for him. He is Dead, and I will not rake into his Grave; but if he so spake, it seems he was none of those Judges, which Jethro advised Moses to make for [...]. [...]. 21. the ease of himself, and the good of the People.

Mr: Brown, in summing up of his Charge, pressed this Speech of the Judge hard upon me; which inforces me to add thus much more, That this [...] lays it hard upon the Judge, not upon me: For no Proof is offered, that I did Solicit him in that Cause: And if he wanted Courage to do Justice, why sat he there?

4. The Fourth Witness was Mr: Pit, a sworn Officer; he says, The Order concerning Mr: Huntly was from the Council, and that there was then a full Board. So this was no single Act of mine. He says farther, That he was not simply Prohibited, but only till he had acquainted the Lord Keeper with it, or those Judges, whose Courts it concerned. And this was so Ordered (as I concelve) to remedy the tedious and troublesome Interpositions of Mr: Huntly. Where it is not unfit for me to inform your Lordships, that this Cause of Mr: Huntly's was in my Predecessor Arch-Bishop Abbot his time; I had nothing to do in it, but as any other ordinary Commissioner then present had.

And here, at the entring upon my Answers this Day, I did in general put the Lords in mind, that nothing of late times was done, either in Star-Chamber, or at Council-Table, which was not done in King James and Queen Elizabeth's Times, before I was born; and that many Parliaments have been since, and no Man accused of Misdemeanour for things done there, much less of Treason: Nor is there any one Witness, that hath charged me, That that which I did, was to overthrow the Laws, or to introduce Arbitrary Government:

That's only the Construction made on't at the Bar; which, as it is without all Proof for any such Intention, so I am confident they shall answer for it at another Bar, and for something else in these Proceedings.

Then followed the Charge about Prohibitions: In which are many II. Particulars, which I shall take in Order, as the several Witnesses Charge them upon me.

1. The First is Mr: Pryn. He says, That An: 4: Caroli he brought a Prohibition, and that thereupon I should say, Doth the King give us Power, and then are we prohibited? Let us go and Complain. First, If this were An: 4: Caroli, it was long before the Article; so that I could neither expect the Charge, nor provide the Answer. Secondly, I humbly conceive, there's no Offence in the Words. For if a Prohibition be unjustly granted upon Misinformation or otherwise; or if we do probably conceive it is ill grounded, I hope 'tis no Sin to complain [Page] of it to the King, the Fountain of Justice in both Courts. Yea; but he says farther, That I said I would lay him by the Heels that 2. brought the next. And this Mr: Burton witnesses with him. First, if I did say so, they were but a few hasty Words: For upon second thoughts it was not done. Next I desire your Lordships to consider what manner of Witness Mr: Burton is; who confesses here before your Lordships, that he brought the next with a purpose to tempt me: You know whose Office that is; and so Mr: Burton hath abundantly shewed himself, and proclaimed his Religion.

3. As for Mr: f. [...]. Comes; he says just the same with Mr: Pryn, and I give the same Answer.

Then about taking down of a Pew in a Church in London, (my Notes are uncertain for the Name) which Pew was set above the Communion Table; That I required to have it pulled down; That they came to me to have an Order for it; and that thereupon I should say, You desire an Order of Court, that you may have it to shew, and get a Prohibition; But I will break the Back of Prohibitions, or they shall break mine. And this is joyntly Witnessed by Mr: Pocock, and 4. Mr: Langham: And this they say was Thirteen or Fourteen Years 5. ago. Excellent Memories, that can punctually swear Words so long after. But, my Lords, I confess to your Lordships, I could never like, that Seats should be set above the Communion Table: If that be any Error in me, be it so. For the Words, I did not speak them of Prohibitions in general, but of such as I did conceive very Illegal; as, for ought I yet know, this must have been.

And this was the Answer wich I gave Mr: Brown, when in Summing up the Charge he instanced in this against me.

To these Rouland Tomson adds new Words; That I wondered who durst grant a Prohibition, 6. the High-Commission Court being above all. But he confesses, he knows not the time when this was spoken. Let him look to his Oath, for I am as Confident, he knows not the thing. And I farther believe, that neither he, nor any the rest of my Accusers think me so Ignorant, as to say, the High-Commission Court was above all.

7. Francis Nicolas says, that about Four Years since he delivered a Prohibition, and was committed for it. To this, Quaterman comes in, and 8. says more than Nicolas himself: For he says, he delivered it in upon a Stick, and was Committed for it. First, if he were Committed, it was not for bringing the Prohibition, but for his unmannerly delivery of it; and to reach it into the Court upon a Stick to call the People to see it, was no Handsom way of Delivery. And one that brought a Prohibition (whether this Man or no, I cannot certainly say) threw it with that violent Scorn into the Court, that it bounded on the Table, and hit me on the Breast, as I sat in Court. Howsoever, his Commitment was the Act of the Court, not mine: And for Quaterman, he is an Exasperated Man against me and that Court; as hath appeared to the World many ways.

9. Mr: Edwards was called up next; and he says, it was a common thing to lay them by the Heels, which brought Prohibitions. And they were commonly brought by bold impudent Men, picked out of purpose to affront the Court. And then if the Court made their [Page] Imprisonment as common as they their Rudeness, where's the Fault? And I pray mark, this is still the Act of the Court, not mine.

10. Mr. Welden says, That there was a Command given to lay hold of a Man, which brought a Prohibition: But more he says not. Nor did he offer to make himself Judge of the Justice of the Court in that behalf. And considering what Affronts have been put upon the Court of High Commission, by the bringers of Prohibitions, I hope it shall not be accounted a Crime to stay him that brings it, till the Prohibition be seen, and considered.

11.

The next Witness is Mr. Ward: And he is an angry Witness, for his Cause before-mentioned about Symony.

That which he says is, That An. 1638, He that brought a Prohibition in a Cause of Mr. Foetroughts, was laid by the Heels: But he himself confesses, the Court then declared, that they were affronted by him: And then he was Punished for that Misdemeanour in his Carriage, not for bringing the Prohibition. He says farther, that I directed some Commissioners to attend the Judges about it, and that the Party had no benefit by his Prohibition. For my directing Attendance upon the Judges, I think I did what well became me: For there came a Rule before the Prohibition, which required the Court so to do;

And Mr. Pryn objected, because this was not done; and now I am Accused, because I gave direction to do it.

And if the Party had no benefit by his Prohibition; it must needs follow, that either the Judges were satisfied by our Information of the Cause; or, if not, that they did Mr. Foetrought the wrong, and not we.

12. The last Witness about Prohibitions, was Mr. Wheeler. He says, that in a Sermon of mine long since, I used these Words: They which grant Prohibitions to the Disturbance of the Churches Right; God will prohibit their entrance into the Kingdom of Heaven: And he says he writ down the Words, that he might remember them. If this Gentleman will tell me, what Text I then Preached on, I will look upon my Sermon (if that with my other Papers be not taken from me;) and shew the place. In the mean time, with that Limitation with which he confesses I spake them, I conceive there is no fault at all in the Words. For it will be found no small fault in Judges to grant Prohibitions to the Disturbance of the Rights of the Church, which no Law of God or Man warrants them to do. So the words I spake, must needs be understood of illegal Prohibitions. For they which are Legal, do only stop the Church from doing wrong, but do no wrong to the Church by disturbing her Rights.

Mr. Browne charged this Sermon Note upon me also, and I gave him this Answer. Nevertheless, I cannot but be sorry to hear it from Mr. Wheeler's own Mouth; that he was so careful to write this Passage, and so ready to come to witness it against me; considering how many Years I have known him, and how freely he hath often come to my Table, and been welcome to me; yet never told me, this Passage in my Sermon troubled him. It seems some Malignity or other laid it up against this wet Day.

Here, having thus answered all Particulars; I humbly craved leave of their Lordships, to inform them some few things concerning Prohibitions. As first, that there was a great Contestation about them, 1. [Page] between my Predecessor, Arch-Bishop Bancroft, and the then Judges, and this before King James and the Lords of the Council; and Mr. Atturney Hobart Pleaded for the Church against them. Sir Henry Martin gave me Copies of all those Papers on both sides. No final End made, that I could ever hear of. This calling them all in Question, was far more than ever was done by me, or in my time; and yet no Accusation at all, much less any of Treason, put up against Arch-Bishop Bancroft for this. Secondly, I have here Papers 2. Attested of all the Prohibitions, which have been admitted in my Courts of Arches, and Audience: And I find, there are as many (if not more) admitted in my Seven Years time, as in any Seven Sir Timothy Baldwin hath these Papers. W. S. A. C. Years of my Predecessor Arch-Bishop Abbot. And these Papers I delivered into the Court. As for the High-Commission, the Records are all taken from us; else I make no doubt, but it would soon appear by them, that as many have been admitted there also. Thirdly, 3. There is a great difference touching Prohibitions, and the sending of them, since the Times of Reformation, and before. For before, the Bishops Courts were kept under a foreign Power, and there were then weighty Reasons for Prohibitions, both in regard of the King's Power, and the Subjects Indempnity. But since the Reformation, all Power Exercised in the Spiritual Courts, is from the King, as well as the Temporal; so that now there neither is, nor can be so much Cause, as formerly was. And yet, all that I did humbly and earnestly desire, was, that some known Bounds might be set to each Court, that the Subject might not, to his great Trouble and Expence, be hurried, as now he was, from one Court to another. And here I desired a Salvo, till I might bring Arch-Bishop Parker's Ma. Parkeri Antiqu. Britan. in vita Joh. Stafford. p. 326, 327. Book, to shew his Judgment in this Point, in the beginning of the Reformation, if it shall be thought needful:

According to whose Judgment (and he proves it at large) there is open Wrong done to the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction by Prohibitions.

The next Charge is about my undue taking of Gifts: A Charge, III. which I confess I did not think to meet here. And I must, and do humbly desire your Lordships to remember, that till this Day I have not been Accused, in the least, for doing any thing Corruptly: And if I would have had any thing to do in the base dirty Business of Bribery, I needed not have been in such Want as now I am. But my Innocency is far more to my Comfort, than any Wealth so gotten could have been. For I cannot forget that of Job, That Fire Job [...]. 34. shall consume the Tabernacles of Bribery.

And in the Roman Story, when P. Rutilius, a Man Summâ Innocentiâ, of greatest Integrity, [...]. Chro. [...] 251. was Accused, Condemned and Banished; 'tis observed by the Story, that he suffered all this, not for Bribery, of which he was not Guilty, but Ob Invidiam, for Envy; against which, when it Rages, no Innocency, no Worth of any Man is able to stand.

1. But to come to the Particulars; the first is the Case of Sir Edward Gresham's Son, unhappily Married against his Father's will; a Suit in the High Commission about it; and that there he had but Fifty Pounds Damages given him. That was no fault of mine; my Vote gave him more, but it was carried against me. The Bond of two Hundred Pounds, which was taken according to [...] 101. Course in the [Page] Court, was demanded of me by Sir Edward, to help himself that way; and 'tis confessed I granted it: But then 'tis Charged, that in my Reference to Sir John Lambe, to deliver him the Bond, I required him to demand one half of the Forfeiture of the Bond, toward the Repair of St. Pauls. 'Tis true, I did so. But First, I desire it may be considered, that it was wholly in my Power, whether I would have delivered him the Bond, or not. Secondly, That upon this gross Abuse, I might have sued the Bond in my own Name, and bestowed the Money upon what Charitable Uses I had thought fit. Thirdly, That I did nothing herein, but what the Letters-Patent for Repair of St. Pauls give me power to do. Fourthly, That this is the third time St. Pauls is urged against me: Which I am not sorry for, because I desire (since 'tis once moved) it may be sifted [...] the uttermost. And whereas, to make all Ecclesiastical Proceedings the more odious, it was urged, that the Rubrick in the Common-Prayer Book mentions no License, but asking of Banes; That Rubrick is to be understood, Can. 62. Ec. [...]. where no License is granted: For else no License at all for Marriage without Banes-asking can be good; which is against the Common, both Law, and Practice of the Kingdom.

2. The second Particular was Charged by one Mr. Stone, of London, who said, he sent into Lambeth two Butts of Sack, in a Cause of some Chester-Men, whom it was then in my Power to relieve, and mitigate their Fine set upon them in the High Commission at York, about Mr. Pryn's Entertainment, as he passed that way: And that this Sack was sent in before my Composition with him, what should be mitigated, and so before my return of the Fine mitigated into the Exchequer. The Business, my Lords, was thus. His Majesty having taken the Repair of the West End of St. Pauls to himself, granted me to that end all the Fines in the High-Commission Court, both here, and at York, and left the Power of Mitigation in me. The Chester-Men, which this Witness speaks of, were deeply Sentenced at York, for some Misdemeanours about Mr. Pryn, then lately Sentenced in the Star-Chamber. One, or more of them were Debtors to this Mr. Stone, to the value of near Three Thousand Pounds (as he said.) These Men, for fear of the Sentence, kept themselves close, and gave Mr. Stone to know, how it was with them; and that if he could not get me to moderate the Fine, they would away, and save themselves; (for they had now heard the Power was in me.) Upon this, Mr. Stone, to save his own Debt of three Thousand Pounds, sends his Son-in-Law, Mr. Wheat, and Dr. Bailie, Men that were bred in the College of S. John, under me, and had ever since good interest in me, to desire my Favour. I at first, thought this a pretence, and was willing to preserve to St. Pauls as much as fairly I might: But at last, upon their earnest pleading, that the Men were not Rich, and that Mr. Stone was like (without any fault of his) to be so much damnified; I mitigated their Fines, which were in all above a Thousand Pounds, to two Hundred. I had great Thanks of all Hands; and was told from the Chester-Men, that they heartily wished I had had the Hearing of their Cause from the beginning. While Mr. Wheat and his Brother Dr. Bailie were Soliciting me for Favour to Mr. Stone, He thinks upon sending Sack into my House, and comes to my Steward [Page] about it. My Steward acquaints me with it. I gave him absolute Command not to receive it, nor any thing from any Man that had Business before me: So he refuses to admit of any. Mr. Stone presses him again, and tells him, he had no Relation to the Chester-Men's Cause; but would give it for the great Favour I had always shew'd to his Son-in-Law: But still I Commanded my Steward to receive none. When Mr: Stone saw he could not fasten it, he watches a time, when my Steward was out of Town, and my self at Court, and brings in his Sack, and tells the Yeoman of my Wine-Cellar, he had leave to lay it in. My Steward comes home; finds the Sack in the Cellar; tells me of it: I Commanded it should be taken out, and carried back. Then Mr. Stone comes; intreats he may not be so Disgraced; protests as before, that he did it meerly for my great Favour to his Son-in-Law; and that he had no Relation to the Chester-Men's Business: And so after he protested to my self, meeting me in a Morning, as I was going over to the Star-Chamber. Yet afterwards this Religious Professour (for so he carries himself) goes Home, and puts the Price of the Sack upon the Chester-Men's Account. Hereupon they complain to the House of Commons, and Stone is their Witness.

This is the truth of this Business, as I shall answer it to God.

And whether this do not look like a thing Plotted by the Faction so much imbittered against me, let understanding Men judge.

Mr. Wheat, his Son-in-Law, was present in Court, and there avowed, that he Transacted the Business with me, and that he went not out of Town, till I had agreed to the Mitigation; that in all that time there was no Tender of Sack, or any thing else unto me; and he, and Dr. Bailie, the only Men with whom I Transacted the whole Business.

And so much could Dr. Bailie also witness, but that (as the Times are) I could not bring him from Oxford.

With Mr. Stone himself, I never treated. For my Steward, he is dead three Years since, who could have been my Witness clean thorough the Business. And when I pressed Mr. Stone at the Bar with the Protestation, which he made to me, that he had no Relation herein to the Chester-Men; he that remembred every Circumstance else, said he remembred not that. Then I offer'd to take my voluntary Oath of the Truth of it; but that was not admitted. Then it was pressed, that this Bribe must needs be before the Agreement, for he says, the Sack was sent in to my House, ......... and the Mitigation of the Fine into the Exchequer not till ...... But that is nothing: For my Agreement was passed, and I medled no more with it. Yea, but he says, that Mr. Holford my Servant had Forty Pound more than I agreed upon, before he would finish their Business. Mr. Holford was the King's Officer for those Returns into the Exchequer: And if, after my Agreement made, he either unduely delaid their Business, or Corruptly took any Money from them, he is living, and must answer for his own Fault: Me it cannot concern, who did not so much as know of it.

Mr. Wheat having thus testified in open Parliament, before the Lords, was within a Day or two called before the Committee; there re-examined in private, and very strictly, touching the time of my [Page] Agreement made; Then (not without some Harshness) Commanded not to depart the Town, till he heard farther from them. This himself afterwards told me. Hereupon I resolved to call him again for farther Evidence, and if I saw cause, to acquaint the Lords with this usage. And I did call upon it divers times after; but one Delay or other was found, and I could never obtain it. And such a kind of calling my Witnesses to a private afterreckning, is that, which was never offer'd any Man in Parliament. And here Mr. Brown, in summing up my Charge, did me a great deal of Right: For neither to the Lords, nor in the House of Commons, did he vouchsafe so much as to name this false, base, and unworthy Charge; of which my greatest Enemies are ready to acquit me.

3. The Third Particular was charged by one Mr. Delbridge; Who says, he was oppressed at the Council-Table by the Lord Keeper Finch: That he was advised by Mr. Watkins, to give my Secretary Mr. Dell Money, to get my Hand to a Petition to the Lord Keeper, who he said would not oppose me: That Dell took of him One Hundred and Fifty Pounds, and procured my Hand to his Petition. I remember nothing of this Business, and it lies wholly upon my Secretary; who being my Sollicitor, is here present in Court, and desires he may answer the Scandal. There's no touch at all upon me, but that (he says) my Secretary got my Hand to his Petition to the Lord Keeper. This Petition of his was either just, or unjust. If just, I committed no Fault in setting my Hand to it: If unjust, he must confess himself a Dishonest Man, to offer to get my Hand, to help to Boulster out his Injustice: And yet if the Injustice of it were Varnished over with fair Pretences, and so kept from my knowledge; the Crime is still his own, and nothing mine, but an Error at most. As for Mr. Watkins, he did me much wrong, if he sent any Man to my House on such an Errand.

Here my Secretary had leave to speak; denied the whole Business; and produced Mr. Hollys, with whom it was said the Hundred and Fifty Pounds before named should be deposited; who (to my remembrance) said, he knew of no such thing.

4. The Fourth Instance was A Bond for the Payment of Money as a Fine: The Bond found in Sir Jo: Lamb's Chamber, with a Note upon the back of it, for One Hundred Pound received, and Sir John by my direction was to call for the rest. And here it was said, that I used the Name of St: Pauls in an illegal way to get Money; which might well have been spared. For (as is aforesaid) I had a Broad Seal, which gave me all Fines in the High Commission Court, to the repairing of the West End of St: Pauls, and with Power to mitigate. And the Fines are the Kings, and he may give them by Law. The Broad Seal is in the Hands of Mr: Holford, who is thereby appointed Receiver of all such Fines: But is upon Record to be seen; and if it be doubted, I humbly desire a Salvo till the Record can be taken out, and shewed. But I presume these Gentlemen have seen it: And Commutations for such Crimes, as Sir James Price's was, are according to Law, and the Ancient Custom and Practice in this Kingdom; especially, where Men of Quality are the Offendors. And [Page] the Power of Commuting is as Legal in that Court, as any other: And if that be doubted, I humbly desire my Councel may Argue it.

5. The Fifth Instance was a Charge concerning a Lease in Lancashire held in three Lives by Sir Ralph Ashton. 'Tis said by his Son Mr. Ashton (the only Witness in the Cause,) That I by Power at Chester, and York, and the High-Commission here, being Landlord in right of my Arch-Bishoprick, did violently wrest this Lease of the Rectory of Whally in Lancashire, out of his Hands against Law, and made him take a Lease for Years, and Pay a great Fine besides, and other Fines besides toward the Repair of St: Pauls, and raised the Rent Sixty Pound. Truly, my Lords, I am not any whit solicitous to answer this Charge. I challenged this Lease as void, and had great Reason so to do, both for the Invalidity of the Lease it self, and the unworthiness of the Tenant, both to me and my See. If in the Preparations for Tryal at Law, the Judge at Chester (altogether unknown to me, and unlaboured by me,) did say (as Mr. Ashton says he did) That for higher Powers above he durst not; he was the more unworthy. And for York, I needed no Power there; for I resolved to have him called into the High-Commission here; which was after done.

This Gentleman his Son came to me about the Lease: I told him plainly, it was void in Law, and that I meant to overthrow it; That if his Father would surrender, I would renew it for Years at a reasonable rate; but if he put me to Expence in Law, I would secure my self, as well as Legally I might. He replyed, That Mr. Solicitor Littleton (for so then he was) said, he durst not be against me. And there was good Reason for it; he was my Councel, and Feed in that Particular. And what a poor Evasion was this? Were there no other Lawyers for him, because Mr. Solicitor was for me? The Truth is, all that ever I did in this Business, was not only with the Knowledge, but by the Advice of my Councel, which were Mr. Solicitor Littleton, and Mr. Herbert.

At last this Gentleman submitted himself and the Cause; and if (as he says) Dr. Eden perswaded him to it, that's nothing to me. As for the Fine, I referred the moderation of it wholly to my Councel. They pitched upon Sixteen Hundred Pounds, and gave such Days of Payment, as that a good part is yet unpaid: And this Summ was little above one Years Rent: For the Parsonage is known to be well worth Thirteen Hundred Pound a Year, if not more. And after the Business was setled, my Lord Wimbleton came to me, and gave me great Thanks for preserving this Gentleman, being (as he said) his Kinsman, whom he confessed it was in my Power to ruin.

For the raising of the Rent Sixty Pounds; it was to add Means to the several Curats to the Chappels of Ease: And I had no Reason to suffer Sir Ralph Ashton to go away with so much Profit, and leave the Curats both upon my Conscience and my Purse. And for his Fine to St: Pauls, I gave him all the Ease I could. But since his Son will force it from me; he was accused of Adultery with divers Women, and confessed all: And whither that Fine went, and by what Authority, I have already shewed. And thus much more, my Lords, at Mr. Bridgman's Intreaty, I turned this Lease into Lives [Page] again without Fine: But since I have this Reward for it, I wish with all my Heart I had not done it. For I am confident in such a Case of Right, your Lordships would have left me to the Law, and more I wou'd not have asked. And I think this (though intreated into it) was my greatest Error in the Business.

6. The last Instance, was about the conversion of some Money to St. Pauls, out of Administrations: By Name, Two Thousand Pounds taken out of Wimark's Estate, and Five Hundred out of Mr. Gray's. First, whatsoever was done in this kind, I have the Broad-Seal to Warrant it. And for Mr. Wimark's Estate, all was done according to Law, and all care taken for his Kindred. And if I had not stired in the Business; Four Men, all Strangers to his Kindred, would have made themselves by a broken Will Executors, and swept all away from the Kindred. Secondly, for Mr. Gray's Estate, after as Odious an expression of it as could be made, and as void of Truth as need to be, the Proceedings were confessed to be Orderly and Legal, and the Charge deserted.

Then there was a fling at Sir Charles Caesar's getting of the Mastership of the Rolls for Money, and that I was his means for it: And so it was thence inferred, That I sold Places of Judicature, or helped to sell them. For this they produced a Paper under my Hand. But when they had thrown all the Dirt they could upon me, they say they did only shew what Probabilities they had for it, and what Reason they had to lay it in the end of the Fourth Original Article; and so deserted it. And well they might: For I never had more Hand in this Business, than that when he came to me about it, I told him plainly, as things then stood, that Place was not like to go without more Money, than I thought any Wise Man would give for it: Nor doth the Paper mentioned say any more, but that I informed the Lord Treasurer what had passed between us.

CAP. XXVIII. Die Septimo.

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THis day ended, I was Ordered to appear again, April 4. 1644. April. 4. 1644. And received a Note from the Committee, under Serjeant Wild's Hand, dated April 1. That they meant to proceed next upon the Fifth and Sixth Original Articles, and upon the Ninth Additional; which follow in haec verba.

The Fifth Original. He hath Trayterously caused a Book of Canons to be Composed and Published, and those Canons to be put in Execution, without any lawful Warrant and Authority in that behalf; in which pretended Canons many Matters are contained contrary to the King's Prerogative, to the Fundamental Laws and Statutes of this Realm, to the Right of Parliament, to the Propriety and Liberty of the Subjects, and Matters tending to Sedition, and of dangerous Consequence, and to the Establishment of a vast, unlawful, and presumptus Power, in himself and his Successors: Many of the which Canons, by the practice of the said Arch-Bishop, were surreptitiously passed in the late Convocation, without due consideration and debate; others by fear and compulsion were Subscribed unto by the Prelats and Clerks there assembled, which had never been Voted and Passed in the Convocation, as they ought to have been. And the said Arch-Bishop hath contrived and endeavoured, to assure and confirm the Vnlawful and Exorbitant Power, which he hath Vsurped and Exercised over his Majesty's Subjects, by a Wicked and Vngodly Oath in one of the said pretended Canons injoyned to be taken by all the Clergy, and many of the Layety of this Kingdom.

The Sixth Original.

He hath Trayterously assumed to himself a Papal and Tyrannical Power, both in Ecclesiastical and Temporal Matters, over his Majesty's Subjects in this Realm of England, and in other places, to the Disherison of the Crown, Dishonour of his Majesty, and Derogation of his Supream Authority in Ecclesiastical Matters. And the said Arch-Bishop claims the King's Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, as incident to his Episcopal and Archiepiscopal Office in this Kingdom, and doth deny the same to be derived from the Crown of England, which he hath accordingly exercised, to the high contempt of his Royal Majesty, and to the destruction of divers of the King's Liege People, in their Persons and Estates.

The Ninth Additional Article.

That in or about the Month of May 1640. [...]. 1641. presently after the dissolution of the last Parliament, the said Arch-Bishop, for the ends and purposes aforesaid, caused a Synod or Convocation of the Clergy, to be held for the several Provinces of Canterbury and York; wherein were made and established, by his Means and procurement, divers Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiastical, contrary to the Laws of this Realm, the Rights and Priviledges of Parliament, and [Page] Liberty and Property of the Subject; tending also to Sedition, and of dangerous Consequence. And, amongst other things, the said Arch-Bishop caused a most Dangerous and Illegal Oath to be therein made and contrived; the Tenor whereof followeth in these words. That, I A. B. do Swear, that I do approve the Doctrine and Discipline, or Government Established in the Church of England, as containing all things necessary to Salvation: And that I will not endeavour, by my self or any other, directly or indirectly, to bring in any Popish Doctrine, contrary to that which is so Established: Nor will I ever give my consent to alter the Government of this Church by Arch-Bishops, Bishops, Deans, and Arch-Deacons, &c. as it stands now Established, and as by right it ought to stand; nor yet ever to subject it to the Usurpations and Superstitions of the See of Rome. And all these things I do plainly and sincerely acknowledge and Swear, according to the plain and common Sense and Understanding of the same Words, without any Equivocation or Mental Evasion, or secret Reservation whatsoever. And this I do heartily, willingly, and truly, upon the Faith of a Christian: So help me God in Jesus Christ. Which Oath the said Arch-Bishop himself did take, and caused divers other Ministers of the Church to take the same, upon pain of Suspension and Deprivation of their Livings, and other severe Penalties; and did also cause Godfrey, then Bishop of Gloucester, to be committed to Prison for refusing to Subscribe to the said Canons, and to take the said Oath; and afterward the said Bishop submitting himself to take the said Oath, he was set at Liberty.

On Thursday April 4. I was again brought to the House, made a April. 4. 1644. sufficient scorn and gazing-stock to the People; and after I had waited some hours, was sent back, by Reason of other Business, unheard: But Order'd to appear again Munday April 8. Then I appeared again, and April 8. was used by the basest of the People as before. I did not appear any day but it cost me six or seven Pound: I grew into want. This made my Councel, and other Friends, to perswade me, the next time I had admittance to speak, to move the Lords again for some necessary Allowance; notwithstanding my former Petition had been rejected. This Advice I meant to have followed that day: But after some Hours Attendance, I was sent back again unheard, and Order'd to come again on Thursday April 11. This day I did not come to the House; April 11. a Warrant being sent to the Tower, which stayed me till Tuesday April 16.

CAP. XXIX. The Seventh Day of my Hearing.

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THen I appeared, and (as I remember) here Mr. Maynard left off April 16. (save that now and then he interposed, both in the Reply Die Septimo. and otherwise) and Mr. Nicolas, a Man of another Temper, undertook the managing of the Evidence. And the first Charge was concerning I. the late Canons, l. for the making of which he said it was against Law for the [...]. which he said were against Law to sit, the Parliament being Dissolved. No, my Lords, nothing against Law that I know. For we were called to Sit in Convocation, by a different Writ from that which called us as Bishops to the Parliament. And we could not rise, till his Majesty sent us another Writ to discharge us; and this is well known to the Judges, and the other Lawyers here present: So we continued sitting, though the Parliament rose. Nor was this sitting continued by any Advice or Desire of mine. For I humbly desired a Writ to dissolve us: But the best Councel then present, both of Judges, and other Lawyers, assured the King we Vide supra, post [...]. might Legally sit. And here is a Copy attested under their Hands.

Then he urged out of my Diary, at May 29. 1640. That I acknowledged there were Seventeen Canons made, which I did hope would be useful to the Church. 'Tis true, my Lords, I did hope so. And had I not hoped it, I would never have passed my Consent unto them. And when I writ this, there was nothing done or said against them. And if by any Inadvertency, or Humane Frailty, any thing Erroneous or Unfit have slipped into those Canons, I humbly beseech your Lordships to remember, it is an Article of the Church of Art. 21. England, that General Councils may Err, and therefore this National Synod may mistake. And that since (if any Error be) it is not Wilful; it may be rectified, and in Charity passed by.

For the Bishop of Gloucester's refusing to Subscribe the Canons, and take the Oath; Which is here said by the Council, but no Proof offered: The Truth is this. He first pretended (to avoid his Subscription) that we could not sit, the Parliament risen. He was Satisfied in this by the Judges Hands. Then he pretended the Oath. But that which stuck in his Stomach, was the Canon about the suppressing [...]. 3. of the growth of Popery. For, coming over to me to Lambeth about that Business, he told me he would be torn with Wild Horses before he would Subscribe that Canon. I gave him the best Advice I could; but his Carriage was such, when he came into the Convocation, that I was forced to charge him openly with it, and he as freely acknowledged it: As there is plentiful Proof of Bishops and other Divines then present. And for his Lordship's being after put to take the Oath (which was also urged;) it was thus. I took my self bound to accquaint his Majesty with this Proceeding of my Lord of Gloucester's, and did so. But all that was after done about his Commitment first, and his Release after, when he had taken the Oath, was done openly at a full Council-Table, and his [Page] Majesty present, and can no way be charged upon me, as my Act. For it was my Duty to let his Majesty know it, to prevent farther Danger then also discovered. But I am here to defend my self, not to accuse any Man else.

Next he urged, that I had Interlined the Original Copy of the Canons with my own Hand. But this is clearly a mistake, if not a wilful one. For perusing the Place, I find the Interlining is not in my Hand, but my Hand is to it; as (I humbly conceive) it was fit it should. And the Words are in the Ratification of the Canons, and therefore were necessarily to be in the Original, howsoever slipped in the writing of them.

As for the Oath so bitterly spoken of at the Bar, and in the Articles; either it was made according to Law, or else we were wholly mis-led by President, and that such as was never excepted against.

For in the Canons made in King James his Time, there was an Oath made against Can. 40. Symonie, Can. 118. and an Oath for Church-Wardens, and an Oath about Can. 103. Licences for Marriages, and an Oath for Can. 127. Judges in Ecclesiastical Courts: And some of these Oaths as dangerous as this is acounted to be. And all these established by no other Authority than these late were.

And yet neither those Canons nor those Oaths were ever declared Illegal by any ensuing Parliament, nor the Makers of them accused of any Crime, much less of Treason. So that we had in this Synod unblamed President for what we did, as touching our Power of doing it.

But, after all this, he said he would pass these things by (that is, when he had made them as Odious as he could) and would Charge nothing upon me but the Votes of both Houses, namely, That these Canons contain Matters contrary to the King's Prerogative, to the Fundamental Laws of the Realm, to the Rights of Parliaments, to the Propriety and Liberty of the Subject, and Matters tending to Sedition, and of dangerous Consequence. So these Votes of the Honourable Houses made so long after (and therefore cannot well be an Evidence against the making of that which was done so long before) is the Task lying now upon me to answer; which, with your Lordships honourable Favour, I shall in all Humbleness Address my self unto.

Before these Words were well out of my Mouth, Mr. Nicolas with much earnestness interposed; That he hoped their Lordships would not indure that the Solemn Votes of both Houses should be called into Question by any Delinquent, and was sure the House of Commons would not endure it. Upon this the Lords presently gave their Resolution, that I might not speak to any thing that was declared by Votes; but was to answer only to the Fact, whether I made the Canons or no. To this, with leave humbly asked, I replyed, That if I might not answer to the Votes, I must yield the Evidence; which I could not do: And that if I might answer, I must dispute the Votes, which their Lordships resolved I should not do: That then I was in a Perplexity, and must necessarily offend either way. And therefore humbly besought them, to consider not my Case only, but their own too. For I did conceive it would concern them in Honour, as much as me in Safety: That no Charge might be brought against me in that great Court, to which I should not be [Page] suffered to make answer: Or else that they in Honour would not judge me for that, to which my Answer is not suffer'd to be given. With this, that all these Canons were made in open and full Convocation, and are Acts of that Body, and cannot be ascribed to me, though President of that Synod, but are the Joynt Acts of the whole Body: So by me they were not made; which is my Answer.

And according to this I framed my Answer to Mr. Brown's Summary of my Charge, both hinting the Canons in general, and concerning the Instance before given about the Bishop of Gloucester.

But though I was not allowed there to make any farther Answer in defence of these Canons: Nor can hold it fit to insert here so long an Answer, as these Votes require: I humbly desire the Courteous Reader, if he please, to look upon the Answer which I have made to a Speech Made December 14. 1640. and extant in Rushworth, par. 3. vol. 1. p. 105. of Mr. Nathaniel Fynes, in the House of Commons, against these Canons. In which Answer, I humbly conceive, I have satisfied whatsoever these Votes contain against them. Howsoever, I cannot but observe this in present. The Words in the Sixth Original Article, are as they are above Cited: That the late Canons contain Matters contrary to the King's Prerogative, the Laws, &c. But in the Ninth Additional, all the rest of the Exceptions are in against them, but these Words about the King's Prerogative are quite left out. I would fain know, if I could, what is the Reason of this Omission in these added Articles. Is it for Shame, because there was a purpose to Charge me (as Serjeant Et Art. 2. [...]. Wild did in his Speech the first Day) that I laboured to advance the King's Prerogative above the Law? To advance it, and yet made contrary Canons against it; which is the way to destroy it? What pretty Nonsense is this? Or is it because the framers of these Additionals (whom I conceive were some Committee, with the help of Mr. Pryn) thought the time was come, or coming, in which the King should have no more Prerogative? Or if there be a third Reason; let them give it themselves.

This was all concerning the Canons. Then followed the sixth Original Article about my assuming of Papal Power; where Mr. Brown, in Summing up of his Charge, was pleased to say,

that no Pope claimed so much as I had done. But he was herein much mistaken. For never any Pope claimed so little. For he that claimed least, claimed it in his own right, which was none; whereas I claimed nothing but in the King's right, and by vertue of his Concession. Between which there is a vast Latitude.

The first Proof upon this Article, was read out of certain Letters sent unto me, by the Vniversity of Oxford, I being then their Chancellor. Which great Titles were urged to prove my assuming of Papal Power, because I did not check them in my Answers to those Letters. (1) The first Title was Sanctitas tua, which Mr. Nicolas said, was the Pope's own Title. But he is deceived. For the Title was commonly given to other Bishops also, clean through the Primitive Church, both Greek and Latin.

He replied in great heat (as his manner it seems is) that 'tis Blasphemy to give that Title (Sanctitas) in the Abstract, to any but God. And [Page] though by the Course of the Court I might not answer then to the Reply, yet now I may. And must tell Mr. Nicolas, that 'tis a great Presumption for him, a Lawyer, and no Studied Divine, to Charge Blasphemy upon all the Fathers of the Primitive Church. 'Tis given to Apud Aug: Epist. 88. 98. St. Augustine by Hilarius and Euodius, and in the Abstract. And (which is the Charge laid to me) St. Augustine never checks at, or finds fault with the Title, nor with them for writing it. And Aug. Ep. 102. St. Augustine himself gives that Title to Euodius, answering his Letters, which I was not to do to theirs. And after that to Aug. Ep. 103. Quintianus. Neither is any thing more common, than this Stile among the Fathers; as all Learned Men know. And 'tis commonly given by Greg. Eulogio Episcopo Alexandrino. Apud H. Spelman. in Concil. p. 80. Et Episc. Arelatensi. Ibid. p. 95. St. Gregory the Great, to divers Bishops: Who, being Pope himself, would not certainly have given away his own Title (had it been peculiar to him) to any other Bishop. Nor would any of the Fathers have given this Epithete to their Brethren, had any savour of Blasphemy been about it.

But there is a two-fold Holiness, the one Original, Absolute and Essential, and that is in God only, and incommunicable to any Creature: The other Derivative The Managers against the Arch-Bishop in another place pretend, that this Title was never given to any English Bishop at least. But herein they are much mistaken. For [...] was often given to them. To produce but one Instance: Pope Leo III. gave this Title to Ethelard Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, and that in a Letter wrote to Kenulphus King of Mercia. Angl. Sacr. par. 1. pag. 460. H. W. and Relative; and that is found in the Creatures, both Things and Persons: Or else God should have no Saints, no Holy Ones. For no Man can be said to be Sanctus, Holy, but he who in some degree hath Sanctitatem, Holiness residing in him. And this I answered at the present.

But, according to Mr. Nicolas his Divinity, we shall learn in time, to deny the Immortality of the Soul. For Immortality in the Abstract is applied to God only. 1 Tim. 6. Who only hath Immortality. 1 Tim. 6. 16. Therefore, if it may not in an under and a qualified Sense, by Participation, be applied to the Creature; the Soul of Man cannot be Immortal.

(2) The Second Title is, Spiritu Sancto effusissimè plenus. My Lords, I had sent them many Hundred Manuscripts, and in many Languages; upon this, in Allusion to the gift of Tongues (and it was about Pentecost too that I sent them) the Luxuriant Pen of the University Orator ran upon these Phrases, which I could neither fore-see before they were written, nor remedy after. And finding fault could not remedy that which was past. Besides, all these Letters were in Answer to mine, I was to answer none of theirs. That might have made me work enough, had I wanted any.

(3) The Third Stile is Summus Pontifex. But this was in my Lord of London's Letters, and he must answer, if any thing be amiss. But Pontifex, and Summus too, is no unusual Stile to, and of the Chief Prelate in any Nation.

(4) The Fourth Stile is Archangelus, & ne quid nimis. Yes sure, the meanest of these Titles is Multum nimis, far too much, applied to my Person and unworthiness: Yet a great sign it is, that I deserved very well of that University, in the place I then bare; or else they would never have bestowed such Titles upon me. And if they [Page] did offend, in giving such an unworthy Man such high Language, why are not they called in Question for their own Fault?

(5) The last which I remember is, Quo rectior non stat Regula, &c. And this is no more than an absolute Hyperbole; A high one I confess; yet as high are found in all Rhetorical Authors: And what should make that Blasphemy in an Vniversity Orator, which is every where common, and not only allowed, but commendable, I know not.

Especially since the Rule of the Interpretation of them, is as well known as the Figure. Where the Words are not to be understood in their Proper and Literal Sense, but as St. Augustine speaks, S. Aug. 16. Civ. Dei, c. 21. when that which is spoken, Longè est amplius, is far larger than that which is signified by it.

And if I had assumed any of these Titles to my self, which I am, and ever was, far from doing; yet 'tis one thing to assume Papal Title; and another to assume Papal Power (which is the thing Charged;) though I thank God I did neither.

If I have here omitted any Title, it is meer forgetfulness; for one part or other of the Answers given will reach it, what-e're it be. And, as I told Mr. Browne, when he Charged this on me, Dr. Strowd the University Orator, who writ those Letters, and gave those Titles, was called up before a Committee of this Parliament, examined about them, Acquitted, and Dismissed.

(6) These Titles from the Letters being past; He quoted another, which he called a Blasphemous Speech too, out of my Book against Cont. Fisher. §. 25. p. 171. Fisher; where, he said, I approved of Anselme, an Enemy to the Crown; and took on me to be Patriarch of this other World. Let any Man look into that place of my Book; and he shall find that I make use of that Passage, only to prove that the Pope could not be Appealed unto out of England, according to their own Doctrine: Which I hope is no Blasphemy. And for St. Anselme, howsoever he was swayed with the Corruptions of his time; yet was he in other things worthy the Testimony which the Authors by me Cited give him.

And if any Man be angry that the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury is called the Patriarch of this other World, he may be pleased to remember, that St. Jerom gives St. Augustine, who was Bishop of Hippo, and S. Hieron. [...] Aug. Epist. 11. 13. 14. 17. 18. &c. no Arch-Bishop, a greater Title than that. For he writes Beatissimo Papae Augustino, more than once and again, as appears in his Epistles to St. Augustine.

(7) To these Sir Nathaniel Brent's Testimony is produced: Who says, that he over-heard me say to another, that I would not so easily quit the Plenitude of my Power; or to that Effect. He confesses he was coming in, and finding me speaking with another, made stay, and stood a-far off, and knows not of what I spake, (for so he said) but over-heard the Words. I beseech your Lordships, observe this Witness. He confesses, he knows not of what I spake, and yet comes here upon his Oath, to testifie of Plenitude of Power in Relation to my assuming Papal Power. If he meant not this, his Testimony is nothing; for Plenitude of Power may Extend to many other things; and I might justly say, (if I said it) that I would not easily part with the Plenitude of my Power, in Relation to other Bishops of my Province, who by Law have not so full Power as I have. But if he did mean this; then his Testimony is worse than nothing; Nothing [Page] in regard he confesses he knows not of what I was speaking. And worse than nothing; That, not knowing, he would give such a Testimony upon Oath.

[These six Lines are inserted out of place, and belong clearly to his Defence of making new [...] for the Vniversity, which followeth afterwards. W. S. A. C. As for the Statutes themselves, there was scarce one urged against me; but it was either a Statute, or a Prescription of that University, long before I was born into the World; and could not therefore be of my new-making. And this was my Answer to Mr. Browne in the House of Commons. And such Bannition, [...], and the like, are well known to be.]

The next Charge of this Day, was, that I went about to Exempt II. the Clergy from the Civil Magistrate.

1. The first Witness is Mr. Pincen; He says, he heard me say at the High-Commission, That the Clergy were now debased; that heretofore it was otherwise, and I hope to see it so again. Truly, my Lords, if I did say thus (which is more than I can call to Memory) I spake truth; they were debased; and I did hope to see it otherwise. For, the debasing of the Clergy will make their Office and their Doctrine base, as well as their Persons. But here is not a word of freeing them from Laws, or the Temporal Magistrate. It was replyed, he did mention the Civil Magistrate.

If he did, he mentions no time, by which I might be inabled to make Counterproof. He is single. They are words, and if within the Statute, then triable by it within six Months. And I desire this grave Gentleman to consider his Oath: For if I spake of any such Exemption; I must speak against my Conscience and Judgment, which I humbly thank God I use not to do. Nor is it altogether impossible for the Civil Magistrate sometimes to oppress poor Clergy-Men. But a little will be thought too much of this. And therefore to Mr. Browne's Summary Charge, I gave the former Answer, that I spake of Exemption from Oppression, not from Law.

2. The Second Witness was Alderman Railton, about the carrying up of the Sword in the Church, when he was Lord Mayor. He says, I once sent him word about it, but knows not by whom, and after heard no more of it, but refers himself to Mr. Marsh. He says, there was an Order of the Council-Table, May 3. 1633. concerning the submitting of the Sword in time and place of Divine Service. If an Order of Council, then was it no Act of mine, as I have often Pleaded, and must as often as it comes. He says farther, that I spake these Words, or to this Effect; That the Church had been low for these Hundred Years; but I hoped it would Flourish again in another Hundred. But here's no one word of Exemption from Civil Magistracy. And I hope your Lordships will take Witnesses as they speak, not as Men shall infer, and descant upon them.

And then, my Lords, under Favour, I see no harm in the Words.

Only I shall recall my hope: For if I had then any hope to see it Flourish in another Hundred Years, 'tis that which I cannot hope for now. He says, there was a Reference to the Councel on both sides, and that under that Reference the Business dyed. And if it dyed then, what makes it here before the Resurrection? Yea, but says Mr. Nicolas, here's Agitation about the submitting of the Sword, which is the Emblem of Temporal Power. [Page] But neither to Foreign, nor Home Power, but only to God; and that in the place, and at the performance of his Holy Worship. At which time and place Christian Kings submit themselves, and therefore cannot stand upon the Emblems of their Power. Nor would the Lords of the Council have made either Order or Reference; had there been any thing of danger, or against Law, in this kind of submitting. Mr. Yorke was produced as another Witness; but said just the same with Marsh; and so the same Answer served him.

Then followed a Charge about the Charter of York to be renewed; III. and that I did labour to have the Arch-Bishop of York his Chancellor, and some of the Residentiaries named in it to be Justices of Peace within the City. To prove this, Alderman Hoyle is produced: Who says, There was an Order of the Council about this, but cannot say that I procured it. So far then this Proof reaches not me. For the Bishop his Chancellor, and some of the Residentiaries to be Justices of Peace within the City. If I were of this Opinion (as then advised) I am sure there's no Treason in it, and I believe no Crime. And, under your Lordships Favour, I could not but think it would have made much Peace, and done much Good in all the Cities of England where Cathedrals are. Lastly, he says, There was a Debauched Man committed about breach of the Sabbath, and being casually smother'd, I should say, they deserved to be Hanged that Killed him. Concerning this Man; he lost his Life, that's confessed. His Debauchery, what it was, is not proved. And were he never so disorderly, I am sure he was not without Legal Tryal to be shut up into a House and smother'd. That is against both Law and Conscience. And the Officers then in being had reason to smother the Business, as much as they could. And, it may be, deserved somewhat; if not that which this Alderman says I said, to his best Remembrance. For so, and with no more certainty he expressed it. This I am sure I said, That if the Bishop, [...] any of the Church had been then in their Charter; the Poor Man's Life had not been lost.

The Fourth Charge was just of the same Nature, concerning the IV. Charge of Shrewsbury. For this there were produced two Witnesses, Mr. Lee and Mr. Mackworth: But they make up but one between them. For Mr. Lee could say nothing, but what he acknowledges he heard from Mr. Mackworth. And Mr. Mackworth says first: That the Schoolmaster's Business was referred to other Lords and my self. That's no Crime; and to my knowledge, that has been a troublesom business for these Thirty Years. He says, I caused that there should go a Quo Warranto against the Town. This is but as Mr. Owen informed him, so no proof. Beside, 'tis no Crime, being a Referee, if I gave legal Reason for it. Nor is it any Crime, that the Bishop and his Chancellor should be Justices within the Town; As is aforesaid in the Case of York: Considering especially, that then many Clergy-Men bare that Office in divers Counties of England. He adds, that an Old Alderman gave Fifty Pound to St. Pauls. But out of what Consideration I know not, nor doth he speak: And if every Alderman in the Town would have given me as much to that use; I would have taken it, and [Page] thanked them for it. Then he says, There was an Order from all the Lords Referees, for setling all things about their Charter. So, by his own Confession, the whole Business was transacted publickly, and by Persons of great Honour; and nothing charged upon my Particular. If Mr. Owen sent me in a Butt of Sack, and after put it upon the Town Account, (for so he also says) Mr. Owen did ill in both; but I knew of neither. And this the Councel in their Reply said they urged not in that kind. Lastly, the Charter it self was Read to both Points, of the Bishops and his Chancellors being Justices of Peace within the Town, and the not bearing up of the Sword. To both which I have answer'd already. And I hope your Lordships cannot think his Majesty would have passed such a Charter: Or that his Learned Councel durst have put it to him, had this thing been such a Crime as 'tis here made.

The next Charge was out of my Diary, at March 5: 1635. The V. words are, William Juxon Lord Bishop of London, made Lord High Treasurer of England. No Church-Man had it since H: 7: time. I pray God bless him to carry it so, that the Church may have Honour, and the King and the State Service and Contentment by it. And now if the Church will not hold up themselves under God, I can do no more. I can see no Treason in this, nor Crime neither. And though that which I did to help on this Business, was very little; yet Aim I had none in it, but the Service of the King, and the Good of the Church. And I am confident it would have been both, had not such troublesom Times followed, as did.

Then they instanced in the Case of Mr. Newcomen. But that Cause VI. being handled before, they did only refer the Lords to their Notes: And so did I to my former Answers.

Then followed the Case of Thorn and Middleton; which were Fined VII. in the High Commission about some Clergy-Mens Business; Thorne being Constable: The Witnesses in this Case are Three.

1. The first is Huntford (if I took his Name right:) And for the Censure of these Men, he confesses, it was in and by the High Commission; and so no Act of mine (as I have often pleaded:) But then he says, that I there spake these words, That no Man of their Rank should meddle with Men in Holy Orders. First, he is in this part of the Charge single, and neither of the other Witnesses comes in to him. Secondly, I humbly desire the Proceedings of the High Commission may be seen (which are taken out of our hands.) For so far as I can remember any thing of this Cause, the Minister, Mr. Lewis, had hard measure. And perhaps thereupon I might say, that Men of their Rank should not in such sort meddle with Men in Holy Orders. But to tax the proceedings of a violent busie Constable, was not to exempt the Clergy from Civil Magistracy.

Upon this he falls just upon the same words, and says, that I utter'd them about their offering to turn out a Corrector from the Printing-House. This Corrector was a Minister, and a well deserving Man. The Trust of the Press was referred to the High-Commission Court. And I hope your Lordships will not think, that not to suffer the Printers to turn out a deserving Man at their pleasure, is to exempt the Clergy from the Civil Magistrate. The business, my Lords, was this. This Corrector [Page] was principally entertained for the Latin and Greek Press especially, which I had then not without great pains and some cost Erected. They were desirous to keep only one for the English, and him at the cheapest. Among them their negligence was such, as that there were found above a Thousand faults in two Editions of the Bible and Common-Prayer-Book. And one which caused this search was, that in Exod. 20. where they had shamefully Printed, Thou shalt commit Adultery. For this the Masters of the Printing-House were called into the High-Commission, and Censured, as they well deserved it. As for this Corrector whom they would have heaved out, they never did so much as complain of him to any that had power over the Press, till this fell upon themselves for so gross an Abuse. Nor did they after this proceed against him, to make him appear faulty; and till that were done, we could not punish. And for this Business of the Press, he is single too. And I have told your Lordships that which is a known Truth.

And Hunsford, being bit in his Credit and Purse, and Friends, by that Censure, for so gross an abuse of the Church and Religion, labours to fasten his Fangs upon me in this way.

2. The Second Witness is Mr. Bland. But all that he says is, that there was once a dismission of this Cause out of the Court, and that though I disliked it, yet I gave way to it, because all Parties were agreed. And no word of proof, that I was any cause of bringing it back into the Court again. What's my fault in this?

3. The Third Witness was Thorn in his own Cause: And 'tis plain, by his own words, that this Cause was depending in Court before my time. And I believe, were the Records of the Court here, Mr. Lewis would not be found so great an Offender as Mr. Thorn would make him. This I am sure of, both the High-Commission and my self have been quick enough against all Ministers which have been proved to be debauched in their Life and Conversation. And he says nothing against me, but that I sided with his Adversaries; which is easie to say against any Judge that delivers his Sentence against any Man. But neither of these come home to Hunsford.

The next Charge is in the Case of one Mr. Tomkins, about the VIII. Taxing of a Minister in a Case of Robbery, and Repayment by the Country.

To this Mr. Newdigate is produced; who says, as he remembers, that I should speak these words, That Ministers were free from such Taxes, and I hoped to see the Times in which they might be free again. First, this Gentleman is single. Secondly, he speaks not positively, but (as he remembers.) Thirdly, this Tax I do humbly conceive is not by Law to be laid upon any Minister. For no Man is subject to this Tax, but they which are to keep Watch and Ward; which Ministers in that kind are not bound unto. And this I learned of the Lord Keeper Coventry at the Council-Table. So I might well then hope to see Ministers free from all such Taxes, by the right understanding and due Execution of our own Laws, without assuming any Papal Power.

The last Instance of this Day was the bringing of Sir Rich: Samuel IX. [Page] into the High-Commission, for doing his Office as Justice of the Peace upon some Clergy-Men. First, for this, this Gentleman is single, and in his own Case. Secondly, himself confesses, that his bringing into the High-Commission was long after the Fact. Therefore in all Probability not for that; nor doth he say that I caused his bringing in. He says farther, That one Article for which he was called into the Commission, was, that he was an Enemy to the Clergy. But he doth not say, that I preferred these Articles against him: Nor doth he tell, or can I remember, what the other Articles were, which with this may be bad enough to merit what was there laid against him: And whatsoever was done, appears by his own Narration, to be the Act of the High-Commission, or the Council-Table, and so not Chargeable upon me alone. And whereas he says, I blamed him much at the Council-Table: Let him tell why, and then I'll give him a farther Answer: And sure if I did blame him; I had just Cause so to do. Lastly, he says, I did use the Word Base to him when he came to me. Sure I cannot believe I did: It was not my Language to meaner Men. If it did slip from me, it was in Relation to his Enmity to the Clergy, not to his Person or Quality.

And I conceive 'tis no Gentile part, for a Man of Place and Power in his Country, to oppress poor Clergy-Men which neighbour about him. In which kind this Gentleman, Pessimè Audiebat, heard extreamly ill.

CAP. XXX.

[Page]

THis Day thus ended, I was ordered to appear again on Monday, April 22. I came, and my former Answers having taken April 22. off the Edge of many Men, (for so I was told by good Hands) the Scorns put upon me at my Landing and elsewhere were somewhat a bated, though when it was at best I suffered enough. After I had attended the Pleasure of the House some Hours, I was remitted without April 25. Hearing, and commanded to attend again upon Thursday, April 25. But sent back again then also, and ordered to appear on Tuesday, April 30. And when I came, I was sent away once more unheard: No April 30. Consideration had of my self, or the great Charge which this frequent coming put me to. I was then ordered to appear again, on Saturday, May 4. Then I was heard again: And the Day proceeded as follows.

My Eighth Day of Hearing.

To raise up Envy against me, Mr. Nicolas falls first to repeating Maij 4. 1644. Saturday. the Titles which were given me in Letters from Oxford; to which I gave answer the Day before. From thence he fell again upon the Die Octavo. former Charge, My Endeavour to exempt the Clergy from the Civil Power. And very loud he was, and full of sour Language upon me. To this General I answered with another more true; That I never did attempt to bring the Temporal Power under the Clergy, nor to free the Clergy from being under it: But I do freely confess, I did labour all I could to preserve poor Clergy-Men from some Lay-Mens Oppression, which lay heavy on them. And de Vi Laica hath been an old, and a great, and too Just a Complaint. And this I took to be my Duty, doing it without Wrong to any Man; as sincerely I did to the best of my Knowledge. And assuring my self, that God did not raise me to that Place of Eminency, to sit still, see his Service neglected, and his Ministers discountenanced; nay, sometimes little better than trampled on.

And my standing thus to the Clergy, and their just Grievances, is not the least Cause of my present Condition. In which my Case (though not my Abilities) is somewhat like Cicero's. For having now for many Years defended the Publick State of the Church, and the Private of many Church-Men; as he had done many Citizens; when he by prevailing Factions came into danger himself, ejus Salutem defendit nemo, no Man took care to defend him Paterc. L. 2. [...]. that had defended so many; which yet I speak not to impute any thing to Men of my own Calling, who, I presume, would have lent me their just Defence, to their Power; had not the same Storm which drove against my Life, driven them into Corners to preserve themselves.

[Page] The First Instance was in Mr. Shervil's Case; in which Mr. John Steevens tells what I said to the Councel Pleading in the Star-Chamber, I. which was, that they should take care, not to cause the Laws of the Church and the Kingdom to clash one against another. I see, my Lords, nothing that I spake was let fall, nor can I remember every Speech that passed from me; he may be happy that can. But if I did speak these Words, I know no Crime in them: It was a good Caveat to the Councel, for ought I know. For surely the Laws of Church and State in England would agree well enough together, if some did not set them at Odds. And if I did farther say, to the then Lord Keeper, (as 'tis Charged) that some Clergy-Men had sat as high as he, and might again; which I do not believe I said; yet if I did, 'tis a known Truth: For the Lord Coventry, then Lord Keeper, did immediately succeed the Lord Bishop of Lincoln in that Office. But though I dare say, I said not thus to the Lord Keeper, whose Moderation gave me no Cause to be so round with him, yet to the Councel at the Bar, I remember well, upon just occasion given, that I spake to this Effect; That they would forbear too much depressing of the Clergy, either in their Reputation or Maintenance; in regard it was not impossible that their Profession, now as high as ours once was, may fall to be as low as ours now is;

If the Professors set themselves against the Church, as some of late are known to have done: And that the sinking of the Church would be found the ready way to it.

The Second Instance was about calling some Justices of the Peace II. into the High-Commission, about a Sessions kept at [...].

1. The First Witness for this (for Three were produced) was Mr. Jo. Steevens. He says, That the Isle where the Sessions were kept, was joyned to the Church. If it were not now a part of the Chuch, yet doubtless, being within the Church-Yard, it was Consecrated Ground. He says, That Sessions were kept there heretofore. And I say the more often the worse. He says, That I procured the calling of them into the High-Commission. But he proves no one of these Things, but by the Report of Sir Rob: Cook of Gloucestershire, a Party in this Cause. He says again, that They had the Bishop's License to keep Sessions there. But the Proof of this also is no more than that Sir Rob. Cook told him so: So all this hitherto is Hearsay. Then he says the 88. Canon Can. 88. [...]. Aug. of the Church of England (was urged in the Commission Court) which seems to give leave in the close of the Canon, that Temporal Courts or Leets may be kept in Church or Church-Yard. First, that Clause in the end of the Canon, is referred to the Ringing of Bells, not to the Profanations mentioned in the former part of that Canon. Nor is it probable, the Minister and Church-Wardens should have Power to give such leave, when no Canon gives such Power to the Bishop himself. And were it so, here's no Proof offered, that the Minister and Church-Wardens did give leave: And suppose some Temporal Courts might upon urgent Occasion be kept in the Church with leave, yet that is no Warrant for Sessions, where there may be Tryal for Blood. He says farther, That the Civilians quoted an Old Canon of the Pope's, and that that prevailed against the Canon of Our Church, 25 Hen. 8. [...] 19. §. ult. and Sentence given against them. All those Canons which the Civilians [Page] urged, are Law in England, where nothing is contrary to the Law of God, or the Law of the Land, or the King's Prerogative Royal: And to keep off Profanation from Churches is none of these. Besides, were all this true which is urged, the Act was the High-Commissions, not mine. Nor is there any thing in it that looks toward Treason.

2. The Second Witness is Mr. Edward Steevens. He confesses that the Sentence was given by the High-Commission, and that I had but my single Vote in it. And for the Place it self, he says, The Place where the Sessions were kept, was separated from the Isle of the Church by a Wall Breast-high; which is an evident Proof that it was formerly a Part of that Church, and continued yet under the same Roof.

3. The Third Witness is Mr. Talboyes (who, it seems, will not be out of any thing which may seem to hurt me.) He says, The Parish held it no part of the Church. Why are not some of them examined, but this Man's Report from them admitted? They thought no harm (he says) and got a License. But why did they get a License, if their own Conscience did not prompt them that something was Irregular in that Business? He says, he was informed the Sessions had been twice kept there before. And I say, under your Lordships Favour, the oftner the worse. But why is not his Informer produced, that there might be Proof, and not Hearsay? Upon this, I said (so he concludes) That I would make a President against keeping it any more. If I did say so, the Cause deserved it; Men in this Age growing so Bold with Churches, as if Profanation of them were no Fault at all.

The Third Instance concerned Sir Tho. Dacres, a Justice of Peace in III. Middlesex, and his Warrant for Punishing some disorderly Drinking. The Witnesses the two Church Wardens, Colliar and Wilson; two plain Men, but of great Memories: For this Business was when I was Bishop of London; and yet they agree in every Circumstance, in every Word, though so many Years since. Well, what say they? It seems Dr. Duck, then my Chancellor, had Cited these Church-Wardens into my Court, Therefore either there was, or at least, to his Judgment there seemed to be somwhat done in that business against the Jurisdiction of the Church. They say then, That the Court ended, Dr. Duck brought them to me. And what then? Here is a Cause, by their own confession, depending in the Ecclesiastical Court; Dr. Duck in the King's Quarters, where I cannot fetch him to Testifie; no means left me to know what the Proceedings were; and I have good cause to think, that were all the Merits of the Cause open before your Lordships, you would say, Sir Tho. Dacres did not all according to Law. But what is the Heart of this Charge? It is, say they, That I Commanded Dr. Duck to prosecute them: And what fault was in this? For if it were Just, why should not Dr. Duck go on with his Prosecution? If Dr. Duck and I were both mistaken in the Particular, 'twas easy getting a Prohibition: Yea, but they say I said, If this must be so, Sir Thomas Dacres shall be Bishop of London, and I'll be Sir Tho. Dacres. For ought I see in the Weight of it, this whole Charge was but to bring in this Speech. And truly, my Lords, my old decayed Memory is not such, as that I can recall a Speech, Thirteen or Fourteen Years since. But if I did say it, I [Page] presume 'tis not High Treason for a Bishop of London to say so much of Sir Tho. Dacres.

Mr. Browne, in the summing up the Charge against me, laid the weight of the Charge in this, That these Church-Wardens were Prosecuted for Executing the Warrant of a Justice of Peace, upon an Ale-House-Keeper, for Tipling on the Sabbath-Day, contrary to the Statutes Jacobi 7. & Caro. 3. To which I Answer'd, That those Statutes did concern the Ale-House-Keepers only; nor were the Church-Wardens called in question for that; but because being Church Officers, and a Church-Man Tipling there, they did not complain of that to the Chancellor of the Diocess. Mr. Browne replied, there was no Clergy-Man there. I am glad I was so mistaken. But that excuseth not the Church-Wardens, who being Church Officers, should have been as ready to inform the Bishop, as to obey the Justice of Peace.

The Fourth Instance was about Marriages in the Tower, which IV. I opposed against Law. The Witness Sir William Balfore, then Lieutenant of the Tower. He says, that I did oppose those Marriages. And so say I. But I did it for the Subject of England's sake. For many of their Sons and Daughters were there undone. Nor Banes, nor Licence, nor any means of fore-knowledge to prevent it. Was this ill? He says, that when he spake with me about it, I desired him to speak with his Majesty about it, because it was the King's House. What could I do with more moderation? He confesses he did so, and that he moved the King that the Cause might be heard at the Council-Table, not at the High-Commission: To this his Majesty inclined, and I opposed nothing; so the general Abuse might be rectified. Then he says, Mr. Attorney Noye said at the Council-Table, it was the King's Free-Chappel, and that no Pope in those times offer'd to inhibit there. First, if Mr. Attorney did so say, he must have leave to speak freely in the King's Cause. Secondly, (as I humbly conceive) the Chappel for ordinary use of Prisoners and Inhabitants of the Tower, where these disorderly Marriages are made, is not that which is called the King's Free-Chappel: But another in the side of the white Tower by the King's Lodgings. Thirdly, if it be, yet I have herein not offended, for I did all that was done by the King's leave, not by any assumption of Papal Power. Then he tells the Lords, that in a Discourse of mine with him at Greenwich, about this business, I let fall an Oath. I am sorry for it, if I did. But that's no Treason.

And I know whom the Deponent thinks to please by this Interposition.

For to the matter it belongs not. In conclusion, he says truly, that the King committed the business to some Lords and Judges, that so an end might be put to it: And in the mean time Ordered, that, till it were ended, there should be no more Marriages in the Tower. How this business ended, I know not. It began I am sure by Authority of his Majesty's Grant of the High Commission, to question and punish all such Abuses, Tam in loois Exemptis, quam non Exemptis. And his Majesty having Graciously taken this Care for the Indempnity of the Subject, I troubled my self no more with it: My aim being not to cut off any Priviledges of that Place, but only to prevent the Abuses of that Lawless Custom.

And if cui bono be a considerable Circumstance, as it uses to be in all such Businesses, then it may be thought on too, that this Gentleman the [Page] Lieutenant had a considerable share for his part out of the Fee for every Marriage. Which I believe was as dear to him as the Priviledge.

The next Instance is broke out of the Tower, and got as far as Oxford. V. The Witness Alderman Nixon. He says, the Mayor and the Watch set by him were disturbed by the Proctors of the Vniversity, and a Constable Imprisoned. The Night-Walk, and the keeping of the Watch, is the ancient, known, and constant Priviledge of the University, for some Hundred of Years; and so the Watch set by the Town (purposely to pick a quarrel) was not according to Law. He adds, That when the Right Honourable the Earl of Barkshire would have referred the business to the King's Councel Learned, I refused, and said I would maintain it by my own Power, as Chancellor. If I did say this (which I neither remember nor believe) I might better refuse Lawyers, (not the Law, but Lawyers) than they a Sworn Judge of their own Nomination, which they did.

The Case was briefly this. There were some five or six Particulars which had, for divers Years, bred much trouble and disagreement between the Vniversity and the City; of which (to my best remembrance) this about the Night-Watch, and another about Felons Goods, were two of the chief. The Vniversity complained to me. I was so far from going any by-way, that I was resolved upon a Tryal at Westminster-Hall, thinking (as I after found) that nothing but a Legal Tryal would set those two Bodies at quiet. The Towns-Men liked not this. Came some of the Chief of them to London: Prevailed with their Honourable Steward my Lord the Earl of Barkshire, to come to me to Lambeth, and by his Lordship offer'd to have all ended without so great Charge at Law, by Reference to any of the Judges. I said I had no mind to wrong the Town, or put them to Charge, but thought they would fly off from all Awards, and therefore stuck to have a Legal Tryal. After this, some of the chief Aldermen came to me with my Lord, and offer'd me, that if the Vniversity would do the like, they would go down and bring it up under the Mayor and Aldermens Hands, that they would stand to such end as Judge Jones, who rode that Circuit, should upon Hearing make. They did so: And brought the Paper so Subscribed (and therefore I think Alderman Nixon's Hand is to it as well as the rest) upon this I gave way; the Vniversity accepted; the Judge heard and setled. And now when they saw my Troubles threatning me, they brake all, whistled up their Recorder to come and complain at the Council-Table, his Majesty present. And I remember well, I told his Lordship (then making the aforesaid Motion to refer to the King's Learned Councel) that his Lordship well knew what had passed, and that being so used as I had been by the Townsmen, I would trouble my self with no more References to Lawyers, or to that effect. And I appeal to the Honour of my Lord, whether this be not a true Relation.

The Sixth Instance concerns the putting of one Mr. Grant out of VI. his Right. He says, (but he is single and in his own Cause) That Mr. Bridges was presented to an Impropriation, and that suing for Tythe, He (the said Grant ) got a Prohibition, and Mr. Bridges a Reference to the then Lord Keeper Coventry, and my self; that we referred them to the [Page] Law, and that there Grant was Non-Suited, and so outed of his Right. First, in all this there's nothing said to be done by me alone. Secondly, the Lord Keeper, who well understood the Law, thought it fittest to refer them to the Law; and so we did. If he were there Non-Suited first, and outed after, it was the Law that put him out, not we.

Yet your Lordships see here was a Prohibition granted in a Case which the Law it self after rejected.

Then follows the Instance, that I had a purpose to Abolish all Impropriations. VII. The first Proof alledged, was a passage out of Bishop 1. Mountague's Book, p. 210. That Tythes were due by Divine Right, and then no Impropriations might stand. And Mr. Pryn witnessed very carefully: That this Book was found in my own Study, and given me by Bishop Mountague. And what of this? Doth any Bishop Print a Book, and not give the Arch-Bishop one of them? Or must I answer for every Proposition that is in every Book that is in my Study? Or that any Author gives me? And if Bishop Mountague be of Opinion that Tythes are due by Divine Right, what is that to me? Your Lordships know, many Men are of different Opinions in that difficulty, and I am confident you will not determin the Controversie by an Act of Parliament. They were nibling at my Diary in this, to Diary, in fine. [...]. 21. shew that it was one of my Projects to fetch in Impropriations; but it was not fit for their purpose: For 'tis expressed, That if I Lived to see the Repair of St. Paul's near an end, I would move his Majesty for the like Grant for the buying in of Impropriations. And to buy them from the Owners, is neither against Law, nor against any thing else that is good; nor is it any Usurpation of Papal Power.

2. The Second Proof, was my procuring from the King such Impropriations in Ireland, as were in the King's Power, to the Church of Ireland.

Which Mr. Nicolas (in his gentle Language) calls Robbing of the Crown.

My Lords, the Case was this. The Lord Primate of Armagh writ unto me, how ill Conditioned the State of that Church was for want of Means, and besought me that I would move his Majesty to give the Impropriations there, which yet remained in the Crown, for the Maintenance and Incouragement of able Ministers to Live among the People, and Instruct them: Assuring me, they were daily one by one begged away by Private Men, to the great prejudice both of Crown and Church. And the Truth of this, the Lord Primate is now in this Kingdom, and will witness. I acquainted the King's great Officers, the Lord Treasurer and the Chancellor of the Exchequer with it. And after long deliberation, the King was pleased, at my humble Suit, to grant them in the way which I proposed. Which was, that when they came into the Clergies Hands, they should pay all the Rents respectively to the King; and some consideration for the several Renewings. And the Truth of this appears in the Deeds. So here was no Robbing of the Crown. For the King had all his set Rents reserved to a Penny, and Consideration for his Casualties beside. And, my Lords, the increase of Popery is complained of in Ireland. Is there a better way to hinder this growth, than to place an Able Clergy among the Inhabitants? Can an Able Clergy be had without Means? Is any [Page] Means fitter than Impropriations restored? My Lords, I did this, as holding it the best Means to keep down Popery, and to advance the Protestant Religion. And I wish with all my Heart, I had been able to do it sooner, before so many Impropriations were gotten from the Crown into Private Hands.

Next I was Charged with another Project in my Diary, which VIII. was to settle some fixed Commendams upon all the smaller Bishopricks. Diary, fine. [...] 8. For this, I said their own Means were too small to live and keep any Hospitality, little exceeding Four or Five Hundred Pound a Year. I consider'd that the Commendams taken at large and far distant, caused a great dislike and murmur among many Men. That they were in some Cases Materia Odiosa, and justly complained of. And hereupon I thought it a good Church-work, to settle some Temporal Lease, or some Benefice Sine Cura upon the lesser Bishopricks; but nothing but such as was in their own Right and Patronage: That so no other Man's Patronage might receive prejudice by the Bishop's Commendam: Which was not the least Rock of Offence, against which Commendams indanger'd themselves. And that this was my intent and endeavour, is expressed in my Diary: And I cannot be sorry for it.

Then I was Accused for setting Old Popish Canons above the Laws. IX. Mr. Burton is the sole Witness. He says, it was in a Case about a Pew, in which those Canons did weigh down an Act of Parliament.

I did never think till now Mr. Burton would have made any Canons Pew-Fellows with an Act of Parliament.

But seriously, should not Mr. [...] Testimony for this have been produced at the second Instance of this day? For in the end of that is just such another Charge; and the Answer there given will satisfie this, and that 25 Hen. 8. cap. 19. [...] ult. by Act of Parliament too.

After this came a Charge with a great out-cry, that since my X. coming to be Arch-Bishop I had renewed the High-Commission, and put in many Illegal and Exorbitant Clauses, which were not in the former. Both the Commissions were produced. Upon this I humbly desired, that the Dockett might be Read; by which their Lordships might see all those Particulars which were added in the New Commission, and so be able to Judge, how fit or unfit they were to be added. The Dockett was Read. And there was no Particular found, but such as highly deserved Punishment, and were of Ecclesiastical Cognizance, as Blasphemy, Schism, and two or three more of like Nature.

1. In this Charge, the first Exorbitant Clause they insisted on, as added to the new Commission, was the Power given in locis Exemptis, & non Exemptis, as if it were thereby intended to destroy all Priviledges. No, not to destroy any Priviledge, but not to suffer Enormous Sins to have any Priviledge. Besides, this Clause hath ever been in all Commissions that ever were Granted. And I then shewed it to the Lords in the Old Commission there present, p. 28, 32, 35, 42.

Nay more, this proceeding tam in locis Exemptis quam non Exemptis, is allowed to the Governours of the Church, in the Exercise of their Ecclesiastical 1 Eliz. c. 2. Jurisdiction, by Act of Parliament in Queen Elizabeth's Time; [Page] which would never have been allowed, had it then been thought such a dangerous Business, as 'tis now made against me.

2. The Second Clause was Power to Censure, by Fine and Imprisonment. This also I shewed in the old Commission, Fol. 37. and is (as I conceive) in plain pursuance of the Act of Parliament 1 Eliz. c. 1: §. 8. upon which the High-Commission is grounded. For the King says there, Fol. 13. (And so 'tis in the new) That he grants this Power, by Vertue of his Supream Authority, and Prerogative Royal, The Words of the Statute are By Vertue of this Act. and of the said Act. Nay farther, 'tis added in this latter Commission, and by our Authority Ecclesiastical, which is not expressed in the former. And sure I would never have caused Authority Ecclesiastical to be added, had I any Plot (as 'tis urged) either to exalt the Clergy above the Laity, or to usurp Papal Power; which all Men know is far enough from ascribing Ecclesiastical Authority to the King. And as for Fine and Imprisonment; if that Power be not according to Law, why was it first admitted, and after continued in all former Commissions?

3. The Third Clause, was the Non Obstante, which he said was against all Law, and of such a boundless Extent, as was never found in Commission or other Grant in England. And he here desired the Lords, that he might read it, which he did, with great Assurance of a Triumph. But after all this Noise, which Mr. Nicolas had made, I shewed the same Non Obstante in the Old Commission, [...]. 62. Word for Word, which I humbly desired might be read and compared: It was so. The Lords looked strangely upon it: Mr. Nicolas was so startled, that he had not Patience to stay till his Reply, (which he saw impossible to be made) but interrupted me, and had the Face to say in that Honourable Assembly, that I need not stand upon that, for he did but name that, without much regarding it. And yet at the giving of the Charge, he insisted principally upon that Clause, and in higher and louder Terms than are before expressed. Had such an Advantage been found against me, I should have been accounted extreamly Negligent if I compared not the Commissions together; or Extreamly Impudent, if I did.

4. The Fourth Exception was, That by this Commission I took greater Power than ever any Court had, because both Temporal and Ecclesiastical. First, whatsoever Power the High-Commission had, was not taken by them, till given by his Majesty, and that according to Use and Statue, (for ought hath been yet declared.) Secondly, they have not Power of Life or Limb, therefore not so great Power as other Courts have. Thirdly, they may have more various Power in some respects, but that cannot make it greater.

As for the Expression in which 'tis said, I took this Power; that is put most unworthily and unjustly too, to derive the Envy as much as he could upon my Person only.

For he could not hold from comparing me to Pope Boniface 8. and saying, that I took on me the Power of both Swords. But this was only ad Faciendum Populum. For he knows well enough, that to take both the Swords, as the Pope takes them, is to challenge them Originally as due to him and his Place: Not to take both, as under the Prince, and given by [Page] his Authority; and so, not I alone, but all the Commissioners take theirs.

5. Fifthly, To prove that this vast Commission (as it was called) was put in execution, Mr. Burton is produced. He says, that when he was called into the High-Commission, he appealed to the King, and pleaded his Appeal; and that thereupon I and the Bishop of London Writ to the King to have him submit to the Court. He confesses he was dismissed upon his Appeal, till his Majesty's Pleasure was farther known. And it was our Duty, considering what a Breach this would make upon the Jurisdiction of the Court, to inform his Majesty of it; and we did so. The King declared that he should submit to the Court, as is confessed by himself. Then he says, because he would not submit to the Court, he was Censured notwithstanding his Appeal. And he well deserved it, that would not be ruled by his Majesty, to whom he had appealed. And the Commission had Power to do what they did. Besides, himself confesses, all this was done by the High-Commission, not by me. Nor doth he urge any Threat, Promise, or Solicitation of mine, any way to particularize the Act upon me; and farther, he is single, and in his own Cause.

Then followed the last Charge of this Day, which was the Patent XI. granted for the Fines in the High-Commission for Finishing the West End of St: Pauls, cryed out upon as Illegal, and Extorted from the King, and such as took all Power from him for the space of the Ten Years, for which time it was granted. This is the Fourth time that St: Pauls is struck at. My Lords, let it come as often as it will, my Project and Endeavour in that Work was Honest and Honourable, to both Church and Kingdom of England. No Man in all this Search and Pursuit hath been able to charge me with the turning of any one Penny, or Pennyworth, to other use than was limited to me. I took a great deal of Care and Pains about the Work, and cannot repent of any thing I did in that Service, but of Humane Frailty. And whereas 'tis said, this Patent was extorted from his Majesty; as there is no Proof offered for it, so is there no truth in it. For his Majesty's Piety was so forward, that nothing needed to be extorted from him. Thus went I on, Bonâ Fide, and took the Prime Direction of the Kingdom for drawing the Patent: The Lord Keeper Coventry, Mr. Noy, and Sir Henry Martin. And therefore if any thing be found against Law in it, it cannot be imputed to me, who took all the care I could to have it beyond exception. And I marvel what security any Man shall have, that adventures upon any great and publick Work in this Kingdom; if such Councel cannot be trusted for drawing up of his Warrant.

And whereas it was said, this Patent for the Ten Years space took away both Justice and Mercy from the King: That's nothing so. For whatever the Words be to enable me the better for that Work, yet these being inseparable from him, may be used by him, notwithstanding this or any other Patent. And if these be inseparable (as 'tis granted they are) no inseparable thing can be taken away; or if it be taken, 'tis void in Law, and the King is where he was in the Exercise of his Right, both for Justice and Mercy. And so I answered Mr. Brown's summary Charge against me; and [Page] as for that which he farther urged concerning S. Gregory's Church, Mr. Jingo Jones and others were trusted with that whole Business, and were Censured for it in this present Parliament. In all which Examination, no part of the Charge fell on me.

And because here are so many things urged about Free-Chappels, Lay-Fees, Patents, Appeals, and the like, I humbly desire a Salvo may be entred for me, and that my Councel may be heard for matter of Law, if any Doubt stick with your Lordships.

This Day ended, I did, according to my Resolution formerly taken, move the Lords for Means, considering my Charge in coming, and how oft I had Attended and was not Heard. Their Lordships considered of my Motion, and sent me out Word I should Petition them. I did humbly Petition their Lordships May 6. My Maii 6. Petition was presently sent down to the House of Commons, that so by both Houses it might be recommended to the Committee for Sequestrations. But upon a Speech in the House of Commons, that it was fit to see what would become of me, before they troubled themselves with thinking of Means for me, my Petition was cast aside.

CAP. XXXI.

AT my Parting from the House, I was ordered to appear again on Thursday, May 9. But then fairly put off by an Order Maii 9. Maii 13. (sent to the Lieutenant of the Tower) to Munday, May 13. so the Scorn and Charge of that Day was scaped. But then I appeared according to this Order, and had Scorn plenty, for what I escaped the Day before. And, after long attendance, was dismissed again unheard, and had Thursday, May 16. assigned unto me. That Day held, and proceeded thus.

The Ninth Day of my Hearing.

The First Charge of this Day was about a Reversion of the Maii 16. 1644. Town-Clerks Office of Shrewsbury to one Mr. Lee, which he desired Die Nono. might be inserted into the new Charter. First, Mr. Lee is single here, and in his own Case. Secondly, it appears by his own confession, I. out of the Mouth of Mr. Barnard, that there was a Reference of this Business to those Lords to whom Shrewsbury Charter was Referred. For he says, that Mr. Barnard told him his Business was stayed, and he thought by me, but did not know whether the Lord-Keeper's Hand were not in it: So it seems by himself, this was done by the Lords Referees, and not by me. Thirdly, I did not then think, nor do now, that the Reversion of a Place to be sold for three Hundred Pound, (as he confesses that was) was fit to be put into a Town Charter: But yet neither I, nor the Lord Keeper did any thing in that stop, but what we acquainted [Page] his Majesty with, and had his Approbation of. And, whereas he says, that he acquainted the Right Honourable the Earl of Dorset with the stay that was made, and That thereupon his Lordship should say, Have we Two Kings? I cannot believe that Honourable Lord would so say, unless he were much abused by Mr. Lee's Information: Both in regard of his Love to me; And in regard it could not proceed from a Man of so great a Judgment as that Lord is. For, I beseech your Lordships consider, may not Lords, to whom a business is Referred, give his Majesty good Reason to alter his Mind in some particulars which they have Debated, and not he? And may not this be done, without any one of them taking on him to be a Second King?

The Second Charge was laid on me by Sir Arthur Haselrigg: II. (which should have come in the Day before (as Mr. Nicolas said) but that Sir Arthur was absent in the necessary service of the State) Sir Arthur being single, and in his own Case, says, That Sir John Lambe presented a Blind Parson to a Living of his. If Sir John did that, or any unworthy thing else, AEtatem habet, let him answer for himself. He says farther, That this Living is an Impropriation, and so a Lay-Fee by Law; and that when he told me so much, I made him this answer, That if I Lived, no Man should Name or stand upon his Lay-Fee. I conceive, my Lords, here's a great mistake in the main. For I have been Credibly informed, and do believe, that Benefice is Presentative, and so no Lay-Fee. And then there's no Fault to present unto it, so the Clerk be fit. Secondly, there is a main mistake in my Words, which I remember well, and where it was that I spake them. My Words, under this Gentleman's Favour, and your Lordships, were these and no other, That I had good Information, that the Benefice was Presentative, and that if I lived, I hoped to order it so, that no Man should make a Presentative Benefice a Lay-Fee; there were too many of them already. Thirdly, if I did speak the Words as they are Charged, if they come within that Statute of Six Months, so often mentioned, to that I refer my Self. Whatsoever the Bird at this time of the Year Sings; as Mr. Nicolas was pleased to put it upon me. And truly, my Lords, I could easily return all his Bitterness upon himself, could it befit my Person, my present Condition, or my Calling.

The Third Charge was about the refusing of a Pardon, which III. Mrs: Bastwick said she produced in the High-Commission Court, some Nine or Ten Years since: And she adds, that I should then say, it should not serve his turn. But this was no rejecting of the Pardon; for she confesses I said, I would move his Majesty about it. So that if it did not serve his turn, it was from the King himself, upon Motion made and Reason given, not from any Power assumed by the High-Commission, or my self. And the Act, whatever it were, was the Act of the whole Court, not mine. As for the Words (if mine) I give the same Answer as before, notwithstanding Mr. Nicolas his Bird.

The Fourth Charge was, That whereas there was a Proclamation IV. to be Printed about the Pacification with the Scots, it was suddenly stopped, and an Order after for burning of the Pacification. First, [Page] Mr. Hunscot is single in this Charge. Secondly, whatsoever was done in this, was by Order of Council: And himself names an Order, which could not come from me. Thirdly, he Charges me with nothing but that I sent word the Proclamation was to be stayed: Which if I did, I did it by Command. Howsoever, this concerns the Scottish business, and therefore to the Act of Oblivion I refer my self.

With this, that I see by this Testimony, Mr. Hunscourt (for I took his Name uncertainly) hath not yet forgotten, Thou shalt commit Adultery.

So desirous he is to catch me at the Press.

The Fifth Charge, was about a Benefice in North-Hamptonshire, V. in the Case of Mr: Fautrye, and Mr: Johnson, and Dr: Beal's succeeding them. In which broken business (for such it was;) First, that business all along was acted by the High-Commission, not by me. Secondly, that though in the Case of Simony the Benefice be lost, Ipso Facto; yet that must be proved before the Incumbent can be thrust out, and another Instituted; else Church-Men were in a miserable Condition for their Livelyhood. Excommunication is in many Cases void in Law, Ipso Facto, and yet, ante latam Sententiam, till Sentence be orderly pronounced against it, no Man shall be subjected to those fearful Consequences which follow upon it.

And upon this ground of Natural Equity, that in the Statute concerning the Uniformity of Common-Prayer proceeds,

where 'tis said, that a party once Convicted for depraving the Common-Prayer 1 Eliz, c. [...] Book, and relapsing into the same Crime, shall be deprived of all his Spiritual Promotions, Ipso Facto: But how? without any Legal Proceedings? No: God forbid. For the Words preceeding immediately in the Statute, are, that he must be first Legally Convicted of that Criminal Relapse; and then follows Ipso Facto, and not before: And therefore the superinstitution, before the Simony tryed and judged, was Illegal; beside the great danger to the Parishioners, while two Parsons, and their several Friends are scambling for the Tithes. Secondly, Fautrye was not Censured for the Original cause of Simony, but for an Intruder, and Colluder too, with Jeames to Abuse the Kings grant of the Benefice. Thirdly, it seems Fautrye had no better Opinion of his own Cause: for he went to his Benefice in Jarsey, and set not his Title on Foot again till after Seven Years, and that I think was when he heard that Mr. Johnson was a Pretender to it. And his Bond upon the Sentence, was to make a final Peace. For the Prohibition, which he says was refused, I have answered that before in the Charge about Prohibitions. Besides, it appears by Law, that as Prohibitions may be granted in some Cases, so in some 13 Ed. 1. Cases they may be refused. For Dr. Beal, there is not the least shew of Proof offered, that I brought him in; if to do so be a Crime.

Thus far Mr. Fautrye went. As for Mr. Johnson's Title, He says, That the Lords ordered it for him, and declared that we in the High-Commission could put no Man out of his Freehold. Where first, if your Lordships have Ordered this Business, I must crave to know how far I shall have leave to speak to it! For if there be any Errours Charged upon the Sentence given in the High-Commission, if they may not be spoken to, they cannot be satisfied. This I am [Page] sure of, the Commission hath Power to deprive. For the Statute gives it Power to use all Ecclesiastical and Spiritual Censures, of which 1 Eliz. c. 1. [...]. 8. Deprivation is known to be one. And that Power is expresly given, to deprive some Offenders of all their Spiritual Promotions, by the Statute following. Therefore I think it follows necessarily, either 1 Eliz. c. 2. that we have Power over Freehold in that Case; or else that a Benefice is not a Freehold. But I have no reason howsoever, to speak any thing (were I left never so free) against your Lordships Order, which very honourably left Dr. Beal to the Law; as 'tis confessed by Johnson.

Besides these two in their own Cause, one Mr. Jenkins is produced, but to what end I know not, unless it be to bespatter Dr. Beal. He says, That Seven Years since Dr. Beal was Vice-Chancellor of Cambridge; that in his Sermon then he inveighed bitterly against the Power of Parliaments, and named some unsavoury Speeches of his, both concerning their Persons and Proceedings. Surely, if Dr. Beal did as is Testified, he was much to blame. But what is this to me? If it be said, I did not punish him: How could I punish that I knew not? And I profess I heard not of it till now at Bar. If it be said, I did Prefer him: That I do absolutely deny; and neither Mr. Jenkins, nor any other, offers the least Proof, that I knew the one, or did the other.

The Sixth Charge was concerning the Statutes of the University VI. of Oxford, in which, and the Cathedrals of the New Erection, Mr. Nicolas says, I took on me to be an Vniversal Law-giver. Many such Offices he bestows upon me, which God knows, and I believe he too, that I never affected: No, my Lords, the great Necessities of that Vniversity called upon me for it: Their Statutes lay in a miserable confused Heap: When any Difficulty arose, they knew not where to look for Remedy, or Direction. Then into the Convocation-House, and make a new Statute; and that many times proved contrary to an Old one concerning the same business. Men in the mean time sworn to both, which could not possibly be kept together. By this means Perjury was in a manner unavoidable: And themselves confess in their Register (which is now in Court) that till this was [...] Perjuri [...]. [...]. 69. done, they did in a sort Swear, that they might be Forsworn.

Besides, my Lords, I did not abolish any the Old Books, in which the Statutes lay so confused, some in one Book, and some in another; but left them all entire in the Vniversity, in Case in any after-times any use might be made of them. Nor did I with them, as some Ancient Philosophers are said to have done with the Works of some that went before them: That is, make them away, to advance their own Honour the more, as if without any help of former Pains, they had done all themselves. Holding it Honour more than enough for me, that God had so highly Blessed me in this Work, as to finish and settle those Statutes; which the greatest Men in their times, Cardinal Wolsey first, and after him Cardinal Pool assayed, but left as imperfect as they found them. Neither did I any thing in this Work, but by the consent of the Vniversity, and according to an Act, (and a Delegacy thereby appointed) of their own Convocation.

Mr. Nicolas says, There is a Rasure in one of the Acts, and supplied [Page] in other Ink. I told your Lordships then presently, (being loath to lye never so little under such an Imputation) that if there be any such, it must be Charged upon the Vniversity, not upon me; for those Records were never in my Hands, nor is it so much as said they were. And since I withdrew to make my Answer, I have viewed the Record, and an Alteration or Addition there is; and 'tis a known Hand. 'Tis Dr. Duppa's Hand, now Lord Bishop of Salisbury, and then Vice-Chancellor, who, I doubt not but is able to give a good account of what he did therein, and why. And for ought appears, 'tis nothing but the amendment of some slip, which their Ignorant Register French had failed in, and the Vice-Chancellor thought it safest to mend with his own Hand. And for my own part, if ever I did any thing worth Thanks from the Publick in all my Life, I did it in this Work for that Vniversity. And I wish with all my Heart, the times were so open, as that I might have the Vniversity's Testimony, both of me and it.

Since I cannot, a great Lord present in the House, when this Charge was laid against me, supplied in part their Absence. For he was over-heard say to another Lord, I think my Lord Arch-Bishop hath done no Good Work in all his Life, but these Men will object it as a Crime against him before they have done.

With this Charge about the Statutes, it was let fall (and I well know why;

It was to heat a Noble Person then present) That I procured my self to be chosen Chancellour of that Vniversity.

If I had so done, it might have been a great Ambition in me, but surely no Treason. But, my Lords, I have Proof great store, might I be enabled to fetch it from Oxford, that I was so far from endeavouring to procure this Honour to my self, as that I laboured by my Letters for another. And 'tis well known, that when they had chosen me, I went instantly to his Majesty, so soon as ever I heard it, and humbly besought him, that I might refuse it, as well foreseeing the Envy that would follow me for it; and it did plentifully every way. But this for some Reasons his Majesty would not suffer me to do.

Then were objected against me divers Particulars contained in those Statutes. As First, the making of new Oaths. The Charters of 1. the Vniversity are not new, and they gave Power to make Statutes for themselves, and they have ever been upon Oath. The next Illegality [...] is, That Men are tied to obey the Proctors in Singing the Litany. This is Ancient, and in use long before ever I came to the Vniversity, and it is according to the Liturgy of the Church of England established by Law. Thirdly, The Statute of Bannition from the Vniversity. 3. But there is nothing more ancient in the Vniversity Statutes than this. Fourthly, That nothing should be propased in Convocation, but 4. what was consented unto among the Heads of Colleges first, which was said to be against the Liberty of the Students. The young Masters of Arts, void of Experience, were grown so tumultuous, that no Peace could be kept in the Vniversity, till my worthy Predecessor, the Right Honourable William Earl of Pembroke setled this Order among them. As he did also upon the same Grounds settle the present way of the choice of their Proctors: In both which, I did but follow, and confirm (for so much as lay in me) the Good and Peaceable Grounds, [Page] which he had laid in those two Businesses.

And Mr. Brown, who in the summing up of my Charge, urged this against me, mainly mistook in two things. The one was, that he said, this Inhibition of Proposals was in Congregations: Whereas it was only in Convocations, where more weighty Businesses are handled. The other was, that this stay of Proposals was made till I might be first acquainted with them. No; it was but till the Heads of Colleges had met, and considered of them, for avoiding of tumultuary Proceedings. And when my Honourable Predecessor made that Order, it was highly commended every where; and is it now degenerated into a Crime, because it is made up into a Statute?

Fifthly, 5. That some things are referred to Arbitrary Penalties. And that some things are so referred is usual in that Vniversity, and many Colleges have a particular Statute for it. Nor is this any more Power, than Ordinary School-Masters have, which have not a Statute-Law for every Punishment they use in Schools. And in divers things, the old known Statute is, that the Vice-Chancellour shall proceed Grosso Modo, that is, without the regular Forms of Law, for the more speedy ending of Differences among the Scholars. Sixthly, That the 6. Statute made by me against Conventicles, is very strict. But for these [...]. 15. §. 12. that Statute is express, De Illicitis Conventiculis, and I hope such as are unlawful may be both forbid, and punished. Besides, it is according to the Charter of Richard the Second to that Vniversity. The Seventh was the Power of Discommoning. But this also hath ever been 7. in Power and in Usage in that Vniversity; as is commonly known to all Oxford-Men. And no longer since than King James his time, Bishop King, then Vice-Chancellor, Discommuned Three or Four Towns-Men together. Next, That Students were bound to go to Prison 8. upon the Vice-Chancellors or Proctors Command. This also was Ancient, and long before my coming to the Vniversity. And your Lordships may be sure the Delegacy, appointed by themselves, would not have admitted it, had it not been Ancient and Usual. Lastly, about the stay 9. of granting Graces, unless there were Testimony from the Bishop of the Diocess. [...]. 9. §. 2. This was for no Graces, but of such as Live not Resident in the Vniversity, and so they could not judge of their Manners and Conversation. And for their Conformity to the Church of England, none (as I conceive) can be a fitter Witness than the Bishop of the Diocess in which they resided. And, my Lords, for all these thus drawn up by some of their own Body, I obtained of his Majesty his Broad Seal for Confirmation: And therefore no one thing in them is by any Assumption of Papal Power, as 'tis urged, but by the King's Power only.

Then followed the Seventh Charge, about the Statutes of some VII. Cathedral Churches. First, my Lords, for this I did it by Letters-Patents from the King, bearing Date Mar. 31. Decimo Caroli, and is extant upon Record. And all that was done, was Per Juris Remedia, and so nothing intended against Law, nor done, that I know. They had extream need of Statutes, for all lay loose for want of confirmation, and Men did what they listed: And I could not but observe it, for I was Dean of Gloucester, where I found it so. In seeking to remedy this, I had nothing but my Labour for my Pains, and now [Page] this Accusation to Boot. The Particulars urged are, That I had Ordered that nothing should be done in these Statutes, Me inconsulto. 1. And I had great Reason for it. For since I was principally trusted in that work by his Majesty, the King, if any Complaint were made, would expect the account from me. And how could I give it, if other Men might do all, and I not be so much as consulted before they passed?

2. That I made a Statute against letting Leases into three Lives. But first, my Lords, the Statute which makes it lawful to let Leases for 13 Eliz. c. 10. §. Penult. One and Twenty Years, or three Lives, hath this limitation in it, that they shall not let for any more Years than are limited by the said Colleges or Churches. Now in Winchester Church, and some other, the old local Statute is most plain, that they shall let no Lease into Lives. Let the Dean and Prebendaries Answer their own Acts and their Consciences as they can. And in those Statutes which I did not find pregnant to that purpose, I did not make the Statute absolute, but left them free to renew all such Leases as were Anciently in Lives before. And this give me leave to say to your Lordships, without offence; If but a few more Leases be granted into Lives, no Bishop nor Cathedral Church shall be able to subsist. And this is considerable also, that, as the state of the Church yet stands, the Laity have the benefit, by the Leases which they hold, of more than five parts of all the Bishops, Deans and Chapters, and College Revenues in England.

And shall it be yet an Eye-sore to serve themselves with the rest of their own? This Evidence Mr. Browne, whose part it was to summ up the Evidence against me at the end of the Charge, wholly omitted: For what Cause he best knows.

The next Charge was about my Injunctions in my Visitation of Winton VIII. and Sarum, for the taking down of some Houses. But they were such as were upon Consecrated Ground, and ought not to have been built there; and yet with caution sufficient to preserve the Lessees from over-much dammage. For it appears apud Acta, that they were not to be pulled down till their several Leases were expired. And that they were Houses not built long since, but by them; and that all this was to be done, to the end that the Church might suffer no dammage by them: And that this demolition was to be made Juxta Decreta Regni, according to the Statutes of the Kingdom. Therefore nothing injoyned contrary to Law: Or if any thing were, the Injunction took not place, by the very Tenor of that which was charged.

Mr. Browne omitted this Charge also, though he hung heavily upon the like at St. Pauls, though there was satisfaction given, and not here.

The Ninth Charge was my intended Visitation of both the Vniversities, IX. Oxford and Cambridge. For my Troubles began then to be foreseen by me, and I Visited them not. This was urged as a thing 1. directly against Law. But this I conceive cannot be, so long as it was with the King's Knowledge, and by his Warrant. Secondly, 2. because all Power of the King's Visitations was saved in the Warrant, and that with consent of all parts. Thirdly, because nothing in this 3. was surreptitiously gotten from the King, all being done at a most full Council-Table, and great Councel at Law heard on both sides. [Page] Fourthly, because it did there appear, that three of my Predecessors did actually Visit the Vniversities, and that Jure Ecclesiae suae Metropoliticae. 4. Fifthly, no Immunity pleaded, why the Arch-Bishop 5. should not Visit; for the instance against Cardinal Poole is nothing. For he attempted to Visit, not only by the Right of his See, but by his power Legatin The Arch-Bishop had collected many Papers, Decrees, and Precedents, to assert his Priviledge of Visiting the Vniversities, in Right of [...] See, about the Year 1635. Which being [...] on by Pryn, among his other Papers at Lambeth, were by him, after the Arch-Bishop's Death, published in his own Name, with this title, The Plea of the University of Oxford [...], &c. London 1647. eight sheets in 410. [...]. W. from the Pope; whereas the University Charters are Express, that such power of Visitation cannot be granted per Bullas Papales. And yet now 'tis charged against me, that I challenged this by Papal Power.

Mr. Browne wholly neglected this Charge also, which, making such a shew, I think he would not have done, had he found it well grounded.

The Tenth Charge was my Visitation of Merton College in Oxford. X. The Witness Sir Nathaniel Brent, the Warden of the College, and principally concerned in that business. He said, First, that no 1. Visitation held so long. But if he consult his own Office, he may find one much longer, held and continued at All-Souls College by my worthy Predecessor Arch-Bishop Whitgift. Secondly, he urged that 2. I should say I would be Warden for Seven Years: If I did so say, there was much need I should make it good. Thirdly, That one Mr. Rich. 3. Nevil, Fellow of that College, lay abroad in an Ale-House, that a Wench was got with Child in that House, and he accused of it; and that this was complained of to me, and Sir Nath. Brent accused for Conspiring with the Ale-Wife against Nevil. I am not here to accuse the one or defend the other. But the Case is this. This Cause between them was publick, and came to Hearing in the Vice-Chancellor's Court, Witnesses Examined, Mr. Nevil acquitted, and the Ale-Wife punished. In all this I had no Hand. Then in my Visitation it was again complained of to me. I liked not the business; but forbare to do any thing in it, because it had been Legally Censured upon the place.

This part of the Charge Mr. Browne urged against me in the House of Commons, and I gave it the same Answer.

Lastly, when I sate to hear the 4. main Business of that College, Sir Nathaniel Brent was beholding to me that he continued Warden. For in Arch-Bishop Warham's time, a Predecessor of his was expelled for less than was proved against him. And I found that true which one of my Visitors had formerly told me, namely, That Sir Nathaniel Brent had so carried himself in that College, as that if he were guilty of the like, he would lay his Key under the Door, and be gone, rather than come to Answer it. Yet I did not think it fit to proceed so rigidly. But while I was going to open some of the Particulars against him, Mr. Nicolas cut me off, and told the Lords, this was to scandalize their Witnesses. So I forbare.

Then followed the last Charge of this day, concerning a Book of XI. Dr: Bastwick's, for which he was Censured in the High-Commission. The Witnesses in this Charge were three. Mr. Burton, a Mortal Enemy of mine, and so he hath shewed himself. Mrs. Bastwick, a Woman and a Wife, and well Tutoured: For she had a Paper, and all written which she had to say; though I saw it not till 'twas too late. [Page] And Mr. Hunscot, a Man that comes in to serve all turns against me, since the Sentence passed against the Printers, for, Thou shalt commit Adultery.

In the Particulars of this Charge, 'tis first said, That this Book was 1. written Contra Episcopos Latiales. But how cunningly so-ever this was pretended, 'tis more than manifest, it was purposely written and divulged against the Bishops and Church of England. Secondly, that I 2. said that Christian Bishops were before Christian Kings: So Burton and Mrs. Bastwick. And with due Reverence to all Kingly Authority be it spoken, who can doubt but that there were many Christian Bishops, before any King was Christian? Thirdly, Mr. Burton says, 3. that I applied those words in the Psalm, whom thou may'st make Princes Psal. 45. 17. in all Lands, to the Bishops. For this if I did err in it, many of the Fathers of the Church mis-led me, who Interpret that place so. And if I be mistaken, 'tis no Treason. But I shall ever follow their Comments 4. before Mr. Burton's. Fourthly, Mrs. Bastwick says that I then said, no Bishop and no King: If I did say so, I Learned it of a Wise and Experienced Author, King James, who spake it out and plainly Conf. at Hamps. Court. p. 84. in the Conference at Hampton-Court. And I hope it cannot be Treason in me to repeat it. Fifthly, Mrs. Bastwick complained, that I 5. committed her Husband close Prisoner. Not I, but the High-Commission; not close Prisoner to his Chamber, but to the Prison, not to go abroad with his Keeper. Which is all the close Imprisonment which I ever knew that Court use. Lastly, the pinch of this Charge is, that I said, 6. I received my Jurisdiction from God, and from Christ, contrary to an Act 37 H. 8. c. 17. of Parliament, which says Bishops, derive their Jurisdiction from the King: This is Witnessed by all three, and that Dr. Bastwick read the Statute. That Statute speaks plainly of Jurisdiction in foro Contentioso, and places of Judicature, and no other. And all this forinsecal Jurisdiction, I and all Bishops in England derive from the Crown. But my Order, my Calling, my Jurisdiction in foro Conscientiae, that is from God, and from Christ, and by Divine and Apostolical Right. And of this Jurisdiction it was that I then spake (if I named Jurisdiction at all, and not my Calling in general.) For I then sate in the High-Commission, and did Exercise the former Jurisdiction under the Broad Seal, and could not be so simple to deny the Power by which I then sate. Beside, the Canons of the Church of England, to which Can. 1. I have Subscribed, are plain for it. Nay farther: The Use and Exercise of my Jurisdiction in foro Conscientiae, may not be but by the Leave and Power of the King within his Dominions. And if Bishops and Presbyters be all one Order (as these Men contend for) then Bishops must be Jure Divino, for so they maintain that Presbyters are.

This part of the Charge Mr. Browne pressed in his Report to the House of Commons: And when I gave this same Answer, he in his Reply said nothing but the same over and over again, save that he said, I fled to he knew not what inward Calling and Jurisdiction; which point as I expressed it, if he understood not, he should not have undertaken to Judge me.

CAP. XXXII.

[Page]

THE 16th of May, I had an Order from the Lords, for free access Maij 16. of four of my Servants to me.

On Friday May 17. I received a Note from the Committee, that Maij 17. they intended to proceed upon part of the Sixth Original Article remaining, and upon the Seventh; which Seventh Article follows in haec Verba.

That he hath Trayterously indeavoured to alter and subvert God's True Religion by Law Established in this Realm, and instead thereof to set up Popish Superstition and Idolatry. And to that end hath Declared and Maintained in Speeches and Printed Books, divers Popish Doctrins and Opinions, contrary to the Articles of Religion Established. He hath urged and injoyned divers Popish and Superstitious Ceremonies, without any Warrant of Law; and hath cruelly persecuted those who have opposed the same, by Corporal Punishment and Imprisonment; and most unjustly vexed others who refused to Conform thereunto, by Ecclesiastical Censures of Excommunication, Suspension, Deprivation, and Degradation, contrary to the Law of this Kingdom.

The Tenth Day of my Hearing.

This day, May 20. Mr. Serjeant Wild undertook the Business against Maij 20. 1644. Munday. me. And at his Entrance he made a Speech, being now to charge me with Matter of Religion. In this Speech he spake of a Tide Die Decimo. which came not in all at once. And so he said it was in the intended alteration of Religion. First a Connivence, then a Toleration, then a Subversion. Nor this, nor that. But a Tide it seems he will have of Religion. And I pray God his Truth, (the True Protestant Religion here Established) sink not to so low an Ebb, that Men may with ease wade over to that side, which this Gentleman seems most to hate. He fears both Ceremonies and Doctrine. But in both he fears where no fear is; which I hope shall appear. He was pleased to begin with Ceremonies.

In this he Charged first my Chappel at Lambeth, and Innovation in I. Ceremonies there.

1. The First Witness for this was Dr. Featly; he says there were Alterations since my Predecessor's time. And I say so too, or else my Chappel must lye more undecently than is fit to express. He says, I turned the Table North and South. The Injunction says it shall be so. Injunct. of Q. Eliz. fine.

And then the Innovation was theirs in going from, not mine in returning to that way of placing it. Here Mr. Browne, in his last Reply in the House of Commons, said, that I cut the Injunction short, because in the Words immediately following, 'tis Ordered, [Page] That this Place of standing shall be altered when the Communion is Administred. But first, the Charge against me is only about the Place of it: Of which that Injunction is so careful, that it Commands, That when the Communion is done, it be placed where it stood before. Secondly, it was never Charged against me, that I did not remove it at the Time of Communion; nor doth the Reason expressed in the Injunction require it; which is when the Number of Communicants is great, and that the Minister may be the better heard of them. Neither of which was necessary in my Chappel, where my Number was not great, and all might easily Hear.

(2) The second thing which Dr. Featly said, was in down-right Terms, That the Chappel lay nastily, all the time he served in that House. Was it one of my Faults too to cleanse it?

(3) Thirdly, he says, The Windows were not made up with Coloured Glass, till my time. The Truth is, they were all shameful to look on, all diversly patched, like a Poor Beggars Coat. Had they had all white Glass, I had not stirred them. And for the Crucifix, he confesses it was standing in my Predecessors time, though a little broken: So I did but mend it, I did not set it up (as was urged against me.)

And it was utterly mistaken by Mr. Brown, that I In his reply. did repair the Story of those Windows, by their like in the Mass-Book. No, but I, and my Secretary made out the Story, as well as we could, by the Remains that were unbroken. Nor was any Proof at all offered, that I did it by the Pictures in the Mass-Book; but only Mr. Pryn Testified, that such Pictures were there; whereas this Argument is of no consequence: There are such Pictures in the Missal, therefore I repaired my Windows by them. The Windows contain the whole Story from the Creation to the Day of Judgment: Three Lights in a Window: The two Side-Lights contain the Types in the Old Testament, and the middle Light the Antitype and Verity of Christ in the New: And I believe the Types are not in the Pictures in the Missal. In the mean time, I know no Crime, or Superstition in this History: And though Calvin Calv. 1. Inflit. c. 11. §. 12. do not approve Images in Churches, yet he doth approve very well of them which contain a History; and says plainly, that these have their use, in Docendo & Admonendo, in Teaching and Admonishing the People: And if they have that use, why they may not instruct in the Church, as well as out, I know not. Nor do Hom. of Idol. par. 2. To. 2. p. 27. Fine. the Homilies in this particular differ much from Calvin.

But here the 3 & 4 Ed. 6. c. 10. Statute of Ed. 6. was charged against me, which requires the Destruction of all Images, as well in Glass-Windows, as elsewhere.

And this was also earnestly pressed by Mr. Brown, when he repeated the Summ of the Charge against me in the House of Commons.

To which I answered at both times: First, that the Statute of Ed. 6. spake of other Images; and that Images in Glass-Windows, were neither mentioned, nor meant in that Law: The Words of the Statute are, Any Images of Stone, Timber, Alabaster or Earth; Graven, Carved or Painted, taken out of any Church, &c. shall be Destroyed, &c. and not reserved to any Superstitious Use. So here's not a Word of Glass-Windows, nor the Images that are in them. Secondly, that the Contemporary Practice, (which is one of [Page] the best Expounders of the meaning of any Law) did neither destroy all coloured Windows, though Images were in them, in the Queens time, nor abstain from setting up of new, both in her, and King James his Time. And as the Body of this Statute is utterly mistaken, so is the Penalty too; which for the First and Second Offence is but a small Fine; and but Imprisonment at the King's Will for the Third.

A great way short of Punishment for Treason. And I could not but wonder that Mr. Brown should be so earnest in this Point, considering he is of Lincolns-Inn, where Mr. Pryn's Zeal hath not yet beaten down the Images of the Apostles in the fair Windows of that Chappel; which Windows also were set up new long since that Statute of Edward 6. And tis well known, that I was once resolved to have returned this upon Mr. Brown in the House of Commons, but changed my Mind, lest thereby I might have set some furious Spirit on Work to destroy those harmless, goodly Windows; to the just dislike of that Worthy Society.

But to the Statute Mr. Brown added, That the Destruction of all Images, as well in Windows, as elsewhere, were l. was Commended, or Commanded. Condemned by the Homilies of the Church of England, and those Homilies confirmed in the Articles of Religion, and the Articles by Act of Parliament. This was also urged before; Art. 35. and my Answer was, First, that though we Subscribed generally to the Doctrine of the Homilies, as good: Yet we did not express, or mean thereby to justifie and maintain every particular Phrase or Sentence contained in them. And Secondly, that the very Words of the Article to which we subscribe, are, That the Homilies do contain a Godly and a wholesom Doctrine, and necessary for those Times. Godly, and wholesom for all Times; but necessary for those, when People were newly Weaned from the Worship of Images: Afterwards, neither the Danger, nor the Scandal alike.

Mr. Brown in his Reply said, That since the Doctrine contained in the Homilies was wholesom and good, it must needs be necessary also for all Times. But this worthy Gentleman is herein much mistaken. Strong Meat, as well Spiritual as Bodily, is good and wholesom; but though it be so, yet if it had been Necessary at all Times, and for all Men, the Apostle would never 1 [...] 3. 1, 2. have fed the Corinthians with Milk, and not with Meat: The Meat always good in it self, but not necessary for them which were not able to bear it.

(4) The Fourth thing which Dr. Featly Testifies, is, That there were Bowings at the coming into the Chappel, and going up to the Commanion-Table.

This was usual in Queen Elizabeth's Time, and of Old, both among Jews, as appears in the Story of Hezekiah, 2 Chro. 29. 2 Chron. 29. 28 28. and among Christians; as is evident in Rhenanus his Notes upon B. Rhenani [...]. in [...]. de Coron. Mil. p. 40. Bp. [...] de Missa. L. 6. c. 5. Tertullian:

And one of them, which have written against the late Canons, confesses it was usual in the Queens Time; but then adds, That that was a Time of Ignorance. What, a Time of such a Reformation, and yet still a Time of Ignorance? I pray God the Opposite be not a Time of Prophaneness, and all is well.

Mr. Brown in the Summ of his Charge given me in the House of Commons, instanced in this also. I answered as before, with this Addition, Shall I Bow to Men in each House of Parliament, and shall I not bow to God in his House, whither I do, or ought to come to Worship [Page] him? Surely I must Worship God, and Bow to him, though neither Altar, nor Communion-Table be in the Church.

(5) For Organs, Candlesticks, a Picture of a History at the back of the Altar, and Copes at Communions, and Consecrations, All which Dr. Featly named. First, these things have been in use ever since the Reformation. And Secondly, Dr. Featly himself did twice acknowledge that it was in my Chappel, as it was at White-Hall; no difference. And it is not to be thought, that Queen Elizabeth and King James would have endured them all their Time in their own Chappel, had they been introductions for Popery. And for Copes, they are allowed at Times of Communion, by the Canons of the Church. So Can. Eccles. Aug. 24. that these, all or any, are very poor Motives, from whence to argue an Alteration of Religion.

2. The second Witness against my Chappel was Sir Nathaniel Brent: But he says not so much as Dr. Featly: And in what he doth say, he agrees with him, saving that he cannot say whether the Picture at the Back of the Communion-Table, were not there before my time.

3. The third Witness for this Charge, was one Mr. Boreman, who came into my Chappel at Prayers time, when I had some new Plate to Consecrate for use at the Communion: And I think it was brought to me for that end by Dr. Featly. This Man says first, he then saw me Bow, and wear a Cope. That's answer'd. Secondly, That he saw me Consecrate some Plate: That in that Consecration, I used some part of Solomon's Prayer, at the Dedication of the Temple: And that in my Prayer I did desire God to accept those Vessels. No fault in any of the Three. For in all Ages of the Church, especially since Constantine's Time, that Religion hath had publick allowance: There have been Consecrations of Sacred Vessels, as well as of Churches themselves. Tho. p. 3. 9. 63. A. 6. [...] And these Inanimate things are Holy, in that they are Deputed and Dedicated to the Service of God. And we are said to Minister about Holy Things, 1 Cor. 9. And the Altar is said to Sanctifie the Gift, S. Matt. 1 Cor. 9. 13. [...] Mat. 23. 19. 23. which it could not do, if it self were not Holy. So then, if there be no Dedication of these Things to God, no separation of them from common use, there's neither Thing nor Place Holy. And then no Sacriledge; no difference between Churches and common Houses; between Holy-Tables (so the Injunction calls them) and ordinary Tables. Injunct. of Q. Eliz. in [...]. But I would have no Man deceive himself; Sacriledge is a grievous Sin, and was severely Punished even among the Heathen. And S. Paul's Question puts it home, would we consider of it, Thou which abhorrest Idols, Committest thou Sacriledge? Rom. 2. Thou Rom. 2. 22. which abhorrest Idols to the very defacing of Church Windows, dost thou? Thou of all other, Commit Sacriledge, which the very Worshippers of Idols punished? And this being so, I hope my use of a part of Solomon's Prayer, or the Words of my own Prayer, (That God would be pleased to accept them) shall not be reputed Faults.

But here stepped in Mr. Pryn, and said, This was according to the Form in Missali Parvo. But 'tis well known I borrowed nothing thence. All that I used was according to the Copy of the late Reverend Bishop of Winchester, Bishop Andrews, which I have by me to be seen, and which himself used all his Time.

[Page] Then from my Chappel, he went to my Study. And there the Second Charge was, That I had a Bible with the Five Wounds of Christ II. fair upon the Cover of it. This was curiously wrought in Needle-Work. 1. The Bible was so sent me by a Lady, and she a Protestant; I was loth to deface the Work; but the Bible I kept in my Study from any Man's Hand or Eye, that might take Offence at it.

Mr. Brown touched upon this, and my Answer was the same, saving that I mentioned not the Lady. Secondly, That I had in my Study 2. a Missal, and divers other Books belonging to the Roman Liturgy.

My Lords, 'tis true, I had many; but I had more of the Greek Liturgies, than the Roman. And I had as many of both, as I could get. And I would know, how we shall answer their Errors if we may not have their Books? I had Liturgies, all I could get, both Ancient and Modern. I had also the Alcoarn in divers Copies: If this be an Argument, why do they not accuse me to be a Turk? Thirdly, 3. to this Charge was added my Private Prayer Book, which Mr. Pryn had taken from me in his Search. Where first I observed, That the Secrets between God and my Soul, were brought to be divulged in open Court.

Nihil Gravius dicam. But see whether it can be parallel'd in Hetheanism.

But what Popery was found in these Prayers? Why, first they said, my Prayers were in Canonical Hours, [...]. Hora Sexta, & Hora Nona, &c. I injoyned my self several hours of Prayer: That I hope is no Sin: And if some of them were Church-Hours, that's no Sin neither; Seven Times a Day will I praise thee, Psal. 119. was the Prophet David's, long before any Canonical Hours. And among Christians they were in use before Popery got any Head. God grant this may be my greatest Sin. Secondly, The Prayer which I 2. made at the Consecration of the Chappel at Hammersmith. I desired that might be read, or any other: No Offence found. Thirdly, the 3. Word Prostratus, in my Private Devotions, before I came to the Eucharist. If I did so to God, what's that to any Man? But I pray in all this curious Search,

(and Mr. Pryn here, and all along spared no pains)

why were no Prayers to the B. Virgin and the Saints found, if I were so swallowed up in Popery?

From my Study, he went on to my Gallery. The Serjeant III. would find out Popery ere he had done. Thence I was Charged with three Pictures. The First of them was a Fair Picture of the Four [...]. Fathers of the Western Church, S: Ambrose, S: Jerom, S: Augustine and S: Gregory. It was as Lawful to have this Picture as the Picture of any other Men. Yea; but there was a Dove pictured over them, and that stood for the Holy-Ghost. That's more than any Witness did, or durst depose. The Second was, the Ecce Homo, as Pilate brought 2. Christ forth, and shewed him to the Jews. This Picture is Common, and I yet know no hurt of it, so it be not Worshipped. And that I detest as much as any Man, and have written as much against it as Cont. Fisher. §. 33. p. 279. any Protestant hath: And it was then read in part. And for both these Pictures I answered farther out of Calvin; That it is Lawful L. 1. [...]. c. 11. §. 12. to make, and have the Picture of any things Quorum sint Capaces Oculi, which may be seen: Now the Dove was visible and seen, S. John 1. That's for the first Picture. And for the Second, the S. Job. 1. 32, 33. [Page] Ecce Homo; why did Pilat say Ecce, but that the Jews might and did see him? St. Joh. 19. So both Pictures lawful by the Rule laid down, S. [...]. 19. [...]. by Calvin.

Mr. Brown Charged against both these Pictures very warmly, And when I had Answer'd as before, in his Reply he fell upon my Answer; and said it was in the Homilies (but either he quoted not the place, or I else slipped it) That every Picture of Christ was a Lye, because whole Christ cannot be Pictured. But by this Argument it is unlawful to Picture any Man; for the whole Man cannot be Pictured. Who ever drew a Picture of the Soul? And yet who so simple as to say the Picture of a Man is a Lye? Besides, the Ecce Homo is a Picture of the Humanity of Christ only, which may as lawfully be drawn as any other Man. And it may be I may give farther Answer, when I see the place in the Homilies.

The Third Picture found in my Gallery, I marvel why it was 3. produced. For it relates to that of our Saviour, St. John. 10. Where S. Joh. 10. 1, 2. he says, that the Shepherd enters into the Sheepfold by the door, but they which climb up to enter another way, are Thieves and Robbers. And in that Picture the Pope and the Fryars are climbing up to get in at the Windows. So 'tis as directly against Popery as can be. Besides, it was Witnessed before the Lords by Mr. Walter Dobson, an Ancient Servant, both to Arch-Bishop Bancroft and Abbot, that both the Ecce Homo and this Picture, were in the Gallery when he came first to Lambeth-House, which was about Forty Years since. So it was not brought thither by me to countenance Popery. And I hope your Lordships do not think me such All these Pictures were placed in the Gallery by Cardinal Pole, when he built it, and continue there still, having not been defaced by the Godly Party in the time of the Rebellion, at were the Windows of the Chappel, and the Chappel it self converted to a Dancing-Room by them, having first beat down Arch-Bishop Parker's Tomb in the middle of it, and cast his Bones upon the Dunghil. H. W. a Fool, if I had an intention to alter Religion, I would hang the Profession of it openly in my Gallery, thereby to bring present danger upon my self, and destroy the work which themselves say I intended cunningly. And if there be any Error in having and keeping such Pictures, yet that is no sufficient proof, that I had any intention to alter the Religion Established, which I desire may be taken notice of once for all.

From my Gallery the Serjeant crossed the Water to White-Hall, IV. (and sure in haste, for at that time he took no leave of Captain Guest, or his Wife, before he left Lambeth:) At the Court he met Sir Henry Mildmay. This Knight being produced by him against me, says, That in my time Bowings were constantly used in the Chappel there. But first, [...]. Dr. Featly told your Lordships, there was nothingin my Chappel but as it was in use at White-Hall. So all the Popery I could bring, was there before. And Secondly, if bowing to God in his own House be not amiss (as how it should I yet know not) then there can be no fault in the constant doing of it: Quod semel fecisse bonum est, non potest malum S. [...]. Adversus Vigilantium. esse si frequentèr fiat. So St. Jerome Teaches. Thirdly, I am very sorry, that any Reverence to God, in his House, and in the time of his Worship, should be thought too much. I am sure the Homilies, so Tom. 2. Hom. 1. Princip. often pressed against me, cry out against the neglect of Reverence in the Church. This passage was read, and by this it seems, the Devil's Cunning was, so soon as he saw Superstition thrust out of this [Page] Church, to bring Irreverence and Prophaneness in.

Here Mr. Browne having pressed this Charge, Replies upon me in his last, that I would admit no mean, but either there must be Superstition or Prophaneness; whereas my words can infer no such thing. I said this was the Devil's Practice. I would have brought in the mean between them, and preserved it too by God's Blessing, had I been let alone.

Sir Hen. says next, that he knew of no Bowings in that Chappel before 2 my time, but by the Right Honourable the Knights of the Garter at their Solemnity. No time else? Did he never see the King his Master Offer before my time? Or did he ever see him Offer, or the Lord Chamberlain attend him there without Bowing and Kneeling too? And for the Knights of the Garter, if they might do it without Superstition, I In [...]. p. 65. 'Tis commonly called the Black Book. hope I and other Men might do so too. Especially since they were Ordered by Hen. 5. to do it with great Reverence, ad modum Sacerdotum. Which proves the Antiquity of this Ceremony in England.

He farther says, there was a fair Crucifix in a piece of Hangings hung 3. up behind the Altar, which he thinks was not used before my time. But that he thinks so is no proof. He says, This fair piece was hanged up in the Passion Week, as they call it. As they call it? Which they? Will he shut out himself from the Passion Week? All Christians have called it so for above a [...] observabatur ab [...]. Vedelius. (and he no way Superstitious) in Igna. Epistola ad Philip. Exercit. 16. c. 3. Thousand Years together; and is that become an Innovation too? As they call it. Fifthly, He says the hanging up of this piece was a great scandal to Men but indifferently affected to Religion. Here I humbly crave leave to observe some few Particulars. First, that here's no proof so much as offer'd, that the piece was hung up by me or my Command. Secondly, that this Gentleman came often to me to Lambeth, and professed much Love to me, yet was never the 1. Man that told me his Conscience, or any Mans else was troubled at 2. it; which had he done, that should have been a scandal to no Man. Thirdly, that if this were scandalous to any, it must be offensive in 3. regard of the Workmanship; or Quatenus Tale, as it was a Crucifix. Not in regard of the work certainly, for that was very exact. And then if it were because it was a Crucifix, why did not the old one offend Sir Henry's Conscience as much as the new? For the piece of Hangings which hung constantly all the Year at the back of the Altar, thirty Years together upon my own Knowledge, and somewhat above, long before, (as I offer'd proof by the Vestry Men) and so all the time of Sir Henry's being in Court, had a Crucifix wrought in it, and yet his Conscience never troubled at it. Fourthly, that he could 4. not possibly think that I intended any Popery in it, considering how hateful he knew me to be at Rome, beyond any my Predecessors since the Reformation. For so he protested at his return from thence to my self. And I humbly desire a Salvo, that I may have him called to Witness it. Which was granted.

When they had charged me thus far, there came up a Message from the House of Commons. I was commanded to withdraw. But that Business requiring more haste, I was dismissed with a Command to attend again on Wednesday May 22. But then I was put off again Maij 22. to Munday May 27. And after much pressing for some Maintenance, Maij 27. considering how oft I was made attend, and with no small Expence, on May 25. I had an Order from the Committee of Sequestrations, Maij 25. [Page] to have Two Hundred Pound allowed me out of my own now Sequestred Estate. It was a Month before I could receive this. And this was all that ever was yet allowed me, since the Sequestration of my Estate, being then of above Two Years continuance.

CAP. XXXIII. The Eleventh Day of my Hearing.

THis day Mr. Serjeant Wilde followed the Charge upon me. I. And went back again to my Chappel Windows at Lambeth. Maij 27. 1644. Munday. Three Witnesses against them. The first was one Pember a Glasier. He says, there was in one of the Glass-Windows on the North side, the Die Undecimo. Picture of an Old Man with a Glory, which he thinks was of God the 1. Father. But his thinking so is no proof: Nor doth he express in which of the North Windows he saw it. And for the Glory, that is usual about the Head of every Saint. And Mr. Brown, who was the Second Witness, and was trusted by me for all the work of the 2. Windows, both at Lambeth and Croydon, says expresly upon his Oath, that there was no Picture of God the Father in the Windows at Lambeth. But he says, He found a Picture of God the Father in a Window at Croydon, and Arch-Bishop Cranmer's Arms under it, and that he pulled it down. So it appears this Picture was there before my time: And continued there in so Zealous an Arch-Bishop's time as Cranmer was well known to be, and it was pulled down in my time. Neither did I know till now, that ever such a Picture was there; and the Witness deposes, he never made me acquainted with it. The Third 3. Witness was Mr. Pryn. He says, he had taken a survey of the Windows at Lambeth. And I doubt not his diligence. He repeated the Story in each Window. I have told this before, and shall not repeat it. He says, the Pictures of these Stories are in the Mass-Book. If it be so, yet they were not taken thence by me. Arch-Bishop Morton did that work, as appears by his Device in the Windows. He says, the Story of the day of Judgment was in a Window in atrio, that must not come into the Chappel. Good Lord, whither will Malice carry a Man? The Story opposite is of the Creation; and what, must not that come into the Chappel neither? The Chappel is divided into an inner and utter Chappel. In this outward the two Windows mentioned are. And the Partition or Skreen of the Chappel, which makes it two, was just in the same place where now it stands, from the very building of the Chappel, for ought can be proved to the contrary. So neither I nor any Man else did shut out the day of Judgment. He says, I had Read the Mass-Book diligently. How else should I be able really to confute what is amiss in it? He says, I had also a Book of Pictures concerning the Life of Christ in my Study. And it was fit for me to have [Page] it. For some things are to be seen in their Pictures for the People, which their Writings do not, perhaps dare not avow.

The Second Charge of this day, was about the Administration of II. the Sacrament in my Chappel. The Witnesses two.

The first was Dr. Haywood, who had been my Chaplain in the 1. House. They had got from others the Ceremonies there used, and then brought him upon Oath. He confessed he Administred in a Cope. And the Canon warranted it. He confesses (as it was urged) that he Can. Eccles. [...]. 24. fetched the Elements from the Credential (a little Side-Table as they called it) and set them Reverently upon the Communion Table. Where's the offence? For first, the Communion Table was little, and there was hardly room for the Elements to stand conveniently there, while the Service was in Administration. And Secondly, I did not this without Example; for both Bishop Andrews and some other Bishops, used it so all their time, and no exception taken. The Second Witness was Rob. Cornwall, one of my Menial Servants. A very forward Witness he shewed himself. But said no more than is said and answered before. Both of them confessing that I was sometimes present.

The Third Charge was about the Ceremonies at the Coronation of III. his Majesty. And first out of my Diary, Feb: 2: 1625. 'Tis urged, 1. that I carried back the Regalia, offer'd them on the Altar, and then laid them up in their place of safety. I bare the place at the Coronation of the Dean of Westminster, and I was to look to all those things, and their safe return into Custody, by the place I then Executed. And the offering of them could be no offence. For the King himself offers upon solemn days. And the Right Honourable the Knights of the Garter offer at their Solemnity. And the Offertory is Established by Law in the Common Prayer Book of this Church. And the Prebendaries assured me it was the Custom for the Dean so to do. Secondly, 2. they charged a Marginal Note in the Book upon me: That the Vnction was in formâ Crucis. That Note doth not say that it ought so to be done; but it only relates the Practice, what was done. And if any fault were in Anointing the King in that form, it was my Predecessors fault, not mine, for he so Anointed him. They say, there was a 3. Crucifix among the Regalia, and that it stood upon the Altar at the Coronation, Heylin affirmeth, that the old Crucifix, being found among the Regalia, [...] then placed upon the Altar. Life of Laud, p. 144. and that I did not except against it. My Predecessor Executed at that time. And I believe would have excepted against the Crucifix had it stood there. But I remember not any there. Yet if there were, if my Predecessor approved the standing of it, or were content to connive at it, it would have been made but a Scorn had I quarrell'd it. They say one of the Prayers was taken out of the Pontifical. 4. And I say, if it were, it was not taken thence by me. And the Prayers are the same that were used at King James his Coronation. And so the Prayer be good (and here's no word in it, that is excepted against) 'tis no matter whence 'tis taken.

Then leaving the Ceremonies, he charged me with two [...] 5. [...] the Body of the King's Oath. One added, namely these Words ( [...] to the King's Prerogative.) The other omitted, namely these words, (Quae Populus Elegerit, which the People have chosen, or shall choose.) For this latter, the Clause omitted, that suddenly vanished. [Page] For it was omitted in the Oath of King James, as is confessed by themselves in the p. 706. Printed Votes of this present Parliament. But the other highly insisted on, as taking off the total assurance which the Subjects have by the Oath of their Prince for the performance of his Laws. First, I humbly conceive this Clause takes off none of the Peoples Assurance; none at all. For the King's Just and Legal Prerogative, and the Subjects Assurance for Liberty and Property may stand well together, and have so stood for Hundreds of Years. Secondly, that Alteration, what ever it be, was not made by me; nor is there any Interlining or Alteration so much as of a Letter found in that Book. Thirdly, if any thing be amiss therein, my Predecessor gave that Oath to the King, and not I. I was meerly Ministerial, both in the Preparation, and at the Coronation it self, supplying the place of the Dean of Westminster.

After this days work was ended, it instantly spread all over the City, that I had altered the King's Oath at his Coronation, and from thence into all parts of the Kingdom; as if all must be true which was said at the Bar against me, what Answer so-ever I made. The People and some of the Synod now crying out, that this one thing was enough to take away my Life. And though this was all that was Charged this day concerning this Oath, yet seeing how this fire took, I thought fit the next day that I came to the Bar, to desire that the Books of the Coronation of former Kings, especially those of Queen Elizabeth and King James, might be seen and compared, and the Copies brought into the Court, both from the Exchequer, and such as were in my Study at Lambeth: And a fuller Inquisition made into the Business: In regard I was as Innocent from this Crime, as when my Mother bare me into the World. A Salvo was entred for me upon this. And every day that I after came to the Bar, I called upon this Business. But somewhat or other was still pretended by them which managed the Evidence, that I could not get the Books to be brought forth, nor any thing to be done, till almost the last day of my Hearing. Then no Books could be found in the Exchequer, nor in my Study, but only that of King James; whereas, when the Keys were taken from me, there were divers Books there, as is confessed in the Printed Votes of this Parliament: And one of them with a Watchet p. 706. Sattin Cover, now missing. And whether this of King James (had not my Secretary, who knew the Book, seen it drop out of Mr. Pryn's Bag) would not have been concealed too, I cannot tell. At last, the Book of King James his Coronation, and the other urged against me concerning King Charles, were seen and compared openly in the Lords House, and found to be the same Oath in both, and no Interlining or Alteration in the Book charged against me.

This Business was left by the Serjeant to Mr. Maynard, who made the most that could be out of my Diary against me. And so did Mr. Brown, when he came to give the Summ of the Charge against me, both before the Lords, and after in the House of Commons. And therefore for the avoiding of all tedious Repetition: And for that the Arguments which both used, are the same: And because I hold it not fit to break a Charge of this moment into divers pieces, or put them in different places, I will [...] set [Page] down the whole Business together, and the Answer which I then gave.

Mr. Brown in the Summ of the Charge against me in the Commons-House, when he came to this Article, said, he was now come to the Business so much expected. And I humbly besought that Honourable House, if it were a Matter of so great Expectation, it might be of as great Attention too, while I should follow that Worthy Gentleman, step after step, and Answer as I went.

1. And First, he went about to prove out of my Diary, that this Addition (of the King's Prerogative) to the Oath, was made by me. Thus he says, that Decemb. 31. 1625. I went to Hampton-Court. That's true. He says, that there, Januar. 1. I understood I was Named with other Bishops, to meet and consider of the Ceremonies about the Coronation; and that, Januar. 4. we did meet at White-Hall accordingly; and that, Januar. 6. we gave his Majesty an Answer. Not I (as 'twas Charged) but We gave his Majesty Answer. So if the Oath, had been changed by me, it must have been known to the Committee, and broken forth to my Ruin long since. Then he says, that Januar. 16. I was appointed to serve at the Coronation, in the room of the Dean of Westminster. That's no Crime; and 'tis added in the Diary, that this Charge was delivered unto me by my Predecessor. So he knew that this Service to Attend at the Coronation was imposed upon me. He says next, that Januar. 18. the Duke of Buckingham had me to the King, to shew his Majesty the Notes we had agreed on, if nothing offended him. These were only Notes of the Ceremonies. And the other Bishops sent me, being Puny, to give the Account. Then he says, Januar. 23. It is in my Diary, Librum habui paratum, I had a Book ready. And it was time, after such meetings; and the Coronation being to follow Feb. 2. and I designed to assist and attend that Service, that I should have a Book ready. The Ceremonies were too long and various to carry them in Memory. And whereas 'tis urged, that I prepared and altered this Book; the words in my Diary, are only Paratum habui, I had the Book ready for my own use in that Service. Nor can Paratum habui, signifie preparing or altering the Book. And Thirdly, 'tis added there, That the Book which I had ready in my Hands, did agree per omnia cum Libro Regali: And if it did agree in all things with the King's Recorded Book then brought out of the Exchequer, where then is the Alteration so laboriously sought to be fastned on me? I humbly beseech you to mark this.

Yet out of these Premises put together, Mr. Brown's Inference was, that I made this Alteration of the Oath. But surely these Premises, neither single nor together, can produce any such Conclusion; but rather the contrary. Beside, Inference upon Evidence is not Evidence, unless it be absolutely necessary; which all Men see that here it is not. But I pray observe. Why was such a sudden stay made at Januar. 23. whereas it appears in my Diary at Januar. 31. that the Bishops were not alone trusted with this Coronation Business; Sed alii Proceres, but other Great and Noble Men also. And they did meet that Januar. 31. and sate in Council about it. So the Bishops Meetings were but Preparatory to ease the Lords, most of [Page] the Ceremonies being in the Church-way. And then can any Man think, that these great Lords, when they came to review all that was done, would let the Oath be altered by me or any other, so materially, and not check at it? 'Tis impossible.

2. Secondly, this Gentleman went on to charge this Addition upon me, Thus, There were found in my Study at Lambeth two Books of King James his Coronation, one of them had this Clause or Addition in it, and the other had it not; and we cannot tell by which he was Crowned, therefore it must needs be some wilful Error in me; to make choice of that Book which had this Addition in it; or some great mistake. First, if it were a mistake only, then it is no Crime. And wilful Error it could not be. For being Named one of them that were to consider of the Ceremonies, I went to my Predecessor, and desired a Book, to see by it what was formerly done. He delivered me this now in question; I knew not whether he had more or no; nor did I know that any one of them differed from other. Therefore no wilful Error. For I had no choice to make of this Book which had the Addition, before that which had it not; but thankfully took that which he gave me. But Secondly, If one Book of King James his Coronation, in which I could have no Hand, had this Addition in it, (as is confessed) then was not this a new Addition of my making. And Thirdly, it may easily be seen, that King James was Crowned by the Book which hath this Addition in it, this being in a fair Carnation Sattin Cover, the other in Paper without a Cover, and unfit for a King's Hand, especially in such a great and publick Solemnity.

3. In the Third place he said, There were in this Book twenty Alterations more, and all or most in my Hand. Be it so, (for I was never suffered to have the Book to consider of) they are confessed not to be material. The Truth is, when we met in the Committee, we were fain to mend many slips of the Pen, to make Sense in some places, and good English in other. And the Book being trusted with me, I had Reason to do it with my own Hand, but openly at the Committee all. Yet two Things as Matters of some moment Mr. Brown checked at.

1. The one was, that Confirm is changed into Perform.

If it be so, Perform is the greater and more advantagious to the Subject, because it includes Execution, which the other word doth not. Nor doth this word hinder, but that the Laws and Liberties are the Peoples already. For though they be their own, yet the King by his place, may and ought to perform the keeping and maintaining of them. I say (if it be so) for I was never suffered to have this Book in my Hands thoroughly to peruse: Nor, under favour, do I believe this Alteration is so made, as 'tis urged. [In the Book which I have by me, and was Transcribed from the other, it is Confirm.]

2. The other is, that the King is said to Answer, I will for I do: But when will he? Why all the days of his Life; which is much more than I do for the present. So, if this change be made, 'tis still for the Peoples advantage. [And there also 'tis I do grant.] And yet again I say (if) for the Reason before given. Besides, in all the Latin Copies, there is a latitude left for them that are trusted, to add to those [Page] Interrogatories which are then put to the King, any other that is just; In these Words, Adijciantur praedictis Interrogationibus quae justa fuerint. And such are these two mentioned, if they were made.

4. Mr. Brown's Fourth and last Objection was, that I made this Alteration of the Oath, because it agrees (as he said) with my Judgment: For that in a Paper of Bishop Harsnett's, there is a Marginal Note in my Hand, that Salvo Jure Coronae, is understood in the Oaths of a King. But first, there's a great deal of difference between Jus Regis & Praerogativa, between the Right and Inheritance of the King and his Prerogative, though never so Legal. And with Submission, and until I shall be convinced herein, I must believe; that no King can Swear himself out of his Native Right. Secondly, If this were, and still be an Error in my Judgment, that's no Argument at all to prove Malice in my Will: That because that is my Judgment for Jus Regis, therefore I must thrust Praerogativam Regis, which is not my Judgment, into a Publick Oath which I had no Power to alter. These were all the Proofs which Mr. Maynard at first, and Mr. Brown at last, brought against me in this Particular. And they are all but Conjectural, and the Conjectures weak. But that I did not alter this Oath by adding the Prerogative, the Proofs I shall bring are Pregnant, and some of them Necessary. They are these.

1. My Predecessor was one of the Grand Committee for these Ceremonies. That was proved by his Servants to the Lords. Now his known Love to the Publick was such, as that he would never have suffered me or any other, to make such an Alteration. Nor would he have concealed such a Crime in me, loving me so well as he did.

2. Secondly, 'Tis Notoriously known, that he Crowned the King, and Administred the Oath, (which was avowed also before the Lords by his Ancient Servants.) And it cannot be rationally conceived he would ever have Administred such an alter'd Oath to his Majesty.

3. Thirdly, 'Tis expressed in my Diary, at Januar. 31. 1625. (And that must be good Evidence for me, having been so often produced against me,) that divers great Lords were in this Committee for the Ceremonies, and did that Day sit in Council upon them. And can it be thought they would not so much as compare the Books? Or that comparing of them, they would indure an Oath with such an Alteration to be Tender'd to the King? Especially, since 'tis before confessed, that One Copy of King James his Coronation had this Alteration in it, and the other had it not.

4. Fourthly, 'Tis expressed in my Diary, and made use of against me, at Januar. 23. 1625. That this Book urged against me did agree per Omnia cum Libro Regali, in all things with the King's Book brought out of the Exchequer. And if the Book that I then had, and is now insisted upon, did agree with that Book which came out of the Exchequer, and that in all things, how is it possible I should make this Alteration?

5. Fifthly, with much Labour I got the Books to be compared in the Lords House; That of King James his Coronation, and this [Page] of King Charles. And they were found to agree in all things to a Syllable. Therefore 'tis impossible this should be added by me. And this I conceive cuts off all Conjectural Proofs to the contrary.

Lastly, In the Printed Book of the Votes of this present Parliament, p. 706. it is acknowledged, that the Oath given to King James and King Charles was the same. The same. Therefore unaltered. And this Passage of that Book I then shewed the Lords in my Defence. To this Mr. Maynard then replyed. That the Votes there mentioned, were upon the Word Elegerit, and the doubt whether it should be, hath chosen, or shall chuse. I might not then Answer to the Reply, but the Answer is plain. For, be the occasion which led on the Votes, what it will; as long as the Oath is acknowledged the same, 'tis manifest it could not be altered by me. And I doubt not, but these Reasons will give this Honourable House Satisfaction, that I added not this Particular of the Prerogative to the Oath.

Mr. Brown, in his last Reply, passed over the other Arguments I know not how. But against this, he took Exception. He brought the Book with him, and Read the Passage. And said (as far as I remember) that the Votes had Relation to the Word Chuse, and not to this Alteration. Which is in Effect the same which Mr. Maynard urged before. I might not Reply by the Course of the Court, but I have again considered of that Passage, and find it plain. Thus, p. 706. First they say: They have considered of all the Alterations in the Form of this Oath which they can find. Therefore of this Alteration also, if any such were: Then they say, Excepting that Oath which was taken by his Majesty and his Father King James. There it is confessed, that the Oath taken by them, was one and the same, called there That Oath, which was taken by both. Where falls the Exception then? For 'tis said, Excepting that Oath, &c. why it follows, Excepting that the Word Chuse is wholly left out, as well hath Chosen as will Chuse. Which is a most manifest and evident Confession, that the Oath of King James and King Charles was the same in all things, to the very leaving out of the Word Chuse. Therefore it was the same Oath all along. No difference at all. For Exceptio firmat Regulam in non Exceptis; and here's no Exception at all of this Clause of the Prerogative. Therefore the Oath of both the Kings was the same in that, or else the Votes would have been sure to mention it. Where it may be observed too, that Serjeant Wilde, though he knew these Votes, and was present both at the Debate and the Voting; and so must know that the Word Chuse, was omitted in both the Oaths, yet at the first he Charged it eagerly upon me, that I had left this Clause of Chusing out of King Charles his Oath, and added the other. God forgive him. But the World may see by this, and some other Passages, with what Art my Life was sought for.

And yet before I quite leave this Oath, I may say 'tis not altogether improbable, that this Clause (And agreeing to the Prerogative of the King's thereof) was added to the Oath in Edward 6. or Queen Elizabeth's time: And hath no Relation at all to the Laws of [Page] this Kingdom, absolutely mentioned before in the beginning of this Oath; But only to the Words [The Profession of the Gospel Established in this Kingdom,] And then immediately follows, And agreeing to the Prerogative of the Kings thereof. By which the King Swears to maintain his Prerogative, according to God's Law, and the Gospel Established, against all foreign Claims and Jurisdictions whatsoever. And if this be the meaning, he that made the Alteration, whoever it were (for I did it not) deserves Thanks for it, and not the Reward of a Traytor.

Now to return to the Day. The Fourth Charge went on IV. with the Ceremonies still. But Mr. Serjeant was very nimble. For he leaped from the Coronation at Westminster, to see what I did at Oxford. 1. There the first Witness is Sir Nathaniel Brent. And he says, The standing of the Communion-Table at St. Mary's was altered. I have answered to this Situation of the Communion-Table already. And if it be lawful in one place, 'tis in another. For the Chappel of Magdalen College, and Christ-Church Quire, he confesses he knows of no Direction given by me to either: Nor doth he know, whether I reproved the things there done or no. So all this is no Evidence. For the Picture of the Blessed Virgin at St. Mary's Door, as I knew nothing of it till it was done, so never did I hear any Abuse or Dislike of it after it was done. And here Sir Nathaniel confesses too, that he knows not of any Adoration of it, as Men passed the Streets or otherwise. When this Witness came not home, they urged the Statute of Merton College, or the Vniversity, where (if I took my Notes right) they say, I enjoyned Debitam [...]. 11. Reverentiam. And as I know no fault in that Injunction, or Statute; so neither do I know what due Bodily Reverence can be given to God in his Church, without some Bowing or Genuflection.

2. The Second Witness was Mr. Corbett. He says, that when decent Reverence was required by my Visitors [...] one of my Articles, he gave Reasons against it, but Sir Jo. Lambe urged it still. First, my Lords, if Mr. Corbett's Reasons were sufficient, Sir Jo. Lambe was to blame in that; but Sir Jo. Lambe must answer it, and not I. Secondly, it may be observed, that this Man, by his own Confession, gave Reasons (such as they were) against due Reverence to God in his own House. He says, that Dr. Frewen told him from me, That I wished he should do as others did at St. Mary's, or let another Execute his place as Proctor. This is but a Hearsay from Dr. Frewen, who being at Oxford, I cannot produce him. And if I had sent such a Message, I know no Crime in it. He says, that after this, he desired he might enjoy in this Particular the Liberty which the King and the Church of England gave him. He did so: And from that Day he heard no more of it, but enjoyed the Liberty which he asked. He says, Mr. [...]. Cheynell. Channell desired the same Liberty as well as he. And Mr. Channell had it granted as well as he. He confesses ingenuously, that the Bowing required, was only Toward, not to the Altar. And And the third Witness agrees in this. To the Picture at St. Mary's Door, he says, he never heard of any Reveverence done to it: And doth believe that all that was done at Christ-Church, [Page] was since my Time. But it must be his Knowledge, not his Belief, that must make an Evidence.

3. The Third Witness, was one Mr. Bendye. He says, There was a Crucifix in Lincoln College Chappel since my time. If there be, 'tis more than I know. My Lord of York that now is, when he was Bishop of Lincoln, worthily bestowed much Cost upon that Chappel, and if he did set up a Crucifix, I think it was before I had ought to do there. He says, there was Bowing at the Name of Jesus. And God forbid but there should; and the Canon of the Church requires Can. [...]. it. He says, there were Latin Prayers in Lent, but he knows not who injoyned it. And then he might have held his Peace. But there were Latin Sermons, and Prayers on Ash-Wednesday, when few came to Church, but the Lent Proceeders, who understood them. And in divers Colleges they have their Morning-Prayers in Latin, and had so, long before I knew the University. The last Thing he says, was, That there were Copes used in some Colleges, and that a Traveller should say, upon the sight of them, that he saw just such a thing upon the Pope's Back. This Wise Man might have said as much of a Gown: He saw a Gown on the Pope's Back; therefore a Protestant may not wear one: or entring into S. Pauls, he may cry, Down with it; for I saw the Pope in just such another Church in Rome.

4. Then was urged the conclusion of a Letter of mine sent to that Vniversity. The Words were to this Effect, I desire you to remember me a Sinner, Quoties coram [...] Dei [...]. The Charge lay upon the Word Procidatis; which is no more, than that when they there fall on their Knees, or Prostrate to Prayer, they would remember me. In which Desire of mine, or Expression of it, I can yet see no Offence. No, nor in coram Altare, their Solemnest time of Prayer being at the Communion.

Here Mr. Brown Aggravated the things done in that University: And fell upon the Titles given me in some Letters from thence; but because I have answered those Titles already, I refer the Reader thither, and shall not make here any tedious Repetition: Only this I shall add; That in the Civil Law 'tis frequent to be seen, that not Bishops only one to another, but the great Emperours of the World have commonly given that Title of Sanctitas vestra, to Bishops of meaner place than my self; to say no more. But here Mr. Brown, in his last Reply, was pleased to say, This Title was not given to any Bishop of England. First, if I had my Books about me, perhaps this might be refuted. Secondly, why should so Grave a Man as he so much Disparage his own Nation? Is it impossible (be my Unworthiness what it will) for an English Bishop to deserve as good a Title as another? Thirdly, be that as it may, if it were (as certainly it was) Lawfully given to other Bishops, though they not English, then is it neither Blasphemy, nor Assumption of Papal Power, as was Charged upon it.

From Oxford Mr. Serjeant went to Cambridge. And I must be V. Guilty, if ought were amiss there too. For this Fifth Charge were produced three Witnesses, Mr. Wallis, Mr. Greece, and Mr. Seaman. Their Testimonies agreed very near: So I will answer them together. First, they say, That at Peter-House there were Copes and Candlesticks, [Page] and Pictures in the Glass-Windows; and the like. But these things I have often answered already, and shall not repeat. They say, the Chief Authors of these things, were Dr. Wren and Dr. Cosens. They are both living, why are they not called to answer their own Acts? For here's yet no shew of Proof to bring any thing home to me. For no one of them says, that I gave direction for any of these. No, (says Mr. Serjeant) but why did I tolerate them? First, no Man complained to me. Secondly, I was not Chancellor, and endured no small Envy for any little thing that I had occasion to look upon in that place. And thirdly, this was not the least Cause, why I followed my Right for Power to visit there. And though that Power was confirmed to me, yet the Times have been such as that I did not then think fit to use it. It would have but heaped more Envy on me, who bare too much already.

As for Mr. Greece, who hath laboured much against me in all this Business, God forgive him; and while he Inherits his Father's ill Affections to me, God preserve him from his Father's End.

From Cambridge he went to the Cathedrals, and first to Canterbury. VI. Here the Charge is Bowing versus Altare; the two Witnesses, two Prebendaries of that Church, Dr: Jackson, and Dr: Blechenden. And first, Dr: Jackson says, the Bowing was versus Altare: So not to, but toward the Altar; and Dr: Blechenden says, it was the Adoration of the High Majesty of God, to whom, if no Altar were there, I should Bow. Dr: Jackson says, this Bowing was to his Grief. Strange! I avow to your Lordships and the World, no Man did so much approve all my Proceedings in that Church, as he: And for this Particular, he never found the least fault with it to me; and if he conceal his Grief, I cannot ease it. He says, this Bowing was not in use till within this Six or Seven Years. Sure the Old Man's Memory fails him. For Dr. Blechenden says, the Communion-Table was railed about, and Bowings before it, when he came first to be a Member of that Church; and saith upon his Oath that's above Ten Years ago. And that it was practised before their new Statutes were made; and that in those Statutes no Punishment is infticted for the Breach, or not Performance of this Reverence. I could tell your Lordships how often Dr: Jackson hath shifted his Opinions in Religion, but that they tell me their Witnesses must not be Scandalized. As for the Statutes, my Secretary Mr: Dell, who copied them out, testified here to the Lords, that I left out divers Superstitions which were in the Old Book, and Ordained many Sermons in their rooms.

The next Cathedral he instanced in was Winchester. But there's nothing but the old Objections, Copes. And the wearing of them is warranted by the Canon; and Reverence at coming in, and going out of Can. 24. the Church. And that, great Kings have not (in better Ages) thought much to do. And they did well to instance in the College of Winchester as well as the Church; for 'tis confessed, the Injunction sent thither requires, that the Reverence used be such as is not dissonant from the Church of England. So, this may be a Comment to the other Injunctions.

But for the Copes in Cathedrals, Mr. Brown in his last Reply was not satisfied. For he said, the Canon mentioned but the wearing of one Cope. Be it so: But they must have that before they [Page] can wear it. And if the Canon enjoyn the wearing of one, my Injunction might require the providing and using of one. Besides, if there be no Popery, no introduction to Superstition in the having or using of one; then certainly, there can be none in the having of more for the same use: The Superstition being lodged in the misuse, not in the number.

From the Cathedrals, Mr. Serjeant went to view some Parish-Churches. VII. And First, 'tis Charged, That in a Parish-Church at Winchester two Seats were removed to make way for Rayling in of the Communion-Table. But for ought I know, this might have been concealed. For it was liked so well, that they to whom the Seats belonged, removed them at their own Charges, that the other might be done.

The next instance was in St: Gregory's Church, by S: Pauls. The Charge was, the Placing of the Communion-Table Altar-wise. To the Charge it self Answer is given before. The Particulars which are new are these: The Witness Mr: Wyan. He says, the Order for such placing of the Table was from the Dean and Chapter of S: Pauls. And S: Gregory's is in their peculiar Jurisdiction. So the Holy-Table was there placed by the Ordinary, not by me. He says next, That the Parishioners appealed to the Arches, but received an Order to Command them and the Cause to the Council Board: That it was a full Board when the Cause was heard, and his Majesty present: And that there I maintained the Queens Injunction, about placing the Communion-Table. In Q. Eliz. Injunct. Fine. all this, here's nothing Charged upon me, but maintenance of the Injunction: And I had been much to blame if I should not have maintained it. He says, Sir Henry Martin came and saw it, and said it would make a good Court Cupboard. If Sir Henry did say so, the Scorn ill became either his Age, or Profession; though a Court Cupboard be somewhat a better Phrase than a Dresser. God forgive them who have in Print called it so. He says, That hereupon I did say, that he which spake that, had a Stigmatical Puritan in his Bosom. This Man's Memory serves him long for Words: This was many Years since; and if I did speak any thing sounding this way, 'tis more like I should say Schismatical, than Stigmatical Puritan. But let him look to his Oath; and which Word soever I used, if Sir Henry used the one, he might well hear the other. For a prophane Speech it was, and little becoming a Dean of the Arches. He says, that soon after this, Sir Henry was put out of his Place. Not very soon after this; for I was at the time of this Business (as far as I remember) Bishop of London, and had nothing to do with the disposing of his Place. After, when I came to be Arch-Bishop I found his Patent was void, neither could Sir Henry himself deny it. And being void, and in my Gift, I gave it to another.

He says farther, That it was urged that this way of Placing the Communion Table was against the Word of God, in Bishop Jewel, and Mr: Fox his Judgment; and that I replied, it were better they should not have these Books in Churches, than so to abuse them. First, for ought I yet know (and in these straights of time the Books I cannot come at) their Judgment, rightly understood, is not so. Secondly, Though these two were very worthy Men in their Time, yet every thing which they say is not by and by the Doctrine of the Church of England. [Page] And I may upon good reason depart from their Judgment in some Particulars, and yet not differ from the Church of England. As in this very Particular, the Injunction for placing of the Table so, is the Act of the Queen and the Church of England. And I concieve the Queen, then upon the Act of Reformation, would not have enjoyned it, nor the Church obeyed it, had it been against the Word of God. Thirdly, if I did say, That if they could make no better use of Jewel and the Book of Martyrs, it were better they had them not in the Churches. They gave too great occasion for the Speech: For they had picked divers things out of those Books which they could not master, and with them distempered both themselves and their Neighbours. And yet in hope other more Modest Men might make better use of them, I never gave Counsel to have those Books removed (nor is that so much as Charged) but said only thus, That if no better use would be made of them, then that last Remedy; but never till then.

This last Passage Mr. Brown insisted upon: The taking of good Books from the People. But as I have answered, there was no such thing done, or intended; only a Word spoken to make busie Men see how they abused themselves and the Church, by misunderstanding and misapplying that which was written for the good of both.

Lastly, it was urged, He said, that the Communion-Table must stand Altarwise, that Strangers which come and look into these Churches, might not see such a Disproportion: The Holy Table standing one way in the Mother-Church, and quite otherwise in the Parochial annexed. And truly, to see this, could be no Commendation of the Discipline of the Church of England. But howsoever, Mr. Clarke (the other Witness with Wyan, and agreeing with him in the most) says plainly that it was the Lord of Arundel that spake this, not I: And that he was seconded in it by the Lord Weston, then Lord Treasurer, not by me.

The last Charge of this Day was a passage out of one Mr: Shelford's VIII. Book, p. 20, 21. That they must take the Reverend Prelates for their Examples, &c. And Mr. Pryn Witnessed, the like was in the Missal, p. 256. Mr. Shelford is a meer Stranger to me; his Book I never read; if he have said any thing Unjust or Untrue; let him answer for himself. As for the like to that, which he says, being in the Missal, though that be but a weak Argument, yet let him salve it.

Here this Day ending, I was put off to Saturday, June 1. And Junii 1. then again put off to Thursday, June 6. which held. Junii 6.

CAP. XXXIV. My Twelfth Day of Hearing.

[Page]

THis Day Serjeant Wild, instead of beginning with a new Charge, Thursday, [...] 6. 1644. made another long Reply to my Answers of the former Day. Whether he found that his former Reply made at the time, was Die Duodecimo. weak, and so reputed, I cannot tell.

But another he made, as full of premeditated Weakness, as the former was of sudden. Mr. Pryn I think perceived it, and was often at his Ear; but Mr. Serjeant was little less than angry, and would on.

I knew I was to make no Answer to any Reply, and so took no Notes: Indeed, holding it all as it was, that is, either nothing, or nothing to the purpose. This tedious Reply ended;

Then came on the First Charge about the Window of Coloured I. Glass set up in the New Chappel at Westminster. It was the History of the coming down of the Holy-Ghost upon the Apostles. This was Charged to be done by me, and at my Cost: The Witnesses, Mr. Brown, imployed in setting up the Window, and Mr: Sutton the Glasier.

These Men say, that Dr: Newell, Sub-Dean of Westminster, gave Order for the Window and the setting of it up; but they know not at whose Cost, nor was any Order given from me. So here's nothing Charged upon me. And if it were, I know nothing amiss in the Window. As for the Kings Arms being taken down (as they say) Let them answer that did it. Though I believe, that the King's Arms standing alone in a white Window, was not taken down out of any ill meaning, but only out of necessity to make way for the History.

The Second Charge was the Picture of the Blessed Virgin set upon II. a New-Built Door at S: Marys in Oxford. Here Alderman Nixon says, That some Passengers put off their Hats, and, as he supposes, to that Picture. But, my Lords, his Supposal is no Proof. He says, that the next day he saw it. But what did he see? Nothing, but the putting off the Hat; For he could not see why, or to what; unless they which put off, told it. They might put off to some Acquaintance that passed by. He farther says, he saw a Man in that Porch upon his Knees, and he thinks praying; but he cannot say to that.

But then (if the Malice he hath long born me, would have suffer'd him)

he might have stayed till he knew to whom he was Praying, for till then 'tis no Evidence. He says, he thinks that I Countenanced the setting of it up, because it was done by Bishop Owen. But Mr: Bromfeeld, who did that Work, gave Testimony to the Lords, that I had nothing to do in it. He says, there was an Image set up at Carfax Church, but pulled down again by Mr: Widdows, Vicar there. But this hath no relation at all to me.

This Picture of the Blessed Virgin was twice mentioned before. And Sir Nath: Brent could say nothing to it but Hearsay. And Mr: Corbet did not so much as hear of any Abuse. And now Alderman Nixon says, he saw Hats put off; but the wise [Page] Man knows not to what. Nor is there any shew of Proof offer'd, that I had any Hand or Approbation in the setting of it up. Or that ever any Complaint was made to me of any Abuse to it, or dislike of it. And yet Mr. Brown, when he gave the Summ of the Charge against me, insisted upon this also, as some great Fault of mine, which I cannot yet see.

In the next Charge, Mr. Serjeant is gone back again to White-Hall, III. as in the former to Oxford. The Witnesses are Mrs. Charnock, and her Daughter. They say, they went (being at Court) into the Chappel, and it seems a Woman with them, that was a Papist: And that while they were there, Dr. Brown, one of the King's Chaplains came in, Bowed toward the Communion-Table, and then at the Altar kneeled down to his Prayers. I do not know of any Fault Dr. Brown committed, either in doing Reverence to God, or Praying, and there. And yet if he had committed any Fault, I hope I shall not answer for him. I was not then Dean of the Chappel, nor did any ever complain to me. They say, that two Strangers came into the Chappel at the same time, and saw what Dr. Brown did, and said thereupon, that sure we did not differ much, and should be of one Religion shortly. And that the Woman which was with these Witnesses, told them they were Priests. First, this can no way Relate to me; for neither did these Women complain to me of it, nor any from them. Secondly, if these two Men were Priests, and did say, as is Testified; are we ever a whit the nearer them in Religion? Indeed, if all the difference between Rome and us, consisted in outward Reverence, and no Points of Doctrine, some Argument might hence be drawn; but the Points of Doctrine being so many and great, put stop enough to that. Thirdly, if Recusants, Priests especially, did so speak, might it not be said in Cunning to Discountenance all External Worship in the Service of God, that so they may have opportunity to make more Proselytes? And 'tis no small Advantage, to my knowledge, which they have this way made.

And this was the Answer which I gave Mr. Brown, when he Charged this upon me in the House of Commons.

Here, before they went any farther, Mr. Serjeant Wilde told the Lords, that when Sir Nathaniel Brent was imployed in my Visitation, he had Instructions for particular Churches, of which some were Tacit Intimations, and some Express. I know not to what end this was spoken; for no Coherent Charge followed upon it. But sure, he thinks Sir Nathaniel Brent very skilful in me, that he can understand my Tacit Intimations, and know to what Particular Church to apply them.

And as I said no more at the Bar, so neither did I think to say any more after; yet now I cannot but a little bemoan my self. For ever since Mr. Maynard left off, who Pleaded, though strongly, yet fairly, against me, I have been in very ill Condition between the other two. For from Mr. Nicolas, I had some Sense, but extream virulent and foul Language. And from Serjeant Wilde, Language good enough sometimes, but little or no Sense. For let me answer what I would, when he came to Reply, he repeated the Charge again, as if I had made no Answer at all. Or as if all that I Expressed never so plainly, had been but Tacit [Page] Intimations; which I think he understood as much as Sir Nathaniel Brent

In the Fourth Charge, he told the Lords he would not trouble IV. them with repeating the Evidence, but only put them in mind of some things in the Case of Ferdinando Adams, of Ipswich: Of the Men of Lewis suffering in the High-Commission: Of the Parishioners of Beckington, and some others heard before, but would leave the Lords to their Memory and their Notes. Yet read over the Sentences given in the High-Commission, and made a Repetition of whatsoever might but make a shew to render me odious to the People.

And this hath been their Art all along, to run over the same thing twice and again (as they did here in the second Charge about the Picture of the Blessed Virgin:) To the end, that as the Auditors changed, the more of them might hear it; and that which wrought not upon some, might upon others. In all which I patiently referred my self to my former Answers, having no other way to help my self; in regard they pretended that they renewed the same Instances, but not the same way; but in one place, as against Law; and in another, as against Religion. But why then did they in both places run over all Circumstances appliable to both?

And on they went too with the Men of Lewis, where one 1. Mr. Parnlye (they say) was Censured cruelly in the High-Commission, for not removing the Communion-Table. The Business was but this. Sir Nathaniel Brent, and his own Ordinary, Dr. Nevill, Ordered the remove of the Table: He would not. For this Contumacy he was Censured, but injoyned only to make his Submission to Dr. Nevill. Which I think was a Sentence far from any Barbarous Cruelty, as 'tis called.

2. Another Instance, and the next, was Mr. Burket. He says, he was Censured also about removing the Communion-Table, and for that only. But first, this was not simply for removing the Holy-Table; but it was for abetting the Church-Wardens to remove it back again from the place, where lawful Authority had set it. And secondly, whereas he says, he was Censured for this only; the very Charge it self confutes him. For there 'tis said, that this, about removing of the Communion-Table, appears in the Sixth Article that was against him. Therefore there were Five other Articles at least more against him. And therefore not this only.

3. The Third Instance was in Mr. Chancye: And he likewise is said to have suffered very much only about Railing in of the Communion-Table. But this is not so neither. For he confesses that he spake Reproachful Words against Authority, and in Contempt of his Ordinary. That he said, the Rails were fit to be set up in his Garden. That he came Fifty Miles from his own Church, on purpose to Countenance this Business. And all this he acknowledges upon his Oath in his Submission. And yet nothing laid upon him but Suspension, and that no longer than till he submitted. And all this the Act of the High-Commission, not mine.

And so I answered Mr. Brown, who urged this against me also.

And the Truth of all this appears apud Acta; though they were taken away, and kept ever since from my use, yet many things done in that Court, have [Page] been Charged against me. And here stepped in a Testimony of Mr. Genebrards, That I threatned openly in the High-Commission to suspend Dr. Merrick. And why might I not do it, if he will be over-bold with the Proceeding of the whole Court? I have known e're now, a very good Lawyer Committed from the Chancery Bar to the Fleet. Though I shall spare Names.

4. The fourth Instance was in Mr. Workman's Case: Charged as if he were Sentenced only for Preaching a Sermon to the Judges, against Images in Churches. 1. The first Witness in the Cause was Mr. Langly: He says, Mr. Workman was Censured for this Sermon, and other things. Therefore not for this Sermon only: The High-Commissioners were no such Patrons of Images. He says, that when I was Dean of Gloucester, I told them in the Chappel, that King James had heard of many things amiss in that Church, and required me to take care of them. 'Tis true, he did so. He says farther, that hereupon I placed the Communion-Table Altar-wise, and Commanded due Reverence at the coming into the Church. This I did, and I have given my Reason often already for it, out of the Injunctions of Queen Elizabeth. He says, that Bishop Smith took offence at this, and would come no more to the Cathedral. First, my Lords, this Gentleman was then Schoolmaster there, and had free Access unto me: He never discovered this. Secondly, the Bishop himself never said a word to me about it: If he had, I would either have satisfied his Lordship in that, or any thing else that I did: Or if he had satisfied me, I would have forborn it: He says, that Mr. Workman, after he was put from his Lecture, was not suffered to teach Children. First, if he had been suffered, this Man had been like to make the first Complaint for decay of his own School. But secondly, The Commission thought it no way fit to trust him with the Education of Children, who had been Factious among Men. Especially not in that place, where he had so shewed himself.

And this Answer I gave to Mr. Brown, who in Summing the Evidence stood as much, and inveighed as earnestly against this Cruel proceeding with Mr. Workman, as upon any one thing in the Charge. At which time he added also, that he would not be suffered to Practise Physick to get his Living. But First, no Witness Evidenceth this, that he was denied to Practise Physick. And Secondly, he might have taught a School, or Practised Physick any where else. But he had done so much Harm, and made such a Faction in Gloucester, as that the High Commission thought it not fit to continue him there; and he was not willing to go from thence, where he had made his Party.

He says farther, that some few of the Citizens of Gloucester were called into the High-Commission, for an Annuity of Twenty Pound a Year allowed Mr. Workman, out of the Town-Stock. For the thing it self, it was a Gross Abuse and Scorn put upon that Court; that when they had Censured a Schismatical Lecturer (for such he was there proved) the Towns-Men should make him an allowance of Twenty Pound a Year. A thing (as I humbly conceive) not fit to be indured in any settled Government. And whereas Clamour is made, that some few of the Citizens were called to an account for it, that's as strange on the other side. For where there are many Offenders, the Noise would be too [Page] great to call all. And yet here's Noise enough made for calling a few. Here it was replyed by Mr. Maynard, That this was done by that Corporation, and yet a few singled out to Answer; and that therefore I might be singled out to Answer for things done in the High-Commission.

But, under Favour, this Learned and Worthy Gentleman is mistaken. For here the Mayor and Magistrates of Gloucester, did that which was no way warrantable by their Charter, in which Case they may be accountable, all or some: But in the High-Commission we medled with no Cause not Cognoscible there; or if by Misinformation we did, we were sure of a Prohibition to stop us. And medling with nothing but things proper to them, I conceive still, no one Man can be singled out to suffer for that which was done by all. And this may serve to Answer Mr. Brown also, who in his last Reply upon me, when I might not Answer, made use of it:

2. The Second Witness was Mr. Purye of [...]. He says, that Mr. Brewster and Mr. Guies the Town-Clark, were called to the Council-Table about this Annuity, and that I [...] it might be [...] Examined at the High-Commission. If this were true, I know no Offence in it, to desire that such an Affront to Government might be more thoroughly Examined than the Lords had leisure to do. But the Witness doth not give this in Evidence. For he says no more, than that he heard so from Mr. Brewster. And his Hear-say is no Conviction. He says farther, that the High-Commission called upon this Business of the Annuity, as informed that the Twenty Pound given to Mr. Workman, was taken out of the Moneys for the Poor. And this I must still think was a good and a sufficient ground, justly to call them in question. He says also, That these Men were Fined, because that which they did was against Authority. So by their own Witness it appears, that they were not Fined simply for allowing Means to Mr. Workman, but for doing it in opposition to Authority. Lastly, he says, they were Fined Ten Pound apiece, and that presently taken off again. So here was no such great Persecution as is made in the Cause. And for the Cancelling of this Deed of the Annuity, it was done by themselves, as Mr. Langlye Witnesses.

After these two Witnesses heard, the Sentence of the High-Commission-Court was read, which I could not have come at, had not they produced it. And by that it appeared evidently, that Mr: Workman was Censured, as well for other things as for his Sermon about Images in Churches. As first, he said, so many Paces in Dancing were so many to Hell. This was hard, if he meant the Measures in the Inns of Court at Christmas; and he excepted none. Then he said, and was no way able to prove it; that Drunkards, so they were Conformable, were preferred. Which was a great and a notorious Slander upon the Governours of the Church, and upon Orderly and Conformable Men. Then he said, that Election of Ministers was in the People. And this is directly against the Laws of England, in the Right of all Patrons. Then constantly in his Prayer before his Sermon, he Prayed for the States and the King of Sweden, before his Majesty, which was the Garb of that time, among that Party of Men. Then, that one of his common Themes of Preaching to the People, was against the Government of the Church. And then, that Images in Churches, were [...] better [Page] than Stews in the Commonwealth, which at the best is a very unsavoury Comparison. But here it was replyed, That Images were Idols, and so called in the Homilies, and that therefore the Comparison might hold. Yea, [...]. against the Peril of Idola. p. 3. p. 92. but in the second Homily, against the Peril of Idolatry, Images or Pictures in Glass or Hangings, are expresly and truly said not to be Idols, till they be Worshipped. And therefore Mr. Workman should not have compared their setting up, to Stews, till he could have proved them Worshipped. And in all this, were the Act good or bad in the Censuring of him, it was the Act of the High-Commission, not mine.

After this followed the Fifth Charge, which was Mr: Sherfeild's V. Case, his Sentence in the Star-Chamber for defacing of a Church-Window in or near Salisbury. The Witnesses produced were Two. The First 1. was Mr: Carill. He said that Mr: Sherfeild defaced this Window, because there was an Image in it, conceived to be the Picture of God the Father. But first, this comes not home. For many a Picture may be conceived to be of God the Father, which yet is not, nor was ever made for it. And then suppose it were so, yet Mr: Sherfeild in a setled Government of a State, ought not to have done it, but by Command of Authority. He says, that in my Speech there in the Court, I justified the having of the Picture of God the Father, as he remembers, out of Dan. 7. 22. This (as he remembers) came well in. For I never justified the making or having that Picture.

For Calvin's Rule, Calv. 1. [...]. c. 11. §. 12. that we may picture that which may be seen, is grounded upon the Negative, that no Picture may be made of that which was never, never can be seen. And to ground this Negative, is the Command given by Moses, Deut. 4. Take good heed to your selves. For what? That you Deut. 4. 15, 16. make not to your selves this Picture: Why? For that you saw no manner of similitude, in the day that the Lord spake unto you out of the midst of the fire. Out of the midst of the fire, and yet he still reserved himself in thick darkness, Exod. 20. So no Picture of him, because no similitude [...]. 20. 21. ever seen. And this Rule having ever possessed me wholly, I could not justifie the having of it.

I said indeed, that some Men in later Superstitious Times, were so foolish as to Picture God the Father, by occasion of that place in Daniel; but for my self I ever rejected it. Nor can that place bear any shew of it. For Daniel says there, that the Ancient of days came. But in what shape or similitude he came, no Man Living can tell. And he is called the Ancient of days from his Eternity, not as if he appeared like an Old Man. The Text hath no Warrant at all for that.

2. Yet the Second Witness Mr. Tomlyns says also, that I did justifie this Picture.

God forgive him the Malice or Ignorance of this Oath, be it which it will.

He might have been as wary as Mr. Caril, and added (as he remembers;) For so many Years since, as this Hearing was, he may easily mistake. But if I did say any such thing; why are not my own Papers here produced against me? I had that written which I then spake, and the Paper was in my Study with the rest, and came (for ought I know) into their Hands which follow the Charge against me. I ask again, why is not this Paper produced? Out of all doubt it would, had there appeared any such thing in it. He says also, that I said then, that if the Idol of Jupiter [Page] were set up, yet it were not lawful to pull it down in a Popular Tumult, but by Order and Authority. I did say so, or to that effect, indeed; and must say it still. For I find in St. Augustin almost the very words. St. Aug. And Bishop Davenant, a Man very Learned, [...] this place of St. Augustin and approves it. And they both prove this Doctrine from Deut. 12. Where the Command given for destroying of the Idols, Deut. 7. 5. & 12. 2. when they came into the Land of Canaan, was not left at large to the People, but setled in Moses the chief Magistrate, and his Power. And according to this Rule, the Temple of AEsculapius, though then grown very Scandalous, was not pulled down but by Euseb. 3. de vita Constan. c. 54. [...] Command. Which place I then shewed the Lords. But this Witness added, that Mr: Sherfeild had. Authority to do this from the Vestry. If he had, that's as good as none; for by the Laws of England there is yet no power given them for that or any thing else. And all that Vestries do, is by usurpation or consent of the Parish, but reaches not this. The Bishop of the Diocess had been fitter to be consulted herein, than the Vestry.

Here, as if these Witnesses had not said enough, Mr: Nicolas offered himself to be a Witness. And told the Lords he was present at the Hearing of this Cause, and that four Witnesses came in clear, that the Picture broken down, was the Picture of God the Father, and that yet the Sentence of the Court passed against Mr: Sherfeild. First, if this be so, it concludes against the Sentence given in the Star-Chamber, not against me; and he calls it here the Sentence of the Court. Secondly, be it, that it were undoubtedly the Picture of God the Father; yet he ought to have taken Authority along with him, and not to go about it with violence, which he did, and fell and brake his Leg in the Business. Thirdly, by his own description of the Picture, it seems to me to be some old Fabulous Picture out of a Legend, and not one of God the Father: For he then told the Lords, it was a Picture of an Old Man with a Budget by his side, out of which he was plucking Adam and Eve,

And I believe no Man ever saw God the Father so Pictured any where. Lastly, let me observe how Mr: Nicolas takes all parts upon him wherein he may hope to do me mischief.

The Sixth Charge was concerning a Bible, that was Printed with VP. Pictures, and sold. The Witness Mr: Walsal a Stationer. Who says, That this Bible was Licensed by Dr: Weeks; my Lord of London's Chaplain, not mine; so thus far it concerns not me.

Yes, says Mr. Brown in his last Reply: For it appears in a List of my Chaplains under my own Hand, that Dr: Weeks was one: 'Tis true, when I was Bishop of Bath and Wells he was mine; but my Lord of London had him from me, so soon as ever he was Bishop. And was his, not mine, when he Licensed that Book. And Mr. Brown knew that I answer'd it thus to the Lords.

He says, that I gave him direction that they should not be sold openly upon the Stalls, but only to discreet Men that knew how to use them. The Case was this. As I was at Prayers in the King's Chappel, I there saw one of them in Mrs. Kirk's Hand. She was far enough from any affection to Rome. And this being the first knowledge I had of it, many were vented and sold before I could prevent it. Upon this I sent for one (whether to this Witness or another I cannot say) and acquainted the Lords of the Council with it, [Page] and craved their direction what should be done. It was there Ordered, that I should forbid the open Sale of them upon their Stalls, but not otherwise to Learned and Discreet Men. And when I would have had this Order stricter, no Man stuck to me but Mr: Secretary Cook. So according to this Order I gave direction to Mr: Walsal, as he witnesses.

Here Mr. Maynard replyed, that I ought to have withstood this Order, in regard it was every way faulty. For, said he, either these Pictures were good or bad. And if they were good, why should they not be Sold openly upon the Stalls to all that would buy? And if they were bad, why should they be Sold privately to any?

To this Reply I was not suffer'd to Answer: But when I heard Mr. Brown charge this Bible with Pictures against me, then I answer'd the thing as before, and took occasion thereby to answer this Dilemma thus. Namely, that this kind of Argument concludes not, but in things Necessary, and where no Medium can be given. For where a Medium can be given, the Horns of this Argument are too weak to hurt. And so 'tis here. For Pictures in themselves are things indifferent; not simply good, nor simply bad, but as they are used. And therefore they were not to be sold to all comers, because they may be abused, and become evil; and yet might be sold to Learned and Discreet Men, who might turn them to good. And that Images are things indifferent of themselves, is granted in the Homilies which are against the very Peril of [...]. [...]. 1. p. 11. Idolatry.

He said, there was some inconvenient Pictures among them; as the Assumption, and the Dove. Be it so, the Book was not Licensed by me or mine. And yet, as I then shewed the Lords, they were not so strict at Amsterdam against these Pictures. For the Book which Mr. Walsal shewed me, was Printed and sent thence, before it was Printed here. Besides, our old English Bibles in the beginning of the Queen were full of Pictures; and no fault found. As for that which is added at the Bar, that one of these Bibles was found in Secretary Windebank's Trunk, and another in Sir John Lambs. That's nothing to me.

The last Charge of this day was, that something about Images was VII. Expunged out of Dr: Featly's Sermons, by my Chaplain Dr: Bray, before they could be suffer'd to be Printed. But first, he himself confesses, that I told him he might Print them, so nothing were in them contrary to the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of England. Secondly, he confesses, that when Dr. Bray made stay of them, he never complained to me; and I cannot remedy that which I do not know. Thirdly, he confesses, that all the time he was in Lambeth-House, my Predecessor ever left that care of the Press upon his Chaplains; and why I might not do it as well as my Predecessor, I do not yet know. But he said, that he complained to Sir Edmund Scott, and desired to be advised by him what he should do: And that he Answer'd, he thought I would not meddle with that troublesome Business, more than my Predecessors had done.

Be this so, yet Sir Ed. Scott never told me this; nor is there any the least Proof offer'd that he did. But because this and the like passages about Expunging some things out of Books, makes such a great Noise, as if nothing concerning Popery might be Printed: And because Mr. Brown in Summing up of the Charge in the House of Commons, warmly insisted upon this Particular, I thought it necessary [Page] to Answer as follows. That what moved my Chaplain to Expunge that large passage against Images, I knew not; nor could I now know, my Chaplain being Dead. But that this I was sure of, that else-where in those very Sermons, there was as plain a passage, Dr. Featly's Sermons. and full against p. 477. Images left in. And in another place a whole Leaf together, spent to prove them p. 791. Idolaters; and that as gross as the Baalists, and so he terms them. Yea; and that the p. 808. Pope is Antichrist too, and not only called so, but proved by divers Arguments. And not so only, but in plain Terms, that he is the p. 810. Whore of Babylon. And these passages I then Read out of the Book it self in the House of Commons. And many other-like to these there are. So my Chaplain might see good Cause to leave out some passages.

Where so many upon as good Cause were left in:

But to the Business of leaving the Care of these Books, and the overview of them to my Chaplains, it was then urged,

That the Commissary This was done long before the Reformation; when the Patents of Chancellors and Commissaries were revocable at the pleasure of the Bishop. H. W. of John Lord Arch-Bishop of York, had Excommunicated the Lord Bishop of Durham, being then in the King's Service. And that the Arch-Bishop himself was deeply Fined for this Act of his Commissary. And that therefore I ought much more to be answerable for my Chaplain's Act, whom I might put away when I would, than he for his Commissary, who had a Patent, and could not be put out at pleasure.

Mr. Brown also followed this Precedent close upon me. But first, there is a great deal of difference in the thing it self: My Chaplain's Case being but the leaving out of a passage in a Book to be Printed: But his Commissary's Case being the Excommunicating of a great Bishop, and he in the King's Service, of whose Honour the Laws of this Realm are very tender. And Secondly, the Bishop and his Official, (call him Chancellor or Commissary, or what you will) make but one Person in Law; and therefore the Act of the Commissary to the full extent of his Patent, is the Act of the Bishop in legal Construction, and the Bishop may be answerable for it. But the Bishop and his Chaplain are not one Person in any Construction of Law.

And say he may put away his Chaplain when he will, yet that cannot help what is past, if ought have been done amiss by him. And this was the Answer I insisted on to Mr. Brown.

Upon my entrance on this days Defence, I found my self aggrieved at the Diurnal, and another Pamphlet of the Week, wherein they Print whatsoever is Charged against me, as if it were fully proved; never so much as mentioning what, or how I Answer'd. And that it troubled me the more, because (as I conceived) the passages as there expressed, trenched deep upon the Justice and Proceedings of that Honourable House. And could have no Aim but to incense the Multitude against me. With some difficulty I got these Pamphlets received, but there they dyed, and the Weekly abuse of me continued to keep my Patience in Breath.

CAP. XXXV. The Thirteenth Day of my Hearing.

[Page]

THE First Charge of this Day, was the Opinion which was I. held of me beyond the Seas. The first Witness was Sir [...] 11. 1644. Whitson-Tuesday. Henry Mildmaye, who (as is before related) told me without asking; That I was the most Hateful Man at Rome, that ever sate in my See since the Reformation. Now he denied not this,

but being Die Decimotertio. helped on by good Preparation, a Flexible Conscience, and a fair leading Interrogatory by Mr. Nicolas,

(Mr. Serjeant Wilde was Sick, and came no more till the last day when I made my Recapitulation) he minced it. And now he says, that there were two Factions at Rome, and that one of them did indeed speak very ill of me, because they thought I aimed at too great a Power here in England: But the other Faction spake as well of me, because they thought I endeavoured to bring us in England nearer to the Church of Rome. But first, my Lords, this Gentleman's Words to me were Round and General. That I was hated at Rome; not of a Party, or Faction there. And my Servants heard him at the same time, and are here ready to witness it, that he then said the Pope was a goodly Gentleman, and did use to ride two or three great Horses in a Morning, and, but that he was something taller, he was as like Auditor Philips (who was then at Dinner with me) as could be. But I pray mark what Wise Men he makes them at Rome: One Faction hates me, because I aim at too much Power: And the other loves me, because I would draw England nearer Rome; Why, if I went about to draw England nearer Rome, can any among them be such Fools as to think my Power too great? For if I used my Power for them; why should any there Condemn me? And if I used it against them, why should any here Accuse me?

Non sunt haec benè divisa temporibus. These things suit not with the Times, or the Dispositions of Rome: But the plain Truth is, I do not think that ever he was at Rome; I after heard a whisper, that he only stepped into France for another Cure, not to Rome for Curiosity, which was the only cause he gave the Lords of his going thither.

2. The second Witness was Mr. Challoner. He says not much of his own knowledge, but of Fame, that tatling Gossip; yet he told the Lords, I was a very Obscure Man, till within these Fifteen Years. Be it so, if he please. Yet I have been a Bishop above Three and Twenty Years: And 'tis Eighteen Years since I was first Dean of his Majesty's Chappel Royal. He says, that after this time there was a strong Opinion of Reconciliation to Rome. A strong Opinion, but a weak Proof. For it was an Opinion of Enemies, and such as could easily believe, what they over-much desired. He farther said, that some of them were of Opinion, that I was a good Roman-Catholick, and that I wrought cunningly to introduce that Religion by Inches: And that they [Page] Prayed for me. First, my Lords, the Opinion of Enemies is no Proof at all, that I am such as they think me. And secondly, this is a Notable, and no unusual piece of Cunning, for an Enemy to destroy by commending. For this was the ready way, and I doubt not, but it hath been Practised, to raise a Jealousie against me at home, thereby either to work the Ruin of my Person, or utterly to weaken and disable me from doing harm to them, or good for the Church of England. Besides, if the Commendation of Enemies may in this kind go for Proof; it shall be in the power of two or three Practising Jesuits, to destroy any Bishop or other Church-Man of England when they please. At last, he told a Story of one Father John, a Benedictin; that he asked him how Church-Livings were disposed in England, and whether I had not the disposing of those which were in the King's Gift. And concluded, that he was not out of hope to see England reduced to Rome. Why, my Lords, this is not Father John's hope alone; for there is no The Arch-Bishop calls the English Papists Roman-Catholicks; not as allowing them to be such; but referring to that Name, which some of them were before said to have affixed to him. H: W: Roman-Catholick but hath some hope alive in him to see this day. And were it not for that hope, there would not have been so many, some desperate, all dangerous Practices upon this Kingdom to Effect it, both in Queen Elizabeth's time, and since. But if this, I know not what Father John hope so, what is that to me?

3. The third Witness was Mr. Anthony Mildmaye. A Man not thought on for a Witness, till I called for his Brother Sir Henry. But now he comes laden with his Brother's Language. He says just as Sir Henry did before, that there were two Factions in Rome, the Jesuits, and they abhorred me; but the other, the Secular Priests, they wished me well, as he was informed. First, this is so one and the same Testimony; that any Man that will may see, that either he informed his Brother, or his Brother him. Secondly, here's nothing affirmed; for it is but as he was informed. And he doth not tell you by whom. It may be my Lords, it was by his Brother. Then he says, This was to make my self Great, and tells a Tale of Father Fitton, as much to the purpose as that which Mr. Challoner told of Father John. But whatsoever either of these Fathers said, it was but their own Opinion of me, or Hearsay; neither of which can prove me guilty of any thing.

Thus much Mr. Anthony made a shift to say by Five of the Clock at Afternoon; when I came to make my Answer. And this (as I have sufficient Cause to think) only to help to shoar up his Brother's Testimony. But in the Morning, when he should have come, as his Brother did, he was by Nine in the Morning so Drunk, that he was not able to come to the Bar, nor to speak Common Sense, had he been brought thither.

Nobile par Fratrum.

The Second Charge was the Consecration of two Churches in II. London: St: Catharin Cree-Church, and St: Giles in the Fields. The Witnesses two.

1. The first Witness was one Mr: Willingham. And he says, [...] I came to these Churches in a Pompous manner: But all the Pomp that he mentions, is, that Sir Henry Martin, Dr: Duck, and some other of the Arches attended me, as they usually do their Diocesans in [Page] such Solemnities. He says, he did curiously observe what was done, thinking it would one Day be called to an Account, as now it is. So this Man (himself being Judge) looked upon that Work with Malevolent Eye, and God preserve him from being a malitious Witness. He says, That at my approach to the Church Door, was read, Lift up your Heads, O ye Gates, and be ye lift up ye everlasting Doors, and the King of Glory shall come in. Psal: 24. And this was urged Psal. 24. 7. over and over as a jeer upon my Person. But this Place of Scripture hath been anciently used in Consecrations. And it relates not to the Bishop, but to God Almighty, the true King of Glory, who at the Dedication enters by his Servant to take Possession of the House, then to be made his. He says, that I kneeled down at my coming in, and after used many Bowings and Cringings. For my kneeling down at my entranee, to begin with Prayer, and after to proceed with Reverence, I did but my Duty in that, let him scoffingly call it Cringing, or Ducking, or what he please.

He says farther, That at the beginning I took up Dust, and threw it in the Air, and after used divers Curses. And here Mr: Pryn put Mr: Nicolas in mind to add, that Spargere Cinerem is in the Form of Consecration used in the Pontifical.

And Mr: Brown, in his summary Account of my Charge, laid the very Consecration of these Churches, as a Crime upon me; and insisted on this particular.

But here my answer to all was the same: That this Witness had need look well to his Oath; for there was no throwing up of Dust, no Curses used throughout the whole Action: Nor did I follow the Pontifical, but a Copy of Learned and Reverend Bishop Andrews, by which he Consecrated divers Churches in his time; and that this is so, I have the Copy by me to Witness, and offered them to shew it. Nor can this howsoever savour any way of Treason. No; said Mr: Brown, but the Treason is, To seek, by these Ceremonies, to overthrow the Religion Established. Nor was that ever sought by me: And God of his Mercy Preserve the true Protestant Religion amongst us, till the Consecration of Churches, and Reverence in the Church, can overthrow it; and then I doubt not, but by God's Blessing, it shall continue safe to the Worlds End.

He says also, That I did pronounce the Place Holy. I did so: And that was in the Solemn Act it self of the Consecration, according to the usual Form in that behalf. And no Man will deny, but that there is a Derivative, and [...] & [...], Jo. Prideaux. Concie, in S. Luc. 19. 46 1 [...]. 9. 13. a Relative Holiness in Places, as well as in Vessels, and other Things Dedicated to the Honour and Service of God. Nor is any thing more common in the Old Testament; and 'tis express in the New, both for Place and Things. 1: Cor: 9.

Then it was urged at the Bar, That a Prayer which I used, was like one that is in the Pontifical. So in the Missal are many Prayers like to the Collects used in our English Liturgy, so like, that some are the very same, Translated only into English; and yet these confirmed by Law. And for that of Psal. 95. Venite Procidamus, &c. Psal. 95. 6. then also excepted against, that hath been of very ancient use in the Liturgies of the Church. From which Rejecimus Paleam, numquid & Grana? We have separated the Chaff, shall we cast away the Corn too? If it come to that let us take heed we fall not upon the Devil's Winnowing, who labours to beat down the Corn; 'tis not the [Page] Chaff that Troubles him, S: Luc: 22. Then they urged my Predecessor Arch-Bishop Parker, That he found Fault with the Consecration of New Churches. I answered then upon Memory, that he did not find S. Lue. 22. 31. In Antiq. [...], p. 85. fault simply with Consecrations of Churches, but only with the Superstitious Ceremonies used therein.

And this since upon perusal of the Place, I find to be true. For after he had in some sort Commended the Popes for taking away some gross and superstitious Purgations, he adds, that yet for want of Piety, or Prudence, their later Pontifical and Missal-Books did outgo the Ancient In Multitudine Ceremoniarum, & peragendi Difficultate, & Taedio, & [...] amentiâ. So these were the things he found fault with, not the Consecration it self; which he could not well do, himself being then a Consecrated Bishop.

2. The Second Witness was Mr. Hope. He says, That he agrees with the former Witness, and saw all, and the throwing up of the Dust, &c. Since he agrees with the former Witness, I give him the same Answer. Yet with this Observation upon him and his Oath. The former Witness says, that at the beginning of this Action, I took Dust and threw it up: This Man agrees with him, and saw all; and almost in the very next Words confesses, he was not there at the beginning. Not there: Yet he saw it. My Lords; if you mark it, this is a wholsom Oath. He says, That then the Church-Yard was Consecrated by it self. It was ever so; the one Act must follow the other, though both done the same Day: For the Places being different, the Act could not pass upon them at the same time. Then he said, there were Fees required, and a good Eye had to the Money. This is a poor Objection against me: If the Officers did exact any Money without Rule, or beyond President; let them answer for it. But for that which was said to belong to me, I presently gave it to the Poor of the Parish. And this Mr. Dell my Secretary then present attested to the Lords. Lastly, he said, they were not New Churches. Let him look to his Oath again; for 'tis notoriously known, they were both New Built from the Ground; and St. Giles not wholly upon the Old Foundation.

The Third Charge was laid on me, only by Mr. Nieolas, and without III. any Witness. It was, That I out-went Popery Here in England, both before and since the Reformation, Chappels [...] erected, were always solemnly Consecrated, as well as Churches. I could produce [...] of the Time preceding, many of the [...] succeeding the [...]. H. W. it self; for the Papists Consecrated Churches only, but I had been so Ceremonious, that I had Consecrated Chappels too. My Lords, the use of Chappels and of Churches in regard of God's Service is the same. Therefore if Consecration be fit for the one; it must needs be for the other. And the Consecrations of Chappels was long before Popery came into the World. For even Oratories Newly Built were Consecrated in or before Eusebius his Time. And he Flourished about the [...] L. 10. Hist. c. 3. Year of Christ 310. So ancient they are in the course of Christianity; and for any Prohibition of them, there is neither Law nor Canon in the State or Church of England that doth it.

The Chappels they instance in are Three. First, they say, I Consecrated a Chappel of the Right Honourable the Lord Treasurer Weston's. I did so, and did no harm therein. As for the touch given by [Page] the way upon that Honourable Person, he is gone to God, I have nothing to do with it. Secondly, they Instanced in a Chappel of Sir John Worstenham's Building. 'Tis true I Consecrated that too, 2. but that was a Parish-Church, Built in the Place where he was born, and it was in my Diocess, and so the Work proper for me. The Third Instance was in my own Chappel, in my House at Aberguilly, 3. when I was Bishop of St. Davids; the Room lay waste and out of Repair, and I fitted it at my own Cost, and Consecrated it into a Chappel, that House having no Oratory before. Here they farther aggravated many circumstances: As First, that I named it at the Dedication, [...]. The Chappel of S. John the Baptist. I did so Name that Chappel, in Memory of the College where I was Bred, which bears the same Name; but I dedicated it to God and his Service. And to give the Names of Angels and Saints to Churches, for distinction sake, and for the Honour of their Memory, is very Ancient and Usual in the Church, as appears in S. Augustin, and divers The. 2. 2ae. q. 85. A. 2. ad 3. others of the Fathers; but Dedicated only to God:

Which in the midst of Superstitious times, the School it self confesses:

So yet no Offence. Secondly, That I did it upon the 29th. of August. And [...]. why might I not do it that Day, as well as upon any other? But resolving to Name the Chappel as I did, I the rather made choice of that Day, both because it was the Day of the Decollation of S: John the Baptist; and because, as upon that Day God had wonderfully Blessed me, in the Hearing of my Cause concerning the Presidentship of S. John's College in Oxford, by King James of ever blessed Memory: So yet no Offence. Thirdly, there was a Paper read, and 3. Avowed to be mine, in which was a fair description of Chappel Furniture, and Rich Plate, and the Ceremonies in use in that Chappel, and Wafers for the Communion. At the reading of this Paper, I was a little troubled. I knew I was not then so Rich, as to have such Plate, or Furniture; and therefore I humbly desired sight of the Paper. So soon as I saw it, I found there was nothing in it in my Hand, but the Indorsement, which told the Reader plainly, that it was the Model of Reverend Bishop Andrews his Chappel, with the Furniture, Plate, Ceremonies therein used, and all Things else. And this Copy was sent me by the Household Chaplain to that Famous Bishop.

This I laid open to the Lords, and it would have made any Man ashamed, but Mr. Pryn, who had delivered upon Oath, that it was a Paper of my Chappel Furniture at Aberguilly, contrary to his Conscience, and his own Eye-sight of the Paper.

And for [...], I never either gave, or received the Communion, but in Ordinary Bread. At Westminster I knew it was sometimes used, but as a thing indifferent. As for the Slur here given to that Reverend Dead Bishop of Winchester, it might well have been spared; he deserved far better usage for his Service to the Church of England, and the Protestant Cause.

The Fourth Charge, was the Publishing the Book of Recreations: IV. And it was ushered in with this Scorn upon me, That I laboured to put a Badge of Holiness, by my Breath, upon Places; and to take it away from Days. But I did neither; the King commanded the Printing of it, as is therein attested, and the Warrant which the King gave [Page] me, they have: And though at Consecrations I read the Prayers, yet it was God's Blessing, not my Breath, that gave the Holyness. And for the Day, I ever laboured it might be kept Holy, but yet free from a Superstitious Holyness. And First, it was said, That this was done of purpose to take away Preaching. But First, there is no Proof offered for this. And Secondly, 'tis impossible: For till the Afternoon Service and Sermon were done; no Recreation is allowed by that Book; nor then to any but such as have been at both. Therefore it could not be done to take it away. Thirdly, the Book names none but Lawful Recreations: Therefore if any unlawful be used, the Book gives them no Warrant. And that some are Lawful (after the Publick Service of God is ended) appears by the Practice of Geneva, where after Evening Prayer, the Elder Men Bowl, and the Younger Train. And Calvin says in express Terms, That one Cause of the Institution of the Sabbath Tertio Servis, & ijs qui sub aliorum degerent Imperio, quietis Diem indulgendum censuit, [...] aliquam haberent à labore remissionem. Gal. L. 2. Inst. c. 8. [...]. 28. was, that Servants might have a Day of rest and remission from their Labour: And what time of the Day fit, if not after Evening Prayer? And what Rest is there for able Young Men, if they may use no Recreation? Then it was urged, That there was great Ryot and Disorder at Wakes kept on the Lords Day. That is a very sufficient Cause to regulate and order those Feasts, but not quite to take them away. I make no doubt for my part, but that the Feast of the Dedication was abused by some among the Jews; and yet Christ was so far from taking it away for that, as that he honoured it with his own Presence. S. John 10. As for the Paper which was read containing S. John 10. 22. three Causes why that Book was Published, that was a Note taken for my own Private Use and Memory.

Then came in Mr. Pryn, who said, that the Lord Chief Justice Richardson had made an Order in his Circuit against these Wakes, and was forced to revoke it. This was done by Authority, as is before answered; to which I refer my self. Here 'tis added, to help fill up the Noise: But Mr. Pryn says, That all the Gentlemen in the Country Petitioned on the Judges behalf. No; there was a great Faction in Sommersetshire at that time, and Sir Robert Philips and all his Party writ up against the Judge and the Order he made, as was apparent by the Certificates which he returned. And Sir Robert was well known in his time to be neither Popish, nor Prophane. He says farther, That William then Earl of Pembrooke was out of Town, and the Book Printed in the Interim by my Procurement. But for this last, here's not one Word of Proof offered, and so I leave it.

The Fifth Charge was, that some Ministers were punished for not V. reading this Book. Witnesses for this were produced.

1. The First was Sir Nathaniel Brent; who says, he had Charge from me to call for an account of not reading this Book, both in my Province at my Visitation, and in my Diocess. His Majesty having Commanded this, I could do little, if I had not so much as inquired what was done: And he confesses, that for my Province he gave time to them which had not read it, and then never asked more after it. So here was no eager Prosecution. But then he says, that three in my Diocess stood out, and asked time. And confesses that I granted it: But adds, [Page] that when he asked more time for them, I denyed; and that they were then suspended ab Officio only. I thought I had reason to deny, when I saw they did but dally by asking time. And it was then evident, that in the Diocess of other Bishops far more than Three were punished, and their Punishment greater.

However, this my proceeding was far from Rigour. And this was the Answer that I gave Mr. Brown, who in the Summ of his Charge, instanced in this Particular against me.

2. The Second witness was Mr. Culmer, one of the Three Ministers that was suspended. He says, That he was suspended by Sir Nathaniel Brent, and that when he came to me about it, I said, If you know not how to Obey, I know not how to Grant your Petition. Truly, my Lords, finding him both Wilful and Ignorant, I cannot tell what I could say less. He says, that his Patron took away his Benefice. Why, my Lords, he had none; he was only a [...], and, God knows, unfit for that. So being Suspended from his Office, this must needs be done. He says, he was not absolved till the Scots came in, and that he was Conformable in all things else. For the time of his Absolution, I leave that to the Record: But for his Conformity in other This Mr: Culmer not only Pissed in the Church of Canterbury, but also demolished the Noble Glass-Windows of it with his own Hands. The like he did in the Parish-Church of Minster in Thanet; which Benefice he usurped during the Rebellion. I have had more particular Opportunities to be informed concerning him from many yet alive, who knew him well; and upon the whole, think him to have been one of the greatest Villains in the Three Kingdoms. H: things, 'tis more than ever I heard of any.

This I can say for him, he is good at Purchasing a Benefice: For he offered a Servant of mine One Hundred and Fifty Pound, so he could procure me but to Name him to the Parliament for Chartham in Kent. Since, I have heard he is as good at doing Reverence in the Church: For he [...] in the Body of the Cathedral Antidatum [...] 11. at Canterbury at Noon-Day, as will be Justified by Oath. And for this very Particular, the Book of Recreations, he informed at the Council-Table against a Gentleman of Quality, for saying, Ibid: p: 35. it was unfit such Books should be sent, for Ministers to read in the Church. And was himself laid by the Heels for the Falshood of this Information. So he is very good at the point of Conscience too, that can refuse to read the Book, as being unfit, and complain to have another Punished for saying 'tis so.

3. The Third Witness is Mr. Wilson. He says, That I sent to Sir Nath. Brent to Suspend him. That is true, but it was when he would neither Obey, nor keep in his Tongue. He says, his Living was Sequestred for almost Four Years. But it was not for Not Reading this Book. For himself confesses it was done in the High-Commission; and that for Dilapidations, in Not Repairing his House.

4. The Fourth Witness was one Mr. Snelling, a Minister in the Diocess of Rochester. All that was done against this Man was openly in the High-Commission Court. And there he was Censured for other things, as well as for this. Himself confesses his open refusing to Bow at the Name of Jesus, though the Canon of the Church Command it. I kept him off from being Sentenced a long time, and when he was Sentenced he confesses I was not present. He says, somewhat was expunged out of his Brief. If it were, it was with the consent of his Councel; which in that Court was ordinary. Howsoever [Page] it cannot touch me: For those things were done at Informations, where I was not present. He says, that when I heard of the Nature of his Defence, I said, If any such Defence were put in, it should be burnt. This was upon just Complaint of the Judge then present at Informations, affirming it was against all the course of that Court. He says, there is no Penalty mentioned in that Declaration. And I say his Obedience and other Mens should have been the more free and chearful. Well, I pray God keep us in the mean, in this business of the Sabbath, as well as in other things, that we run not into a Jewish Superstition, while we seek to shun Profaneness. This, Calvin hath in the mean time assured me, That [...] que Sabbatismi [...] ter [...] superant. Cal. 2. Inst. c. 8. [...]: 34. those Men who stand so strictly upon the Morality of the Sabbath, do by a gross and carnal Sabbatization, three times out-go the Superstition of the Jew.

Here it was inferred, that there was a Combination for the doing of this in other Dioceses. But no proof at all was offer'd. Then Bishop Mountague's Articles, and Bishop Wrenn's were Read, to shew that Inquiry was made about the Reading of this Book. And the Bishop of London's Articles Named, but not Read. But if I were in this Combination, why were not my Articles Read? Because no such thing appears in them; and because my Articles gave so good content, that while the Convocation was sitting, Dr. Brownrigg and Dr. Holdsworth came to me, and desired me to have my Book confirmed in Convocation, to be general for all Bishops in future, it was so moderate and according to Law. But why then (say they) were other Articles thought on, and a Clause that none should pass without the Approbation of the Arch-Bishop? Why; other were thought on, because I could not in Modesty press the Confirmation of my own, though solicited to it. And that Clause was added, till a standing Book for all Dioceses might be perfected, that no Quaere in the Interim might be put to any, but such as were according to Law.

The Sixth Charge was about Reversing of a Decree in Chancery (as VI. 'tis said) about Houses in Dr: Walton's Parish, given, as was said, to Superstitious Vses.

1. The First Witness was Serjeant Turner. He says, He had a Rule in the King's Bench for a Prohibition in this Cause. But by Reason of some defect (what; is not mentioned) he confesses he could not get his Prohibition. Here's nothing that reflects upon me. And if a Prohibition were moved for; that could not be personally to me, but to my Judge in some Spiritual [...] where it seems this Cause depended, and to which the Decree in Chancery was directed. And indeed this Act which they call a Reversing, was the Act and Seal of Sir Nath. Brent my Vicar General. And if he violated the Lord Keeper's Decree, he must Answer it. But the Instrument being then produced, it appeared concurrent in all things with the Decree. The Words are, Juxta scopum Decreti hac in parte in Curiâ [...] factum, &c.

2. The Second Witness was Mr. Edwards. And wherein [...] concurs with Serjeant Turner, I give him the same Answer. For [Page] that which he adds, that Dr. Walton did let Leases of these Houses at an undervalue, and called none of the Parishioners to it: If he did in this any thing contrary to Justice, or the Will of the Donor, or the Decree; he is Living to Answer for himself; me it concerns not. For his Exception taken to my Grant, (of Confirmation I think he means) and to the Words therein, Omnis & Omnimoda, &c. 'Tis the Ancient Stile of such Grants, for I know not how many Hundred Years; no Syllable innovated or altered by me.

Then followed the Charge of Mr. Burton and Mr. Pryn, about VII. their Answer, and their not being suffer'd to put it into the Star-Chamber. Which though Mr. Pryn pressed at large before, yet here it must come again, to help fill the World with Clamour. Yet to that which shall but seem new I shall Answer. Two things are said. (1.) The one, That they were not suffered to put in their defence, Modo & Forma, as it was laid. There was an Order made openly in Court to the Judges, to Expunge Scandalous Matter. And the two Chief Justices did Order the Expunging of all that which was Expunged, be it more or less: As appears in the Acts of that Court. (2.) The other is, that I procured this Expunging. The Proofs that I procured it were these. 1. First, because Mr. Cockshot gave me an Account of the business from Mr. Attorney. I had Reason to look after the business, the whole Church of England being scandalized in that Bill, as well as my self. But this is no Proof, that I either gave direction or used any solicitation to the Reverend Judges, to whom it was referred. 2. Secondly, because I gave the Lords thanks for it: It was openly in Court: It was after the Expunging was agreed unto. And what could I do less in such a Cause of the Church, though I had not been personally concerned in it? 3. Thirdly, because I had a Copy of their Answer found in my Study. I conceive it was not only fit, but necessary for me to have one, the Nature of the Cause considered. But who interlined any passages in it with black Lead, I know not. For I ever used Ink, and no black Lead all my Life. These be strange Proofs that I procured any thing.

Then Mr. Pryn added, That the Justice and Favour which was afforded Dr. Leighton, was denyed unto him: As far as I remember, it was for the putting in of his Answer under his own Hand. This, if so, was done by Order of the Court, it was not my Act.

The last Charge followed. And that was taken out of the Preface VIII. to my Speech in Star-Chamber. The Words are, That one way of Government My Speech in the Star-Chamber, Praefat. versus [...]. is not always either fit or safe, when the Humors of the People are in a continual Change, &c. From whence they inferred, I laboured to reduce all to an Arbitrary Government. But I do humbly conceive, no construction can force these Words against me for an Arbitrary Government. For the meaning is, and can be no other, for sometimes a stricter, and sometimes a remisser holding and ordering the Reins of Government; yet both according to the same Laws, by a different use and application of Mercy and Justice to Offenders.

And so I Answer'd to Mr. Brown, who charged this against me as one of my ill Counsels to his Majesty. But my Answer given is [Page] Truth. For it is not said, That there should not be One Law for Government, but not One way in the Ordering and Execution of that Law. And the Observator upon my Speech (an English Author, Divine and Politick Observations upon my Speech, p. 78. and well enough known, though he pretend 'tis a Translation out of Dutch) though he spares nothing that may be but carped at, yet to this passage he says 'tis a good Maxim, and wishes the King would follow it. And truly, for my part, I Learned it of a very wise and an able Governour, and he a King of England too, it was of Hen. 7. of Speed in Hen. 7. 5. 16. whom the Story says, that in the difficulties of his Time and Cause, he used both ways of Government, Severity and Clemency, yet both these were still within the compass of the Law. He far too Wise, and I never yet such a Fool, as to imbrace Arbitrary Government.

CAP. XXXVI.

THis day I received a Note from the Committee, that they intended [...] 14. 1644. to proceed next upon the remainder of the Seventh, and upon the Eighth and Ninth Original Articles. Which follow in haec Verba.

The Eighth Article.

8. That for the better advancing of his Trayterous Purpose and Design, he did abuse the great Power and Trust his Majesty reposed in him; and did intrude upon the Places of divers great Officers, and upon the Right of other his Majesty's Subjects; whereby he did procure to himself the Nomination of sundry Persons to Ecclesiastical Dignities, Promotions and Benefices belonging to his Majesty and divers of the Nobility, Clergy and others; and hath taken upon him the commendation of Chaplains to the King; by which means, he hath preferred to his Majesty's Service, and to other great Promotions in the Church, such as have been Popishly affected, or otherwise Vnsound and Corrupt both in Doctrine and Manners.

The Ninth Article.

9. He hath for the same Trayterous and Wicked intent, chosen and imployed such Men to be his Chaplains, whom he knew to be Notoriously disaffected to the Reformed Religion, grosty addicted to Popish Superstition, and Erroneous and Vnsound both in Judgment and Practice; and to them, or some of them, he hath committed the Licensing of Books to be Printed, by which means, divers False and Superstitious Books have been Published, to the great Scandal of Religion, and to the [...] of many of his Majesty's Subjects.

The Fourteenth Day of my Hearing.

[Page]

At the ending of the former days Charge, I was put off to this [...] 17. 1644. [...]. day, which held. The First Charge was concerning Mr. Damport's leaving his Benefice in London, and going into Holland. I.

1. The First Witness for this was Quaterman, a bitter Enemy of Die [...]. mine; God forgive him. He speaks, as if he had fled from his Ministry here for fear of me. But the Second Witness Mr. Dukeswell says, that he went away upon a Warrant that came to Summon him into the High Commission. The Truth is, my Lords, and 'tis well known, and to some of his best Friends, that I preserved him once before, and my Lord Veer came and gave me Thanks for it. If after this he fell into danger again, Majus Peccatum habet; I cannot preserve Men that will continue in dangerous courses. He says farther (and in this the other Witness agrees with him) That when I heard he was gone into New-England, I should say my Arm should reach him there. The Words I remember not. But for the thing, I cannot think it fit that any Plantation should secure any Offender against the Church of England. And therefore if I did say my Arm should reach him, or them so offending, I know no Crime in it; so long as my Arm reached no Man but by the Law.

2. The Second Witness Mr. Dukeswell adds nothing to this, but that he says, Sir Maurice Abbot kept him in before. For which Testimony I thank him. For by this it appears, that Mr. Damport was a dangerous Factious Man, and so accounted in my Predecessor's Time, and it seems Prosecuted then too, that his Brother Sir Maurice Abbot was fain, (being then a Parishioner of his) to labour hard to keep him in.

The Second Charge was concerning Nathaniel Wickens, a Servant II. of Mr. Pryns.

1. The First Witness in this Cause was William Wickens, Father to Nathaniel. He says, his Son was Nine Weeks in divers Prisons, and for no Cause but for that he was Mr. Pryn's Servant. But it appears apud Acta, that there were many Articles of great Misdemeanour against him. And afterwards himself adds, That he knew no Cause but his refusing to take the Oath Ex Officio. Why, but if he knew that, then he knew another Cause, beside his being Mr. Pryn's Servant. Unless he will say all Mr. Pryn's Servants refuse that Oath, and all that refuse that Oath are Mr. Pryn's Servants. As for the Sentence which was laid upon him and the Imprisonment, that was the Act of the High-Commission, not mine. Then he says, That my Hand was first in the Warrant for his Commitment. And so it was to be of course.

2. The Second Witness was Sarah Wayman. She says, that he refused to take the Oath. Therefore he was not committed for being Mr. Pryn's Servant. She says, that for refusing the Oath, he was threatned he should be taken pro Confesso: And that when one of the Doctors replyed, that could not be done by the Order of the [Page] Court, I should say, I would have an Order by the next Court Day. 'Tis manifest in the Course of that Court, that any Man may be taken pro Confesso, that will not take the Oath, and answer. Yet seeing how that party of Men prevailed, and that one Doctors doubting might breed more Difference, to the great Scandal and Weakning of that Court, I publickly acquainted his Majesty and the Lords with it. Who were all of Opinion, that if such Refusers might not be taken pro Confesso, the whole Power of the Court was shaken. And hereupon his Majesty sent his Letter under his Signet, to command us to uphold the Power of the Court, and to proceed. She says farther, that he desired the sight of his Articles, which was denyed him. It was the constant and known Course of that Court, that he might not see the Articles till he had taken the Oath, which he refused to do.

3. The Third Witness was one Flower. He agrees about the business of taking him pro Confesso. But that's answerd. He adds, that there was nothing laid to his Charge, and yet confesses that Wickens desired to see the Articles that were against him. This is a pretty Oath. There were Articles against him, which he desired to see, and yet there was nothing laid to his Charge.

4. Then was produced his Majesty's Letter sent unto us. And herein the King requires us by his Supream Power Ecclesiastical to proceed, &c. We had been in a fine case, had we disobeyed this Command. Besides, my Lords, I pray mark it; we are enjoyned to proceed by the King's Supream Power Ecclesiastical; and yet it is here urged against me, that this was done to bring in Popery. An Excellent new way of bringing in Popery by the King's Supremacy. Yea, but they say, I should not have procured this Letter. Why? I hope I may by all Lawful ways preserve the Honour, and just Power of the Court in which I sat. And 'tis expressed in the Letter, that no [...] was done, than was agreeable to the Laws and Customs of the Realm. And 'tis known that both an Oath, and a taking pro Confesso in point of refusal, are used both in the Star-Chamber, and in the Chancery.

5. The last Witness was Mr. Pryn, who says, That his Man was not suffered to come to him, during his Soarness when his ears were Cropped. This Favour should have been asked of the Court of Star-Chamber, not of me. And yet here is no Proof that I denyed him this, but the bare Report of him, whom he says, he employed. Nor do I remember any Man's coming to me about it.

The Third Charge followed, it was concerning stopping of Book III. from the Press, both Old and New, and expunging some things out of them.

1. The first Instance was about the English Bibles with the Geneva Notes. The Bibles with those Notes were tolerated indeed both in Queen Elizabeths and King James his Time; but allowed by Authority in neither. And King James said plainly, That he thought the Confer. at Ham. [...], p. 47. Geneva Translation was the worst, and many of the Notes very Partial, Vntrue, Seditious, and savouring too much of Dangerous and Traiterous Conceits. And gave Instance. This passage I then read to the Lords: And withal told them, that now of late these Notes were more commonly used to ill purposes, than formerly, and that that [Page] was the Cause why the High-Commission was more careful and strict against them than before.

Here Michael Sparks the Elder came in as Witness, and said, he was called into the High Commission about these Books: But he confesses, it was not only for them. He says, the restraint of those Bibles was for the Notes. But he adds, as he supposes. And his Supposal is no Proof. Besides, he might have added here also, that the restraint was not for the Notes only: For by the numerous coming over of Bibles, both with and without Notes from Amsterdam, there was a great and a just fear conceived, that by little and little, Printing would quite be carried out of the Kingdom. For the Books which came thence, were better Print, better Bound, better Paper, and for all the Charges of bringing, sold better Cheap. And would any Man Buy a worse Bible Dearer, that might have a better more Cheap? And to preserve Printing here at home, as well as the Notes, was the Cause of stricter looking to those Bibles. And this appears by a Letter of Sir William Boswell's his Majesty's Agent in the Low Countreys; the Letter written to me, and now produced against me: But makes for me, as I conceive. For therein he sends me word of two Impressions of the Bible in English, one with Notes, and the other without: And desires me to take care to regulate this business at home. What should I do? Should I sleep upon such Advertisements as these, and from such a hand? Especially since he sends word also, that Dr. Amyes was then Printing of a Book wholly against the Church of England. So my Care was against all underminings, both at home and abroad, of the Established Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of England, for which I am now like to suffer. And I pray God that point of Arminianism, Libertas Prophetandi, do not more Mischief in short time, than is expressible by me.

2. The Second Instance was about the New Decree of the [...], concerning Printing. Four Articles of this Decree were read, namely, the 1, 2, 18, 24. What these are, may be seen in the Deecree: And as I think that whole Decree made Anno 1637. useful and necessary: So, under your Lordships Favour, I think those Four Articles as necessary as any.

Mr. Waly and Mr. Downes, two Stationers, Witnesses in this Particular, say, That they desired some Mitigation of the Decree, and that Judge Bramston said, he could not do it without me. I saw my Lord Chief Justice Bramston here in the Court but the other Day; why was not he examined, but these Men only, who oppose all Regulating of the Press, that opposes their Profit? And sure that grave Judge meant, he could not do it alone without the consent of the Court. Or if he would have me Consulted, it was out of his Judicious Care for the Peace of this Church, almost Pressed to Death [...] dictum. W. S. A. C. by the Liberty of Printing. The Chief Grievance they Expressed against the new Licensing of Books, was only for matter of Charges. But that is provided for in the Eighteenth Article. And Mr. Downes takes a fine Oath, which was, that he makes no doubt, but that all was done by my Direction; and yet adds, that he cannot say it. So he swears that, which himself confesses he cannot say. And manifest it is in the Preface, that this Decree was Printed by Order of the Court, and so [Page] by their Command sent to the Stationers Hall: And the end of it was to suppress Seditious, Schismatical and Mutinous Books; as appears in the First Article.

3. The Third Instance was, That I used my Power to suppress Books in Holland. This was drawn out of a Letter which John le Mare, one of the Prime Preachers in Amsterdam, writ to me; expressing therein, that since the Proclamation made by the States, no Man durst meddle with Printing any Seditious Libels, against either the State or Church of England. Where's the Fault? For this Gentleman did a very good Office to this Kingdom and Church, in procuring that Proclamation: For till this was done, every discontented Spirit could Print what he pleased at Amsterdam, against either: And if he had any Direction from me about it (which is not proved) I neither am, nor can be sorry for it. And the Fear which kept Men in from Printing, proceeded from the Proclamation of the States, not from any Power of mine.

4. The Fourth Instance was in the Book of Martyrs. But that was but named, to Credit a base Business, an Almanack made by one Mr. His Name was Gellibrand. W. S. A. C. Genebrand: In which he had left out all the Saints, Apostles and all; and put in those which are named in Mr. Fox: And yet not all them neither; for he had left out the Solemn Days, which are in Fox, as Feb. 2. Feb. 25. Mar. 25. And Cranmer Translated to Mar. 23.

In this Particular Mr. Genebrand, Brother to this Almanack-maker, witnesseth, that the Queen sent to me about this New Almanack. If her Majesty did send to me about it (as 'tis probable she would disdain the Book) is that any Crime in me? Could I prevent her Majestys sending, who could not know so much as that she would send? He says, his Brother was acquitted in the High-Commission, but charged by me that he made a Faction in the Court. If I did say so, surely, my Lords, I saw some practising by him in this new-found way. He says, the Papists bought up a great number of these Almanacks, and burnt them. It seems he could not hinder that, nor I neither; unless it shall not be Lawful for a Papist to buy an Almanack. For when he hath bought him, he may burn him if he please.

But since the Book of Martyrs was named, I shall tell your Lordships how careful I was of it. It is well known, how easily Abridgments, by their Brevity and their Cheapness, in short time work out the Authors themselves. Mr. Young the Printer laboured me earnestly and often for an Abridgment of the Book of Martyrs. But I still withstood it (as my Secretary here present can Testifie) upon these two Grounds. The one, lest it should bring the large Book it self into disuse. And the other, lest if any Material thing should be left out, that should have been charged as done of purpose by me; as now I see it is in other Books. And I humbly pray your Lordships cast your Eyes upon the Frontispiece of the Book of Martyrs, Printed An: 1642. since this Parliament began, and when I was safe enough from having any Hand in the Business; and there you shall see as dangerous Pictures as have been charged upon me, or any my Chappel Windows.

Upon Occasion of Mr. Genebrand's Calendar, Mr. Pryn took occasion to tell the Lords, that I had made Notes upon the Calendar in [Page] the Missal. I desired they might be read: It was thought too tedious. They were nothing but some Additions of my own reading to the Occurrences on some Days. And because the Calendar in the Missal was open and large, I thought fit to Write them there.

5. The Fifth Instance is in Dr. Pocklinton his Censure of I believe [...] Name here [...] is Mr. Fox the [...]. W. S. A. C. ....... and of Flaccius Illyricus. And that this Book was Licensed by my Chaplain Dr. Bray. And he was Censured in this Honourable House for that and like slips of his. Then it was inferred at the Bar, That it must be taken as my Act, if it were done by my Chaplain. But Inferences are no sworn Proof: And, I conceive, no Man can by Law be punished criminally for his Servants Fact; Unless there be Proof that he had a hand in it. Then it was urged, but without any Proof too, that Dr. Pocklinton was preferred by me. To which I shall answer when Proof is made: And if I had, 'tis far enough from Treason.

6. The next Instance was, about the calling in of Thomas Beacons Disputation of the Mass. The Witness Mr. Pryn. He says, the Book 1. was Licensed, and that a Papist thereupon said, doth my Lord of Canterbury License such Books? That I was informed of these Words, and the Book called in the next Day. First, Mr. Pryn is single in this part of the Testimony for the Words. Secondly, if any Papist did say so, it was not in my Power to stop his Mouth; and they which License Books, must indure many and various Censures, as the Readers of them stand affected. Thirdly, if any Papist did so speak, I have reason to think it was to do me a Mischief, as much as in him lay. Fourthly, this is a very bold Oath; For he swears, that I was Informed of these Words. He was not present to hear it, and then he can have it but by Hearsay, and no Religion teaches him to swear that for Truth, which he doth but hear. Lastly, the Book was called in, because it was slipt out contrary to the late Decree for Printing. Yea, but Mr. Pryn Swears, and so doth Michael Sparks the other Witness, 2. that the Book was sent to the Printer before the Decree. But first, Sparks his Oath is uncertain; for he says Mr. Pryn sent him the Book before the Decree, and then by and by after, says, it was about that time. Now the Book is somwhat large, so that it might be sent him before the Decree, and yet not be Printed till after, and that a good space too. And Secondly, Mr. Pryn himself confesses, the Book was sent when the Decree was in agitation.

7. The Seventh Instance was about Arminianism, as maintained by me against the Declarations of both Houses of Parliament, and of King James, concerning Vorstius and Bertius. First, I have nothing to do to defend Arminianism, no Man having yet charged me with the abetting any point of it. Secondly, King James his Declaration is very Learned: But under Favour, he puts a great deal of difference between Vorstius and Bertius: And his Majesty's Opinion is clear with the Article of the Church of England, and so Expressed by himself: And to which I ever Consented. And the Passage in the Conference at Hampton-Court [...]. at Ham. Court. p. 29, 30. was then read to the Lords, and yet for the Peace of Christendom, and the strengthning of the Reformed Religion, I do heartily wish these Differences were not pursued with such Heat and Animosity, in regard that all the Lutheran Protestants are of the very same Opinions, [Page] or with very little difference from those which are now called Arminianism.

And here comes in Michael Sparks; who says, He was called into the High-Commission about a Book of Bishop Carletons. I cannot punctually remember all Particulars so long since. But he confesses the Business was in the High-Commission. And so not singly chargable against me. Besides, he is single in this Business. He says, he was Eleven Years in the High-Commission, and never Sentenced.

This is more than I know. But if it be so, he had better luck than some Honester Men. For a bitterer Enemy to his power, the Church-Government never had.

He was Mr. Pryn's Printer. He says, I was a Dean then, and he thinks of Hereford. I was never Dean of Hereford. But howsoever, this is a dangerous Oath; let him think of it. He Swears that I was a Dean then; and a High-Commissioner; or else what had I to do in the Business? Now it is well known I was never a High-Commissioner, till I had been a Bishop some Years. For the Book it self, Sparks says nothing what was the Argument of it: But (so far as I remember) it was expresly against the King's Declaration.

And so I Answer'd Mr. Brown, when he summed up the Evidence against me in the House of Commons. And though in his Reply he seemed to deny this, yet I remember no Proof he brought for it.

8. The last Instance was pregnant, and brought forth many Particulars. As First, Dr: Featly's Parallels against Bishop Mountague. 1. But this was Still-born; at least it says nothing of me. Secondly, 2. Mr. Pryn's Perpetuity, and against Dr: Cosens, both burnt. But he doth not say absolutely burnt, but as he is informed, and he may be informed amiss. And howsoever he says, it was done by the High-Commission, not by me. Thirdly, some Sheets of Dr. Succliff's Book 3. Prohibited the Press at Oxford. I hope Oxford is able to give an Account for it self. And whereas it was here said at the Bar: They hoped I would shew some repressing of the contrary part. I would satisfie their Hopes abundantly, could I bring Witnesses from Oxford, how even and steddy a Hand I carried to both parts, Fourthly, Mr. [...] Burton questioned about his Book called The seven Vials. But himself confesses, that upon Sir Henry Martin's Information, that, as that Cause was laid, the High-Commission had no power in it, he was dismissed. Fifthly, That about his Book, Intituled Babel no Bethel; he was questioned 5. at a Court out of Term. This was very usual, whensoever the Court was full of Business, to hold one Court-day out of Term. This is Warranted by the Commission. And warning of it was always publickly given the Court-day before, that all, whom it concerned, might take notice of it, and provide themselves. Sixthly, he says, he was there 6. railed at by Bishop Harsnet. 'Tis more than I know that Bishop Harsnet railed at him; but if he did, I hope I am not brought hither to Answer all Mens faults. Seventhly, he says, he claimed the Petition 7. of Right, yet was Committed. This is more than I know or believe; yet if it were so, it was done by the High-Commission Court, not by me. He says next, that he could never be quiet. But I am sure, my 8. Lords, the Church for divers Years could never be in quiet, for him and his Associates. Lastly, they say, some Passages against Arminianism 9. [Page] were left out of two Letters, one of Bishop Davenants, and the other of Bishop Halls, sent to be Printed. First, here is no Proof at all offer'd, that I differ'd in any thing from the Doctrine expressed in those Letters. And Secondly, for the leaving out of those passages, it was (it seems) done to avoid kindling of new flames in the Church of England. And it appeared on the other side of the Paper, which was produced against me, and so Read to the Lords; that these Passages were left out by the express Order from those Bishops themselves, under Bishop Hall's own Hand, and with Thanks to Dr: Turner, then my Chaplain, for his Letter to them. And here this days Business ended. And I received Command to attend again the Twentieth of the same Month.

CAP. XXXVII. The Fifteenth Day of my Hearing.

THis day I came again to the House. A day or two before, as Junij [...]. 1644. Thursday. now also, the Landing place at Westminster was not so full of People; and they which were there, much more civil towards me Die [...]. than formerly. My Friends were willing to perswade me, that my Answer had much abated the edge of the People, saving from the violent and factious Leaders of the Multitude, whom it seems nothing would satisfie but my Life (for so I was after told in plain terms, by a Man deeply interessed in them;) when I presently saw Quaterman coming towards me, who, so soon as he came, fell to his wonted Railing, and asked aloud, what the Lords meant, to be troubled so long and so often, with such a base Fellow as I was, they should do well to Hang me out of the way. I heard the Words with grief enough, and so left them and him in the Hands of God. My Servants were earness to have me complain to the Lords. I remembred my late Complaint about the Pamphlets had no redress; and so forbare it. They notwithstanding, out of their Zeal, complained to Mr. Lieutenant of the Tower; who presently went forth, and said he would school him. But I hearkned no more after it.

When I came to the Bar, Mr: Nicolas began with great violence, and told the Lords, the business grew higher and higher against me. What the Business did, will after appear; but I am sure he grew higher and higher, and from this time forward, besides the violence of Expression, gave me such Language, as no Christian would give a Jew. But God, I humbly thank him, blessed me with Patience; and so I made my Ears Obedient. That which made him say the Business grew higher and higher, was this. Upon my often calling to have the Oaths at the Coronation of King James and King Charles compared, some of them repaired again to my Study at Lambeth, to search for all such Copies of Coronation-Books as could there be found. In this diligent [Page] and curious search

(For Mr. Pryn's Malice made it)

they found some Papers concerning Parliaments, no other (I praise God for it) than such, as with indifferent construction might (I hope) well pass, especially considering what occasion led me, and what Command was upon me. And as I have been told by Able and Experienced Men, they would have been nothing, had they been found in any, but this troublesom and distracted time about the Rights of Parliaments, (as 'tis said.) Howsoever, I was most unfortunate they should be now found, and I had not left them a Being, but that I verily thought I had destroyed them long since. But they were unhappily found among the heaps of my Papers. And so

An Answer to the Remonstrance made June: 17: 1628. (which is I. Sixteen Years since) was made the First Charge against me.

And the Second Charge was, A Paper concerning a Declaration, Jan: II. 28: 1628. To both which I then Answer'd; but because these are urged more than once, to help fill the People with new Clamour, and because they are more closely pressed against me at the last day of my Hearing; and because Mr. Brown in his Summary Charge, laid and charged all these Papers together; to avoid tedious repetition, I will also make my whole and entire Answer together, when that time comes.

The Third Charge of this day was, A Letter of a Jesuit to his Superiour, III. found in my Study, dated Mar: 1628. Let the Letter be dated when it will, I hope the Arch-Bishop may get and keep the Letters of any Jesuits or others. How shall I be able to know or prevent their Plots upon the Religion by Law Established, if this may not be done? Yet this I desire all Men to take notice of, that this Letter was not directed to me. I was then Bishop of London: The Letter was found in a search. But when by all possible care taken by the High-Commission the Author could not be found, I had (as I humbly conceive) great Reason to keep it. And I then humbly desired, the whole Letter might be Read. There was in it, that Arminianism (as 'twas urged) was their Drug, and their Plot against us, &c. The Jesuit seeing a Fire kindling about these Opinions, might write what he pleased to help on his Cause. Yet this Drug, which he says is theirs, is the received Opinion of all the Lutherans, and they too Learned Protestants to use their Drugs. And if it be their Drug, why do the Dominicans so Condemn it? Nay, why doth the Master of the Sentences, and the School after him, for the most, determin rigidly against it? And whereas 'tis said, That these Men had Instruments at the Duke's Chamber Door. That belongs not to me, I was not Porter there. As for that Power which I had (called by Mr. Nicolas the Command of his Ear) I used it as much as I could to shut such Instruments thence. Beside, 'tis barely said, no Proof at all offer'd, that such Instruments were about the Duke's Chamber-Door. Other Papers were found in my Study, above sixty at the least, expressing my continued Labours for some Years together, to Reconcile the divided Protestants in Germany, that so they might go with united Forces against the Romanists.

Why are not these produced too? Would not Christianity and Justice have my Innocence cleared, as well as my Faults accused?

[Page] The Fourth Charge was Bishop Mountagues Preferment. The Parliament (they say) called him in Question, and the King called in his Book; yet, in Affront to the Parliament, that he was preferr'd by me. IV. No: It was then publickly known in Court (whether now remembred or no, I cannot tell) that he was preferred by my Lord Duke; but being a Church Business, the King Commanded me to signifie his Pleasure to the Signet Office. And the Docket (which is all the Proof here made) mentions him only by whom the Kings Pleasure is signified, not him that procures the Preferment. So the Docket in this Case no Proof at all.

The Fifth Charge was a Paper Intituled, Considerations for the V. Church. Three Exceptions against them. The Observation of the King's Declaration, Art 3. The Lecturers, Art 5. And the High-Commission and Prohibitions, Art 10, 11. The Paper I desired might be all Read. Nothing in them against either Law or Religion. And for Lecturers a better care taken, and with more Ease to the People, and more Peace to the Church, by a Combination of Conformable Neighbouring Ministers, in their turns, and not by some one Humorous Man, who too often mis-leads the People. Secondly, my Copy of I suppose these Considerations are those Published in Pryn's Compl. Hist. p. 287. W. S. A. C. Considerations came from Arch-Bishop Harsnet, in which was some sour Expression concerning Emanuel and Sidney Colleges in Cambridge, which the King in his Wisdom thought fit to leave out. The King's Instructions upon these Considerations, are under Mr. Baker's Hand, who was Secretary to my Predecessor. And they were sent to me to make Exceptions to them, if I knew any, in regard of the Ministers of London, whereof I was then Bishop. And by this, that they were thus sent unto me by my Predecessor, 'tis manifest, that this account from the several Dioceses to the Arch-Bishop, and from him to his Majesty once a Year, was begun before my time. Howsoever, if it had not, I should have been glad of the Honour of it, had it begun in mine. For I humbly conceive, there cannot be a better or a safer way to preserve Truth and Peace in the Church, than that once a Year every Bishop should give an account of all greater Occurrences in the Church to his Metropolitan, and he to the King. Without which, the King, who is the Supream, is like to be a great Stranger to all Church Proceedings.

The Sixth Charge was about Dr: Sibthorp's Sermon, that my Predecessor VI. opposed the Printing of it, and that I opposed him to Affront the Parliament. Nothing so, my Lords. Nothing done by me to oppose, or affront, the One or the Other. This Sermon came forth when the Loan was not yet settled in Parliament. The Lords, and the Judges, and the Bishops, were some for, some against it. And if my Judgment were Erroneous in that Point, it was mis-led by Lords of great Honour and Experience, and by Judges of great knowledge in the Law. But I did nothing to affront any. 'Tis said, that I inserted into the Sermon, that the People may not refuse any Tax that is not unjustly laid. I conceive nothing is justly laid in that kind but according to Law; Gods and Mans. And I dare not say, the People may refuse any thing so laid. For Jus Regis, the Right of a King, (which is urged against me too) I never went farther than the Scriptures lead me; Nor did I ever think, that Jus [Page] Regis, mentioned, 1: Sam: 8: is meant of the Ordinary and just Right of Kings, but of that Power which, such as Saul would be, would assume unto themselves, and make it right by Power. 1 Sam. 8. 12.

Then they say, I expunged some things out of it. As first, The Sabbath, and put instead of it the Lords Day. What's my Offence? Sabbath is the Jews Word, and the Lords-Day the Christians. Secondly, about Evil Counseilors to be used as Haman. The Passage (as there Expressed) was very Scandalous, and without just Cause, upon the Lords of the Council. And they might justly have thought I had wanted Discretion, should I have left it in. Thirdly, that I expunged this, that Popery is against the first and the second Commandment. If I did it, it was because it is much doubted by Learned Men, whether any thing in Popery is against the first Commandment, or denies the Unity of the God-head. And Mr. Perkins (who Charges very home Perkins Opera, fol. p. 34. against Popery) lays not the Breach of the first Commandment upon them.

And when I gave Mr. Brown this Answer. In his last Reply, he asked why I left out both? Why, I did it because its being against the second is common and obvious, and I did not think it worthy the standing in such a Sermon, when it could not be made good against the first.

But they demanded, why I should make any Animadversions at all upon the Sermon? It was thus. The Sermon being presented to his Majesty, and the Argument not common, he committed the Care of Printing it to Bishop Mountain, the Bishop of London, and four other; of which I was one. And this was the Reason of the Animadversions now called mine. As also of the Answer to my Predecessors Exceptions (now Charged also) and called mine. But it was the Joint Answer of the Committee. And so is that other Particular also, In which the whole Business is left to the Learned in the Laws. For though the Animadversions be in my Hand, yet they were done at and by the Committee, only I being puny Bishop, was put to write them in my Hand.

The Seventh Charge was Dr: Manwaring's Business and Preferment. VII. It was handled before, only resumed here to make a Noise, and so passed it over.

The Eighth Charge was concerning some Alterations in the Prayers VIII. made for the Fifth of November, and in the Book for the Fast, which was Published An: 1636. And the Prayers on Coronation Day.

1. First for the Fast-Book: The Prayer mentioned was altered, as is Expressed; but it was by him that had the Ordering of that Book to the Press, not by me. Yet I cannot but approve the Reason given for it, and that without any the least approbation of Merit. For the Abuse of Fasting, by thinking it Meritorious, is the thing left out; whereas in this Age and Kingdom, when, and where, set Fastings of the Church are cryed down, there can be little fear of that Erroneous Opinion of placing any Merit in Fasting.

2 Secondly, for the Prayers Published for the Fifth of November, and Coronation Day. The Alterations were made either by the King himself, or some about him when I was not in Court. And the Books sent me with a Command for the Printing, as there altered. I made stay, till I might wait upon his Majesty. I found him resolved [Page] upon the alterations; nor in my judgment could I justly except against them. His Majesty then gave Warrant to the Books themselves with the alterations in them, and so by his Warrant I commanded the Printing. And I then shewed both the Books to the Lords, who Viewed them, and acknowledged his Ma jesty' Hand, with which, not his Name only, but the whole Warrant was written.

And here I humbly desired three things might be observed, and I still desire it. First, with what Conscience this passage out of my Speech in the p. 32. Star Chamber was urged against me (for so it was, and fiercely by Mr. Nicolas) to prove that I had altered the Oath at the King's Coronation, because the Prayers appointed for the Anniversary of the Coronation were altered.

Which is absolute Nonsence.

Secondly, he Charged me that the Word Antichristian was left out. But that is visibly untrue, for it is left in. Thirdly, that though it be in, yet that the Alteration takes it off from the Papist, as also their Rebellion. Neither: For the Change is this, That Antichristian Sect; altered into The Antichristian Sect of them which, &c. and, whose Religion is Rebellion; altered into who turn Religion into Rebellion. By which it is manifest that the alteration takes off neither Imputation from the Papist, but moderates both. And for ought I yet know, 'tis necessary it should. For if their Religion be Rebellion, see what it will produce. Is not this the Syllogism? The Religion of the Papist is Rebellion: But Christianity is the Religion of the Papist: Therefore Christianity is Rebellion. I may not inlarge; but you may see more, if you please, in my Speech in the p. 36. Star-Chamber.

And when Mr. Brown in the Summ of his Charge pressed these Alterations hard against me, he did not so much as mention, that I had the King's both Warrant and Command to all that I did in that Particular: And besides, urged this as a great Innovation, because the Prayers mentioned had continued unaltered for the space of above Thirty Years. Not remembring therewhile, that the Liturgy of the Church Established by Act of Parliament, must be taken away, or altered, though it hath continued above Fourscore. Nay, and Episcopacy must be quite abolished, though it have continued in the Church of Christ above Sixteen Hundred.

The Ninth Charge was from Sir Edward Hungerford, who came to IX. Lambeth to have a little Book Licensed to the [...]. The Author was Sir Anthony Hungerford, whether Sir Edward's Grandfather or his Uncle, I remember not the Relation. He says, he came to my Chaplain Dr: Bray to License it. And that Dr: Bray told him there were some harsh Phrases in it, which were better left out, because we were upon a way of winning the Papists. First, I hope I shall not be made answerable for my Chaplains Words too. And Secondly, I hope there is no harm in winning the Papists to the Church of England: Especially if so easie a Cure, as avoiding harsh Language would do it. He says, my Chaplain expressed a dislike of Guicciardin's Censure of Pope Alexander the Sixth. Sure if the Censure be false, he had reason to except against it; if true, yet to Publish such an unsavoury Business to the Common-People ........ He says, he came and complained to me, and that I told him I was not at leisure, but left it to my Chaplain. So the [Page] Charge upon me was, That my Chaplain was in an Errour concerning this Book, and I would not Redress it. To this I answerd: First, that my Chaplain was Dead, and I not knowing the Reasons which moved him to refuse Licensing this Book, can neither confess him to be in an Errour, nor yet justifie him. Secondly, for my own refusing to meddle with it. Sir Edward took me in a time of business, when I could not attend it. Thirdly, if I had absolutely refused it, and left it to my Chaplain, I had done no more than all my Predecessors did before me. And Dr. Featly then witnessed to the Lords, that Arch-Bishop Abbot, my immediate Predecessor, and to whom the Doctor was Household Chaplain, would never meddle with Licensing Books, but ever referred them to his Chaplains: And Dr. Mocket, another of his Chaplains (well known to Dr. Featly) suffered for a Book sharply; yet not one Word said to my Predecessor about it. Fourthly, as the Liberty of the Press is in England, and of the Books which are tendred to the Press, the Arch-Bishop had better Grind, than take that Work to his own Hands, especially considering his many and necessary Avocations. Lastly, no Man ever complained to me in this kind, but this Gentleman only. So it is one only single Offence, if it be any.

But how this or the rest should be Treason against Sir Edward Hungerford, I cannot yet see. And so I answered Mr. Brown; who in his Summary Charge forgot not this: But Mr. Nicolas laid load upon me in his Reply, in such Language as I am willing to forget.

The Tenth Charge was out of a Paper of Considerations to Dr. X. Potter, about some few passages in his Answer to a Book Intituled Charity mistaken. The Business this. Dr: Potter writ to me for my Advice: I used not to be Peremptory; but put some few things back to his farther consideration. Of which, three were now Charged upon me. The first was, he used this phrase Believe in 1. the Pope. I desired him to consider of (In) And in this I yet know not wherein I offend. The Second, was this Phrase, The Idol of 2. Rome. I advised him to consider this Phrase too, that Men might not be to seek what that Idol was.

And here Mr: Nicolas cryed out with vehemency, That every Boy in the Street could tell the Pope was the Idol. I had not Dr: Potter's Book now at hand; and so could not be certain in what Sense the Doctor used it; but else, as many at least, think the Mass the Idol of Rome, as the Pope: Unless Mr: Nicolas his Boys in the Streets think otherwise, and then I cannot blame him for following such mature Judgments.

The Third was, That I bid him consider whether the Passage p. 27. (as 3. I remember) did not give as much Power to the Parliament in matter of Doctrine, as the Church.

But my Answer to this I shall put off to the Charge against me concerning Parliaments, because there Mr. Brown began with this. The two former he Charged also, and I answered them as before. But he omitted, that I obtained of the Lords the reading of Dr. Potter's Letter to me, by which he drew from me those Things which I determined not, but only put to his Second Thoughts and Consideration. In which way (I humbly conceive) I cannot be in Crime, though I were in Errour. Here ended the Business of this Day, and I was Ordered to attend again June 27.

CAP. XXXVIII. The Sixteenth Day of my Hearing.

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THis day I appeared again; And the first Charge laid against me, [...] 27. 1644. Thursday. was my Chaplain Dr: Bray's Expungings out of Dr: Featly's Sermons. The same Charge ad Verbum which was before, and I give it I. the same Answer. These Repetitions of the same things, being only Die Decimosexto. to increase Clamour, and to fill more Mens Ears with it.

The Second Charge, was certain Expunctions of some things II. against the Papists in Dr: Clark's Sermons. The Witness which Swore to the passages left out, was one Mr: White a Minister, and it seems some near Acquaintance of Dr: Clark's. But First, this Witness is single. Secondly, he brought only a Paper, in which he had written down what was Expunged; but Dr: Clark's Sermons he brought not with it: So 'tis not impossible he might be mistaken: Howsoever, I not having the Book, could not possibly make an absolute and a perfect Answer. Thirdly, this Witness confesses, that Dr: Weeks, then Chaplain to my Lord of London, had the view of Dr: Clark's Sermons, and took Exceptions against some passages, as well as my Chaplain Dr: Haywood did. So it seems there was cause for it. Fourthly, I Answer, that for this, and for all other of like Nature, my Chaplain must Answer for his own Act, and not I. He is Living, and an Able Man; I humbly desire he may be called to his Account. For 'tis not possible for me to tell your Lordships, upon what grounds he did Expunge these many and different passages, which are instanced against me. Lastly, in all the passages of Dr: Clark's Sermons, it is not any where distinguished, which were Expunged by my Chaplain, and which by Dr: Weeks: So that the Charge in that behalf, is left very uncertain.

For the passages themselves, as they are many, so they are such as may easily be mistaken, the most of them. And whether Dr: Clark handled them in such manner as was not justifiable, either against Arminius or the Papists, cannot possibly be known, till each place in the Book be Examined for the Thing, and my Chaplain Dr: Haywood for the Meaning.

This made a great noise in Mr: Brown's Summary Charge against me, he alledging, that two and twenty Passages about Points of Popery were dashed out of Dr: Clark's Sermons. To which I Answer'd, that I conceived my Chaplain would be able to make it good, there were two hundred left in for two and twenty left out. And that they which were left out, were not some way or other justifiable against the Papists, as set down and expressed by him. And if so, they are better out than in. For we gain nothing by urging that against the Papists, which, when it comes to the Touch, cannot be made good against them.

[Page] One Passage is here added out of Dr. Featly's Sermons, p. 225. Where he inveighs against too much imbellishing and beautifying the Church, and not the Souls of Men, &c. First, if there be not a care to beautifie the Soul, let Men profess what Religion they will, 'tis a just Exception, and I believe no fault found with that. But Secondly, for the over-much beautifying of the Church, 'tis a Point that might well be left out. Little necessity, God knows, to Preach or Print against too much adorning of Churches among us, where yet so many Churches lye very nastily in many places of the Kingdom, and no one too much adorned to be found. Nay, the very Consecration of Churches cryed down (as is before expressed.) And this Opinion, that no Place is Holy but during the Service in it, made Mr. Culmer, though a Minister, to piss in the Cathedral Church of Canterbury: And divers others to do so, and more, against the Pillars in St: Paul's nearer hand, as may daily be both seen and smelt, to the shame of that which is called Religion.

Here Mr: Nicolas would fain have shovell'd it to the out-side of the Church (which had been bad enough) but it was the inside I spake of, and the thing is known.

Then an Instance was made in a Book of Dr: Jones. The Witness that any thing was Expunged out of this, was only Mr: Chetwin. And he confesses that this Book was Licensed by Dr: Baker, and he my Lord of London's Chaplain, not mine. Here my Friends at the Bar infer, that Dr: Baker was preferred by me. First, that's not so, he was preferred by his own Lord. Secondly, if he had been preferred by me, it could have made no Charge, unless proof had been made that I preferred him for abusing Dr. Jones his Book. And for the Docket, which is the only Proof offer'd that I preferred him, I have already shewed, that that is no Proof. Yea, but they say, Dr: Baker was imployed by me as one of my Visitors. And what then? Must I be answerable for every fault that is committed by every Man that I employ in my Visitation, though it be a fault committed at another time and place, though I humbly desire Dr. Baker may Answer for himself, before I acknowledge any fault committed by him?

And though I conceive this Answer abundantly satisfactory for any thing that may concern me, yet Mr. Brown omitted not this Instance against me.

The Third Charge was personally against my self, and taken III. out of my p. 47. Speech in the Star-Chamber. The words these. The Altar is the greatest place of God's Residence upon Earth, greater than the Pulpit; for there 'tis Hoc est Corpus meum, this is my Body; but in the other it is at most, but Hoc est Verbum meum, this is my Word: And a greater Reverence is due to the Body, than the Word of the Lord. Out of this place, Mr: Nicolas would needs inforce, that I maintained Transubstantiation; because I say There, 'tis Hoc est Corpus meum. First, I perceive by him, he confounds (as too many else do) Transubstantiation with the Real Presence, whereas these have a wide difference. And Calvin grants a Real and True Presence, yea, and he grants Realiter too; and yet no Man a greater Enemy to Transubstantiation than he. As I have proved at large in my Book against Fisher, Contr. Fisher. p. 292. and had leave to Read the Passage therein to the Lords. And [Page] Mr. Perkins avows as much. And Secondly, the Word (There) makes nothing against this. For after the Words of Consecration are past, be the Minister never so Unworthy, yet 'tis infallibly Hoc Perkin's Opera in fol. p. 590. est Corpus meum to every worthy Receiver. So is it not Hoc est Verbum meum, from the Pulpit to the best of Hearers, nor by the best of Preachers since the Apostles Time.

And as Preaching goes now, scarce is any thing heard from many in two long Hours, that savours of the Word of God.

And St. Paul tells us, 1 Cor. 11. of 1 Cor. 11. 92. a great Sin committed in his Time, of not discerning the Lord's Body, when Unworthy Communicants received it. Where was this? Why it was There, at the Holy Table or Altar, where they Received, yet did not discern. I hope for all this St. Paul did not maintain Transubstantiation.

Mr. Brown in his Summary Charge pressed this also upon me. I answer'd as before, and added, that in all Ages of the Church, the Touchstone of Religion was not to Hear the Word Preached, but to Communicate. And at this day, many will come and hear Sermons, who yet will not receive the Communion together. And as I call the Holy Table the greatest place of God's Residence upon Earth; so doth a late Learned Divine of this Thorndike of Assemblies. c. 8. p. 260. Church, call the Celebration of the Eucharist, the Crown of Publick Service; and the most solemn and chief work of Christian Assemblies; and he a Man known to be far from affecting Popery in the least. And all Divines agree in this, which our Saviour himself Teaches. St. [...]. 26. [...]. Idem est effectus Passionis [...] & [...]. Thorn. p. 3. q. 79. A. 1. c. St. Mat. 26. That there is the same effect of the Passion of Christ, and of this Blessed Sacrament Worthily Received.

Another passage taken out of my p. 49. Speech was; That due Reverence be given to God and to his Altar. Hence Mr. Nicolas infers again: This Reverence is one joint Act, therefore 'tis Divine to the Altar, as well as to God, and so Idolatry. First, the very next words in my Speech are, that this Reverence to the Altar comes far short of Divine Worship. What can prevent an Objection, if such plain words cannot? Secondly, having thus plainly expressed it; he may infer too if he will, that I do not then Worship God. For this Reverence is one joint Act; but 'tis confessed, that 'tis not Divine Worship to the Altar, and therefore not to God.

But Thirdly, this Gentleman, by his Favour, understands not the Mysteries which lye hid in many parts of Divinity.

In this for one. For when this Reverence is performed, 'tis to God as to the Creator, and so Divine: But 'tis only toward, not to the Altar, and so far short. And though in outward performance it be one joint Act, yet that which is not separated, is, and must be distinguished one from the other.

To make a good Work acceptable to God, there must In bono opere [...] acceptabili, Fides & Charitas [...], non separantur. Qui loquitur, simul facit vocem & verbum. St. Aug. L. 1. de Gen. ad Lit. c. 15. be both Faith and Charity: They cannot be separated one from the other; what, shall they not therefore be distinguished? He that speaks (saith St. Aug.) by one joint Act sends out his Voice and his Word; separated they cannot be, shall not they be distinguished therefore? But I have lived long enough, and taken pains to small purpose, if Mr. Nicolas or any Lay-Man else, at his by and leisure Hours, from a busie Profession, shall be able to Teach me in that which I have laboured all my Life. And God bless the [Page] poor Bishops and Clergy of England, if falling into a Storm (as I now am) they must have such Judges as Mr. Nicolas.

The Fourth Charge, Is the Licensing of Sales, and other Books which IV. had Popery in them, by my Chaplain Dr. Haywood. 1. To this Mr. Pryn (who is the single witness) says, That he tender'd a Bill to the then Lord Keeper against my Chaplain for Licensing this Book, and that his Lordship refused it. If the Lord Keeper Coventry refused his Bill, I believe, were he living, he would assign just Cause why he did it. But whatever Cause he had, it concerns not me, that he rejected the Bill. Mr. Pryn says farther, That this Book of Sales was Printed heretofore, but purged first by Dr. James; but Licensed now by Dr. Haywood, not according to that Purgation, but with all the Points of Popery in. For this he produces Mr. Oaks, whose Son printed it. And says farther, That his Correcter at the Press found fault with some passages, and thereupon he was sent to Dr. Haywood, who returned answer (as they say) That if he Licensed it, he would justifie it. And that his Son told him this. First, My Lords, this Under-Testimony of Mr. Oakes produced by Mr. Pryn, is nothing but a Hearsay from his Son, who is now dead, and cannot be Examined, and while he was living ran away and would not be Examined. Secondly, this was a most notable piece of Villany practised against my Chaplain, and thorough his sides against me. It was thus, My Lords. Whether the Bill were rejected or no, I cannot tell; but the Complaint of Printing this Book came publickly into the Star-Chamber. And then was the first time that ever I heard of it. I then humbly desired their Lordships that Dr. Haywood might answer whatever he had done amiss, either there or where they pleased. The Court presently commanded Mr. Atturny Bankes to call all Parties before him, examine them thoroughly, and then give his Account what he found; that the Court might proceed farther according to Justice. Dr. Haywood appeared, and shewed Mr. Atturney how he had Corrected Sales in all Popish Points before he Licensed it. But young Oakes, and he which brought Sales to be Licensed (who was then thought to be some Jesuited Recusant, and, as I remember, Lodged for that time of Printing, in Oakes his House) ran both away, or hid their Heads, and would not be found. And this was a meer Plot of this Recusant, if not Priest, to have Sales Printed, with all his Points of Popery in him, to work mischief to my Chaplain and my self. And young Oakes was in all likelihood well payed for his pains. This Account Mr. Atturney brought into that Court, and this Relation Dr. Haywood (who I obtained might be after sent for) attested at this Barr.

One Circumstance my old decayed Memory mistook. For I thought, and so at first told the Lords, that for this Clamor raised upon him in this way, I did soon after dismiss him my House. But after, I found that he was gone out of my House before. Howsoever I left him, without any Mediation, to the Justice of the Court. And here I may not forget that which I then observed to the Lords, that whereas 'tis urged, that many Points of Popery have passed the Press; 'tis no wonder, if such Art be used as was here to get out Sales. And this farther is observable, that all these Quotations of Popish Opinions, mentioned here to fill up the noise, are out of four or five Books at the most, of which more are out of this Sales than all the rest.

And called [Page] in he was, as soon as known. Which Mr. Brown in the Summ of his Charge acknowledges.

2. After Sales, the next Instance was in a Book Intituled, Christ's Epistle to the Devout Reader. Four particular Points were urged out of this: But neither I, nor my Chaplains had ought to do with it. For it was Licensed at London House by Dr. Weeks. Nor was there ever any complaint brought to me to have it called in: Nor was any such Proof so much as offer'd.

3. The Third Instance was of a Book called the Female Glory, where Mr. Pryn (who is single again) said that Dr. Heylin answered Mr. Burton, and justified all the Passages in this Book. And added, that this was by my direction. But upon my Motion at the Barr concerning the boldness of this Oath, Mr. Pryn recalled himself, and said that I appointed him to answer Mr. Burton. But it is one thing to appoint him to answer Mr. Burton: And another to direct him to justifie all passages in the Female Glory.

4. The Fourth Instance was in a Letter sent to me from one Croxton, a young Divine in Ireland. He was bred in St. John's College in Oxford. At the Lord Mount-Norris his Intreaty I sent Croxton into Ireland to be his Chaplain. If he miscarried there, I could not help it, nor hinder his writing of a Letter to me, nor preseribe what he should write in it. But, to my remembrance, I never heard of any Miscarriage of his in matter of Religion. And whether he be living or dead, I know not. That Letter indeed hath a Cross at the top of it. But then was another Letter of his shewed without a Cross, in which he calls Rome Monstrum Abominandum. Howsoever I conceive all this is nothing to me.

5. The Fifth Instance was a Book, which they said was Licensed by Dr. Weeks. And if so, then not by my Chaplain. But upon perusal, I find no License Printed to it, nor to any of the other, but only to Sales, which is answered.

6. The Sixth Instance was in Bishop Mountague's Books, the Gagg, and the Appeal. Here they said, that Dr. White told Dr. Featly, that five or six Bishops did allow these Books. But he did not name me to be one of them. Then Mr. Pryn urged upon his Oath, that these Books were found in my Study. And I cannot but bless my self at this Argument. For I have Bellarmine in my Study; Therefore I am a Papist: Or I have the Alcaron in my Study; Therefore I am a Turk, is as good an Argument as this; I have Bishop Mountague's Books in my Study; Therefore I am an Arminian. May Mr. Pryn have Books in all kinds in his Study, and may not the Archbishop of Canterbury have them in his? Yea, but he says, there is a Letter of the Bishops to me, submitting his Books to my Censure. This Letter hath no date, and so belike Mr. Pryn thought he might be bold both with it and his Oath, and apply it to what Books he pleas'd. But as God would have it, there are Circumstances in it as good as a Date. For 'tis therein expressed, that he was now ready to remove from Chichester to Norwich. Therefore he must needs speak of submitting those his Books to me, which were then ready to be set out, which were his Origines Ecclesiasticae, not the Gagg, nor the Appeal, [Page] which are the Books Charged, and which were Printed divers Years before he was made a Bishop; and my Receit indorsed upon it is Mar. 29. 1638. And I hope Mr. Nicolas will not call this the Colour of an Answer, as he hath called many of the rest given by me.

7. The Seventh Instance was in a Book Licensed by Dr. Martin, then my Chaplain in London-House. This Book Mr. Pryn says, was purposely set out to Countenance Arminianism, as if it had been some Work of Moment, whereas it was answered twice in the Queens Time. If Dr: Martin did this, 'tis more than I remember; nor can I so long after give any Account of it. But Dr: Martin is Living and in Town, and I humbly desired he might be called to answer. He was called the next Day, and gave this Account.

The Account is wanting; a Space left for it, but not filled up.

Mr. Pryn says farther, that after this he Preached Arminianism at S. Paul's Cross. Why did not Mr. Pryn come then to me, and acquaint me with it? Which neither he nor any Man else did. And I was in Attendance at Court, whither I could not hear him. And the Charge which came against him upon the next Days Hearing, was this and no more; That one then Preached at the Cross Vniversal Redemption; but he that gave Testimony, knew him not; only he says, one told him 'twas Dr: Martin.

8. The last Instance was of a Bible commonly Sold, with a Popish Table at the end of it. This is more than I know, or ever heard till now; nor was any Complaint ever brought to me of it. And I cannot know all things that are done abroad for Gain; for that will teach them to conceal, as well as move them to act. Yet one of the Popish Heads mentioned in that Table, was Confirmation, which is commanded in our Church Liturgy, and ratified by Law.

Here this day ended, and I was ordered to appear again July 4. Julij 4. That Day I received a Note, under Mr. Nicolas his Hand, that they meant to proceed upon the 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, and 14th. Original Articles, and the Sixth and Seventh Additionals. The last Warrant for other Articles, came under Serjeant Wild's Hand, and Mr. Nicolas signing this, it seems, mistook. For the Eighth and Ninth Original Articles are in part proceeded on before. Now they go forward with these, and then on to the rest, which I will write down severally as they come to them.

The same Day, being Thursday, all my Books at Lambeth were by Order of the House of Commons taken away by Mr. ....... Secretary to the Right Honourable the Earl of Warwick, and carried I know not whither, but are (as 'tis commonly said) for the use of Mr: Peters. Before this time, some good Number of my Books were delivered to the use of the Synod, the Ministers which had them giving no Catalogue under their Hands, which or how many they had. And all this was done contrary to an Order of the Lords, bearing Date Novemb. 9. 1642. for the safe keeping of my Books there: And before I was Convicted off any Crime. This Day also I received an Order, which put off my Hearing to the next Day.

CAP. XXXIX. The Seventeenth Day of my Hearing.

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THis Day I appeared again: And the First Charge against me Julij 5. 1644. Friday. was, that I had preferred none to Bishopricks, Deaneries, prebends, and Benefices, but Men Popishly affected, or otherwise unworthy. And I. some they named. Die Diceimoseptimo.

1. As First, Dr: Manwaring, Disabled by the Parliament.

2. Secondly, Mr: Mountague, Excepted against by Parliament. But for these, no Proof was now brought. They referred themselves to what was said before, and so do I. And where they go to prove only by Dockets, I desire it may still be remembred that the Docket is a full Proof who gave Order for drawing the Bill at the Signet Office: But no Proof at all who procured the Preferment.

3. Thirdly, Bishop Corbet. But the Earl of Dorset got my Lord Duke of Buckingham to prefer him, to make way for Dr. Duppa, his deserving Chaplain into Christ-Church. Nor was any thing Charged against Dr: Corbet, but that he was preferred by me.

4. Fourthly, Bishop Pierce: Against whom there was no Proof offered neither. And he is living to answer it, if any be.

5. Nor was there now any Proof offered against Bishop Wren, who was named also; at the least not till he was made a Bishop. So if I did prefer him, it seems I did it when nothing was laid against him. And if after he had his Preferment, he did any thing unworthily, that could not I foresee; and he is living to answer it.

6. The Sixth was Bishop Lindsy, a Man known to be of great and universal Learning, but preferred by the then Lord Treasurer Portland, not by me. Him they Charged with Arminianism. The Witnesses two: The First, Mr. Smart; he is positive: He was his Fellow Prebendary at Durham. There was Animosity between them.

And Smart, not able to Judge of Arminianism.

Secondly, Mr. Walker, who could say nothing, but that he heard so much from some Ministers, and Dr. Bastwick.

So here is as Learned a Man as Christendom had any of his time, Debased in this great and Honourable Court, by Ignorance, and a Hearsay. And that, when the Man is gone to that which should be his Quiet, the Grave.

7. The Seventh was Arch-Bishop Neile, a Man well known to be as true to, and as stout for the Church of England established by Law, as any Man that came to Preferment in it. Nor could his great Enemy Mr. Smart say any thing now against him, but a Hearsay from one Dr. Moor of Winchester. And I cannot but profess, it grieves me much, to hear so many Honest and Worthy Men so used, when the Grave hath shut up their Mouths from answering for themselves.

8. The next was Dr: Cosin, to be Dean of Peterborough. I named Four of his Majesty's Chaplains to him, as he had Commanded me. [Page] And the King pitched upon Dr. Cosens, in regard all the Means he then had, lay in, and about Duresm, and was then in the Scots Hands; so that he had nothing but Forty Pound a Year by his Headship in Peter-House to maintain himself, his Wife and Children.

9. The Ninth was Dr. Potter, a known Arminian, to the Deanery of Worcester. What Proof of this? Nothing but the Docket. And what of the Crime? Nothing but Dr. Featly's Testimony; who says no more but this, That Dr. Potter was at first against Arminianism, (that's Absolute) But afterwards he defended it, as he hath heard: (there's a Hearsay.)

10. The Tenth was Dr: Baker.

11. The Eleventh Dr: Weeks. Both very Honest and Able Men; but Preferred by their own Lord, the Lord Bishop of London.

12. The Twelfth was Dr: Bray. He had been my Chaplain above Ten Years in my House; I found him a very Able and an Honest Man, and had reason to Prefer him to be able to Live well; and I did so. Here is nothing objected against him, but his Expungings, and not Expungings of some Books; which if he were Living, I well hope he would be able to give good Account for.

13. The Thirteenth Dr: Heylin. He is known to be a Learned and an Able Man; but for his Preferment, both to be his Majesty's Chaplain, and for that which he got in that Service, he owes it under God to the Memory of the Earl of Danby, who took care of him in the University.

14. After these, they named some, whom they said I preferred to be the King's Chaplains. The Witness here Mr. Oldsworth, the Lord Chamberlain's Secretary. He says, the Power and Practice of naming Chaplains was in the Lord Chamberlain for these 25. Years. And I say, 'tis so still, for ought I know. He says, that in all things concerning which the Lord Chamberlain's Warrant went in this Form; These are to will and require you, &c. that there his Lordship did it without consulting the King; and that the Warrant for Chaplains run all in this Form. First, this is more than I know or ever heard of till now. Secondly, be it so; yet 'tis hard to deny the King to hear Men Preach before they be sworn his Chaplains,

if his Majesty desire it, since it argues a great care in the King, especially in such a Factious time, as began to overlay this Church.

Thirdly, he confesses, that he knows not who put the King upon this way; but believes that I did it. He is single, and his belief only is no Evidence.

And whosoever gave the King that Advice, deserved very well both of his Majesty and the Church of England: That none might be put about him in that Service, but such as himself should approve of. But that which troubled this Witness, was another thing. He had not Money for every one that was made Chaplain; nor Money to get them a Month to wait in; nor Money to change their Month, if it were inconvenient for their other Occasions; nor Money for sparing their Attendance, when they pleased. In which, and other things, I would he had been as careful of his Lord's Honour, as I have been in all things. For 'tis well known in Court, I observed his Lordship as much as any Man.

The Men which are instanced in, are Dr: Heylin. But he was [Page] preferred to that Service by my Lord the Earl of Danby. Then Dr. Potter. But the Lord Keeper Coventry was his means. Dr. Cosens was preferred by Bishop Neile, whose Chaplain he had been many Years, and he moved the Lord Chamberlain for it. Dr: Lawrence was my Lord Chamberlain's own Chaplain, and preferred by himself; and in all likelyhood, by Mr. Oldsworth's means: For he was Fellow of Magdalen College in Oxford, as Mr. Oldsworth himself was, and he once (to my Knowledge) had a great Opinion of him. Dr. Haywood indeed was my Chaplain; but I preferred him not to his Majesty, till he had Preached divers times in Court with great Approbation; nor then, but with my Lord Chamberlain's Love and Liking. As for Dr. Pocklington, I know not who recommended him; nor is there any Proof offered that I did it.

15. Then they proceeded to my own Chaplains. They name Four of them: First Dr. Weeks. But he was never in my House, never medled with the Licensing of any Books, till he was gone from me to the Bishop of London: So he is charged with no Fault, so long as he was mine. The Second, Dr: Haywood. But he is charged with nothing but Sales, which was a most desperate Plot against him, as is before shewed. The Third was Dr. Martin. Against him came Mr. Pryn, for his Arminian Sermon at S. Pauls Cross. But that's answered before. And Mr. Walker, who said, he proposed Arminian Questions to divers Ministers. Belike, such as were to be examined by him. But he adds, as these Ministers told him. So 'tis but a Hearsay. And say he did propose such Questions; may it not be fit enough to try how able they were to answer them? The Fourth was Dr. Bray. Against him Dr. Featly was again produced, for that which he had expunged out of his Sermons. But when I saw this so often inculcated to make a noise, I humbly desired of the Lords, that I might ask Dr. Featly one Question: Upon leave granted, I asked him, Whether nothing were of late expunged out of a Book of his written against a Priest? and desired him to speak upon the Oath he had taken. He answered roundly, that divers passages against the Anabaptists, and some in defence of the Liturgy of the Church of England were expunged: I asked, by whom? He said, by Mr. Rouse and the Committee, or, by Mr. Rouse or the Committee. Be it which it will, I observed to the Lords, that Mr. Rouse and the Committee might expunge Passages against the Anabaptists, nay, for the Liturgy established by Law; but my Chaplains may not expunge any thing against the Papists, though perhaps mistaken.

From thence, they fell upon Men, whom they said I had preferred to Benefices. They named but Two. Dr: Heylin was one again, whom I preferred not. The other was Dr: Jackson, the late President of Corpus Christi College in Oxford. Dr: Featly being produced, said, Dr: Jackson was a known Arminian. If so to him, 'tis well: The Man is Dead, and cannot answer for himself. Thus far I can for him, without medling with any his Opinions. He was very Honest, and very Learned, and at those Years he was of, might deserve more than a Poor Benefice.

16. Here Mr: Pryn came in again, and Testified very boldly, that I gave many Benefices, which were in the Gift of the Master of the [Page] Wards: And all Preferments, only to such Men as were for Ceremonies, Popery and Arminianism. For the First of these two, the Business was thus: There arose a Difference between the then Lord Keeper Coventry, and the Lord Cottington, then Master of the Wards, about the disposing of those Benefices. It grew somewhat high, and came to Hearing by the King himself: His Majesty, upon Hearing, gave the right of Sealing to the Lord Keeper, but for the time, till more might appear, reserved the Giving to himself; that he might have some of those lesser Preferments to bestow on such Ministers as attended upon his Navy then at Sea. I never gave any one of these Benefices in my Life. And that this Story is of Truth, the Lord Cottington is yet living, and can Witness it.

And this very Answer I gave to Mr. Brown, who in summing up the Charge laid this also upon me, and without mentioning what Answer I gave to it.

For the Second, that I preferred none but such Men. 'Tis known I preferred Bishop Hall to Exeter; Dr. Potter to Carlile; Dr. Cook to Bristol first, and then to Hereford; That I gave Dr. Westfield the Archdeaconry of S. Albans; that I was Dr. Fells means for Christ-Church; and Dr. Higgs his for the Deanery of Litchfield; that I setled Dr. Downing at Hackney; and Mr. Herrick at Manchester, when the Broad Seal formerly given him was questioned: That I gave two of my own Benefices to Mr. Palmer, and Mr. Taylor, two of the now Synod; an Hospital to Dr: Jackson of Canterbury; and a Benefice to his Son in Law, at his Suit: I could not Name all these upon the sudden, yet some I did; and no one of them guilty of this Charge in the least.

Mr. Brown in his Summary said, I could name but one or two. And when in my Answer made in the House of Commons, I specified more, among which Mr: Palmer was one: Mr. Brown said in his Reply, that Mr: Palmer had indeed his Benesice of my giving, so himself told him; but it was at the Entreaty of a great Noble-Man. Say it were; Mr. Palmer was then a stranger to me: Some body must speak, and assure me of his Wants and Worth, or I cannot give. But if upon this I give it freely, is it worth no thanks from him, because a Noble-Man spake to me? Let Mr. Palmer rank this Gratitude among his other Vertues.

17. From hence they stepped over into Ireland, and objected my preferring of Dr: Chappel to be Master of the College at Dublin. Here the first Witness is Mr. Walker. He says, that all his Scholars were Arminians. This is a great sign, but not full Proof. He says, that Dr. Chappel was at First fierce against them, but afterward changed his Mind. Dr. Featly said the like of Dr. Potter. Some say Arminius himself was at first Zealous against those Opinions, but studying hard to confute them, changed his own Mind.

Take heed, Mr. Walker, do not Study these Points too hard.

For my own part, Dr. Chappel was a Cambridge Man, altogether unknown to me, save that I received from thence great Testimony of his Abilities, and fitness for Government, which that College then extreamly wanted: And no Man ever complained to me, that he favoured Arminianism.

The other Witness was Dr. Hoyle, a Fellow of the College in Dublin. He says, that the Doctor did maintain in that College Justification by Works; and in Christ-Church Arminianism. In this he is [Page] single: But if it be true, why did not the Lord Primate of Armagh Punish him? for he says he knew it. That he opposed some things in the Synod. And it may be there was just Cause for it. Lastly, he says, the late Lord Deputy liked not the Irish Articles; but gave them an Honourable Burial, as (he says) the Lord Primate himself confessed. I am a stranger to all this; nor doth Dr. Hoyle charge any thing against me; but says, that they which did this, were supposed to have some Friend in England. And surely their Carriage was very ill, if they had none.

18. Then were Letters read of my Lord Primate's to me, in which is Testified my Care of the Patrimony of that Church. And then a Paper of Instructions given by me to the Lord Deputy at his first going into that Kingdom. For the First; though it be thrust in here, among matters of Religion, yet I pray your Lordships to consider, 'tis about the Patrimony of that Church only. And I thank them heartily for producing it. For in this Letter is a full confession of my Lord Primate's, that the motion of getting the Impropriations from his Majesty (formerly objected against me) proceeded from him, as I then pleaded: And the Letter was read. For the Second; my Lord Deputy, a little before his first going into Ireland, asked me what Service I would command him for the Church there? I humbly thanked him, as I had reason, and told him I would bethink my self, and give him my Thoughts in Writing: These are they which are called Instructions. They are only for the good of that poor Church, as your Lordships have heard them. This was all; and herein my Lord shewed his Honour, and I did but my Duty.

Though I very well understand, why this Paper is produced against me.

After this they proceeded to the Eleventh Original Article, which follows in haec Verba.

11. He in his own Person, and his Suffragans, Visitors, Surrogates, Chancellors, or other Officers by his Command, have caused divers Learned, Pious and Orthodox Preachers of God's Word, to be Silenced, Suspended, Deprived, Degraded, Excommunicated, or otherwise Grieved and Vexed, without any just and lawful Cause; whereby, and by divers other means, he hath hindred the Preaching of God's Word, caused divers of his Majesty's Loyal Subjects to forsake the Kingdom, and Increased and Cherished Ignorance and Prophaneness among the People, that so he might the better facilitate the way to the effecting of his own Wicked and Traiterous Design of Altering and Corrupting the true Religion here Established.

1. The First Instance to make good this Article, was a Repetition of some Lecturers before-named. But when they thought they had made Noise enough, they referred the Lords to their Notes; and so did I to my former Answers.

2. The Second Instance was out of some Articles of Bishop Mountague and Bishop Wrenn, and their Account given to me. Bishop Wrenn, Art: 16: Speaks of the Afternoon Sermons being turned into Catechising. And Art: 5: (of his Account I take it) that no Lecture in his Diocess after, &c. [Page] It was made plain to the Lords, that this was spoken of some single and factious Lecturers, and that they had their Lectures Read by a Company of Learned and Orthodox Ministers by turns. As appeared by the Munday Sermon at Burye, during that Learned Bishop's time. Nor were any forbid to Preach in the Afternoon, so the Catechising were not omitted, before it, or with it. And the Bishop is Living to Answer it, if ought were then done amiss by him. In all which he did nothing, as any Deputy or Surrogate of mine, but as Diocesan of the Place. As for the Yearly Account to the King, according to his Royal Instructions in that behalf; though it were pressed here again to multiply noise, yet nothing being new, I gave my Answer as before, and to that I refer my self.

3. The Third Answer was concerning Mr. Lee of Wolverhampton. The Evidence was a Letter of my Secretary Mr. Dell, written by my Command, to my Visitors there, to this Effect, That whether there were Cause or no, they should either punish Mr. Lee, or bring him into the High-Commission. Had the Words or the Sense been thus, they might well say, It was hard for the Judge before whom the Party was to Answer, to write thus. But I called to have the Letter read again, and the Words were these, If there were found against him that which might justly be Censured, then they should punish, &c. And the Reason why this strict care was taken, was because the Dean of Windsor his Ordinary complained unto me, that Mr. Lee's Carriage was so Factious there, that he could contain him in no Order. If he were a Man after this approved at Shrewsbury (as Mr: Walker witnesses) I hope the Proceedings at Wolverhampton did him good. But, my Lords, had it so fallen out, that my Secretary had forgotten my Instructions, and himself too, and expressed himself amiss, shall that slip of his, (had it been such) be imputed to me? I believe your Lordships would not willingly answer for every Phrase of your Secretaries Letters, which yet you command them to write.

4. The last Instance, was the Sentence in the High-Commission against Mr: Barnard, for Words about Pelagian Errors and Popery. First, if he were Sentenced in the High-Commission, it was the Act of the Court, and not mine; as has been often said. Secondly, no Proof is offer'd that he was Sentenced for those Words only. Thirdly, the Recantation (howsoever refused by him, as Mr. Pryn says it was) makes mention of four Points for which he was Censured, of which these words are one. But not the words themselves, but his Unjust and Scandalous Application of them to me, which deserved them not. And lastly, Dr: Cumber, Master of Trinity College in Cambridge, was Prosecutor against him; which Office, so Grave and Worthy a Man would not (I suppose) have undertaken, had there not been great and just Cause for it.

Hence they proceeded to the Sixth Additional Article, which follows in these Words,

That whereas divers Gifts and Dispositions of divers Summs of Money were heretofore made by divers Charitable and well disposed Persons, for the buying in of divers Impropriations, for the Maintenance of Preaching the Word of God in several Churches; the [Page] said Arch-Bishop about Eight Years last past, wilfully and maliciously caused the said Gifts, Feoffments, and Conveyances, made to the uses aforesaid, to be overthrown in his Majesty's Court of Exchequer, contrary to Law, as things dangerous to the Church and State, under the specious pretence of buying in Appropriations; whereby that Pious Work was suppressed and trodden down, to the great Dishonour of God, and Scandal of Religion.

This Article is only about the Feoffments. That which I did was this. I was (as then advised upon such Information as was given me) clearly of Opinion, that this was a cunning way, under a Glorious pretence, to overthrow the Church-Government, by getting into their power more dependency of the Clergy, than the King, and all the Peers, and all the Bishops in all the Kingdom had. And I did conceive the Plot the more dangerous for the fairness of the pretence; and that to the State, as well as the Church. Hereupon not maliciously (as 'tis charged in the Article) but Conscientiously I resolved to suppress it, if by Law it might be done. Upon this, I acquainted his Majesty with the thing, and the danger which I conceived would in few Years spring out of it. The King referred me to his Attorney and the Law. Mr. Attorney Noye, after some pause upon it, proceeded in the Exchequer, and there it was by Judicial Proceeding and Sentence overthrown. If this Sentence were according to Law and Justice; then there's no fault at all committed: If it were against Law, the fault, what e're it be, was the Judges, not mine; for I solicited none of them. And here I humbly desired, that the Lords Sir Leolin Jenkins hath a Copy of it out of the Records of the Exchequer. W. S. A. C. would at their leisure read over the Sentence given in the Exchequer, which I then delivered in; but by Reason of the length it was not then read: Whether after it were, I cannot tell. I desired likewise, that my Councel might be heard in this, and all other points of Law.

1. The First Witness was Mr. Kendall: He says, that speaking with me about Presteen, I thanked God that I had overthrown this Feoffment.

2. The Second Witness Mr. Miller says, he heard me say, They would have undone the Church, but I have overthrown their Feoffment. These two Witnesses prove no more than I confess: For in the manner aforesaid, I deny not but I did my best in a Legal way to overthrow it. And if I did Thank God for it, it was my Duty to do so, the thing being in my Judgment so pernicious as it was.

3. The Third Witness was Mr. White, one of the Feoffees. He says, that coming as Councel in a Cause before me; when that Business was done, I fell bitterly on him as an underminer of the Church. I remember well his coming to me as Councel about a Benefice. And 'tis very likely I spake my Conscience to him, as freely as he did his to me; but the Particulars I remember not; nor do I remember his coming afterwards to me to Fulham; nor his offer to change the Men or the Course, so the thing might stand. For to this I should have been as willing as he was; and if I remember right, there was order taken for this in the Decree of the Exchequer. And his Majesty's Pleasure [Page] declared, that no Penny so given should be turned to other use. And I have been, and shall ever be as ready to get in Impropriations, by any Good and Legal way, as any Man (as may appear by my Labours about the Impropriations in Ireland.) But this way did not stand either with my Judgment or Conscience.

1. First, because little or nothing was given by them to the present Incumbent, to whom the Tythes were due, if to any; that the Parishioners which payed them, might have the more cheerful Instruction, the better Hospitality, and more full Relief for their Poor.

2. Secondly, because most of the Men they put in, were Persons disaffected to the Discipline, if not the Doctrine too of the Church of England.

3. Thirdly, because no small part was given to School-Masters, to Season Youth ab Ovo, for their Party: And to Young Students in the Universities, to purchase them and their Judgments to their side, against their coming abroad into the Church.

4. Fourthly, because all this Power to breed and maintain a Faction, was in the Hands of Twelve Men, who were they never so Honest, and free from Thoughts of abusing this Power, to fill the Church with Schism, yet who should be Successors, and what use should be made of this Power, was out of Humane reach to know.

5. Because this Power was assumed by, and to themselves, without any Legal Authority, as Mr. Attorney assured me.

He farther said, that the Impropriation of Presteen in Radnorshire, was specially given to St: Antolins in London: I say the more the pity, considering the poorness of that Country, and the little Preaching that was among that poor People; and the plenty which is in London. Yet because it was so given, there was care taken after the Decree, that they of St: Antolins had consideration, and I think to the full. He says, that indeed they did not give any thing to the present Incumbents, till Good Men came to be in their Places. Scarce one Incumbent was better'd by them. And what then?

In so many places not one Good Man found? Not one Factious enough against the Church, for Mr: White to account him Good?

Yet he thinks I disposed these things afterwards to Vnworthy Men.

Truly, had they been at my disposal, I should not wittingly have given them to Mr. White's Worthies.

But his Majesty laid his Command upon his Attorney, and nothing was done or to be done in these things, but by his direction. For Dr. Heylin, if he spake any thing amiss concerning this Feoffment, in any Sermon of his, he is Living to Answer it; me it concerns not.

Mr. Brown in the Summ of the Charge omitted not this. And I Answer'd as before. And in his Reply he turned again upon it, that it must be a Crime in me, because I projected to overthrow it. But, under favour, this follows not. For to project (though the word Projector sound ill in England) is no more than to forecast, and forelay any Business. Now as 'tis lawful for me, by all good and fit Means, to project the Settlement of any thing that is good; so is it as lawful by good and Legal means, to project the overthrow of any thing that is cunningly or apparently Evil. And such did this Feoffment appear to my Understanding, [Page] and doth still.

As for reducing of Impropriations to their proper use, they may see (if they please) in my Diary (whence they had this) another Project to buy them into the Churches use: For given they will not be. But Mr. Pryn would shew nothing, nor Mr. Nicolas see any thing, but what they thought would make against me.

Here this day ended, and I was Commanded to Attend again, July 15. But was then put off to July 17. which day held. Julij 15.

CAP. XL. The Eighteenth Day of my Hearing.

THis day they charged upon me the Twelfth Original Article; Junij 17.1644. Wednesday. which follows in these words, Die Decimooctavo.

He hath Trayterously endeavoured to cause Division and Discord between the Church of England and other Reformed Churches; and, to that end, hath Suppressed and Abrogated the Priviledges and Immunities, which have been by his Majesty and his Royal Ancestors granted to the French and Dutch Churches in this Kingdom; and divers other ways hath expressed his Malice and Disaffection to those Churches; that so by such dis-union, the Papists might have more advantage for the overthrow and extirpation of both.

The First Charge is, That I deny them to be a Church: For they say, that I I. say plainly in my Book against Fisher, that No Bishop, no Church. Now Cont. Fisher. §. 25. p. 176. 'tis well known, they have no Bishops, and therefore no Church. The Passage in my Book is an Inference of [...] Jerom's Opinion, no Declaration of my own. And if they or any other be agrieved at St. Jerom for writing so, they may Answer him. Mr. Nicolas added, that this was seconded by Bishop Mountague's Book, which Mr. Pryn (carefully) Mounta. Origi. Eccles. p. 464. witnessed was found in my Study, and Licensed by Dr. Braye: Is this Argument come again, that Bishop Mountague's Book was in my Study?

Leave it for shame.

But they have now left me never a Book in my Study; so I cannot make them any fuller Answer, without viewing the place, than themselves help me to by their own Confession. Which is, that he adds this Exception, that none but a Bishop can Ordain, but in Casu Necessitatis, which is the Opinion of many Learned and Moderate Divines.

Yet this is very considerable in the Business, whether an inevitable Necessity be cast upon them, or they pluck a kind of Necessity upon themselves.

The Second Charge is out of a Letter of mine to Bishop Hall, II. upon a Letter which he had formerly sent me. In which it seems, is something about the Case of Necessity in point of Ordination, which (they say) I disliked. And it seems I disliked upon good ground. For [Page] he had given me power under his Hand, to alter what I would in that which he sent unto me. I would not take that power, but writ back to him what passages I thought might be better expressed, if it could agree with his Judgment also. Hereupon he sent me another Letter of Jan. 18. 1639. In which he altered those things which I put to his farther Consideration. Could any thing be more fairly carried? And this Letter was read to the Lords. Yea, but they say, I disliked the giving of this Title Antichrist to the Pope. No, I did not simply dislike it, but I advised Bishop Hall, if he thought it good, not to affirm it so positively. And the Reason I gave was this. That King James being pressed upon a great occasion, that he had maintained that the Pope was Antichrist, which might much trouble, if not quite cross some Proceedings much desired by that Prudent King: His Majesty made Answer: I maintain it not as a point of Faith, but as a probable Opinion: And for which I have more grounds than the Pope hath for his Challenge of Temporal Power over Princes. Let him recall this Opinion, and I'll recall that. This I writ to the Bishop, but left him free to do what he pleased.

Here Mr. Nicolas fell extream foul upon me, in so much, that I could not but wonder at their patience which heard him. Among other Titles bestowed upon me, many and gross, he called me over and over again, Pander to the Whore of Babylon. I was much moved; and humbly desired the Lords, that if my Crimes were such, as that I might not be used like an Arch-Bishop, yet I might be used like a Christian: And that were it not for the Duty which I owe to God and my own Innocency, I would desert my Defence, before I would indure such Language in such an Honourable Presence. Hereupon some Lords shewed their dislike, and wished him to leave, and pursue the Evidence.

Mr. Brown in summing up the Charge made this a great matter, The denial of the Pope to be Antichrist. But I did not deny it, nor declare any Opinion of my own: And many Protestants, and those very Learned, are of Opinion that he is not. 'Tis true I did not, I cannot approve foul Language in Controversies. Nor do I think Tam certo scio Papam esse magnum illum Antichristum, quam Deum ipsum esse in [...] Creatorem, & [...] verum Messiam. Gab. Pow. de Antichristo. E. pist. ad Lectorem. Dr. Featly's Sermon. p. 808. that the calling of the Pope Antichrist, did ever yet Convert an Understanding Papist. And sure I am, Gabriel Powel's Peremptoriness (to say no worse) in this Point, did the Church of England no Good, no Honour in Foreign parts: For there he affirms, That he is as certain that the Pope is Antichrist, as that Jesus Christ is the Son of God and Redeemer of the World. As for the thing it self, I left it free to all Men to think as their Judgment guided them: As appears by the Licensing of Dr. Featly's Sermons, where he proves the Pope, in his Opinion, to be Antichrist. Where he calls him also the p. 810. Whore of Babylon: Which surely I should never have suffer'd to be Printed, had I been her Pander. And for Bishop Hall, I only told him what King James had said, and left him to make what use he pleased of it.

The Third Charge was out of a Paper, which Bishop Hall, about III. the time when he wrote his Book in defence of Episcopacy, sent unto me, containing divers Propositions concerning Episcopal Government: In which, either he or I, or both say, (for that Circumstance [Page] I remember not) That Church-Government by Bishops is not alterable by Humane Law. To this I answer'd, that Bishops might be regulated and limited by Human Laws, in those things which are but Incidents to their Calling. But their Calling, so far as it is Jure Divino, by Divine Right, cannot be taken away. They charge farther, that I say this is the Doctrine of the Church of England. And so I think it is. For Bishop Bilson set out a Book in the Queen's time, Intituled, The Perpetual Bishop Bilson's Perpetual Government. Government. And if the Government by Bishops be Perpetual, as he there very Learnedly proves thorough the whole Book, it will be hard for any Christian Nation to out it. Nor is this his Judgment alone, but of the whole Church of England. For in the Preface to the Book of Ordination, Preface. Book of Ordination, are these words. From the Apostles time, there have been three Orders of Ministers in the Church of Christ, Bishops, Priests and Deacons. Where 'tis evident, that in the Judgment of the Church of England, Episcopacy is a different, not Degree only, but Order, from Priesthood, and so hath been reputed from the Apostles times. And this was then Read to the Lords. And the Law of England is as full for it, as the Church. For the Statute in the eighth of the Queen, absolutely 8 Eliz. c. 1. confirms all and every part of this Book of Ordination. Where also the Law calls it, The high Estate of Prelacy. And Calvin (if my S. John 20. 21. Calvin Ibid. old Memory do not fail me) upon those words of St. John, As my Father sent me, so send I you, &c. says thus upon that place, Eandem illis imponit Personam ac idem Juris assignat. And if our Saviour Christ, put the same Person upon the Apostles, and assigned to them the same Right, which his Father gave him; it will prove a sour work to throw their Successors the Bishops out of the Church after Sixteen Hundred Years continuance.

And in the mean time cry out against Innovation.

For either Christ gave this Power to his Apostles only; and that will make the Gospel a Thing Temporary, and confined to the Apostles Times: Or else he gave the same Power, though not with such Eminent Gifts, to their Successors also, to propagate the same Gospel to the end of the World, as St. Paul tells us he did, Ephes. 4. Now all the Primitive Church all along, gives Bishops Ephes. 4. 11. to be the Apostles Successors, and then it would be well thought on, what Right any Christian State hath (be their Absolute Power what it will) to turn Bishops out of that Right in the Church which Christ hath given them.

The Fourth Charge was an Alteration made in a Brief, for a third IV. Collection for the distressed Ministers and others in the Palatinat. The Queen of Bohemia was pleased to do me the Honour to write to me about this; and because two Collections had been before, her Majesty desired, that this third might be only in London, and some few Shires about it. I out of my desire to relieve those distressed Protestants, and to express my Duty to the Queen, became an humble Suitor to his Majesty, that this Collection also might go thorough England, as the rest had done. And 'tis acknowledged by all, that this I did. Now the Witnesses which Accuse me for some Circumstances in this business, are two.

1. The First is Mr. Wakerly. He says, that Mr. Ruly (who was employed by the Queen of Bohemia about this Collection) was roughly used by me upon occasion of this Clause put into the Brief, and which he says I caused to be altered. This first is a bold Oath; for Mr. Wakerly was [Page] not present, but Swears upon Hearsay. Secondly, what kindness I shewed him and the Business, is mentioned before; and if for this kindness he had been practising with Mr. Wakerly about the Brief (as I had probable Reason to suspect) I cannot much be blamed, if I altered my Countenance towards him, and my Speech too; which yet these Witnesses (for the other agrees in this) have no Reason to call rough Carriage, only upon Mr. Ruly's unthankful Report.

He says, That these words, the Antichristian Yoak, were [...] out. First, this is more than I remember; and the Briefs I had not to compare; nor is there any necessity, that two Briefs coming for the same thing, with some Years distance between, should agree in every Phrase or Circumstance. Secondly, if I did except against this passage, it was partly because of the fore-recited Judgment of King James, of which I thought his Son King Charles ought to be tender: And partly, because it could move nothing but Scorn in the common Adversary, that we should offer to determine such a Controversie by a Broad Seal. I remember well, since I had the Honour to sit in this House, the naming of Tithes to be due Jure Divino, cast out the Bill; A Prudent Lord asking the Peers, whether they meant to determine that question by an Act of Parliament? The other part of the Clause which they say was altered, was the Religion which we with them profess: Whence they infer, because (with them) was left out, that I would not acknowledge them of the same Religion; which follows not. For we may be, and are of the same Religion; and yet (agree) not with them in those Opinions, in which we differ from them. And Mr. Wakerly confesses, that the Words as alter'd, are, That they are Persecuted for their Religion; and their Religion is the Protestant Religion, and so is ours. And therefore I could have no intention to make the Religions different, but the Opinions under the same Religion.

For Mr: Wakerly, he is a Dutchman born; and how far the Testimony of an Alien may be of force by the Law, I know not: And a bitter Enemy to me he hath ever shewed himself, since I complained to the King and the Lords, that a Stranger born and bred, should be so near a Secretary of State, and all his Papers and Cyphers, as he was known to be to Mr. Secretary Coke: A thing which few States would indure: And how far the Testimony of such a Canker'd Enemy should be admitted, let the World judge. Admitted he was.

2. The Second Witness was Mr: [...]. He acknowledges my improvement of the Collection, and my great readiness therein; which doubtless I should not have shewed, had I accounted them of another Religion. He says, there was no Alteration but in that Clause, and that implies a manifest difference. But that is but in his Judgment, in which I have already shewed that Wakerly is mistaken, and so is he. Beside, he comes here as a Witness of the Fact, not as a Judge of my Intentions or Thoughts. He adds, That, if he remember well, the Alteration was drawn by me. But, if he do not remember well, what then? Surely here's no Evidence to be grounded upon Ifs. Here upon the point of Antichrist, Mr. Nicolas stiled me as before, and was furious till he foamed again; but I saw a necessity of Patience.

Mr. Brown [Page] also in his Summary Ch followed this Business close. But I gave it the same Answer.

The Fifth Charge, and the last under this Article, was the calling V. in of a Book, An. 1637. shewing the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church in the Palatinat; but called in only because against Arminianism. The single Witness Michael Sparks. He says, this Book was called in, but he knows not by whom, nor mentions he for what. But he says, The Pursevants which searched for it, were mine. He means such as belonged to the High-Commission; for other than such I had none. And there was cause enough for calling in the Book, without thinking of Arminianism.

But what is the Reason, why here's nothing urged against me, about Abrogating the Immunities and Priviledges of the French and Dutch Churches, which fill the Body of this Article? Why, I conceive there may be two Reasons of it. One, because there was taken by Mr. Pryn, among other Papers for my Defence, a Letter See the Letter above, in the Answer to the Scotch Articles. under Queen Elizabeth's own Hand, to the Lord Pawlet Marquess of Winchester, then Lord Treasurer, in which she expresses her willingness, that those Strangers, distressed in and for point of Conscience, should have Succour and free Entertainment; but should conform themselves to the English Liturgy, and have that Translated into their own Language. And they knew, I would call to have this Letter produced, proved, and read. And had this Letter been stood unto, they had never been able to do the Church of England half the harm they have since done. The other was, because they found by their own search against me, that all which I did concerning those Churches, was with this Moderation, that all those of their several Congregations, in London, Canterbury, Sandwich, Norwich, or elsewhere, which were of the second Descent, and born in England, should repair to their several Parish Churches, and Conform themselves to the Doctrine, Discipline, and Liturgy of the Church of England, and not live continually in an open Separation, as if they were an Israel in AEgypt, to the great distraction of the Natives of this Kingdom, and the assisting of that Schism which is now broke forth. And as this was with great Moderation, so was it with the joint Approbation of his Majesty and the Lords of his Council, upon the Reasons openly given and debated: And all this before I proceeded to do any thing. As appears apud Acta.

Then they went to the Thirteenth Original Article; which here follows.

He hath Trayterously and Wickedly endeavoured to reconcile the Church of England with the Church of Rome, and for the effecting thereof, hath Consorted and Confederated with divers Popish Priests and Jesuits, and hath kept secret Intelligence with the Pope of Rome, and by himself, his Agents or Instruments, Treated with such as have from thence received Authority and Instruction: He hath permitted and countenanced a Popish Hierarchy, or Ecclesiastical Government, to be Established in this Kingdom. By all which Trayterous and Malicious Practices, this Church and [Page] Kingdom have been exceedingly indangered, and like to fall under the Tyranny of the Roman See.

The Seventh Additional Article.

That the said Arch-Bishop at several times within these Ten Years last past, at Westminster, and elsewhere within this Realm, contrary to the known Laws of this Land, hath endeavoured to advance Popery and Superstition within the Realm. And for that End and Purpose hath wittingly and willingly received, harboured and relieved divers Popish Priests and Jesuits, namely one called Sancta Clara, alias Damport, a dangerous Person, and Franciscan Friar, who having written a Popish and Seditious Book Intituled Deus, Natura, Gratia, wherein the Thirty nine Articles of the Church of England established by Act of Parliament, were much Traduced and Scandalized; the said Arch-Bishop had divers Conferences with him, while he was in writing the said Book, and did also provide Maintenance and Entertainment for one Monsieur S. Giles, a Popish Priest, at Oxford; knowing him to be a Popish Priest.

The First Charge (they say) was to be laid as a Foundation, and it I. was, That I was generally reputed a Papist in Heart, both in Oxford, and since I came thence.

1. The first Witness for this was Dr. Featly. He says, There was such an Opinion of me Thirty Years since there. But he says, he never heard any Popish Opinion maintained by me. So here's nothing of Knowledge: And if I should say, that above Thirty Years ago, there was an Opinion, that Dr. Featly then in Oxford, was a Puritan; this could make no Proof against him; nor can his saying that I was reputed a Papist, make any Proof against me. He says farther, That one Mr. Russel, who had been bred in S. John's College, told him, in Paris, That I maintained some Catholick Opinions. First, Mr. Nicolas would have it, that this Mr. Russel was my Scholar: But that the whole College can witness it is not so; nor had he ever any relation to me, in the least Degree. After his Father's Death, he left the College, and went beyond Sea; where the Weak Man, (for such he was) lost his Religion. Secondly, Dr. Featly says expresly, that Mr. Russel said, I was no Papist; which, for the Countenance of his own Change, he would never have said, had he thought me one. Thirdly, if he did say that I maintained some Catholick Opinions; yet he named none, by which there might be Tryal and Judgment, whether they were such or no, in the Sense he meant them. Lastly, Mr. Perkins, in his Reformed Catholick, sets down divers Opinions in which they of Rome and we agree: Shall he be a Papist for this? Or shall not that which is Lawful for him, be as Lawful for me?

2. The Second Witness was one Harris. He says, that Mr. Ireland, (who was some time Student of Christ-Church in Oxford, and after School-Master at Westminster) told him that I would leave the Church of England. This is a bare Report from Mr. Ireland, with whom I never had any Acquaintance, nor was scarce in his Company twice in all my Life. Nor is it in my Power to hinder what Mr. [Page] Ireland will say, or Mr. Harris from him. He says, That one that called himself Leander, came over on purpose to make this Reconciliation. If he did (which is more than I know, or believe) I think he would hardly make such a one, as Harris is reported to be, acquainted with it. But howsoever, if he did come with that purpose, was it in my Power to hinder his coming? And here is no Proof offered that I did help on his Purpose, or so much as know of it. He says, he often Petitioned me for Relief, but had none. It may be, I well knew he deserved none: And your Lordships know that by Law I might not afford him any. Had I given him any, I should now have heard it with both Ears. For I am informed he is a Priest, and Condemned in a Praemunire, and was let out of Prison, on purpose to be a Witness against me. And having set that which is aforesaid, under his Hand, is now slipped away, and gone. Who got him out of Prison for this good purpose, I know not; but fure somewhat there is in it, for your Lordships see his Testimony is now read, but he appears not.

3. The Third Witness was Sir Nathaniel Brent (now absent, but came in the next Day) He says, I was esteemed Popishly Affected in Oxford; and he gave Three Instances very carefully, to prove it. The First was, That in the Divinity School there, I maintained the Necessity of Baptism. I did so; and my Predecessor Arch-Bishop Abbot was then Vice-Chancellor, and present, and approved my Opinion; and my Grace passed for my Degree to be Batchellour of Divinity without any one Man's Opposition. He says, That Mr. Dale of Merton College, then shewed him all my Supposition taken out of Bellarmin. This is a bold and a dangerous Oath: He might Swear that Mr. Dale shewed him in Bellarmin, that which he said was my Supposition: But that he shewed him all my Supposition there, is a strange Oath for a Man of Learning and Law to make, and in such a Presence. Besides, I have my Supposition, which I then made, yet by me; and if my Tenet of that Question be the same with Bellarmin's, or that there be any Line taken out of him, but what I cite for my own advantage against him, I will utterly forfeit my Reputation of any Learning to your Lordships. His Second Instance was, That I was acquainted with one Mr: Brown, Fellow of Corpus Christi College in Oxford, who was suspected to be a Papist, and after his Death proved to be one by a Book that was found in his Study, proving that a Man might be a Roman-Catholick, and yet go to Church and Conform in England. I was acquainted with this Man; he was a very good Scholar and an Honest man, and a good Protestant, for ought I know. For the Tract found after his Death among his Papers, that's no Proof: For Scholars get all the Papers they can, especially such as belong to their own Profession. And the more strange the Opininions are, the more do they labour to get them. Nor is it any Proof that the Tract was of his making, because written in his own Hand, as 'tis urged. For the Argument being so foul and dangerous, it could not be safe for him, nor any way fit, to commit it to any other to write for him. Nor is there any Proof that I knew he had such a Tract by him; neither indeed did I. The Opinion is very base and unworthy, and was first broached by the Jesuit Azorius, [...]. [...]. p. 1. L. 8. c. 27. [Page] and it seems some of his Fellows had inlarged him, and made this Tract out of his Principles. His Third Instance was, That I Petitioned King James in this Business. I was complained of to King James by a great Person, That I had inward Acquaintance with this Man. Hereupon, my waiting Month being June, and not long after the Complaint made, I took Occasion in my first Sermon to confute this Opinion, and then Petitioned his Majesty that it might be examined, that such an Imputation might not lie upon me. His Majesty referred it to the Lords Arch-Bishop of [...], King, Montague, Neale. Canterbury, Bishops of London, Winchester and Duresm; where after full examination I was Acquitted.

The Second Charge was, that the same Opinion was held of II. me beyond the Seas, That I was a cunning Promoter of the Roman Cause. And here the Witnesses are the same, which were produced before; Mr. Challoner, who told over his old Tale again of I know not what Plot he heard from a Jesuit: Nothing but Hearsay at the best. And it savours like an Almanack de Post Facto,

or rather of somwhat else, which I will spare to name, because he is upon his Oath.

The other Witness is Mr. Anthony Mildmay, who also tells over his Old Tale of his Father Fitton. But he was out of the way again, and appeared not till the next Day, with Sir Nathaniel Brent. So here's a Repetition again of the same Witnesses, and the same things, to multiply the Noise.

Only Noble Sir Henry Mildmay appeared not the Second time; but whether it were because he had enough at his first appearance; or whether his Face was scratched then (as since Men say it was) I cannot tell.

The Third Charge was, That I had a damnable Plot, to reconcile the III. Church of England with the Church of Rome. If to reconcile them with the maintenance of Idolatry, it were a damnable Plot indeed. But if Christian Truth and Peace might meet and unite together, all Christendom over; were that a Sin too? Were I able to Plot and effect such a Reconciliation, I would think my self most Happy, whatever I suffered for it. But how is this damnable Plot proved? Pope Gregory writ a Letter to his Nuncio in Spain, and a Letter also to King Charles; which Letter is Printed: Copies of these Letters were found in my Study. Could I hinder the Pope from writing to whom he pleased? Shall not I get Copies of any Letters I can, to see what practising is abroad for private Interest? Shall it be Lawful for all my Predecessors to get and keep Copies of such Letters by them, and shall it be Unlawful for me only? And here I produced Mr. Dobson, an ancient Servant to my Predecessors, who witnessed that Arch-Bishop Bancroft had store of them, and kept them all his Time. Nor do I know, how this Charge can fall upon me: For there is no one Word in any of the Letters produced, that Reflects upon me, or any Plot of mine. Nor indeed had I ever any such to Reflect upon.

The Fourth Charge is, That I had a Hand in the Plot for sending IV. the King, when he was Prince, into Spain, to be perverted in his Religion. They follow their Proof of this out of my Diary: And they begin with my Friendship with the Lord Duke of Buckingham, who waited on the Prince in this Journey. And first they urged my Diary at June 9. 1622. where I mention, that there were then Particulars, which [Page] are not for Paper. But the Words, which lead these in, were his entrance upon a near Respect to me, the particular Expressions whereof were not for Paper: Nor Word, nor Thought, of either Plot or Popery. Then they urged June 15. 1622. where 'tis said, that I became C. that is, Confessor to the Lord Duke. First, if my Lord Duke would Honour me so much as to make me his Confessor, as I know no Sin in it, so is it abundantly Proof, that the Passages before mentioned were not for Paper. Should I venture them so, there's never a Person of Honour present, but would think me most unworthy of that Trust. Next, they pressed June 13. 1623. where I confess, that I received Letters from my Lord Duke out of Spain. I did so; and I then held it great Honour to me, and do so still. But then, and long before, it was known to all Men whither he was gone, and with whom: Nay, it was commonly known to all Men of Quality hereabout within three or four Days: And till it was so commonly known, I knew it not. Yea, but then they inforced out of Feb. 17. 1622/3. That the Prince and the Marquess of Buckingham set forward very Secretly for Spain. And Feb. 21. that I writ to his Lordship into Spain. 'Tis true, they went away that Day, and very secretly; but I neither did, nor could set it down, till afterwards that I came to know it. And then so soon as I came to know it, which was about the 21th. I did write. To these was Cunningly (how Honestly let all the World Judge) pieced a Passage out of a Letter of mine to Bishop Hall. But that Letter was read, at my humble motion to the Lords, and the Date of it was in 1634. So, many Years after this Business of Spain. And the Passage mentioned, was only about King James his manner of defending the Pope to be Antichrist, and how he salved it while the Prince was in Spain. But King James related it after. Nor could any Words of that Letter be drawn to the King's going thither, much less to any knowledge I had of it.

The Fifth Charge was concerning his Majesty's Match with France. V. And here again they urge my Diary at Mar. 11. 1625. That the Duke of Buckingham was then and there employed. And at May 19. and 29. that I then writ Letters to him. First, my Lords, I hold it my great Honour, that my Lord Duke would write to me, and give me leave to write to him. Secondly, I have committed some Error in these Letters, or none. If none, why are they Charged? If any, why are they not produced, that I may see what it is, and answer it?

The Sixth Charge was, That I was an Instrument of the Queens. VI. This they endeavoured to prove by my Diary in Three Places. First, at Aug. 30. 1634. Vpon occasion of some Service done, she was graciously pleased to give me leave to have immediate Access unto her, when I had Occasion. This is true, and I most humbly Thanked her Majesty for it: For I very well knew what belonged to Addresses at Second Hand in Court. But what Crime is in this, that the Queen was pleased to give me Access unto her, when I had Occasion? Here's no Word of Religion. Secondly, at May 18. 1635. Where 'tis said, that I gave her Majesty an account of some thing committed to me. If her Majesty sent or spake to me to do any thing, as it seems she did, shall I want so much Duty as to give her an Account of it? So belike I must be unmannerly with her Majesty, or lye open to no less than a [Page] Charge of high Treason. Thirdly, at April 3. 1639. 'Tis made a great matter, that I should then dispatch a great business for the Queen, which I understood she would not move for her self: And that for this her Majesty gave me great Thanks. Mr. Nicolas his Inference upon this, was, that they conceive wherefore. But his Conceit makes no Evidence: He must not only conceive, but prove wherefore, before it can work any thing against me. As for Religion, as there is no Word of it in my Diary, so neither was it at this time thought on. Her Majesty would therein have moved for her self. But it seems it must be a Crime if I be but Civil and Dutiful towards the Queen, though it be but thrice mentioned in so many Years.

The Seventh Charge was, that I forbad Ministers Praying for the VII. Queens Conversion, and punished others. The First Witness, Mr. Ratcliff, says, that Sir Nath. Brent gave it in Charge at Bow Church in my Visitation. The more to blame he, if so he did. Yea, but he says it was by my Command delivered unto him by Sir John Lambe. Was it so? How doth Mr. Ratcliff know that? He doth not express. He was not present, when I spake with Sir John Lambe. And if Sir Nath. Brent told him of it, 'tis but Hearsay. And Sir Nath. having been so ready a Witness against me, why is he not examined to this Particular? And as for the Paper which was shewed, it appears plainly there, that it was no Paper of Instructions sent to my Visitors by me, but of particular Informations to me: Of which one was, that the Queen was prayed for in a very Factious and Scandalous Way. And this appeared, when that Paper was read. And this I referred to my Visitors, as I not only might, but ought: Not forbidding the Prayers, but the Scandalous manner of them. The Second Witness was Mr. Pryn. Who says, That one Mr. Jones was punished for praying for the Queen. He was punished in the High-Commission for scandalous Abusing the Queen, under a Form of Praying for her, and for divers other Articles that were against him.

And this Answer I gave to Mr. Brown, who forgot not this in summing up my Charge.

The Eighth Charge was, That I punished Men for Praying to preserve VIII. the Prince. No, God forbid. The High-Commission Book was shewed, and that there in the Year 1634. one Mr. Howe was Censured for it. I got this Act of the High-Commission to be read to the Lords: His Prayer went thus, That God would preserve the Prince in the true Religion, of which there was cause to fear. Could this Prayer have any other Operation upon the People, than to make them think his Majesty was careless in the Education of the Prince, especially in point of Religion? And this was so Grievous and Graceless a Scandal cast upon a Religious King, as nothing could be greater. Upon the matter, it was the shew of a Prayer for the Prince, but was indeed to destroy the King in the Hearts of his People. And had I not there consented to his Punishment, I had deserved to be punished my self.

Mr. Brown, when he repeated the Summ of the Evidence, laid this Charge upon me, but spake not one Word (to my Remembrance) of this Answer given to it.

The Ninth Charge, That I did Extol Queen Mary's Days. The Proof IX. for it was taken out of the Preface to the Statutes of the Vniversity of [Page] Oxford. I took a great deal of pains about those Statutes, and might justly have expected Thanks for it, not such an Accusation. But as for the Preface, it was made and Printed at Oxford: I medled not with it. I could trust the University with little, if not with the making of a Preface. If they have done any thing amiss in it, let them answer it. The Passage was about certain Offers made to amend those Confused Old Statutes, both in Ed. 6. and Queen Mary's Days; but no Effect came of the pains then taken, Recruduit Labor, says the Preface. So that this I can answer for them: There's not a Word spoken of Religion, but of Manners only, and that as much in relation to the Times of Princes following, as Hers. For the Words, to my remembrance, are Interim optandâ Temporum Foelicitate, &c. And that Interim cannot be restrained to Queen Mary's Days only, but must include the whole Interim, or middle distance of Time to that present in which I setled the Body of their Statutes, that is, all Queen Elizabeth's and King James his Days; which I think no Man can deny was, Optanda Temporum Foelicitas.

Here Mr. Nicolas confessed there was no down-right Proof against X. me. That was his Phrase: But he added, that was not to be expected in such a Work of Darkness. Then he produced a Paper found in my Study, Printed at Rome. So were divers of my Books Printed there: What of this? They may Print what they will at Rome, I cannot hinder it: And I may have and keep whatever they Print, no Law forbidding it. Then he shewed a Letter sent unto me from Mr. Graves. The Gentleman is at this present Fellow of Merton College in Oxford, a great Traveller, and a Man of great Worth. As far as I remember, his Letter came to me from Alexandria. It was fit to be sent, and kindly received; as by me it was. I desired it might be read. Then were mentioned Sir William Boswell's Letters, and the Papers sent by Andreas ab Habernfeld, about a great Plot to destroy the King and Religion, and that I concealed these Papers.

I might have been amazed at the Impudence of this Charge above all the rest. Diaboli Impudentia, the Devils Impudence, and no less, as S. Augustin speaks in another Case.

Did I conceal these Papers? S. Aug. Epist. 167. First, the same Day that I received them, I sent them by an Express to his Majesty. I had a speedy Answer from his Majesty, and that I returned with equal speed to his Majesty's Agent Sir William Boswell, as I was commanded. This Book was Published by Pryn in the Year 1643. in 5. Sheets in Quarto. A Copy whereof being by his Endeavours conveyed to the Arch-Bishop, then a Prisoner in the Tower, the Arch-Bishop wrote Notes in the Margin of it, so far, and so much, as to vindicate himself from the Aspersions laid upon him therein. This Copy with the said Notes is now in the Hands of that knowing and learned Antiquary Mr. Anthony Wood; which having been by him Communicated to me, I have, with his Leave, Transcribed the Arch-Bishops Notes, and caused them to be adjoined to these Papers concerning the Plot discovered by Andrew ab Habernfeld, reprinted in the following Collection. H: And this Mr. Pryn, and Mr. Nicolas knew. For Mr. Pryn took all these Letters and Papers from me, when he searched me at the Tower; and out of them made his Book called Rome's Masterpiece: Excepting the Slanders, which he hath Jugled in of his own. So soon as his Majesty came home, I humbly besought him, that he would be pleased to appoint a time, and call some Lords to him to hear and examine the Business, and this Examination continued till I was Committed. What was after done, I cannot account for. Besides, my Lords, it appears by those Paprs, that my Life was sought for, because I would [Page] not give way to the Change of Religion; and Mr. Pryn himself hath Printed this; and yet now Mr. Nicolas, from his Testimony, presses these Papers against me. But the King, and the Lords, and both Secretaries of State then present, can witness, that I took all the Care and Pains above-mentioned, to have it sifted to the Bottom.

Notwithstanding all this, Mr. Nicolas falls upon this Plot again upon the next Day of my Hearing, as if nothing had been said unto it: And was so shameless, as to say, that I followed this Business so long as I thought the Plot was against the Puritans: But so soon as I found it was against the Papists, I kept it secret, till Mr. Pryn discovered it in his search of my Papers. Where, First, there's no one Word in all the Papers to make me, or any Man think the Puritans were concerned in it. And Secondly, I did not sleep upon the Receipt of these Papers, till I had sent them to his Majesty. But I had reason to keep the Papers as safe as I could, considering how much they justifie me against these foul Calumnies put upon me.

Then followed the Charge of Sancta Clara's Book, alias Monsieur St: XI. Giles: So they expressed it; and I must follow the way they lead me. First then, they Charge that I had often Conference with him, 1. while he was writing his Book Intituled Deus, Natura, Gratia. No, he never came to me, till he was ready to Print that Book. Then some Friends of his brought him to me. His Suit then was, That he might Print that Book here. Upon Speech with him, I found the Scope of his Book to be such, as that the Church of England would have little Cause to thank him for it: And so absolutely denyed it. Nor did he ever come more at me after this, but twice or thrice at most, when he made great Friends to me, that he might Print another Book, to prove that Bishops are by Divine Right. My Answer then was, that I did not like the way which the Church of Rome went, in the Case of Episcopacy. And howsoever, that I would never give way, that any such Book should be Printed here from the Pen of a Romanist; and that the Bishops of England were able to defend their own Cause and Calling, without calling in Aid from Rome; and would in due time. Maintenance he never had any from me, nor did I then know him to be a Priest. Nor was there any Proof so much as offered in contrary to any of this.

2. Secondly, they did specially except against a Passage in the Licenser, and another at the end of the Book. The Book was Printed at Lions, where I could not hinder the Printing, either of the whole, or any part. This might have been something, had I Licensed it here: But that I constantly denyed.

3. Thirdly, They produced a Letter written to me from Venice, by one Mr: Middleton, Chaplain there to the Right Honourable the now Earl of Denbigh, his Majesty's Ambassadour. Therein he writes, That S: Clara was Homo nequissimus, and that one Monsieur S: Giles was the Author of that Book. That Clara and S: Giles were the same Person, is but Mr: Middleton's Opinion. Such News as he there heard, some true, some false, he thought fit to write unto me: And he being absent, here's no Proof upon Oath, that they are one and the same Person. And I hope a young Man's Letter from Venice, or any other place, signifying only such things as he hears, shall not stand for good [Page] Evidence in a Case of Life. And he was mainly deceived in this Particular, as appears: First, Because what Clara is, I know not: But Monsieur S. Giles is a great Scholar, and a Sober Man; and one that gave the late L. Brooke so good Content, that he allow'd him One Hundred Pound a Year during his Life. Secondly, Because 'tis commonly known that Clara is an English man, and S. Giles a French man born and bred.

Thirdly, Because their own Article, upon which [...] 7th Additional. they bring this Charge, acknowledges them two distinct Persons. Fourthly, Because both Mr. Pryn and Mr. Nicolas had Monsieur S. Giles before them in Examination, and could not but know him to be a French man. As appears by a Warrant given to him by Mr. Pryn to secure him after his Examination. Which Warrant follows in these words:

These are to Certifie those whom it may concern, That the Committee of the House of Commons, appointed to prosecute the Archbishop of Canterbury, have examined and received Satisfaction from Monsieur S. Giles, a Domestick Servant to the Resident of Venice; and therefore he is no farther to be examined or molested concerning the same

This License came to my Hands since my Answering was past; so I could not then shew it. Monsieur S: Giles was never the Man that gave me notice of any of this; not so much as that he had been Examined: But my Secretary Mr: Dell came to hear of it by chance, and went to him, and had this Copy (with some labour) from him, and will make Oath it is a true Copy. This is not the thankfullest part at ever S. Giles played, considering my Carriage towards him.

4. Then they charged upon Monsieur S. Giles directly, That I knew him to be a Priest, and yet maintained him at Oxford. The Case was this: Mr: S: Giles was The Archbishop related this Case more at large, and therewith defended himself in a written Paper; which being seized by Pryn in the Tower, was now produced and read before the Lords. It may be found in Pryn's Compl. Hist. p. 428. H. W. in good Place about the Queen's Majesty at her first coming: Here he did so good Services to this State, that he lost himself in France, and durst not go thither when the French were sent away. All this while the Man was unknown to me, till his Majesty one day at St. James's told me this, and that he was a Priest, and that it lay upon him in Honour to allow him some Maintenance; and prescribed me a way how to order it, that he might receive One Hundred Marks a Year as from him: And gave me Charge, if the Pension were at any time behind, I should acquaint him with it. After this Mr. S: Giles by his Friends Petition'd his Majesty, that being a Stranger, he might live in Oxford, to have the use of the Library there, being resolved to meddle no more with the Controversies of the Time; but to apply himself to Metaphysical Learning. His Majesty was desirous to have him plac'd in some College, to save Charges: But this I most humbly deprecated, because it might be dangerous to the Youth there, and scandalous to his Majesty, the Church, and the University; and dangerous to my self, being Chancellor. To the rest I submitted: So he was left to place himself in some Town-House, as he could. And for this his Majesty gave me his [Page] Warrant, which Mr. Pryn in his Search took from me. But here follows the true Copy of it.

Charles Rex.

CAnterbury, Mr: S: Giles by serving us and this State, hath lost all his hopes in France, and desires to spend his time here at his private Studies. I would have you think upon some way for his Maintenance, and to place him in Oxford, that he may have use of that Library, which he much desires. And you may so order it, that his Profession in Religion may do no harm.

And according to this direction of his Majesty I did take Order; but with assurance from himself, and with Spies upon him there, beside the special care of the Vice-Chancellor, that he should not Converse with young Students, nor Exercise his Priestly Office, nor do any thing against the Laws. Nor did I ever hear, that he failed in any of these Assumptions.

5. Then they produced one Mr. Broad, who testified, that while S: Giles lived at Oxford, some Doctors came to him. Doctors were able to deal well enough with him; but all resort of young Scholars was forbidden. He says farther, that Mr: S: Giles should say, that the Bishops of England were Cordially of his Religion, but that he feared their Rigidness would spoil all. First, this is but a Report of his Speech. Secondly, why was not S: Giles at his Examination asked, whether he said it or no? And if he did, what ground he had for it? At the most, 'twas but his Opinion of the Bishops, who were never the more Cordial to Popery, for his thinking so.

And Thirdly, I doubt it appears by this time, that all is overthrown, or near it, not by the Rigidness, but by the over-remisness of some Bishops, who never would believe any danger could come from the Godly, as they were called.

6. Lastly, What's the Reason of this great Endeavour, upon nothing but News in a Letter, to make S: Clara, and Mr. S: Giles, to be one and the same Man?

Doubtless, nothing but an Hydropical Thirst after my Blood.

For resort of Priests to Lambeth, was usual in both my last Predecessors Times, Bancroft's and Abbot's. And some lay in the House and had Relief. This was proved to the Lords by two Ancient Servants of that House. Neither of which have been done in my Time. Arch-Bishop Abbot made a Warrant (this Warrant was shewed) to secure Mr. Preston an English Priest, upon a Confer. at Hamp. Court. p. 51. Command of King James: Why may not I a French one, by the Warrant of King Charles? King James justified Bishop Bancroft for doing this, when he was Bishop of London, and no Privy Counsellor: And may not I do it, being Arch-Bishop and Privy Counsellor, with as much Privity of the King and the State, as he did? But to let these pass, why should I say, here was a Thirst for Blood? I'll tell you why? The Statute of 27 Eliz. makes it Felony without Benefit of 27 Eliz. c. 2. §. 3. Clergy, to Maintain or Relieve any Romish Priest Born in England, or any other of her Majesty's Dominions, knowing him to be such. Now they had laid their Article, that I had given Maintenance to one Mounsieur Art. 7. Addit, [Page] S. Giles, a Popish Priest at Oxford, knowing him to be such. But when upon Examination of S. Giles, they found him to be a French Man, and so not within the Statute. (As the words of that Statute are most plain, and so is Sir Edw. Coke's Judgment upon them, both L. 3. [...]. c. 37. which I then read to the Lords) I say when they saw this, then they cast about how to make S. Clara and Mr. S. Giles to be one Man. And though After all, Pryn would insinuate, that [...]: Giles [...] the same Man with Sancta Clara, and wrote the Book Entituled, Deus, Naturs, & Gratia, [...] be fully knew the contrary, Compl: Hist: p: 427. 429. Nay he [...] the Considence at last (p: 430.) to add, that it is most apparent. H. they could find no shadow of Proof of a thing that is not, but a Letter of News from Venice, yet against their own Knowledge and Conscience, they give that in Evidence to reach my Life any way.

Here Mr: Nicolas, so soon as he discovered whither I tended, would have broken me off, saying, they did not urge it for that now, they were not yet come to it. I Replyed, if they came to it after, I would be at the pains to Answer again: But since it concerned my Life, I would not slip it now, nor leave it unanswer'd in any Circumstance. So I went on, but they never mentioned it after; and by this way meant certainly to have involved me within the Law, Clara being an English Man Born.

God of his Mercy grant, that this Thirst after my Blood lye not too heavy another day upon their Souls. Mr. Brown in Summing up the Charge, fell upon this also. I made a brief Answer out of that which is aforesaid: Yet after, in his Reply, he fell upon this Letter of Mr. Middleton's, and cites his News for Evidence, that S. Clara and Mr. S. Giles were the same Man. Which I much wonder, so Able and Grave a Man as he is, should swallow from Mr. Pryn, who doubtless (being present) was angry to see himself so laid open in the House of Commons.

At last came in the last Charge of this Day: That a Cardinal's Hat XII. was offer'd unto me. My Diary quoted for this, at Aug. 4. & 21. 1633. I could hinder no Offer, unless I could Prophesie what each Man came about, and so shun them. But why is not my Answer there set down, expressed too? My Answer was, That somewhat divelt in me, which would not suffer me to accept that, till Rome were other than now it is. Besides, I went presently to his Majesty, and acquainted him with it: Which is all that Sir Ed. Coke. [...]. 3. Instit. c. 3. the Law requires at my Hands. And his Majesty very Prudently and Religiously (yet in a calm way, the Persons offering it, having Relation to some Embassador) freed me speedily of that, both Trouble and Danger. They urged further out of the Papers of Andreas ab Habernfield (which Mr. Pryn took from me in his search) That Signior Con had power to offer me a Cardinal's Hat. The words which they cite, are (for I could never get sight of those Papers since) Mandatum habuit offerre, sed non obtulit. What Power he had to make me such an Offer, I know not; but themselves confess he did not offer it. Nor had I ever any Speech with him, during all the time he stayed here. I was solicited as much by Honourable Friends to give him Admittance to me at Lambeth, with Assurance he should speak nothing about Religion, as ever I had about any thing in my Life. I still refused, and could not perswade my self to do other; and yet could not but inwardly (In Verbo Sacerdotis, [Page] this is true) condemn my self of gross Incivility for refusing. For which yet now I see I am much bound to God for that Unmannerliness. Had I held a Correspondence with him, though never so Innocent, where had I now been? Besides, I would not have it forgotten, that if to offer a Cardinal's Hat, or any like thing, shall be a sufficient Cause to make a Man guilty of Treason, it shall be in the power of any Romanist, to make any English Bishop a Traytor when he pleases: A Mischief not to be indured. And thus this long and tedious Day ended; and I had order to Attend again on July 24. which I did accordingly.

CAP. XLI. The Nineteenth Day of my Hearing.

THis day they went on with the same Article. And the [...] [...] 24. 1644. Munday. Charge was, My denying the Pope to be Antichrist: The I. Proofs; The Alteration of the Clause in the Letters Patents, for the Palatinat; and the Letters between Bishop Hall and me. These Proofs Die Decimonono: are Answer'd before, and repeated here only to make a Noise. Nor did I in any of these deny the Pope to be Antichrist. For, to forbear that word, for some both Temporal and [...] Respects, is one thing; and to deny the thing it self is another.

The Second consists of a great many Particulars, and most of II. them urged before, repeated only to help to make the Ignorant clamorous and wild against me. God forgive them this Practice.

1. The First Particular was Shelford's Book: The whole Book. And Mr. Pryn very gravely said, that this Book and the other two following, were found in my Study. Is he not yet ashamed of this Argument? May I have no Book in my Study, but I must be of the same Judgment with the Author in all things? The Author is altogether unknown to me. The Book was Licensed at Cambridge. So nothing faulty in me, but the having of the Book in my Study.

2. The Second was, Dr. Heylin's Book against Mr. Burton. This Book was Printed by my Command (they say) And in it is a Passage for Absolute Obedience to Kings. p. 229. This was before also. And Heylin [...]. Burton p. 229. I did Command the Printing of the Book; but gave no [...] to put any thing unjustifiable into it. This Passage I caused to be read to the Lords, and the Doctor there says no more than what he Learned of King James in the Conference at Hampton Court. But if any thing be amiss, he is ready to Answer it. But I find not one word in him, that this Absolute Obedience ought to be in any thing that is against Law.

That's one of Mr. Nicolas his Stretches.

3. The third Particular is Bishop Mountague's Appeal, p. 141. But nothing hence charged upon me, but only, that the Book was found in my Study. I would Mr. Pryn could find any Books there now.

[Page] 4. The Fourth was, That divers Books of like nature were Licensed by my Chaplains. But none was of all they then named, but Dr. Heylin's, and Sales; of which your Lordships have heard the Plot how it came to be Licensed. And for Dr. Heylin, he is ready to make all good, which he hath therein done.

5. The Fifth Particular is, That the Homilies which are Authorised in the Church of England, make the Pope Antichrist, p. 216. And the Babylonish Beast of Rome, p. 316. But First, This is nothing against me, till it be proved, (which yet is not done) That I have positively denied the Pope to be Antichrist. And Secondly, I do not conceive, that the Article of the Church of England, which confirms the Art. 35. Eccl. Ang. Homilies, doth also confirm every Phrase that is in them. Nor, Thirdly, Do I conceive that the Homilies in those places which are cited, do make the Pope the great Antichrist. For, in the first place, the Words are, To the beating down of Sin, Death, the Pope, the Devil, and all the Kingdom of Antichrist: Which Words cannot possibly imply, that the Pope is that Antichrist. In the second place, he is only called the Babylonical Beast of Rome; which Phrase doth not necessarily signifie The Great Antichrist. For the Beast so often mentioned in the Cap. 11. 7. Revelation, is no where called the Babylonical Beast of Rome.

And if that Beast do stand for the Great Antichrist, (I say If, because those Scriptures are very dark) then Annot. in Apoc. 17. 8. the Beast is primarily the Roman Empire in the Judgment of the Geneva Noters. And that there should be two great Antichrists, is more than any man hath yet said. Here Mr. Nicolas was up again with Pander to the Whore of Babylon, and his other foul Language; not remembring all this while, (which yet I was loath to mind him of) that one of his zealous Witnesses against the Whore of Babylon, and all her Superstitions, got all his Means (which are great) by being a Pander to other lewd Women; and loved the business it self so well, as that he was (not long since, men say) taken in Bed with one of his Wife's Maids. Good Mr. Nicolas, do not dispense with all Whores, save the Whore of Babylon.

6. The Sixth Particular was, the Articles of Ireland, which call the Pope the Man of Sin. But the Articles of Ireland bind neither this Church, nor me. And some Learned Protestants do not understand that noted place of the Apostle, 2 Thess. 2. as meant of Antichrist, or 2 Thess. 2. the Pope.

7. The Seventh and Last Particular is, a Repetition of Sancta Clara and Mr. S. Giles; and the Letter of News, (which were News indeed) to make them one Man; though this were Answered at large but the last Day; and Sir Ed. Hungerford's Testimony brought up again. It's a sign Mr. Nicolas hath indeed no down-right right Proof (as he said before) that so tumbles up and down in repeating the same things.

The Third Charge is, that I say in my Book, That the Religion of III. the Church of Rome and ours is all one. This is spoken only in opposition My Book cont. Fisher, p. 376. to other Religions, in regard of Christianity. The Words are, Nor do the Church of Rome and the Protestants set up a different Religion; for the Christian Religion is the same to both, &c. And the like passage to this is in my Pag. 36. Speech in the Star-Chamber. And these Passages were read to the Lords. So that either Papists must be [Page] denied to be Christians, or else this Charge can work nothing against me.

The Fourth Charge is out of Chouneus his Book, p. 45, & 46. Licensed by my Chaplain Dr. Braye, where (they say) 'tis said, That Rome is a True IV. Church, and differs not in Fundamentals. And that at the High Commission, when this Book was question'd by some, I did say that the Church of Rome and the Protestants did not differ in Fundamentals, but in Circumstances. And this latter part was testified by Mr. Burton and one Mr. Lane, who said they were present. First, Suppose this be false, and that they do differ in Fundamentals; yet this then is but my Errour in Divinity, no Practice to overthrow Religion. Secondly, I suppose, if I did so say, I did not Err: For the Foundations of Christian Religion are the Articles of the Creed, and the Church of Rome denies no one of them: Therefore there is no difference in the Fundamentals. If they of Rome differ in Exposition of some of these, that must needs be a Superstructure upon, or beside the Article, not the Article or Foundation it self. Nor did I follow my own Judgment herein, but Quemadmodum sape [...] aedificia, ut fundamenta & ruinae maneant; ita non passus est Ecclesiam suam ab Antichristo vel à fundamento subverti, vel solo aequari, &c. sed [...] quaque vastatione semirutum adificium superesse voluit. Cal. L. 4. Inst. c. 2. § 11. Calvin's; who says expresly, That in despight of Antichrist, the Foundations of the Church remain'd in the Papacy it self, that the Church might not wholly perish. And this Passage was then read to the Lords. Thirdly, These two Learned Witnesses, (as they would be reputed) are quite mistaken in their very Terms. For they report me, as if I said, Not in Fundamentals, but in Circumstantials; whereas these are not Membra opposita, Cont. Fisher, § 3. p. 11. but Fundamentals and Superstructures, which may sway quite beside the Foundation. And this though not the only, yet is a main Failing in the Roman Fabrick; in which many things are built upon unwarrantable Tradition, as is expressed in my Cont. Fisher, p. 377. Book at large, and their many Superstitions named; and that Passage read also to the Lords. For though they differ not in the prime Foundations, Cont. Fisher, § 37. [...]. 6. p. 320. yet they in many things grate close upon them, and in some things fall beside them, to no small Hazard of their own Souls. As for Circumstantials, it seems these Men have forgotten, or never knew, that many times Circumstantials in Religion do quite destroy the Foundation. For Example: The Circumstances are these: Quis? Quid? Vbi? Quibus Auxiliis? Quomodo? Quando?

1. Quid? What a Man believes? And that contains Fundamentals, and in the first place.

2. Vbi? Place, a meer Circumstance; yet to deny that Christ took our Flesh of the B. Virgin, and that in Judaea, denies the Foundation, and is flat Judaism.

3. Quibus Auxiliis, By what Helps a Man believes, and in some measure obeys as he is commanded? For to believe that a Man doth this by the strength of Nature only, and not by Aid and Assistance of Grace, is with the Pelagian to deny the Foundation, and to overthrow the Grace of Christ.

4. Quando? When? That's Time, a meer Circumstance: Yet to deny that Christ is already come in the Flesh, denies the Foundation utterly, and is flat Judaism, and an inseparable Badge of the great Antichrist, 1 John 4. And in the Case of the Resurrection, to say 1 S. Joh. 4. 3. 'tis past already, (which is Time) St. Paul tells us, 2 Tim. 2. is no less 2 Tim. 2. 18. [Page] than the Overthrow of the Faith. And the Rule is general, That some Circumstances Dant Speciem, give the very Kind and Form to a Moral Action.

This for their Ignorance; but for the Malice of their Oath, Aliqua Circumstantia dat speciem Actui morali. Tho. 1. secundae, q. 73. A. 7. ad primum I leave them to God's Mercy. Here Mr. Brown, when he summed up the Evidence against me, fell upon this, and said, that when I gave divers Instances what dangerous Errors Circumstances did sometimes breed in Religion, I gave no Instance in any point of Popery. But to this I Answered, First, That it was not material what Instances I made, so I was able to make some. Secondly, That it was not possible for me, or perhaps a readier Man, to have all Instances so present with his Memory. Thirdly, If an Instance in Popery, rank Popery will serve the turn, you may take it in Transubstantiation: That is either a Fundamental Point, or it is not: If it be not Fundamental, why did the Papist put the Protestant to Death for it? And why did the Protestant suffer Death? If it be Fundamental (as it seems by both sides it was accounted) it is upon the bare Circumstance of Quomodo? How Christ is present in the Sacrament.

As for that which was said in the beginning of this Charge, That Rome is a True Church: I ever did, and ever must grant it, that such it is Veritate Entis, in the Truth of it's Entity and Being. For as I have said against Fisher, Ens & Verum, Being and True are convertible [...] 20. p. 128. one with another. And every thing that hath a Being, is truly that Being which it is in truth of Substance; but a Right or an Orthodox Church I never said it was, either in Doctrine or Manners. As a Thief is a true Man in Verity of his Essence, that is, he is a Creature indued with Reason; but it doth not therefore follow that he is a true Man Veritate Moris, in his Life and Conversation.

And this I answered first to the Lords, and after to Mr. Brown's Summary Charge, who in his last Reply said two things: First, That when I said Rome was a True Church, I spake it generally without this Distinction. But this is quite beyond the Proof; for no Witness says so. Besides, it is manifest by distinction of Fundamentals from other Doctrines, (acknowledged by both the Witnesses) that I did not speak it absolutely, but plain enough to any ordinary Understanding. Secondly, (which I was very sorry to hear from so grave a Man) he added, That there was no Truth of a Church, but in the Verity of Doctrine and Manners; and that in Veritate Entis a Company of Turks were a True Church. Now God be merciful to us, whither are we posting? 'Tis known that the Greek Word [...], which signifies Church, signifies also in Heathen Authors, any kind of Company or Congregation of Men, Turks if you will. But in Ecclesiastical Writers, and among all Christians the Word Church is used only (and so [...] too) for a Company of Men which profess the Faith of Christ, and are Baptized into his Name. And will any Man say that a Company of Turks are such a Church in Veritate Entis, in the Verity of this Being; as all the World knows Papists are? Or if he will not speak de Ente tali, but change the Suppositum, he may say what he please. But I was very much troubled to hear this, and from him.

I had almost forgot that [...]. Par. 2. p. 213. Mr. Nicolas here pressed the Authority of the Homilies upon me [Page] again, where 'tis said, That the Bishop of Rome and their Adherents are not the true Church. But the Answer is easie: For I say as the Homily doth, and as it means too in that place. Namely, that the Church of Rome is not the true, that is, not the Catholick Church, nor the Head thereof. But there is a great deal of difference between the Church, and a Church: The one is the General, the other a Particular. The Church it cannot be; A Church it is, and a true one too, in the Sense before specified. Upon occasion of this Mr. Nicolas his Mouth was open again, and said, That at the beginning I reckon'd up some that I had Converted: But if this were my Opinion, and that if this might stand for good, I might Convert the Devil and all. My Ears had been so beaten with his Language, that I was patient, and left him to insult. And to help on this business, while he was in these loud Expressions, the E. of Pembrook came to Mr. Burton to the Bar, and in my hearing desired him to repeat the Testimony he had given; which Mr. Burton did, and his Lordship seemed to be much pleased with it. Not long before, when the News was come hot to the House, that York was taken; when I came at Five in the Afternoon to make my Answer, I was no sooner come to the Bar, but the same Lord came and sat just before me, and there with much Joy told Mr. Lieutenant the News. I presume he did it in favour to me, because he thought it would put me in very good Heart, being then instantly to begin to make my Answer. God forgive this Lord; for I have deserved in my time far better of him, if he understood himself, or any Man else.

The next Charge was out of Dr. Packlinton's Altare Christianum, V. p. 49, 50. where he speaks (they say, for I now have not his Book) of a Happiness that the Bishops of England can derive their Succession from St. Peter; which in great Scorn Mr. Nicolas called the Archbishop's Pedigree. First, If there be any Crime in this, Dr. Pocklinton is to Answer it, not I. Secondly, He may scorn what he will; but Wise Men know, 'tis a great Honour to the Church of England, and a great Stopple in the Mouths of the Romanists, that her Bishops can derive their Calling successively from St: Peter; especially considering, how much they stand upon personal Succession. Thirdly, Dr. Pocklinton in this says no more for me and the Bishops than Petro successit Linus, Lino [...], &c. Et sic usque ad Anastasium, qui [...] sedet. Et in hoc ordine successionis [...] Donatista Episcopus invenitur. S. Aug. Epist. 165. St. Augustin urged for himself and his Brethren against the Donatists in the same words, save that St. Aug. begins at St. Peter, and descends to his own time; and the Dr. begins at his own time, and ascends to St. Peter.

But it seems an Upstart Clergy without a Calling will serve Mr. Nicolas well enough.

The Sixth Charge was, That Books were written of purpose to maintain VI. these Opinions; and such Men as writ them only preferred. He named Mr. Shelford, Mr. Butterfield, Dr. Cosins and Dr. Pocklinton. This hath been Clamoured upon already; if any have set out unworthy Books, they may be called to account for it: I hope I shall not answer for all the Divines in the Kingdom.

They whom I preferred, were Worthy and Able Men, and it will not be in the Power of Mr. White's Centuries, to Blast a Man of them among [Page] any that know them.

For these that are named, Mr. Shelford I know not; Mr. Butterfield I saw punished in the High-Commission: Neither of them preferred, that I know.

The two last, by whomsoever they were preferred, deserved all the Preferment they had, and more.

The Seventh Charge is out of my Diary at June: 15: 1632. where VII. 'tis said, that I preferred Mr: Secretary Windebank, my old Friend. And here Mr. Nicolas laid all the Correspondency open, which (he said) that Gentleman had with the Popes Agents, with Priests and Jesuits, and when he had made him this way as foul as he could, then I must be guilty of all, for preferring such a Man to the King. This Gentleman was indeed my ancient Friend: In my many Years Acquaintance with him, I saw nothing in him, but Honesty and Worth: If when he was preferred, he deceived my Opinion, he is living to answer for himself. Many, in all Ages have been preferred to Princes, which do not answer the Hopes and Desires of them which prefer them; and yet they not made answerable for them neither: But whether he did fail in any Publick Trust or no, I am not his Judge. Yea; but some Letters were found from his Son Thomas, what Entertainment be had in Foreign parts for his Father's sake. But these Letters were read to the Lords, and there is not one Word in them, that relates to me: And 'tis both likely and fit, the Son of a Secretary of State, should be worthily used in his Travels. Yea; but his Son Christopher was Qui se [...], cum [...]. at Rome, and sent thither to Insinuate himself with the Pope: So Andreas ab Habernfeld writes in the Papers which Sir William Boswell sent over to me. If he did send his Son to that end, then I discovered his Plot, for I caused those Papers to be examined by the King and the Lords, as is before related. Besides, in my Poor Judgment the Pope must be a very simple Man,

(it may be Mr. Nicolas thinks him so, compared with himself)

that a Youth of Seventeen at the most, should insinuate himself to Fish any thing out of him for his Fathers Service. Lastly, he pressed, that my Interest continued with Mr. Secretary in all these Courses of his. 'Tis well known in Court the old Interest did not continue between us; but for old Friendships sake, I will not be drawn to say more. As for his releasing of any Priests, he must give an account of that himself. But for my self, I was so careful in this Particular, that I never put my Hand, though Publick at Council-Table, or Star-Chamber, to any Release in all my time. I might be named as present, when such Release was made (which I could not avoid) but act in any I did not. Nay, I was so careful that I refused to set my Hand to any License to Travel, lest if any Young Man should be perverted abroad in his Travels, any thing might be imputed to me. And this all the Clerks of the Council can Witness.

But I see no Wariness, no Care, can prevent the Envy and the Malice of the Many, and the Mighty.

The Eighth Charge was, my Correspondence with Popish Priests. And VIII. for Proof of this, they produced divers Witnesses.

1. The First Witness was one Wadsworth, one of the Common Messengers used to attach such Persons. He says, that Smith, aliàs Fludd, bragged to him, that he had acquaintance with me. Here's nothing but a Bragging Report of Smith, who what he is I know not. So here's [Page] no Proof. He says, that Four Pound was sent to himself to free him out of Prison, and that Davis told him it came from me. This is but a Hearsay from Davis, as the former was from Smith. But say, my Lords, if I did send him Four Pound to free him out of Prison, doth he not now very thankfully reward me for it? The Truth is, my Lords, I did send him Four Pound: And the Motive that made me send it, was because I heard he was a Convert from Popery to be a Protestant, and that his Imprisonment was as much for that as for any thing else. And this was attested to the Lords, by my Servant Mr. [...], who was one of them that moved me for him.

2. The Second Witness was Francis Newton, another Messenger. He says, that when he had taken Henry Mors a Priest, he should have been carried to a private Committee; that he disliked it, and Complained to Mr. Secretary Cook, who (he says) sent him to me; and that when he came to Lambeth, Mr. Dell told him, I was in my Garden with Sir Toby Matthew. My Servant Mr. Dell being appointed my Solicitor was now present in Court, and denyed all this. And well he might, for Sir Toby was never in my Garden with me in all his Life. And if Mr. Dell told him, that I would not meddle in the Business, (as he says he did) Mr. Dell must give the Account for it, not I. Yet if there were a Reference of this Mors to a private Committee, the hindring of that was more proper to Mr. Secretary, than to me. Howsoever, here was no hurt done. For he confesses that Mors was sent back to Newgate. And if (as he farther says) he was discharged by Mr. Secretary Windebank, that is nothing to me. He says, he was informed by Stukely, that Smith aliàs Fludd, was acquainted with me. But if he were but informed so himself, that's no Proof to inform your Lordships. He says, that Brown a Priest was dismissed out of the High-Commission. Thus it was, He was called in thither, for very foul Uncleanness. In process of this Business, he there openly confessed himself a Priest. Hereupon that Court sent him to Newgate.

What became of him after, I know not, save that I know he was strictly examined by Mr. Pym and others concerning me.

This Newton, upon what Grudge I know not, calls me Rogue, and all to naught, in all Companies; and with so much I acquainted the Lords.

3. The Third Witness was Tho. Mayo, a Messenger also. He says, that Sir Toby Matthew was accounted a Priest when he was in parts beyond the Seas, and that he saw him in Coach with me, and that he went over with me in my Barge. First I gave in Two Exceptions against this Witness. One that he was a Man of no Conscience, for he had shifted his Religion from Protestant to Papist, and back again three or four times: Which was a thing known. The other was, that he kept a Brothel House at this present: And that his Fellow Wadsworth knew this, and called him Pimping Knave, saying, he kept a Brace of Wenches at this time in his House. And these Words he spake of him but the Fifth of this present July, in the Bull Tavern in the Palace-Yard. So I thought him no fit Witness. But he was heard for all this.

And afterwards, Wadsworth meeting my Servant Mr. Snath, he told him, that he did say so to Mayo, and wondred how I should come to hear it.

Being admitted, and saying as he did, I told the Lords, that he began with a very bold Oath, and like a shifter [Page] of his Religion. For I had Four of my Servants there, Three of which usually attended me, when I went and returned from Court, Mr. Dell, Mr. Snath, Mr. Goodwin and Mr. Dobson, and they all attested the contrary; and I never went, but one of these at least was with me. Besides, he is single in this Testimony. He says, that he saw Sir Toby several times in my House. But he confesses withal, that he never saw him near me. For my own part I cannot say, that ever he was within my Doors. But if he, or others of his Quality, do come to pry out any thing in my House, how is it possible for me to hinder it? My Porter could not see it written in their Foreheads, who they were. He says, That one Price was often seen at my House. But he doth not say, he was seen with me, or there with my Knowledge. He says, That one Leander was Reported to have been my Chamber-Fellow in Oxford. First, this is but a Report, and so no Evidence. Secondly, if he were my Chamber-Fellow in Oxford, when we were Boys together, I am sure he was then no Priest, and he was but a Boy when he left the College. He confesses, that I gave Order to observe who, and how many resorted to Embassadours Houses, and Signior Conn's, and says, he thought I could prove it. But I believe he would never have confessed it, but that he knew I could prove it. And thereupon I shewed the Lords many Papers certifying me what Numbers were found resorting to each place respectively. And Thomas Mayo's Hand to many of those Papers. He says, he took one Peter Wilford and brought him to me to Whitehall, while Sir Jo. Lambe was with me. But he confesses withal that Wilford then shewed Mr. Secretary Windebank's Warrant to Discharge him: And then what could I do to him? Nay, I have some Cause to think he would never have apprehended him, had he not known he had that Warrant. Lastly, he says, that once at the Star-Chamber I told him he was too quick and nimble for me. And I hope it is no Treason if I did say so. Nor could I mean he was too quick in apprehending Priests, for I found both him, and his Fellows after Crosse's Death slow enough at that: But if I said so, it was because I could not tell how to trust his Shifting and his Wyliness.

4. The Fourth Witness was Elizabeth Graye, Wife to another Messenger. And this is a very fine Witness. For first, she says, Her Husband was committed by my Means. And then with a Breath she says, She doth not know by whom he was committed, but she thinks by Secretary Windebank and me. But since she doth not know, but think only; I hope her Thinking can be no Evidence. She says, that she delivered me a Petition, and that I flung it away, saying, I would not meddle with any Priest-catching Knave. The Witness single, and I doubt doating, and the Words far from Treason.

5. The Fifth Witness was John Cooke, a Messenger too, and one that for his Misdemeanour had stood in the Pillory. This I urged against him, as unfit to witness against me:

My Witness that saw him in the Pillory, was so threatned, that he sent me word he durst not come.

I may not say from whom this Threatning came. But the thing was so true, that Cooke himself confessed it, but excused the Cause; And his Testimony received. He told how Fisher the Jesuit was taken by Graye: That when he was brought to the Council-Table, [Page] Secretary Cooke and I went to the King to know his Pleasure about him: That we brought back word from his Majesty to the Lords, that he should be Banished. All this while here's no hurt done. Then he says, that notwithstanding this Order of his Majesty, Graye and he met Fisher at Liberty, by a Warrant from Secretary Windebank: That hereupon Graye repaired to Secretary Cooke, and to me, and that Dell told him I would not meddle with it. My Secretary must answer this, I remember it not. But if Mr. Dell received any such Answer from me, that I would not meddle with it; there were two apparent Reasons for it. One, that I would not meddle with it alone, his Majesty's Order being to all the Lords. The other, that Fisher was the Man I had written against, and Men would have been apt to say, that when I could not answer, I sought means to destroy: So I no way fit (alone at least) to meddle with him of all Men. He says, that Graye was committed to the Fleet, for Railing on me in my own House. Yet he confesses, that he was not committed by me. And I presume your Lordships will think there was Cause of his Commitment, if he did Rail upon me. And 'tis confessed by Mr. Pryn The Pop. Roy. Favourit. p. 31. (though he had then received no Answer from my self) that he said he saw now how the Game went, and hoped e're long to see better Days, &c. He says, that Smith, alias Fludd, desired Sir Kenelm Digbye, as he was going to Lambeth, to tell me that he could not Dine with me that Day, but desired his Business might be remembred. No such Man ever Dined at my Table, to my knowledge. And if any Priest would say so to Sir Kenelm, how could I possibly hinder it? And Sir Kenelm, when this Cooke was Examined, was a Prisoner in Winchester-House; why was not he Examined to sift out this Truth? If Truth be in it.

6. The Sixth Witness was John Thresher, a Messenger too: He says, that he took Mors and Goodwin, two Priests; and that Secretary Windebank took away his Warrant, and dismissed them, saying, he would speak with me about it. And that when he came to me, I was angry with him about the Warrant. Mr. Secretary Windebank will, I hope, be able to answer for his own Actions. Why he dismiss'd the Priests I know not; But he had great Reason to take away his Warrant: And I a greater Reason to be angry with him for it. For no Warrant can issue from the High-Commission Court, but under three of their Hands at least. Now Thresher having gotten my Hand to the Warrant, never goes for more Hands, but proceeds in his Office, upon this unwarrantable Warrant. Had not I Reason to be offended at this? He says, that at the same time I said that Graye was an ill-tongued Fellow, and that if he kept him Company, I should not regard him. I had good Cause to say this and more, considering how Graye had us'd me. And I believe no Arch-Bishop would have born his Words. Lastly, he says, that by a Warrant from me he Arrested Sir Toby Matthewe, and that the Earl of Strafford stayed him from going to Prison, saying, he should answer it before the Lords. Here by the Witness himself it appears that I did my Duty. And Sir Toby did appear before the Lords, as was assured. assumed he should. In the mean time, I was complained of to the Queen: And a great Lady (who perhaps made the Complaint) stood by, and made her self Merry to hear me chid: [Page] The Queen was pleased to send to the Lords, and Sir Toby was released. Where my Fault was in all this, I do not yet see.

7. The last of these famous Witnesses was Goldsmith. Who says nothing, but that one Day before the High-Commission Court began, I forewarned the Messengers of that Court of Graye, in regard he was openly spoken against at the Council-Table. Which, all things considered, I had great Reason to do. He says likewise, that then Graye's Wife tender'd me a Petition, which I rejected, saying, I would meddle with no Priest-catching Knaves. I think his Carriage deserv'd no better of me, than to reject his Petition: But as for the Words I cannot own them; let the Goldsmith look to it that he have not Forged them. And I Frigidc dictum. W. S. A. C. would very willingly know whether when the Apostle required, that an Accusation should not be received against an Elder, but under two or three Witnesses, 1 Tim. 5. he had any meaning they should be such 1 Tim. 5: 19: as these?

The Ninth Charge was about the ordering of Popish Books that were IX. seized, and the disposing of them. The sole Witness here is John Egerton. He says, These Books were delivered to Mr. Mattershead, Register to the High-Commission. And I say so too; it was the constant Course of the High-Commission, to send them thither, and have them kept in that Office, till there was a sufficient number of them, and then to burn them. Yea, but he adds, that Mattershead told him they were re-delivered to the Owners: This is but a Report, and Mattershead is dead, who should make it good.

And though this be but a single Witness, and of a dead Man's Report; yet Mr. Browne thought fit to Summ it up with the rest. But surely if any Books were redelivered to the Owners; it was so ordered by the High-Commission, in regard the Books were not found dangerous: From me, Mattershead had never any such Command.

Lastly, he says, he met Sir Toby Matthew twice at Lambeth. But he confesses, he never saw him with me; and then me it cannot concern.

The Tenth Charge was concerning the Priests in Newgate; the X. Witnesses are Mr. Deuxel, and Francis Newton. They both agree, and they say, that the Priests there had the best Chambers, and Liberty to go abroad without Keepers. I hope these Men do not mean to make the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury Keeper of Newgate. If any Man gave them this Liberty, he is to be blamed for it, not I, who never knew it till now. Nor do either of these Witnesses say, that they called on me for remedy, or ever did so much as acquaint me with it. And they say this was Twelve Years since; and I had been Arch-Bishop but Seven Years when I was Committed.

The Eleventh Charge was about words in my Epistle Dedicatory before XI. my Book against Mr. Fisher. The Words these, For, to my remembrance, I have not given him, or his, so much as course Language. So the Charge is because I have not given ill Words. And here Mr. Nicolas fell foul upon me again for taking such care, that the Whore of Babylon may have nothing but good Words, &c. But First, my Lords, I have always thought, and do still, that ill Language is no Proof against an Adversary: All the good it can do is, it may bring Scorn upon the Author, and work hardness of Heart in the Adversary, whom he doth, or should labour to Convert. And this I [Page] learned of two eminent Fathers in the Church, Non [...] docemus, nec Adversarios [...] incessimus, [...] plerique faciunt, &c. Greg. Naz. Orat. 32. Gregory Nazienzen, Abstineamus nos à conviciis, ne tempus [...] impendamus, &c. Aug. Epist. 177. and S. Augustin. The First would not use it, no not against the Arrians, who (as he saith) made open War against the Deity of Christ. Nor would the other against the same Adversaries. The one accounts it Ignorance, though a Fashion taken up by many; and the other loss of time. And here I desired the Lords, that I might read what immediately followed this Passage, which was granted: And there, as their Lordships did, so may the Reader see, if he please, that though my Words were not uncivil, yet in the Matter I favoured neither him, nor his. And to avoid Tediousness, thither I refer the Reader. With this, that sometimes Men apt enough to accuse me, can plead for this Moderation in their own Cases, and tell each other that In the Antiquaeries to Mr. Pryn. p. 12. Christ will not own bitterness in maintaining any way, though consonant to his Word. And Sid. Simpson's Anatomist, p. 2. & 6. another finds just Fault both with Papists, and Martin Marr-Prelat, for this reproachful Language. And yet it must be a Crime in me not to use it.

The Last Charge was the Commitment of one Ann Hussy to the XII. Sheriff of London. The Business was this. She sent one Philip Bambridge to tell me of I know not what Plot against the King (nor I think she neither.) Bambridge came to White-Hall toward the Evening, and could make nothing of this dangerous Plot. Yet because it pretended so high, I sent him presently to Mr: Secretary Windebank; I being the next Morning to go out of Town. The Business was called to the Council-Table. When I came back, I was present there. Bambridge produced Ann Hussy, but she could make nothing appear. She says, I thought she was out of her Wits. Not so, my Lords; but I did not think she was well in them; nor do I yet. And whereas she complains of her Imprisonment, it was her own desire she might be committed to the Sheriff; and Mr. Hearn (my Councel here present) was assigned by the Lords to take her Examination. Therefore if any Particular in this Charge stick with your Lordships, I humbly desire Mr. Hearn may supply my want of Memory. But it passed over, as well it might. Here this Day ended, and I was ordered to attend again, July 29.

CAP. XLII. The Twentieth, and the Last Day of my Hearing.

[Page]

THis Day I appeared again, and they proceeded upon the Fourteenth Julii 29. 1644. Munday. Original Article, which Follows in these Words. Die Vicesimo.

Art. 14. That to preserve himself from being questioned for these, and other his Traiterous Courses; he hath laboured to subvert the Rights of Parliaments, and the ancient Course of Parliamentary Proceedings, and by false and malicious Slanders to incense his Majesty against Parliaments. By which Words, Councels and Actions, he hath Traiterously, and contrary to his Allegiance, laboured to alienate the Hearts of the King's Liege People from his Majesty, to set a Division between them, and to ruine and destroy his Majesty's Kingdoms. For which they do Impeach him of High-Treason against our Soveraign Lord the King, his Crown and Dignity.

The First Charge of this Day was Prefaced with a Note out I. of my Diary, at May 8. 1626. That the Duke of Buckingham was that Day impeached to the Lords by the House of Commons. And at May 25. The difference arising in the House of Peers about the Earl of Arundel's Commitment to the Tower without a Cause declared. No use made of these, but that I then Bishop of S. Davids took notice of these things. See Heylin's Life of Arch-Bishop Laud, p. 152. Then the Charge followed; and the First of it was, That I then being of the Lords House, and so to be one of the Duke's Judges, made a Speech for him, and Corrected his Speech in some particulars; and of a Judge made my self an Advocate. Which Mr. Nicolas said was a great Offence. I saw not these Papers, and therefore can say nothing, what is, or is not under my Hand. But to the thing it self, I say first, that if in that Speech any particular Fault had been found, impeaching any Right or Power of Parliament, that I must have answered; but none is charged, but only the bare making of one Speech, and the mending of another. And this is a very poor Argument of any Enmity against Parliaments. Secondly, seeing no Fault is charged upon me in particular, it was but the Office of a poor Friend, to a great one, to whom being so much bound as I was, I could not refuse so much Service, being intreated to it. And Thirdly, I do humbly conceive, that so long as there was nothing done against Law, any Friend may privately assist another in his Difficulties. And I am perswaded, many Friends in either House, do what they justly may, when such sad Occasions happen.

And this Answer I gave to Mr. Brown, when he Summed up my Charge in the House of Commons.

But Mr. Brown did not begin with this, but with another, here omitted by Mr. Nicolas; though he had pressed it before in the [Page] Fifteenth day of my Hearing, Dr. Potter writ unto me for my advice in some Passages of a Book writ by him, (as I remember against a Book Intituled Charity mistaken.) I did not think it fit to amend any thing with my own Pen; but put some few things back to his Second Thoughts, of which this was one, That if he express himself so, he will give as much Power to the Parliament in Matters of Doctrine, as to the Church. This, Mr. Brown said, took away all Authority from Parliaments, in that kind. But, under Favour, this takes away nor all, nor any that is due unto them. Not all, for my Words are about giving so much Power: Now he that would not have so much given to the one, as the other, doth not take away all from either. Not any that is due to them: For my Words not medling simply with Parliamentary Power (as appears by the Comparative Words so much) my Intention must needs be to have Dr. Potter so to consider of his Words, as that, that which is proper to the Church, might not be ascribed to Parliaments. And this I conceive is plain in the very Letter of the Law. The Words of the 1 Eliz. c. 1: Statute are, Or such as shall hereafter be Ordered, Judged, or determined to be Heresy, by the High Court of Parliament in this Realm, with the Assent of the Clergy in their Convocation. Where 'tis manifest, that the Judging and Determining Part, for the Truth or Falshood of the Doctrin, is in the Church. For the Assent of the Church or Clergy cannot be given but in Convocation, and so the Law requires it. Now Assent in Convocation cannot be given, but there must preceed a Debate, a Judging, a Voting, and a Determining. Therefore the Determining Power for the Truth or Falshood of the Doctrine, Heresie, or no Heresie, is in the Church: But the Judging and determining Power for binding to Obedience, and for Punishment, is in the Parliament, with this Assent of the Clergy. Therefore I humbly conceive, the Parliament cannot by Law, that is, till this Law be first altered, Determine the Truth of Doctrine without this Assent of the Church in Convocation. And that such a Synod and Convocation as is Chosen and Assembled as the Laws and Customs of this Realm require.

To this Mr. Brown, in his Reply upon me in the House of Commons, said Two Things. The one, that this Branch of the Statute of one Eliz. was for Heresie only, and the Adjudging of that; but medled not with the Parliaments Power in other matters of Religion. If it be for Heresie only, that the Church alone shall not so Determine Heresie, as to bring those grievous Punishments which the Law lays upon it, upon the Neck of any Subject, without Determination in Parliament; then is the Church in Convocation left free also in other matters of Religion, according to the First Clause in Magna Charta, which establishes the Church in all her Rights. And her main and constant Right, when that Charter was made and confirmed, was Power of Determining in matters of Doctrine and Discipline of the Church. And this Right of the Clergy is not bounded or limited by any Law, but this Clause of 1. Eliz. that ever I heard of.

The other was, that if this were so, that the Parliament might not meddle with Religion, but with the Assent of the Clergy in Convocation, [Page] we should have had no Reformation. For the Bishops and the Clergy dissented. First, it is not (as I conceive) to be denyed, that the King and his High Court of Parliament may make any Law what they please, and by their Absolute Power may change Religion, Christianity into Turcism if they please (which God forbid.) And the Subjects, whose Consciences cannot obey, must flye or indure the Penalty of the Law. But both King and Parliament, are sub graviori Regno, and must Answer God for all such abuse of Power. But beside this Absolute, there is a Limited Power, Limited, I say, by Natural Justice and Equity, by which, no Man, no Court, can do Id possumus quod Jure possumus. more, than what he can by Right. And according to this Power, the Church's Interest must be considered, and that indifferently, as well as the Parliaments. To apply this to the Particular of the Reformation. The Parliament in the beginning of Queen Elizabeth would not indure Popish Superstition, and by Absolute Power Abolished it, By the Advice of her Honourable Council. Prefat. to the Injunctions. without any Assent of the Clergy in Convocation. And then in her first Year, An. 1559. She had a Visitation, and set out her Injunctions, to direct and order such of the Clergy as could conform their Judgments to the Reformation.

But then so soon as the Clergy was settled, and that a Form of Doctrine was to be agreed upon, to shew the difference from the Roman Superstition, a Synod was called, and in the Year 1562. the Articles of Religion were agreed upon, and they were determined and confirmed by Parliament, with the Assent of the Clergy in Convocation; and that by a just and orderly Power. Nor is the Absolute Power of King and Parliament any way unjust in it self, but may many ways be made such, by Misinformation, or otherwise. And this gives the King and the Parliament their full Power, and yet preserves this Church in her just Right. Just and acknowledged by some that loved her not over well. For the Discourse, Sect. 1. c 9. p. 51. Lord Brook tells us, That what a Church will take for true Doctrine, lies only in that Church. Nay, the very Heathen saw clearly the Justice of this: For Religionis Judices Pontifices sunt Legis Senatut. Cic. L. 4. Epist. ad Att. Ep. 2. M. Lucullus was able to say in Tully, That the Priests were Judges of Religion, and the Senate of Law.

The Second Proof is, That I made two Speeches for the King, to be spoken or sent to the Parliament that then was; and that they had some sour and ill Passages in them.

These Speeches were read to the Lords; II. and had I now the Copies, I would insert them here, and make the World Judge of them. First, I might shuffle here, and deny the See the Diary, at March 26, 29. May 11. Anno 1626. H. W. making of them:

For no Proof is offer'd, but that they are in my Hand; and that is no necessary Proof: For I had then many Papers by me written in my own Hand, which were not my making, though I transcribed them, as not thinking it fit to trust them in other Hands. But, Secondly, I did make them, and I followed the Instructions which were given me as close as I could to the very Phrases; and being commanded to the Service, I hope it shall not now be made my Crime that I was trusted by my Soveraign. Thirdly, As I did never endeavour to imbitter the King this way; so the smart Passages which Mr. Nicolas says are there, I hope will not be thought such, when 'tis consider'd whose Mouth was to utter them, [Page] and upon what occasion: Yet if such they shall be thought, I am heartily sorry for them, and humbly desire they may be pass'd by: However, they can make no Proof that I am an Enemy to Parliaments.

And this Answer I gave Mr. Brown in the House of Commons, for he there omitted it not.

The Third Proof that I am an Enemy to Parliaments, is the Testimony III. of one Mr. Bland. A forward Witness he hath been against me in other Particulars. Here he says, That Sir Sackvil Crowe shewed him a Paper, in which were fifteen or sixteen Passages concerning Parliaments, with some sour Aspersions to boot; and that this Paper was Subscribed W. Laud. First, my Lords, This Man is but a single Witness. Secondly, he says, he had this Paper from Sir Sackvil Crowe; and he is now in Turkey, and cannot be produced, that the Truth may be known. Thirdly, As I never gave Sir Sackvil any such Paper, so had he come by any such, 'tis more than probable some body else might have seen it beside Mr. Bland, to make a second Witness. Fourthly, This is a very bold Oath; for he Swears, The Paper was Subscribed with my own Hand, W. Laud: Whereas I being then Bishop of S. Davids, never writ my Name to any thing other than Guil. Meneven. Let him bethink himself of this Oath, Ne quid gravius dicam. Besides, it may be considered too, that this, with some Particulars mentioned by Mr. Bland, was charged in the First Additional Article, and now brought in upon the Fourteenth Original; partly to confound me, that I might not see how, or against what to defend my self; and partly to make me secure, because they had quite passed over the first Additional. But especially, Artic. 1. Additional. because they had therein charged me, that these Propositions of mine had caused that Parliament to be Dissolved: And yet in the same Article, and within three Lines, 'tis said expresly, that my Propositions were deliver'd to my [...]. Duke of Buckingham after that Parliament was Dissolved.

So this Article hangs as well together as Mr. Bland's Testimony concerning it. Mr. Brown pressed this also hand against me; but I answered according to the Summ of that which is abovewritten.

And as for the Particular said to be in that Paper, (were it mine, as it is not) or were the Words thought Treasonable, (as well they cannot be) yet the Statute of Queen Mary makes it, that no 1 Maria, c 1. § 3. Words, nor Writings, nor Cipherings, nor Deeds, shall be Treason, but only such as are within the Statute of 25 Edw. 3. and no other. And this Statute I then read to the Lords, though I conceive there was no need of it.

The Fourth Proof was out of my Diary, at June 15. 1626. The IV. Words these: Post multas agitationes privata Malitia in Ducem Buckinhamiae superavit & suffocavit omnia publica negotia; nihil actum est, sed Parliamentum solutum. And this was applied first by Mr. Nicolas, and after by Mr. Brown, as if I had charged this private Malice upon the Parliament. But this is utterly mistaken:

For I spake not this of the Parliament, but of some few particular Men, some of the House, Men well enough known to the World;

and more, not of the House, but Sticklers at large, who went between, and did very ill Offices, and so wronged both the King and the Parliament; which is no new thing in England. That my Words there cannot be meant of the Parliament, is two ways apparent. First, in that I say, Privata Malitia. [Page] Private Malice did it; but name not the Parliament, nor charge any thing upon it. Secondly, Because had I spoken this of the Parliament, it could not have been called Private, but Publick Malice; nothing being more publick in this Kingdom, than what is done in and by the Parliament.

The Fifth Proof was, That a Proclamation for calling in of the Remonstrance V. was found in my Study: And Mr. Nicolas said, they conceived I had a Hand in it. It was as lawful for me to have and keep this Proclamation, as for any other Subject. And their Conceit that I had a Hand in it, is no Proof. Mr. Nicolas says, That my Preferments followed very quick upon this; and infers, that I was preferred for my ill Services in this kind. But all the Proof that he brings for this his uncharitable Inference, is the comparing of the Times; and I shall be content to be tried by that. For by his own acknowledgment this Proclamation came out June 16. 1622. I being then Bishop of S. Davids: And he confesses I was not made Bishop of Bath and Wells till June 20. 1626. full Four Years after; nor a Privy-Counsellor till April 29. 1627. which was Five Years after. Whereas Rewards for such Services are found to come much quicker.

And Mr. Brown, when he made his Summary Charge, slighted this, and passed it over.

The Sixth Proof of my Enmity to Parliaments, was a Paper of VI. Reasons, Mr. Nicolas said, against Parliaments. But First, when this Paper was shewed and read to the Lords, it was found otherwise, and was but a Paper of Hopes and Fears, which were conceived of a Parliament: Not Reasons against them. Secondly, these Fears and Hopes, were not of a Parliament then in being, but of one in deliberation, whether it should be or not at that time; which all Men know is often disputed, and without offence. And any considering Man may privately do it, for his own use and tryal of his Judgment. Thirdly, in this deliberation, I was not the Author of these Fears and Hopes, but an Amanuensis to higher Powers, in regard their Hands were slower; though Commanded also to set down my own Opinion, which I did. Fourthly, I was then either a Counsellor, or a Sworn Servant to the King, and required upon my Oath, to deliver truly, both my Fears and my Hopes; and I durst not Perjure my self. And I hope the keeping of my Oath, and doing my Duty in that kind, shall not now prejudice my Life. Fifthly, these Fears and Hopes what-ever they contain, did relate to the being or not being of that one Parliament only, as appears in the very Paper it self; and the Hopes prevailed, and that Parliament sate.

And this Answer I gave to Mr. Brown, who made all the use of this Paper that could be against me.

Here Mr. Nicolas brings in Mr. Bland again, who says, that the four last Heads in this Paper, were in that Paper also which was shewed him. This single Witness hath an Excellent Memory, that can remember four Heads of a Paper punctually Sixteen Years ago. I asked why he did not complain of me then, when his Memory was fresher, and his Witness Sir Sackvill Crowe nearer? 'Twas replyed, He durst not for my Greatness. Why, but he knows well enough, that Parliaments, when they have a just Cause of Proceeding, do neither fear nor spare [Page] any Man's Greatness. And is it probable, that they which spared not the Duke of Buckingham's Greatness, would have feared mine, being then a poor Bishop of Bath and Wells? And a Parliament was held again in the very next Year, 1627. So that he wanted not opportunity to complain. Nor can I believe any Opinion of my supposed Greatness stopped him. Let him look into himself.

Then Mr. Nicolas told the Lords with great vehemency, what Venom there was in this Paper, which he said was in every Particular. A right Spider I see now he is, Venom out of any thing.

Here is a void space left, I suppose with design to have the Paper (here mentioned) to be inserted. Which was not done.

The Seventh Proof was out of my Diary at March, 1628. Where VII. the words are, that the Parliament which was dissolved March 10: 1628. sought my Ruin.

This had been a better Argument to prove Parliaments an Enemy to me, than me to them.

But nothing can be meant by this, but that my Ruin was sought in that Parliament by some particular Men, whose Edge was too keen against me. And this appears in my Diary at June 14. preceeding; at which time I was put into a Remonstrance, which had I been found any way guilty, must needs have ruin'd me. But by God's Blessing, the very same day I did clearly acquit my self in open Parliament, of all the Aspersions cast upon me about Dr. Manwaring's Sermons.

This Particular Mr. Brown charged upon me, and I Answer'd as before. But Mr. Nicolas did not touch upon it this day.

The Eighth Proof, that I was an Enemy to Parliaments, was VIII. taken from some Marginal Notes, which I had made upon a printed Speech of Sir Benjamin Rudyards, which he spake in the Parliament held An. 1627. Mr. Nicolas named Four; but Mr. Brown in Summing up my Charge, insisted only upon Two. The Word Reducing: And the Aim of Gaining from the King. Sir Benjamin Rudyard is my old Acquaintance, and a very worthy Member of that House, both now and then. But be a Man never so Worthy, may he not use some Phrase amiss? Or if he do, may not I or another observe, yea check at it, but by and by I must be an Enemy to Parliaments? Is there any Argument in this, I said a Gentleman in the House of Commons used an ill Phrase in a Speech of his in that House, therefore I am an Enemy to the Parliament in which he spake it? Say I am mistaken, and not he, and that the Phrase is without Exception; yet this is but my Error in Judgment, no Proof of Enmity, either to the Parliament, or him that spake it. That which I said was this. First, that the word Reducing, as there placed, was a hard Phrase. Let any Man view that Speech considerately, and tell me whether it be not so: Secondly, that I disliked the word Gaining, being between the King and his People in Parliament. For (as I humbly conceive) there will always be work enough for both to joyn for the Publick Good; and well it can never be, if they which should so joyn, do labour only to gain one from another. For if the King shall labour to gain upon the Liberty or Property of the Subject; or the Subjects in Parliament, labour to gain from the just Power and Prerogative of the King, can any [Page] Prudent Man think the Publick can thrive there-while? Yea, but they say, that my Marginal Note upon this Phrase was, that this Gaining was the Aim of the lower House. If my Note be so, yet that cannot be otherwise understood, than that according to this Expression, this must be their Aim.

And the Reason why I found fault with the Phrase was, because I saw this must follow out of it. So, under Favour,

I was not so bold with this Gentleman, as he was with the House in using this Speech.

The next Proof was, that I found fault with Eight Bills that were then IX. in the House. This is a very poor Proof of my Enmity to Parliaments, that I disliked some Bills proposed in them: Though there be no Proof of this urged at all, save only, that I writ the time May 27. 1628. upon the Paper where the Bills were mentioned. And I hope to mention the time when any Bills were proposed, is not to dislike the Bills. But say I did dislike them, what then? It is lawful for any Member of the House (and such was I then) to take Exceptions which he thinks are just against any Bill, before it pass. And shall not that which is Lawful for any Man to do, be Lawful for me? Beside, almost all Bills are put in by private Persons. The House is not interessed in them, till they are Passed and Voted by them: So that till then, any Man may spend his Judgment upon the Bill, without any wrong at all to the Parliament.

Mr. Brown saw this well enough, and therefore vouchsafed not so much as to name it.

The Tenth Proof was, that I made an Answer to the Remonstrance X. set out by Parliament, An. 1628. This was pressed before, and here 'tis laid hold of on all Hands; to make as full a Cry as it can against me.

Mr. Nicolas presses it here aloud (as he doth all things) and Mr. Brown lays it close in Summing up the Charge.

My Answer the same to both. First, they charge me, that I made 1: that Answer to the Remonstrance which came forth, An. 1628. I did this by the King's Command, and upon such Instructions as were given me. And as I obeyed the Command, so did I closely pursue my Instructions. And I durst do no other, for I was then upon my Oath as a Sworn Counsellor, and so employed in that Service. And I hope no Man will conceive, that I would without such a Command have undertaken such a kind of Service. Yea, but they 2. say, it doth not appear that I had any such Command: Yes, that appears as plainly as that I made it. For they bring no Proof that I made it, but because the Indorsement upon that Paper is in my Hand, and calls it my Answer: And the same Indorsement says, I made it by his Majesty's Command. So either the Indorsement is no sufficient Proof for the one, or if it be, 'tis sufficient for both; And must needs witness the one for me, with the same strength that it doth the other against me. For a kind of Confession that Indorsement is, and must therefore not be broken, but be taken with all its Qualities. Thirdly, 3. they say, there are some sour and bitter Passages in the Answer. 'Tis more than I perceived, if it be so. Nor was any Sourness intended. And I hope no such Passages found in it, the Person considered, in whose Name the Answer was made. The Expressions indeed might have been too big for a Subject's Mouth. Fourthly, they 4: say, I was displeased that this Answer was not Printed; but all the Proof [Page] they brought for it is, that it is written upon the Paper, that there was an Intention to Print it, but that I know not what hinder'd it.

But this Argument can never conclude: John a Nokes knows not who hindred the Printing of a Jewish Catechism in England; therefore he was displeased the Catechism was not Printed. But I see every Foot can help trample him that is down.

Yea, but they Instanced in three Particulars, which they charged severally upon me. The first Particular 1. was, That by this Remonstrance, they sought to fill our Peoples Hearts more than our Ears. A second was, that they swelled to that bigness, 2. till they brake themselves. But neither of these strike at any Right or Priviledge of Parliaments; they only Tax some Abuses, which were conceived to be in the Miscarriage of that one Parliament. And both these Particulars were in my Instructions. And though I have ever Honoured Parliaments, and ever shall, yet I cannot think them Infallible. General Councils have greater Promises than they, yet they may Err.

And when a Parliament, by what ill Accident so-ever, comes to Err, may not their King tell them of it? Or must every Passage in his Answer be sour, that pleases not?

And for that Remonstrance, whither it tended let the World judge, the Office is too dangerous for me. The third Particular, was the Excusing 3. of Ireland, and the growth of Popery there, of which that Remonstrance, An. 1628. complained. This was in the Instructions too. And I had Reason to think, the King and his Council understood the State of Ireland, for Religion and other Affairs, as well as other Men. And I was the more easily led into the belief, that Religion was much at one State in Ireland, in Queen Elizabeth's and King James his time, and now; because ever since I understood any thing of those Irish Affairs, I still heard the same Complaints that were now made. For in all these times they had their Romish Hierarchy: Submitted to their Government: Payed them Tythes: Came not to the Protestant Churches: And Rebelled under Tyrone under pretence of Religion. And I do not conceive they have gone beyond this now.

If they have, let them Answer it, who have occasioned it.

But to prove this great new growth of Popery there, they produced, first a Proclamation from the State in Ireland, dated April 1. 1629. Then a Letter of the Bishop of Kilmore's to my self, dated April 1. 1630. Thirdly, a Complaint made to the State there, An. 1633. of this growth, so that I could not but know it. Most true, when these Informations came I could not but know it: But look upon their Date, and you shall find that all of them came after this Answer was made to the Remonstrance, and therefore could not possibly be foreseen by me, without the Gift of Prophesie. Then they produced a Letter of the Earl of Straffords, in which he Communicated to me, Mar. 1633. that to mould the Lower House there, and to rule them the better, he had got them to be chosen of an equal number of Protestants and Papists.

And here Mr. Maynard, who pressed this point of Religion hard upon me, began to fall foul upon this Policy of the Earl of Strafford, and himself yet brake off with this, But he is gone.

Then he fell upon me as a Man likely to approve those ways, because he desired the Letter might be communicated to me. This Letter was not written to me, as appears by the Charge it self: For if it had, no Man else [Page] needed to communicate it to me. And I would fain know, how I could help any of this? If that Lord would write any thing to me himself, or communicate any thing to another that should acquaint me with it, was it in my power to hinder either of these? And there were other Passages in this Letter, for which, I conceive, his Lordship desired the Communication of that Letter to me, much more than the Particular urged, which could no way relate unto me.

And Mr. Brown in his Summ said very little, if any thing, to this Business of Ireland.

After this Mr. Nicolas, who would have nothing forgotten, that XI. might help to multiply Clamour against me, fell upon five Particulars, which he did but name, and left the Lords to their Notes. Four of these Five were handled before. As First, the words, If the Parliament prove peevish. Secondly, that the King might use his own Power. Thirdly, the violation of the Petition of Right. Fourthly, the Canons. Fifthly, that I set Spyes about the Election of Parliament-Men in Glocester-shire; and for this last, they produced a Letter of one Allibon to Dr. Heylin. To the four first, I referred the Lords to their Notes of my Answers, as they did. To this last, that Mr. Allibon is a meer Stranger to me, I know not the Man. And 'tis not likely I should employ a Stranger in such a Business. The Letter was sent to Dr. Heylin, and if there were any discovery in it of Juglings there in those Elections, (as too often there are;) and if Dr. Heylin sent me those Letters, as desirous I should see what Practices are abroad; what fault is there in him or me for this?

Then Mr. Nicolas would not omit that which he thought XII. might disgrace and discontent me, though it could no way be drawn to be any Accusation: 'Twas out of my Diary, at Oct: 27. 1640. this Parliament being then ready to begin. The Passage there is, That going into my upper Study to send away some Manuscripts to Oxford, I found my Picture which hung there privately, fallen down upon the Face, and lying on the Floor; I am almost every day threatned with my Ruin, God grant this be no Omen of it. The Accident is true; and having so many Libels causelesly thrown out against me; and hearing so many ways as I did, that my Ruin was Plotted, I had Reason to apprehend it. But I apprehended it without Passion, and with looking up to God, that it might not be Ominous to me.

What is this Man Angry at? Or why is this produced?

But though I cannot tell why this was produced, yet the next XIII. was urged only to Incense your Lordships against me: 'Tis in my Diary again, at Feb. 11. 1640. Where Mr. Nicolas says confidently I did Abuse your Lordships, and Accuse you of Injustice. My Lords, what I said in my Diary appears not; if it did appear whole and altogether, I doubt not but it alone would abundantly satisfie your Lordships. But that Passage is more than half burnt out (as is It was viewed. to be seen) whether of purpose by Mr. Pryn, or casually, I cannot tell; yet the Passage as confidently made up, and read to your Lordships, as if nothing were wanting. For the thing it self, the close of my words is this: So I see what Justice I may expect, since here's a Resolution taken, not only before my Answer, but before my Charge is brought up against me. Which Words can traduce no Man's Justice. First, because they depend upon an If: If the Parliament-Man there mentioned [Page] told me Truth, that such a Resolution was taken. And Secondly, because it can be no Justice in any Men, be the Sentence never so moderate in it self, to take up a Resolution what Sentence shall pass, before Answer given, or Charge put in: For else a Man may be punished first, and tryed after, which is contrary Potentia sequi debet Justitiam, non praeire, Aug. L. 13. de Trin, c. 13. to all Rules of Justice. And therefore if such a Resolution were taken (as I believe not) I might well say that which followed after.

Then was produced a Paper concerning the Subsidies or Aids XIV. which had been given in divers Parliaments, in which it is said, at the beginning of it, that Magna Charta had an obscure Birth, and was Fostered by an Ill Nurse.

I believe that no Man that knows Mr. Nicolas, thinks that he spakes softly upon this.

No, he spake loud enough; What Laws would I spare, that spake thus of Magna Charta? First, here is no Proof offered that this Paper is my Collection, but only that it is in my Hand: By which Argument (as is said before) I may be made the Author of any thing: And so may any Scholar that is able and willing to inform himself. Secondly, the main Draught of that Paper is not in my Hand, though some Notes upon it be. Thirdly, there are Littleton, and other Lawyers quoted in that Paper, Authors which I never read. Nor is this now any disgrace to Magna Charta, that it had an obscure Birth: For say the Difficulties of the times brought it obscurely forth; that's no blemish to the Credit and Honour to which it hath for many Ages attained. Not only their Laws, but the greatest Empires that have been in the World, some of them have had obscure beginnings. Witness the Roman Empire. Fourthly, what if our Stories agree upon it, that it had an obscure Birth, and a worse Nurse? What if some Law Books (which Mr. Nicolas never read) and those of good account, use almost the same Words of Magna Charta, which are in that Paper? Shall the same Words be History and Law in them, and Treason in me? And somewhat Here is a void space left in the Margin, with design (I suppose) to insert therein some Passages out of Law-Books concerning the obscure Birth of Margna Charta: Which space was not filled up. H: certainly there is in it,

that Mr. Brown, when he gave his Summary Charge against me, First to the Lords, and after in the House of Commons, quite omitted this Particular. Sure I believe he found nothing was in the Paper, but known Truth, and so passed it over, else he would never have denyed a Vindicaton to Magna Charta.

After all this Mr. Nicolas concludes with a Dream, which he XV. says was mine. The Dream (he says) was, that I should come to greater Preferment in the Church, and Power in the State, than any Man of my Birth and Calling had done before me, but that in the end I should be Hanged. First, my Lords, if I had had any such Dream, 'tis no Proof of any thing against me. Dreams are not in the Power of him that hath them, but in the unruliness of the Phansie, which in broken sleeps Num. 11. wanders which way it pleases, and shapes what it pleaseth. But this Dream is brought in as the Fall of my Picture was, to make me a Scorn to your Lordships and the People. And to try whether any [Page] thing will yet at last break my Patience. This Dream is Reported here according to Mr. Pryn's Edition of my Diary, somewhat different from that which Mr. Pryn Printed in a former Book of his; but the beginning and the end agree. From Mr. Pryn, Culmer hath taken and Printed it. And Mr. Pryn confessed before the Lords, that one Mr. Badger an Attorney at Law, a Kinsman of mine, told it him. The Truth, my Lords, is this. This Badger Married a near Kinswoman of mine; he was a notorious Separatist, and so nearer in Affection to Mr. Pryn, than to me in Alliance. This Man came one day to me to Lambeth, and told me privately (which was more Manners than usually the Bold Man had) that he heard I had such a Dream when I was Young, in Oxford: I protested to him there was no such thing, and that some Malicious Fellow or other had set him on work to come and Abuse me to my Face. He seemed satisfied; but going to Visit Mr. Pryn then in the Tower, he told it him; and Mr. Pryn, without further Proof, Prints it in the next Book he set out. When I saw it in Print, and found that some in Court took notice of it, I resolved to acquaint his Majesty how I was used; and meeting with the Earl of Pembroke, then Lord Chamberlain, and my great Friend as he pretended (the King being not then come forth of his Chamber) I told his Lordship how I was used; and when the King came forth I told it him also. But the Earl of Pembroke, then present in the House, and called up by them for a Witness, forgetting the Circumstances, but remembring the thing, took it upon his Honour, that I said nothing of Mr. Pryn's Printing it, but that I told him absolutely I had this Dream. Now God forgive his Lordship. I was much troubled in my self to hear him take it upon his Dishonour, (for so it was) and yet unwilling (knowing his Violence) to contest with him in that place, and in my Condition; and observing what Spleen he hath lately shewed against me, I stood a little still to gather up my self. When Mr. Nicolas, before I could make any reply, fell on with great earnestness, and told the Lords, that the forepart of my Dream was found true, to the great hurt both of Church and State; and that he hoped they would now make good the latter: That I might be Hanged. To which I Answer'd, That I had not forgotten our Saviour's Prediction, St. John 16. That in the World we should St. John 16.33. be sure to meet with affliction. Nor his Prayer: Father forgive these Men, for they know not what they do, St. Luke 23. No, nor is that out of my St. Luke 23. 34. 1 Cor. 4. 3. Memory which St. Paul speaks, 1 Cor. 4. De Humano Die. But for the Publick, with this I shall conclude. God of his Infinite Mercy Bless the King and his People with Love, and Peace, and Piety, and Plenty, which is the worst I ever wished or endeavoured, whatsoever it shall please God shall become of me, to whose Blessed Will and Pleasure, in all Humility I submit my self. And here ended this last day of my Tryal. But before I went from the Bar, I made three Motions to the Lords: The one, That I might have a day to make a Recapitulation of this long and various Charge, or of the chief Heads of it, that it might appear in a Body together. The other, That after this, my Councel might have a day to speak to all Points of Law, incident to my Cause. The third, That they would be pleased to remember that I had pleaded the Act of Oblivion [Page] to the Thirteenth Original Article. Mr. Nicolas said, they would acquaint their House with it. And the Lords promised to take all into Consideration. And so I was dismissed Sine Die.

But here I may not go off from this Dream so, since Mr. Pryn hath Printed it at the end of my Diary. Where he shamelesly says, This Dream was Attested from my own Mouth, at my Tryal in the Lords House. For I have set down all that pass'd exactly. Nor did I then give any Attestation to it; only before I could gather up my self, to Answer the Earl of Pembroke in a fitting manner, and not to hurt my self, Mr. Nicolas fell upon me with that Unchristian bitterness, as diverted me from the Earl, to Answer him. But once for all, and to satisfie any Man that desires it, That is all true which I have here set down concerning this Dream, and upon my Christianity and hope of future Salvation, I never had this Dream nor any like it, nor did I ever tell it this Lord, or any other, any other way, than in Relation to Badger and Pryn, as is before related. And surely if I had had such a Dream, I should not have had so little Discretion, as to tell it any Man, least of all, to pour it into that Sieve the Earl of Pembroke. For that which follows, and wherein his Charity and Words are almost the same with those of Mr. Nicolas, I give him the same Answer, and (forgiving him all his most Unchristian and Insatiable Malice against me) leave my self in the Hands of God, not in his.

I Received an Order from the Lords, that if I had a mind to make a Aug. 23.1644. Recapitulation (as I had formerly desired) of my long and various Charge, I should provide my self for it against Munday next (this Order came upon Friday) and that I should give in my Answer the next Morning what I meant to do. The next day, in Obedience to Aug. 24. this Order, I gave in my Answer; which was, Humble Thanks that I might have liberty to make it, referring the day to their Honourable Consideration; with this, that Munday next was a very short time for such a Collection. Upon this Answer, an Order was presently made, that I should provide to make my Recapitulation upon Munday September the Second. And about this time, (the certain day I know not) it was Resolved in the House of Commons, that according to my Plea I should enjoy the benefit of the Act of Oblivion, and not be put to Answer the Thirteenth Original Article, concerning the Scottish Business. And truly, I bless God for it, I did not desire the benefit of that Act, for any Sense of Guiltiness which I had in my self; but, in Consideration of the Times, and the Malice of the now Potent Faction, which being implacable towards me, I could not think it Wisdom, to lay by any such Power as might help to secure me. Yet in the former part of this History, when I had good Reason to think I should not be called to Answer such General Articles, I have set down my Answer to each of them, as much as Generals can be Answer'd. And thereby I hope my Innocency will appear to this Thirteenth Article also.

Then came Munday, Sept. 2. and, according to the Order of the September 2. 1644. Lords, I made the Recapitulation of my whole Cause, in matters of greatest Moment, in this form following. But so soon as I came to the Bar, I saw every Lord present with a New Thin Book in Folio [Page] in a blue Coat. I heard that Morning that Mr. Pryn had Printed my Diary, and Published it to the World to disgrace me. Some Notes of his own are made upon it. The first and the last are two desperate Untruths, beside some others. This was the Book then in the Lords Hands, and I assure my self, that time picked for it, that the sight of it might damp me, and disinable me to speak: I confess I was a little troubled at it. But after I had gathered up my self, and looked up to God, I went on to the Business of the Day, and thus I spake.

CAP. XLIII. My Recapitulation.

Mr. Lords, my Hearing began March 12. 1643/4. and continued to the end of July. In this time I was heard before your Lordships, with much Honour and Patience, Twenty Days; and sent back without Hearing, by reason of your Lordships greater Employments, Twelve Days. The rest were taken up with providing the Charge against me.

And now, my Lords, being come near an end, I am, by your Grace and Favour, and the leave of these Gentlemen of the Honourable House of Commons, to represent to your Lordships and your Memories, a brief Summ of my Answers to this long and various Charge: In which I shall not only endeavour, but perform also all possible Brevity. And as with much Thankfulness I acknowledge my self bound to your Lordships for your Patience: So I cannot doubt, but that I shall be as much obliged for your Justice, in what I am innocent from Crime; and for your Clemency, in what the common Frailty of Mankind hath made me Err. And I Humbly desire your Lordships, to look upon the whole Business with Honourable Care of my Calling; of my Age; of my long Imprisonment; of my Sufferings in my Estate; and of my Patience in and through this whole Affliction: The Sequestration having been upon my Estate above Two Years. In which notwithstanding, I may not omit to give Thanks for the Relief which my Petitions found, for my present necessities in this time of my Hearing, at your Honourable Hands.

1. First then, I humbly desire your Lordships to remember the generality, and by occasion of that, the incertainty of almost every Article charged upon me, which hath cast me into great streights all along in making my Defence.

2. Next, That your Lordships will be pleased to consider, what a [Page] short space, upon each Days Hearing, hath been allowed me to make my Answer, to the many Charges in each several Day laid against me. Indeed, some Days scarce time enough to peruse the Evidence, much less to make, and then to review and weigh my Answers. Especially considering (to my greatest Grief) that such a Charge should be brought up against me, from so Great and Honourable a Body as the Commons of England. In regard of which, and all other sad Occasions, I at first did, and do still in all Humility desire, that in all Particulars concerning Law, my Councel may be heard before your Lordships proceed to Sentence, and that a Day may be assigned for my Councel accordingly.

3. Thirdly, I heartily pray also, that it may be taken into your Honourable Consideration, how I have all manner of ways been sifted to the very Bran, for that (what e're it amounts to) which stands in Charge against me.

(1) The Key and use of my Study at Lambeth, Books and Papers taken from me.

(2) A Search upon me at the Tower, made by Mr. Pryn, and One and Twenty Bundles of Papers, prepared for my Defence, taken from me, and not Three Bundles restored to me again. This Search made before any Particular Articles were brought up against me. My very Pockets searched; and my Diary, nay, my very Prayer-Book taken from me, and after used against me: And that in some Cases, not to prove, but to make a Charge: Yet I am thus far glad, even for this sad Accident. For by my Diary your Lordships have seen the Passages of my Life: And by my Prayer-Book the greatest Secrets between God and my Soul: So that you may be sure you have me at the very bottom: Yet blessed be God, no Disloyalty is found in the one; no Popery in the other.

(3) That all Books of Council-Table, Star-Chamber, High-Commission, Signet-Office, my own Registeries, and the Registeries of Oxford and Cambridge, have been most exquisitely searched for matter against me, and kept from me and my use, and so affording me no help towards my Defence.

4. I humbly desire your Lordships to remember in the Fourth Place, That the things wherein I took great Pains, and all for the Publick Good and Honour of this Kingdom and Church, without any the least Eye to my own Particular, nay, with my own great and large Expences, have been objected against me as Crimes. As namely, the Repair of S. Pauls, and the Setling of the Statutes of the Vniversity of Oxford.

(1) For S. Pauls, not the Repair it self, they say (no, for very shame they dare not say that, though that be it which Galls the Faction) but the Demolishing of the Houses which stood about it. Yea, but without taking down of these Houses, it was not possible to come at the Church to repair it, which is a known Truth. And they were taken down by Commission under the Broad Seal. And the Tenants had Valuable Consideration for their several Interests, according to the number of their Years remaining: And according to the Judgment of Commissioners named for that purpose, and named by his Majesty and the Lords, not by me. Nor did I [Page] ever so much as sit with them about this Business. And if the Commission it self were any way Illegal (as they urge it is) that must reflect upon them, whose Office was to Draw and Seal it; not on me, who understood not the Legality or Illegality of such Commissions; nor did I desire that any one circumstance against Law should be put into it, nor is any such thing so much as offered in Proof against me. And because it was pressed, that these Houses could not be pulled down but by Order of Parliament, and not by the King's Commission alone: I did here first read in part, and afterwards, according to a Salvo granted me, deliver into the Court Three Records, two in Ed. 1. Time, and one in 1 Pars Pat. de An 45. Ed. 3. m. 34. Ed. 3. Time, in which are these Words; Authoritate nostra Regali, prout opus fuerit, cessantibus quibuscunque Appellationum & Reclamationum diffugiis, Juris, Scripti, aut Patriae strepitu procedatis, Nova AEdificia quae, &c. amoveri, & divelli penitus faciatis, &c. And a little after, Quousque per nos cum deliberatione & avisamento nostri Consilii super hoc aliter fuerit Ordinatum, &c. Here's no staying for a Parliament; here's no Recompence given; here's Barring of all Appeal, nay all remedy of Law, though written. And all this by the King's own Authority, with the Advice of his Council. And is a far more moderate way taken by me, yet under the same Authority, and for the removal of far greater Abuses, and for a more noble End, become Treason?

(2) As for the Statutes of Oxford, the Circumstances charged against me are many, and therefore I craved leave to refer my self to what I had already answered therein.

5. Fifthly, Many of the Witnesses brought against me in this Business are more than suspected Sectaries and Separatists from the Church, which by my place I was to punish, and that exasperated them against me, whereas by Cod. L. 1. Tit. 5. L. 12, & 21. Conser. at Hamp. Court, p. 26. Law no Schismatick ought to be received against his Bishop. And many of these are Witnesses in their own Causes, and pre-examined before they come in Court. At which pre-examination I was not present, nor any for me, to cross-interrogate. Nay, many Causes which took up divers Days of Hearing in Star-Chamber, High-Commission, and at Council-Table, are now upon the sudden easily overthrown, by the Depositions of the Parties themselves. And upon what Law this is grounded, I humbly submit to your Lordships. And such as these, are the Causes of Mr. Pryn, Mr. Burton, Mr. Wilson, Alderman Chambers, Mr. Vassal, Mr. Waker, Mr. Huntly, Mr. Foxlye, and many other. Where I humbly represent also, how impossible it is for any Man, that sits as a Judge, to give an account of all the several Motives which directed his Conscience in so divers Causes, and so many Years past, as these have been; and where so many Witnesses have been Examined, as have been here produced against me: My Lords, above a Hundred and Fifty Witnesses, and some of them, Three, Four, Six Times over, and Mr. Pryn I know not how often. Whereas the Civil Law says expresly, that the Judices [...], &c. ne [...] ad vexandos Homires superflua multitudo [...] protrabatur. H. L. 21. Tit. 5. Adde & [...] rationem, quod qui praedicta licentia abutuntur, veniunt in suspitionem, quod non [...]. Gloss. Ibid. Judges should moderate things so, that no Man should be oppressed by the multitude of Witnesses, which is a kind of Proof too, that they [Page] which so do, distrust the truth and goodness of their Cause. Besides, my Lords, in all matters which came before me, I have done nothing to the uttermost of my Understanding, but what might conduce to the Peace and Welfare of this Kingdom, and the maintenance of the Doctrine and Discipline of this Church established by Law; and under which God hath blessed this State, with so great Peace and Plenty, as other Neighbouring Nations have looked upon with Admiration. And what Miseries the overthrow of it (which God in Mercy forbid) may produce, he alone knows.

6. Sixthly, my Lords, there have been many and different Charges laid upon me about Words. But many of them (if spoken) were only passionate, and hasty: And such, upon what occasion soever drawn from me (and I have had all manner of Provocations put upon me) may among humane Errours, be pardoned unto me, if so it please your Lordships. But for such as may seem to be of a higher Nature, as those witnessed by Sir Henry Vane the Elder, I gave my Answer again now fully to the Lords, but shall not need to repeat it here.

7. Then, my Lords, for my Actions; not only my own, but other Mens have been heavily Charged against me in many Particulars, and that Criminally, and I hope your Lordships will think Illegally. As Secretary Windebank's, Bishop Montague's, my Chaplains, Dr. Heilyn's, Dr. Cosens, Dr. Pocklinton's, Dr. Dove's, Mr. Shelford's, and divers others: And many of these Charges look back into many Years past. Whereas the Act made this present Parliament, takes no notice of, nor punishes any Man, for any thing done and past at the Council-Table, Sar-Chamber, or High-Commission; much less doth it make any thing Treason. And out of this Act I am no way Excepted. Besides, (as I have often Pleaded) all Acts done in in the Star-Chamber, at Council-Table, High Commission, or Convocation; are all Joynt Acts of that Body, in and by which they were done; and cannot by any Law be singly put upon me, it being a known Rule of the Law, Refertur ad universos quod publice fit per Majorem Partem. And Pryn in his Independency Examined p 4. Mr. Pryn himself can stand upon this Rule against the Independents, and tell us, that the Major Voice, or Party, ought to over-rule and bind the less. And he quotes 1 Chron. 13. 4, 5 Acts. 15. 22. Scripture for it too. In which place, that which is done by the Major part, is ascribed to all; not laid upon any one, as here upon me. And in some of these Courts, Star-Chamber especially, and Council-Table, I was accompanied with Persons of great Honour, Knowledge and Experience, Judges, and others; and 'tis to me strange, and will seem so to Future Ages, that one and the same Act shall be Treason in me, and not the least Crime, nay, nor Misdemeanour in any other. And yet no Proof hath been offered that I Solicited any Man to concur with me, and almost all the Votes given preceeded mine, so that mine could lead no Man.

8. After this I answered to divers others Particulars, as namely to the Canons, both as they concerned Aid to the King, and as they looked upon matters of the Church and Religion.

9. To the Charge about Prohibitions.

10. To the base Charge about Bribery. But pass them over here [Page] as being answered before; whither I may refer the Reader now, though I could not the Lords then.

11. My Lords, after this came in the long, and various Charge of my Vsurping Papal Power, and no less than a design to bring in all the Corruptions of Popery, to the utter overthrow of the Protestant Religion established in England: And this they went about to prove.

(1) By my Windows in the Chappel: An Argument as brittle as the Glass in which the Pictures are.

(2) By Pictures in my Gallery; which were there before the House was mine, and so proved to your Lordships.

(3) By Reverence done in my Chappel: As if it were not due to God, ospecially in his Church: And done it was not to any other Person or Thing.

(4) By Consecration of Churches: Which was long before Popery came into the World. As was also the care of safe laying up of all Hallowed and Sacred things. For which, I desire your Lordships I may read a short Passage out of Sir Walter Rawley's History. The rather because written by a Lay-Man, and since the Times of Sir Wal. Rawley Hist. of the World. L: 2: c: 5: [...]: [...]: Reformation.

But this Mr. Maynard excepted against, both as new Matter, and because I had not the Book present, though the Paper thence transcribed was offered to be attested by Oath, to be a true Copy. But though I could not be suffered to read it then, yet here it follows.

So Sacred was the moveable Temple of God, and with such Reverence guarded and transported, as 22000 Persons were Dedicated to the Service and Attendance thereof, of which 8580 had the peculiar Charge, according to their several Offices and Functions, the Particulars whereof are in the Third and Fourth of Numbers. The Reverend care which Moses the Prophet and chosen Servant of God Numb. 3, & 4. had, in all that belonged even to the outward and least Parts of the Tabernacle, Ark and Sanctuary, witnessed well the inward and most humble Zeal born toward God himself. The Industry used in the Framing thereof, and every and the least part thereof, the curious Workmanship thereon bestowed, the exceeding Charge and Expence in the Provisions, the Dutiful Observance in laying up and preserving the Holy Vessels, the Solemn removing thereof, the Vigilant Attendance thereon, and the Provident Defence of the same, which All Ages have in some Degree imitated, is now so forgotten and cast away in this superfine Age, by those of the Family, by the Anabaptists, Brownists, and other Sectaries; as all Cost and Care bestowed and had of the Church, wherein God is to be Served and Worshipped, is accounted a kind of Popery, and as proceeding from an Idolatrous Disposition. Insomuch as Time would soon bring to pass (if it were not resisted) that God would be turned out of Churches into Barns, and from thence again into the Fields and Mountains, and under the Hedges; and the Office of the Ministery (robbed of all Dignity and respect) be as contemptible as those Places; all Order, Discipline and Church Government, left to newness of Opinion and Mens Fancies: Yea, and soon after as many kinds of Religions would spring up, as there are Parish-Churches, &c.

Do ye not think some body set Mr. Maynard [Page] on to prohibit the Reading out of this Passage, as foreseeing whither it tended? For I had read one third part of it, before I had the stop put upon me.

(5) But they went on with their Proof, By my Censuring of Good Men; that is, Separatists and Refractory Persons.

(6) By my Chaplains Expunging some things out of Books, which made against the Papists. It may be, if my Chaplains (whom it concerns) had Liberty to answer, they were such Passages as could not be made good against the Papists; and then 'tis far better they should be out than in. For as S. Quid Molesliae & Tristitiae [...] Fratribus, temerarii Assertores [...] dici non potest. Aug. 1. de Gen. ad Lit. C. 19. Augustin observed in his, and we find it true in our time, the Inconvenience is great, which comes to the Church and Religion by bold Affirmers. Nay, he is at a satis dici non potest, the Mischief is so great as cannot be expressed.

(7.) Then by altering some things in a Sermon of Dr: Sybthorp's. But my Answer formerly given will shew I had cause.

(8.) By my preferment of unworthy Men: So unworthy, as that they would be famous both for Life and Learning, were they in any other Protestant Church in Christendom. And they are so Popishly affected, as that having suffered much both in State and Reputation (since this Persecution of the Clergy began; for less it hath not been) no one of them is altered in Judgment, or fallen into any liking with the Church of Rome.

(9.) By the Overthrow of the Feoffment: But that was done by Judgment in the Exchequer, to which I referred my self. And if the Judgment there given be right, there's no fault in any Man: If it were wrong, the fault was in the Judges; not in me: I solicited none of them.

(10.) By a Passage in my Book, where I say, The Religion of the Papists Cont. Fish. p. 376. and Ours is one: But that's expressed at large, only because both are Christianity; and no Man I hope will deny that Papists are Christians. As for their notorious Failings in Christianity, I have in the same Book said enough to them.

(11.) By a Testimony of Mr. Burton's and Mr. Lane's, that I should say, We and the Church of Rome did not differ in Fundamentals, but in Circumstantials. [This I here followed at large; but, to avoid tedious repetition, refer my Reader to the place where 'tis anaswered.]

(12.) By my making the Dutch Churches to be of another Religion. But this is mistaken (as my Answer will shew the Reader;) And if they do not make themselves of another Religion, I shall never endeavour to make them.

(13.) By a Pack of such Witnesses, as were never produced against any Man of my Place and Calling; Messengers and Pursevants, and such as have shifted their Religion to and again; Pillory-men and Bawds: And these the Men that must prove my Correspondence with Priests.

12. In the midst of these, upon occasion of the Ceremonies at the Coronation, it was pressed against me, That I had altered the King's Oath.

[Page] (14.) And last of all, That I had shewed my felf an Enemy to Parliaments. [Upon both these, I did very much enlarge my self: But here also, that I may not be a burden in repeating the same thing, I desire the Reader to look upon them in their proper places, where I doubt not but my Answer will give him full satisfaction, that I did not the one, nor am the other.]

But, my Lords, there are other strange Arguments produced against me, to prove my Compliance with Rome, which I most humbly desire your Lordships may not be forgotten.

1. As first, my Lords, it hath been Charged upon me, That I made the Oath recited in the first of the late Canons, one Clause whereof is this: That I will never give my Consent to subject this Church to the Vsurpations and Superstitions of the Church of Rome. Whence the Argument drawn against me must be this, and can be no other: That I did endeavour: to bring in Popery, because I made and took a solemn Oath, never to give my Consent to subject this Church of England to the Usurpations and Superstitions of the Church of Rome. I beseech your Lordships mark the force of this Argument: And they which follow are as pregnant against me.

2. Secondly, My Book against Fisher hath been charged against me; where the Argument must lie thus: I have endeavoured to advance Popery, because I have written against it: And with what strength I have written, I leave to Posterity to judge, when the Envy which now over-loads me, shall be buried with me. This I will say with St. Gregory Nazianzen (whose Success at Constantinople was not much unlike mine here, save that his Life was not sought) I Non [...] in [...] doctrine [...], Greg. Naz. Orat. 32. never laboured for Peace to the Wrong and Detriment of Christian Verity, nor I hope ever shall. [And let the Church of England look to it; for in great Humility I crave to write this (though then was no time to speak it) That the Church of England must leave the way it's now going, and come back to that way of Defence which I have followed in my Book, or She shall never be able to justifie Her Separation from the Church of Rome.]

3. Thirdly, All the late Canons have been charged against me; and the Argument which is drawn from thence, must lie thus: The Third of these Canons for suppressing the Growth of Popery, is the most full and strict Canon that ever was made against it in the Church of England: Therefore I that made this Canon to keep it out, am guilty of endeavouring to bring it in.

4. Fourthly, I have by my Industry, and God's great Blessing upon my Labours, stayed as many from going, and reduced to the Church of England as many that were gone to Rome, as I believe any Minister in England can truly say he hath done: I named them before, and had Scorn enough put upon me for it, as your Lordships could not but both see and hear; where the Argument lies thus: I converted many from Popery, and setled them in the Religion established in England: Therefore I laboured to bring in Popery; which out of all doubt can be no sober Man's way.

5. Fifthly, The Plot discovered to Sir William Boswell and my self, by Andreas ab Habernfield, hath been charged against me: That Plot for altering of Religion, and by what ways, your Lordships have [Page] heard already, and is to be seen at full in Rome's Master-piece. Now Mr. Pryn's Rome's Master-piece. if this Plot in the Issue proved nothing but a confused Information, and no Proof of any Particular, as indeed it did; What's become of Rome's Master-piece? But if it had any reality in it, as it appeared to be a sad Plot, not only to me, but to all Men that saw the short Propositions which were first sent, with an absolute Undertaking to prove them; then it appears expresly, that I was in danger of my Life, for stiffly opposing the bringing in of Popery; and that there was no hope to alter Religion in England, 'till I was taken out of the way. And though in conclusion the Proofs failed, yet what was consulted, and it seems resolved concerning me, is plain enough. And then the Argument against me lies thus: There's no hope to bring in Popery, 'till I am taken out of the way; therefore I did labour to bring it in. Do not these things, my Lords, hang handsomly together?

6. Lastly, There have been above Threescore Letters and other Papers, brought out of my Study into this Honourable House; they are all about composing the Differences between the Lutherans and the Calvinists in Germany. Why they should be brought hither, but in hope to charge them upon me, I know not; and then the Argument will be this: I laboured to reconcile the Protestants in Germany, that they might unanimously set themselves against the Papists; therefore I laboured to bring Popery into England.

Now that your Lordships have heard the Arguments, and what Proof they make against me, I must be bold to put you in Mind of that which was said here at the Barr, April 16. 1644. That they did not urge any of these particular Actions as Treason against me; but the Result of them all together amounted to Treason. For answer to which, I must be bold to tell your Lordships, That if no Particular which is charged upon me be Treason, the Result from them cannot be Treason, which will appear by these Reasons following:

1. First, The Result must be of the same Nature and Species with the Particulars from which it rises. But 'tis confessed no one of the Particulars are Treason: Therefore neither is the Result that rises from them. And this holds in Nature, in Morality, and in Law.

In Nature, and that both for Integral and Essential Parts; for neither can the Body of a Bear, and the Soul of a Lion result into a Fox; nor the Legs of a Bull, the Body of a Horse, and the Head of an Ass, result into a Man.

In Morality, and that is seen both in Vertues and Vices: For neither can many Actions of Liberality, Meekness and Sobriety, rise up into a Result of Fortitude; neither can many Actions of Malice, Drunkenness and Covetousness, result into Treason.

In Law 'tis so too: For be there never so many particular Crimes, yet there is no Law in this Kingdom, nor any where else that I know, that makes a Result of different Crimes to be Treason, where none of the Particulars are Treason by Law. So this imaginary Result is a Monster in Nature, in Morality, and in Law; and if it be nourished, will devour all the Safety of the Subject of England, which now stands so well fenced by the known Law of the Land. [Page] And therefore I humbly desire your Lordships, not for mine, but for the Publick's sake, to weigh this Business well, before this Gap be made so wide, as there will hardly be Power left again to shut it.

2. My Second Reason is joined to the Answer of an Objection: For when this Result was spoken of, it was added, That the Particulars charged against me, are of the same kind, and do all tend to the Subversion of Law and Religion, and so become Treason. But, first, suppose that all the Particulars charged do tend to the subversion of Law, yet that cannot make them to be all of one kind: For all Crimes tend more or less to the Overthrow of Vertue; yet no Man can say, that all Crimes are of the same kind. Secondly, be they of the same, or different kinds; yet neither all, nor any of these charged against me, do tend to the subversion of the Law: For 'tis one thing to break, dislike, or speak against some particular Laws, and quite another to labour the Subversion of the whole Body of the Law and the Frame of Government. And that I have done this by Conspiracy, or Force, or any overt Action, is not so much as offered in proof. And for the breach of any particular Law, if I be guilty, I am to be punished by the Sanction of that Law which I have broken.

3. Thirdly, Whereas it hath been said, That many Actions of the same kind make a Habit. That's true. But what then? For first, the Actions urged against me, are not of the same kind, but exceeding different. Secondly, if the Habit be Treasonable, then all those particular Actions which bred that Habit, must be several Treasons, as well as the Result or Habit it self; whereas it hath been granted all along, that my particular Actions are not Treasons. And, thirdly, a Habit in it self, neither is nor can be Treason; for all Treason is either Thought, Word, or Overt Act; but no Habit is either of these: Therefore not Treason. For a [...]. 1. 2 [...]. q. 50. A. 5. Habit is that in the Soul which enclines the Powers of it, and makes a Man apt and ready to think, speak, or do that to which he is habituated. So an ill Habit against Soveraign Power, may make a Man apt and forward to fall into Treason; but Treason it is not.

4. Fourthly, Nor can this Result be Treason at the Common Law, by which alone, I conceive, there is no Treason at all at this day in England: For the main end of that excellent Statute of 25 Edw. 3. was for the Safety of the Subject, against the manifold Treasons which variously fell upon them by the Common Law, and bounded all Treasons, and limited them to the things expressed to be Treason in and by that Statute. And in all times of difficulty since, recourse hath still been had to that Statute. And to that Statute I refer my self, with this: That this Result must be something within this Statute, or some other known Statute, or else it cannot be Treason. And no Proof at all hath been so much as offered, that this Result is Treason by any Law.

My Lords, I do with all humble submission desire, That when the Reply is made to this matter of Fact, a Day may be assigned for my Councel to be heard in matter of Law, in all and every Particular which they shall find necessary for my just Defence.

[Page] And now, my Lords, I do in all Humility lay my self low at God's Mercy-seat, to do with me as he pleases; and, under God, I shall rely upon your Lordships Justice, Honour and Clemency, of which I cannot doubt. And without being farther tedious to your Lordships (who have with very Honourable Patience heard me through this long and tedious Tryal) I shall conclude with that which St. Augustine said to Romanianus, a Man that had tryed both Fortunes as well as I: S. Aug. l. 1. Cont. Academ. c. 1. If the Providence of God reaches down to us (as most certain it doth) Sic tecum agi oportet sicut agitur. It must so be done with thee (and so with me also) as it is done. And under S. Mat. 10 29. Rom. 8. 28. that Providence, which will, I doubt not, work to the best to my Soul that loves God, I repose my self.

Here ended my Recapitulation, and with it the Work of that Day: And I was ordered to appear again the Saturday following, to hear Mr: Brown Sum up the whole Charge against me. But upon Tuesday, Septemb: 3: this was put off, to give Mr: Brown more time, to Wednesday, Septemb 3. 1644. Septemb: 11.

On Wednesday, Septemb: 4. as I was washing my Face, my Nose Septemb. 4. bled, and something plentifully, which it had not done, to my remembrance, in forty Years before, save only once, and that was just the same Day and Hour, when my most Honourable Friend the Lord Duke of Buckingham was killed at Portsmouth, my self being then at Westminster. And upon Friday, as I was washing after Dinner, my Septemb. 6. Nose bled again. I thank God I make no superstitious Observation of this or any thing else; yet I have ever used to mark what and how any thing of note falls to me. And here I after came to know, that upon both these Days in which I bled, there was great agitation in the House of Commons, to have me Sentenced by Ordinance; but both times put off, in regard very few of that House had heard either my Charge or Defence.

CAP. XLIV.

[Page]

ON Wednesday September 11. Mr. Brown made in the Lords House, Septemb. 11. a Summ or Brief of the Charge which was brought against me, and touched by the way at some things in my Recapitulation. But in regard I might not Answer him, I took no perfect Notes, but stood still, and possessed my Soul in Patience; yet wondring at the bold, free, frequent, and most false Swearing that had been against me. When Mr. Brown had ended, I humbly desired again, that my Councel might be heard in Point of Law. And they were hereupon Ordered to deliver in Writing under their Hands, what Points of Law they would insist upon, and that by Saturday September 14. Septemb. [...].

This day my Councel, according as they were Ordered, delivered into the Lords House, these two Points following, by way of Question. First, Whether in all, or any the Articles charged against me, I. there be contained any Treason by the Established Laws of this Kingdom? Secondly, Whether the Charge of the said Impeachment II. and Articles, did contain such Certainty and Particularity, as is required by Law, in a Case where Treason is charged? This day I Petitioned the Lords, that my Councel might have access to, and take Copies of all such Records as they thought necessary for my Defence, which was Granted and Order'd accordingly.

My Councel's Quaeries having been formerly sent down to the House of Commons, they were there referred to a Committee of Lawyers to consider of; and on September 27. Friday, they were earnestly called Septemb. 27. upon to hasten their Report. And on Friday Octob. 4. Mr. Nicolas Octob. 4. made a great noise about me in the House, and would have had me presently Censured in the House; and no less would serve his turn, but that I must be Hanged, and was at Sus. per Coll. till upon the Reasons before given, that if they went on this way, they must Condemn me unheard; this violent Clamour ceased for that time. And a Message was sent up to the Lords for my Councel to be heard, as touching the first Question concerning Treason; but not concerning any Exception that they shall take against the Articles in point of certainty. This Message the Lords took into present Consideration, and Order'd it accordingly. And appointed the Friday following, being Octob. 11. for my Councel to be Heard, and my Self to be present. Octob. 11.

This day according to this Order of the Lords, I and my Councel attended. My Councel were Mr. Hern, and Mr. Hales of Lincolns-Inn, and Mr. Gerrard of Grays-Inn. When we were called into the House, and the Lords setled in their places, Mr. John Hern (who was the Man that spake what all had resolved on) delivered his Argument very freely The Lord Chancellor Finch told me, that this Argument was not Mr. Herns, (though he pronounced it) for he could not Argue; but it was Mr. Hales, afterward Lord Chief Justice. And he said farther, that being then a Young Lawyer, he stood behind Mr. Hern, when he spoke at the Bar of the Lords House, and took Notes of it; and that it will be [...] among his Reports. W. S. A. C. and stoutly, proving that nothing which I have either said or done according to this Charge, is Treason, by any known Established Law of this Kingdom. The Argument follows in these words, according to the Copy which Mr. Hern himself delivered me.

[Page] My Lords,

THE Work of this Day, we humbly conceive, is in many A short Introduction. respects of very great and high Concernment.

1. In that it concerns Matter of Life, a Thing of the highest Consequence.

2. The Life of an Arch-Bishop, a Person who had attained the highest Dignity conferred in the Church of England.

3. Those Happy Laws, many Years since Enacted and Confirmed by several Parliaments, to be the Boundaries what was Treason; a Crime before so various, as it had no Bounds; and so Odious, that the punishment of it was an Infamous Death, a total Confiscation, with a Brand of Infamy to all Posterity.

4. In that the Charge against him moves from no less a Body than the whole Commons of England, which presents him now a Prisoner at this Bar before your Lordships, in the High and Supream Court of Judicature in Parliament.

And if any thing shall fall from us, subject to any doubtful Construction, we shall humbly crave your Lordships Pardon, and Leave to make our Explication: For as there is upon us a Duty to be wary, not to offer any thing which may minister just Offence; so neither may we be unfaithful to omit what may justly tend to our Client's Defence.

The Charge against him, we find to be made up of two several The Charge, upon what it consists. parcels of Articles, Exhibited by the Honourable House of Commons.

1. The First, in Maintenance of their Accusation, whereby he

The Titles of the several parcels of the Articles upon which the Charge against the Arch-Bishop was made up.

stands charged with High Treason.

2. The latter, Intituled farther Articles of Impeachment of High Treason, and divers high Crimes and Misdemeanours, for all which Matters and Things they have Impeached him of High Treason and other high Crimes and Misdemeanours, tending to the Subversion of Religion, Laws and Liberties, and to the utter Ruine of this Church and Common-wealth.

Concerning this Charge, and the Arch-Bishop's Defence, he hitherto The [...] upon his Councel, by Reason of the mixt Charge, without distinguishing what was intended to [...] a Treason, what a [...]. made before your Lordships, (we by your Lordships Command Assigned his Councel) neither have nor could (by Reason of the mixt Charge, without distinguishing what was thereby intended to be a Charge of Treason, and what of Misdemeanour only) be farther useful to him, than to Advise the Form of his Plea and Answer, which we received from him, as to all the Matters of Fact, to be a Not Guilty.

We have not in all or any the Facts Charged or Evidenced against him, in any sort intermedled. But the same, (how proved and how appliable to the Charges, without mention of any of them) shall wholly leave to your Lordships Notes and Memories.

What Defence he hath offered hitherto, hath been wholly his own: He without us in that; and we without consulting him in the work of this day.

[Page] Wherein, having received your Lordships Commands, we did present in writing the Points in Law we then humbly conceived fit for us to insist upon.

I. Whether in all, or any the Articles charged against him, there

The two Points presented by Councel in writing, to be [...] upon for his Defence in point of Law.

was contained any Treason by the Established Laws of this Kingdom?

II. Whether the Charge of the said Impeachment and Articles, did contain such certainty and particularity, as is required by Law in a Case where Treason is charged?

But being enjoyned by your Honourable Order, to speak only to The first only admitted. the former: We shall, as in Duty becomes, conform thereunto.

For our Method herein shall follow the course holden in the Reply, The Method proposed. made upon the whole Articles, whereby we conceived the Charges contained in them, were reduced to these three Generals.

1. A Trayterous Endeavour to Subvert the Fundamental Laws of The three General Charges. the Realm; and instead thereof, to introduce an Arbitrary and Tyrannical Government against Law; contained in the first Original and first Additional Articles.

2. Secondly, A Trayterous Endeavour to Subvert God's True Religion by Law Established; and instead thereof, to set up Popish Superstition and Idolatry; this contained in the seventh Original and seventh Additional Articles.

3. Thirdly, That he laboured to Subvert the Rights of Parliament, and the Ancient course of Parliamentary Proceedings, and by False and Malicious Slanders to incense his Majesty against Parliaments. And this contained in the fourteenth Original and tenth Additional Articles.

All other the Articles, we humbly conceive to be but Instances, conducing and applied to some of those Generals.

Concerning those three General Heads of the Charge, we shall crave leave to propose two Questions to be debated.

1. Whether there be at this day any other Treason, than what is Two General Questions to be insisted upon. Declared by the Statute of 25 Ed. 3. Cap. 2. or Enacted by some subsequent particular Statute; which we humbly conceive, and shall endeavour to satisfie your Lordships, there is not any.

2. Whether any the Matters in any of the Articles charged, contain any of the Treasons declared by that Law, or Enacted by any subsequent Law; which we likewise conceive they do not. And for the clearing of both these shall humbly insist; That,

1. An endeavour to Subvert the Laws, An endeavour to Subvert Religion, A labouring to Subvert the Rights of Parliaments,

Are not Treasons, either within the Statute of 25 Ed. 3. or by any other particular Statute.

2. That not any of the Particulars, instanced in any other the Articles, is a Treason within the Statute 25 Ed. 3. or any other Statute.

And to make good our Tenet upon our first Question, shall humbly In maintenance of our first [...] upon the first Question. offer,

That before this Statute of 25 Ed. 3. Treasons at the Common Law [Page] were so general and uncertain, that almost any Crime, by Inferences and Constructions, might be, and was often extended to be a Treason; in so much, as we find in 22o. of the Book of Assize, Killing the King's Messenger was Treason. And in the Parliament Roll, 21 Ed. 3. Numero 15. accroaching the Royal Power (wherein every Excess was subject to a Construction of Treason) was Treason; for which divers having suffered, the Commons in Parliament, finding how mischievous and destructive it was to the Subject, Petitioned it might be bounded and declared. And this, not to give any Liberty, but to give Bounds to it; one while it being The uncertainty of what was, or was not Treason, produced the Law of 25 Ed. 3. construed an Accroachment of Royal Power, as in the Case of the Earl of Lancaster temp. Ed. 2. for being over Popular with the People; and in the same King's Reign to Spencer, for being over Gracious with the King.

The sense of these and other Mischiefs by the uncertainty of Treason, brought on this The Parliament of 25 Ed. 3. by Reason of that Law called Parliamentum Benedictum, and that no Law had deservedly more Honour than Magna Charta. Law of 25 Ed. 3. and the benefit of it to the Subject, says Sir Ed. Coke upon his Collections of the Pleas of the Crown, begot that Parliament the Name of Parliamentum Benedictum, and that, except Magna Charta, no other Act of Parliament had more Honour given it by the King, Lords, and Commons. And this Law hath been in all Times the Rule to Judge Treasons by, The Act of 25 Ed. 3. the Rule in Parliament to judge Treasons by. even in Parliament; and therefore in the Parliament Roll 1 H. 4. Num. 144. the Tryal Parliament Roll 1 H. 4. num. 144. the Prayer of the Commons. and Judgment in Cases of Impeachment of Treason is prayed by the Commons, might be according to the Ancient Laws; and in Parliament Roll, 5 H. 4. num. 12. Case Earl of Northumberland. the Parliament Roll 5 H. 4. Num. 12. in the Case of the then Earl of Northumberland, this Statute of 25 Ed. 3. was the Guide and Rule by which the Lords Judged in a Case endeavoured to have been extended to be a Treason, the same to be no Treason. ☜

And it is, as we conceive, very observable; That if at any time the Treasons particularly Enacted after 25 Ed. 3. still reduced to that Law. Treasons made in the divided time of R. 2. reduced per Stat. 1 H. 4 cap. 10. Made in the time of H. 8. reduced 1 Ed. 6. cap. 12. Made in the time of Ed. 6. reduced by the Act of 1 Mariae, cap. 10. Necessity or Excess of the Times produced any particular Laws in Parliament, for making of Treasons not contained in that Law of 25 Ed. 3. yet they returned and fixed in that Law.

Witness the Statute of 1 H. 4. Cap. 10. whereby all those Facts which were made Treasons mean between in the divided time of R. 2. were reduced to this of Ed. 3.

In the time of H. 8. wherein several Offences were Enacted to be Treasons; not contained in the Statute of 25 Ed. 3. the same were all swept away by the Statute of 1. Ed. 6. Cap. 12.

And again, wherein the time of Ed. 6. several Treasons were Enacted, they were all Repealed, and by Act made 1 Mariae 1. none other Offence left to be Treason, than what was contained and declared by the Statute of 25 Ed. 3.

And from 1 H. 4. to Queen Mary, and from thence downward, we ☜ find not any Judgment hath been given in Parliament, for any Treason not declared From 1 H. 4. to this day, no Judgment in Parliament given of any Treason not contained in that Law. and contained in that Law, but by Bill.

[Page] Thus in succession of all Times, this Statute of 25 Ed. 3. in the This Law in all times the Standard to Judge Treasons by. Wisdom of former Parliaments, hath stood and been the constant fixed Rule for all Judgments in Cases of Treason.

We shall now observe, what Offences are in and by that Law declared to be Treasons; whereby your Lordships will Examine, whether you find any of them in the Charge of these Articles: For which purpose we shall desire this Statute of 25. Ed. 3. be Read.

The Treasons by that Act declared; are,

1. Compassing and Imagining the Death of the King, Queen, or

Treasons declared per Stat. 25 Ed. 3. cap. 2.

Prince, and declaring the same by some Overt Act.

2. Murdering the Chancellor, Treasurer, &c.

3. Violating the Queen, the King's Eldest Daughter, or the Prince's Wife.

4. Levying War against the King.

5. Or Adhering to the King's Enemies, within the Realm or without, and declaring the same by some Overt Act.

6. Counterfeiting the Seals and Coin.

7. Bringing in Counterfeit Coin.

Next, we shall lay for a ground; that this Act ought not be Construed ☞ by Equity or Inference.

1. For that it is a declarative Law, and no Declaration ought to

Stat. 25 Ed. 3. may admit no construction by Equity or Inference to make other Treason than thereby declared.

be upon a Declaration.

2. It was a Law provided to secure the Subject, for his Life, Liberty, and Estate; and to admit Constructions and Inferences upon it, were to destroy the Security provided for, by it.

3. It hath been the constant Opinion in all Times, both in Parliament

Reasons why not.

and upon Judicial Debates; that this Act must be literally construed, and not by Inference or Illation: Nor would it be admitted in a Particular declared by this Law to be Treason; which a Man would have thought might have been consistent with it.

Counterfeiting the Coin of the Kingdom, is by this Law declared Viz. Treason.

Washing, Filing and Clipping the Coin, is an abuse, an abasing, Instances where it would not. and not making it Currant: Yet in 3 H. 5. when the Question was in Parliament, whether that Offence was Treason within the Statute of 25 Ed. 3. It is declared by a special Act then made, 3 H. 5. Stat. 3 H. 5. cap. 6. cap. 6. That forasmuch as before that time, great doubt and ambiguity had been; whether those Offences ought to be adjudged Treason, or not, in as much as mention is not thereof made in the Declaration of the Articles of Treason by that Statute of 25 Ed. 3. the same was by that particular Act made Treason, which before was none, and counterfeiting of Foreign Coin made Currant here, an equal mischief with counterfeiting of the Coin of this Realm; yet because the words of the Statute are his Mony, this not Treason until the Act 1 M cap. 6. Cok. Collections [...] of the [...]. of 1 Mariae cap. 6. made it so. And Sir Ed. Coke in his Book before [Page] mentioned, saith, a compassing to Levy War, is not a Treason within that Law, unless it proceed into Act; but only to Compass the Death of the King: Yet if a Constructive Treason should be admitted, it might happily without any great straining be inferred, that compassing to Levy War, is in some sort a compassing of the King's Death; and of this Kind many more Instances may be given.

So that the result of all this is, that whatsoever is not declared ☜ to be a Treason within the Letter of this Law; may not be adjudged a Treason, by Inference, Construction, or otherwise.

Having done with this First, we now shall come to our Second Question.

Whether any the Matters in all, or any the Articles Charged, 2. Question. contain any the Treasons declared by that Law, or Enacted by any subsequent Law; wherein, although the Charges may appear to be Great and Enormous Crimes; yet we shall endeavour, and hope to satisfie your Lordships, the same nor any of them, are Treasons by any established Law of the Kingdom: For clearing whereof, we shall pursue the Order first proposed.

First, that an Endeavour to subvert Fundamental Laws, is not Treason by any Law in this Kingdom Established; and particular Act to make it Treason there is none; so as we must then return to apply those former general Observations of that Act of 25. Ed. 3. to this Particular; and shall add for Reasons,

1. That it is not comprized within any the Words of that Law, nor may by any Construction or Inference be brought within it, for the Reasons formerly alledged.

2. Because an Endeavour to subvert Laws, is of so great a Latitude and Uncertainty, that every Action not Warranted by Law, may be thereby extended to be a Treason.

In the Sixth Report, in Mildmays Case Fol. 42. where a Conveyance Mildmay's case 6. Report Coke fol. 42. was made in Tail, with a Proviso, if he did go about or attempt to discontinue the Entail, the same should be void: It was resolved the Proviso was void; and the principal Reason was, that these Words attempt or go about, are Words uncertain and void in Law. ☜ And the Words of the Book are very observable; viz. God defend that Inheritances and Estates of Men should depend upon such incertainties; for that Misera est Servitus ubi Jus est vagum, & quod non definitur in Jure quid fit conatus; and therefore the Rule of the Law doth decide this point. Non efficit conatus nisi sequitur effectus; and the Law doth reject Conations and goings about, as things uncertain which cannot be put in issue: These are the Words of the Book. And if so considerable in Estates, your Lordships, we conceive, will hold it far more considerable in a Case of Life, which is of highest Consequence.

And if it should be said this Law of 25. Ed. 3. takes notice of Objection. Answer. Compassing and Imagining: We answer, it is in a Particular declared by that Law to be Treason, in Compassing the death of the King. But this of Endeavouring to subvert Laws, not declared by that or any other Law to be a Treason.

And if it should be granted, that this Law might in any Case admit [Page] any other Fact to be Treason by Inference or Construction; other than is therein particularly declared; which we conceive it cannot.

Yet it is not Imaginable, that a Law introduced purposely to limit and ascertain Crimes of so high Consequence, should by Construction or Inference be subject to a Construction of admitting so ☞ uncertain and indefinite a thing, as an endeavour to subvert the Law is, it being not comprised within the Letter of that Law.

3. That the Subversion of the Law is an impossible thing; therefore an Endeavour to do an act which cannot be effected, cannot be Treason

4. That in all times the Endeavouring to subvert the Laws hath been conceived no determinate Crime, but rather an Aggravation only of a Crime, than otherwise. And therefore hath been usually joyned as an Aggravation or result of Crimes below Treason.

As appears in the Parliament Roll, 28 H. 6. num. 28. to num. 47. Parliament Roll, 28 H. 6. num. 28. to 47. In the Case of the Duke of Suffolk. in the Case of the Duke of Suffolk, where the Commons, having in Parliament preferred Articles of Treason against him, did not make that any part of their Charge. Yet in the same Parliament, and within few Days after; the First being in February, the latter in March: Exhibiting other Articles against him, they therein Charged all the Misprisions, Offences and Deeds therein mentioned, to have been the cause of the Subversion of Laws and Justice, and the Execution thereof; and nigh likely to tend to the Destruction of the Realm: So as it appears, it was then conceived an Offence of another Nature, and not a Treason.

And it appears as well by the Articles exhibited in Parliament, Articles Cardinal Woolsey in Parliament, 21 H. 8. Indictment K. Bench Ligham, 23 H. 8. 21 H. 8. against Cardinal Woolsey, as by Indictment in the Kings Bench against Ligham 23 H. 8. Rot. 25. That the Cardinal did Endeavour to subvert Antiquissimas Leges hujus Regni, Vniversum (que) hoc Regnum Angliae Legibus Imperialibus Subjugare; which although it be a Charge of subverting the ancient Laws of the Kingdom, and to introduce new and Arbitrary Laws; yet neither upon the Articles or Indictment, was the same imputed to be Treason; but ended in a Charge of a Premunire.

And if it shall be said that Empson 1 H. 8. had Judgment, and Died for it, upon an Indictment in London; We answer, Empson, 1 H. 8.

1. This was not the Substance of the Indictment, but only an

☞

Aggravation.

2. And if Charged, it is with an actual subverting, not with an Endeavour to subvert the Laws; and is joyned with divers other Offences.

3. Which is a full Answer; The Indictment upon which he was Tryed, was Paschae 2 H. 8. at Northampton, and was for Levying War against the King, a Treason declared by the Law of 25 Ed. 3. upon which he was Convicted and Suffered; and no proceeding upon the other Indictment ever had.

[Page] And as to the second General Charge, of Endeavouring to subvert Answer to the second General Charge, of endeavouring to subvert Religion. Religion:

This no more than that former of subverting the Laws is any Treason, within any Law established in this Kingdom.

And herein, as to the Charge of the Endeavour, we shall rely upon what hath been already said upon the former.

With this further:

That until that happy Reformation, begun in the time of King Edward VI. there was another Frame of Religion established by Law; which was conceived until then to have been the True Religion; and any Endeavour to Change or Alter it, prosecuted with great Extremities. Yet was not any Attempt to alter it, conceived to be a Treason; but several especial Acts of Parliaments were made for particular Punishments, against Persons who should attempt Stat. 5. R. 2. C. 5. 2 H. 5. C. 7. the Alteration thereof; Witness the Statute of 5 R. 2. Cap. 5. and 2 H. 5. Cap. 7.

In which latter, although mention is made of endeavouring to ☜ destroy and subvert the Christian Faith; yet was not the Offence made or declared to be Treason. And at this day, Heresie, of what kind soever, is not punishable, but according to the old course of the Law. Stat. 1 Ed. 6. C. 12. 1 Mar. C. 12. Answer to the third general Charge, labouring to subvert and incense the King against Parliaments. Articles against the Duke of Ireland, and others, 11 R. 2.

And we may add the Statute of 1 Edw. 6. Cap. 12. that of 1 Mariae 12. which makes it but Felony to attempt an Alteration of Religion by force: The worst kind of Attempt certainly.

To the third and last general Charge, Labouring to subvert the Rights of Parliaments. To the Labouring to do it, we shall add nothing to what hath been said to the Charge of Endeavour, in the two former; only thus much we shall observe:

That in the Parliament of 11 R. 2. amongst the many Articles preferred against the Duke of Ireland, and others, the 14th Article contains a Charge much of this Nature; viz. That when the Lords and others in divers Parliaments, had moved to have a good Government ☜ in the Realm, they had so far incensed the King, that he caused divers to 14 Article. depart from his Parliament; so that they durst not, for fear of Death, advise for the good of the Kingdom. Yet when the Lords came to single out the Articles, what was, or was not Treason, That, although a Charge transcending this, was none of the Articles by them declared to be Treason.

My Lords,

Having done with these Generals, it remains only that we apply Answer to the particular Articles insisted upon [...] in the Charge. our selves to those other Articles which we conceive were insisted upon, as Instances conducing, and applied to some of the Generals we have handled.

Wherein if the Generals be not Treason, the Particular Instances cannot be; and on the other side, if the Instances fall short of Treasons, the application to those Generals cannot make them Treasons.

We shall only single out Two Particulars, and in those be very brief, in that most which hath been said to the former Generals, is appliable to them, inasmuch as none of them is declared to [Page] be a Treason, by the Statute of 25 Ed. 3. or by any other Law enacted.

1. The first of these in the 10th Original Article, viz. That he The first Particular. hath Traiterously endeavoured to reconcile the Church of England with the Church of Rome. Which if it be any Treason, must be a Treason within the Statute of 5 Jac. Cap. 4. whereby is provided, That if any Man shall put in practice to Reconcile any of his Majesty's Subjects to the Pope, or See of Rome, the same is enacted to be Treason; which we conceive clearly is none of this Charge.

1. First, For that here only is Charged an Endeavour; there a

Differences between the Matters charged, & the Fact made Treason by the Statute 3 Jac. C. 4.

Putting in Practice.

2. Here a Reconciling of the Church of England with the Church of Rome; there a Reconciling some of his Majesty's Subjects to the See of Rome: And a Reconciling with, may as well be a Reducing of that of Rome to England, as England to Rome.

The Second, in the 7th additional Article, for wittingly and The second Particular. willingly Receiving and Harbouring divers Popish Priests and Jesuits, namely, Sancta Clara and Monsieur St. Gyles.

Which Offence, as to the Harbouring Priests and Jesuits born within his Majesty's Dominions, by the Statute of 27 Eliz. Cap. 2. is made Felony, not Treason; and extends only to Priests English born, which these are not charged to be.

My Lords,

We have now gone through those Articles, wherein, we conceive, the Treasons Charged were intended; and have endeavoured to make it appear. That none of the Matters in any of the Articles Charged, are Treason within the Letter of any Law.

And if not so; then they cannot, by Inference or Parity of Reason, be heightned to a Treason.

It is true, the Crimes, as they are laid in the Charge, are great and many.

Yet if the Laws of this Realm, which have distinguished Crimes, and accordingly given them several Names, and inflicted Punishments, raise none of these to a Treason;

That we humbly conceive will be worthy of your Lordships Consideration Number of Crimes below Treason or Felony, cannot make a Treason. in this Case; and that their Number cannot make them exceed their Nature: And if they be but Crimes and Misdemeanours apart, below Treason or Felony, they cannot make a Treason by putting them together.

Otherwise, the Statute of 25 Ed. 3. which we have so much insisted upon, had been fruitless and vain; if after all that exactness, any Number of Misdemeanours (in themselves no Treason) should by complication produce a Treason, and yet no mention made of it in that Law; much less any Determination thereby, that any Number, or what Number, and of what Nature of Crimes, below Treason, should make a Treason.

[Page] It is true, my Lords,

That by the Statute of 25 Ed. 3. there is a Clause in these Words:

It is accorded, That if any other Case, supposed Treason, which is not Power [...] declare [...], per Stat. 25. [...] 3. c. 2. Wherein we conceive there is no power to declare an Offence below a Felony to be a Treason. therein specified, doth happen before any Justices, the Justices shall tarry without any going to Judgment of the Treason, until the Cause be shewed and declared before the King and his Parliament, Whether it ought to be judged Treason, or Felony.

And that hereby might seem to be inferred, That there should be some other Treasons than are mentioned in that Law, which may be declared in Parliament.

But, my Lords, we shall observe,

1. If such Declaration look only forward, then the Law making ☜ it Treason preceeds the Offence, and is no more than an Enacting Law.

If it look backward to the Offence past, then it appears by the ☜ very Clause it self, of 25 Edw. 3. it should be at the least a Felony at the Common Law; and that a Crime, or Crimes, below a Felony, were never intended to be by this Law to be declared, or to be heightned to a Treason. And we find not any Crime declared Treason with a Retrospect, unless it were a Felony before: And in the late Case of Earl Strafford. the Earl of Strafford, Attainted by Bill, there is a Treason within ☜ this Law charged, and declared by the Bill of his Attainder to have been proved.

2. Secondly, We are not now in case of a Declaration of a Treason; but before your Lordships only upon an Impeachment; and in such case, we Whatsoever hath been hitherto placed in the Margin of this Argument, was transcribed from Mr. Hern's own Copy: But this which followeth, I transcribed from a loose Note, wrote by an unknown hand, and affixed to this place. H. W. humbly conceive, the Law already established, as it hath been, so it will be the Rule.

Thus, my Lords, we have gone through Concerning the Proviso in 25 Ed. 3. (last mentioned) it is observable, That Mr. Lane, in the Lord Strafford's Tryal, saith, That that Clause of Provision 25 Ed. 3. is quite taken away by 6 Hen. 8. Cap. 4. & 20. So that no Treason is now to be reckoned, but what is literally contained in 25 Ed. 3. See for this, Whitlock's Memoirs, pag. 43. See also Burnet's Hist. Reform. Part II. pag. 253. about the Repeal of Treasons. that Part which belongs to us, directed us by your Lordships; viz.

Whether in all or any the Articles exhibited before your Lordships, there is contained any Treason, by any established Law of this Kingdom; without medling at all with the Facts, or Proof made of them; which, together with our weak Endeavours, we humbly submit to your Lordships great Judgment: And for any Authorities cited by us, are ready (if so Commanded) to produce them.

Here this Day ended; and I had a few Days rest. But on Tuesday, October 22. being a Day made Solemn for Humiliation, my Octob. 22. 1644. Chamber at the Tower was searched again for Letters and Papers: But nothing found.

After this, there went up and down, all about London and the Suburbs, a Petition for the bringing of Delinquents to Justice; and some Preachers exhorted the People to be zealous in it, telling them it was for the Glory of God, and the Good of the Church. By this means, they got many Hands of Men which little thought what they went about. [Page] In this Petition, none were named but my self and the Bishop of Ely; so their Drift was known to none but their own Party; and was undoubtedly set on foot to do me mischief. Whose Design this was, God knows; but I have cause to suspect Mr. Pryn's Hand in it. This barbarous way of the Peoples clamouring upon great Courts of Justice, as if they knew not how to govern themselves and the Causes brought before them, is a most unchristian Course, and not to be endured in any well-governed State. This Petition, with a Multitude of Hands to it, was delivered to the House of Commons, on Munday, Octob. 28. Concerning which, I shall observe this, That Octob. 28. neither the Lord Mayor nor the Sheriffs made any stop of this Illegal and Blood-thirsty Course, though it were publickly known, and the People exhorted to set Hands to it in the Parish-Churches. What this, and such-like Courses as these, may bring upon this City, God alone knows, whom I humbly pray to shew it Mercy.

CAP. XLV.

THis Day, being All-hallan-day, a Warrant came to the Lieutenant, [...]. 1. from the House of Commons, to bring me to their Barr, to hear the Evidence formerly summed up, and given against me in the Lords House. I knew no Law nor Custom for this; for though our Votes, by a late Act of Parliament, be taken away, yet our Baronies are not: And so long as we remain Barons, we belong to the Lords House, and not to the Commons. Yet how to help my self I knew not; for when the Warrant came to me, the Lords House was risen; and I was commanded to the House of Commons the next Morning, before the Lords came to Sit: So I could not Petition them for any Priviledge. And had I done it, I doubt it would have been interpreted for an Endeavour to make a Breach between the Houses. And should I have under any Pretence refused to go, Mr. Lieutenant would have carried me.

Therefore, on Saturday, Novemb. 2. I went, according to the Warrant, Novemb. 2. to the House of Commons. So soon as ever I was come to the Barr, Mr. Speaker told me, There was an Ordinance drawn up, to Attaint me of High Treason; but, that they would not pass it, 'till they had heard a Summary of the Charge which was laid against me; and, that I was sent for to hear it also. I humbly besought them, that my Councel and my Solicitor (who were always present with me in the Lords House) might stand now by me: But it would not be granted. Then Mr. Brown, by Order from the Speaker, delivered the Collection and Sum of the Charge against me; much at one with that which he formerly made in the Lords House. Now I took Notes of it as exactly as I could. He had no sooner done, but Mr. Speaker pressed me to make Answer presently. I humbly besought the House I might not be put to that, the Charge being long and various; but that I might have Time; and, that my [Page] Councel might be heard for Matter of Law: I was commanded to withdraw. And when I was called in again, I received an Order peremptory, to Answer the Munday sev'n-night after, To such Things as the Reporter was mistaken in. But not a word of Hearing my Councel. I returned to my Prison.

This Wednesday, Novemb. 6. I got my Prayer-Book, by the help of Novemb. 6. Mr. Hern and Mr. Brown, out of Mr. Pryn's hands, where it had been ever since the last of May, 1643.

Munday, Novemb. 11. I came to the House of Commons again; and Novemb. 11. according to their peremptory Order, made my Answer to the Summary Charge which Mr. Brown made against me. But here I shall advertise the Reader, That to avoid troublesom and tedious Repetition, I shall not set down my Answer at large, as there I spake it; because there is nothing in it but what is in my former Answers, the Beginning and the End only excepted. But it was necessary for me then to make a whole and an entire Answer, because the House of Commons had then heard no Part of my Defence. But, I presume, the Charitable Reader will look upon my Answers in their proper place, rather than be troubled a second time with the same thing. Yet because Mr. Brown went a different way in his Summary, from the Charge largely given, I shall represent a Skeleton of my Answer, with all the Limbs of it entire, that it may be seen, as it were, together; though I report nothing which hath been already said. And thus I began:

Mr. Speaker, I was here Novemb. 2. It was the first time that ever My Defence in the House of Commons. I came within these Doors: And here then you gave me the most uncomfortable Break-fast that ever I came to; namely, That this Honourable House had drawn up an Ordinance against me of High Treason; but that before they would proceed farther, I should hear the Sum of the Charge which was against me; which was the cause I was sent for then. And to give my Answer to that which was then said, or rather mistaken in saying and inferring, is the cause of my coming now.

1. And first, Mr. Speaker, I give Thanks to this Honourable House, that they have given me leave to speak for my self. 2. Secondly, I do humbly desire, if any Word or Thing should be mistaken, or unadvisedly expressed by me (which shall be sore against my Will) I may have liberty to re-call and expound my self. 3. Thirdly, That you will favourably consider into what Straits I am cast, that after a long and tedious Hearing, I must now come to answer to a Sum, or an Epitome of the same Charge; which how dangerous it may be for me, all Men that know Epitomes, cannot but understand.

Mr. Speaker, I am come hither to make a Brief of my Answer to a Sum of my Charge; wherein I may receive as much Detriment by my own Brief, for want of larger Expression; as by the other of my Charge, by omission or mistake. Yet since your Command is upon me, I shall, without farther Preface (which I conceive would be as tedious to you, as to me troublesom) address my self, and with as much Brevity as the many Heads of the Charge will bear. And that my Answer may be the clearer, both to this Honourable [Page] House, and to the Gentleman who reported the Charge, I shall follow every thing in the same order he proceeded in. So far forth at least, as an old slow Hand could take them, a heavy Heart observe them, and an old decayed Memory retain them.

This worthy Gentleman hath pressed all things as hardly against me, as the Cause can any way bear: That was his Duty to this Honourable House, and it troubles me not. But his Carriage and Expressions were civil towards me, in this my great Affliction: And for this I render him humble and hearty Thanks; having from other Hands pledged my Saviour in Gall and Vinegar, and drunk up the Cup of the Scornings of the People to the very bottom.

This Gentleman began with four Generals, which he said I complained of, and I say I had cause so to do. The first Complaint was, 1. That I had lain three Years in Prison before I was heard. And this, he said, was my own fault, because I delayed the putting in of my full Answer when I was called. But herein he is quite mistaken. For I could not answer till I was called, and I was not called in three Years: Nor then could I plead to more Articles than were put to me. [Nor did this delay Three Months, of the Three Year. Yet this Gentleman in his Reply, said still, it was my Fault, because I did not Petition to be brought to Hearing. But this, under Favour, is a Weaker Reason than the former. For the condition of the Times considered, neither my Councel, nor my other Friends, nor my self; could think that a fit or a discreet way. Besides, it is well known, that had I Petitioned, I could not have been Heard, my Business being in a manner cast aside, till Mr. Pryn's Malice, actuated by a Search into my own Papers, undertook it.] The Gentleman said, my Second Complaint 2. was, That my Papers were Seized: But he said that was done by Authority. And I never denyed that. But that which he added is much mistaken, namely, that I ever Seized any Man's Papers without Authority, or by my own Power; but what was done in that kind, was by the Joynt Authority of that Court, in which I then sat. Nor was my Complaint general, that my Papers were Seized; but that the Papers prepared for my Defence were taken from me, and not restored when I needed them, and Petitioned for them. He said, my Third Complaint was, That many of the Witnesses 3. produced against me were Separatists. I did indeed complain of this, and I had abundant Cause so to do. For there was scarce an active Separatist in England, but some way or other his Influence was into this Business against me. And whereas, the Gentleman said, the Witnesses were some Aldermen, and some Gentlemen, and Men of Quality. That's nothing; for both Gentlemen, and Aldermen, and Men of all Conditions, (the more's the pity) as the Times now go, are Separatists from the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of England Established by Law. And I would to God some of my Judges were not. My Fourth Complaint he said was, of the excessive Number 4. of the Witnesses. And he added, that if I would not have so many Witnesses, I should not have given occasion for it, by Committing so many Crimes. But First, whether I have committed so many Crimes as are urged against me, is yet in Question. And Secondly, 'tis one thing to give Cause, and another thing to give Occasion: [Page] For an Occasion may be taken, when 'tis pretended as given. And so I hope it will be found in my Case. But the thing here mistaken is, That these are all said to be Legal Witnesses, whereas almost all of them have, at some time or other, been before me as their Judge, either at Star-Chamber, or Council-Table, or High-Commission, or as Referee. And then I humbly desire it may be considered. First how impossible it is for a Judge to please all Men. Secondly, how improbable it is, that Witnesses displeased should be indifferent in their Testimony. And Thirdly, how hard it is to convince a Man by such interessed Witnesses, now (upon the matter) becoming Judges of him that Judged them. And (as Quomodo potest malus litigator landare [...] Aug. Epist. 166. S. Augustin speaks) Quomodo potest, how is it possible for one that is Contentious and Evil, to speak well of his Judge?

From these Generals the Gentleman passed to the Particulars of the Charge; and he caused the 7, 8, 9, 10, 11. Original Articles, and the 7. Additional to be read. That done, he divided the Charge into two main Heads: The one, an Endeavour in me to subvert the Laws of the Kingdom: And the other, a like Endeavour to alter the true Protestant Religion into Popery. The Evidence given in the Lords House began at the Laws, and ended in Religion; but this Gentleman in his Summ, both there and here, began with Religion, and ended with the Laws.

The Charge concerning Religion, he said, would bear two Parts, I. the Ceremonial and the Substantial part of Religion.

(1) And he professed he would begin at the Ceremonial, where having First charged in general, the Statute of the 3 and 4 of Ed. 6. 6. 10. for the destruction of Images; he gave these particular Instances following, to shew my Intention to alter Religion.

1. The setting up of Coloured Glass with Pictures in the Windows of my Chappel; the Communion-Table Altar-wise; Candlesticks thereon, with Reverence and Bowings.

2. A Bible in my Study with the Five Wounds of Christ wrought upon the Cover in Needle-Work.

3. Three Pictures in my Gallery: The Ecce Homo, the Four Latin Fathers, and the History (S: John: 10.) of the True Shepherd entring in by the Door, and the Thief by the Window.

4. The Crucifix hung up in the Chappel at White-Hall on Good-Friday: And what happened there upon Dr: Brown's coming in, and doing Reverence.

5. The Copes and Bowings used in Cathedral Churches since my time.

6. The Ceremonies used at his Majesty's Coronation.

7. The Abuses in the Universities, especially Oxford.

1. The Titles given me from thence.

2. Divers Particulars in the new Statutes.

3. Images countenanced there, by me, in divers Chappels.

4. The Picture of the Virgin Mary, at S: Mary's Church-Door.

5. Nothing to be done without me in Congregations.

8. The Ceremonies in some Parish-Churches; and some punished for neglect of them. Instances in some of Beckinton, some of Lewis, and in Mr: Chancy of Ware.

[Page] 9. That I preferred no Men, but such as were active for the Ceremonies.

10. Passages expunged out of Books, if contrary to these Courses; as that in Dr. Featly's Sermons concerning Images.

11. Bibles with Pictures in them.

12. The severe Punishment of Mr. Workman of Gloucester; only for a Sermon against Images.

13. Words spoken to take Bishop Jewell's Works and the Book of Martyrs out of some Parish-Churches.

14. The Consecration of Cree-Church, and S. Giles in the Fields. In all which, as I humbly conceive, here's nothing (especially my Answers being taken to them) that can co-operate to any alteration of Religion. Nor is there any Treason, were all that is urged true.

(2) From hence, Mr. Speaker, this worthy Gentleman passed over from the Ceremonies, to those things which he said concerned the Substance of Religion. In which, the Particulars which he Charged were these:

1. A doubtfulness, if not a denyal of the Pope's being Antichrist.

2. Dislike of the Name, the Idol of Rome.

3. The alteration of some passages in the Publick Prayers appointed for Novemb. 5. and the Coronation Day.

4. The Antichristian Yoak left out of the Brief for the Palatinat, with an expression, as if we and those Reformed Churches were not of the same Religion.

5. That Men were punished for Praying for the Queen, and the Prince.

6. That the Church of Rome is a true Church.

7. That the Communion-Table or Altar is the Chief Place: For there's Hoc est Corpus meum.

8. Restraint of all Books against Popery. Instances in a Book of Bishop Carleton's. One tendred by Sir Edward Hungerford. Dr. Clarke's Sermons. Dr. Jones. None called in but Sales. That I my self did expunge some Passages out of a Sermon of Dr. Sibthorp's. Popish Books seized, re-delivered to the Owners. That for these I must answer for my Chaplains, since John Arch-Bishop of York was fined for his Commissary's Act against the Bishop of Durham; who having a Patent, could not so easily be put out of his Place, as I might change my Chaplains.

9. Three Ministers in my Diocess suspended for not reading the Book of Recreations on the Lord's Day.

10. The Feoffment for buying in of Impropriations overthrown, to the hindrance of Preaching, and Scandal to Religion.

11. Incroachment upon the Lord Chamberlain, for naming of Chaplains to the King; and upon the Master of the Wards for giving of Benefices.

12 Familiarity with Priests and Jesuits, S. Clara and Monsieur S. Giles.

13. The Testimonies of Mr. Challonor, Sir Henry Mildmay, and his Brother Mr. Anthony; what Opinion was held of me beyond the Seas, for my cunning introducing of Popery.

[Page] 14. That an Offer was made unto me to be a Cardinal. And thus far this Gentleman proceeded in points of Religion.

But because there hath passed divers things done at and by the Council-Table, the Courts of Star-Chamber, and High-Commission, and in Convocation; and because many more things so done, are to come in the next Head concerning the Law; I humbly crave leave, for avoiding tedious Repetition, to say it once for all, That no act done by any of these, either by full Consent or major Part, which involves the rest, ought to be charged singly against me. And that for these Reasons following:

1. First, because this is not Peccare cum Multis: For they meet not there in a Relation as Multi; but as Vnum Aggregatum; as Bodies made one by Law. And therefore the Acts done by them, are Acts of those Bodies, not of any one Man sitting in them. And in this Sense a Parliament is one Body consisting of many; and the Acts done by it are Acts of Parliament. For which (should any of them prove amiss) no one Man is answerable, though many times one Man brings in the Bill.

2. Secondly, because I could sway no Man's Vote in any of those Places, (though this hath been often urged against me, as an Over Potent Member) for my Vote was either last, or last save one, in all these Places. So I could not lead. Nor is there any so much as shew of Proof offered, that I moved, or prepared any Man to a Sentence one way or other, in any one of these Courts or Places.

3. Thirdly, because in those Courts of Judicature, there was the Assistance of able Judges, Lawyers, and Divines for direction. And how can that be a Treason in me, which is not made so much as a Misdemeanour in any of the rest?

4. Fourthly, because the Act of this present Parliament, which hath taken away the Star-Chamber, and the High-Commission, and bounded the Council-Table, looks forward only, and punishes no Man for any Act past; much less doth it make any Man's Actions done in them to be Treason: And I am no way excluded from the Benefit of that Act.

5. Lastly, because in all my Proceedings, both in the High-Commission and elsewhere, I kept strictly to the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of England Established by Law, against both Papist and other Sectaries. And under this Government, and Doctrine of this Church, it hath pleased God, now for above Fourscore Years together, to Bless this Kingdom and People above other Nations. And I pray God if we forsake the one, it prove not a Cause to deprive us of the other.

And now, Mr. Speaker, I shall follow this worthy Gentleman, as II. he went on to the Second General Head, the Subversion of the Laws. And here, when he had caused the 1, 2, 3, 5, and 14. Original Articles to be read, as also the 2, 9, and 10. Additionals; He then said, that I had laboured this Subversion by my Counsels and by my Actions.

(1.) By my Counsels First; Of which he gave Three Instances.

1. The Vote of the Council-Table to Assist the King in Extraordinary ways; if the Parliament should prove peevish and refuse. And this out of my Diary, at Decemb. 5. 1639.

[Page] 2. The Passage in the Epistle before my Speech in Star-Chamber, Not one Way of Government, since the Humours of the People were in continual Change.

3. A Speech at Council-Table, That now the King might use his own Power, &c. Witnessed only by Sir Henry Vane the Elder.

(2.) From my Counsels, proceed was made to my Actions: Where the Particulars were,

1. That I attempted to set Proclamations above the Law.

2. That I was for all Illegal Projects at the Council-Table: Instanced in Inclosures, in the Ship-Money, and Sir John Corbett's Commitment.

3. The taking down of the Houses about St. Paul's, with the large Commission for the Repair of the West-End.

4. The stopping of Two Brewers in their Trade, being in Westminster, and pretended to annoy the Court.

5. Things done by me as Referee: Instanced in a Case between Rich and Pool, and another of one Symmes.

6. Obstructing the Course of Law, by sending to Judges: Instanced in the Parishioners of Beckington; in the Case of Ferdinando Adams; in Sir Henry Martyn's Case, about an Attorney at Law; Judge Richardson's Words, in Mr. Huntley's Case; and Baron Trevers Words, in Grafton's Case.

7. The punishing Men that came in a Legal Way: Instanced in the Case of New-comin and Burrowes; that I said in the High-Commission, I hoped to see the Clergy exempt again the next hundred Years; the two Church-wardens of Chesham, with Words concerning Sir Thomas Dacres.

8. The Case of Prohibitions; and Mr. Wheeler's Note out of a Sermon of mine concerning them.

9. That no Pope ever claimed so much Jurisdiction; not from the King.

10. The Canons; and I the main Man; the over-grown Member again.

11. The Statutes of Oxford enforced a second time; Nevill's Case of Merton-College instanced in.

12. Books Printed that are against the Law: Instanced in Cowell's Interpreter, and Dr. Manwaring's Sermons.

13. The Alteration of the King's Oath at his Coronation.

14. My Enmity to Parliaments. To all which, as I then gave sufficient Answers, so I hope the Courteous Reader hath found them at large in their several Places. And for this last concerning Parliaments, I humbly and heartily desire, that this may be taken notice of, and remembred, That there is not, in any one of these Paper-Proofs produced against me, any one thing that offers to take away any Rights of Parliaments, rightly understood; much less any that offers to take away Parliaments themselves: Which is a continued Mistake all along this particular Charge. And if any rash or unweighed Words have fallen from me, yet these cannot be extended to the disannulling of Parliaments, or their Priviledges in any kind, which I defended in Print long since, before I could foresee any of this Danger threatning me: It is in my Book Cont. Fisher, p. 211. against Fisher. [Page] It was read in the Lords House, and I humbly desire I may read it here. And it was read.

After this, it was inferred by this worthy Gentleman, what a great Offender I was, and greater than Cardinal Woolsey. Mr. Speaker, I have seen the Articles against the Cardinal, and sure some body is mistaken; for some of them are far greater than any thing that is proved against me. In which (I thank Christ for it) my Conscience is at peace, whereas the Cardinal confessed himself guilty of them all; and yet no thought of Treason committed: And a Premunire was all that was laid upon him.

Then he gave a touch, That An. 45. Ed. 3. in Edward III.'s time, there was a Complaint, That too much of the Civil Government was in the hands of the Bishops; and that in the 45th Year of his Reign, they were put out, and Lay-men put in. But first, this concerns not me. Secondly, the late Act of this Parliament hath taken sufficient Order with that Calling, for medling in Civil Affairs. Thirdly, the time is memorable when this was done: It was in the Forty and fifth Year of Edward III. That's enough.

Mr. Speaker, I shall draw towards an end. Yet not forgetting what Ordinance you told me was drawn up against me; If that which I have now said may any way satisfie this Honourable House to make stay of it, or to mitigate it, I shall bless God and you for it. And I humbly desire you to take into consideration, my Calling, my Age, my former Life, my Fall, my Imprisonment, long and strict; That these Considerations may move with you. In my Prosperity (I bless God for it) I was never puffed up into Vanity, whatever the World may think of me. And in these last full four Years durance, I thank the same God, Tacit. L. 6. Annal. Gravem Fortunam constanter tuli, I have with decent Constancy born the weight of a pressing Fortune: And I hope God will strengthen me unto, and in the end of it.

Mr. Speaker, I am very Annum jam agens septuagesimum secundum. aged, considering the Turmoils of my Life; and I daily find in my self more Decays than I make shew of; and the Period of my Life, in the Course of Nature, cannot be far off. It cannot but be a great Grief unto me, to stand at these Years thus Charged before ye: Yet give me leave to say thus much without Offence, Whatsoever Errours or Faults I may have committed by the way, in any my Proceedings, through Human Infirmity; as who is He that hath not offended, and broken some Statute-Laws too by Ignorance, or Misapprehension, or Forgetfulness, at some sudden time of Action? Yet if God Bless me with so much Memory, I will die with these Words in my Mouth: That I never intended, much less endeavoured the subversion of the Laws of the Kingdom; nor the bringing in of Popish Superstition upon the true Protestant Religion, Established by Law in this Kingdom.

And now, Mr. Speaker, having done with the Fact, I have but this one thing to put to the Consideration of this Honourable House. My Charge hath been repeated, I confess, by a very worthy and a very able Gentleman. But Ability is not absolute in any. The Evidence given against me before the Lords, was (as by the Law it ought to be) given in upon Oath: But the Evidence now summed up, and presented to this Honourable House, is but upon the Collection and [Page] Judgment of one Man, how able or intire soever; and what he conceived is proved against me, is but according to his Judgment and Memory; which perhaps may differ much from the Opinion and Judgment of the Judges themselves, who heard the Evidence at large: Nor was this Gentleman himself present every Day of my Hearing; and then for those Days in which he was absent, he can report no more here, than what others have reported to him. So for so much, his Repetition here is but a Report of a Report of Evidence given: And at the best but a Report of Evidence, and not upon Oath. And, I suppose, never any Jurors, who are Tryers of the Fact in any Case, Civil or Criminal, did ever ground their Verdict upon an Evidence only Reported before them, and which themselves heard not.

And if this manner of Proceeding shall be thought less considerable in my Person; yet I humbly desire it may be thoroughly weighed in the prudent Judgment of this Honourable House, the great Preserver of the Laws and Liberties of the Subject of England, how far it doth or may trench upon these in future Consequences, if these great Boundaries be laid loose and open.

And because my Infirmities are many and great, which Age and Grief have added to those which are naturally in me, I most humbly desire again, That my Councel may be heard for point of Law, according to the former Concession of this Honourable House: For I assure my self, upon that which hath been pleaded to the Lords, That no one, nor all of the things together which are charged against me, if proved (which I conceive they are not) can make me guilty of High Treason, by any known Established Law of this Kingdom.

The Sum of all is this: Upon an Impeachment arising from this House, I have pleaded Not Guilty. Thereupon Issue hath been joined, and Evidence given in upon Oath. And now I must humbly leave it to you, your Wisdom and Justice, Whether it shall be thought Fit, and Just, and Honourable, to Judge me here, only upon a Report, or a Hearsay, and that not upon Oath.

CAP. XLVI.

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HEre ended the heavy Business of this Day. I was exceeding faint with speaking so long; and I had great pain and soreness in my Breast for almost a Fortnight after; then, I thank God, it wore away. I was commanded to withdraw, and to attend the Novemb. 13. 1644. House again on Wednesday, Novemb. 13. which I did. Then Mr. Brown made a Reply to my Answer: The Reply had some great Mistakes in it; but else was for the most part but a more earnest Affirming of what he had delivered. And I conceived I was not to Answer to his Reply, but that he was to have the last Speech: For so it was always carried, during my Hearing in the Lords House. Therefore being dismissed, I went away: And I was no sooner gone, but the House called for the Ordinance which was drawn up against me, and without Hearing my Councel, or any more ado, Voted me Guilty of High Treason. And yet, when I came that Day to the House, all Men, and many of the House themselves did much magnifie my Answer before given: I will forbear to set down in what Language, because it was high; and as no time can be fit for Vanity, so least of all was this time for me: And Vain I must needs be thought, should I here relate what was told me from many and good Hands. But it seems the Clamour prevailed against me.

On Saturday, Novemb. 16. this Ordinance was passed the House of Novemb. 16. Commons suddenly, and with so great deliberation, as you have heard, was transmitted to the Lords; and by them the Debate concerning it put off to Friday, Novemb. 22. Then the Earl of Pembroke began more Novemb. 22. fully to shew his canker'd Humour against me; how provoked, I protest I know not, unless by my serving him far beyond his Desert. There, among other course Language, he bestowed (as I am informed) the Rascal and the Villain upon me. And told the Lords, they would put off giving their Consent to the Ordinance, till the Citizens would come down, and call for Justice, as they did in my Lord Strafford's Case. Was there not Justice and Wisdom in this Speech? Novemb. 23: Novemb. 29. Novemb. 28. Hereupon the Business was put off to Saturday, Novemb. 23. and then to Friday, Novemb. 29. But then upon Thursday, Novemb. 28. Mr. Strowd came up with a Message from the Commons, to quicken the Lords in this Business: And at the end of his Message, he let fall, That they should do well to agree to the Ordinance, or else the Multitude would come down and force them to it. At this, some Lords very honourably took Exception; and Mr. Strowd durst not bide it, that this was any part of the Message delivered him by the House of Commons. But the matter was passed over, and Mr. Strowd not so much as checked. This, it may be, was thought seasonable by some, to hearten on the Violence of the Earl of Pembroke.

The Business not long heard on Friday, was put off again to Munday Decemb. 2. and the House of Lords put into a Committee, to examine Decemb. [...]. Particulars by their Notes: The Earl of Northumberland on the Wool-Sack during the Debate, which continued, more or less, some [Page] Days. Where their own Notes failed, they called to Mr. Brown, Clerk of their House, for his. But at last, finding him very ready and quick for any thing that was Charged against me, but loth to be known what Answer I gave to any Point, some Lords observed it. And it did after appear, that the Notes which he put to the Lords, were not the Notes which himself took, but that he had a Copy given him, (whether by Mr. Pryn or any other, I know not) and I was informed that the Earl of Warwick had another Copy of the very same. This is marvellous Just and Honourable in that Earl: And most Christian-like in Mr. Brown. It may be, he learned it out of the Notes which his Father-in-Law takes at Sermons.

Upon Munday December 16. there was (the Times considered) a Decemb. 16. 1644. very full House of Lords; about Twenty present, and my Business largely debated, and ready to come to the Question. I wish with all my Heart it had, while the House was so full. But the Earl of Pembroke fell again into his wonted violence: And asked the Lords what they stuck at? And added; what, shall we think the House of Commons had no Conscience in passing this Ordinance? Yes, they knew well enough what they did. One of the Wits hearing this Excellent Passage of the Earl's; Protested, If ever he lived to see a Parliament in Bedlam, this Prudent Earl should be Speaker, if he were able to procure him the Place.

In the mean time this Unhappy Clamour of his, put the Business Decemb. 17. off again to the next day, being Tuesday; Then there were but fourteen Lords in the House. My Business was assumed, and proposed in three Questions, and I was Voted Guilty of the Fact in all three. Namely, Guilty of endeavouring to Subvert the Laws: To Overthrow the Protestant Religion: And that I was an Enemy to Parliaments. Then it being put to the Judges, whether this were Treason or no; the Judges unanimously declared, that nothing which was charged against me was Treason, by any known and established Law of the Land, with many things to and fro concerning this Business.

On Tuesday Christmas-Eve, the Lords had a Conference with the Decemb. 24. Commons about it. In which they declared, that they had diligently weighed all things that were charged against me, but could not by any one of them, or all, find me guilty of Treason. And therefore desired that the Argument made by my Councel might be Answered. And if it could be made appear unto them by any Law, to be Treason, they would then proceed farther, as in Honour and Justice they should find fit. Then came Christmas-day, the last Wednesday in the Month, Decemb. 25. and a most Solemn Fast kept on it, with as Solemn an Ordinance for the due observance of this Fast, and against the manner of keeping of that day in former Superstitious Times. A Fast never before heard of in Christendom.

After this Conference, Mr. Serjeant Wild speaking freely to some Friends about this Business, told them, he wonder'd the Lords should so much distrust their Judgments, as to desire a Conference about it. To see how good Wits agree! Surely, I believe he was of the Earl of Pembroke's Councel, or the Earl of his, they jump so together. It seems in these Mens Opinions, the House of Commons can neither Err in Conscience nor Judgment. Howsoever, that House thought it fit [Page] the Lords should be satisfied, that I was by Law guilty of High Treason. And to that end sent up a Committee, Jan: 2. 1644. to make Jan. 2. [...]. proof of it to their Lordships. At this Meeting two Judges were present, Justice Reeves, and Judge Bacon. The Managers of the business against me, were three Lawyers, Mr: Brown, Serjeant Wild, and Mr: Nicolas. Neither my self nor any of my Councel there. What this will effect upon the Lords, Time must discover, as it doth the effects of other Eclipses. And thus far I had proceeded in this sad History by Jan: 3: 1644. The rest shall follow as it comes to my Knowledge. Jan: 3.

H: W: Next day, the Arch-Bishop receiving the News, that the Bill of Attainder had passed in the House of Lords, broke off his History, and prepared himself for Death. I shall therefore supply the History from the Accounts of Mr: Rushworth, and Dr: Heylin.

A short Supplement to the preceeding History, taken from the Historical Collections of John Rushworth, par: 3: vol: 2: p: 834.

THE Reasons of the Commons for the Attainder of the Arch-Bishop, were at a Conference Jan. 2. by Serjeant Wild, Mr. Brown, and Mr. Nicolas, communicated to the Lords; who thereupon, on the 4th of January, passed the Ordinance of Attainder; whereby it was Ordained, that he should suffer Death, as in Cases of High Treason. And on the 6th of January it was Ordered by both Houses; that he should suffer accordingly on Friday the 10th. But on the 7th, the Lords at a Conference, acquainted the Commons, with a Letter and Petition from the Arch-Bishop, and a Pardon to him from the King, dated the 12th of April 19 Car. of which he desired the benefit; but the same was over-ruled and rejected. His Petition was, that in case he must Die, Dr: Stern, Dr: Heywood, and Dr: Martin, might be permitted to be with him, before and at his Death, to Administer Comfort to his Soul; and that the manner of his Execution might be altered to Beheading. To which the Lords agreed; but the Commons then refused both; only granted, that Dr. Stern, and Mr. Marshal, and Mr. Palmer, should go to him; and one or both of the latter, to be constantly present, whilst Dr. Stern was with him. But the next day, upon another Petition of his, setting forth Reasons, from his being a Divine, a Bishop, one that had had the Honour to sit in the House of Peers, and of the King's Most Honourable Privy-Council, &c. Praying in those regards, not to be exposed to such an Ignominious Death; the Commons consented to remit the rest of the Sentence, and that he should suffer Death by being Beheaded. Accordingly on the 10th of January, he was conducted from the Tower to [Page] the Scaffold on Tower-Hill; where being arrived, holding a Paper in his Hand, he spake to the People as followeth.

Then followeth the Arch-Bishop's Speech and Prayer, and other Circumstances of his Execution, verbatim, as they were Printed in a Pamphlet of three Sheets in 4to, London, 1644.

A Larger Supplement to the preceeding History, taken out of Dr: Heylin's Cyprianus Anglicus,: or, his Life of Arch-Bishop Laud. Pag: 527, &c.

THE Bill of Attainder of the Arch-Bishop, passed in the House of Commons November 13. 1644. But yet the Business was not done; for the Lords stuck at it: Some of which, having not extinguished all the Sparks of Humanity, began to find themselves Compassionate of his Condition, not knowing how soon it should or might be made their own, if once disfavoured by the Grandees of that Potent Faction. For the Ordinance having been Transmitted to the House of Peers, and the House of Peers deliberating somewhat long upon it, it was Voted on December 4. That all Books, Writings, and Evidences, which concerned the Tryal, should be brought before the Lords in Parliament; to the end, that they might seriously and distinctly consider of all Particulars amongst themselves, as they came before them. But meaning to make sure work of it, they had in the mean time (after no small Evaporations of Heat and Passion) prepared an Ordinance, which they sent up unto the Lords, importing the displacing of them from all those Places of Power and Command which they had in the Army. Which being found too weak to hold, they fall upon another and a likelier Project, which was to bring the Lords to sit in the Commons House, where they were sure they should be inconsiderable both for Power and Number. And to effect the same with more speed and certainty, they had recourse to their Old Arts, drawing down Watkins with his General Muster of Subscriptions, and putting a Petition into his Hands, to be tendred by him to the Houses, that is, themselves: Wherein it was required amongst other things, That they should vigorously proceed unto the Punishment of all Delinquents; and that for the more quick dispatch of Publick Business of State, the Lords would please to Vote and Sit together with the Commons. On such uncertain Terms, such a ticklish Tenure, did they then hold their Place and Power in Parliament, who so officiously complied with the House of Commons, in depriving the Bishops of their Vote, and the Church's Birth-Right. And this was it which helped them in that time of need. And yet not thinking this device sufficient to fright their Lordships to a present compliance, Strowd was sent up with a Message from the House of Commons, to let them [Page] know, That the Londoners would shortly bring a Petition, with 20000 Hands to obtain that Ordinance. By which stale and common Stratagem, they wrought so far on some weak Spirits, the rest withdrawing themselves, (as formerly in the Case of the Earl of Strafford) that in a thin and slender House, not above six or seven in number, it was pass'd at last. The day before they pass'd the Ordinance for Establishing their New Directory; which in effect, was nothing but a total Abolition of the Common-Prayer-Book; and thereby shewed unto the World, how little hopes they had of setling their new Form of Worship, if the Foundation of it were not laid in the Blood of this Famous Prelate, who had so stoutly stood up for it, against all Novellism and Faction, in the whole course of his Life. It was certified by some Letters to Oxon, and so reported in the Mercurius Aulicus of the following Week, That the Lord Bruce (but better known by the Name of the Earl of Elgin) was one of the Number of those few Lords, which had Voted to the Sentence of his Condemnation: The others which concurred in that fatal Sentence, being the Earls of Kent, Pembroke, Salisbury, and Bullingbrook, together with the Lord North, and the Lord Gray of Wark. But whatsoever may be said of the other six, I have been advertised lately from a very good Hand, that the said Lord Bruce hath frequently disclaimed that Action, and solemnly professed his detestation of the whole Proceedings, as most abhorrent from his Nature, and contrary to his known Affections, as well unto his Majesty's Service, as the Peace and Preservation of the Church of England.

This Ordinance was no sooner passed, but it revived many of those Discourses which had before been made on the like occasion, in the Business of the Earl of Strafford.— Here we have a new-found Treason, never known before, nor declared such by any of his Majesty's Justices, nor ever brought to be considered of by the King and his Parliament; but only Voted to be such, by some of those Members which sate at Westminster, who were resolved to have it so for their private Ends. The first Example of this kind, the first that ever suffered Death by the Shot of an Ordinance, as himself very well observed in his Dying Speech upon the Scaffold, (though purposely omitted in Hind's Printed Copy) to which now he hastneth.

For the passing of the Ordinance being signified to him by the then Lieutenant of the Tower; he neither entertained the News with a Stoical Apathy, nor wailed his Fate with weak and Womanish Lamentations, (to which Extreams most Men are carried in this Case) but heard it with so even and so smooth a Temper, as shewed, he neither was ashamed to Live, nor afraid to Die. The time between the Sentence and Execution, he spent in Prayers and Applications to the Lord his God, having obtained, though not without some difficulty, a Chaplain of his own to Attend upon him, and to assist him in the work of his Preparation; though little Preparation needed to receive that Blow, which could not but be welcome, because long expected.— On the Evening before his Passover, the Night before the dismal Combat betwixt him and Death, after he had refreshed his Spirits with a moderate Supper, he betook himself unto his Rest, and Slept very soundly, till the time came, in which his [Page] Servants were appointed to Attend his Rising. A most assured sign of a Soul prepared.

The fatal Morning being come, he first applied himself to his private Prayers, and so continued, till Pennington and others of their Publick Officers, came to conduct him to the Scaffold; which he ascended with so brave a Courage, such a chearful Countenance, as if he had mounted, rather to behold a Triumph, than be made a Sacrifice; and came not there to Die, but to be Translated. And though some Rude and Uncivil People, Reviled him as he pass'd along, with opprobrious Language, as loth to let him go to the Grave in Peace, yet it never discomposed his Thoughts, nor disturb'd his Patience. For he had profited so well in the School of Christ, that when he was reviled, he reviled not again; when he suffered, he threatned not, 1 Pet. 2. 23. but committed his Cause to him that Judgeth Righteously. And as he did not fear the Frowns, so neither did he covet the Applause of the Vulgar Herd; and therefore rather chose to read what he had to speak unto the People, than to affect the ostentation, either of Memory or Wit, in that dreadful Agony: Whether with greater Magnanimity than Prudence, I can hardly say. As for the matter of his Speech, besides what did concern himself and his own Purgation, his great care was to clear his Majesty and the Church of England, from any inclination to Popery; with a perswasion of the which, the Authors of the then present Miseries had abused the People, and made them take up Arms against their Soveraign. A Faithful Servant to the last: By means whereof, as it is said of Sampson in the Book of Judges, That the Men which he slew at his Death, were more than they which he Judg. 16. 30. slew in his Life: So may it be affirmed of this Famous Prelate, That he gave a greater Blow unto the Enemies of the Church and the King, at the Hour of his Death, than he had given them in his whole Life before. But this you will more clearly see by the Speech it self, which followeth here according to the best and most perfect Copy, delivered by his own Hands unto one of his Chaplains, and in his Name presented to the King by the Lord John Bellasis at the Court in Oxon.

The Speech of the Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, spoken at his Death, upon the Scaffold on the Tower-Hill, Jan. 10. 1644.

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Good People,

THIS is an uncomfortable Time to Preach; yet I shall begin with a Text of Scripture, Heb. 12. 2. Let us run with Patience the Race which is set before us, looking unto Jesus, the Author and Finisher of our Faith; who for the Joy that was set before him, endured the Cross, despising the Shame, and is set down at the right Hand of the Throne of God.

I have been long in my Race, and how I have looked to Jesus the Author and Finisher of my Faith, he best knows. I am now come to the End of my Race, and here I find the Cross, a Death of Shame. But the Shame must be despised, or no coming to the Right Hand of God. Jesus despised the Shame for me, and God forbid but that I should despise the Shame for him. I am going apace (as you see) towards the Red-Sea, and my Feet are now upon the very Brink of it; an Argument, I hope, that God is bringing me into the Land of Promise; for that was the way through which he led his People. But before they came to it, he instituted a Passover for them, Exod. 12. [...] a Lamb it was, but it must be eaten with Sour Herbs. I shall obey, and labour to digest the Sour Herbs, as well as the Lamb. And I shall remember it is the Lord's Passover: I shall not think of the Herbs, nor be angry with the Hand that gathereth them, but look up only unto him, who instituted that, and governs these. For Men can have no more Power over me, than what is given them from above. John 19. 11. I am not in Love with this Passage through the Red-Sea, for I have the Weakness and Infirmities of Flesh and Blood plentifully in me; and I have prayed with my Saviour, Vt transiret Calix iste, That this Cup of Red Wine might pass from me; but if not, God's Will (not mine) be done: And I shall most willingly drink of this Cup, as deep as he pleases, and enter into this Sea; yea, and pass through it in the way that he shall lead me.

But I would have it remembred (Good People) that when God's Servants were in this Boisterous Sea, and Aaron amongst them, the Egyptians which persecuted them, (and did in a manner drive them into the Sea) were Drowned in the same Waters, while they were in pursuit of them. I know my God, whom I serve, is as able to deliver Dan. 3. me from This Sea, [...] Copy. the Sea of Blood, as he was to deliver the Three Children from the Furnace; and (I humbly thank my Saviour for it) my Resolution is now as theirs was then; they would not Worship the Image the King had set up, nor will I the Imaginations which the People are setting up; nor will I forsake the Temple and the Truth of God, to follow the Bleating of Jeroboam's Calves in Dan and Bethel. And as for this People, they are at this Day miserably misled, (God [Page] of his Mercy open their Eyes that they may see the right way) for at this Day, the Blind lead the Blind, and if they go on, both will certainly Luk. 6. 39. fall into the Ditch. For my self, I am (and I acknowledge it in all Humility) a most grievous Sinner many ways, by Thought, Word and Deed: I cannot doubt but God hath Mercy in store for me (a poor Penitent) as well as for other Sinners. I have now, and upon this sad Occasion, ransacked every corner of my Heart; and yet (I thank God) I have not found (among the many) any one Sin, which deserves Death by any known Law of this Kingdom: And yet hereby I charge nothing upon my Judges; for if they proceed upon Proof (by valuable Witnesses) I, or any other Innocent, may be justly Condemned. And (I thank God) though the weight of my Sentence be heavy upon me, I am as quiet within, as ever I was in my Life. And though I am not only the First Arch-Bishop, but the First Man that ever died In this way, Hind's Copy. by an Ordinance in Parliament; yet some of my Predecessors have gone this way, though not by this means. For Elphegus was hurried away, and lost his Head by the Danes, and Simon Sudbury in the Fury of Wat Tiler and his Fellows. Before these, St. John Baptist had his Head Danced off by a lewd Woman; and St. Cyprian, Arch-Bishop of Carthage, submitted his Head to a persecuting Sword. Many Examples, (Great and Good) and they teach me Patience; for I hope my Cause in Heaven will look of another Dye than the Colour that is put upon it here. And some Comfort it is to me, not only that I go the way of these Great Men in their several Generations; but also that my Charge (as foul as it is made) looks like that of the Jews against St. Paul, Act. 25. 8. for he was Accused for the Law and the Temple, i. e. Religion: And like that of S. Stephen, Act. 6. 14. for breaking the Ordinances which Moses gave, i. e. Law and Religion, the Holy Place and the Temple, ver. 13. But you will then say, Do I then compare my self with the Integrity of St. Paul and St. Stephen? No, far be that from me. I only raise a Comfort to my self, that these great Saints and Servants of God, were laid at in their Time, as I am now. And it is memorable, that St. Paul, who helped on this Accusation against St. Stephen, did after fall under the very same himself. Yea; but here is a great Clamour, that I would have brought in Popery: I shall answer that more fully by and by. In the mean time, you know what the Pharisees said against Christ himself; if we let him Job. 11. 48. alone, all men will believe in him, & venient Romani, and the Romans will come, and take away both our Place and Nation. Here was a causeless cry against Christ, that the Romans would come: And see how just the Judgment was; they Crucified Christ for fear lest the Romans should come; and his Death was it which brought in the Romans upon them, God punishing them with that which they most feared. And I pray God, this Clamour of venient Romani, (of which I have given no cause) help not to bring them in. For the Pope never had such an Harvest in England since the Reformation, as he hath now upon the Sects and Divisions that are amongst us. In the mean time, by Honour and Dishonour, by good Report and evil Report, as Deceivers and yet true; am I passing through this World, 2 Cor. 6. 8. Some Particulars also I think it not amiss to speak of.

[Page] And First, this I shall be bold to speak of the King our Gracious Soveraign. He hath been much traduced also for bringing in of Popery; but in my Conscience (of which I shall give God a very present Account) I know him to be as free from this Charge as any Man living; and I hold him to be as sound a Protestant (according to the Religion by Law Established) as any Man in this Kingdom; and that he will venture his Life as far and as freely for it. And I think I do, or should know, both his Affection to Religion, and his Grounds for it, as fully as any Man in England.

The Second Particular, is concerning this great and Populous City (which God bless.) Here hath been of late a Fashion taken up to gather Hands, and then go to the great Court of this Kingdom, (the Parliament) and Clamour for Justice; as if that Great and Wise Court, before whom the Causes come, (which are unknown to many) could not, or would not do Justice but at their appointment. A way which may endanger many an Innocent Man, and pluck his Blood upon their own Heads, and perhaps upon the City's also: and this hath been lately practised against my self, the Magistrates standing still, and suffering them openly to proceed from Parish to Parish, without any Check. God forgive the Setters of this, (with all my Heart I beg it) but many well-meaning People are caught by it. In St. Stephen's Case, when nothing else would serve, they stirred Act. 6. 12. up the People against him. And Herod went the same way when he had killed St. James: Yet he would not venture on St. Peter, till he found how the other Pleased the People. But take heed of having Act. 12. 3. your Hands full of Blood; for there is a time, (best known to himself) Esa. 1. 15. when God (above other Sins) makes Inquisition for Blood; and when that Inquisition is on foot the Psalmist tells us, that God remembers, Psal. 9. 12. (that's not all) he remembers and forgets not the Complaint of the Poor. That is, whose Blood is shed by Oppression, ver. 9. Take heed of this: It is a fearful thing to fall into the Hands of the Living Heb. 10. 31. God; but then especially, when he is making Inquisition for Blood. And (with my Prayers to avert it) I do heartily desire this City to remember the Prophesie that is expressed, Jer. 26. 15.

The Third Particular is the Poor Church of England. It hath Flourished, and been a shelter to other Neighbouring Churches, when Storms have Driven upon them. But, alas! now it is in a Storm it self; and God only knows whether, or how it shall get out. And (which is worse than the Storm from without) it is become like an Oak cleft to Shivers with Wedges made out of it's own Body, and at every Cleft Profaneness and Irreligion is entring in, while (as Prosper speaks in his Second Book de Contemptu Vitae, cap. 4.) Men that introduce Profaneness, are Cloaked over with the Name, Religionis imaginariae, of Imaginary Religion. For we have lost the Substance, and dwell too much in Opinion: And that Church, which all the Jesuites Machinations could not Ruine, is fallen into Danger by her own.

The last Particular (for I am not willing to be too long) is my self. I was Born and Baptized in the Bosom of the Church of England Established by Law; in that profession I have ever since lived, and in that I come now to Die. This is no time to dissemble with God, [Page] least of all in matters of Religion: And therefore I desire it may be remembred, I have always lived in the Protestant Religion established in England, and in that I come now to Die. What Clamours and Slanders I have endured for labouring to keep an Uniformity in the external Service of God, according to the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church, all Men know, and I have abundantly felt.

Now at last I am Accused of High-Treason in Parliament, a Crime which my Soul ever abhorred. This Treason was Charged to consist of two Parts, An Endeavour to subvert the Laws of the Land, and a like Endeavour to overthrow the true Protestant Religion Established by Law. Besides my Answers to the several Charges, I protested my Innocency in both Houses. It was said, Prisoners Protestations at the Bar, must not be taken. I can bring no Witness of my Heart, and the Intentions thereof; therefore I must come to my Protestation, not at the Bar; but my Protestation at this Hour and Instant of my Death; in which I hope all Men will be such Charitable Christians, as not to think I would Die and Dissemble, being Instantly to give God an Account for the Truth of it. I do therefore here in the Presence of God and his Holy Angels take it upon my Death, that I never Endeavoured the subversion of Law or Religion: And I desire you all to remember this Protest of mine for my Innocency in this, and from all Treasons whatsoever. I have been Accused likewise as an Enemy to Parliaments: No; I understand them, and the Benefit that comes by them too well to be so. But I did mislike the Misgovernments of some Parliaments, many ways, and I had good Reason for it. For Corruptio Optimi est Pessima, there is no Corruption in the World, so bad as that which is of the Best Thing within it self; for the better the thing is in Nature, the worse it is Corrupted. And that being the Highest Court, over which no other hath Jurisdiction, when it is misinformed or misgoverned, the Subject is left without all Remedy. But I have done: I forgive all the World, all and every of those Bitter Enemies which have persecuted me; and humbly desire to be forgiven of God First, and then of every Man, whether I have offended him or not; if he do but conceive that I have. Lord do thou forgive me, and I beg forgiveness of him. And so I heartily desire you to joyn in Prayer with me.

Which said, with a distinct and audible Voice he Prayed as followeth.

O Eternal God and Merciful Father, look down upon me in Mercy, in the Riches and fulness of all thy Mercies look down upon me: But not till thou hast nailed my Sins to the Cross of Christ, not till thou hast bathed me in the Blood of Christ, not till I have hid my self in the Wounds of Christ, that so the Punishment due unto my Sins may pass over me. And since thou art pleased to try me to the utmost, I humbly beseech thee, give me now in this great Instant, full Patience, proportionable Comfort, and a Heart ready to Die for thine Honour, the King's Happiness, and the Churches Preservation. And my Zeal to this (far from Arrogancy be it spoken) is all the Sin (Humane Frailty excepted, and all the Incidents thereunto) which is yet known to me in this Particular for which I now come to suffer; I say in this Particular [Page] of Treason. But otherwise my Sins are many and great: Lord Pardon them all, and those especially (whatever they are) which have drawn down this present Judgment upon me. And when thou hast given me strength to bear it, do with me as seems best in thine own Eyes: And carry me through Death, that I may look upon it in what Visage soever it shall appear to me. Amen. And that there may be a stop of this Issue of Blood in this more than miserable Kingdom, (I shall desire that I may Pray for the People too, as well as for my self) O Lord I beseech thee give Grace of Repentance to all Blood-Thirsty People; but if they will not Repent, O Lord confound all their Devices, defeat and frustrate all their Designs and Endeavours upon them, which are, or shall be contrary to the Glory of thy Great Name, the Truth and Sincerity of Religion, the Establishment of the King and his Posterity after him in their just Rights and Priviledges, the Honour and Conservation of Parliaments in their just Power, the Preservation of this poor Church in her Truth, Peace and Patrimony, and the settlement of this distracted and distressed People under their Ancient Laws, and in their Native Liberty. And when thou hast done all this in meer Mercy to them, O Lord fill their Hearts with Thankfulness, and with Religious Dutiful Obedience to thee and thy Commandments all their Days. Amen, Lord Jesu, Amen. And receive my Soul into thy Bosom, Amen.

Our Father which art in Heaven, &c.

The Speech and Prayer being ended, he gave the Paper which he read into the Hands of Stern his Chaplain, permitted to Attend him in his last Extremity: Whom he desired to Communicate it to his other Chaplains, that they might see in what manner he left this World; and so Prayed God to shew his Blessings and Mercies on them. And taking notice that one Hind had employed himself in writing the Words of his Speech as it came from his Mouth, he desired him not to do him wrong in Publishing a False or Imperfect Copy. This done, he next applied himself to the Fatal Block, as to the Haven of his Rest. But finding the way full of People, who had placed themselves upon the Theatre to behold the Tragedy, he desired he might have room to Die, beseeching them to let him have an end of his Miseries which he had endured very long. All which he did with so serene and calm a Mind, as if he rather had been taking order for a Noble-Man's Funeral, than making way for his own. Being come near the Block, he put off his Doublet, and used some Words to this Effect, God's Will be done; I am willing to go out of this World, none can be more willing to send me. And seeing through the Chinks of the Boards, that some People were got under the Scaffold about the very Place where the Block was seated, he called to the Officer for some Dust to stop them, or to remove the People thence, saying, It was no part of his Desires that his Blood should fall upon the Heads of the People. Never did Man put off Mortality with a Better Courage, nor look upon his Bloody and Malicious Enemies with more Christian Charity. And thus far he was on his way toward Paradise, with such a Primitive Magnanimity, as Equalled if not Exceeded the Example of the [Page] Ancient Martyrs, when he was somewhat interrupted by one of those who had placed himself on the Scaffold, not otherwise worthy to be Named, but as a Firebrand brought from Ireland to inflame this Sir John Clotworthy. Kingdom. Who finding that the Mockings and Revilings of Malicious People, had no power to move him, or sharpen him into any discontent or shew of Passion, would needs put in and try what he could do with his Spunge and Vinegar; and stepping to him near the Block, he would needs propound unto him some impertinent Questions, not so much out of a desire to learn any thing of him, but with the same purpose as was found in the Scribes and Pharisees in propounding Questions to our Saviour; that is to say, either to intrap him in his Answers, or otherwise, to expose him to some disadvantage with the standers by. Two of the Questions he made Answer to, with all Christian Meekness. The first Question was, What was the Comfortablest Saying which a Dying Man would have in his Mouth? To which he Meekly made Answer, Cupio dissolvi & esse cum Christo. Being asked again, What was the fittest Speech a Man could use to express his Confidence and Assurance? He answered with the same Spirit of Meekness, That such Assurance was to be found within, and that no words were able to express it rightly. But this not satisfying this Busie Man, (who aimed at something else, as is probable, than such satisfaction) unless he gave some Word or Place of Scripture, whereupon such Assurance might be truly founded; he used some words to this effect, That it was the Word of God concerning Christ, and his dying for us. But then finding that there was like to be no end of the Troublesom Gentleman, he turned away from him, applying himself directly to the Executioner, as the Gentler and Discreeter Person. Putting some Money into his Hand, he said unto him, without the least distemper or change of Countenance, Here, Honest Friend, God forgive thee and I do, and do thy Office upon me with Mercy. And having given him a Sign when the Blow should come, he kneeled down upon his Knees, and Prayed as followeth; viz.

Lord I am coming as fast as I can; I know I must pass through the shadow of Death, before I can come to see thee; but it is but Umbra Mortis, a meer shadow of Death, a little darkness upon Nature; but thou by thy Merits and Passion hast broke through the Jaws of Death. So Lord, Hind's Copy. The Lord receive my Soul, and have Mercy upon me, and bless this Kingdom with Peace and Plenty, and with Brotherly Love and Charity, that there may not be this effusion of Christian Blood amongst them, for Jesus Christ his sake, if it be thy will.

Then laying his Head upon the Block, and praying silently to himself, he said aloud, Lord receive my Soul; which was the Signal given to the Executioner; who very dexterously did his Office, and took off his Head at a blow, his Soul ascending on the Wings of Angels into Abraham's Bosom, and leaving his Body on the Scaffold to the care of Men. And if the Bodies of us Men be capable of any Happiness in the Grave, he had as great a share therein as he could desire, his Body being accompanied to the Earth with great Multitudes [Page] of People, whom Love, or Curiosity, or remorse of Conscience, had drawn together purposely to perform that Office, and decently Interred in the Church of Alhallow Barking, (a Church of his own Patronage and Jurisdiction) according to the Rites and Ceremonies of the Church of England. In which it may be noted as a thing remarkable, That being whilst he Lived, the greatest Champion of the Common-Prayer-Book here by Law Established, he had the Honour being Dead, to be Buried by the Form therein prescribed, after it had been long disused, and almost reprobated in most Churches of London.

Hitherto Dr. Heylin.

[The same day that the House of Lords passed the Ordinance of Attainder against the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, (viz. Jan. 4.) they likewise passed an Ordinance, that the Book of Common-Prayer should be laid aside, and for Establishing the Directory for Publick Worship, which had been framed by the Assembly of Divines. Rushworth, par. 3. vol. 2. pag. 839.]

H. W. On the Arch-Bishop's Coffin was nailed a little Brass-Plate, with his Arms, and this Inscription Engraven thereon.

In hac Cistuli conduntur Exuviae Gulielmi Laud Archiepiscopi Cantuariensis; qui Securi percussus, Immortalitatem adiit Die X. Januarij, AEtatis suae LXXII. Archiepiscopatûs XII.

In the Year 1663 his Body was removed from All-Hallows Church in London, and, being carried to Oxford, was there Solemnly deposited July 24. in a little brick Vault, near to the Altar of the Chappel in St. John Baptist's College.

The Arch-Bishop's Last Will and Testament.
In Dei Nomine, Amen.

[Page]

I William Laud, by God's great Mercy and Goodness, Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, being in perfect Health, (tho' at this time a Prisoner in the Tower of London, God knows for what) in due and serious Consideration of Humane Frailty, do hereby Make, Ordain and Declare, this my Last Will and Testament, in Manner and Form following.

And First, in all Humility and Devotion of a contrite Heart, I [...] beg of God Pardon and Remission of all my Sins, for and through the Merits and Mediation of Jesus Christ my alone Saviour. And though I have been a most Prodigal Son; yet my hope is in Christ, that for his sake, God (my most merciful Creator) will not cast off the Bowels of Compassion of a Father. Amen, Lord Jesus. In this Hope and Confidence I render up my Soul with Comfort, into the Mercies of God the Father, through the Merits of God the Son, in the Love of God the Holy Ghost: And I humbly pray that most Blessed and Glorious Trinity, One God, to prepare me in that Hour of Dissolution, and to make me wait every Moment when my Changing shall come, and in my Change, to receive me to that Rest which he hath. prepared for all them that Love and Fear his Name. So, Amen: Lord Jesu, Amen.

Whomsoever I have in the least degree Offended, I heartily ask God and him Forgiveness. And whosoever hath Offended me, I pray God forgive them, and I do. And I hope and pray, that God will forgive me my many Great and Grievous Transgressions against him. Amen.

For my Faith, I Die as I have Lived, in the True Orthodox Profession of the Catholick Faith of Christ, foreshewed by the Prophets, and Preached to the World by Christ himself, his Blessed Apostles and their Successors; and a True Member of his Catholick Church, within the Communion of a Living part thereof, the present Church of England, as it stands Established by Law.

Secondly, I leave my Body to the Earth, whence it was taken, in full assurance of the Resurrection of it from the Grave at the last day. This Resurrection I constantly believe my Dear Saviour Jesus Christ will make happy unto me his poor and weary Servant. And for my Burial, tho' I stand not much upon the place, yet if it conveniently may be, I desire to be Buried in the Chappel of St. John Baptist's College in Oxford, underneath the Altar or Communion-Table there. And should I be so unhappy as to die a Prisoner; yet my earnest desire is, I may not be buried in the Tower. But wheresoever my Burial shall be, I will have it private, that it may not waste any of the poor Means which I leave behind me to better Uses.

[Page] Thirdly, For my Worldly Estate, I Will, that my Debts be presently paid, which at this time I praise God are very small. Then for St: Paul's Church, it grieves me to see it at such a stand. And tho' I have, besides my pains, given largely towards it, and the Repairs thereof; yet I leave it a Blessing of 800 l. which will be truly paid in for that Work, if ever it go on, while the Party trusted with it lives. But my Executors are not charged with this; 'tis in safe, but other Hands.

Item, I take the boldness to give to my Dread and Dear Soveraign King Charles (whom God bless) 1000 l. and I do forgive him the Debt, which he owes me, being 2000 l. and require, that the Tallies for it be delivered up.

Item, I give to St: John's College in Oxford, where I was bred, all my Chappel-Plate, gilt or party-gilt: All my Chappel-Furniture, all such Books as I have in my Study at the time of my Death, which they have not in their Library, and 500 l. in Money, to be laid out upon Lands. And I Will, that the Rent of it shall be equally divided to every Fellow and Scholar alike, upon the 17th: day of October,: every fourth Year. Something else I have done for them already, according to my Ability: And God's everlasting Blessing be upon that Place and that Society for ever— I give to the Right Honourable George Lord Duke of Buckingham his Grace, my Chalice and Patin of Gold; and these I desire the young Duke to accept, and use in his Chappel, as the Memorial of him who had a Faithful Heart to love, and the Honour to be beloved of his Father. So God bless him with wise and good Counsels, and a Heart to follow them.

By Father and Mother, I never had Brother nor Sister; but by my Mother many. They were all Ancient to me, and are Dead; but I give to their Children as followeth.

Legacies— To his Brother Dr: Robinson's Children, Scil: The shorter Lines both here and afterwards, are Abbreviations of so many several parts of the Will, made by W. S. A. C. Henry and John, and Lucie, and Elizabeth Wife to Dr: Baily. To Dr: Cotsford, Son of his Sister Amie. To Dr: Edward Layfield, Son of his Sister Bridget. To Eliz: Holt, Daughter of his Sister Bennet. To William Bole, Son of his Sister Elizabeth. To his Sister Briget's Daughter, Wife to Mr: Snow. To his Chaplains. Rings f. each. rich, or Watches. To the Poor of several places he had reference to, 5 l. each. To Canterbury, Lambeth, and Croydon, 10 l. each.

To the University of Oxford, where I was Bred, and to the Town of Reading, where I was Born, I have already— in perpetuity, as God hath made me able.

Item, I give to so many of my Servants, as did continue my Servants till the time that the Storm fell on me, as followeth.

—Among the rest, to Mr: Cobb my Organ that is at Croydon, my Harp, my Chest of Viols, and the Harpsichon that is at Lambeth.

The remainder of my Estate, above that which is given, or shall be added to this my Will, I charge my Executor (as he will Answer me at the Bar of Christ) that he lay out upon Land, as far as it will [Page] go; and then settle it by some sure course in Law to such Uses, and under the same Conditions, as I have setled my Land at Bray upon the Town of Reading.

Of which, 50 l. per Annum, to be setled on the Town of Ockingham, 50 l. on Henly upon Thames, 50 l. on Wallingford, and 50 l. on Windsor, to the Uses aforesaid for ever. If it rise to less; that there be an even abatement to all these places. But if it purchase more, (as, says he, it needs must, if I be well dealt with) all above 200 l. per Annum, he gives to Dr: Baily, and his Son William after him, and his Heirs for ever.— He held a Lease of Barton-Farm (near Winchester) of the Cathedral Church of Winchester, taken in his Servant Richard Cobb's Name, Rent 370 l. per Annum, of which, he gives (during the Lease) 50 l. per Annum to the City of Winchester, for the binding out of Apprentices; the rest to several Nephews and Servants. And if (says he) the Cathedral Church of Winchester be: suffered to enjoy its Lands, I leave the power of renewing this Lease to Dr: Richard Baily, he paying Mr: Rich. Cobb 100 l. for his pains taken for me in this Purchase, &c.

Item, I give to my Successor (if the present Troubles in the State leave me any) my Organ in the Chappel at Lambeth; Provided, that he leave it to the See for ever. Likewise, I give him my Barge, and Furniture to it. As for the Pictures in the Gallery at Lambeth, I leave them to Succession; as well those that I found there, as those which I have added. But in case the Arch-Bishoprick be dissolved, (as 'tis threatned) then I Will, that my Executor add the Organ, the Barge, and such Pictures as are mine, to my Estate; that is, if they escape Plundering.

Item, I give to my Servant f Rich. Cobb. Mr: R: C: (besides what already) 50 l. if he deal truly with my Estate.

By this Will I do revoke all former Wills; and do charge my Executor (as he will Answer me before Christ) that he perform my Will punctually in all Particulars, which the Rapine of the Time shall not have Plundered from him, or the Violence of the Time over-ruled him.

Item, I do lay upon Dr: Baily above Named, the charge of all my Papers and Paper-Books, if they can escape the Violence of the Time. And I give him an English Bible in 4to, cover'd with Murry-leather, in which are some brief Notes upon the Liturgy; and a Note-Book in Folio, in which is my Catalogue of Books in relation to my course of Study, and my Directory to almost all my other Papers and Books: All which Papers and Paper-Books I give him also. But with this Proviso, that he burn all that he thinks not fit to use himself, that my Weakness (whatever it be) be not any Man's Scorn; and my Diligence, I am sure, cannot.

Then he makes Dr: Baily his sole Executor, and gives him 200 l. for his pains. But adds,— If he shall not be Living at the time of my Death, or shall die before he make due Probat of [Page] this my Will, then Mr: John Robinson of London, Merchant. And if he die, then Mr: Edward Layfeild. And if he die, then Dr: Tho: Walker, Master of Vniversity College.

And my express Will is; that whatsoever my Estate amounts unto, my Executor shall have no more of it, than is particularly and by Name given him in this my Will.

And I do heartily pray my Executor to take care, that my Book written against Mr: Fisher the Jesuit, may be Translated into Latin, and sent abroad; that the Christian World may know, see and judge of my Religion. And I give unto him that Translates it, 100 l.

He makes the Bishops, Juxon, Curle, Wren and Duppa, Overseers of his Will, and gives them for their pains 10 l. apiece.

Thus I forgive all the World, and heartily desire forgiveness of God and the World: And so again commend and commit my Soul into the Hands of God the Father who gave it, in the Merits and Mercies of my Blessed Saviour Jesus Christ who Redeemed it, and in the Peace and Comfort of the Holy Ghost who Blessed it; and in the Truth and Unity of his Holy Catholick Church, and in the Communion of the Church of England, as it yet stands Established by Law.

I most willingly leave the World, being weary at the very Heart of the Vanities of it, and of my own Sins, many and great, and of the grievous Distractions of the Church of Christ almost in all parts of Christendom: Which Distractions God in his good time make up, who well knows upon what many of them are grounded.

For the Mony to bear the Charge of those Legacies expressed in my Will, and other Intendments; I have, for fear of the present Storm, committed it to honest, and (I trust in God) safe Hands. And I doubt not, but they will deliver the Mony in their several Custodies to my Executor for the Uses expressed. But I forbear to Name them; lest the same Storm should fall on them, which hath driven me out of all I have considerable in my own Possession, &c. Jan: 13: Anno: 1643.

Probat: 8: Jan: 1661. by Dr: Baily.

Several Passages of Arch-Bishop Laud's Conference with Fisher the Jesuit, [...] Londin. 1639. Fol. referred to in the preceding History.

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I.

Pag. 211.

IN some Kingdoms there are divers Businesses of greatest Consequence, which cannot be finally and bindingly ordered, but in and by Parliament. And particularly the Statute-Laws, which must bind all the Subjects, cannot be made and ratified, but there.—And again, as the Supreme Magistrate in the State Civil, may not abrogate the Laws made in Parliament, though he may dispense with the Sanction, or Penalty of the Law, quoad hic & nunc, as the Lawyers speak.

II.

Pag. 171.

John Capgrave, one of your own, and Learned for those Times; and long before him William of Malmesbury tells us, that Pope Vrban the Second, at the Council [...] cunctis liberalium Artium Disciplinis eruditum pro Magistro teneamus, & quasi Comparem, velut alterius Orbis Apostolicum & [...] Capgr. in vit. S. Anselmi, & Gu. [...] de Gestis Pontific. Anglor. p. 223. [...] prima Sedes Archiepiscopi habetur, qui est totius Angliae Primas & [...]. Id. Ibid. p. 195. held at Bari in Apulia, accounted my worthy Predecessor S. Anselm, as his own Compeer, and said, he was as the Apostolick and Patriarch of the other World. (So he then termed this Island.) Now the Britains having a Primate of their own, (which is greater than a Metropolitan) yea a Patriarch if you will, he could not be appealed from, to Rome, by S. Gregory's own Doctrine.

III.

Pag. 278.

The Doctrine it self is so full of Danger, that it works strongly, both upon the Learned and Unlearned, to the Scandal of Religion, and the Perverting of Truth. For the unlearned First, how it works upon them by whole Countries together, you may see by what happened in Asturia, Cantabria, Galaecia; no small parts of Spain. For there the People (so he Hieron. Lamas, in Summa, p. 3. c. 3. tells me that was an Eye-Witness, and that since the Council of Trent) are so addicted to their Worm-eaten and Deformed Images, that when the Bishops commanded New, and Handsomer Images to be set up in their rooms, the poor People cryed for their Old, would not look up to their New, as if they did not represent the same thing. And it works upon the Learned too, more than it should. For it wrought so far upon Lamas himself, who bemoaned the former passage, as that he delivers this Doctrine, That the Images of Christ, the Blessed Virgin, and the Saints, are not to be Worshiped, as if there were any Divinity in the Images, as they are Material things made by Art; But only as they represent Christ and the Saints; for else it were Idolatry. [Page] So then belike, according to the Divinity of this Casuist, a Man may Worship Images, and ask of them, and put his Trust in them, as they represent Christ and the Saints: For so there is Divinity in them, though not as things, yet as Representers. And what I pray did, or could any Pagan-Priest say more than this? For the Proposition resolved is this; The Images of Christ and the Saints, as they represent their Exemplars, have Deity or Divinity in them. And now I pray, A. C. do you be Judge, whether this Proposition do not teach Idolatry? And whether the Modern Church of Rome be not grown too like to Paganism in this Point? For my own part, I heartily wish it were not. And that Men of Learning would not strain their Wits to spoil the Truth, and rent the Peace of the Church of Christ, by such Dangerous, such Superstitious Vanities. For better they are not; but they may be worse. Nay, these and their like have given so great a Scandal among us, to some ignorant, though (I presume) well-meaning Men, that they are afraid to Testifie their Duty to God, even in his own House, by any outward Gesture at all. Insomuch, that those very Ceremonies, which by the Judgment of Godly and Learned Men, have now long continued in the Practice of the Church, suffer hard Measure for the Romish Superstitions sake.

IV.

Pag. 292.

And for the Calvinists, if they might be rightly understood, they also maintain a most True and Real Presence, though they cannot permit their Judgment to be Transubstantiated. And they are Protestants too. And this is so known a Truth, that Bellarmin confesses it. lib. 1. de Euchar. cap. 2. s. quinto dicit.—For the Calvinists, at least they which follow Calvin himself, do not only believe, that the true and real Body of Christ is received in the Eucharist; but that it is there, and that we partake of it Verè & Realiter, (which are Calvin's in 1 Cor. 10. 3. & in 1 Cor. [...] 24. own Words;) And yet Bellarmin boldly affirms, that to his reading, no one Protestant did ever affirm it. And I, for my part, cannot believe but [...] had read Calvin, and very carefully, he doth so frequently and so mainly oppose him. Nor can that place by any Art be shifted, or by any Violence wrested from Calvin's true meaning of the Presence of Christ in and at the Blessed Sacrament of the Eucharist, to any Supper in Heaven whatsoever. But most manifest it is, that quod legerim, for ought I have read, will not serve Bellarmin to excuse him. For he himself, but in the very Chapter going before, quotes four places out of Calvin, in which he says expresly, That we receive in the Sacrament the Body and the Blood of Christ verè, truly. So Calvin says it four times, and Bellarmin quotes the places; and yet he says in the very next Chapter, That never any Protestants said so, to his Reading. And for the Church of England, nothing is more plain, than that it believes and teaches the true and real presence of Christ in the Eucharist.

V.

Pag. 376.

Secondly, if the Religion of the Protestants be in Conscience a [Page] known false Religion, then the Romanists Religion is so too; for their Religion is the same. Nor do the Church of Rome and the Protestants set up a different Religion, (for the Christian Religion is the same to both) but they differ in the same Religion; and the difference is in certain gross Corruptions, to the very endangering of Salvation, which each side says the other is guilty of.

VI.

Pag. 377.

After these Reasons thus given by him, A. C. tells me, That I neither do, nor can prove any Superstition or Error to be in the Roman Religion. What, none at all? Now truly, I would to God from my Heart this were true, and that the Church of Rome were so happy, and the whole Catholick Church thereby blessed with Truth and Peace. For I am confident such Truth as that, would soon either command Peace, or confound Peace-Breakers. But is there no Superstition in Adoration of Images? None in Invocation of Saints? None in Adoration of the Sacrament? Is there no Errour in breaking Christ's own Institution of the Sacrament, by giving it but in one kind? None about Purgatory? About Common-Prayer in an unknown Tongue none? These and many more, are in the Roman Religion, (if you will needs call it so) and 'tis no hard work to prove every of these to be Errour, or Superstition, or both.

VII.

Pag. 320.

For a Church may hold the Fundamental Point Literally, and as long as it stays there, be without controul; and yet Err grosly, dangerously, nay, damnably, in the Exposition of it. And this is the Church of Rome's Case. For most true it is, it hath in all Ages maintained the Faith unchanged in the expression of the Articles themselves: But it hath in the Exposition both of Creeds and Councils, quite changed and lost the Sense and the Meaning of some of them. So the Faith is in many things changed, both for Life and Belief, and yet seems the same. Now that which deceives the World is, that because the Bark is the same, Men think this old decayed Tree is as sound as it was at first, and not weather-beaten in any Age. But when they can make me believe that Painting is true Beauty, I'll believe too, that Rome is not only Sound, but Beautiful.

VIII.

Pag. 128.

For the Church may import in our Language, The only True Church; and perhaps, (as some of you seem to make it) the Root and the Ground of the Catholik. And this I never did grant of the Roman Church, nor ever mean to do. But a Church can imply no more, than that it is a Member of the whole. And this I never did, nor ever will deny, if it fall not absolutely away from Christ. That it is a True Church, I granted also; but not a Right, as you impose upon me. For Ens and Verum, Being and True, are convertible one with another; and every thing that hath a Being, is truly that Being [Page] which it is, in truth of Substance. But this Word Right is not so used; but it is referred more properly to perfection in Conditions: And in this Sense, every thing that hath a true and real Being, is not by and by Right in the Conditions of it. A Man that is most Dishonest, and Unworthy the Name, a very Thief (if you will) is a True Man, in the Verity of his Essence, as he is a Creature Endued with Reason; for this none can steal from him, nor he from himself; but Death. But he is not therefore a Right, or an Upright Man. And a Church that is exceeding Corrupt, both in Manners and Doctrine, and so a Dishonour to the Name, is yet a True Church in the verity of Essence, as a Church is a Company of Men, which profess the Faith of Christ, and are Baptized into his Name; but yet it is not therefore a Right Church, either in Doctrine or Manners. It may be you meant cunningly to slip in this Word Right, that I might at unawares grant it Orthodox: But I was not so to be caught. For I know well, that Orthodox Christians are Keepers of Integrity, (so St. Augustin) and Integritatis Custodes, & Recta sectantes. De vera Relig. c. 5. Followers of right Things; of which the Church of Rome at this Day is neither. In this Sense then no Right, that is, no Orthodox Church at Rome.

IX.

Epist. Dedicat. circa med.

For, to my remembrance, I have not given him, or his, so much as Course Language. But on the other side, God forbid too, that your Majesty should let both Laws and Discipline sleep, for fear of the Name of Persecution, and in the mean time, let Mr. Fisher and his Fellows, Angle in all parts of your Dominions for your Subjects. If in your Grace and Goodness you will spare their Persons, yet I humbly beseech you see to it, That they be not suffered to lay either their Weels, or Bait their Hooks, or cast their Nets in every Stream, lest that Tentation grow both too general, and too strong. I know they have many Devices to work their Ends; but if they will needs be Fishing, let them use none but Lawful Nets: Let's have no dissolving of Oaths of Allegiance, no Deposing, no Killing of Kings, no blowing up of States to settle Quod Volumus, That which fain they would have in the Church; with many other Nets, as dangerous as these. For if their Profession of Religion were as good as they pretend it is, if they cannot compass it by good means, I am sure they ought not to attempt it by bad: For if they will do evil that good may come thereof, the Apostle tells me, Their Damnation's just, Rom. 3. 8.

Now, as I would humbly beseech your Majesty to keep a serious Watch upon these Fishermen, which pretend S. Peter; but Fish not with his Net. So, &c.

X.

A Passage out of the Conference at Hampton-Court, referred to in the preceding History.

Pag. 28.

Upon the first Motion, concerning falling from Grace, the Bishop of London took occasion to signifie to his Majesty, how very many in these days, neglecting Holiness of Life, presumed too much of persisting of Grace, laying all their Religion upon Predestination, [Page] if I shall Saved, I shall be Saved; which he termed a desperate Doctrine, shewing it to be contrary to good Divinity, and the True Doctrine of Predestination, wherein, we should Reason rather ascendendo, than descendendo; thus; I Live in Obedience to God, in Love with my Neighbour, I follow my Vocation, &c. therefore I trust that God hath Elected me, and Predestinated me to Salvation: Not thus, which is the usual course of Argument; God hath Predestinated and chosen me to Life; therefore though I sin never so grievously, yet I shall not be damned: For whom he once loveth, he loveth to the End. Whereupon, he shewed his Majesty out of the next Article, what was the Doctrine of the Church of England, touching Predestination, in the very last Paragraph, Scil. We must receive God's Promises in such wise as they be generally set forth to us in Holy Scripture, and in our doings, that the Will of God is to be followed, which we have expresly declared unto us in the Word of God. Which part of the Article his Majesty very well approved. And after he had, after his manner, very singularly discoursed on that place of Paul, Work out your [...]. 2. 12. Salvation with fear and trembling; he left it to be considered, whether any thing were meet to be added, for the clearing of the Doctor his doubt, by putting in the Word often, or the like; as thus, We may often depart from Grace: But in the mean time wished that the Doctrine of Predestination might be very tenderly handled, and with great discretion; lest on the one side God's Omnipotency might be called in question, by impeaching the Doctrine of his eternal Predestination; or on the other side a desperate Presumption might be arreared, by inferring the necessary certainty of standing and persisting in Grace.

XI.

A Passage out of the Arch-Bishop's Speech in Star-Chamber, at the Censure of Pryn, Burton, and Bastwick, referred to in the Preceding History.

Pag. 36.

The Learned make but Three Religions to have been of old in the World, Paganism, Judaism, and Christianity; and now they have added a Fourth, which is Turcism, and is an absurd mixture of the other three. Now if this ground of theirs be true (as 'tis generally received) perhaps it will be of dangerous consequence, sadly to avow, that the Popish Religion is Rebellion. That some Opinions of theirs teach Rebellion, that's apparently True; the other would be thought on; to say no more.

XII.

A Passage out of the New Statutes of the Cathedral and Metropolitical Church of Christ in Canterbury, drawn by the Arch-Bishop, and prescribed to that Church by the King, 1636.

Cap. 34. de Celebratione Divinorum.

Statuimus etiam; ut nullus Canonicorum & aliorum in Choro Ministrantium, Divinorum Officiorum tempore, absque Insignibus Choro & [Page] Gradui convenientibus, Chorum ingrediatur. Singuli verò, cujuscunque fuerint Gradûs aut Ordinis, in ingressu Chori Divinam Majestatem devotâ mente adorantes, humiliter se inclinabunt versùs Altare (prout antiquis quarundam Ecclesiarum Statutis cautum novimus) & dein conversi, Decano quoque debitam Reverentiam exhibebunt. Quòd si contigerit aliquem ex quacunque causâ de loco in locum transire in Choro; Reverentiam similiter in medio Chori, tam versùs Altare, quàm versùs stallum Decani (si praesens fuerit) exhibebit, tum in eundo, tum in redeundo, toties quoties.

XIII.

A Passage out of Arch-Bishop Parker's Antiquitates Britannicae, concerning Prohibitions, referred to in the preceding History.

Pag. 326, 327. edit. Londin.

Jamque Juris Regni periti, ut sui commodi Causâ Regia for a multitudine Anno 1445. litium & Infinitate replerent, plerasque Causas & Controversias ab Archiepiscopali & Episcopali Audientiâ ad sua Judicia vocabant; & Ecclesiasticam Jurisdictionem decimarum, Matrimoniorum & Testamentorum atque ultimarum Voluntatum, finibus & cancellis concludere volebant; in quibus etiam saepe ejus potestatem Prohibitionibus Regiis coercebant & impediebant. Tum illa Provisionum Statuta & Brevia de Praemunire, si Praelati ac Judices ecclesiastici digitum (ut aiunt) latum praescriptos à se jurisdictionis fines transilirent, multis minis vibrabant. Ea Poena Praelatis valdè terribilis fuit. Nam si à laicis Judicibus rei pronuntiarentur, & bonis omnibus mulctandi & aeternis carcerum tenebris involvendi erant. Hujus Poenae atrocitate Episcopi & Praelati jurisdictione praediti ita perplexi & perturbati sunt; ut quia Leguleiorum minantia Tela vix vitare poterant, Anno. 1446. consilium sine Morâ ineundem putarunt, & Londini in Synodo convenerunt. In eâ supplicationem totius Anglicani Cleri Nomine conceptam Regi tradiderunt; in qua de laicis judicibus oppidò semperquè clericis infestis graviter conquesti sunt. Nullam esse Causam dixerunt, cur pro Regis Regni (que) incolumitate ac Salute major Fides consuetudinum quàm Legum peritis sibi (que) Ecclesiasticae Jurisdictionis Praelatis haberetur. Se enim jure certo haerere ac insistere; illos arbitrio vagari, ac jura pro causis quotidianis quotidiana suo aeri insculpere, eadem (que) in causis eisdem figere, tollere ac refigere. Tum quod in aliis Statutis Parliamenti Authoritate edantur (quo quidem jure nescitur) interpretationem sibi peculiariter arrogare & leges condentium intentiones at (que) mentes (quae sola lex omnibus humanis legibus imperitat) incertis motivis & decretis impudenter & imperitè, quocun (que) vellent, deducere. Non esse autem aliam Regi causam, cur Praelatorum fides sibi in dubium veniret, quàm quod prioribus seculis Clerus à Rege defecit, & Romano Pontifici adhaesit. Nunc autem eadem ista lata jura, quae Praelatis ipsis in Parliamento contra Romanum Pontificem deprecantibus pro jure Regio sancita sunt, in Praelatos Regni iniquâ Juridicorum & Leguleiorum calumniâ censurâ (que) torqueri. Id quod ex uno inani verbo, ab aliquo litigioso calumniatore perperam interpretato, perspici facilè possit. Nam Lex his disertis verbis sancita est. That Anno, 16. Rich. 2. cap. 5. if any purchase or pursue, or do to be purchased or pursued, in the Court of Rome, or elsewhere; any such Translations, Processes, and Sentences of Excommunications, Bulls, Instruments, or any [Page] other things, which touch the King, against him, his Regality, or his Realm, &c. Si quis impetret aut persequatur, seu impetrari vel persequi procuret, in Curiâ Romanâ, seu alibi, aliquas ejusmodi Translationes, Processus & Sententias excommunicationum, Bullas, Instrumenta, vel aliam rem quamcunque, quae Regem tangat, contra eum, ejus regalem dignitatem vel regnum. Ex his verbis Causidici, qui Praelatos Sanctionum periculis involvere vellent, cavillantur hac tam gravi poenâ ecclesiasticos Judices teneri, si quantulumcunquè in jurisdictionem [...], aut quovismodo titubaverint. Quo terrore proposito, perdifficilis & periculosa erit ecclesiasticae jurisdictionis tam arctis coercitae sinibus tractatio. Quod eo est [...], quia Statutum illud in Praelatorum gratiam latum est. Cum enim indignissimi antea quique ad Papam promiscuè confugissent, ab eo (que) nummis intervenientibus opulentissima beneficia & maximas dignitates Ecclesiasticas impetrâssent; nec Praelati ea ambitione & cupiditate Romanâ impediti Ecclesias, quarum essent Patron, liberè conferre poterant, proscriptione sancitum est: Ne Regis deinceps subditi [...] provisiones à Papâ peterent; aut citationes, processus, excommunicationes, vel ecclesiasticas censuras à Papâ Romae, seu alibi, ratione hujusmodi Provisionum decretas, interpositas, aut fulminatas, in Angliâ vel alibi, contra Regem aut Regis subditos exequeretur, denunciaret, aut promulgaret. Quod verbum alibi calumniosi Legulei malitiosâ interpretatione convertunt in Praelatos; ejusque sensum esse call dè fingunt, si de causa civili non modo Romae, sed in ecclesiasticis foris & consisto ijs, quae Curias Christianitatis appellant, etiam in regno, lis fortè interveniat. At longè alium fuisse illorum sensum, quorum consensu conditum tum Statutum fuit, certum est, qui illud verbum in curiâ Romanâ vel alibi, interposuerunt. Quia Papa ipse saepe ab urbe Romanâ Lugduni, Pisis, Avinione, aliis (que) locis, Româ longè lateque disjunctis, abfuit, in quibus illa [...] jura non minus quam Romae usurpavit. Tum [...] Papae eadem ipso Papae Nomine frequenter facere; quibus perinde illâ saluberrimâ sanctione occurrendum fuit, quam his quae Romae siunt. Itaquè contra omnem juris & aequitatis rationem esse; ut quae salubriter in Praelatorum utilitatem constituta sunt, iniquissimis interpretantium cavillis in eorum perniciem torqueantur. Praeterea quis existimare queat, tam insanos tum fuisse Episcopos; ut tam duris & saevis, si modò ita accipiantur, in se Legibus vellent consentire? Nam si causas forte civiles in suis foris tractent, pedem (que) in Regis jurisdictionem intulerint; an eâdem poenâ afficiendi censerentur, quâ Papae provisores? Etenim omni aequo & rationabili jure [...] convenit esse delicto parem. Itaquè si jurisdictionis sibi [...] sines exeant; non ipso jure tam graves poenas incurrant; sed Prohibitionibus coerceantur, quas si contempserint, vindicentur de contemptu. Legum enim poenas verborum ambiguitate ad casus non expressos nullo jure referendas; sed si verbum ullum in condendâ lege ambiguum interveniat, etiam si de condentium mente non appareat, tamen id in benigniorem significationem interpretatione deducendum. Ad extremum addiderunt, iniquè secum agi, quòd laicorum Judicum, qui ut ecclesiastica jurisd ctio pen tus [...], & contemptui vulgo siat, quidlibet statuere vellent, tanquam inimicorum censuras & judicia patiantur. Summa petitionis hujus fuit; ut Parliamenti interpretatione illa vox alibi, quae tam perplexam difficultatem induxit, declaretur; tum ut Ecclesiastici Judices, nisi Prohibitiones regias spreverint [...] tam atroci contra Provisores poena non teneantur: Postremò, ut hi, [Page] qui de jurisdictionis finibus totis viribus contra Praelatos tam hostiliter semper dimicare solent, à concedendis Prohibitionibus, & cognoscendis hujusmodi causis exercendis (que) in Ecclesiasticos Judices judiciis supersedeant: Alijque statuantur, qui cum de jurisdictionis utriusque finibus agatur, aut illae causae in controversiam venirent, sine omni suspicione & interpretari controversa jura aequius, & sine invidiâ judicare, rectius velint. In hac autem re Polidorus Virgilius falsus est. Quod Martinum Papam, qui diu Lib. XIX. An. 1374. antè obijt, cum Henrico Sexto Rege de rescindendis illis juribus & actionibus egisse, & illa statuta, quae contrà Papae Provisiones lata sunt, à poenis provisis & praemonitis nuncupata esse scribat. Sed ut omisso [...] peregrino & à nostrae historiae sensu veritate (que) aliena, ad hanc Praesulum atque Praelatorum supplicationem revertamur: Si tum, cum Papa authoritatem regiam in omni jurisdictione exerceret, cumquè vis ejus etiam Regibus esset formidabilis, tamen contra tam immanem & violentam juris regni peritorum interpretationem deprecari Praelati coacti sunt; quid nunc facient, cum Ecclesiasticae jurisdictionis gubernaculis Principi delatis, & Papali usurpatione exclusâ, nec illa Causidicorum turba neque quisquam [...] hominum ordo majore fide, religione, doctrinâ, prudentiâ & facundiâ Papalem oppugnent, & Principis jurisdictionem tueantur, quàm Praelati: Vt graviori supplicio digni sint hi, qui Ecclesiastica judicia jam contrà Papam, eaquè Principis nomine exercitata, obsoletis illorum Statuorum calumnijs nunc impediant, & Praelatos à munere suo piè recte (que) gerendo deterreant; quàm qui priscis illis temporibus Papales Provisiones Romae vel alibi impetrarent. Quod si tam iniqui calumniatores duriores esse volunt, & vetera ob alias causas lata jura non ad Principis aut Reipublicae; sed ad suam utilitatem atque quaestum, & ad integerrimi religiosissimi (que) Praelatorum ordinis perniciem refricare volunt; saltem ipsi simili Lege latâ patiantur legem talionis: eadem (que) poena plectantur; si in Ecclesiasticae jurisdictionis limites incurrant, quâ Praelatos, si suas causas vel minimo digito attigerint, affici volunt.

XIV.

A Passage out of Arch-Bishop Parker's Antiquitates Britannicae, concerning Ceremonies used in Consecration of Churches, referred to in the Preceding History.

Pag. 85.

Etsi enim assentior rectè ac secundum Deum egisse Pontifices [Romanos] quòd hujusmodi nugis ac praestigijs, quae multis ante eos saeculis in summo usu & existimatione à veteribus culta & observata fuerunt, fidem omnem ac authoritatem detraxerint; in hoc tamen desidero illorum [...] Pietatem, sive Prudentiam, quod quae in eo genere corrigere volebant, in alio deteriora effecerunt; ut immutata magis & ad novas superstitiones traducta, quàm penitus deleta & extincta cernantur. Legat enim qui volet recentiores, & nostro praesertim aevo editos, Pontificales ac Missales Libros; reperiet eos & Ceremoniarum multitudine & peragendi difficultate atque taedio, & exorcisationis amentiâ, priores illos longè superare. Quibus enim, non dicam verbis, sed portentes, haec & hujusmodi à Pontificijs adhuc adjurantur? Primarius Lapis, & Caementum pro Ecclesiâ aedificandâ, Sal & Aqua, Panis Benedictus, Dedicatio recentis Ecclesiae, Altaria, Vasa, Indumenta, Linteamina, & Ornamenta Ecclesiastica, Altare Portatile, [Page] Calix cum Patenâ, Crux Nova, Sanctorum Imagines, Campane atque Signa, Cineres, Incensus, tum in Militum (ut vocant) Règularium erectione, Arma, Enses & Vexilla Beilica. Haec omnia, quàm solenni ritu, Sanctarum Scripturarum Sententijs ad suas Decantationes perperam adhibitis, Pontificij peragunt, paucis videamus, &c.—Sed quid hujus generis infinita exempla persequar? Cui enim dubium est, hujusmodi Exorcismis Papales Ritus & Ceremonias abundare; qui ab his, quos in ordinatione Ordalii vulgaris (que) purgationis antiquitus secuta est, quam serò damnabant, aut nihil differunt, aut pluribus magis (que) stupendis praestigijs referti sunt. At Sanctus Augustinus, qui suo tempore de Caeremoniarum multitudine quaestus est, si jam viveret, quid de hoc immenso numero, & prolixo earum celebrandarum modo, existimare poterat?

XV.

A Passage out of a Pamphlet, entituled Antidotum Culmerianum. Printed at Oxford, 1644. [...]. referred to in the preceding History.

Pag. 11.

Who but he (Richard Culmer, then demolishing the painted Glass and other Ornaments of the Cathedral Church of Canterbury) made the place his Refectory, his Dining Room, the place of his Repast at that time? Being so sedulous, hot and intent upon the Work, that to lose no time in following it, he took his Bottle and Bag with him to victual himself upon the place. If all this amount not to Impudence, as perhaps with too many Judges in these Days it will not; I shall tell you now of Impudence with a Witness: And I term it so, because I have it from an Eye-Witness of good Credit, that, not without just Scandal, saw the deed done, and will be ready, if lawfully required, to attest and justifie the Report with his Corporal Oath. What do you think then of Pissing in the open Church, and at Noon-Day, in Publick view?—This is he that did the deed in the Body of that Cathedral, &c.

XVI.

A Passage out of the same Pamphlet, referred to in the preceding History, being part of Richard Culmer's Information against Mr. E. B. a Gentleman of Quality of Goodneston in Kent, his Parishioner, Exhibited at the Council-Table.

Pag. 35.

And I heard the said Mr. B. say, having read over the Book of Sabbath-Recreations, and delivering it to me before Evensong in the Church, I asked him, if he had read it; he replyed, yes; it will make a good Privy Seal. And my Wife and I heard him in our own House say of the said Book, that it was, as if a School-Master should say; it is a good Boy, ply thy Book, and thou shalt go to play in the Afternoon. And I and my Servant heard him say, that it was unfit such Books should be sent for Ministers to read in the Church. Yet, after he had a Project to get my Benefice, [Page] he to collogue for it, said in my Hearing that it was a good Book; and if it were read, the Sabbath would be better kept than ever it was. Dated July 31. 1635.

Per me Rich. Culmer.

XVII.

A third Passage out of the same Pamphlet, referred to in the preceding History, being the Order of Council-Table, made against Richard Culmer, after he had Exhibited the said Information.

Pag. 19.

At White-Hall, Octob. 9. 1635.

Present.

Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury his Grace.

Lord Keeper

Lord Privy-Seal

Earl Marshal.

Lord Cottington.

Mr. Secretary Windebank.

Whereas upon an Information given by R. C. Clerk, against E. B. of B. in the County of Kent, Gent. the said E. B. was sent for by Warrant, and bound to Appear and Answer the same before their Lordships, Friday the 9th of this present; this day, both the said Parties having been called and heard before the Board: Their Lordships finding the said Information and Complaint against Mr. B. to have been Causeless and Unjust, did think fit and order, that he should be forthwith discharged from any further Attendance concerning the same, and that the Bonds by him entred into for his Appearance, should be delivered up unto him. Lastly, that the said R. C. should, for such his Mis-information and Abuse, stand committed Prisoner to the Fleet.

XVIII.

A Passage out of a Sermon, Preached by Dr. Heylin at Oxford, 1630. against the Feoffment for buying in Impropriations, referred to in the preceding History.

Life of Arch-Bishop Laud, pag. 199.

Planting also many Pensionary Lecturers in so many places where it need not; and upon days of common Labour, will at the best bringing forth of Fruit, appear to be a Tare indeed, though now no Wheat be counted Tares, &c. We proceed a little on further in the proposal of some things to be considered. The Corporation of Feoffees for buying in of Impropriations to the Church; doth it not seem in the appearance to be an excellent piece of Wheat? A Noble and Gracious point of Piety? Is not this Templum Domini, Templum Domini? But, blessed God, that Men should thus draw near unto thee with their Mouths, and yet be far from thee in their Hearts! For what are those intrusted in the managing of this great Business? [Page] Are they not the most of them the most Active, and the best Affected Men in the whole Cause, and Magna Partium Momenta, chief Patrons of the Faction? And what are those whom they prefer? Are they not most of them such as must be serviceable to their dangerous Innovations? And will they not in time have more Preferments to bestow, and therefore more Dependencies, than all the Prelates in the Kingdom, &c. yet all this while we sleep and slumber, and fold our Hands in Sloth; and see perhaps, but dare not note it.

XIX.

A Passage out of the Statute of the 27th of Elizabeth, against Jesuits and Seminary Priests, referred to in the preceding History.

27 Eliz. cap. 2. sect. 3.

And be it further Enacted by the Authority aforesaid; that it shall not be Lawful to or for any Jesuit, Seminary Priest, or other such Priest, Deacon, or Religious Ecclesiastical Person whatsoever, being born within this Realm, or any other Her Highness Dominions, and heretofore since the said Feast of the Nativity of St. John Baptist, in the First Year of Her Majesty's Reign, made, ordained, or professed, or hereafter to be made, ordained, or professed, by any Authority or Jurisdiction, derived, challenged, or pretended from the See of Rome, by or of what Name, Title, or Degree so-ever, the same shall be called or known, to come into, be, or remain in any part of this Realm, or any other Her Highness Dominions, after the end of the same forty days, other than in such special Cases, and upon such special Occasions only, and for such time only, as is expressed in this Act; and if he do, then every such Offence shall be taken and adjudged to be High Treason; and every Person so offending, shall for his Offence be adjudged a Traytor, and shall suffer, lose and forfeit, as in Case of High Treason. And every Person, which after the end of the same forty days, and after such time of departure, as is before limited and appointed, shall wittingly, and willingly receive, relieve, comfort, aid, or maintain, any such Jesuit, Seminary Priest, or other Priest, Deacon, or Religious or Ecclesiastical Person, as is aforesaid, being at Liberty, or out of hold, knowing him to be a Jesuit, Seminary Priest, or other such Priest, Deacon, or Religious or Ecclesiastical Person, as is aforesaid, shall also for such Offence be adjudged a Felon, without Benefit of Clergy, and suffer Death, lose and forfeit, as in Case of one Attainted of Felony.

XX.

A Passage out of Sir Edward Coke's Institutes, being his Judgment upon the said Statute, referred to in the preceding History.

Lib. 3. cap. 37.

The Cause of making this Statute of 27 Eliz. against Jesuits and Seminary Priests and their Receivers, you may read at large lib. 5. fol. 38, 39. in the Case De Jure Regis Ecclesiastico. [Sir Edward Coke's Words in the place referred to by himself, are here subjoined.]

[Page] And albeit many of Her Subjects, after the said Bull of Pius Quintus, adhering to the Pope, did renounce their former Obedience to the Queen, in respect of that Bull; yet all this time no Law was either made or attempted against them for their Recusancy, &c.—Then Jesuits and Romish Priests were sent over; who in secret Corners whispered and infused into the Hearts of many of the Unlearned Subjects of this Realm, that the Pope had Power to Excommunicate and Depose Kings and Princes; that he had Excommunicated the late Queen, Deprived Her of Her Kingdom, and discharged all Her Subjects of their Oaths, Duties, and Allegiance to Her—And thereupon Campian, Sherwin, and many other Romish Priests were Apprehended, &c.—But all this time there was no Act of Parliament made, either against Recusants, or Jesuits, or Priests, &c.—But after these Jesuits and Romish Priests coming daily into, and swarming within this Realm, instilling still this Poison into the Subjects Hearts, that by Reason of the said Bull of Pius Quintus, Her Majesty was Excommunicated, Deprived of Her Kingdom, &c. In the 27th Year of her Reign, by Authority of Parliament, Her Statutum de An. 27 Eliz. Majesty made it Treason, for any Jesuit or Romish Priest, being Her Natural Born Subject, and made a Romish Priest or Jesuit since the beginning of Her Reign, to come into any of her Dominions: Intending thereby to keep them out of the same, to the end, that they should not infect any other Subjects, with such Treasonable and Damnable Persuasions and Practices, as are aforesaid: Which without Controversie were High Treason, by the Ancient and Common Laws of England. Neither would ever Magnanimous King of England, sithence the first Establishment of this Monarchy, have suffered any (especially being his own Natural Born Subjects) to live, that persuaded his Subjects, that he was no Lawful King, and practised with them to withdraw them from their Allegiance, &c.

XXI.

A Passage out of Bishop Montague's Origines [...], referred to in the preceding History.

Tom. 1. par. 2. pag. 464.

Sanctè credimus, accuratè tuemur & defendimus, hoc ipsum Officium & munus in Ecclesiâ, sive Apostolicum, seu [...], adeò esse de necessitate salutis ordinariâ; ut sine altero alterum esse nequeat. Non est Sacerdotium, nisi in Ecclesiâ; non est Ecclesia sine Sacerdotio. Illud autem intelligo, per [...] Episcopalem Ordinariam. Neque enim admittendam censemus extraordinariam aliquam seu Vocationem seu [...], nisi miraculosam. Oportet omnino miraculis agant, & suam confirment functionem signo aliquo; qui non ab Episcopis, derivata ab Apostolis per Successionem Institutione, in Ecclesiam inducuntur; sed vel orti à sese, vel nescio unde intrusi, sese ingerunt. Nam quod praetendunt, ordinariam Vocationem retinendam, adhibendam, eique adhaerescendum, nisi in casu [...], absurdum est; & suppositioni innititur impossibilitatis. Neque enim talis casus aut extit it aliquando, aut contingere potest; nisi fallat nos Dominus, qui promisit: Portae Inferorum non praevalebunt, &c.

THE ANSWER OF THE Most Reverend Father in God, William Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, TO THE SPEECH OF THE Lord Say and Seal, touching the Liturgy.

[Page]

The Speech begins thus,

MY Lords, I have waited to find you free from greater Businesses; that I might crave leave to speak of something that concerns my self. And this I have the more desired, since my Lord of Canterbury's last Speech; who expressing his Troubles, and [...] the Misery of his Condition, and of the Condition of the Church of England, (for he would needs join them together, which I think he may, as the Cause and the Effect, for the Miseries of the Church have certainly risen from him) he insisted much upon this: That these Troubles had befallen him through the Malice of two Parties, the Papists and the Sectaries, and by those he said the Church was greatly afflicted.

MY Lords, and all Christian Readers, those great Businesses which my Lord speaks of, are now ended; and I hope as you are free from Business, so you will be free from Prejudice, while I also crave leave to speak something concerning my self. And this I also have the more desired, since I saw this Honourable Lord had put his Speech in Print, which I find as much, if not more against me, than for himself. This Speech was not put in Print, till near six Months after it was Spoken; and I conceive was Printed then to renew the Business, and to whet the Malice of those Sectaries against me. 'Tis true, that after I was Impeached by the House of Commons for High Treason, [Page] there came no Articles up against me, in full Ten Weeks after; then they came up in Generals only; and I was called to the House to hear them, on Friday February the 26th [...]. Now by these Articles I found, that there was great, but (I humbly praise God for it) causeless Jealousie of me in point of Religion. This made me labour more to clear my self from that, than from any thing else objected against me, as ever hating to seem other in Religion than what I truly and really am. For of all Simulations or Dissimulations, that is the basest, when a Man for poor Temporary fading ends, shall shift his Religion or his Judgment concerning it, with the Time, if not with the Tide: As if at all times he had somewhat to seek before he would express: Whereas it is most true, which St. Hilary speaks in Matter of Religion, Non opus est intervallo aliquo inter Cor & Os; There's no need of a St. Hilary l. 10. de Trin. p. 165. distance between the Heart and the Mouth; as if a Man were to bethink himself of some faithless ambiguity, before he would speak that which belonged to the Profession of his Faith.

Now, if seeing my self under so great a pressure, and the Church of England so hard lay'd at, as then it was, I did bewail the Condition of both, I think I did what became me. And I hope I offended no Man in joyning our Conditions together. And whereas this Honourable Lord thinks, that I might well joyn them, as the Cause and the Effect: I think so too my self, but in another Sense.

For his Lordship says too peremptorily, that the Miseries of the Church have certainly risen from me. No certainly: The Miseries of this Church have proceeded from the Separatists, and from such as for private at least, if not for worse ends, have countenanced them and their strange Proceedings against the Government and Governours of the Church. And this so long, till they brought the Church's Condition (which flourished before) to be the Cause of my Condition, such as it now is. And I fell into this Condition, by labouring by all good Means to uphold the Church of England from that Misery, into which I fear it is now falling.

And I doubt not, but God will open the Eyes of all Good Men, to see clearly in time, that this was the Cause which laid both me and this Church so low; and not any Actions, much less Practices of mine. This being so, if I insisted much upon this, that these Troubles have befallen me through the Malice of two Parties, the Papists and the Sectaries (as this Honourable Lord says I did) I had great Reason so to do. For certainly, the Church of England is greatly afflicted by them; and I pray God, in the end it be not torn in pieces between them. That which I then said in my sudden Speech to the Lords to this Particular, was as follows:

I am very Unfortunate in this Business, between the Malignity of two Parties against me, the Papist and the Separatist. And shall I suffer on both sides at once? Shall I be accounted a deadly Enemy to the Papist, as I am reputed by them both at Home and Abroad; and in the mean time, accused for no less than Treason, for favouring and complying with them? Well: If I do suffer; 'tis but because Truth usually lyes between two sides, and is beaten on both sides (as the poor Church of England is at this day by these Factions:) But in this and all things else, and in despight of Malice, Truth shall [Page] either be my Protection from Suffering, or my Comfort while I suffer; and by God's gracious Assistance, I shall never depart from it, but continue at the Apostle's Ward; Nihil possum contra Cor. 13. 8. veritatem: I can do nothing against the Truth; and for it, I hope God will enable me patiently to suffer any thing.

This, or to this effect, I then spake, and I hope, without any Offence; sure I am, without reflecting upon any particular Person. Yet my Lord seems to think otherwise: For he says,

How far this Man will extend this Word Sectary, and whom he will comprehend under it, I know not; but I have some cause to fear, that I may lie under some Misapprehension in respect of Matters of this nature; which how far it concerns him, your Lordships will perceive by what I shall say.

My Lord it seems, knows not how far I will extend the Word Sectary: Truly, no farther than the Church of Christ extended it, ever since Sects and Schisms broke in upon it, to help dispoil it of Peace and Unity. And a Sectary is he . . . . . The Definition or Description of a Sectary is wanting in the Original. H. W.

The next thing which my Lord knows not, is, Whom I will comprehend under that Name; and that his Lordship may easily know. For I comprehend none under it, but such as divide from the Church, and either make or follow a Breach, where no just cause is given by the Church; or where though cause were given, Ways of Division are preferr'd before Ways of Peace. But that which troubles my Lord about these things, which he professes he knows not, is, That he hath some cause to fear (for so he confesses) that he may lie under some Misapprehensions in respect of Matters of this nature. And this I think may trouble him indeed: For there's cause enough, why he should fear, that he may lie under, not Misapprehensions, but very just Apprehensions, in respect of Matters of this nature; since 'tis manifest, that he separates himself, as Sectaries use to do, from the Common Prayers of the Church: And those such, as were composed by such Bishops and other Divines, as suffered, some of them to Martyrdom, for the Truth of CHRIST: And those such also, as were a second time, under the prosperous Reign of Queen Elizabeth, confirmed by Act of Parliament. So that his Lordship separating himself from those Prayers, which were made by the One, and confirmed by the Other, must needs be apprehended as a Sectary; whether you look upon Church or State. But my Lord tells you, That you will perceive by that which he shall say, how far this concerns me. And therefore I pray you observe it diligently; for I cannot yet conceive how any thing else that belongs to a Sectary, can concern me; or any thing else, much, which his Lordship can say against me.

My Lord of Canterbury! A Man of mean Birth, Bred up in a College (and that too frequently falls out to be in a Faction) whose narrow Comprehension extended it self no farther, than to carry on a Side in a College, or canvas for a Proctor's Place in the Vniversity.

[Page] This concerns me indeed, and very nearly; for I see his Lordship resolves to rake me up from my very Birth; a way unusual for Men well-bred, and little beseeming a Person of Honour; especially thus to insult upon a Fallen Fortune. But yet it concerns me not in any relation to a Sectary, unless his Lordship would possess the World that I was bred in Faction, and so like enough to prove one. But how my Lord is mistaken in this, will plainly appear. First then, 'tis true, I am a Man of ordinary, but very honest Birth; and the Memory of my Parents savours very well to this day, in the Town in Reading, where I was born. Nor was I so meanly born, as perhaps my Lord would insinuate; for my Father had born all Offices in the Town, save the Mayoralty. And my immediate Predecessor (whom I am sure my Lord himself accounted very worthy of his Place) was as meanly born as my self, his Father being of the same Trade in Guilford, that mine was of in Reading. But all this of my Birth might well have been spared; for my Lord knows well enough, [...]

—Miserum est aliorum incumbere famae;

Ne collapsa ruant subductis tecta columnis.

And that which follows in the Satyrist. And had my Birth been meaner than it was, that would not have impaired me among Men of Understanding. And howsoever, this Advantage I have; I have done Honour to my Birth; which every Man hath not done, that hath had an Honourable Descent. To my Birth his Lordship adds, That I was bred up in a College. That's true. But 'tis as true, that his Lordship was bred up in a College also, and of the same Vniversity. And therefore so far he speaks as much against Himself, as me. But I hope, he intends not to charge being bred in a College as a Fault upon either of us. And though it too frequently falls out, that Colleges be in a Faction (for that also is too truly observed by his Lordship) yet that is no Fault in any Man, who neither Causes nor Nourishes the Faction. But that which his Lordship charges next upon me, is both a Weakness, and a Fault, if true. Weakness, That my Comprehensions are narrow. And a Fault, because they extended no farther than to carry on a Side in the College, or a canvas for a Proctor's Place in the Vniversity.

For the Weakness first: My Comprehensions, as narrow as they are, are yet as large as God hath been pleased to make them, and as large as my hard Study, accompanied with his Grace, hath been able to stretch them. And so large I am sure they are; as that I have ever looked carefully upon the whole Catholick Church of Christ, spread upon the Face of the whole Earth.

And therefore certainly my Comprehensions are not so narrow as theirs, whose largest cannot, or will not, look upon one entire National Church; nay, a Parochial is too big for them, and a Conventicle big enough. Nor did my narrow Comprehensions ever reject that great Body, the Catholick Church, out of the Creed, as some of late have done, whose Comprehensions are not, for all that, censured by his Lordship for their Narrowness.

[Page] Next for the Fault: That's twofold. First, My Comprehensions went no farther (says my Lord) than to carry on a Side in a College. Here my Lord is either utterly mistaken, or, which is worse, in a wilful Errour. For while I was Fellow of St. John Baptist's College, where I was bred, it is well known I never made nor held up any Side. Indeed, when I was Chosen President of that College, there was a bitter Faction both Raised and Countenanced against me (I will forbear to relate how and by whom;) But this is certain, I made no Party then: For Four being in Nomination for that Headship, I lay then so sick at London, that I was neither able to go down, nor so much as write to my Friends about it. yet after much Tumble, a major part of the Votes made choice of me. Thus I was chosen President, May 10. 1611. After this, my Election was quarrelled at, and great means made against me; insomuch that the most Gracious King, King James, sate to hear the Cause Himself, for the space of full three Hours, Aug. 28. at Tichburn in Hampshire, as he returned out of the Western Progress. Upon this Hearing, his Majesty approved my Election, and commanded my Settlement; which was done accordingly at Michaelmas following. But the Faction in the College finding such Props above, as they had, continued very eager and bitter against me. The Audit of the College for the Year's Accompts, and Choice of New Officers, followed in November: There so God Blessed me with Patience and Moderation in the Choice of all Offices, that I made all quiet in the College. And for all the Narrowness of my Comprehensions, I Govern'd that College in Peace, without so much as the shew of a Faction, all my Time, which was near upon Eleven Years. And the Truth of all this is notoriously known, and many yet living of great Worth in the Church, able and ready to avow it. And this, I hope, was not to lead on a Side.

Secondly, My Lord charges my narrow Comprehensions, as reaching no farther than a canvas for a Proctor's Place. I was (with Thanks to their Love that thought me Worthy) chose Proctor of the Vniversity, so soon as by Statute I was capable of it. But I never medled in the managing of the canvas for it for my self: Nor afterwards for any other, while I continued Fellow of the College. When I was chosen President, I continued so for two Years, and medled not in that Business. And this I did, because in some things I did utterly dislike that Canvas, and the Carriage of it. At last some of the Senior Fellows came to me, and told me, That the College had been many Years without the Credit of a Proctor; and, that the Fellows began to take it ill at my hands, that I would not shew my self, and try my Credit and my Friends in that Business. Upon this, rather than I would lose the Love of my Companions, I did settle my self in an honest and fair way, to right the College as much as I could. And by God's Blessing, it succeeded beyond Expectation. But when we were at the strongest, I made this fair Offer more than once and again, That if the greater Colleges would submit to take their Turns in Order, and not seek to carry all from the lesser, we would agree to any indifferent course in Convocation, and allow the greater Colleges their [Page] full proportion according to their Number. This would not be hearkned unto; whereupon things continued some Years.

After this, by his Majesty's Grace and Favour, I was made Bishop of St. Davids; and after that, of Bath and Wells. When I was thus gone out of the Vniversity, the Election of the Proctors grew more and more Tumultuous, till at the last the Peace of the Vniversity was like to be utterly broken; and the divided Parties brought up a Complaint to the Council-Table. The Lords were much troubled at it, especially the Right Honourable William Earl of Pembroke, Lord Steward, and their Honourable Chancellour. I had by that time, and by the great Grace of his Now Majesty, the Honour to be a Councellor, and was present. There I acquainted the Lords, what Offers I had made during my time in the Vniversity, which I did conceive would settle all Differences, and make Peace for ever. The Lords approved the way; and after the Council was risen, my very Honourable Lord the Earl of Pembroke, desired me to put the whole Business in Writing, that he might see and consider of it. I did so: His Lordship approved of it, and sent it to the Vniversity, with all Freedom to accept or refuse, as they saw Cause. The Vniversity approved all, only desired the addition of a Year or two more to the Circle; which would add a turn or two more, to content some of the greater Colleges. This that Honourable Lord yielded unto; and that Form of Election of their Proctors, was by unanimous Consent, made a Statute in Convocation, and hath continued the Vniversity in Peace ever since. And this is all the carrying on of a Canvas for a Proctor's place, which any Truth can challenge me withal. And it may be, my Lord is pleased to impute narrow Comprehensions to me, because my Advice inclosed the choice of the Proctors within a Circle. I am heartily sorry, I should trouble the Reader with these Passages concerning my self; but my Lord forces me to it, by imputing so much Unworthiness to me. But my Lord leaves not here, but goes on, and says worse of me:

Being suddenly advanced to highest Places of Government in Church and State, had not his Heart enlarged by the Enlargement of his Fortune; but still the maintaining of his Party was that which filled all his Thoughts; which he prosecuted with so much Violence and Inconsiderateness, that he had not an Eye to see the Consequences thereof to the Church and State, until he had brought both into those Distractions, Danger and Dishonour, which we [...] find our selves [...] withal.

The next thing which my Lord charges me with, is, That I was suddenly advanced to highest Places of Government in Church and State. This is like the rest. And I dare say, when my Lord shall better consider of it, he will neither re-affirm nor avouch such an Untruth. Suddenly advanced! What does my Lord call Suddenly? I was Eleven Years his Majesty's Chaplain in Ordinary, before I was made a Bishop. I was a Bishop Twelve Years before I was preferred to be Archbishop of Canterbury, that Highest Place my Lord mentions. When I was made Archbishop, I was full Threescore Years of Age, within [Page] less than one Month. Whereas my immediate Predecessor was not any one Month in his Majesty's Ordinary Service as Chaplain, but far from that Honourable indeed, but yet Painful and Chargeable Service, and was made Bishop of Lichfield, of London, and of Canterbury, within the compass of two Years, he being at the time of his Translation to Canterbury, but Forty nine Years of Age; and yet never Charged as a Man suddenly advanced. But my Advancement, which it seems pleased not my Lord so well as his did, was very sudden; which I leave to the impartial Reader to judge.

Next being advanced to this High Place, as my Lord calls it; (but now made low enough by his Lordship, and other of the same Feather;) he says, I had not my Heart enlarged with the Enlargement of my Fortune. Sure my Lord is mistaken again. For my Heart (I humbly thank God for it) was enlarged every way as much as my Fortune, and in some things perhaps more. But it may be my Lord meant, that my Heart was not sufficiently enlarged, because I could not receive those Separatists into it (farther than to pray for them) which would not suffer the open Bosom of the Church of England to receive them; but neglecting their Father's Commandment, forsook also their Mother's Prov. 1. 8. & c. 6. 20. Instruction.

Nor did I maintain any Party; but any Church-man, or any Man else that loved Order and Peace in the Church, was very welcome to me. And I leave the World to judge, by what they now see, whether I or this Lord, have practised or studied most the Maintenance and Advancement of a Party. And as I did not maintain a Party; so much less did it fill all my Thoughts (as narrow as my Lord thinks them.) Nor did I prosecute these or any other my Thoughts, either with Violence, or Inconsiderateness. Not with Violence; for I can name many, of whose Preferment, under God and the King, I was cause, who yet went not with them, which my Lord will needs miscal my Party. Nor did I punish either more, or more severely, any that were brought before me in the Commission, than were punished for the like Offences, in any the same number of Years in my late Predecessor's Time: As will manifestly appear by the Acts of the Court. Nor with Inconsiderateness. For I have many Witnesses that mine Eye was open, and did plainly see, and as freely tell (where I then hoped there might have been remedy) what was coming both upon Church and State, though not as Consequences upon my Proceedings; and I wish with all my Heart, they were no more Consequences upon my Lord's Proceedings, than they have been upon mine.

And my Lord is extreamly mistaken, to say that I brought both into those distractions, Danger and Dishonour, with which they are now encompassed. For 'tis not I, that have troubled this Israel of God. For God is my Witness, I laboured nothing but the Settlement of the Decent External Worship of God among us, which whatever some other Men think, I know was sunk very low; and if in labouring this, I did err in any Circumstance (for in matter of Substance I am sure I did not) that may be forgiven me for Humanity sake, which cannot free it self from Error. But that which brought all these Distractions both upon Church and State, was the bringing in of the Scots, and the keeping of them here at a vast charge, only to [Page] serve Turns, and those very base ones: And to the debasing and dishonour of this whole Nation, as well as the King. And how far this Lord had his Hand or his Head in this Treacherous Business, he best knows. Sure I am, his Lordship is thought one of the chief Moulders of this Leaven of the Pharisees. But my Lord thinks himself safe enough; so he can cry me up among the Rabble, to be the Author of all. And not content with this, he insults farther upon me, as follows:

Yet to magnifie his Moderation, presently after the breaking of the last Parliament, he told a Lord, who sits now in my sight, that if he had been a Violent Man, he wanted no occasion to shew it. For he observed, that the Lord Say never came to Prayers; and added, that I was in his knowledge, as great a Separatist as any was in England.

What ever it was I said, was not to magnifie my Moderation. Nor do I remember, that ever I spake these words. Yet First, if any Lord will say, upon his Honour, that I did say these very Words; I will bear him and the Peerage of the Realm that Honour, as that I will submit and believe his Testimony, against my own Old now and Weak Memory. Next, upon enquiry made by some Friends of mine, I find that the Words I should speak are said to be these, that if I listed to take any advantage against this Honourable Lord, I had as much exception to him, as to any Separatist in England. These Words are neither so Bold, nor so Vncivil, as those in the Charge; and perhaps I might speak these, though I remember it not. For during the last Parliament, not so few as Ten or a Dozen several Lords, came to me of themselves, as I sat there, and complained grievously of this Lord's absenting himself from the Prayers of the Church; and some of them wondred, he was not questioned for the Scandal he gave by it. And if any of them would be so mean, as to urge me to speak by speaking Broad themselves, and then carry the Tale to this Noble Lord; he did that, who ever he were, which I hope was not the Noblest of his Actions; and if I did say these latter Words of this great Lord, I must and do say them again; and I heartily beseech God that this Sin be not laid to my Charge, that I questioned him not, when the Times were calmer: For had I done that, I had done my Duty; and if I had not cured him, perhaps I might have prevented so much common danger to this Church, as his Lordship hath procured since that time, both by his Example, his Counsel, and his Countenance. And for the Words, I doubt not, but he himself will be found to have made them good, before I have done examining this Speech of his Lordship. In the mean time my Lord proceeds;

My Lords, how far he hath spit this Venom of his against me, I am not certain; but I may well fear, where it might do me greatest Prejudice. I shall therefore intreat your Lordships Favour and Patience, that I may give you in these things, which so nearly concern me, a true account of my self; which I shall do with Ingenuity and Clearness, and so, as that if I satisfie not all Men, yet I hope I shall [Page] make it appear, I am not such a one, as this Waspish Man was willing to make the World believe.

I have spit no Venom against his Lordship, much less have I spit any thing far. For this Report, which is here called Venom, is common through the Kingdom. And I have already told you, what divers Lords said to me during the last Parliament. And that is no more, than hath been avowed unto me by very many others, and some of very good Quality; so the spreading was to me, not from me. But yet, my Lord fears, I spread it where it might do him greatest Prejudice. I know not what my Lord means by this, unless it be that I should spread it to his Majesty. And if that be his meaning; I will tell his Lordship truth, what I know therein. I was present, when I heard some Lords, more than once, tell the King, that the Lord Say was a Separatist from the Church of England, and would not come at her Common-Prayers. And one of these Lords afterwards told me, he did conceive it was a great danger to this Kingdom, when Noblemen should begin to separate in Religion; and that his Majesty had need look to it. To this last, which was spoken to me in private (but I will depose the Truth of it) I could not but assent. And to the former I then said, I had heard as much as was then told his Majesty; but I was not certain of it. And I doubt not, but these Lords sit in his Lordship's sight, as well as that Lord who told him the other of me: And not in his Sight only, but in his Affections also, as things go now. But however they carry it with him now, this they said of him then. Nor will I here pick a Thanks, to tell this Lord what Service I did him to his Majesty, when he was thought to be in danger enough, though I was chidden by a Great one, that stood by, for my Labour. I shall therefore intreat the Christian Reader's Favour and Patience, that having hitherto given him a most true and clear Account of that which my Lord charges me with, and doth nearly concern me; So I may proceed to the rest, which I do with all Ingenuity and Truth. And so, as that if I satisfie not all Men; yet I hope I shall make it appear, that I am not such a Waspish Man, as my Lord would fain render me to the World. But if I have been a Wasp in any Court, wherein I have had the Honour to sit; yet his Lordship should not have called me so, considering what a Hornet all men say he is in the Court of Wards, and in other Places of Business: Where he pinches so deep, that discreet Men are in a doubt, whether his Aim be to sting the Wards, or the Court it self, to Death first. For no Man can believe, 'tis for the good of the King. And if I fail in this endeavour of mine to clear my self; I must desire the Courteous Reader to ascribe it, not to my Cause, which is very good against his Lordship, but to the narrowness of my Comprehensions, and my Weakness compared with his Lordships great Abilities. And now my Lord charges as hard as he can. Thus;

For the first of these, which he Charges upon me; it may be, he was willing to have it thought, that I would not joyn in Prayer with your Lordships, but refused such a Communion; which is altogether false. For I should most willingly joyn in Prayers with you. And [Page] farther, I will add, that I do not think, but some set Form of Prayers, by some Men in some Cases, may be lawfully used.

For this First; I was not willing to have any thing thought of this Lord which is not true; and if it be altogether false, (as his Lordship says it is) that he will not joyn in Prayers with the rest of the Lords in Parliament, but refuses such a Communion; I would fain know why his Lordship doth not joyn in Prayer with them. For most undoubtedly he may if he will. And since it is most true, that he hath not come to Prayers in the House with the rest of the Lords, not so much as once, either in the last Parliament, or this; I think it may reasonably be concluded without any Falshood, that his Lordship will not joyn, no, not in such a Communion with them. Where it is to be observed, he says, he refuses not such a Communion with them. He refuses not; yet he will not joyn: And he refuses not such a Communion. A Communion I have cause to doubt he doth refuse; but not such a Communion as goes no farther than Prayers; yet to these he comes not. At the Sacrament, I believe he will be more scrupulous, of whom, or with whom, he receives that.

Indeed, his Lordship adds, that he would most willingly joyn in Prayers with their Lordships. And though this be most strange, that he should never do that, which he would most willingly do, an opportunity being offered him every Day: Yet, my Lord is pleased to add farther, what his Judgment is of set Forms of Prayer. And he tells you, that he thinks some set Forms, by some Men, in some Occasions may be lawfully used. Surely, the Church of England is much beholding to this Lord; very much, and the State too. For the set Forms of Prayer which she enjoyns, were compiled by some of those who suffered no less than Martyrdom, for the Reformation of Religion: The same Form of Prayer was established by Act of Parliament; and yet, as if Church and State were all at a loss, this Noble Lord, who confesses some set Forms Lawful, condemns this Form, by his Actions at least, in continual and professed abstaining from it. Some Forms, but not this; by some Men, but not these; in some cases, but not in God's Publick Service in the Church, may be Lawfully used. And yet for all these petty Somes of Restraint, I know his Lordship's Parts so great, that I dare not say, (as he says of me) that his Lordship is of narrow Comprehensions. But his Lordship will now tell us, what that is, in which he is not satisfied.

But this is that, which I am not satisfied in, that a certain number of Men should usurp an Authority unto themselves, to frame certain Prayers, and Forms of Divine Service; and when that is done, under the Name of the Church to enjoyn them upon all Persons, in all Times, and upon all Occasions, to be used, and no other. And upon this Ground (which makes it the worse) because these come from the publick Spirit of the Church (when the Bishop or his Chaplain shall frame them) and others proceed from the private Spirit of this or that particular Man.

Now, truly, since my Lord does not think some set Forms of Prayer [Page] unlawful; I am very sorry, his Lordship is not satisfied that a certain Number of Men should frame these Forms of Divine Service. For all Churchmen cannot possibly meet about that, or any other Church-Affair; nor can any Synod or Assembly be called, but there must be some certain Number of them. Nor do these Men usurp any Authority to themselves herein: For in all Ages of the Church, from Christ downward, all set Forms of Prayer, used in any Church, have been either made by a certain Number of Men, or approved by them, when some Eminent Servant of God hath Composed them first, and then tendred them to the Judgment of the Church. And it is very necessary that it should be so. Nor would the Church of Old admit any Prayers in the publick Nec aliae Preces omnino dicantur in Ecclesiâ, nisi quae à prudentioribus traditae vel [...] in Synodo [...]; ne fortè aliquid [...] Fidem, vel per Ignorantiam, vel per minus Studium sit compositum. Concil, Milevita. 2 can. 12. 23. Service and Worship of God; but such as were so made, and so approved; lest through Ignorance, or want of Care and Circumspection, something might slip in, that was contrary to the Faith. But I fear here's Anguis in Herba. And that my Lord is not satisfied, not so much because these [...] Forms are made by a set Number of Men, as because they are Churchmen, though he be [...] to express it. And if that be his meaning, he must rest unsatisfied still. For Churchmen, and none but Churchmen must actually do Publick Church-Work, according to their Calling, and their Warrant. And yet, I hope, Churchmen will never be so Proud, but that if any Lay Religious Man, of larger Comprehensions than themselves, will offer in private any help to them, they will lend an open Ear to it, and after, with a prudent Consideration, do what is fit.

And as this Lord is not satisfied, that a certain Number of Men should make these set Forms; so much less is he satisfied, that when this is done, they should under the Name of the Church, enjoyn them upon all Persons, in all Times, and upon all Occasions, to be used, and no other. No set Forms, that I know, are enjoyned under the name of the Church, but such as the Church in Synod hath approved, or tolerated till a Synod may be called. And when any National-Church in a Kingdom that is Christian, hath approved a set Form; yet that cannot be enjoyned upon all Persons, till the Soveraign Power in that State, hath weighed, approved, and commanded it. But then, though Framed by a certain Number of Men, that, and no other lays hold on all Persons, and in all Times, and upon all Occasions, that are Publick; if Men will live in Obedience to the Church and State. I say Publick, leaving all Persons at all Times, free to use any Form of Prayer agreeable to the Foundations of Christian Religion, which shall best serve their several private Occasions.

And therefore I conceive, my Lord is in a great Errour in that which he adds next; Namely, that this Ground makes it the worse, because these set Forms are said to come from the Publick Spirit of the Church.

I cannot think so hardly of my Lord, as if he could like a set Form of Prayer the worse, because it comes from the Publick Spirit of the Church. And therefore I will take his Words in another Sense, (though they be in my Judgment very obscurely set down) and perhaps that is his Lordship's meaning. That it makes the matter the [Page] worse, because these Forms of Prayer come as from the Publick Spirit of the Church, when it is but the Bishop or his Chaplain, or some private Spirit that frames them. If this be my Lord's meaning; far be it from me, or any other to impose any Form of set Prayers upon the Church. But it is one thing to Impose, and quite another to Compose a set Form of Prayer. Impose, none can but Just Authority. Compose, all together cannot; but some one or more must be singled out to take that pains. And all or most may approve, what one or few have compiled. When it is so approved, then it can no more be said to proceed from any private Spirit of this or that Man, be it the Bishop or his Chaplain; but from the Spirit and Power of the Church. My Lord himself being a Prudent Man, hath had the Happiness to make Motions in Parliament, which have taken the House, been approved, and Orders drawn up upon them: When the Order is so agreed on, no Man may say, it is an Order of my Lord's private Spirit, but the Order of the House, and approved by the publick Spirit, and imposed by the Publick Authority of the State. And therefore to me it seems strange, that my Lord, who understands these things so well, should neither like of a set Form of Prayers, Composed by private Men, nor by a certain number of Men, and after publickly Confirmed. Sure, this would make any Man think my Lord likes none, however he minces it. But my Lord goes farther, and says,

This Injunction is an Vsurpation of Power over the Churches of Christ, and over the Gifts and Graces which Christ hath given unto Men; which the Apostles never exercised, nor would assume. And yet they might much better have done it. And the same Reasons might have been alledged for it that are now. This turns such Forms, instead of being Directions, into Superstition.

It seems by this (for I am most willing to take my Lord's Meaning at the fairest) that my Lord can digest some set Forms of Prayer; but he would have no Injunction upon them. So he that would use them might, and he that would not might choose; and this in short time would bring meer confusion into the Church of God, which I hope is not my Lord's Intention to do. Besides, my Lord cannot but know that this Injunction for our set Form of Service, comes not from the Churches Direction and Constitution (though her Wisdom and Piety framed it) but from the Authority and Power of King and Parliament. So that all the Arguments which his Lordship brings here against the Church, are equally, if not more, set against the King and the Parliament. Well; Why then is not an Injunction of set Form of Prayers fit? Why, my Lord tells you: First, because it is an Vsurpation of Power over the Churches of Christ. 'Tis indeed, an Act of Power, but no Usurpation. The Church Directing and the Soveraign Enacting, ever had this Power since States became Christian. And should I have called it an Vsurpation of Power, his Lordship, I fear, would have called it Treason against the King's Supremacy. But I doubt my Lord would have the Churches free from Regal Power having ought to do with them, durst he speak out.

Secondly, because it's an Vsurpation of Power over the Gifts and Graces which God hath given unto Men. Not so neither. For whatsoever [Page] Gifts or Graces God hath given unto Men, they may all have time, place, and occasions enough, to use them to God's Glory, and the Comfort of themselves and others; and yet in the Publick Service of God, submit to that set Form of God's Worship, which is enjoyned for Unity and Decency in that External Service. So this lays no restraint upon the Gifts and Graces of pious and religious Men: But it keeps off bold, ignorant, and audacious Men, from foming out their own shame, to the great disorder and scandal of the Church of Christ. As we may see at this day, now that Injunction begins to be but a little loosed, what Froth and base Stuff is preached to the Consciences of Men. And yet these Men, which preach thus scandalously, talk of Gifts and Graces; none more.

Thirdly, because the Apostles never Exercised, nor would Assume this Power of enjoyning a set Form, and yet they might better have done it. But how doth my Lord know, the Apostles never Exercised, nor would Assume this Power? Out of all doubt the Apostles did Exercise and Assume many things, which are not come down to our knowledge. And since the Apostles did enjoyn a Form of Doctrine to the Church of Rome, and delivered it too. And since St. Paul enjoyned the Church Rom. 6. 17. at Philippi, to walk by a set Rule, (for a Rule it cannot be, unless it be set) that so they might learn to mind the same things, Phil. 3. And a Phil. 3. 16. Form of Ordination by imposition of Hands, 1 Tim. 5. for such Persons 1 Tim. 5. 22. as should instruct the People in these things. And this with a stiff Injunction, 2 Tim. 1. 13. v. 21. And a Form of wholesome words, 2 Tim. 1. And since, St. John the Baptist taught his Disciples to pray, St. Luke 11. and that it St. Luke 11. 1. was by some set Form of Prayer, I have some Reason to think: First, because if they did Pray by the Motion of the Spirit only, St. John could not teach them that, but the Spirit only. So either St. John taught them not at all to pray, which I hope this Lord will not say against a plain Text. Or else he taught them some set Form, which was in his power and theirs, to teach and learn. Secondly, because Christ's Disciples seem to intimate so much. For they desire Christ to teach them to pray, as St. John taught his Disciples. And Christ v. 2. instantly granting their Request, taught them a set Form of Prayer: Therefore it is more than probable, that St. John taught his so too, though the Form be not Recorded in Scripture. Upon all which laid together, it is probable enough (by my Lord's leave) that the Apostles did Exercise some set Form, that at least which Christ taught them. And Assumed Power to enjoyn it upon their Followers. But herein yet the Apostles are somewhat beholding to this Lord, that he re-allows, they might better have done it, than any now-adays. Well; I will not dispute what they might better have done; sure I am, it may and ought to be done now.

Fourthly, because the same Reasons might then have been alledged for it, that are now. The same might, but not all the same. In particular, the Church was small then, and might with ease be Ordered, in comparison of the great Congregations that are now. But especially the Apostles and Apostolical Men were then present, and could in another manner, and with a greater Power than Men now adays both Judge and Order the Gifts and Graces of other Men, to the avoiding of confusion in the Church, which God by his Apostles would none of.

[Page] Besides, the Apostles and some others in those Times, had the Grace and the Gift of Prayer, as well as other Graces. And there was then as peculiar a Gift by Inspiration to pray, as to foretell things to come, or to do Miracles. As is evident in St. Chrysostom, who says, that these St. Chrysost. in Rom. 8. 26. Men made use of this Gift, and Prayed publickly in their Assemblies. But so soon as this Gift with others ceased, there was a set Form from the beginning. Neither is it hard to prove, that some parts of our Liturgy hath been as Ancient as the Church hath any Records to shew; and some both practised and prescribed by the Apostle St. Paul for the substance of them. And the true Reason why we cannot shew the exact Primitive Forms then in use, is, because they were continually subject to Alterations, both in times and places. Now if this Lord can furnish us with such Men, as shall be inabled to pray by the immediate Inspiration of God's Spirit, we will bind them up to no Form: But 'till he can, I hope we shall be so happy, as to retain the set Prayers of the Church.

Fifthly, because this (enjoyning) turns such Forms, instead of being Directions, into Superstition. This is so wild a Conceit, that I wonder how it fell into the Thought of so Wise a Man as my Lord is taken to be. For can a Command or an Injunction alter the very Nature of a Thing so far, as to turn that which is a Direction, into a Superstition? Then belike it is Superstition, for any Christian to obey the Decrees and Injunctions, whether for Belief or Practice, made by any the four first General Councils. And my Lord knows well that 'tis Heretical, for any Man to profess against any of these Councils. And this not only by the Church Law (which his Lordship so much slights) but by the Laws of England. So by this Reason of my Lord's, it 1 Eliz. c. 1. shall be Heretical to deny the Injunction, and Superstition to obey it.

If this will not serve; my Lord may be pleased to remember, that in the Council held at Jerusalem by the Apostles themselves; they Acts 15. 24, 29. gave a Command though no such Command, as might trouble the believing Gentiles. And therefore Decreed, that they would lay no greater burthen on them. No more grievous Injunction, than that v. 28. they abstain from things offered unto Idols, and from Blood, and from things strangled, and from Fornication; where first, it is most evident, that the Apostles did assume this power of enjoyning, and exercise it too. And I hope, my Lord, for very Reverence to the Scripture, (for as for the Church he valueth it not) will not say this wholesom Direction to avoid Fornication, is made Superstition by the Apostle's Injunction. If this Doctrine may hold, I doubt very few will be Superstitious in this point. And many Men, that are very strict and hate Superstition perfectly, will rather not abstain from Fornication, than be Superstitious by abstaining. And no question can be made by a Reasonable Man, but that the Church of Christ, had and hath still as much Power to enjoyn a set Form of Prayers, as any of these things. But my Lord hath more Reasons than these; and truly they had need be better too. But such as they are, they follow:

This sets aside the Gifts and Graces which Christ hath given; and thrusts out the Exercise of them, to substitute in their places, and introduce a Device of Man.

[Page] Sixthly, then this Injunction of a set Form is unlawful; because it sets aside the Gifts and Graces, &c. This is upon the Matter all one with my Lord's second Reason; and there 'tis answered. Yet truly I know no Gifts or Graces set aside, much less thruss out, but such as are neither Gifts nor Graces of Christ, but the Bold and Impudent Attempts of Weavers, Coblers, and Felt-Makers, taking on them to Preach without Knowledge, Warrant, or Calling. Much like the Gifts, which Alexander the Copper-Smith had in St. Paul's Time. And such Gifts and Graces as these, cannot be said to be thrust out. But my Lord and his Adherents thrust them into the Church, to help cry down all Truth and Order. Much less can they be said, to be thrust out to make room for a Device of Man, meaning the set Form of Common-Prayer. Now surely, I think, and upon very good grounds, that they which Composed the Common-Prayer-Book, had as good Gifts and Graces of Christ as these Men have. And that the conceived, and often-times, Senseless Prayers of these Men, are as much or more the Device of Man, than the set Form of Common-Prayer is. Yea, but for all that, my Lord says:

This Injunction of such Forms upon all Men, turns that which in the beginning Necessity brought in, for the help of Insufficiency, to be now the continuance and maintenance of Insufficiency, and a bar to the Exercise of able and sufficient Gifts and Graces. As if because some Men had need to make use of Crutches, all Men should be prohibited the use of their Legs, and enjoyned to take up such Crutches, as have been prepared for those who had no Legs.

In the Seventh and last place, my Lord is pleased to tell us, this Injunction of such Forms upon all Men, turns that, which in the beginning Necessity brought in for the help of Insufficiency, to the Maintenance of it. My Lord told us a little before, of a turning into Superstition: Now here's another turning into the Maintenance of Insufficiency; two very bad turnings, were either of them true: But God be thanked neither is. In the mean time my Lord confesses, that Necessity brought in this Injunction of set Forms. And I believe, there now is and ever will be, to the end of the World, as great a Necessity to continue them. But I cannot agree with my Lord in this, that it was a Necessity for the help of Insufficiency that brought them in. For when these were first enjoyned in the Church of Christ, Men were endued with as great Gifts and Graces, as any now are; and perhaps greater. But Necessity brought them in when Christianity multiplyed, to preserve Unity and Order, and to avoid Confusion, and Sects and Schisms in the Church: And that all sorts of Men might be acquainted with that, which was used in the Publick Worship and Service of God.

Now that which follows, is an unjust and foul Scandal upon the Church. Namely, that this Injunction is made the Continuance and Maintenance of Insufficiency. For I believe few Churches in many Ages, have had more sufficient Preachers than this of late hath had. And therefore 'tis evident, this Injunction here, hath neither been the maintenance nor continuance of Insufficiency. This ground failing, my [Page] Lord's fine Simile hath neither Crutch nor Leg to stand on; but it is as all such fine fetches are, when they have no Ground to rest on: Nor is any thing more Poor in Learning, than a fine, handsom Similitude, such as this, when it hath no truth upon which to rest. For the best that can be said of it, is, that it is a pretty fine thing, if it were to the purpose.

But to come nearer to the Business; I would have his Lordship remember, that Christ taught his Apostles a set Form of Prayer St. St. Luc. 11. 2. Luc. 11. And I believe, they were so religiously Dutiful, as that they would not beg of Christ to teach them to Pray, and when he had taught them, then neglect, or not practise the very Form he taught. If my Lord can think this of the Apostles, he may; I cannot. Nor can I think, that Christ taught them this Form, to be used as Crutches till their Legs were grown stronger. For our Saviour, doth not say, till ye be stronger, and have better Gifts, Pray as I teach you; but simply and absolutely, when you Pray, say, Our Father, &c. That is, say these very Words, this very Form. And what? Will my Lord say that Christ taught them this Form to maintain them in Insufficiency? Or did he make Crutches for their Lameness? Or thereby prohibit the use of their Legs? This Speech savours of more Profaneness, than well become such a Professor.

His Lordship speaks better of them in another place. There he In his Speech against the Bishops Votes in Parliament, p. 3. can say, there never were, nor ever will be Men of so great Abilities and Gifts as they were Endued withal. And I think he dares not say, I am sure, nor he, nor any Man living can prove, that the Apostles, when their Gifts were at fullest, did neglect, or not use this Form of Prayer which Christ taught them. Therefore, either to use a set Form of Prayer is not to use Crutches; or if it be, 'tis to use the same, or the like Crutches, which Christ made, and his Apostles used. And they will better beseem any good Christians to use, than his own Legs, be they never so good. And for the set Prayers of the Church, this I think I am sure of; That the Men which are cry'd up by my Lord to have such excellent Gifts and Graces, are in as much need of these Crutches as other Men. In the mean time, my Lord every way shews his Love to the set Liturgy of the Church, that makes nothing of it but Crutches; which a Man, if the Bath cure him, would gladly hang up, and leave behind him. I well hoped to have found, that my Lord had entertained more moderate thoughts of things appertaining unto Religion. But since he himself thus proclaims it otherwise; let us see how he goes forward without these Crutches.

This I confess I am not satisfied in; yet will farther say thus much. Here are with your Lordships some Bishops, Men of great Parts, able to Offer up this Worship unto God, in the use of those [...] which God hath endued them with. And certainly they ought to serve him with the best of their Abilities which they have received. Let them make use of their own Gifts; nay, let them but profess, that they account not themselves bound to use Forms, nor to this Form they use, more than any other; but that it is free for them to conceive Prayer, or to help themselves by the use of any other Form, they please, as well as this prescribed. And let them practise the [Page] same indifferently, that so it may be manifest, the Fault rests in the person, and not in the Service: In the negligence of him that may offer better if he will, not in the Injunction of that which is offered. And I will not refuse to come to Prayers. For I take the Sin then to be personal, and to reside in the Person Officiating only.

Now my Lord goes on farther, and tells us, That there are with your Lordships, some Bishops; Men of great Parts, able to offer this Worship unto God, &c. Indeed my Lord goes far here; and I am glad to hear that any Bishops can please him. Are Bishops, even as such, Members of Antichrist (so I am sure my Lord, and his Followers have accounted them, and their Libels Print them for such every Day) and now can any Offer this Worship unto God, which his Lordship would have? Why then, my Lord can be pleased, I see, that even in this Church, God should be Worshiped by the Members of Antichrist. Or if not, then in this Passage he grosly Dissembles.

But what is this Worship which his Lordship would have? Why, it is to Pray in Publick, and not by a set Form enjoyned; but in the use of those Gifts which God hath Endued them with. And it is most undoubtedly true which follows, that they ought to serve God with the best of the abilities they have received. But 'tis as true, that Bishops, and all Ministers else, ought to serve God with the best Abilities which the Church of Christ can furnish them with. And I presume, I shall not wrong any my Brethren, not those of the greatest Parts, If I say, (as I must) that those Bishops, and other Divines, which Composed the set Form of our Service, and enjoyned it too (as far as their Power reached) were Men of as great Piety and Learning, and all other good Parts, as any now living. And it can be no Disparagement; much less any fault or dulling of their own Gifts, for the best of Bishops to use the set Forms ordered by them. And the Phrase, which my Lord uses, is somewhat unusual. To offer this Worship unto God. We are said indeed to offer up our Prayers unto God, and by so doing to Worship, Honour, and Serve him; and him alone in that. But to offer Worship to God, I think is an improper Phrase at least. And Psal. 110. the People are said to offer their Free-Will-Offerings Psal. 110. 3. with an Holy Worship, or in the Beauties of Holiness. And though perhaps his Lordship will not allow of this Translation; yet so far he may, as to see the use of the Phrase. And in the Beauties In decoribus Sanctitatis, Ar. Mant. Ibid. of Holiness (which keeps close to the Original) will please him less: Since a Barn with them, is as good as a Church. And no Church Holy with them; but that which is Slovenly, even to Nastiness. But then, 'tis void of all Superstition.

Next, my Lord proposes some Conditions, which being observed, his Lordship will not refuse to come to Common-Prayer.

I'll examine these then. For I would have all just Demands of his granted, that he may come.

The First is, Let these Bishops (and others I suppose he means) 1. make use of their own Gifts. Well; let them on God's Name, in that Dutiful, Peaceable, and Orderly Way, make use of their own Gifts, not crossing what the Church justly prescribes.

[Page] Secondly, Let them but profess, that they account not themselves bound 2. to use Forms. This Condition is somewhat hard. For if they shall acknowledge they hold themselves bound to no Forms, they must be bound to no Order: And how Bishops will keep the Church in Order, if they will be bound to observe none themselves, I cannot tell. Besides, if they shall profess this, they must profess against the constant and continued Practice of the whole Church of Christ.

Thirdly, Let them profess they are not bound to this Form they use more 3. than any other, but that it is free for them to conceive Prayer, &c. Harder and harder. For they stand bound not only by Church-Ordinance, but by Injunction, and Command of the State in Parliament, strictly to observe this Form. And they are therefore bound to this Form more than any other. And therefore so long as this Act of Parliament remains in force, with what Honour or Conscience can this Lord (who seems to stand so much upon Law) ask this at the Bishops Hands, that they should profess, that they are not bound to any Forms? Nor, to this more than any other; when his Lordship must needs know, they are bound to this, and no other, and that by an Act of Parliament. Besides, What a Coil hath been kept by some of this Lord's Favourites, against Innovations of Religion, as contrary to Law? No Rails to fence the Holy Table from Prophanation? Though that be no Ceremony, nor forbidden by Law. No coming up to it, or the steps of the Chancel, to receive the Communion, though most decent, and in ancient usage, and forbidden by no Law that I know? No Reverence to God himself at coming in, or going out of his Temple; though that of the Psalmist began the ancient Liturgies of the Church, and is continued in our O come let us worship and fall down, and kneel before the Lord our maker, Psal. 95. 6. &c. Psal. 95. The Communion-Table must not stand North and South; though the Queens Injunction commanded it to be set just in that Place, in which the Altar then stood. So they innovate themselves; and then cry out of Innovation. And if this Lord's Doctrin be good; let's have no Injunction for North and South, and all's well: But then we must have no Injunction for East and West neither. For if there be an Injunction; East and West is Superstition, as well as North and South.

But then if my Lord would have all free; what would he have in this Particular? Why, First, he would have it free for these Men to conceive Prayer. Let them in due time and place conceive Prayer on God's Name: But let them not make publick Abortion in the Church. 'Tis an over-hasty Mother, that brings forth so soon as she has Conceived: And yet, Extemporary Men out-run these Mothers; and Conceive and bring forth their unnatural Monsters, both at once.

Next, he would have these Men to help themselves by the use of any other Forms, they please, as well as this which is prescribed. So then belike, these great Men of Gifts in my Lord's Eye, are not so perfect in the Spirit, but that they may need helps. And if my Lord be so indifferent, that these may help themselves by the use of any other Forms, as well as this which is prescribed; let him be as fair, at least, to the Church that made him a Christian, as to others; and give Men leave to help themselves, by the use of this Form which is prescribed, as well any other. And if it be the Injunction only that sticks in his [Page] Stomach, I am sorry he should shew himself so Guilty of the great Sin of Disobedience.

Fourthly, Let them practise the same indifferently, that so it may be 4. manifest the Fault rests in the Person, and not in the Service, &c. This is his Lordship's last Condition. And either I am dulled with this Business; or the Expression is somewhat obscure: But I will take it as right as I can. It seems, my Lord would not refuse coming to the Prayers of the Church, for the Personal Fault of him that Officiates: And that's well. It seems likewise, that to manifest this, whether the Sin lies in the Person that offers; or in the Service that is Offered up, his Lordship would have an indifferent practice of that which is enjoyned and other Forms. And that's stark naught. For by this, we shall have no certain Service of God for the People. It shall [...], and perhaps, more dangerously than is fit; not only in different Parishes; but in the same Congregation, at different times. And were not this so, yet I cannot assent to my Lord in this, that these Men he means, can so easily offer better if they will; and that when they do not, it is their Negligence that is the only Cause. And besides, it is useless: For it is known already to sober Minds, that the Fault (when any arises in that Work) is neither in the Service, which is very good; nor in the Injunction, which is very Lawful; but in the Person which Officiates, if he do not his Duty: And so there is no need of a confused practising of divers Forms indifferently, to manifest that, which is known already. And if my Lord brings no worse Sins about him, when he comes to Church, than he will find Faults in the Liturgy; he may safely come to Church, and be a Happy Man, in so doing. And I might well doubt of my Lord's meaning herein; for himself is jealous of his Auditors. Therefore he adds;

I know not, whether I express my self clearly, to be understood in this or not; and it may seem to be a nice Scrupulosity: Give me leave therefore to endeavour to clear it by an Instance or two.

Truly my Lord takes himself right. For neither hath he expressed himself very clearly; nor is the matter so material in it self, but that it may be, as it seems, a very nice Scrupulosity, and altogether unable to warrant his Lordship's Separation from the Prayers of the Church. Yet since my Lord desires to clear it by an Instance or two; I shall be well content to hear and consider of them. His First Instance is,

In the time of the Law, when God appointed himself to be Worshipped by Offerings and Sacrifices; the Shadows and Types of those Truths which were to come: If a Poor Man, which had not Ability to bring a Bullock, or a Ram, or a Lamb, had brought a pair of Turtle Doves, or two Young Pigeons; it would have been in him an acceptable Service. But if a Man of Ability, who had Herds and Flocks; should out of Negligence or Covetousness, have spared the Cost of a Bullock or Ram, and brought Young Pigeons; his Service would have been rejected, and himself punished. How much more would the Service have been Abomination, if Men [Page] should have taken Authority to have enjoyned all, to bring no other but Turtles, or Young Pigeons; because some were not able to do more? In one kind there might be a tolerable and lawful [use] of that which otherways used, (especially if generally enjoyned) would have been most unlawful. God will be Worshipped with the Fat, and best of the Inwards; the best of Mens Gifts and Abilities, which he that worships, or officiates in Worshipping, is to do at his own Peril. And if it be left free unto him, the Worship may be Lawful to him, that joyneth with him therein, in it self, though performed in a negligent, and so in a sinful manner, by the Minister. But if that manner be enjoyned, the Service it self is to be refused.

This is my Lord's First Instance from the Services under the Law. And I must needs say, he hath made it clear what he would have. But then, he must give me leave to say too, that this Instance differs so mainly from the thing in question; that it helps my Lord and his Cause in nothing. Perhaps it makes it worse than it was.

The difference is: God in the Law, did not only prescribe all the Sacrifices and Offerings which he would have, and for what: But also when, and how he would have them. And the Poor man which had not Ability to bring the greater Sacrifice, might by the express Letter of the Law, bring Turtles or Pigeons. Levit. 5. But if a Rich Levit. 5. 7. Man had brought them, his Service would have been rejected, and himself punished. So says my Lord: But the Law says not so. He that brought it, should have born his Sin, and the Priest could have made no Attonement for him; which was punishment enough. But that he should any other way be punished, I find not in the Text of the Law. And this Lord, which will admit of nothing but Text, should not presume to add any thing to it. Apud Ainsworth in Levit. 20. 3. The Rabbins indeed, reckon up Six and Thirty kinds of Offenders, which for their Sins are threatned to be cut off from their People; and some are mentioned, Levit. 7. & 17. But none of these mentioned in Leviticus, or Levit. 7. 25. & Levit. 17. 4. 9. 10. by the Rabbins, is the Rich Man's offering Turtles or Pigeons, instead of a Bullock or a Ram. Well, this was the strict prescription of Sacrifices and Offerings in the Law. But in the Gospel, though Christ setled his Doctrin and Sacraments; yet when, and how, with other Ceremonial Things, were left at large to the Ordering of the Apostles, and the Church after them; always providing for [...] and Order. And this Liberty was left as much, if not more, in Preaching and Publick Prayer, than in the Sacraments. And therefore my Lord's Instance in this way, will not follow from the Law to the Gospel.

To give instance in his own Words. In the Law; The poor Man which had nor Bullock, nor Lamb, might by the express Warrant of the Law bring Turtles or Pigeons; but they were to be his own which he bought; and the Priest was to make his Attonement accordingly. But in the Gospel Men do not bring to the Priest or Minister their own Doctrins, or their Prayers; but he offers in publick the Sermon to them, and the Prayers for them. So here the Instance comes not home neither.

As for my Lord's Aggravation; How much more would the Service have been abomination, if Men should have taken Authority to themselves, [Page] and have enjoyned all to bring nothing but Turtles or Pigeons? Indeed it would have been full of Abomination; because in this Injunction they would have gone quite contrary to God's own Command. And let my Lord shew in the Gospel any Precept, that commands Men to use Extemporary, or Conceived Prayers, in the Publick Service or Worship of God; or that forbids the use of a Set Form of Prayer; and then I will grant the Church's Injunction of such Forms to be in the highest degree unlawful. But these cannot be shewed.

Besides, there is a great deal of Pride in this Instance. For my Lord all along the Instance, makes the Set Forms of the Church, Turtles and Pigeons, the poor Man's Sacrifice; and the Conceived Prayers of his Party, to be the Rich and able Men's Sacrifice, the Ram and the Bullock (the Calf I doubt it is.) So a very little before, his Lordship tells us, of a Negligence in those his Men of Gifts, which might offer better if they will. As if it were a most easie thing for those Men to offer up far better Prayers to God, than the Set Liturgy of the Church. Whereas my Lord must give me leave to doubt that, even of the best of them. And so again a little after, his Lordship tells us, That God will be worshipped with the Fat and the best of the Inwards, which he Interprets with the best of Mens Gifts and Abilities; and of this there is no doubt. Nor doth the enjoning of a Set Form of Publick Prayer hinder any Man from worshipping God with the best Gifts and Abilities which he hath. And who should be served with the best, if not he that gave them all? But here's the Pride of the Instance again: Their conceived, tedious, and oft-times senseless Prayers, must be the Fat and the Inwards with which God is pleased; and the Set Forms of the Church Lean Carrion, and not fit for the Altar. O, my Lord, that you would in time lay your Hand on your Heart, and consider from what, and into what you are fallen!

My Lord concludes this Instance with this, That if it be left free to him that Officiates, 'tis his personal Sin if he be negligent; but it may be lawful for another that joins with him in that Service: But if that manner be enjoined, the Service it self is to be refused. And after this great Pride in, or of this Opinion, my Lord ends with 'Tis Fallacia Accidentis: For it is not in, or of the nature of Prayer, that it should be in a negligent Form set down, or negligently performed; but a meer accident, and a bad one. a Fallacy. For the Question is not, Whether a negligent Set Form of Prayer, or a Good Form of Set Prayer, negligently and without Devotion offer'd up to God (as too often they are, God help us) be better than other Prayers, carefully composed and devoutly uttered? But simply, Whether a good Set Form of Prayer (such as the Liturgy of England is) be made so evil, only by the enjoyning of it, as that therefore the Service it self ought to be refused? Now this my Lord may say as boldly as he will; but neither he nor any man else shall ever be able to prove it.

And in this very close, I cannot but observe, that which in me or another Man would have been great Pride: But what it is in this Lord, let the Reader judge. For he doth not conclude, that this Form being enjoyned, is the Cause why he refuses to come to our Prayers. But absolutely, as if all Men were bound to do as he doth. He says peremptorily, that in this Case of Injunction of a set Form, the Service it self ought to be refused. So that by this Doctrine, he is a Sinner that refuses not the Prayers of the Church of England. My Lord in the beginning, askt leave to speak a few Words, concerning [Page] himself; but I believe, these will be found to concern some body else. Well, 'tis time to consider of my Lord's second Instance; and so I will.

Now in the time of the Gospel, God hath appointed the foolishness of Preaching, (for so the World accounts it) to be the Means by which he will save those that Believe. I conceive, where there are not Gifts enabling Men to Preach, there might be a lawful and profitable use of Reading of Printed Sermons and Homilies; and in such Cases they might very lawfully be heard. But if some Men, upon pretence to prevent Extravagant Preaching, should take upon them to set forth a Book of Publick Common Sermons, fit for all Times and Occasions; and should enjoyn Ministers to conform to these, and use no other Preaching at all, but the Reading of those Common Sermons or Homilies so devised, for Publick Worship; this would make it utterly Vnlawful, and to be Professed against, as that which were the bringing in of a Humane Device and Injunction in the place, and instead of God's Ordinance, to the Exclusion thereof. As the Pharisees, to establish Traditions of their own, made void the Commandments of God.

I hope, my Lord will have no better success with this Instance under the Gospel, than he had with that under the Law. And yet whatsoever is Truth in his Instance, I shall most willingly grant. And therefore I do acknowledge, that in the time of the Gospel, God appointed the foolishness of Preaching, 1 Cor. 1. to be a Means; but not 1 Cor. 1. 21. to be The Means (if it be meant the only Means) by which he will save those that believe. I likewise confess, that in the World's Account 'tis made the Foolishness of Preaching. And I would to God some Men, much magnified in these Times, did not give too often very just Cause to the World to account it, not only the Foolishness, but the Madness of Preaching; such Preaching as is far from being a Means of Salvation. I conceive also, as well as my Lord, that where there are no Gifts enabling Men to Preach, (as it falls out in too many Parishes in England, and the true Cause is, the smallness of the Living, unable to Feed and Cloath Men, and therefore cannot expect Men of Parts) there not only might be, but is a lawful and profitable use of Reading of Printed Sermons and Homilies; and that in such Cases, yes, and in other Cases too, they may very lawfully be heard. And I think farther, that if some Men, not upon their own private Authority, but lawfully meeting in a Synod or Convocation, shall, not upon pretence, but truly to prevent Extravagant Preaching, such as of late hath been, and is too common in England, should take upon them to set forth a Book of common Sermons, such as might be fit for all Times and all Occasions, which is not impossible to be done, and should enjoyn Ministers to conform to these, and use no other Preaching at all, but the Reading of these common Sermons or Homilies so devised for publick Worship; I must needs say, it were a Cure not to be used but in Extremity, to bar all other Preaching for the Abuse of some, be it never so gross. Yet if the Distempers of the Pulpit, should grow in any National Church so high, so Seditious, so Heretical and Blasphemous, so Schismatical and Outragious, [Page] as many of them have been of late in this distracted Church of ours; I say, if such a Book of Sermons, should be so set out, by the Church direction, and published by the Authority of King and Parliament, as the Book of Common Prayer is: When the Comparison is made thus even, and my Lords Instance so brought home: In the Church of Africa, when the Arian Heresie began, the Church had suffered so much by the Preaching of Arius the Presbyter, that they made a Law not to suffer any Presbyter [...] Preach at all, at least not in the Mother Church, and in the Bishop's Presence. As may be seen in Socrates, l. 5. Hist. c. 22. And though this may seem a [...] Cure, yet when the Disease grew Masterful and [...], the Church did not refuse to use it. I do then think, such a Book, not devised for publick Worship, but for publick Instruction (for Sermons are not properly the Worship of God, but as to teach us Faith and Obedience, and how we are to pray and give Worship to him) might be used with great profit; yea, and with far more than many Sermons of the present time, which do in a manner teach nothing but Disobedience to Princes and all Authority, under a false pretence of Obedience to God.

And for the Injunction which sticks so much with my Lord; certainly in Cases of such Extremity, as is above-mentioned, and when nothing else will serve, I conceive it might well and profitably be laid upon the Ministers; and yet that such an Imposition, would be far from making it utterly unlawful, and to be professed against, as that which were the bringing in of a Humane Device in the place, and instead of God's Ordinance, to the Exclusion thereof. For 'tis probable, these Sermons my Lord speaks of, would be Preached before they were Printed. And the end of their being Preached, was to publish Christ and his Gospel to the World. And that also, was or ought to be the end of Publishing the same Sermons in Print, that the benefit of them might reach the farther, and be of longer continuance. So that upon the Matter, the Printing of Sermons, is but a large and more open Preaching of them still. And then if Preaching be God's Ordinance; Printing of Sermons is the publishing of God's Ordinance. And therefore, if there were an Injunction for a Book of Sermons, as is mentioned; it were but a more publick and durable divulging of God's Ordinance; and not the bringing in of a Humane Device instead of it, and to the Exclusion thereof.

As for that which follows, that this is like the Pharisees, who, to establish Traditions of their own, made void the Commandments of God. This is but a Simile, and is Answered in the former. And you see, that should any Necessity force the making of such an Injunction (which God forbid) it did help to publish God's Ordinance, and not make void his Commandments. Howsoever, my Lord may take this along with him: That that Party, which he governs in this Kingdom, are as well seen in this Art of the Pharisees, as any Men in Christendom; and will, if they be let alone, make void all the Service of God, to bring in their Dreams, against all Reason, Religion and lawful Authority. And this is most true, whatever they think of themselves. But my Lord desires farther consideration of his Instance.

Let it be considered, what difference can be found between these, but only this. Vse and Custom hath inured us to that of Prayer, not so in this of Preaching; and therefore the Evil of it would easily appear unto us, if so enjoined.

It is fit, my Lord should have his desire in this; that it be considered what difference can be found between these: And out of all doubt my Lord [Page] acknowledges, that some difference there is. And were it this only (as his Lordship would have it.) That Vse and Custom hath inured us to that of Prayer, and not so in this of Preaching; that might be Reason enough to continue our publick set Form of Prayer. For if the Service have not fault in it, but that 'tis enjoyned: And if the enjoyning of a good Service of God Almighty, in which Christian People may consent, and unanimously and uniformly worship him, be no fault at all, as most certain it is not: 'Tis neither wisdom nor safety to cast off such a Custom or Vsage, and leave every Minister (and perhaps other Men too) to make what Prayers they please in the Congregation, which doubtless would be many times such, as no good understanding Christian could say Amen to.

Besides, with my Lord's leave, upon the Consideration which he desires me to take, I think I have found other Differences. For, besides the Vse and Custom which we are inured to, I find, that to have some set Form of Prayer, when the Congregation meets, is little less than * Traditio Vniversalis, 'Tis Vniversal for Time. For it is testified by Dionysius the Areopagite (if those Works be his) De Ecclesia Hierar: P: 77: Edit: Gr: Lat. and he was one of the Contemporaries of the Apostles, that there were then set Forms of Prayer, to which all the People said Amen. And if Dionysius were not the Author, yet the Work is exceeding Ancient. And so some set Forms continued, till after St. Augustin's Time, as appears by Justin Martyr, Apol. 2. p. 97. Edit. Gr. Lat. An. Christi. 150. By Tertull. Apologet. c. 39. An. Christi. 200. By St. Cyprian de Orat. Domin. By Origen Hom. 5. in Num. An. Christi. 230. By the Council of Laodicea, Can. 18. 19. An Christi. 316. By St. Basil Epist. ad Clericos Naeocaesariensis Ecclesiae. By St. Chrysostom ..... both about the same Year. As also by St. Cyril of Jerusalem ..... By the third Council of Carthage, can. 23. An. Christi. 397. By St. Aug. Ep. 59. & 156. & de bono [...]. c. 13. An. Christi. 400. By the second Melevitan Council, can. 12. And by Prosper Aquitan. L. q. de Vocat. Gent. c. 4. since which time no question can be made, but the Publick Prayers were always in a known and set Form. And that it was Vniversal for place, appears by the concurrent Testimonies of the Fathers before recited, and the Councils and the Practice, both of the Asian, African and European Churches. As Justin Martyr, Basil and Chrysostom, for the Greek; and Tertullian, Cyprian, St. Augustin and Prosper, testifie for the West. Insomuch, that St. [...] says expressly in that place, that for the Order of Singing the Psalms in their Publick Service, it was agreeable ..... to all the Churches of God: Which place is also cited by Whitaker ad Ration. 6. Campiani. And divers Particulars in their set Form of Prayer, remain to this day in the Liturgy of the Church of England. As that there should be recited a General Confession of the Faith. [...] Areopag. de Ecclesia Hierar. p. 88. Edit. Gr. Lat. That Prayers were made for Emperours and Men in Authority; and for the Peace and Quiet of the World. So Tertullian. That the Presbyter should [...] them to lift up their Hearts; and the People Answer, we lift them up unto the Lord. So St. Cyprian and St. Augustin. The Interrogations and Answers in [...]. So Origen. That Prayers should be made, not only for the Faithful, but for Insidels and Enemies to the Cross of Christ. So Prosper. And 'tis preserved in our Collect for Good Friday. And the Peoples Praying with, and Answering the Pastor, saying Lord have Mercy upon us, with Christ have Mercy upon us, was before St. Gregory's time, and continued down to ours, yet with difference from the Mass-Book too. As Dr. Rainolds proves, Conf. with Hart. c. D. Divi. 4. p. 511. But howsoever set Forms they were, and such as in some Particulars, ferè omnis Ecclesia Dominica, almost all the Church of Christ used. So St. Augustin. And there is nulla pars Mundi, scarce any part of the World, in which there is not a Concordant, an Agreement in these Prayers: So Prosper. Which is [...] to be but by a set Form. And so the Magdeburgians conclude upon due Examination: Formulas denique precationum absque dubio habuerunt: Out of all doubt the Ancients had set Forms of Prayer, Cent. 3. c. 6. an Universal Tradition of the whole Church. And that it took beginning, while some of the Apostles were yet living, and hath continued from thence in all Ages and Places of the Church to this day. Now, though particular Customs and Traditions vary and may be varied in several Churches; yet I do not find there is such a Power over Traditions that are General; but that next to the Scripture it self, they are kept by all Sober Christians inviolable. And St. Augustine says plainly [St. Aug. Epist. 118. c. 5.] 'tis Insolentissimae insaniae; a trick of most insolent Madness, to dispute or doubt of that, quod tota per Orbem frequentat Ecclesia, which the Church of Christ practises throughout the whole World. And for my part I believe him; and I would my Lord did so too, and then I think he would not refuse the Service for the Injunction, nor fall into any fit of this insolent Madness. As for Preaching, that was ever left free. And therefore the Church did ever put a difference.

[Page] And, I find upon this Consideration, another Difference yet, between Prayer and Preaching. For Preaching is a Speech to Man for his Edification, and Instruction in Faith and good Life. But Prayer is a Speech to God, to Honour and Worship him, in the acknowledgment of his Dominion over, and his Bounty and Goodness towards all Creatures; but Mankind especially. And therefore, though a Man cannot take too much pains in that which he is to speak from God to Man, lest he be proved a False Relater: Yet of the two, there should be more care had, what Prayers he puts up for himself and the whole Congregation, unto God; lest he be not only a false Worshipper; but also, lest he suddenly and unadvisedly ask that, which may be hurtful unto all. And for ought he knows, God may at that time, be angry with us for our Sins, and may hear in his anger, and grant. And I believe, it will be found, a greater and more dangerous Sin, for the Priest to make the People ask at God's Hands, those things which they ought not. Besides, the Publick Prayers of the Church, do teach and inform the People, not only how to Pray, and so how to Worship; but in many things also, what to believe, as well, nay, often times better than many Sermons. So that ill Praying in Publick, contains almost all the Mischiefs that ill Preaching hath in it, over and above all the Ill that is proper to it self: And so is the more dangerous Sin: And therefore the Church cannot be too careful for a set and known Form for Publick Prayer; yea, and that enjoyned too, so it be well weighed before-hand; though for Preaching she leave a greater Latitude. So upon consideration, I think there is more difference between a set Form of Prayer, and a set Form of Preaching, than that we are invited to the one, and not to the other. Yet, when I hear what Extravagant, nay Seditious Preaching there is now-a-days, I am strongly tempted to believe, that were the like Injunction for Preaching, it were far better, than that such loose, dangerous and most unchristian Preachings, as are in many places, should continue. It seems, my Lord hath now done with the First Part of the Waspish-Man's Charge against him (for so he is pleased to call it.) And that is his Lordship's account why he refuses to come to Common-Prayer. And now he goes on to the next.

My Lords, let me presume upon your Patience, so far farther, as to give me leave, to speak to the other Imputation laid upon me; that I am a Separatist, and the greatest in England.

My Lords very Honourably afforded his Lordship Patience to speak to the other Imputation laid upon him; and so shall I very freely. But how far, and in what Language, and upon what Occasion I imputed any thing to his Lordship, I have ingenuously declared already: And shall add no more, till my Lord hath proceeded farther, and expressed what he pleases; as follows.

And First I shall say of this Word Separatist, as that Learned Man, Mr. Hales of Eaton saith in a little Manuscript of his, which I have seen:

That where it may be rightly fixed, and deservedly charged, it is certainly a great Offence. But in common [Page] use now among us, it is no other than a Theological Scare-crow; wherewith the potent and prevalent Party uses to fright and inforce those who are not of their Opinions, to subscribe to their Dictates, without daring to question them, or bring them to any Rule of Examination, either of Scripture or Reason.

And he observeth, that this was too usual even in Ancient Times, as well as now.

And First, my Lord begins with the Word Separatist: And he professes, he will say of that, as Learned Mr. Hales saith. And surely the first part of Mr. Hales is very true; That where this Word, or the Crime signified by it, is rightly fixt, and deservedly charged, 'tis a great Offence. But that which follows, by my Lord's good leave, and Mr. Hales his too, is somewhat too hard a Censure upon the Times, and the Persons living in them. The Truth is; some Men are too apt to Accuse others of Schism and Separation; but yet I do not think the Disease is so Epidemical, as 'tis here expressed. As Namely, That it is in common use amongst us. Perhaps, nothing so Common at this Time, to call Separatist as to be one. Or that it is a Theological Scare-crow, by which the potent and prevalent Party uses to affright and enforce those who are not of their Opinions, to subscribe to their Dictates. Or sure, if there be such practice, the Fault is in the Persons that use it. But even that is no Excuse at all, for Schism or Separation; because some, in an inconsiderate heat, Charge that Crime upon such as are not Guilty. For, perhaps my Lord may say as much as this, of Excommunication it self, that some are struck with it, who deserve it not; and yet, I hope, my Lord hath not proceeded so far, as to say, that Excommunication is but a Theological Scare-crow.

And I farther think, there are as few at this Day of them, whom my Lord calls the potent and prevalent Party, which refuse to be brought to any Rule of Examination, either of Scripture or Reason; as have lived in this Church for some Hundreds of Years past, how meanly soever this Lord Esteems them, and how narrow soever he thinks their Comprehensions are.

To conclude this Passage; my Lord tells us, that Mr. Hales observes farther, that this was too usual, even in Ancient Times, as well as now. That some Faults, and some Degrees of this Fault, were in Ancient Times, as well as now, may be true enough: And yet in those Ancient Times, none thought Schism or Separation from the Church, howsoever charged, to be but a Theological Scare-crow. But caused it to be examined to the bottom, as 'tis fit; nay, necessary, that it should: For else, the most dangerous Separation, that can be; may go away free with this. That it is but a trick of the prevalent Party, to fright other Men into their Opinions, by charging them with Separation. Now, the most dangerous Separation in a Church, is, where the Church it self hath little or no Power to punish Separatists. And where they of the Separation, are, by the great Misfortune of the State, become the potent and prevalent Party. And whether this be not, or at least were not the condition of the State and Church of England, when my Lord Printed this Speech of his; I leave to the indifferent Reader to judge.

[Page] My Lord hath Printed no more than this; and therefore I will take notice of no more. But yet, Iam told by a very good Hand, that his Lordship upon this quotation of Mr. Hales his Manuscript, was pleased openly in that Honourable House of Parliament, where he spake it, to lend Mr. Hales one Wipe, and me another. But since my Lord is pleased to pass it over at the Press, I shall do so too. Yet with this, that if my Lord did give that Gird, I will make it plainly appear, whenever he shall publish it, that there is no shew of Truth in it. But now that my Lord hath done with Mr. Hales, he proceeds, and tells us his own Judgment.

Secondly, I say that there is a two-fold Separation; one from the Vniversal or Catholick Church; which can no otherwise be made, but by denying the Faith; (for Faith and Love are the Requisites to that Communion.)

And I say so too, that there is a two-fold Separation; and that one of them is from the Vniversal, or Catholick Church. But that this Separation can no otherwise be made, but by denying the Faith, I doubt comes short of Truth. First, because there is a great difference between Schism and Apostacy. And every Apostacy is a Separation; but every Separation is not Apostacy. For a Man is not an Apostate properly, till he fall away, by denying the whole Faith. But a Man may be in Heresie, Schism and Separation; upon the denyal of any one Article of the Faith, received by the Catholick Church. Secondly, because should a Man agree in all and every Article of the Faith, with the Catholick-Church; yet he may maintain some false Opinion, and incongruous, both to the Verity, and the Practice of Religion, and Judgment of the Universal Church: And be so in Love with these, as that for these Opinions sake, he will Separate from the whole Body.

Therefore Denyal of the Faith is not the only Cause of Separation from the Catholick Church; since this Separation can be otherways made. And, my Lord within the space of Three Lines, crosses himself. For First, he says, that this Separation can no otherwise be made, but by denying the Faith. And in the very next Words, he tells us, that Faith and Love are the Requisites to that Communion. Two Requisites to that Communion with the Universal Church; therefore two Causes of Separation from it. Therefore, by my Lord's own Confession, he that is so out of Charity, with the Universal Church, for some Opinions or Practices which he dislikes, as that he will not Communicate with it; is in Separation, though he do not deny the Faith.

The other (my Lord tells us) is, a Separation from this or that particular Church, or Congregation. And that not in respect of difference with them, in matter of Faith or Love: But in dislike only of such Corruptions, in their external Worship and Liturgies, as they do admit of, and would enjoyn upon others.

In this other Particular Separation, I shall meddle with neither Congregation nor Conventicle, Meeting allowed, or disallowed by Church or State; but that Separation which is, or is not made by my Lord [Page] and his Followers, from the National Church of England, as it stands Setled and Established by Law. Not as her Service may be mangled, or otherwise abused in any particular Parish, or Congregation, whatsoever. And if this Lord dislike any the Service as 'tis used in some one Parish or other, and yet will come to the Service as it is Established by Law in other, either Cathedral or Parochial Churches, my Lord hath had great Wrong, to be accounted a Separatist. But if my Lord will not come to the Prayers of the Church of England by Law Established, let his Pretence be what it will, a Separatist he is.

But my Lord says, that this Particular Separation is not in respect of difference with them, in matter of Faith or Love.

Where First you may observe on the by, that in my Lord's Judgment, 1. Publick Breach in Charity, as well as in Faith, may be Cause of this Separation too, as well as of that from the Vniversal or Catholick Church, before mentioned.

Next, that this particular Separation, if it be not in respect of Difference 2. in Faith or Love; in what respect is it then? Why, if we may herein believe my Lord, 'tis only in dislike of such Corruptions in their external Worship and Liturgies, as they do admit of, and would injoyn others. Well, First I'll pray for my Lord, that there be no difference in Faith and Charity; but I do very much doubt there is. Next, either there are such Corruptions in the External Worship and Liturgies, as his Lordship hath just Cause to dislike, or there are not. If there be not, why doth he Separate from them? If there be, or probably seem to be; why doth he not complain to the King, and the Church; that these Corruptions may be considered on, and amended, if Cause appear?

And this he ought to do, before he Separate. For, I hope Christianity is not yet come to that pass, (though it draw on apace) that a Powerful Lay-Man or two, shall say there are Corruptions in the set Service of God, and then be Judges of such Corruptions themselves. Nor doth the Church of England admit of Corruptions in her Liturgy, or labour to injoyn them upon others. Now my Lord tells us farther. That

This is a Separation not from their Persons, as they are Christians; But from their Corruptions in matter of Worship, as they are therewith defiled. And this Separation, every Man, that will keep himself Pure from other Mens Sins, and not Sin against his own Conscience, must make.

This will not yet help my Lord: For say this be not a Separation from their Persons, as they are Christians; which yet it too often proves to be. And I believe, if this Lord would impartially examine himself, he would find to be true in himself, and his Comportment. But that it is from their Corruptions in matter of Worship, as they are therewith defiled. First, these Corruptions are not proved; so 'tis Petitio Principii, 1. the begging of that to be granted, which is the thing in question. Secondly, if there be Corruptions; yet it is not proved they 2. are in the Matter; but of the two, rather in the Manner of Worship. Thirdly, were both these granted, yet it will remain a Question still; 3. [Page] whether these Corruptions be such, as that the Worshippers are defiled therewith? And another Question, whether so deeply defiled, as that other good Christians shall be defiled, by coming to Common-Prayer with them? For I am not yet persuaded, nor shall be, till I be convinced, That every Man that will keep himself pure from other Mens Sins, and not Sin against his Conscience, is bound to make this Separation. For I conceive, many Corruptions may be tolerated; nay, ought to be, before a Separation be made. And that a private Conscience is to be both informed, and reformed, before it be attempted.

Nor can I think, that he which comes to the publick Service of any Church that is not Idolatrous, or peccant in the Fundamentals of Religion, doth partake with other Mens Sins, that frequent the same Common-Prayer or Service with him, or he with them.

And yet my Lord is so peremptory, as that without any distinction or Degrees of Corruption; he delivers it positively, with a great deal more Boldness than Knowledge; That every Man, that will keep himself pure from other Mens Sins, must make this Separation. Every Man, and must make. And it is not to be conceived, but that what every Man must do, my Lord, who seems to be so careful to keep himself pure from other Mens Sins, hath done already. That is, hath made this Separation from the Church. And my Lord, for ought I see, is ready to confess as much. For he adds,

And I will ingenuously confess, that there are many things, in many Churches or Congregations in England, practised, and injoyned upon all to be practised and suffered; which I cannot practise nor admit of, except I should Sin against the Light of my Conscience, until I may out of the Word of God be convinced of the Lawfulness of them; which hitherto I could never see sufficient ground for.

I told you my Lord was very near confessing as much as I have said. For he says ingenuously there are many things in many Churches in England practised.

First, I told my Lord before, that this Business of Separation, was not to be judged by what is practised in one or more Parochial Congregations, but by what ought to be practised in all the Churches of England. And if my Lord dislike any thing in one Congregation, he may go to another (so he will endure the whole Liturgy, as it is setled by Law) and no Man if he will do this, ought to account him a Separatist. And I find by my Lord's Words, that his Exception is to many Churches; and I would willingly hope (if his Carriage would let me) that he excepts not against all. Besides, he tells us, that many things are so practised; but he is not pleased to tell us what they are. And then it is not possible for me or any Man else, either to know whether his Lordship's Exception be just against them, or to give him satisfaction in them. And it is no great sign, that my Lord bears any good Mind to the Church, that he is so ready to charge many things against the Church, and to name none.

My Lord goes farther, and says plainly, that these many things thus practised, or enjoyned also, and that upon all, to be practised or suffered, which he cannot practise nor admit of, except he should Sin against [Page] the Light of his Conscience. You have heard already, how much my Lord is troubled with this Enjoyning, and to that I refer you: In the mean time, since I am the Man so particularly shot at by my Lord, I shall answer for my self according to Truth; and with Truth I can legally prove, if need be; I have not Commanded or injoyned any one thing Ceremonial or other, upon any Parochial Congregation in England, much less upon all, to be either practised or suffered, but that which is directly commanded by Law. And if any Inferiour [...] in the Kingdom, or any of my own Officers have given any such Command, 'tis either without my Knowledge, or against my Direction. And 'tis well known, I have sharply chid some for this very particular; and if my Lord would have acquainted me with any such troubled thought of his, I would have given him (so far as had been in my Power) either Satisfaction or Remedy, if any thing had been against the Light of his Conscience. Though in these things I must needs tell my Lord, that there is now adays, in many Men which have shaken off all Church Obedience, great pretensions to Light in their Vnderstandings and Consciences; when to Men which see indeed, 'tis little less than Palpable Darkness. But how it is with my Lord and his Conscience, I will not take upon me to Judge; but leave him to stand or fall to his own Master. Rom 14. Rom. 14. 4.

For it seems, my Lord stands not simply upon the Light of his Conscience; but only until he may be convinced out of the Word of God, of the Lawfulness of these things, which hitherto he could never see sufficient ground for. And this is the Common-Plea, which all of them have resort to, till they be convinced; which (as I have had experience of many) they are resolved not to be. And they will be convinced in every particular, out of the Word of God, to the very taking up of a Rush or Straw, as their grave Master T. C. L. S. p. 59, 60. apud [...]. L. 2. S. 1. p. 54. T. C. taught them. As if God took care of Straws, or their taking of them up. As if every particular thing of Order or Decency, were expresly set down in the Word of God. Surely, if this were so, St. Paul should have had nothing to set in order when he came to Corinth. 1 Cor 11. And if this 1 Cor. 11. 34. be so, the Church hath no Power left in any thing, not so much as to Command a Bell shall Tole to call the people to publick Prayers, because 'tis no where commanded in the Word of God. So that upon this Ground, if any Man shall say, he hath Light enough in his Conscience, to see the unlawfulness of such Humane Devices, he may Separate from the Church, rather than Sin against this Light. So there shall be no Publick Service of God; but some Ignis Fatuus or other, under the Name of Light in the Conscience, shall except against it, and Separate from it. Which is directly to set up the Light in each private Spirit, against that Light which God hath placed in his Church; shine it never so clearly. Yet his Lordship is confident, and says,

But, my Lords, this is so far from making me the greatest Separatist in England, that it cannot argue me to be any at all. For my Lords the Bishops do know, that those whom they usually apply this term unto, are the Brownists (as they call them by another Name) and they know their Tenents. The truth is, they differ [Page] with us in no Fundamental Point of Doctrine, or saving Truth, I know.

Here then my Lord is [...] to say, that all that he hath hitherto said, is so far from making him the greatest Separatist in England, that it cannot argue him to be any at all: For my part, I would to God it were so: But let's examine, whether it be so or not. First then, this I humbly conceive is certain; That he, whoever he be, that will not Communicate in Publick Prayers with a National Church, which serves God as she ought, is a Separatist. But the Church of England as it stands established by Law, serves God as she ought: Therefore my Lord, by his general absenting himself from her Communion in Prayers, is a Separatist. And this is by his own confession: For he says, a little before, and that expresly, that this is a Separation, which every Man must make, that will keep himself pure from other Mens Sins. And I cannot doubt, but his Lordship hath made that, which he says he must make.

All that can be said for my Lord herein, is this; First, That my Lord Charges the Church of England with Corruptions in the Worship of God; and such Corruptions, as he must Separate from her. But is it sufficient for a Separation for a particular Man, barely to say there are such Corruptions in the Liturgy, when he doth neither prove them to be such, nor so much as name them what they are? Surely no. And I think these Gnats (which his Lordship strains at) may be swallowed, without any Offence to God or Man. So far are they from being a just Cause of Separation: Therefore, for all this, my Lord is a Separatist.

Yea, but my Lord charges upon the Church of England, that she injoyns her Liturgy upon all Men, by a certain Number of Men usurping Authority to themselves, and imposing this Injunction, under the name of the Church. I have made answer already to this Power of the Church to compose a set Form for publick Service; and I hope made it manifest, that this Authority is not usurped. And then that can be no just Cause of a Separation. Nay, I must doubt, whether if such Authority were usurped by some Church-Men, in any National Church, the injoyning of the Service after it is made, supposing always that it contain no Idolatry, or Fundamental Error, be for the Injunction alone a sufficient Warrant to my Lord, or any other to Separate? Therefore, my Lord's forsaking the publick Service of the Church, upon no better Grounds than these, makes him a Separatist by his own Confession, without any Man calling him so.

As for his Lordship's being the greatest Separatist in England: I have at the beginning of this Tract clearly related, to the uttermost of my Memory, what and upon what occasion I spake of his Lordship in this kind. But whether I said it or not, my Lord, for ought I see, will hardly escape being so. For he is the greatest Separatist from the Church, that absents himself with most will and least cause: And this, if I mistake not, is my Lord's Case; for he separates with most will, that says Men must and ought to Separate: And upon least Cause, because as yet he hath Named none at all; but Corruptions in general; which any Man may say; and the Injunction of a set Form, which is no cause. [Page] Therefore (for ought I yet see) it may truly be said of his Lordship, that he is the greatest Separatist in England.

Especially if you add to this, how busie and active his Lordship is, and for many Years hath been, to promote this Cause of Separation. And I have some very good grounds to think, that his Lordship hath been and is the great Cause, and enlarger of all the Separation that now is in Church Affairs. And of all the Disobedience thereby bred or cherished against Soveraign Power.

Next, my Lord appeals to my Lords the Bishops; and tells them, that they know that they whom they usually apply this Name (Separatist) unto, are the Brownists, as they call them by another Name. I know not all things, which the rest of my Learned Brethren the Bishops know. Yet, I think, both they and I know this, that the Name Separatist, is a common Name to all Hereticks or Schismaticks, that separate for their Opinions sakes, either from the Catholick, or from any particular Orthodox Church. And if my Lord himself (who it seems is well acquainted with them) or any of my Lords the Bishops do know, that this Name is usually applyed to the Brownists; be it so. That I am sure is not material, unless it be for that which my Lord closes this passage withal.

Namely, that my Lords the Bishops know the Tenents of the Brownists; and that the truth is, they differ from us in no Fundamental Point of Doctrine or Saving Truth that his Lordship knows. I doubt not but my Lords the Bishops know the Tenents of the Brownists, so far forth at least, as they be Tenents, and not varied from; and so far as they are their General Tenents, to which all or most of them agree. And so far as they are plain and univocal Tenents, and not such as shall equivocate with the very Faith it self. But such Tenents of the Brownists as these are, it may be, all my Lords the Bishops know not.

Now if the Truth be, as my Lord says it is, for ought he knows, that the Brownists differ from us in no Fundamental Point of Doctrine, or saving Truth: Then out of all doubt Majus peccatum habent, their Sin (and my Lord's too) is the greater, that they will so Uncharitably, and with so great Heat and setled Violence, and to the great scandal of Religion, first separate themselves from, and now labour utterly to overthrow that Church, which (by my Lord's own Confession here) differs not from them in any Fundamental Point of Doctrine or saving Truth. For sure, if they differ not from us, we differ not from them. But this is only Argumentum ad Hominem, and is sufficient to convince this Lord, I think, in his own way.

But I doubt the Truth is quite another thing. Namely, that the Church of England is very Orthodox, and that the Brownists or Separatists, call them as you will, do Separate upon false and unchristian Opinions. And that besides Matters of Opinion and breach of Charity, they do differ from us in some Fundamental Points of Doctrine and saving Truth.

My Lord a little before tells us of Corruptions in the Liturgy of the Church; but names none. And should I charge the Brownists, with difference from the Church in Fundamental Points of Doctrine, and yet name none, I should run into the same fault for which I there taxed my Lord: I shall therefore give some Instances of some of their Opinions, and then leave the indifferent Reader to judge, whether they [Page] do not differ from us in some Fundamental Points of Doctrine and saving Truth. And then consequently, whether it be not an Heretical, as well as a Schismatical Separation, which they make from the Church of England.

1. And first, there was a Creed Printed by John Turner, in this present Year, and the Parliament sitting. This Turner is a Notorious Separatist, or Brownist if you will. In this Creed of his, he leaves out the descent of Christ into Hell. This is an Article of the Apostle's Creed. And 'tis an Article of the Church of England. And so I presume a Fundamental Point of Doctrine. Yet herein, this Brownist and his Fellows differ from us. And I have heard from some present, that at a Committee of Lords, appointed for Matters of Religion, a The Lord Brook. young Lord should say openly and boldly enough, that he did not believe the descent of Christ into Hell. And that my Lord, the Author of this Speech, should second him.

2. In the same Creed, Turner professes, he believes that Christ Instituted by his Apostles certain particular Churches here on Earth, and no other. So the Catholick Church, the Mother of all particular, both Men and Churches, and out of which there can be no Salvation in the ordinary way, is quite thrust out of this Brownist's Creed. And this I hope is another Fundamental Point of Doctrine and saving Truth. But in this I must do my Lord right, and not charge him with this point. Because a little before, his Lordship tells of a two-fold Separation, one whereof he says is from the Vniversal or Catholick Church. So the Catholick Church is not yet thrust out of my Lord's Creed. But then this appears, that the Separatists are not yet agreed upon all the Articles of their Creed. Nay, some of them call the Apostle's Creed a patched Forgery. And Barrow justifies it. Barrow's Reply to Gifford, p. 255.

3. Thirdly, they differ from us in charging gross Corruptions upon the Church of England. And these are known to my Lord; for he acknowledges them; and so gross, that, should they be true, the Church of England must be faulty in Fundamental and Saving Truth. As shall farther appear in my Answer to my Lord's next Passage. Therefore p. 48. if their Charge be true, they must, by my Lord's own Confession, differ from us in Fundamental and saving Truth. And if their Charge be false, why do they separate from us? Besides, all Anabaptists and Brownists agree in this, that the Church of England is Antichristian. And if it be so, they must either differ in Fundamentals from the Church of England: Or be Antichristian themselves in joyning with them: Or grant, that Christ and Antichrist have one and the same Foundation.

4. Fourthly, some of them yet living, though they dare not speak it out in all Companies, do cunningly insinuate, That at Death, Soul and Body are extinct together; but shall rise again at the Resurrection, first or last. And that Christ shall come and live here upon the Earth again. That the Martyrs shall then rise and live with him a Thousand Years. And that Christ once come upon the Earth, shall not, (for any thing they can learn out of Scripure) ever depart from the Earth again.

5. Fifthly, one Brierly and his Independent Congregation, are of this Belief. The 50. [...] taken from his own [...]. That the Child of God, in the Power of Grace, doth perform [Page] every Duty so well, that to ask Pardon for failing, either in matter or manner, is a Sin. That it is unlawful to pray for Forgiveness of Sins, after their Conversion. With divers others, some as bad, some worse, to the number of Fifty.

6. Sixthly, One Spisberrye yet living, and of that Independent Fraternity, maintains, that God works all things in us; and that we are but Organs, Instruments, and meer empty Trunks. Which is to make God the Author of all the Sins which Men commit: And therefore proposit. 19. Brierly says expresly, that if they do at any time fall, they can by the power of Grace, carry their Sin to the Lord, and say, here I had it, and here I leave it. Will not the Devil one day stop the Mouth of this Blasphemy?

7. Seventhly, Mr. Pryn himself (who hath been a great stickler in Pryn in his perpetuity. p. 432. these Troubles of the Church) says expresly; Let any true Saint of God be taken away in the very act of any known Sin, before it is possible for him to Repent; I make no doubt or Scruple of it, but he shall as surely be saved as if he had lived to have repented of it. And he instances in David, in case he had been taken away, before he had repented of his Adultery and Murther. So according to this Divinity, the true Saints of God may commit horrible and carying Sins, dye without Repentance, and yet be sure of Salvation; which teareth up the very Foundations of Religion; induceth all manner of Profaneness into the World; and is expresly contrary to the whole current of the Ezech. 18. 26. Prov. 28. 13. S. Luc. 13. 3. S. Luc. 21. 24. Acts 3. 19. 2 Cor. 6. 9. Gal. 5. 10. and many other places. Scripture.

8. In the Eighth place, almost all of them say, That God, from all Eternity Reprobates by far the greater part of Mankind to eternal Fire, without any Eye at all to their Sin. Which Opinion my very Soul abominates. For it makes God, the God of all Mercies, to be the most fierce and unreasonable Tyrant in the World. For the Question is not here, what God may do by an absolute act of Power, would he so use it upon the Creature which he made of nothing: But what he hath done, and what stands with his Wisdom, Justice, and Goodness to do.

9. Ninthly, One Lionel Lockier, now or late of Cranbrooke in Kent, among other his Errors, rails against teaching Children the Lord's Prayer, or other Forms of Catechising. And if they differ from the Church of England in the whole Catechism, I think the Lord must work a Miracle, before he can make his Speech good, That they differ from us in no Fundamental point.

10. Lastly, to omit all those base Opinions, in which the Brownists agree with the Anabaptists; this, in which they differ from them, will be sufficient to prove, that they differ from us in that which is fundamental; unless they will say, that to believe the Trinity is not Fundamental. For some of them, and by name one Rog. in Symb. Art. 7. Prop. 5. Glover, deny the Deity of the Holy Ghost. Which stands condemned for a gross and Fundamental Heresie in the Second Concil. Const. 1. Hooker's Pref. to Eccl. pol. S. 3. General Council, held against Macedonius. And for the Familists (of which there is Store this Day in England) they deny the Resurrection of the Flesh, turning it, as they do many other things, into a Mystery or Allegorie. Perhaps, more particulars might be found, upon a narrow search. But if there be no more, these are enough to make it evident to the World, that these Separatists [...] from us in some fundamental points of Doctrine, or [Page] saving Truth. And as these are in fault for their Separation; so I doubt the Church is to blame, for not proceeding against such of them as are altogether incorrigible.

But whether my Lord thinks these to be Fundamental Points; or whether he know, that the Brownists do differ from us in them; I shall not take on me to declare, till his Lordship open himself farther. In the mean time, his Lordship goes on to tell us, wherein these Brownists fail, though they do not differ in Fundamental Points to his Knowledge.

Their failing is in this. They hold that there is no true Church in England, no true Ministry, no true Worship which depend the one upon the other; they say all is Antichristian. Here is their Error; they distinguish not between the bene esse or Purity of a true Church; and the esse or true being of it, though with many Defects and gross Corruptions. But conclude, because such things are wanting, which are indeed necessary to the well-being of a true Church, and to be desired; therefore there is none at all in being.

Here my Lord shews a great deal of sharp and good Apprehension. And distinguishes very rightly between the entire being of a true Church, which is her bene esse; and the true Being of a Church, which is her esse only. And my Lord doth farther fairly acknowledge, that this is the Brownists Error, To conclude no Church in being, because it hath many Defects and gross Corruptions in it to hinder its well-being.

So then, my Lord here grants two things.

First, that to hold there is no True Church in England, no True Ministry, no true Worship (which depend one upon another) but that all is Antichristian; is an Error.

And Secondly, that it is the Brownists Error. How, and how far these Three: No True Church; no True Ministry; no True Worship depend one upon another: And in what cases it may in some Exigents be otherways, I will not now dispute, nor divert from the main Business.

1. First then, if it be an Error to say, there is no True Church, no True Ministry, no True Worship in England. Then, I hope, it will be found Truth to say, there is a True Church, a True Ministry, and a True Worship in England. And he that shall avow the contrary, must needs differ from the Church of England, in Fundamentals. For these Contradictions; a True Church, and no True Church; a True Ministry, and no True Ministry; a True Worship of God, and no True Worship; cannot be built up but upon different Foundations. And as for that, which my Lord affirms, is added by the Brownists, That there are many Defects and gross Corruptions in it: So long as this is said, and not proved; 'tis enough, without farther Proof to deny, both the Defects and Corruptions, both the many and the gross. As I doubt not but the Church of England can make good against, both my Lord, and all the Brownists in England.

2. Secondly, if to affirm this, be the Brownists Error; then I would [Page] fain know of my Lord, how he can say the Brownists do not differ from or with us, in any fundamental Point of Doctrine or saving Truth? For if this be no fundamental Point, or no saving Truth; that we be in, and of a true Church; that this Church hath a true Ministry, to be between God and us, in all the Duties of their Function; whether upward to God in Prayer and Spiritual Sacrifice, or downward to us in the Word and Sacraments; that in this Church, and by this Ministry, there is a true Worship, and that without gross Corruptions: What can be accounted, next the Creed it self, fundamental or saving? So that in one Line, my Lord is pleased to say, the Brownists do not differ with us in any fundamental Point of Doctrine, or saving Truth; and in the very next Line, his Lordship confesses, they differ from us in these three things, which if not several, yet altogether, as they depend one upon another, are saving and fundamental.

Nor can this cautelous close help my Lord one jot, that he adds; The Brownists do not differ from us in any fundamental point of Doctrine or saving Truth, as his Lordship knows. For were his Lordship of a shallow, or narrow Comprehension, 'twere another matter: But since he is so full of understanding in these things, 'tis impossible but he must know these three together are fundamental; and being so, he must needs know also, that the Brownists differ with us in Fundamentals; which is that which he denyed. If therefore my Lord will say, he knows not this to be the Brownists Error, why doth he take upon him to say it is? If he will grant, that he knows it, he must needs know withal (if he will not shut out the Light of his Conscience, of which a little before he is so tender) that the Brownists, or Separatists, call them what you will, differ from us in some fundamental Points of Doctrine or saving Truth.

Thus far then my Lord relates the failing of the Brownist. I hope he will be so careful as not to fail with them himself. Yes sure; for he adds;

I hold no such Opinion; but do believe to the contrary: That there are in England many true Churches, and a true Ministry which I do hear, and with which Churches I could joyn in Communion, were those Yokes of Bondage, which are laid upon them, taken off, and those Corruptions removed, which they do (contrary, as I think, to their Duty) yield unto, and admit of: And this I am sure, no Separatist in England holds, that deserves that Name. And therefore I hope your Lordships will in that respect let me stand right in your Opinions.

Here my Lord tells us, he holds no such Opinion, but does believe to the contrary. But I doubt, he so believes to the contrary, as that he is of the same Opinion. For he believes, that there are in England, many true Churches, and a true Ministry. And so do all the Brownists: For no doubt, but they believe, that all their Congregations or Conventicles, are true Churches in England; and that the Ministers which they hear are true Ministers. And this is plainly my Lord's Belief. For he saith, he believes there is a true Ministry in England, [...] [Page] he doth hear. But what Ministers they are, which he doth hear, he does not say.

Or if this be not my Lord's meaning; but that there are some true Churches, and some true Ministers in England, though ordained as in England they are; yet my Lord continues a Separatist still. For his Lordship doth not say, either that he doth, or that he will, or that he can joyn in Communion with any of these Churches, or this Ministry, which he says, are true. But only that he could joyn with them, if; If what? Why, if these Yokes of Bondage were taken off, which are laid upon them, and those Corruptions removed. By the Yokes of Bondage, he means the Injunction of a set Form of Prayers, which he hath so often mentioned in this Speech.

But what Corruptions he means, I know not, till his Lordship shall be pleased to tell us. Only this I conceive I may add; That all things are not Corruptions in the Church, which my Lord calls so. That if these Corruptions be fundamental, they may be such too, as may keep these Churches which he speaks of, from being true Churches, and the Ministry from being a true Ministry. But if these Corruptions be of a very light Allay, (as I verily believe they are, if there be any) then his Lordship ought not to separate, but to joyn in Communion with them; for all these, either Yokes, or Corruptions. The Apostle indeed tells us of a Church without Wrinkle, Ephes. 5. But that is a Triumphant Ephes. 5. 27. Church in Heaven; not a Militant upon Earth. And for the Yokes, which my Lord speaks of, they are not Yokes of Bondage, as he pleases to call them; but Yokes of Obedience, which, whenever they shall be broken, the wild Asses of the Wilderness, will overrun Jer. 2. 24. all.

My Lord goes farther, and says; That in these true Churches, this true Ministry does yield unto, and admit of these Yokes, and these Corruptions, contrary, as he thinks, to their Duty. But it seems, they think not so; or if they do think so, why do they not remonstrate their Grievance? Sure, if their Conscience tell them they do against their Duty, they ought to inform their Conscience, or forbear the Work. To inform their Conscience, I am sure is fit for them, if they need it. Though it seems, my Lord would rather have them forbear the Duty, the doing whereof, he calls their yielding unto; and their admitting these things, which he calls Yokes and Corruptions.

As for that which follows, and which my Lord says he is sure of, that no Separatist in England that deserves that Name, holds that which his Lordship says here he doth believe. In that also, I conceive his Lordship is utterly mistaken. For, I believe, there is no Separatist in England, Brownist, or other deserving that Name; but he holds, and will say as much as my Lord believes, namely, that there are in England many true Churches, that is, Assemblies, or Congregations of their own Brotherhood. And a true Ministry: To wit, those which themselves have made. And that they do hear them; that is, such as these. Yea, and that they could joyn in Communion with some other Churches, were those Yokes of Bondage, which are layd upon them, taken off, and those Corruptions removed. That is, upon the matter, if they would become as themselves are, then they would joyn with them. And this [...] of all doubt they think they ought to do, and neither yield unto such [Page] Yoeks, nor admit of such Corruptions. So that my Lord may see every [...] in England, even they, which most deserve that Name, hold that which his Lordship believes. And therefore no question can be made, but that my Lord deserves that Name, as much as any of them, even while he says, he is sure no Separatist in England that deserves that Name, holds as he doth.

But to come to the quick. The Brownists and Separatists deal plainly with God and the World, and say expresly, that the whole Church of England, as it stands established by Law, is peccant, both in the Doctrine, Liturgy, and Discipline of it; and in such a degree, as that they neither will, nor can joyn in Communion with it: And therefore separate from it, and betake themselves to their own private Opinions and Congregations. But my Lord he Equivocates both with God and Man: And tells us, he believes there are true Churches in England, and a true Ministry which he hears. And this no Separatist that understands himself, but will say as fast as he. But let his Lordship come home to the Business directly and plainly: Let him say, that the Church of England is a true Church; That the Ministry of it, is a true Ministry; That the Doctrine, Liturgy and Discipline of it, as it stands established now by Law, are free from any such Corruptions as give just cause for a Separation.

And when he hath said this, let him joyn in Communion with it as he ought to do; and then he shall wrong my Lord very deeply, that says he is a Separatist.

But for all this which he hath yet said for himself, 'tis manifest, that a Separatist he is. And I doubt, hath hereby proved himself, whether I will or no, the greatest Separatist in England. And therefore he hath little cause to hope (as he says he doth) that he shall stand right in their Lordships Opinions, or any other Man's, that is not possest with the same Humour. Yet, my Lord hath two Requests to make.

I will now end with two Requests: The one, that your Lordships will please to pardon me, for troubling you with so long a Discourse concerning my self. I have not used it heretofore; and I am not like to offend again in the same kind. It is but once, and your Lordships will consider the occasion.

In this Suit, were there need, I would joyn with my Lord. For though I have a great deal of hard Measure put upon me in this Speech; yet I have the more reason to be content with it, because this whole Discourse of my Lord's, well weighed, is more against himself than me. And such Trouble of his Lordship's, I hope all Men well affected to the present Church of England, will easily Pardon. And this I doubt not, but their Lordships, and all Men else, will the rather do, when they consider the Occasion. Which certainly I gave not personally in the House: But a Guilty Conscience (it seems) would needs be meant.

The Second (Request) is to entreat of you, that where you know there is one and the same God worshipped, one and the same Faith [Page] embraced, one and the same Spirit working Love, and causing an unblamable Conversation, without any offence to the State, in your Brethren, who in all these concur with you; you will not suffer them, (for Ceremonies and Things indifferent to you, but not to them but Burthens, which without offence to the State, or prejudice to the Churches you may take off if you will) to be thrust out of the Land and cut off from their Native Country. For if you thus shall wound the Consciences of your Brethren, you will certainly offend and sin against Christ.

In this second Request, I can easily agree with my Lord in some things; but must differ in other. And First, I agree with all my 1. Heart, that I would have no pressure at all; much less cutting off from their Native Country, put upon them, who are known to worship the same God, to embrace one and the same Faith, and one and the same Spirit working Love. But in this I must disagree, that the Separatists, (for they are the Men of whom this Lord speaks thus, and says they are your Brethren, and concur with you in all these) are not known to be such. For though he be one and the same God whom they worship, yet the Worship is not one and the same. For my Lord says plainly, that our set Forms are Superstition: And that he cannot joyn in Communion with us, till our yokes of Bondage, and our other gross Corruptions be removed. And I must doubt they embrace not the same Faith, till they admit the whole Creed, and will use the Lord's Prayer, which few of them will. As for the Spirit that works by Love, I much fear he is a great stranger to many of these Men. For I have many ways found their Malice to be fierce, and yet endless. And therefore I wonder my Lord should have the Boldness to tell my Lords in Parliament, that they know all these things of these Men, and that they are their Brethren and concur with them in all these forenamed things; whom in the mean time, their Lordships do, and cannot but know, different from them; nay separating from them, in the very Worship of God.

Next I agree with my Lord again, that I would have no pressure put 2. upon those Men, in whom the Spirit of Love causes an unblamable Conversation, without any offence to the State. But in this I must disagree, that the Separatists from the Church of England, are such manner of Men. For the private Conversation of very many of them (whom I could name, were it fit,) is far from being unblamable. [...].

And the Publick Conversation of all, or most of them, is full of offence to the State: Unless my Lord think the State is or ought to be of their Humour. For how can their Conversation be without great offence, very great, to this or any State Christian; who shall have and maintain private Conventicles and Meetings, in a different way of Religion, from that which is Established by the State? Nay, which shall not only differ from, but openly and slanderously oppose that [Page] which is so Established? Besides, no well governed State will allow of private Meetings, especially under pretence of Religion (which carry far) without their privity and allowance. For if this be permitted, there lies a way open to all Conspiracies against the State whatsoever, and they shall all be satisfied under the pretence of Religion.

The third thing in which I agree with my Lord is, that I would 3. not, that for Ceremonies and Things indifferent, these Men should be thrust out of the Land, and cut off from their Native Country. No, God forbid; if any thing will reclaim them. But then I must disagree with my Lord in this, That these Men (whether such as my Lord describes them or no) are thrust out of the Land, or cut off from their Native Country, for Ceremonies or Things indifferent. For First, they are not all Ceremonies, for which they separate from the Church. For they pretend certain gross Corruptions in the very Worship of God (as my Lord a little before delivers.) Secondly, be the Cause what it will, none of them have been banished, or thrust out of the Land, or cut from their Native Country (as is here spoken to move Hatred against the Government.) But 'tis true, they have thrust themselves out, and cut themselves off, and run a Madding to New England, scar'd away (as they say) by certain gross Corruptions, not to be endured in this Church. Nor after they have gone a Madding enough, is their return denyed to any: And I know some that went out like Fools, and are come back so like—that you cannot know the one from the other.

In this Passage 'tis said by my Lord, that these Ceremonies and Things 4. indifferent unto you, (speaking to the Lords in Parliament) are not so to them, but Burthens. In this Passage I can agree with my Lord in nothing. For First, my Lord but a very little before, tells of Yokes of Bondage and gross Corruptions. And are they so soon become but Ceremonies and Things indifferent? If they be more than Ceremonies and Things indifferent, then my Lord delivers not the whole Truth. And if they be but Ceremonies and Things indifferent, then his Lordship and all other Separatists, ought rather to yield to the Church in such things, than for such things to separate from it. And certainly so they would, if the Spirit that worketh by Love, did work in them. Yea, but my Lord says, they are such things, as though they be indifferent to others, yet to them they are not, but burthens. And it may be, they make them so; for in their own Nature they are nothing less: And of great use they are to preserve the Substance and the Body of Religion. But this I find; let any thing in the World be enjoyned by the Church Authority, and it is a Burthen presently. And so you see all along this Speech, how earnest my Lord is, in behalf of himself and these Separatists, against all Injunctions of set Forms, and Yokes of Bondage. This is an excellent way of Religion, to settle Temporal Obedience.

And I can as little agree with that which follows. Namely, that 5. the Lords may without any Offence to the State, or prejudice to the Churches, take away, if they will, these Things indifferent to them; but Burthens to these Brethren. For First, suppose them to be but [...] and Things [Page] indifferent; yet can they not be taken away without offence to the State, or prejudic to the Churches; who to please a few unruly Separatists, must make an Alteration in that part of Religion, which hath continued with great Happiness to this Church, ever since the Reformation. Secondly, I will not dispute it here, what Power a Lay Assembly (and such a Parliament is) hath to determine Matters of Religion, Primely and Originally by and of themselves, before the Church hath first agreed upon them. Then indeed they may confirm or refuse. And this course was held in the Reformation. But Originally to take this Power over Religion, into Lay Hands, is that which hath not been thus assumed, since Christ to these unhappy days. And I pray God this Chair of Religion, do not prove Cathedra Pestilentiae, as the vulgar reads it Psal. 1. 1. to the infecting of this whole Nation with Schism and Heresie, and in the end bring all to confusion.

I meddle not here with the King's Power. For he may be present in Convocation when he pleases, and take or leave any Canons, as he pleases, which are for the Peace and well Ordering of the Church; as well as in Parliament, take or leave any Laws made ready for him, for the good and quiet of his People. But if it come to be Matter of Faith, though in his Absolute Power he may do what he will, and Answer God for it after: Yet he cannot commit the ordering of that to any Lay Assembly, Parliament, or other; for them to determine that, which God hath intrusted into the Hands of his Priests. Though if he will do this, the Clergy must do their Duty, to inform him, and help that dangerous Error if they can. But if they cannot, they must suffer an unjust Violence, how far soever it proceed; but they may not break the Duty of their Allegiance.

'Tis true, Constantius the Emperour, a great Patron of the Arrians, was by them interested in their Cause, and medled in Athan. in Epist. ad solit. [...] agentes Edit Gr. Lat. p. 862. decernendo, in determining, and that before-hand, what the Prelats should do; and sometimes in Commanding the Orthodox Prelats to Communicate with the Arrians. This they refused to do, as being against the Canons of the Council of Nice.

And then his Answer was; [...] Epist. ad Solit. Vitam [...]. Yea, but that which I will, shall go for Canon. But then we must know withal, that [...]; cap. 9. 27. Athanasin Epist. [...]. vitam agentes. Edit. Gr. [...] pag. 862. Athanasius reckn'd him for this, as that Antichrist which Daniel Prophesied of.

In [...] ad Constantium quae extat apud Athana. Ibid. p. 829. Hosius also, the Famous Confessor of those Times, condemned in him that kind of medling in and with Religion. And so doth St. Hilary cont. Constantium. Edit. [...]. p. 272. & passim alibi. St. Hilary of Poictiers. Valentinian also the Younger, took upon him to judge of Religion, at the like presuasion of Auxentius the Arrian; but he likewise was sharply reproved for it by Quando audiisti [...] Imperator in [...] Fidei Laicos de [...] judicasse? quis est qui [...] in causâ Fidei, in causâ [...] Fidei. [...] solere de Imperatortbus Christianis, non Imperatores de Episcopis [...]? Pater tuus baptizatus in [...], inhabilem se ponderi tanti putabat esse judicii, &c. St. Amb. L. 5. Epist. 32. St. Ambrose. In like manner, Maximus the Tyrant took upon him to judge in Matters of Religion, as in the [Page] Case of Priscillian and his Associates. But this also was checkt by Novum & inauditum nefas esse dicens, ut causam Ecclesiae Judex Saeculi judicaret. Sulp. Sever. L. 2. Hist. [...]. St. Martin Bishop of Tours: Where it is again to be observed, that though these Emperours were too busie in venturing upon the determination of Points of Faith; yet no one of them went so far, as to take Power from the Synods, and give it to the Senate. And the Orthodox and Understanding Emperours, did neither the one nor the other. For Pater tuus, Deo favente, vir maturioris [...], dicebat, non est meum Judicate inter Episcopos. St. Amb. L. 5. Epist. 32. Valentinian the Elder, left this great Church-work, to be done by Church-Men. And though the Power to call Councils, was in the Emperour: And though the Emperours were sometimes personally present in the Councils, and sometimes by their Deputies, both to see Order kept, and to inform themselves; yet the decisive Voices were in the Clergy only. And this will plainly appear in the Instructions given by the Emperor Theodosius to Condidianus, whom he sent to supply his place in the Council of Ephesus; which were, Vt cum quaestionibus & controversiis quae circa fidei dogmata incidunt, nibil quicquam commune habeat. Nefas est enim, qui Sanctissimorum Episcoporum [...] ascriptus non est, illum Ecclesiasticis negotiis & consultationibus sese immiscere. Bin. Tom. 1. Conc. Par. 2. p. 166. Ed. Colon. That he should not meddle with Matters of Faith, if any came to be debated. And gives this Reason for it: Because it is unlawful for any but Bishops, to mingle himself with them in those Consultations. And Basilius the Emperour, long after this, in the Eighth General Council held at Constantinople, [...]. l. 869. 870. affirms it of the Laity in general; Quod [...] modo iis liceat de Ecclesiasticis causis sermonem movere. Hoc enim [...] & investigare, Patriarcharum, Pontificum & Sacerdotum est, qui regiminis officium [...] sunt. Nos [...] oportet cum timore & fide sincerâ [...] adire, &c. Bin. Tom. 3. Concil. Par. 2. 682. That it is no way lawful for them to meddle with these things. But that it is proper for the Patriarchs, Bishops and Priests, which have the Office of Government in the Church, to enquire into these Things. And more of this Argument might easily be added, were that needful, or I among my Books, and my Thoughts at liberty. And yet this crosses not the Supremacy, which the King of England hath in Causes Ecclesiastical; as it is acknowledged, both by the Church and Law. For that reaches not to the giving of him Power to determine Points of Faith, either in Parliament or out; or to the acknowledgment of any such Power residing in him; or to give him Power to make Liturgies, and publick Forms of Prayer; or to Preach or Administer Sacraments; or to do any thing which is meerly Spiritual. But in all things which are of a mixed Cognizance; such as are all those, which are properly called Ecclesiastical, and belong to the Bishops External Jurisdiction; the Supremacy there, and in all things of like Nature is the Kings. And if at any time the Emperour or his Deputy, sit Judge in a Point of Faith, it is not because he hath any right to judge it, or that the Church hath not Right; but meerly in case of Contumacy, where the Heretick is wilful, and will not submit to the Church's Power.

And this the Hereticks sometimes did; and then the Bishops were [Page] forced to Appeal thither also; but not for any Resolution in Hist. Trip. L 5. 35. in the case of Hereticks. the point of Faith, but for Aid and Assistance to the just Power of the Church.

I cannot but remember a very Prudent Speech utter'd in the beginning of the late preceding Parliament, and by that Lord who now made this. The occasion was. A Lord offer'd to deliver a Message from the King before he was formally brought into the House, and his Patent shew'd. This Lord, who thinks Church-Ceremonies may so easily be alter'd, stood up and said: He would not be against the delivery of the Message; he knew not how urgent it might be; but desired withal, that it might be enter'd, that this was yielded unto by Special leave of the House. For that (saith he) though this be but a Ceremony, yet the Honour and Safety of the Priviledges of this Great House, is preserved by nothing more, than by keeping the Ancient Rights and Ceremonies thereof intire. And this I think was very wisely spoken, and with great Judgment. And could my Lord see this in the Parliament, and can he not see it in the Church? Are Ancient Ceremonies, the chief Props of Parliamentary Rights; and have they no use in Religion, to keep up her Dignity; yea perhaps, and Truth too? The House of Parliament, is, I confess; a Great and Honourable House. But the whole Church of Christ is greater. And it will not well beseem a Parliament to maintain their own Ceremonies, and to kick down the Ceremonies of the National Church, which, under God, made all their Members Christians. Most sure I am, they cannot do it, without ossence both to State and Church, and making both a Scorn to Neighbouring Nations.

Now in the close of all, my Lord tells his Fellow Peers, and all others in them, That if they shall thus wound the Consciences of their Brethren, (the Separatists) they will certainly offend and sin against Christ. Soft and fair. But what shall these Lords do, if to Humour the Consciences of those Brethren (some weak, and many wilful, and the cunning misleading the simple) they shall disgrace and weaken, and perhaps, overthrow the Religion they profess? Shall they not then, both wound their own Consciences, and most certainly sin against Christ? Yes, out of all doubt, they shall do both. Now, where it comes to the wounding of Consciences, no question can be made, but that every Man ought first to look to his own; to his Brethrens after. A Man must not do that which shall justly wound his Brother's Conscience, though he be his Brother in a Separation, and stand never so much a-loof from him. But he must not wound his own, to preserve his Brother from a wound; especially such a one as happily may cure him, and by a timely pinch make him sensible of the ill Condition in which he is.

As for these Men, God of his Mercy give them that Light of his Truth, which they want; and forgive them the boasting of that Light, which they presume they have. And give them true Repentance, and in that Sense, a wounded Conscience, for their breaking the Peace of this Church.

[Page] And forgive them all their Sins, by which they still go on with more and more violence to distract this Church.

And God of his Infinite Goodness preserve this Church at all times, and especially at this time, while the Waves of this Sea of Separation rage so horribly. And as for this Lord, God forgive him, and I do, and I hope this Church will. Amen.

In Turri Lond: Dec. 3. 1641.

S. S. Trinitati sit Laus & Gloria in AEternum.

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Arch-Bishop LAUD's ANNUAL ACCOUNTS OF HIS PROVINCE, PRESENTED TO THE KING IN The beginning of every Year; With the KING's Apostills; or, Marginal Notes: Transcribed and Published from the Originals.

Together with the KING's INSTRUCTIONS TO THE Arch-Bishops Abbot and Laud, Upon which These ACCOUNTS were formed: AND The last Account of Arch-Bishop Abbot to the King concerning his Province.

LONDON: Printed for [...]: [...], at the Rose and Crown in St: Paul's Church-Yard, M DC XCV.

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INSTRUCTIONS
Sent from the King to Arch-Bishop Abbot, in the Year: 1629.

Carolus Rex.

INstructions for the most Reverend Father in God, our right Trusty, and right intirely well beloved Councellor, George Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury; concerning certain Articles to be observed, and put in execution by the several Bishops in his Province.

I: That the Lords the Bishops, be commanded to their several Sees to keep Residence, excepting those which are in necessary Attendance at Court.

II: That none of them Reside upon his Land or Lease that he hath Purchased, no ron his Commendam, if he hold any. Instruct. adLaud. should have any, but in one of the Episcopal Houses, if he have any. And that he waste not the Woods where any are left.

III: That they give charge in their Triennial Visitations, and all other convenient times, both by themselves, and the Arch-Deacons; that our. Id. the Declaration for the setling all Questions in difference, be strictly. Id. chiefly observed by all Parties.

IV: That there be a special care taken by them all, that their. Id. the Ordinations be Solemn, and not of unworthy Persons.

V: That they take great care concerning the Lecturers, in these special Directions following.

1: That in all Parishes the Afternoon Sermons may be turned into Catechizing by Questions and Answers, when, and wheresoever there is no great cause apparent to break this ancient and profitable Order.

2: That every Bishop Ordain in his Diocess, that every Lecturer do read Divine Service according to the Liturgy Printed by Authority, in his Surplice and Hood, before the Lecture.

3: That where a Lecture is set up in a Market-Town, it may be read by a company of Grave and Orthodox Divines near adjoyning, and in the same Diocess; and that they Preach in Gowns and not in Cloaks, as too many do use.

[Page] 4: That if a Corporation maintain a single Lecturer, he be not suffered to Preach, till he profess his willingness to take upon him a Living with cure of Souls within that Corporation; and that he actually take such Benefice or Cure, as soon as it shall be fairly procured for him.

VI: That the Bishops do countenance and encourage the Grave and Orthodox Divines of their Clergy; and that they use means by some of their Clergy, that they may have knowledge, how both Lecturers and Preachers behave themselves in their Sermons within their Diocess. That so they may take Order for any abuse accordingly.

VII: That the Bishops suffer none but Noblemen, and Men qualified by Learning, to have any Private Chaplain in his House.

VIII: That they take special Care, that Divine Service be duly frequented; as well for Prayers and Catechizing, as for Sermons: And take particular note of all such as absent themselves as Recusants, or otherwise.

IX: That every Bishop, that by our Grace, Favour, and good Opinion of his Service, shall be nominated by us to another Bishoprick, shall, from that Day of Nomination, not presume to make any Lease for Three Lives, or One and Twenty Years, or concurrent Lease; or any way make any Estate, or cut any Woods or Timber; but meerly receive the Rents due, and so quit the place: For we think it an hateful thing, that any Man, leaving the Bishoprick, should almost undo the Successor. And if any Man shall presume to break this Order, we will refuse him at our Royal Assent, and keep him at the Place which he had so abused.

X: We Command you to give us an Account every Year the Second Day of February. exemplar aliud. January, of the performance of these our Commands.

Dorchester.

Arch-Bishop Abbot's Account of his Province for the Year: 1632. sent to the King.

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May it it Please your most Excellent Majesty,

THE Year is at an end; redit Orbis in Orbem, & moritura ruit perituri Machina Mundi. But the Account of the Church Affairs for the last Year must not be forgotten.

To speak generally unto the Articles heretosore propounded by your Majesty; it is enough to say, that the Bishops, for ought it appeareth unto me, have lived at home; and in their Episcopal-Houses: Saving only my Lord of St. Davids; who by his Wives Sickness, but especially by a Law Suit, which concerneth him for all that he hath, as he informeth, was constrained to keep here. But now that vexatious Suit being ended, he promiseth to repair home, and there to reside; that there shall be no just Occasion of Complaint against him.

Of Arminian Points there is no dispute: And Ordinations of Ministers, for ought that I can learn, are Canonically observed: The Rules for Lecturers are strictly kept.

Care is had, that Divine Service is Religiously read and frequented; saving by certain Separatists about London, who for their Persons are contemptible, but fit to be punished for their wilful Obstinacy; which we do with Moderation: Yet yielding them Means to confer with Learned Men, which we hope will prevail with some of them. And so it may be said of the rest of the Articles, that I find no noted Transgression of them.

There is not in the Church of England left any inconformable Minister, which appeareth: And yet the Lord Bishops of London and Lincoln have been forced to deprive Two or Three, whom no time can Tame, nor Instruction conquer, according to the rule, Immedicabile Vulnus Ense recidendum est.

There was one Burges, a Physician, who opened his Mouth wide against the repairing of St: Pauls Church; but he hath been so castigated, that, as I trust, very few others will be encouraged to walk in his ways, and to Blaspheme so Holy a Work.

There hath been these Two last Years past, mention made of Papists frequenting Holy-Well or St. Winifred's Well in Wales; and the Bishop of St: Asaph doth not forget to touch it again in these Words: There hath been there all this Summer more than ordinary concourse of People, and more bold and open practice of Superstition. Where it is not to be forgotten, that at that Well a great part of the Powder Treason [Page] was hatched: And therefore my humble Opinion is, that serious Letters should be directed from your Majesty or Privy Council, to the Lord President of Wales and his Fellow Commissioners, that at Summer next, some course should be taken for the repressing of this Confluence, being indeed no better than a Pilgrimage.

The Lady Wotton in Kent hath set up a bold Epitaph upon her Lord's Tomb, and will not be perswaded to take it down. We have therefore called her into the High-Commission, where, by excuse of Sickness, she hath not yet appeared: But at the next Term (God willing) we intend to proceed with her; which is but necessary, for the avoiding of Scandal in the Country.

These few, are the most observable things, whereof I can give your Majesty any reckoning: And if there were any thing else worthy the reporting, I should not conceal it. But there being nothing more, it may be the great comfort of your Majesty, that in so large and diffuse a Multitude both of Men and Matters, upon strict Examination, there is so little exorbitancy to be found.

Lambeth: Jan: 2. 1632.

Your Majesty's Humble Servant, G: CANT.

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INSTRUCTIONS
Sent from the King to Arch-Bishop Laud, in the Year: 1634.
Ex Registro Laud: Fol: 217.

Charles R.

INstructions for the most Reverend Father in God, our right Trusty, and right entirely Beloved Counsellor William Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, concerning certain Orders to be observed and put in Execution by the several Bishops of his Province.

I: That the Lords the Bishops respectively be commanded to their several Sees, there to keep Residence; excepting those who are in necessary Attendance at our Court.

[Page] II: That none of them Reside upon his Land or Lease that he hath Purchased, nor on his Commendam, if he hold any; but in one of his Episcopal Houses. And that he wast not the Woods where any are left.

III: That they give Charge in their Triennial Visitations, and at other convenient times, both by themselves, and the Arch-Deacons; that our Declaration for setling all Questions in difference, be strictly observed by all Parties.

IV: That there be a special care taken by them all, that their Ordinations be Solemn, and not of unworthy Persons.

V: That they likewise take great care concerning the Lecturers within their several Diocesses; for whom we give the special Directions following.

1: That in all Parishes, the Afternoon Sermons be turned into Catechizing by Question and Answer; when, and wheresoever there is not some great Cause apparent to break this ancient and profitable Order.

2: That every Bishop take care in his Diocess, that all Lecturers do read Divine Service according to the Liturgy Printed by Authority, in their Surplices and Hoods, before the Lecture.

3: That where a Lecture is set up in a Market-Town, it may be read by a Company of Grave and Orthodox Divines, near adjoyning, and of the same Diocess; and that they ever Preach in such seemly Habits as belong to their Degrees; and not in Cloaks.

That if a Corporation do maintain a single Lecturer, he be not suffered to Preach, till he profess his willingness to take upon him a Living with Cure of Souls within that Corporation; and he do actually take such Benefice or Cure, so soon as it shall be fairly procured for him.

VI: That the Bishops do countenance and encourage the Grave and Orthodox Divines of their Clergy, and that they use means by some of the Clergy, or others, to have knowledge, how both Lecturers and Preachers within their several Diocesses behave themselves in their Sermons; that so they may take present Order for any abuse accordingly.

VII: That the Bishops suffer none under Noblemen, and Men qualified by Law, to have or keep any Private Chaplain in his House.

VIII: That they take special care, that Divine Service be diligently frequented, as well for Prayers and Catechism, as Sermons; [Page] and that particular notice be taken of all such as absent themselves, as Recusants or otherwise.

IX: That no Bishop whatsoever, who, by our Grace and good Opinion of his Service, shall be nominated by us to another Bishoprick, shall from the Day of that our nomination, presume to make any Lease for Three Lives, or One and Twenty Years, or Concurrent Lease, or any way renew any Estate, or cut any Wood or Timber; but meerly receive the Rents due, and quit the Place. For we think it a hateful thing, that any Man's Preferment to a better Bishoprick should almost undoe the Successor. And if any shall presume to break this Order, we will refuse him at our Royal Assent, and keep him at the Place which he hath so abused.

X: That every Bishop give his Metropolitan a strict Account yearly, of their Obedience to our late Letters prohibiting them to change any Leases from Years into Lives; and that they fail not to certifie, if they find that the Dean, or Dean and Chapter, or any Arch-Deacon, or Prebendary, &c. within their several Diocesses, have at any time broken our Commands, in any particular contained in the aforesaid Letters.

XI: That every Bishop, to whom, in regard of the small Revenues of his Bishoprick, we either have already, or shall hereafter, not only give Power, but Command to receive and hold as in Commendam any Lease expired, or near expiring, and belonging to their See, or any Ecclesiastical Benefice, or Benefices, or other Promotion with Cure, or without; being in his, or their own Gift by Letters given under our Signet, and sent to those Bishops respectively, do likewise give an Account yearly to his Metropolitan, that he doth not put any of the aforenamed Benefices, or other Preferment out of his Commendam, to give to any Son, Kinsman, Friend, or other, upon any pretence whatsoever, thereby to frustrate our gracious Intentions to those several Sees, and the Succeeding Bishops therein.

XII: That every Bishop respectively do likewise in his yearly Account to his Metropolitan, give notice of any notable Alteration, or other Accident within his Diocess, which may any ways concern either the Doctrine or the Discipline of the Church established.

XIII: That whereas John Bancroft Dr. in Divinity, and Bishop of Oxford, hath very worthily, at his own proper Cost and Charges Built a House for himself, and the Bishops of Oxford successively, (by our both leave and encouragement) upon the Vicarage of Cuddesden near Oxford, which Vicarage is in the Patronage and Gift of him and his Successors. And whereas our farther Will and Pleasure is, that the said House together with the Vicarage aforesaid, shall ever be held in Commendam by the Bishops of Oxford successively. That therefore the said Bishop for the time being do yearly give his particular Account of his holding both the House, and Benefice aforesaid, to the end, that we and our Successors may upon all occasions be put [Page] in mind of keeping that House and Vicarage to the See of Oxford, at all times of change, when or howsoever that Bishoprick shall become void.

XIV: Lastly, we Command every Bishop respectively, to give his Account in Writing to his Metropolitan, of all these our Instructions, or as many of them as may concern him, at, or before the Tenth day of December yearly. And likewise, that you out of them make a Brief of your whole Province, and present it to us every Year, by the Second day of January following, that so we may see how the Church is Governed, and our Commands Obeyed. And hereof in any wise fail you not.

Jan. 19. 1634. Comput. Angl.

A Memorial of the Arch-Bishop's Annual Account to the King's Majesty, of his Province, for the Year: 1635.
Ex Registro Laud, fol: 241.

WHereas his Majesty in his late Instructions to the Lords the Bishops, hath amongst other things commanded, that every Bishop respectively, should give an Account in Writing to his Metropolitan, of all those Instructions, or so many of them as may concern him, at, or before the Tenth day of December yearly: And likewise, that the Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury his Grace, do make out of them a Brief of his whole Province, and present it to his Sacred Majesty every year, by the second day of January following. My Lord Arch-Bishop in Obedience to the said Commands, did present an Account in Writing to his Majesty, how those Prudent and Pious Instructions, for the Good and Welfare of the Church of Christ in this Kingdom, have been obeyed and performed by the several Bishops within his Province of Canterbury, for the Year of our Lord God 1634. Which Account by his Grace's Command, is Registred amongst the other Acts of his Province by his principal Register. And that in farther Obedience to the said Instructions, his Grace delivered another Brief in Writing, of his said Province, for this present Year of our Lord God, 1635. unto Sir John Cooke Knight, one of the Principal Secretaries of State, to be presented to his Majesty by the time aforesaid; but by Reason of his the said Secretary's Sickness, it is mislaid or lost, and so hath not been presented to his Majesty, nor any Observation by the King put upon it; which loss notwithstanding, the Lord Arch-Bishop commanded instead of Registring the Brief it self, that this Memorial of the loss of it should be Registred. Martij: 14. 1635.

W: Cant.

W. S. A. C.

[Page]

NOtwithstanding this Memorial, the Arch-Bishop's Account for the Year 1635. is very happily come to my Hand after this manner. My very Worthy Friend, Sir Will. Cooke of Broom in Norfolk, sent me a Letter dated Nov: 6: 1681. that being Executor to an Uncle of his then lately Deceased in Suffolk, he found in his Study a Bundle of Original Papers of Arch-Bishop Laud, (which are the Annual Accounts here following, from: 1632. to: 1639.) with a Letter to me in the Words following. May it please your Grace, &c. vide infra. The Writer of this Letter Mr: Thomas Raymond, a very Ingenious Gentleman, was (as Sir Will: C: tells me) bred up under Sir Will. Boswell Embassadour in Holland, and was after Governour to the present Earl of Peterborough in his Travels: And was after his Return, (as I have heard) one of the Clerks of his Majesty's Privy Council, possibly, under Sir Jo: Cooke Principal Secretary, by which Means these Papers might come into his Hands. The Originals are all Signed by the Arch-Bishop; that of 1632. by G. Cant. being Abbot's last, and the rest W: Cant. being Arch-Bishop Lauds; all which are Apostilled in the Margin with the King's own Hand, except only that of 1635. which it seems by Secretary Cook's default, never came to the King's view. I found also, among Arch-Bishop Laud's Papers, Duplicates of the Accounts for 1634, 6, 7, 8, and 9. with the King's Notes also Copied in the Margin: And 3 of them, (scil. the 3 last) are Registred in Registr. Laud, f. 215. 254. 289.

Mr. Raymond's Letter to my Lord Arch-Bishop Sancroft; concerning the following Papers.

May it please your Grace,

THE inclosed Papers being of Ecclesiastick Concern, and true and mighty Evidences of the abundant Love and Care of a Blessed King, for the good of the Church, as well as that of a most Pious and Learned Prelate, your Grace's Predecessor; I thought my self bound both in Duty and Prudence, to Transmit them to your Grace, as to their proper place, both for use and safety: And this I have endeavoured to do in the carefullest manner I could; and do implore your Grace's Pardon for this intrusion; beseeching (most humbly) Almighty God, to grant your Grace multos annos in all Health and [Page] Prosperity, so much conducing to the good of his Church amongst us: And withdrawing my self unto my wonted Solitude, do crave the great Honour to be esteemed, as I am ready to approve my self,

Della mia povera Capanna 18—di Novembre: 78.

Your GRACE's Most Humble, and Most Faithful Servant, THO. RAYMOND.

Arch-Bishop Laud's Account of his Province, sent to the King, for the Year 1633. with the King's Apostills, in the Margin.

May it please Your most Sacred Majesty,

ACcording to Your Royal Commands, I do here, upon the Second of January 1633. Comput. Aglic: present my Accompt of both the Diocess and Province of Canterbury, concerning all those Church Affairs, which are contained within your Majesty's most gracious Declaration and Instructions; Published out of your most Princely and Religious Care to preserve Unity in Orthodox Doctrine, and Conformity to Government in this your Church of England.

And First, for my own Diocess of Canterbury, I hear of many things Canterbury. amiss; but as yet, my time hath been so short, that I have had no certain knowledge of any thing fit to certifie; save only, that some of my Peculiars in London are Extreamly out of order.

For the Bishoprick of London, it is certified, that my Lord the now London. Bishop hath not received complaint against any of his Clergy, since his coming to that See, which was since Michaelmas last. For all the former part of this First Year I must give your Majesty Accompt for my self, being then Bishop there.

And First, having heretofore, after long patience and often conference, proceeded against Nathaniel Ward, Parson of Stondon in Essex, to Excommunication and Deprivation, for refusing to subscribe to the Articles established by the Canon of the Church (of which I certified the last Year) I have now left him still under the Censure of Excommunication.

[Page] I did likewise convent Mr: John Beedle, Rector of Barnstone in Essex, for omitting some parts of Divine Service, and refusing Conformity. But upon his submission and promise of reformation, I dismissed him with a Canonical Admonition only.

Since my return out of Scotland, Mr: John Davenport, Vicar of St: Stephens in Coleman-street (whom I used with all Moderation, and about Two Years since, thought I had setled his Judgment, having him then at advantage enough, to have put extremity upon him, but forbare it) hath now resigned his Vicarage, declared his Judgment against Conformity with the Church of England, and is since gone (as I hear) to Amsterdam.

For Bath and Wells, I find that the Lord Bishop hath in his late Visitation Bath and Wells. taken a great deal of pains to see all your Majesty's Instructions observed. And particularly hath put down divers Lecturers in Market-Towns, which were Beneficed Men in other Bishops Diocesses. Because he found, that when they had Preached Factious and Disorderly Sermons, they retired into other Countries, where his Jurisdiction would not reach to punish them.

His Lordship hath likewise sent up a List of Romish Recusants, which were presented at his last Visitation; which, he saith, are for the most part but of mean Condition, and those not many, considering the greatness of the County.

In this Diocess, the Town of Mawling, and that whole Deanery, Rochester: were very much out of Order; but the Arch-Deacon, by my Lord the Bishop's Command, hath setled them.

My Lord likewise brought Mr: Throgmorton the Vicar of Mawling into the High Commission; where he submitted himself, and received a Canonical Admonition.

I likewise certifie your Majesty, that the Bishop complains that the Cathedral Church suffers much for want of Glass in the Windows, and that the Church-Yard lies very undecently, and the Gates down; and that he C: R: This must be remedied one way or other; concerning which I expect a particular account of you. hath no Power to remedy these things, because the Dean and Chapter refuse to be visited by him, upon pretence that their Statutes are not confirmed under the Broad Seal; with some other circumstances, with which I shall acquaint your Majesty more at large.

Concerning this Diocess, whereas your Majesty's Instructions require Peterburgh. that Lecturers should turn their Afternoon Sermons into Catechizing by way of Question and Answer; some Persons and Vicars make a question, whether they be bound to the like Order, because Lecturers only be named, as they pretend: But your Majesty's [Page] Expression is clear for Catechizing generally, and my Lord the Bishop will presently settle this doubt.

There is one Mr: Elms in that Diocess, who being not qualified by Law, keeps a School-Master in his House, and useth him as a Chaplain to preach a Lecture upon Sundays in the Afternoon in the Church of Warmington: But by this time, if the Bishop keep his promise, that abuse is Rectified.

The Bishop complains, that the Peculiars of his Diocess (wherein Coventry and Lichfield. he hath no Power) are much out of Order; and I easily believe it. But the Remedy will be hard; because I know not in whom the Peculiars are; but shall inform my self.

His Lordship farther certifies, that he hath suppressed a Seditious Lecture at Repon; and divers Monthly-Lectures, with a Fast and a Moderator (like that which they called Prophesying in Queen Elizabeth's Time) as also the Running Lecture, so called, because the Lecturer went from Village C: R: If there be Dark Corners in this Dioces; it were fitt a true Light should Illuminat it; and not this that is falce and uncertaine. to Village; and at the end of the Week Proclaimed where they should have him next, that his Disciples might follow. They say this Lecture was ordained to Illuminate the Dark Corners of that Diocess.

My Lord of St: Davids is now Resident in his Diocess, and hath St. Davids. so been ever since the last Spring; and professes, that he will take great care hereafter, to whom he gives holy Orders.

His Lordship certifies, That he hath Suspended a Lecturer for his Inconformity; and that they have but few Romish Recusants.

The Bishop of St: Asaph returns, That all is exceeding well in his St. Asaph. Diocess, save only that the Number and Boldness of some Romish Recusants increaseth much in many Places, and is incouraged by the Superstitious and frequent Concourse of some of that Party to Holy-Well, otherwise called St: Winifreds Well: Whether this Concourse be by way of Pilgrimage or no, I know not; but I am sure it hath long been complained of, without Remedy.

My Lord the Bishop certifies, that he hath not one Refractory Nonconformist Landaff. or [...] Minister within his Diocess; and that there are but two Lecturers, and that they both are Licensed Preachers.

My Lord the Bishop of Lincoln signifies, That the Company of Lincoln. Mercers in London, trusted with the Gift of one Mr: Fishburn, set up a Lecturer in Huntingdon, with the allowance of Forty Pounds per An. to Preach every Saturday Morning (being Market-Day) and Sunday in the Afternoon; with a Proviso in his Grant from them, that upon any dislike they may have of him, he shall at a Month, or a Fortnights Warning, give over the Place, without any relation to Bishop or Arch-Bishop.

[Page] My most humble Suit to your C. R. Certainlie I cannot hould fitt, that anie Lay-Person or Corporation whatsoever, should have the Power thease Men would take to themselves. For I will have no Preest have anie Necessitie of a Lay Dependancie. Wherefore I command you to show me the way to overthrou this, and to hinder the Performance in tyme, to all suche Intentions. Majesty, is, that no Lay - Man whatsoever, and least of all Companies or Corporations, may, under any Pretence of giving to the Church or otherwise, have Power to put in or put out any Lecturer, or other Minister.

His Lordship likewise complains of some in Bedfordshire, that use to wander from their own Parish-Churches, to follow Preachers Affected by themselves, of which he hath caused his Officers to take special care. As for the placing of the Communion-Table in Parish-Churches, his Lordship professes, that he takes care of it, according to the Canon. These two last are no part of your Majesty's Instructions; yet, since his Lordship hath been so careful to report them to me, I take it my Duty to express that his Lordship's care to your Majesty.

These two Diocesses are void; and I had no Certificat before the Hereford and Bangor. Death of the Bishops.

All the Bishops above mentioned (which are all that have yet certified) do agree, that all other things in your Sacred Majesty's Instructions contained, are carefully observed; and particularly that of avoiding factious medling with the prohibited Questions.

From any of the rest of the Bishops within C. R. As soon as may bee, get these Bishoppes Certificats. my Province, I have not as yet received any Certificat at all, namely;

Salisbury,

Norwich,

Worcester,

Oxford,

Bristol,

Winchester,

Chichester,

Glocester,

Exeter.

So I humbly submit this my Certificat:

W. CANT.

The Lord Bishop of Ely certifies, that he hath had special Care of Ely. your Majesty's Instructions; and that he doth not know that they are broken in his Diocess, in any point.

Jan. 2. 1633.

W. CANT.

The Arch-Bishop's Account of his Province to the King for the Year: 1634.

[Page]

May it please Your most Excellent Majesty,

I Am at this time, in Obedience to your Sacred Majesty's Commands, Januar. 2. 1634. to give you an Account, how your prudent and pious Instructions for the Good and Welfare of the Church of Christ, in this your Kingdom, have been obeyed and performed by the several Bishops within my Province of Canterbury, which, with all Humility and Obedience, I here present as followeth:

And First I represent to your Majesty, That I have this Year, Cant. partly by my Vicar-General, and partly by the Dean of the Arches, visited seven Diocesses, beginning (as I am bound by the Ecclesiastical Laws) at my own Metropolitical Church of Canterbury, and that Diocess, that I might first see what was done at Home, before I did curiously look abroad into other Bishops Jurisdictions.

And not to conceal Truth from your Majesty, I found in my own Diocess (especially about Ashford-side) divers professed Separatists, with whom I shall take the best and most present Order that I can; some of them, and some of Maidstone (where much Inconformity hath of late Years spread) being already called into the High Commission, where, if they be proved as guilty as they are voiced to be, I shall not fail to do Justice upon them.

I conceive, under favour, that the Dutch C: R: Put mee in mynd of this at some convenient tyme, when I am at Council, and I shall redress it. Churches in Canterbury and Sandwich are great Nurseries of Inconformity in those Parts. Your Majesty may be pleased to remember, I have complained to your self, and my Lords at the Council-Board, and humbly desired, That they, both of the French, Italian, and Dutch Congregations, which are born Subjects, may not be suffered any longer to live in such a Separation as they do, from both Church and State. And have, according to that which I thought might best sort with your Majesty's Intentions, commanded my Vicar-General, when he was lately at Canterbury, to begin fairly to call them to Conform with the English Church. Which business I do hereby humbly beseech your Majesty to look upon with a provident Eye, not here only, but much more in London, for the better settling of both Church and Commonwealth in that Particular. And for your Majesty's Instructions I have for my own part punctually observed them.

The rest of the Diocesses which I visited this Year, are Rochester, Salisbury, Bristol, Bath and Wells, Exeter and Lincoln.

[Page] For Rochester I found no eminent thing amiss; but the Bishop himself Rochester. fell into a Palsie, and was thereby forced to go to the Bath, and so to be longer absent from his Diocess, than otherwise he would have been; and he is now returned, God be thanked, much better; though not perfectly well. And for the Diocess, I did not find in my Visitation any noted Breach upon any your Majesty's Instructions.

For Salisbury, I found the Bishop had taken a great deal of Care Sarum. about your Majesty's said Instructions; and that they might be the better both known and obeyed, he hath caused Copies of them to be sent to most of the Ministers in his Diocess; which hath done a great deal of good.

And though it be not amongst your Instructions, yet I am bold to signifie unto your Sacred Majesty, that I find the greatest part of Wiltshire overgrown with the Humours of those Men that do not Conform; and are as backward, both Clergy and Laity, towards the Repair of St. Paul's Church, as any part of England that I have observed.

The Cathedral at Salisbury is much pestered C. R. I doe, and will express my Pleasure (if need be) what way you will. with Seats, and I have given Order to remove them; which I hope your Majesty will approve, as well as you did at York and Durham; and add your Power, if mine be not sufficient.

For Bristol, I find in my Visitation that the Bishop there hath taken Bristol. very good Pains and Care since his coming thither. And that some Clergy-men in Dorsetshire, which gave great cause of Suspicion, have quit themselves in a better manner than was expected; though all be not right in those Parts.

Concerning Bath and Wells, I must needs return to your Majesty, Bath and Wells. that which I would to God I could do of all the rest, namely, That all your Instructions are punctually observed; and the Lectures (as many as are in that Diocess) read, not by any particular factious Persons, but by a Company of Learned neighbouring Ministers, which are every way conformable to the Church.

For Exeter, where, according to many Complaints that had been Exon. made here above, I might have expected many things out of Order; I must do my Lord the Bishop this Right, that for your Majesty's Instructions, they have been carefully observ'd. But a great Division there is between the Dean and Chapter. I have twice set them at Peace, yet it breaks out again. And, I doubt, there being so many Brothers and Brothers-in-Law in that Chapter, is not the least Cause of it; the rest siding together for fear of Oppression.

I find also there hath been, and is at this present, a great Difference between the Dean and Chapter and the City, about Burial within the Church-yard of the Cathedral. I shall do my best to set [Page] Peace between them, and if I cannot, as I much fear it, I shall be an humble Suitor to your Majesty, to take it into your Princely Consideration; lest it do more Prejudice to both Bodies, than is yet thought of.

As for Lincoln, it being the greatest Diocess in the Kingdom, I have Lincoln. now reduced that under Metropolitical Visitation also, and visited it this preceding Year. My Visitors there found Bedfordshire, for the bigness, most tainted of any part of the Diocess: And in particular Mr: Buckley is sent to the High-Commission for Inconformity. And in Leicester the Dean of the Arches Suspended one Mr: Angell, who hath continued a Lecturer in that great Town, for these divers Years, without any License at all to Preach; yet took Liberty enough. I doubt his Violence hath crackt his Brain, and do therefore use him the more tenderly, because I see the Hand of God hath overtaken him.

For Lincoln it self, my Vicar General certifies me, there are many Anabaptists in it, and that their Leader is one Johnson a Baker; and that in divers parts of that Diocess, many both of Clergy and Laity are excessively given to Drunkenness: That the Town of Boston, which was a great Nursery of Inconformity, is since the calling of some of the Magistrates into the High-Commission, become very Orderly, and setled to Obedience. But the Town of Louth somewhat to blame.

At Kelstern dwells the wild young Gentleman Mr: South (concerning whom I have lately spoken, and that often C. R. The South-West Windis commonly the best, therefore I will not hinder the blowing that way. with your Majesty) he hath committed a horrible Incest, and gotten two Sisters with Child. I have called him into the High-Commission against the next Term, and I hope your Majesty will give me leave to make South blow West for St. Pauls.

At Kensworth in Hertfordshire, and some other Places, many gadd from their own Churches by Troops, after other Ministers. Which is a common fault in the South Parts of that Diocess, where the People are said to be very giddy in matters of Religion.

The Cathedral of this Diocess is not well ordered, either for Reparation or Ornaments; but the Dean and Chapter, to whom that Care belongs, have promised speedy amendment.

For Eaton College, within that Diocess, I do not find but that the Provost, Sir Henry Wotton, hath carried himself very worthily. The greatest things thought to be amiss in that Society, are those which are referred to me by your Majesty, upon the Complaint of Kings College in Cambridge; to which I have no more to say, till I see whether they of Eaton will decline the Reference or no.

Thus far concerning the Diocesses, which I have visited this Year. In all which I find one great Complaint, and very fit to be redressed. [Page] It is the general grievance of the poor Vicars, that their Stipends are scarce able to Feed and Cloath them. And which is worse, the Vicars in great Market-Towns where the People are very many, are for the most part worst provided for. But I humbly thank your Majesty, some good hath of late been done for them; and I shall pursue all just and fair ways to give them Relief; Humbly beseeching you to give your gracious Assistance to me and them.

For Winchester, I find my Lord Bishop there, hath been very careful Winton. for all your Majesty's Instructions, and that they are well observed through that Diocess; save only, that in two Parishes, the Bishop finds some defect about Catechizing in the Afternoon, of which he will take great Care, that it my be remedied. And I find by his Lordship's return to me, that there are divers obstinate Recusants in those parts, which, I presume, are certified to your Majesty's Judges according to Law.

The Bishop of London visited his Diocess this Year, the City and London. Middlesex in Person, the rest by his Chancellour, by reason of his necessary attendance upon your Majesty. In this his Visitation, he found divers complaints about Inconformity to the Church Discipline; but the Proofs came home only against Four, Three Curates, and a Vicar. The Vicar upon Submission, hath time given him till the next Term, to settle himself and reduce his Parishioners. And two of the Three Curates did presently submit themselves, and promise constancy in their Obedience to the Church. The Third Curate one Philip Saunders of Hutton in Essex, being Refractory was Suspended, and hath since forsaken the Diocess. It seems he means to settle himself, where he may hope to find more Favour.

For Norwich, the Bishop certifies, that he hath put down some Norwich. Lectures, where Factious Men performed them, and particularly, that he hath Suspended one Bridges Curate of St: Georges Parish in Norwich, for transgressing your Majesty's Declaration in his Lectures; but hath of late freed him from that Suspension, upon humble submission made, and promise not to offend hereafter. And farther, that he hath lately heard complaint of Mr: Ward of Ipswich for some Words uttered in Sermons of his, for which he is now called into the High-Commission.

He farther Certifies, that he hath Suspended one Enoch Grey for unsound Doctrine Preached by him. And that one Simon Jacob, alias Bradshaw, and Ralph Smith two Wanderers, went up and down Preaching here and there, without Place of Aboad or Authority: And that upon his Summoning them to appear, they are run out of that Diocess. Your Majesty's Instructions in other things, have (as he certifieth) been carefully observed both by himself and his Clergy.

The Bishop of Ely certifies, that for any thing that hath been Ely. made appear to him, all your Majesty's Royal Injunctions for the [Page] good of the Church have been carefully observed throughout his Diocess. And he promises to carry a watchful Eye, as he hath ever done, concerning all such Lecturers, as are, or shall at any time be in his Diocess.

For St. Davids, the Bishop is now gone and setled in his Diocess, St. Davids. whence he hath not been absent two Months these two Years. He promiseth to be very careful whom he Ordains. The Lecturers in those parts are not many; yet of late, he hath been driven first to Suspend, and afterwards to dismiss one Roberts a Welch Lecturer for Inconformity. And one or two others, that have with their giddiness offered to distemper the People, he hath likewise driven out of his Diocess. But his Lordship complains grievously (and not without Cause) that divers Impropriators, in those parts, have either pulled down the Chancels, or suffered them to fall, to the great debasing of their Churches, and leaving them so open and cold, as that the People in those mountainous parts must endure a great deal of hardness, as well in the Churches, as in their way to them.

The Bishop of St. Asaph professes he hath little to return. And St. Asaph. that it is a great part of his Comfort, in that remote place, that the whole Diocess in a manner is peaceable and obedient, as well to your Majesty's Instructions, as other things which concern the Church. That they are not any where troubled with Inconformity: But heartily wishes, that they might be as well acquitted from Superstition and Prophaneness.

The Bishop of Landaff certifies, That this last Year he Visited in Landaff. Person; and found that William Erbury, Vicar of St. Maries in Cardiff, and Walter Cradocke his Curate, have been very disobedient to your Majesty's Instructions, and have Preached very Schismatically and Dangerously to the People. That for this he hath given the Vicar a Judicial Admonition, and will further proceed, if he do not submit. And for his Curate, being a bold ignorant young Fellow, he hath Suspended him, and C. R. This is not much unlike that which was not longe since uttered elsewhere, viz. That the Jewes Crucified Christ like a Damned Rogue between two Theeves, &c. taken away his License to serve the Cure. Among other things he used this base and Unchristian passage in the Pulpit, That God so loved the world, that for it he sent his Son to live like a Slave, and dye like a Beast.

He farther Certifies, that one William Newport, Rector of Langua in Monmouthshire, hath pulled down the Partition betwixt the Chancel and the Church, and sold part, and disposed the rest to his own use, with some other violences, to the great prophanation of that place: For which the Bishop desires leave to bring him into the High Commission.

The Bishop of Glocester Certifies, That he is forced to Ordain Glocester. some very mean Ministers in his Diocess, to supply Cures as mean; yet he professeth, that to his knowledge, he never gave Holy Orders [Page] to any unworthy Person. And further he saith, that he hath put down some Lecturers, C. R. I must bee satisfyed, that the Occasions were very necessary, otherwaies he shall Answer itt. and set up othersome, which he conceives he did without offence, being done upon different occasions; but saith, that he doth neither know, nor can probably conjecture, that there is any one unconformable Man in all his Diocess. Which, if it be true, is a great clearing of those parts, which have of late been so much suspected.

This Bishoprick is void. Hereford.

For the Diocess of Oxford, I find the Bishop very careful, and Oxford. that he hath according to his Promise made to your Majesty, built a House at Cuddesden, a Vicarage in his own Diocess and Gift, which he now holds in Commendam. Which House he humbly desires, by your Majesty's Favour, may be annexed to the See of Oxford, which never yet had any House belonging to it. And for your Instructions, they have all been observed within his Diocess, save that he doubts some few Lecturers, of whom he will make present Inquiry, and hath already suppressed Two, which were not performed as they ought, viz. at Dadington and Woodstocke.

My Lord of Chichester Certifies all very well in his Diocess; save Chichester. only in the East part, which is far from him, he finds that some Puritan Justices of the Peace, have awed some of the Clergy into like Opinions with themselves, which yet of late have not broken out into any publick Inconformity.

The Bishop of Peterborough hath Visited his Diocess this last year, Peterborough and begun so well to look to all good Orders, that I hope things will go very well there. But I find he is beholding to his Predecessors, who took very good care in former Years concerning your Majesties Instructions.

This is all the Return which I have this year to make to your Majesty, having received no Accompt at all from these Bishops following, viz. Worcester, Coventry and Lichfield, and Bangor.

So I humbly submit my Certificat.

W. Cant.

The Arch-Bishop's Account of his Province to the King, for the Year 1635.

[Page]

ACcording to your Royal Commands, I do here, upon the Second of Januay 1635. Comput: Angl. present my Account both for the Diocess and Province of Canterbury, concerning all those Church-Affairs, which are contained in your Majesty's most gracious Instructions, published out of your most Princely and Religious care to preserve Unity in Orthodox Doctrine, and Conformity to Government within this your Church of England.

And First, for my own Diocess; I humbly represent to your Majesty, Canterbury. that there are yet very many Refractory Persons to the Government of the Church of England about Maidstone and Ashford, and some other Parts; the Infection being spread by one Brewer, and continued and increased by one Turner. They have been both Censured in the High-Commission Court some Years since; but the Hurt which they have done, is so deeply rooted, as that it is not possible to be plucked up on the suddain; but I must crave time to work it off by little and little.

I have, according to your Majesty's Commands, required Obedience to my Injunctions sent to the French and Dutch Churches at Canterbury, Maidstone and Sandwich. And albeit they made some shew of Conformity; yet I do not find they have yielded such Obedience as is required, and was ordered with your Majesty's Consent and Approbation. So that I fear, I shall be driven to a quicker proceeding with them.

The Cathedral Church begins to be in very good Order. And I have almost finished their Statutes; which being once perfected, will (mutatis mutandis) be a sufficient Direction for the making of the Statutes for the other Cathedrals of the new Erection, which in King Henry the Eighth's Time, had either none left, or none Confirmed; and those which are, in many things not Canonical. All which Statutes, your Majesty hath given Power to me with others, under the Broad Seal of England, to alter, or make new, as we shall find Cause. And so soon as these Statutes for the Church of Canterbury are made ready, I shall humbly submit them to your Majesty for Confirmation.

There is one Mr: Walker, of St: John's the Evangelist, a Peculiar of mine in London, who hath all his time been but a disorderly and a peevish Man; and now of late hath very frowardly Preached against the Lord Bishop of Ely his Book concerning the Lord's Day, set out by Authority. But upon a Canonical Admonition given him to desist, he hath hitherto recollected himself, and I hope will be advised.

[Page] For the Diocess of London, I find my Lord the Bishop hath been very London. careful for all that concerns his own Person. But Three of his Arch-Deacons have made no return at all to him; so that he can certifie nothing, but what hath come to his knowledge without their help.

There have been convented in this Diocess Dr: Stoughton of Aldermanbury, Mr: Simpson Curate and Lecturer of St: Margarets- New-Fishstreet, Mr: Andrew Moline Curate and Lecturer of St: Swithin, Mr: John Goodwin Vicar of St: Stevens Colman-street, and Mr: Viner Lecturer of St: Laurence in the Old [...], for Breach of the Canons of the Church in Sermons, or Practice, or both. But because all them promised Amendment for the future, and submission to the Church in all things; my Lord very moderately forbore farther proceeding against them.

There were likewise convented Mr: Sparrowhawke Curate and Lecturer at St: Mary Woolchurch, for Preaching against the Canon for Bowing at the Name of Jesus; who, because he wilfully persisted, is suspended from Preaching in that Diocess. As also one Mr: John Wood, a wild turbulent [...], and formerly Censured in the High-Commission-Court. But his Lordship forbore Mr: White of Knightsbridge, for that his Cause is at this present depending in the Court aforesaid.

Concerning the Diocess of Lincoln my Lord the Bishop returns Lincoln. this Information. That he hath Visited the same this Year all over in Person, which he conceives no Predecessor of his hath done these Hundred Years: And that he finds so much good done thereby, beyond that which Chancellours use to do when they go the Visitation; that he is sorry he hath not done it heretofore, in so many Years as he hath been Bishop.

He farther Certifies, that he hath prevailed beyond Expectation for the Augmenting of Four or Five small Vicarages; and conceives (as your Majesty may be pleased to remember I have often told you upon my own Experience) that it is a Work very necessary and fit to be done, and most worthy of your Majesty's Royal Care and Consideration.

For Conformity, his Lordship professeth that in that large Diocess he knows but one unconformable Man, and that is one Lindhall, who is in the High-Commission Court, and ready for Sentence.

My Lord the Bishop of Bath and Wells Certifies, that his Diocess is Bath and Wells. in very good Order and Obedience. That there is not a single Lecture in any Town Corporate, but grave Divines Preach by course; and that he hath changed the Afternoon Sermons into Catechising by Question and Answer, in all Parishes.

His Lordship farther Certifies, that no Man hath been Presented unto him since his last [...], for any Breach of the Canons of the [Page] Church, or Your Majesty's Instructions; and that he hath received no notice of any increase of Men Popishly affected, beyond the number mentioned in his last Certificat.

The Bishop of this See died almost Half a Year since; and had Norwich. sent in no Certificat. But I find by my Visitation there this present Year, that the whole Diocess is much out of Order, and more at Ipswich and Yarmouth, than at Norwich it self: But I hope my Lord, that now is will take care of it; and he shall want no Assistance, that I can give him.

Mr: Samuel Ward, Preacher at Ipswich, was Censured this last Term in the High-Commission Court, for Preaching in Disgrace of the Common-Prayer-Book and other like gross Misdemeanours.

These Six Bishops respectively make their Answer, that in their Oxon. Sarum. Ely. Chichester. St. Asaph. Bristol. own Persons they have observed all your Majesty's Instructions; and that they find all their Clergy very conformable, no one of them instancing in any particular to the contrary.

In this Diocess, the Bishop found, in his Triennial Visitation the Landaff. former Year, two noted Schismaticks, Wroth and Erbury; that led away many simple People after them. And finding, that they willfully persisted in their Schismatical course, he hath carefully preferred Articles against them in the High-Commission Court; where, when the Cause is ready for Hearing, they shall receive according to the Merits of it.

Concerning this Diocess, your Majesty knows, that the late Bishop's Hereford. Residence upon the place was necessarily hindred by his Attendance upon your Majesty's Person, as Clerk of the Closet. But he hath been very careful for the observance of all your Instructions; and particularly for Catechizing of the Youth: As also for not letting of any thing into Lives, to the Prejudice of his Successor; in which he hath done exceeding well: And I have by your Majesty's Command laid a strict Charge upon his Successor, to look to those Particular Leases which he hath made stay of, that they may be reduced into Years, for the good of that See, which abundantly needs it.

My Lord Bishop of Winchester Certifies, that there is all Peace and Winton. Order in his Diocess; and that himself and his Clergy have duly Obeyed your Majesty's Instructions. But he Informs, that in the Parish of Avington in Hampshire, one Vnguyon an Esquire, is Presented for a new Recusant; as also Three others, whereof Two are in Southwark.

These Three Bishops, for their several Diocesses, respectively make Peterburgh Rochester. Exeter. return, that all Obedience is yielded to every of your Majesty's Instructions.

The late Bishop of St: Davids (now of Hereford) hath in his time St: Davids. [Page] of Residence, taken a great deal of pains in that See, and hath caused Two to be questioned in the High Commission, and Suspended one Roberts, a Lecturer, for Inconformity. Three or four others which were Suspended, he hath released, upon hope given of their Obedience to the Church, and hath absolutely deprived Two for their exceeding Scandalous Life. He complains much, and surely with cause enough, that there are few Ministers in those poor and remote places, that are able to Preach and Instruct the People.

My Lord the Bishop informs, that that County is very full of Glocester. Impropriations, which makes the Ministers poor; and their Poverty makes them fall upon Popular and Factious courses. I doubt this is too true, but it is a Mischief hard to cure in this Kingdom; yet I have taken all the care I can, and shall continue so to do.

From the rest of the Bishops of my Province, I have received no Certificat this Year, viz.

Covent. and Litchfield.

Worcester.

Bangor.

So I humbly submit this my Certificat.

W. CANT.

The Arch-Bishop's Accounts of his Province to the King, for the Year: 1636. The Account of my Province of Canterbury for the Year, 1636, presented to his Majesty, Jan. An. Praed.

May it please your Sacred Majesty,

ACcording to your Royal Commands expressed in your late Instructions for the good of the Church, I do here most humbly present my Yearly Account for my Diocess and Province of Canterbury, for this last Year ending at Christmass, 1636.

And First, for my own Diocess, I have every Year acquainted Canterbury. your Majesty, and so must do now, that there are still about Ashford and Egerton, divers Brownists and other Separatists. But they are so very mean and poor People, that we know not what to do with them. They are said to be the Disciples of one Turner and Fennar, who were long since apprehended, and imprisoned by Order of your Majesty's High Commission Court. But how this part came to be so infected with such a Humour of Separation, I know not, unless [Page] it were by too much connivence at their first beginning. Neither do I see any Remedy like C. R. Informe mee of the Particulars, and I shall command the Judges to make them Abjure. to be, unless some of their chief Seducers be driven to Abjure the Kingdom, which must be [...] by the Judges at the Common Law, but is not in our power.

I have received Information from my Officers, that the Walloons and other Strangers in my Diocess, especially at Canterbury, do come orderly to their Parish Churches, and there receive the Sacraments, and Marry, &c. according to my Injunctions, with that limitation which your Majesty allowed.

There have been heretofore many in Canterbury, that were not conformable to Church Discipline, and would not kneel at the Communion; but they are all now very Conformable, as I hear expresly by my Officers; and that there is no falling away of any to Recusancy.

There hath been a Custom, that some Ministers thereabouts, have under divers pretences lived for the most part at Canterbury, and gone seldom to their Benefices; which hath given a double Scandal, both by their absence from their several Cures, and by keeping too much Company, and that not in the best manner. I have seen this remedied in all, save only one Man; and if he do not presently Conform, I have taken order for his Suspension.

In the Diocess of London, I find that my Lord the Bishop there London. (now by your Majesty's Grace and Favour Lord High Treasurer of England) hath very carefully observed those Instructions which belong to his own Person. And for the Diocess, his Lordship Informs me of three great Misdemeanours. The one committed by Dr: Cornelius Burges, who in a Latin Sermon before the Clergy of London, uttered divers insolent passages against the Bishops and Government of the Church, and refused to give his Lordship a Copy of the Sermon; so there was a necessity of calling him into the High Commission Court; which is done.

The second Misdemeanour, is of one Mr: Wharton, a Minister in Essex, who in a Sermon at Chelmesford, uttered many unfit, and some scurrilous things. But for this he hath been Convented, and received a Canonical Admonition. And upon his sorrow and submission, any farther Censure is forborn.

The third Misdemeanour which my Lord complains of, is, the late spreading and dispersing of some Factious and Malicious Pamphlets against the Bishops and Government of the Church of England. And my Lord farther Certifies, that he hath reasonable ground to perswade him, that those Libellous Pamphlets have been Contrived or Abetted, and dispersed by some of the Clergy of his Diocess; and therefore desires me to use the Authority of the High Commission, for the [Page] further discovery of this Notorious practice, to prevent the Mischiefs which will otherwise ensue upon the Government of the Church. This, God willing, I shall see performed. But if the High Commission shall not have Power enough, because one of those Libels contains Seditious Matter in it, and that which is very little [...] of Treason (if any thing at all) then I humbly crave leave to add this to my Lord Treasurer's Motion, and humbly to desire, that your Majesty will call it into C. R. What the High Commission cannot doe in this, I shall supply, as I shall finde Cause in a more powerfull way. a higher Court, if you find Cause; since I see no likelyhood, but that these Troubles in the Church, if they be permitted, will break out into some Sedition in the Commonwealth.

My Visitation is yet depending for this Diocess; and by reason of the Sickness, I could not with safety hold it, nor think it fit to gather so much People together; but, God willing, I shall perform that Duty, so soon as conveniently I may, and then Certifie your Majesty at the next return, what shall come under mine own view.

In this Diocess I find by my Lord's Report from his Officers, that Winchester. there are divers Recusants in several parts of the Country, and that some of them have been seduced away from the Church of England within these two or three Years.

For all things else I receive no complaint thence, save only of three or four Ministers that are negligent in Catechising, and observe it not at all, or but in the Lent only. But I shall call upon the Bishop to see this remedied, and to be as vigilant as he can against any farther increase of Recusants.

From Bath and Wells I have received a very good and happy Certificat, Bath and Wells. both that all your Majesty's Instructions have been exactly performed throughout that whole Diocess. And that by God's Blessing, and the well Ordering of Church Affairs, there have been fewer Popish Recusants presented than formerly, and that the number of them is much decreased. And this I cannot but highly approve to your Majesty, if there be not fewer presented, either by the overawing of them which should present, or some Cunning in those which would not be presented.

For this Diocess, my Lord hath given me in a very careful and punctual Norwich. Account, very large, and in all Particulars very considerable; And I shall return it to your Majesty as briefly as I can reduce it. And first, he hath for this Summer, but by your Majesty's leave, lived (from both his Episcopal Houses) in Ipswich, partly because he was informed, that that side of his Diocess did most need his presence, and he found it so: And partly, because his Chappel at his House in Norwich, was possessed by the French Congregation, and so the Bishoprick left destitute. But he hath given them warning to provide themselves elsewhere by Easter next.

[Page] His Lordship found a general defect of Catechising quite through the Diocess; but hath setled it. And in Norwich, where there are 34 Churches, there was no Sermon on the Sunday Morning, save only in four; but all put off to the Afternoon; and so no Catechising. But now he hath ordered that there shall be a Sermon every Morning, and Catechising in the Afternoon in every Church.

For Lectures, they abounded in Suffolk, and many set up by private Gentlemen, even without so much as the knowledge of the Ordinary, and without any due observation to the Canons, or the Discipline of the Church. Divers of these his Lordship hath carefully regulated according to Order, and especially in St. Edmonds-bury, and with their very good content, and Suspended no Lecturer, of whom he might obtain Conformity. And at Ipswich it was not unknown unto them, that now Mr: Ward stands Censured in the High Commission, and obeys not: Yet the Bishop was ready to have allowed them another, if they would have sought him; but they resolve to have Mr. Ward or none, and that (as is conceived) in despight of the Censure of the Court.

At Yarmouth, where there was great division heretofore for many Years, their Lecturer being Censured in the High Commission, about two Years since, went into New-England, since which time there hath been no Lecture, and very much peace in the Town, and all C. R. Let him goe: Wee are well ridd of him. Ecclesiastical Orders well observed. But in Norwich, one Mr: Bridge, rather than he would Conform, hath left his Lecture and two Cures, and is gone into Holland. The Lecturers in the Country, generally observing no Church Orders at all. And yet the Bishop hath carried it with that Temper, and upon their promise, and his hopes of Conformity, that he hath Inhibited but three in Norfolk, and as many in Suffolk, of which one is no Graduate, and hath been a common Stage-player.

His Lordship craves direction what he shall do with such Scholars (some in Holy Orders, and some not) as Knights and private Gentlemen keep in their Houses, under pretence to Teach their Children. As also with some Divines that are Beneficed in Towns or near, but live in Gentlemens Houses. For my part, I think it very fit the Beneficed Men were punctually commanded, to reside upon their Cures. And for the rest, your Majesties C. R. I approve your Judgment in this. I only add, that care must be taken, that even those Qualified by Law, keepe none but Conformable Men. Instructions, allow none to keep Chaplains, but such as are qualified by Law. All which notwithstanding, I most humbly submit (as the Bishop doth) to your Majesty's Judgment.

For Recusants, whereas formerly there were wont to be but two or three Presented, his Lordship hath caused above forty to be Endicted in Norwich, at the last Sessions; and at the Assizes in Suffolk, he delivered a List of such as were Presented upon the Oath of the [Page] Churchwardens, to the Lord Chief Justice, and his Lordship to the Grand Jury: But they C. R. Bishops Certificates in this Case, must be most unquestionable Evidence. slighted it, pretending the Bishop's Certificat to be no Evidence. But the true Reason is conceived to be, because he had also inserted such as had been Presented to him for Recusant Separatists, as well as Recusant Romanists.

His Lordships Care hath been such, as that though there are about One Thousand Five Hundred Clergy-Men in that Diocess, and many Disorders; yet there are not Thirty Excommunicated or Suspended; whereof some are for Contumacy, and will not yet submit; some for obstinate denyal to Publish your Majesty's Declaration; and some for contemning all the Orders and Rites of the Church, and intruding themselves, without License from the Ordinary, for many Years together.

Last of all, he found, that one half of the Churches in his Diocess had not a Clerk able to Read and Answer the Minister in Divine Service, by which means the People were wholly disused from joyning with the Priest, and in many places, from so much as saying Amen. But concerning this his Lordship hath strictly enjoyned a Reformation.

If this Account, given by my Lord of Norwich, be true, as I believe it is (and ought to believe it, till it can be disproved) he hath deserved very well of the Church of England, and hath been very ill rewarded for it. His humble C. R. His Sute is granted, and assuredly his negative Consequence shall followe. Suit to your Majesty is, That you will be graciously pleased in your own good time to hear the Complaints that have been made against him, [that he may not be overborn by an Outcry, for doing Service.

In the Diocess of Oxon I find all your Majesty's Instructions carefully Oxford. obeyed; and there is but one Lecture in the whole Diocess, and that is read at Henly upon Thames, by some Ministers of the Diocess, conformable Men, and allowed by the Bishop.

His Lordship hath also called upon divers C. R. If this be not, upon Composition, I understand itt not. Recusants; but upon their being questioned, they plead an Exemption from his Authority under your Majesty's Great Seal.

From my Lord of Ely, I have received a very fair Account, that Ely. his Diocess is very orderly and obedient; insomuch, that he hath not any thing of Note to acquaint me with.

My Lord in his Certificat mentions two Particulars fit for your [...]. Majesty's Knowledge: The First is, that one of His Clergy in Bedfordshire, a Learned and Pious Man (as he saith) set up a Stone upon [Page] Pillars of Brick, for his Communion-Table, believing it to have been the Altar-Stone. C. R. This may prove a bold Part in the Bishop, and the poore Preist in noe Fault; as the other Day his information proved concerning the Ship Business at the Council-Board: therefore examine this farther. And because this appeared to be but a Grave-Stone, and for avoiding of farther Rumours in that Country, among the preciser sort his Lordship caused it to be quietly removed, and the ancient Communion-Table placed in the room of it: But did not farther question the Party, because they found him a harmless Man, and otherwise a Deserver. But how deserving soever he be, I must judge it a very bold part in him to attempt this without the Knowledge and Approbation of his Ordinary.

The Second is, that there are risen some Differences in the Southern parts of his Diocess, about the Ministers urging the People to receive at the Rails, which his Lordship, saith he, hath procured to be placed about the Holy Table, and the People in some places refusing so to do. Now because this is not Regulated by any Canon of the Church, his Lordship is an humble Suitor that he may have Direction C. R. Try your way for some tyme. herein. And truly, I think for this Particular, the People will best be won by the Decency of the Thing it self; and that I suppose may be compassed in a short time. But if your Majesty shall think it fit, that a quicker way be held, I shall humbly submit.

From the Lord Bishop of this Diocess I have received no Particular; Sarum. but in General thus: That all your Majesty's Instructions are now observed there, without repugnance, for ought either Chancellor, or any other Officer of his hath informed him.

My Lord the Bishop of this See certifies, That your Majesty's Instructions [...] are carefully observed; and that there are only two Lecturers in the City of Worcester; both very conformable, and that they shall not longer continue than they are so. And that the one of them preaches on Sundays in the Afternoons, after Chatechizing and Service in the Parish-Churches, and ending before Evening Prayers in the Cathedral.

I may not here forbear to acquaint your Majesty, that this Sunday Lecture was ever wont to be in the Cathedral, and that it is removed, because the City would suffer no Prebendary to have it. And Evening Prayers in their Parish-Churches must needs begin betimes, and their Catechizing be short; and the Prayers at the Cathedral begin very late, if this Lecture can begin and end in the space between. But if it can be so fitted, I think the Dean and Chapter will not complain of the remove of the Lecture to a Parish-Church.

For these Three Diocesses my Lords the Bishops Certifie that all Exon. Chichester. Peterborough. your Majesty's Instructions are carefully observed; neither do any of them mention any thing amiss in the general, either for Doctrine or Discipline. Only the Bishop of Exeter hath sent me up two Copies [Page] of the late Libel, Intituled, News from Ipswich, which were sent thither to a Stationer with Blank Covers.

These Five Diocesses following I have Visited this Year, by my Hereford. Vicar General and other Commissioners. And for Hereford, I find not many things amiss; though the often change of the Bishop there which hath of late hapned, hath done no good among them. But C. R. Which ye shall not want if you need. some pretensions there are to certain Customs, which, I conceive, were better broke than kept: And I shall do my best to reform them, as I have Opportunity; and humbly beg your Majesty's Assistance, if I want Power.

For St. Davids, the Bishop is now there, and will take the best St. Davids. care he can, to see all things in Order. But there is one Matthews the Vicar of Penmayn, that preaches against the keeping of all Holy-Days, with divers other as Fond, or Prophane Opinions. The Bishop hath inhibited him, and if that do not serve, I shall call him into the High-Commission Court.

Baronet Rudde is in this Diocess, the Son of a late Bishop there, who is a sober Gentleman, He hath Built him a Chappel, and desires the Bishop to Consecrate it. But his Lordship finding one of your Majesty's Instructions to be, that none should keep a Chaplain in his House, but such as are qualified by Law, which he conceives a Baronet is not, hath hitherto forborn to Consecrate this Chappel, as being to be of small use without a Chaplain; and humbly craves direction herein what he shall do. I humbly propose to your Majesty, whether, considering C. R. Since he hath beene at the Charge and hath so good Testimonie, lett him have his desire, with those restrictions mentioned. the Charge this Gentleman hath been at, and the ill Ways which many of them there have to Church, it may not be fit to Consecrate this Chappel, and then that he may have a License to use the Minister of the Parish, or any other lawfully in Orders. Always provided, that he use this Chappel but at times of some necessity, not making himself or his Family strangers to the Mother-Church; and that there be a Clause expressed in the License for recalling thereof, upon any Abuse there committed; and that this License be taken, either from the Bishop under his Seal, or from the Arch-Bishop of the Province.

For Landaff, there is very little found amiss: Only the Bishop Landaff. complains, that whereas Mr. Wroth and Mr. Erbury are in the High-Commission for their Schismatical proceedings; the slow prosecution there against them, makes both them persist in their By-ways, and their Followers judge them Faultless. But for this, I humbly present to your Majesty this Answer, That now the loss of two Terms by reason of the Sickness, hath cast the Proceedings of that Court, as well as of others, behind-hand: And there is no Remedy, where all things else stay as well as it.

In the Diocess of St. Asaph there is no Complaint, but the usual, St. Asaph. [Page] That there is great resort of Recusants to Holy-Well; and that this Summer the Lady Falkland and her Company, came as Pilgrims thither; who were the more observed, because they travelled on Foot, and Dissembled neither their Quality, nor their Errand. And this Boldness of theirs is of very ill construction among your Majesty's People. My humble Suit to your Majesty is, That whereas I complained of this in open Council in your Majesty's presence, you would C. R. Itt is done. now be graciously pleased, that the Order then resolved on for her Confinement, may be put in execution.

For Bangor, I find that Catechising was quite out of use in those Bangor. remote parts (the more the Pity): But the Bishop is now in hope to do much good, and sees some Reformation in that particular already. And I would say for this, and the other Diocesses in Wales, that much more good might be done there in a Church-way, if they were not overborn by the Proceedings of the Court of the Marches there. And this present Year in this Diocess of Bangor my Commissioners for my Metropolitical Visitation there complain unto me, that the Power which belongs to my place, hath been in them very much wronged and impeached by that C. R. I doubt not, but by the Grace of God to agree these Differences by my hearinge of them. Court: And I do most humbly beseech your Majesty in your own good time, to give this my Cause a Hearing, if it take not a fair end without that trouble.

For Rochester, the Bishop (God comfort him) is very ill of a Palsy, Rochester, Glocester, Bristol. and that I fear hath made him forget his Account. Neither hath the Bishop of Glocester sent me any; but why I know not. And for Bristol, that See is void.

For this Diocess, I have likewise received no Account. But I fear, Coventry and Lichfield. that whereas the Bishop was lately complained of to your Majesty for making Waste of the poor Woods there remaining; he is not over-willing to give an Accotnt of that Particular. Nor of the gross Abuse committed in the Cathedral Church by the Lady Davis, who, I most humbly beseech your Majesty, may be so restrained, as that she may have no more Power to commit such horrible Profanations.

And so I most humbly submit this my Yearly Account of my Province of Canterbury to your Majesty's Princely Wisdom.

C: R. For the Bishops of Gloster and Coven: and Lich: I must know why they have not made other Account. Whythall: the 21: of Feb: 1637:

W: CANT.

The Arch-Bishop's Account of his Province to the King, for the Year: 1637.
In Dei Nomine, Amen.

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May it please Your most Gracious Majesty,

ACcording to your Commands, in your Instructions Published for the good of the Clergy, and my bounden Duty, I here present my Annual Account for the Province of Canterbury, for the Year last past, 1637.

And First, to begin with mine own Diocess, I must give your Cant. Majesty to understand, that at and about Ashford in Kent, the Separatists continue to hold their Conventicles, notwithstanding the Excommunication of so many of them as have been discovered. They are all of the poorer sort, and very simple, so that I am utterly to seek what to do with them. Two or three of their principal C. R. Keepe those particular Persons fast, untill ye thincke what to doe with the rest. Ringleaders, Brewer, Fenner and Turner, have long been in Prison, and it was once thought fit to proceed against them by the Statute for Abjuration: But I do much doubt, they are so ignorantly wilful, that they will return into the Kingdom, and do a great deal more hurt before they will again be taken. And not long since Brewer slipt out of Prison, and went to Rochester and other parts of Kent, and held Conventicles, and put a great many simple People, especially Women, into great Distempers against the Church. He is taken again, and was called before the High Commission, where he stood silent, but in such a jeering scornful manner, as I scarce ever saw the like. So in Prison he remains.

In the Churchyard of the same Town a Butcher's Slaughter-House opened, to the great Annoyance of that place; which I have commanded should be remedied, and the Door shut up.

At Biddenden I have Suspended Richard Warren the School-Master, for refusing the Oath of Allegiance, of Canonical Obedience, and to Subscribe to the Articles. Besides, this precise Man will read nothing but Divinity to his Scholars: No, not so much as the Grammar Rules; unless Mars, Bacchus, Apollo, and Pol, AEdepol, may be blotted out.

The Strangers in Canterbury do not so much resort to their Parish-Churches, as formerly they did, at my first giving of my Injunctions. But Visiting this Year, I have given a publick and strict [Page] Charge that the Delinquents be presented and punished, if they do not their Duty in that behalf.

There is one dwelling in Addisham, a Married Man, called by the Name of Thomas Jordan: He was formerly called Thomas Mounton, because he was found in the Church Porch of Mounton in Swadling Clothes, left there in all likelyhood by his Mother, who was some Beggar or Strumpet. It is believed, he was never Christned: I have therefore given Order that he shall be Christned, with that Caution which is prescribed in the Book of Common Prayer, where the Baptism is doubtful.

About Sittingborn there are more Recusants than in any other part of my Diocess. And the Lady Roper Dowager is thought to be a great means of the increase of them. But I have given strict charge that they be carefully presented according to Law.

There is still a remainder of Schismaticks in Egerton, and the Parishes adjacent. But they are as mean People as those about Ashford, and I am as much to seek what to do with them.

My Lord Treasurer complains, that he hath little assistance of London. his Archdeacons; and I believe it to be true, and shall therefore if C. R. Itt is most fitt. your Majesty think fit, cause Letters to be written to them, to awake them to their Duties.

His Lordship likewise complains of some inconformable Men which his Chancellor hath met with in this his last Visitation; but they have received such Censure, as their Faults deserved, or else submitted themselves. Only Mr. John Knolles a Lecturer at Colchester, had forborn to receive the Holy Communion for two Years, since he came to be Lecturer: And being enjoyned to perform that Duty within a Month, he was so zealous, as that he forsook Lecture and Town and all, rather than he would receive the Communion.

I find likewise in this Account, 28 Ministers Convented before the Chancellor for some Inconformities. And five for excess in Drinking. But there is as good Order taken with them as could be.

The Lectures in this Diocess continue many: But there is great care taken to keep them in order.

I find in the Diocess of Winchester, divers Recusants newly pretended: Winton. But whether they be newly perverted, doth not appear by C. R. I desire to know the certaintie of this. my Lord the Bishops Account to me.

There are some five complained of for not Catechising, which I shall require of the Bishop to see remedied.

Here my Lord the Bishop Certifies, that he is very careful, and Ely. sees all things done according to your Majesty's Instructions.

[Page] My Lord the Bishop of this Diocess, dyed before the time came, Rochester. that he was to give up his Accounts; so that I can relate nothing upon certainty; but shall give the succeeding Bishop Charge to be very careful, because his Predecessor lay languishing, and was able to look to little for three whole Years before his Death.

The Account from hence is very brief. But my Lord is confident, Sarum. that his Diocess is clean through in good Order; and I will hope it is so.

My Lord of Peterburgh hath taken a great deal of pains, and Peterburgh. brought his Diocess into very good order. Only he saith, there are three Lecturers in the same; one at Northampton, but that is read by the Vicar of the place; one at Rowel, which hath Maintenance allowed; and a third at Daventree, maintained by the Contribution of the Town. And this last I think the Bishop had need take care of.

This Diocess appears by my Lord's Certificate, to be in marvelous Bath and Wells. good order for all things; and a great Reformation hath been wrought there by his Care and Industry.

For Popish Recusants, the number of them is there much decreased; neither are any newly presented for Recusancy.

My Lord the Bishop of Lincoln is not (as your Majesty knows) in Lincoln. case to make any Return for his Diocess. And since the Jurisdiction thereof came by his Suspension into my Hands, I have neither had time nor leisure to make any great Inquiry how conformable in Doctrine or Discipline Men in those parts are. Yet this I find, that both in Buckinghamshire and in Bedfordshire, there are many too refractory to all good Order. And there are a great number of very poor and miserable Vicarages and Curatships in many parts of this large Diocess, and which are almost past all cure and hope of help, unless by your Majesties Grace and Favour some may be had.

My Lord of Norwich hath been very careful of all your Majesty's Norwich. Instructions. And upon the 24th of September last, being then in his Diocess, and giving Orders, he refused to admit five well Learned and well Mannered Men, because they wanted a sufficient Title according to the Canon of the Church.

I find that there are in this Diocess six Lectures, namely at Wimondham, North-walsham, East-Earling, Norwich, Linn, and Bungay: But they are all performed by Conformable and Neighbouring Divines, and under such Conditions and Rules as my Lord their Bishop hath prescribed them. Only that at Bungay is inhibited for a time, at the entreaty of some of their own Company, and for Misdemeanours in it. As for the single Lecturers, my Lord hath had a special Eye over them.

[Page] Your Majesties Letters, requiring the Mayor, Sheriffs and Aldermen, &c. to repair on Sundays to Divine Service and Sermons, at the Cathedral in Norwich, are very well observed by the most of them. But Complaint is brought to the Bishop against one Thomas King, who is held a factious and a dangerous Man, and he frequently absents himself from the Cathedral, and it is doubted that his ill Example will make others neglect their Duties.

Divine Service, both for Prayers, Catechism and Sermons, is diligently frequented; and that beyond what could suddainly be hoped for in such a Diocess, and in the midst of the humorousness of this Age.

Of those which stood under Episcopal Censure, or that fled to C. R. Let him proceed to Deprivation. avoid Censure, there are not above three or four which have submitted themselves. Yet his Lordship hath had patience (notwithstanding a peremptory Citation sent out) hitherto to expect them: But now must proceed to Deprivation, or suffer Scorn and Contempt to follow upon all his Injunctions. Nevertheless, herein he humbly craves direction, and so do I, if it please your Majesty to give it.

His Lordship likewise, very carefully and necessarily (as I conceive) craves direction for these Particulars following.

1. Divers Towns are depopulated; no Houses left standing, but the Mannor House and the Church, and that turned to the Lord's Barn, or worse use; and no Service done in it, though the Parsonages or Vicarages be presentative.

2. In other Towns the Church is ruined, and the Inhabitants thrust upon Neighbouring Parishes, where they fill the Church, and pay few or no Duties.

3. At Carrowe Close by Norwich, there are twelve Houses, some of them fair, reputed to be of no Parish, and so an ordinary receptacle for Recusant Papists, and other Separatists, to the great prejudice of that Neighbouring City.

4. At Lanwood near New-Market, and in Burwell the Mother Church stands; but the Roof suffered to decay within the Memory of Man, and the Bells sold, and the Hamlet quite slipt out of all Jurisdiction [...]. That Church was an Impropriation to the Abby of Ramsey, and is now in Sir William Russell's Hands.

5. The Churchyards in many places are extreamly Annoyed and Profaned, especially in Corporate Towns. And at St. Edmonds-Bury, the Assizes are Yearly kept in a remote side of the Churchyard, and a common Ale-House stands in the [Page] middle of the Yard: The like abuses by Ale-Houses, Backdoors, and throwing out of Filth, with something else not fit to be related here, are found at Bungay: At St. Maries ad Turrim in Ipswich, at Woodbridge, and at Norwich, the Sign-Posts of two or three Inns stand in the Church-yard. Of remedy for these Abuses, the Bishop is utterly in despair, unless your Majesty be pleased to take some special Order for them: Because

C. R. Let him doe his Duty, and I shall take care, that no Prohibition shall trouble him in this case.

they which have these Back-doors into Church-yards or common Passages, will plead Prescription, and then a Prohibition will be granted against the Ecclesiastical Proceedings.

6: Lastly, his Lordship Certifies, that divers, not only Churches, but Town-ships themselves, are in danger of utter ruin by a breach of the Sea. And there was provision made by Act of Parliament, in the Seventh Year of your Majesty's Royal Father of Blessed Memory for redress of it: But nothing being since done, it will now cost five times as much to remedy as

C. R. Herein I shall not faile to doe my Part.

then it would. But the Bishop is in good hope great good may yet be done, if your Majesty will be graciously pleased to appear in it, upon such Humble Petition as he and I shall make to Your Majesty.

The Bishop of this Diocess assures me, that all things are in very Exon. good Order there. And indeed I think the Diocess is well amended within these few Years, his Lordship having been very careful both in his Visitations and otherwise.

This Year, by reason of the return of divers that were Captives in Morocco, and having been Inhabitants of those Western Parts, there arose in my Lord the Bishop a Doubt, how they, having renounced their Saviour, and become Turks, might be readmitted into the Church of Christ, and under what Penitential Form. His Lordship at his last being in London spake with me about it, and we agreed on a Form, which was afterwards drawn up, and approved by the Right Reverend Fathers in God my Lords the Bishops of London, Ely and Norwich, and is now setled by your Majesty's Appointment; and I shall take care to see it Registred here, and have given Charge to my Lord of Exon to see it Registred below, to remain as a President for future times, if there should be any more sad Examples of Apostacy from the Faith.

Whereas your Majesty hath lately been graciously pleased to grant Oxford: the ordering of the Woods of Shotover and Stowe by Lease, to the Lord Bishop of Oxford; his Lordship assures me, that there is a great deal of Care taken, and a great deal of Charge laid out by him and his Tenant for the Preservation and well ordering of the Woods there.

He hath likewise been very careful concerning Recusants within [Page] that Diocess: But saith that divers of them pretend and shew their Exemptions, that C. R. Lett mee see those exemptions and then I shall declare my further Pleasure. they should not be troubled for matters concerning their Religion in any Ecclesiastical Courts; which hath made his Lordship forbear till your Majesty's Pleasure be farther known.

For Lectures, there are none in that Diocess, save one at Henly upon Thames; Preached by the Incumbent, an orderly Man; and in the Peculiars at Tame and Banbury; but they are out of the Bishop's Jurisdiction.

My Lord Bishop of this See hath taken great care in his first Bristol. Visitation; and if he continue that care (as I doubt not but he will) he will quickly settle that Diocess into better Order. But he complains of the Dean and Chapter (for whose Benefit he hath lately made many good Injunctions) that they will not consent that Twenty Pounds per An. ordered by their Statute, for the Repairing of High-Ways, may be turned to the necessary supply of their Quire, in regard that 100 l. per An. is lately given by Dr. White towards the Repair of the same High-Ways. But this, and other things if C. R Doe soe. your Majesty thinks fit, I can easily alter when I come to revise their Statutes, or by a Command from your Majesty in the mean time.

He farther complains, that his Predecessor, Bishop Wright (now Bishop of Lichfield) detains in his custody, all the Writings belonging to Cromhall, the Lease which your Majesty by your Royal Letters commanded should expire and return to the Bishoprick. And sure, C. R. I shall. if this be so, it is very fit he be commanded to restore them out of Hand.

Lastly, he complains, that they of the preciser Faction do every Day endeavour to disquiet the People, and that by strange Inventions. And at present they give out, that the Liturgy Printed for Scotland, hath in it sundry Notorious Points of Popery, &c. Which troubles the People, and doth much harm otherwise. The like is certified me from the Bishop of Exon, concerning Rumours raised in those Parts.

My Lord Bishop of Chichester is in a Quartan-Ague, besides his Chichester. old Diseases of the Stone and the Gout: I pray God comfort him. But I do not hear from him, that there is much amiss in that Diocess.

The Bishop of this Diocess certifies me, that your Majesty's Hereford. Instructions are in all things carefully observed, and he hath used the utmost Diligence he can, in reclaiming of Recusants; and such as will not conform themselves, he hath taken a strict Course, to have them proceeded withal, and granted Significavits against divers.

[Page] In this Diocess, my Lord's Words are, That there is nothing but St. Asaph. common Peace, and universal Conformity.

My Lord of Landaff hath been very careful for the setling of the Landaff. Rights and Profits of this Bishoprick; and God hath Blessed his Endeavours therein. And for the Government, he professes, that in his late Visitation he hath not found one Schismatical Minister, or Non-Conformist in the Diocess.

The Bishop of this See was Consecrated but a little before Bangor. Michaelmas last; and, by your Majesty's leave, hath not been yet in his Diocess; and so for this broken part of the Year is able to give no Account.

My Lord the Bishop Certifies, that he is less troubled with Non-Conformists Worcester. since Mr: Wheatly of Banbury gave over his Lecture at Stratford within that Diocess. And that during this heavy Visitation at Worcester, he hath caused the Lectures to cease in that Town.

The Bishop of this See hath not had his Health of late, and is St. Davids. now come to Town to seek to recover the same, for wich he humbly craves your Majesty's Favourable Construction. But he Certifies, me that all your Majesty's Instructions, are duly observed within that Diocess.

From the Bishops of Lichfield and Glocester, I have not received C. R. Cale for them. any Certificates.

And so with my Prayers for your Majesty's long Life and Happy Reign; I humbly submit this my Account for the Year last past, 1637.

W. CANT.

The Arch-Bishop's Account of his Province to the King, for the Year: 1638.

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May it please your Most Sacred Majesty.

ACcording to my bounden Duty, and your Majesty's Commands, expressed in your Instructions for the good of the Clergy, I here present my Account for the Year last past, 1638.

And First, to begin with my self and my own Diocess, I have been Canterbury. careful to obey all your Majesty's particular Instructions, both for the residing upon my Houses, and preserving of my Woods, &c.

There was one Bedle a Minister of Essex, came into this Diocess; and at Harbledown near Canterbury (the Curate there being dead) Preached very disorderly, three hours together at a time, and got himself many ignorant followers. But so soon as ever he was enquired after by my Officers, he fled the Country, and I purpose, God willing, to speak with the Chancellor of London concerning him.

I do not find that there is either any increase or decrease of Papists or Puritans in the Diocess. But the Separatists about Ashford, are very busie, miserable poor, and out of that, bold against all Church Censure; so that without some Temporal Assistance from the Judges we know not what to do: And this I have often and humbly represented. Yet two C. R. Demand theire helpe and if they refuse, I shall make them assist you. notorious Separatists being call'd in question, are fled the Country, and one of them brake Prison.

At Tenterden some People are somewhat refractory; but the Archdeacon assures me, he hath great hope to reduce them; which I shall be glad of.

The Strangers at Canterbury do reasonably well obey my Injunctions for coming to our Churches, and I shall give them all Incouragement, holding it fitting to keep a moderate Hand with them.

In the Diocess and City of London, there was like to be some distraction, London. both among the Ministers and the People, occasioned at first, by some over-nice Curiosities, Preached by one Mr. Goodwin, Vicar of St. Stephens in Coleman-street, concerning the Imputation of Christ's Righteousness in the Justification of a Sinner. But the differences arising about it were timely prevented by Convention of the Parties dissenting. And so, God be thanked, that Business is at peace.

[Page] There is but one noted refractory Person that stands out in that Diocess, and he is now under Suspension.

My Lord the Bishop's Certificate informs me, that there are a Winton. great many Recusants within that Diocess; and that in some [...] their Children are not brought to be Baptized in the Church, which I shall require the Bishop to take special care of.

This Diocess being now in my Charge, I do humbly certifie your Lincoln. Majesty, that one part of Buckinghamshire, and some places in Lincoln and Leicestershires are somewhat disorderly. But I do not find any Man presented unto me for any wilful Refractoriness, save one, whom Ih ave caused to be called into the High Commission Court.

There are in Lincolnshire many miserable poor Vicarages and Curateships. Might your Majesty's Reign be so blest, as that they might in time find some relief. But this is quite beyond Episcopal Power.

In this Diocess my Lord hath taken care of all your Majesty's Instructions, Oxon. and assures me that there is no Lecture in any Market Town within his Diocess, except at Henley, which is performed by their own Minister, a discreet Man. As for that which was begun by private Persons in the Chappel of your Majesty's Mannor House at Woodstocke, and might have been of very dangerous, both Example and Consequence, the Bishop hath carefully suppressed it by your Majesty's Gracious Command upon his Petition.

There is no Complaint in this Diocess, but only of one Mr. Ephraim Worcester. Hewet of Wraxhall in Warwickshire, who hath taken upon him to keep Fasts in his Parish, by his own appointment, and hath contemned the decent Ceremonies commanded by the Church. My Lord the Bishop proceeds against him, and intends either to reform or punish him.

In this Diocess the Bishop assures me that all things go very orderly Exon. and well, saving that divers Impropriators suffer willing Ruins (as he conceives) in the Churches, which belong unto them; wherein he humbly craves both Advice and Aid, that it may be remedied.

There was one Mr. Workeman, sometimes a Lecturer at Glocester, Hereford. and for Inconformity in a very high degree, put from that place, by Sentence of the High Commission Court. Since that, this Man hath been received into the House of one Mr. Kyrle of Wallford, and lived there without any Cure or other known Imployment. The Bishop hearing of him, and resolving to call him in Question, if he did not Conform himself, he hath suddenly left that Diocess, and is gone God knows whether.

[Page] There were some other Complaints put up, which I certified to the Bishop: But his Lordship hath given me a fair Answer, and assures me, that by his care and vigilancy they shall all be rectified, and that out of hand.

My Lord informs me, that in his Predecessor Bishop Whites absence, Ely. he living most commonly at London, being your Majesty's Almoner, there was cut down and wasted above a Thousand Loads of Wood.

For all other businesses they are in good condition within that Diocess, saving that my Lord the Bishop humbly craves leave hereby, to represent a great grievance to your Majesty, which concerns the Bishoprick, the Dean and Chapter, and all other Clergy Men (or indeed rather all your Majesty's Liege People) inhabiting within the Isle of Ely.

In this Diocess, the Bishop found out one Jeffryes, who commonly Bristol. Administred the Blessed Sacrament of the Eucharist, being either not in Holy Orders at all, or at least not a Priest: So soon as he was discovered, he slipt out of the Diocess; and the Bishop thinks, that he now serves in a Peculiar under the Dean and Chapter of Wells. I will send thither to know the certainty, and see the abuse punished, if I can light upon the Person.

The Bishop further Certifies me, that there are very many within that small Diocess, who stand Excommunicate, and divers of them only for not payment of Fees: And again, that many of these are not able to pay them. I think it were not amiss, that once every Year in Lent, the Chancellor C. R. In this ye have very great reason, for it is not fit that the Sentence of Excommunication should stand longer then it needs must. were commanded to take an Account of all the Excommunicats in the Diocess, and to cause all to be Absolved that shall be fit for Absolution; and particularly, to see that no Man be suffered to continue Excommunicated, where nothing but Poverty hinders the payment of Duties or other Fees. The Bishop likewise informs me, that Monuments even of obscure and mean Persons, are grown very common in those Parts, and prejudicial both to the Walls and Pillars, and Liberty of Churches, which the Bishop opposes as much and as fairly as he can: But all is too little.

There were in this Diocess the last year but two Refractory Ministers Landaff. known to the Bishop, Mr. Wroth and Mr: Erbury: The former hath submitted; but the other would neither submit, nor satisfie his Parishioners, to whom he had given publick offence; so he resigned his Vicarage, and hath left thereby the Diocess in peace.

For this Diocess, the Bishop humbly craves your Majesty's Pardon, St. Davids. for his longer stay in London than ordinary, and professes his Excuse [Page] formerly made to your Majesty to be most true, viz. That he was forced to it by extremity of Sickness falling upon him in those parts, and forcing his change of Air.

That Diocess hath been a little out of quiet this year, by some Mens medling with those C. R. It is no wonder that this Relation is imperfect, since the Bishop's Sicknes gives him an excuse for absence. nice Questions, which your Majesty hath forbidden should be commonly preached in the Pulpit. But the Relation being somewhat imperfect, I shall inform my self farther, and then give your Majesty such Account as I receive.

In this Diocess, the Bishop Certifies me two considerable things, Bangor. and both of them are of difficult Cure. The one concerns his Bishoprick, where every thing is let for Lives by his Predecessors to the very Mill that Grinds his Corn. The other concerns the Diocess in general, where, by Reason of the Poverty of the Place, all Clergy-Men of Hope and Worth, seek Preferment elsewhere. And he tells me plainly, some weak Scholars must be Ordained, or else some Cures must be left altogether unsupplied.

My Lord of Glocester confesseth he hath Glocester. been absent from his Diocess a good part of C. R. This is well enough if he have left his desire of further absenting himselfe. this Year, being kept from his Dwelling-Houses, by the Infection at Glocester, which just Cause of Absence he humbly submits to your most gracious Majesty.

Concerning that Diocess the Bishop speaks not much more: But the Arch-Deacon at his Visitation, finding the Clergy conformable, gave them this grave and fitting Admonition, viz. That no Man should presume his conformity should excuse him, if in the mean time his Life were Scandalous. Which was very necessary for that Place, and these Times. And the Arch-Deacon certifies farther, that there are divers, which as far as they dare, oppose Catechising; and but for fear of losing the Livings, would almost go as far as Burton and Bastwick did, which is his own expression under his Hand.

My Lord the Bishop there complains much of the Decay of his Norwich. Houses, and the impoverishing of that Bishoprick by some of his Predecessors. And this partly by letting of long Leases before the Statute restrained it, and partly by a coarse exchange of some Lands in former times. This latter cannot now be helped; but for the decay of his Houses, if he pursue that faculty which I granted to his immediate Predecessor, he may help a great part of that decay without much charge. And this, God willing, I shall put him in mind to do, and give him the best assistance that I can by Law.

For the Churches in that Diocess (which are very many) my Lord acknowledges, that they are in very decent and good order generally.

[Page] The only thing which he saith troubles his Diocess is, that the People have been required to come up and receive at the Rail which is set before the Communion-Table, and that heretofore many have been Excommunicated or Suspended for not doing so. For the thing it self, it is certainly the most decent and orderly way, and is practised by your Majesty, and by the Lords in your own Chappel, and now almost every where else. And upon my knowledge, hath been long used in St: Giles his Church without Cripplegate London, with marvellous Decency and Ease; and yet in that Parish there are not so few as Two Thousand Communicants, more than within any Parish in Norwich Diocess: And when your Majesty had the Hearing of this Business, in the now Bishop of Ely's Time, you highly approved it. And therefore, I presume, you will be pleased to command C. R. I doe soe. that the present Bishop continue it, and look carefully to it. And whereas they plead that many stood suspended for it, the Bishop of Ely, in whose Time it was, doth assure me, that in above One Thousand Three Hundred Parishes, there were not Thirteen either Excommunicated or Suspended for refusing of this.

In this Diocess, the Bishop gives a fair Account to all your Majesty's Lichfield. Instructions; so that I have cause to hope, that that Diocess is in reasonable good Order: Only he complains, that his Predecessors have Leased out part of his House at Lichfield, which puts him to very great Annoyance: But he is entring into a Legal way for redress of his Abuse; in which I presume your Majesty will give him all C. R. I shall. fair and just Assistance, if he shall be forc'd to crave the same.

My Lord the Bishop came but lately to this See, and hath not as Chichester. yet found much amiss.

The Bishop of that Diocess is Dead, and no other yet setled; so Peterborough I can have no Account from thence this Year.

These Four Bishops Certifie, that all things are orderly and well Sarum. Bath and Wells. Rochester. S. Asaph. within their several Diocesses.

And so with my Prayers for your Majesty's long Life, and happy Reign; I humbly submit this my Account for the Year last past, being: 1638.

January: 2d. [...]

W. Cant.

The Arch-Bishop's Account of his Province to the King, for the Year: 1639.
In Dei Nomine, Amen.

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May it Please your most Sacred Majesty,

ACcording to your Royal Commands expressed in your Instructions for the good of the Church, I here most humbly Present this my Account for the Year finished now at Christmas 1639.

And First, to begin with my own Diocess. The great thing which Canterbury. is amiss there, and beyond my Power to remedy, is the stiffness of divers Anabaptists and Separatists from the Church of England; especially in, and about the Parts near Ashford. And I do not find, either by my own Experience, or by any Advice from my Officers, that this is like to be remedied, unless the Statute concerning Abjuration C. R. It were not amisse to speake with the Keeper about this. of your Kingdom, or some other way by the Power of the Temporal Law or State be thought upon. But how fit that may be to be done for the present, especially in these broken Times, I humbly submit to your Majesty's Wisdom, having often complained of this before.

Many that were brought to good Order for receiving of the Holy Communion, where the Rails stand before the Table, are now of late fallen off, and refuse to come up thither to receive. But this, God willing, I shall take care of, and order as well as I can, and with as much speed. And the same is now commonly fallen out in divers other Diocesses.

There was about half a Year since, one that pretended himself a Minister, who got many Followers in Sandwich, and some Neighbouring Parishes; but at last, was found to have gone under three Names, Enoch, Swann, and Grey; and in as several Habits, of a Minister, an ordinary Lay-Man, and a Royster. And this being discovered, he fled the Country, before any of my Officers could lay hold on him. Upon this occasion, I have commanded my Commissary and Arch-Deacon to give Charge in my Name, to all Parsons and Vicars of my Diocess, that they suffer no Man to preach in their Cures, but such as for whom they will Answer, as well otherwise, as for the point of Conformity; which I hope will prevent the like abuse hereafter.

In this Diocess, the last Year, there was some heat struck by opposite London. Preaching in the Pulpit, between one Mr: Goodwin Vicar of St: Stevens in Coleman-street, and some other Ministers in the City, concerning the Act of Believing, and the Imputation of Christ's [Page] Righteousness in the Justification of a Sinner. And the Peoples Minds were much perplexed hereabouts. This business was quieted by my Lord the Bishop and his Chancellour, and a Promise of Forbearance made: Yet now lately Mr: Goodwin hath preached again in the same way, and the same Perplexity is like to be caused again thereby in the City. Yet my Lord the Bishop is in hopes to settle this also quietly; wherein he shall have the best Assistance I can give him.

The Arch-Deacons in this Diocess and others, are too negligent in giving their Bishops due Information of such things as are committed to their Charge.

Mr: Joseph Simonds, Rector of St: Martin's Ironmonger-lane, is utterly fallen from the Church of England, and hath abandoned his Benefice, and gone beyond the Seas; and so was deprived in September last past. Mr: Daniel Votyer, Rector of St: Peter's in Westcheap, hath been likewise convented for divers Inconformities, and promised Reformation, as Mr: Simonds also did; but being now called into the High Commission, Order is taken for the Officiating of his Cure, till it shall appear, whether he will desert it, or no; for he also is gone beyond the Seas.

Mr: George Seaton, Rector of Bushy in the County of Hertford, is charged with continual Non-residency, and other Misdemeanours, little beseeming a Clergy-man. But of this, neither my Lord nor my self can say more to your Majesty, till we see what will rise in Proof against him.

My Lord, the Bishop of this Diocess, gives me a very fair Account Winton. of all things regular therein; saving, that the Popish Recusants, which, he saith, are many in that Diocess, do yearly increase there; and that this may appear by the Bills of Presentment in his Annual Inquisitions.

My Lord the Bishop informs me, that he hath been very careful in Oxford. point of Ordination, as being a Bishop near the University, and to whom many resort for Holy Orders at times appointed by the Church. But he complains, that having refused to give Orders to Twenty or Thirty at an Ordination, most of them have addressed themselves to other Bishops, and of them received Orders, not only without Letters Dimissory, but without such Qualification as the Canon requires.

In this Case I would humbly advise your Majesty, That my Lord C. R. Command him in my name to doe soe. the Bishop may enquire, and certifie by what Bishops these Parties so refused by him, were Admitted into Holy Orders, that so they may be admonished to be more careful for the future; and that this Abuse may not find Encouragement, and increase.

For Popish Recusants, they have been proceeded against in this Diocess according to Law, saving only such of them as have pleaded, and shewed your Majesty's Exemption under your Great Seal, from [Page] being question'd in any Ecclesisiastical Court for matters concerning their Religion.

I find by the Bishop's Certificate, that he hath constantly resided Conventry and Lichfield. upon his Episcopal Houses; but saith, that he cannot have his Health at Eccleshall, and hath therefore since resided in his Palace at Lichfield; but with very little Comfort, by reason of Inmates, left, as his Lordship saith, upon the Church's Possession. His Lordship adds, That he hath an ancient Palace at Coventry in Lease, but with reservation of the Use thereof, in case the Bishop shall at any time come to live C. R. I am content. there. Here he means to reside for a time, if it stand with your Majesty's good liking.

For Popish Recusants, his Lordship saith, they are presented and prosecuted according to the Law.

This Diocess, my Lord the Bishop assures me, is as quiet, uniform, Norwich. and conformable, as any in the Kingdom, if not more. And doth avow it, that all which stood out in Suffolk, as well as Norfolk, at his coming to that See, are come in, and have now legally subscribed, and professed all Conformity; and for ought he can learn, observe it accordingly. Yet his Lordship confesseth, that some of the Vulgar sort in Suffolk are not conformable enough, especially in coming up to Receive at the Steps of the Chancel, where the Rails are set: But he hopes by fair means he shall be able to work upon them in time.

His Lordship adds, That some have Indicted a Minister, because he would not come down from the Communion Table to give them the Sacrament in their Seats. But this your Majesty hath been formerly acquainted with by the Minister's Petition, which you were graciously pleased to command me to underwrite, and send to the Lord Chief Justice, who rides that Circuit; which I did accordingly; and hope your Majesty will be pleased to take Care, that there may be some Settlement in this Particular.

My Lord the Bishop of Ely informs me, That Sir John Cutts, a Gentleman Ely. near Cambridge, keeps a Chaplain, being not thereto (as he conceives) qualify'd by Law. Sir John pretends, that he keeps him as a Curate to the Parson. The Case, may it please your Majesty, is this: In the Town of Childerly there were of old two Parishes, Magna & Parva: The one was long since wasted and lost; the other remains Presentative. But the whole Town is depopulated, except the Knight's House; and the Church is gone; upon the decayed Walls whereof stand mean Houses of Office, as Brewhouse, Stable, &c. Upon this Rectory the Knight ever provides to have a Titular Incumbent, who now is one Mr: Rainbowe, a Fellow of S: Magdalen College in Cambridge, and Houshold Chaplain to the Earl of Suffolk. What Allowance the Knight makes him is not known. Tithes he takes none. The Knight and his Family go to no other Church: But he hath a Chappel, which, he saith, was Consecrated by Bishop Heton; and produces an Instrument with Seal, purporting, that on [Page] such a day at Childerly, Bishop Heton did Consecrate a Chappel, by saying Service there himself, and having a Sermon. Now upon colour hereof, the Knight entertains a Stipendary, who is termed his Chaplain, and pays him a Stipend; but he is neither appointed nor payed by the Incumbent.

The Bishop questioning the whole business, hath required him to attend me, to know whether such a Consecration be to be allowed of. And if it be, then whether I will allow of a Chappel in that place instead of a Parish Church, now diverted to other profane Uses. Of this I shall take the best care I can, by advice of the ablest Civilians: And in the mean time certifie your Majesty, that the Bishop hath reason to be as strict in this as he may, because there is a good Rectory devoured by this means, and that almost in the view of the University of Cambridge.

I likewise find by my Lord the Bishop's Account, that there are divers Particulars of moment, and very fit for redress, presented to him in his late (yet being his first) Visitation, and most of them in the University and Town of Cambridge. As namely, that Emanuel, Sidney and Corpus Christi Colleges have certain Rooms built within the Memory of Man, which they use for Chappels to all Holy Uses; yet were never Consecrated. That most of the Church-Yards within the Town of Cambridge are annoyed and profaned with Dwelling-Houses and Shops, and part of them turned in Gardens, where by digging, the Bones of the Dead have been displaced; with divers other Profanations; as namely, the Church-Yards of St: Michaels, St: Marys, St: Bennets, and of St: Botolphs: And farther, that in most of the Chancels of the Churches in Cambridge, there are common Seats over-high and unfitting that place in divers Respects. In all which businesses the Bishop hath been very tender, both out of his respect to his Mother the University of Cambridge, and because divers of the Benefices in Cambridge are Impropriations belonging to some Colleges there; yet is pleased to ask my Direction herein, as I most humbly do your Majesty's. And herein, if your Majesty so please, I think it may be fit to consider well of the ill Example, if Three College Chappels shall be used without any Consecration. And for the C. R. It must not bee. Profanations and disorderly Seats, I think, if an Admonition would amend them, it were well given. But if that prevail not, the High-Commission You are in the Right, for if faire meanes will not, power must redresse it. may order it, if your Majesty so please. And I hope my Lord the Bishop should not have had all this to do at his first coming into that Diocess, if I could have held my Metropolitical Visitation of that See before this time: From performance of which Duty, I have been bold heretofore to acquaint your Majesty what hath hindred me.

There are also divers poor Cures within Six or Seven Miles round about Cambridge, which are served by some Fellows, or other Members [Page] of Colleges within the University, who, being many of them Stipendaries, go or send thither upon Sundays, and perchance on Holy-Days to read Service; but are absent all the rest of the Week from all necessary Duties of their Cure. And by this means, the Parishioners want such necessary help and comfort in all time of Sickness, either of them, or their Families. Against this, I have taken the best care I can in Oxford. But how to effect it in Cambridge, I understand not so well, being not acquainted with the course of that University. There hapned also in the Town of Tadlow a very ill Accident on Christmas-day, 1638. by reason of not having the Communion-Table railed in, that it might be kept from Profanations. For in Sermon time a Dog came to the Table, and took the Loaf of Bread prepared for the Holy Sacrament, in his Mouth, and ran away with it. Some of the [...] took the same from the Dog, and set it again upon the Table. After Sermon, the Minister could not think fit to Consecrate this Bread; and other fit for the Sacrament was not to be had in that Town; and the Day so far spent, they could not send for it to another Town: So there was no Communion. And this was Presented by Four Sworn Men of the Town aforesaid.

Lastly, it was likewise Presented to the Bishop, that about Forty Years ago, one Sir Francis Hind did pull down the Church of St: Etheldred in Histon, to which then appertained a Vicarage Presentative, and forc'd the Parishioners to thrust themselves upon another small Church in the said Town, to the great wrong of the Parishioners thereof. And that the Lead, Timber, Stones, Bells, and all other C. R. Cotting! on would bee spoken withall concerning this. Materials, were sold away by him, or imployed to the Building of his House at [...]: And that now it is called in question, the People (not being able of themselves to re-edifie the Church) can get no redress against the Descendents from the said Sir Francis, because the Heir was a Child, and in Wardship to your Majesty.

There is notice come to my Lord the Bishop of some Brownists in Hereford. that part of his Diocess adjoyning to Wales, which Schismatically preach dangerous Errours, and stir up the People to follow them. And when they hear of any Enquiry made after them, they slip out into another Diocess. But the Bishop promises to do his best to order them. But howsoever, your Majesty may hereby see how these Schisms increase in all parts of your Dominions.

This Diocess is in good order; and there was lately given Ten Bristol. Pounds per Annum for Four Solemn Sermons, to be preached Annually for ever, which the Bishop hath ordered very well.

In this Diocess, Catechising in the Afternoon by Question and Answer, Peterburgh. is generally well observed; though some Men do preach also in the Afternoon. In this Particular, the Bishop craves to receive Direction, whether he C. R. Soe that Catechizng be first duely performed let them [...] a Sermon after that if theye desire it. shall command them to Catechise only, and not Preach; because your Majesty's Instructions seem to be strict in this point. I think [Page] your Majesty may be pleased to have the Ministers to preach if they will, so that they do first Catechise orderly by Question and Answer, and afterwards preach upon the same Heads to the People, for their better understanding of those Questions.

Besides, some Knights and Esquires keep Schoolmasters in their Houses, or Scholars to converse with, or dyet the Vicar, where his Maintenance is little: And this they say is not to keep a Chaplain, which your Majesty's Instructions forbid. Yet most of these read or say Service in their Houses, (which is the Office of a Chaplain) But they read not the Prayers of the Church, according to the Liturgy Established. The Bishop craves direction in this also. And I think it be very necessary, that the Bishop proceed strictly, and keep all such, that C. R. It is most necessary that the Bishop observe this that you mention, strictly. they read or say no Prayers, but those which are allowed and established by the Church, in the Book of Common Prayers.

There are not observed more than Seven or Eight throughout the whole Diocess which seem refractory to the Church; and they have made large professions of their Conformities, which the Bishop will settle so soon as he can. But this he saith he finds plainly, that there are few of the Laity Factious, but where the Clergy misleads them. And this I doubt is too true in most parts of the Kingdom. They have in this Diocess come to him very thick to receive Confirmation, to the number of some Thousands.

There were two Lectures held this last Year, the one at Wainfleet, Lincoln. and the other at Kirton in Lindsey, where some two or three of the Ministers, which read the Lecture, were disorderly. Among the rest, one Mr. Show preached very Factiously, just at the time when your Majesty was at Barwicke, and his Fellow Lecturers complained not of him. Hereupon the Chancellor having notice of it, called him in question; and the business was so foul, and so fully proved, that the party fled the Country, and is thought to be gone for New-England.

Some other small Exorbitances there are, which the Chancellor complains of: But there is hope that this Example will do some good among them.

In this Diocess, one Mr. Coxe upon Hosea: 4. 4. preached a Sermon, Exeter. to prove that the Church of England did not maintain the Calling of Bishops, to be Jure Divino; which Sermon troubled those Parts not a little. My Lord the Bishop after he had had Speech with him, sent him to me. When he came, it pleased God so to bless me, that I gave him satisfaction, and he went home very well contented, and made a handsome Retractation voluntarily of himself, and satisfied the People.

In the skirts of this Diocess in Shropshire, there was a Conventicle St. Asaph. [Page] of mean Persons laid hold on, and Complaint was made to the Council of the Marches. And the Lord President of Wales very Honourably gave notice of it, both to the Lords and my self; Bath and Wells. Sarum. Worcester. Gloucester. Rochester. St. Davids. Landaff. Bangor. and they were remitted to receive such Censure, as the Laws Ecclesiastical impose upon them.

These Bishops do all Certifie, that every thing is well in their several Diocesses, concerning the Particulars contained in your Majesty's Instructions, and otherwise.

The like is Certified by the Lord Bishop of Chichester, saving that of late there hath hapned some little disorder in the East parts of that Chichester. Diocess about Lewis, which we are taking care to settle as well as we can. And for Non-Conformists, he saith, that Diocess is not so much troubled with Puritan Ministers, as with Puritan Justices of the Peace, of which latter there are store.

And so with my Prayers for your Majesty's long and happy Reign, I humbly submit this my Account. January 2. 1639. C. R. I hope it is to be understood, that what is not certified here to be amisse, is right, touching the observation of my Instructions, which granted, this is no ill Certificat. 10: Feb. 1617/40. C. R.

W. Cant.

H. W.

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WHen I wrote the Preface to this first Volume, I had intended to reserve what follows, as well as the immediately preceding Papers (viz: the Arch-Bishop's Annual Accounts of his Province) for the Second Volume; as not believing there would be any room for them in this. But the Book having now fallen much short of the number of Sheets, by me at first computed; I have thought fit to cause these Memorials to be here adjoyned, that so this Volume might be thereby increased to a convenient Bulk. I made choice of these, rather than any other Papers for this purpose; because they contribute very much to the more perfect knowledge of the great Transactions of those Times, both in Church and State; and do indeed constitute a part of the History of the Life and Actions of the Arch-Bishop, and are often referred to by him in the preceding History. The Original Accounts of the Arch-Bishop to the King concerning his Province, Apostilled in the Margin with the King's own Hand, are now in my Custody. The Accounts indeed are not wrote in the Arch-Bishop's own Hand (that being not thought fair enough by himself, to be presented to the King's view upon that occasion) but very fairly wrote by his Secretary, or some other employed by him. But the Notes or Apostils, [Page] added by the King to them, and therewith remitted to the Arch-Bishop, are wrote in the King's own Hand; which is fair enough, although the Orthography be vitious (a matter common to many Learned Men of that time, and even to the Arch-Bishop himself) which yet however I have caused to be retained; as having observed, that the Arch-Bishop had caused the King's Orthography to be Literally followed in those Transcripts, which he ordered his Secretary and Registrary to make of them; either to be kept for his own use, or to be inserted in his Publick Register.

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ROME's MASTER-PIECE: OR, THE Grand Conspiracy of the POPE AND HIS JESUITED INSTRUMENTS, TO Extirpate the Protestant Religion, Re-establish Popery, Subvert Laws, Liberties, Peace, Parliaments; BY Kindling a Civil War in Scotland, and all his Majesty's Realms, and to Poison the King himself, in case he Comply not with them in these their execrable Designs.

Revealed out of Conscience to Andreas ab Habernfield, by an Agent sent from Rome into England, by Cardinal Barbarino, as an Assistant to Con the Pope's late Nuncio, to prosecute this most Execrable Plot, (in which he persisted a principal Actor several Years) who discovered it to Sir William Boswell, his Majesty's Agent at the Hague, 6: Sept: 1640. He, under an Oath of Secresie, to the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury (among whose Papers it was casually found [by Who I believe, is the Author of this Tract. Mr: Prynn, May,: 31: 1643.] who Communicated it to the King, As the greatest Business that ever was put to him.

Together with The ARCH-BISHOP's NOTES.

The Lord both will bring to Light the hidden things of Darkness, and will make manifest the Counsels of the Hearts; and then shall every man have Praise of God.

1: Cor: IV: 5.

It is Ordered by the Committee of the House of Commons in Parliament, concerning Printing, this first day of August,: 1643. That this Book, Intituled, ROME's MASTER-PIECE, be forthwith Printed by Michael Sparke, Senior.

John White.

LONDON: Printed for Ri: Chiswell, at the Rose and Crown in St. Paul's ChurchYard, M DC XCV.

ROME's MASTER-PIECE.

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IF there be any professing the Protestant Religion within the King's Dominions, or elsewhere, who are yet so wilfully blinded as not to discern, so sottishly incredulous as not to believe, any real long-prosecuted Conspiracy, by former secret Practices and the present Wars to extirpate the Protestant Religion, re-establish Popery, and inthrall the People in all three Kingdoms, notwithstanding all visible effects, and transparent demonstrations of it, lively set forth in the late Declaration of the Lords and Commons, concerning the Rise and Progress of the Grand Rebellion in Ireland, and other Remonstrances of that nature; let them now advisedly fix their Eyes, Minds, upon the ensuing Letters and Discoveries, (seised on by Master Prynn, in the Arch-Bishop's Chamber in the Tower, May 31. 1643. by Warrant from the close Committee, unexpectedly commanded on that service) and then they must needs acknowledge it an indubitable verity; [Since Sir William Boswell, the Arch-Bishop,] and those who revealed this Plot, were perswaded [of its reality upon the first Discovery,] before it brake forth openly in Ireland and England.

Who and what the Author of this Discovery was; who the chief active Instruments in the Plot; when, and where they assembled; in what vigorous manner they daily prosecuted it; how effectually they proceeded in it; how difficult it is to dissolve or counterwork it, without special diligence, the Relation it self will best discover. Whose verity if any question, these Reasons will inforce belief:

First, That the Discoverer was a chief Actor in this Plot, sent hither from Rome by Cardinal Barbarino; to assist Con the Pope's Legate in the pursuit of it, and privy to all the particulars therein discovered.

Secondly, That the horrour and reality of the Conspiracy so troubled his Conscience, * [as it ingaged him to disclose it,] yea to renounce that bloody Church and Religion, which contrived it; though bred up in, preferred by it, and promised greater advancements for his diligence in this Design.

Thirdly, That he discovered it under an Oath of Secresie, and offered to confirm every particular by solemn Oath.

Fourthly, That he discovers the Persons principally imployed in this Plot, the places and times of their secret Conventions, their manner and diligence in the pursuit of it, with all other Circumstances so punctually, as leaves no place for doubt.

Fifthly, The principal Conspirators nominated by him are notoriously known to be fit instruments for such a wicked design.

Sixthly, Many particulars therein have [immediate relation to the King and Arch-Bishop,] to whom he imparted this Discovery, and [Page] durst not reveal any thing for Truth, which they could disprove on their own knowledge.

Seventhly, Sir William Boswell, [and the Arch-Bishop,] if not the King himself, were fully satisfied, that it was real and most important.

Eighthly, Some particulars [are ratified by the Arch-Bishop's Testimony, in the Memorials of his own Life,] written with his own Hand some Years before; and others so apparent, that most intelligent Men in Court or City, were acquainted with them whiles they were acting, though ignorant of the Plot.

Finally, The late sad effects of this Conspiracy in all three Kingdoms, in prosecution of this design, compared with it, are such a convincing Evidence of its reality; and God's admirable hand of Providence in bringing this concealed Plot so seasonably to light, * [by an instrument unexpectedly rarsed from the Grave of Exile and Imprisonment, to search the Arch-Bishop's Papers, who had seised his in former times, and shut him up close Prisoner in a Foreign Dungeon] such a Testimony from Heaven super-added to the premises, that he who deems it an Imposture, may well be reputed an [...], if not a Monster of Incredulity.

The first Overture and larger Relation of the Plot it self, were both writ in Latin, as they are here Printed, and faithfully translated word for word, as near as the Dialect will permit. All which premised, the Letters and Plot here follow in order.

Sir William Boswell's first Letter to the Arch-Bishop concerning the Plot.

May it please your Grace,

THE offers (whereof your Grace will find a Copy) here inclosed towards a further and more particular discovery, were [...] made unto me at the second hand, and in speech, by a Friend of good Quality and Woith in this place. But soon after (as soon as they could be put into Order) were avowed by the principal Party; and delivered me in writing by both together: Upon Promise and Oath, which I was required to give, and gave accordingly, not to reveal the same to any other Man living but your Grace; and by your Graoe's Hand, unto his Majesty.

In like manner they have tyed themselves not to declare these things unto any other, but my self; until they should know, how his Majesty and your Grace would dispose thereof. The Principal giving me withal to know, That he puts himself and this Secret into your Grace's power: As well because it [...] your Grace so nearly after [Page] his Majesty: As that he knows your Wisdom to guide the same aright; and is assured of your Graces Fidelity to his Majesty's Person, to our State, and to our Church.

First, Your Grace is humbly, and earnestly Prayed, to signifie his Majesty's Pleasure (with all possible speed) together with your Grace's Disposition herein, and purpose to carry all with Silence, from all, but his Majesty, until due time.

Secondly, When your Grace shall think fit to shew these things unto his Majesty; to do it immediately; not trusting to Letters, or permitting any other person to be by, or in hearing: And to intreat and councel his Majesty, as in a case of Conscience, to keep the same wholly and solely in his own Bosom, from the knowledge of all other Creatures living, but your Grace; until the Business shall be clear, and sufficiently in his Majesty's and your Grace's Hands to effect.

Thirdly, Not to enquire or demand the Names of the parties from whom these Overtures do come; or any farther discoveries and advertisements in pursuit of them which shall come hereafter, until due satisfaction shall be given in every part of them. Nor to bewray unto any person but his Majesty, in any measure or kind, that any thing of this nature, or of any great importance is come from me.

For as I may believe these Overtures are verifiable in the way they will be layed; and that the parties will not shrink: So I make account, That if never so little a glimpse, or shadow of these Informations shall appear by his Majesty's, or your Grace's Speech or Carriage, unto others, the means whereby the business may be brought best unto Tryal, will be utterly disappointed: And the parties, who have in Conserence towards God, and Devotion to his Majesty, Affection to your Grace, and Compassion of our Country, disclosed these things, will run a present and extream Hazard of their Persons and Lives. So easily it will be conjectured (upon the least occasion given upon his Majesty's or your Grace's parts) who is the Discoverer; by what means, and how he knows so much of these things; and where he is. These are the Points, which together with the offers, they have presfed me especially to represent most seriously unto your Grace.

For my own paticular, having most humbly craved pardon of any Error or Omissions, that have befallen me in the managing of this business, I do beseech your Grace to let me know;

First, Whether, and in what order I shall proceed hereafter with the Parties?

Secondly, What Points of these Offers I shall chiefly, and first put them to enlarge and clear?

[Page] Thirdly, What other Points and enquiries I shall propose unto them, and in what manner?

Fourthly, How far farther I shall suffer my self to hear and know these things?

Fifthly, Whether I shall not rather take the parties Answers and Discoveries sealed up by themselves; and having likewise put my own Seal upon them, without questioning or seeing what they contain, so transmit them to his Majesty or your Grace?

Sixthly, Whether I may not insinuate upon some fair occasion, That there will be a due Regard held of them and their Service, by his Majesty and your Grace: When all particulars undertaken in these general offers, and necessary for perfecting the discovery and work intended, shall be effectually deliver'd to his Majesty or your Grace?

Upon these Heads, and such other as his Majesty or your Grace shall think proper in the business, I must with all Humility beseech your Grace to furnish me with Instructions, and Warrant for my proceedings, under his Majesty's Hand with your Grace's Attestation, as by his Majesty's Goodness and Royal Disposition is usual in like Cases.

May it please your Grace to entertain a Cypher with me upon this Occasion. I have sent the Counterpart of one here inclosed: In the vacant spaces whereof your Grace may insert such Names more, with numbers to them, as you think requisite.

If these Overtures happily sort with his Majesty's and your Grace's Mind, and shall accordingly prove effectual in their Operation, I shall think my self a most Happy Man, to have had my Oblation in so Pious a Work for my most Gracious Sovereign and Master: More particularly, in that your Grace, under his Majesty, shall be Opifex rerum & Mundi melioris origo. Which I shall incessantly beg in my Prayers at his Hands, who is the giver of all good things; and will never forsake or fail them, who do not first fail and fall from him, the God of Mercy and Peace. With which I remain evermore,

I have not dared to trust this Business (without a Cypher) but by a sure Hand; for which I have sent this Bearer, my Secretary, Express: But he knoweth nothing of the Contents hereof.

Hague in Holland, 9. Sept. 1640. Sti. loci.

Your GRACE's Most Dutiful and Obliged Servant, William Boswell.

Sir William Boswell's Indorsement. For Your Grace. The Arch-Bishop's Indorsment with his own Hand. Rece. Sept. 10. 1640. Sir William Boswell about the Plot against the King, &c.

Andreas ab Habernfield his Letter to the Arch-Bishop, concerning the Plot revealed to him.

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Illustrissime ac Reverendissime Domine,

COncutiuntur omnes Sensus mei, quoties praesens negotium mecum revolvo; nec Intellectus sufficit, quaenam aura, tam horrenda attulerit, ut per me apricum videant. Praeter spem enim bonus iste vir mihi innotuit, qui cum me discurrentem de turbis istis Scoticicis audisset; ignorare me, inquit, nervum Rei, superficialia esse ista quae vulgo sparguntur: Ab ista hora indies mihi fiebat familiarior; qui dexteritate mea agnita, pleno pectore cordis sui onera, in sinum meum [...]; deposuisse se gravamen conscientiae, quo premebatur, ratus. Hinc Factiones Jesuitarum, quibus totus terrenus intentatur orbis, mihi enarravit; depastasque ipsorum pervirus, Bohemiam & Germaniam ut adispicerem, ostendit, sauciam utramque partem vulnere irreparabili: Eandem Pestem per Angliae Scotiaeque repere Regna, cujus materiam, Scripto adjacenti revelatam, me edocuit: Quibus auditis, viscera mea convellebantur, tremebant horrore Artus; Tot animarum millibus infestam paratam esse vora ginem: Verbis conscientiam mo ventibus, animum hominis accendi; vix horam unam monita coxerat, abdita omnia apperuit, liberumque dedit, agerem, ut iis, quorum interest, innotescerent. Non tardandum cum rebus censui: Ea ipsa hora Dominum Bosuelium Residentem Regium Hagae [Page] Comitum, adii, juramento silentii mihi obstricto, Rem communicavi, ponderaret ista ad trutinam monui, neque differret ei quin ageret, ut [...] succurratur propere. Is, ut virum honestum condecet, officii memor, propiusque introspecto negotio, monita recusare non quievit; quinimo egit è vestigio ut expressus expediretur. Retulitque iterum, quam acceptissimum Regi, tuaeque Reverentiae fuisse oblatum; de quo ex corde gavisi sumus, judicavimus (que) ac tutum, favorabibile sese interposuisse in hoc Negotio NUMEN, quo servaremini.

Ut verò rerum enarratarum confirmetur veritas, studio primaria nonnulla conjurationis capita sunt praeterita, ut notitia eorum ab circumventa conjurationis societate extorqueatur.

Promovebitur res cito tutoque in actum, si cautè procedetur Bruxellis. Meo consilio observandum esse eam diem qua fasciculi literarum expediuntur, qui sub titulo, Al Monsignor Strario Archidiacono di Cambray, una coperta ligati, Praefecto Tabellionum traduntur, ab ipso talis fasciculus tacite poterit repeti; inutilis tamen erit, quia omnes inclusae Characteristicè scriptae sunt: Alter quoque fasciculus hebdomadatim Roma veniens, qui sub inscriptione, Al Illustrissimo Signor Conte Rossetti, pro tempore Legato, adportatur, non negligendus: Cui similiter [Page] Charactere eodem conscriptae includuntur literae. Ut intelligantur, Reda consulendus erit. Supra nominata dies expeditionis. AEdibus Redae adcumulata congregatio circumvenietur; quo succedente, Tuae Reverentiae erit Negotium disponere. Detecto tandem per Dei gratiam, intestino hoste, omnis amaritudo animorum qua ab utraque parte causata est, aboleatur, oblivioni tradatur, deleatur & consopiatur, utrique parti Insidiare hostis: Ita Rex, amicusque Regis, & Regnum utrumque Discrimini vicinum servabitur, eripietur imminenti periculo.

Haec penes etiam Reverentia tua Injunctum sibi habeat, si alias consultum sibi optimè volet, ne Pursivantibus suis nimium fidat; vivunt enim eorum nonnulli sub stipendio partis Pontificiae. Quot Scopuli, quot Scillae quotque infensae obsultant Tae. Rae. Charibdes, quàm periculoso mari agitatur vita T. R. Cymbula naufragio proxima, ipse judicet; pellenda ad portum prora properé.

Haec omnia tuae Reverentiae in aurem; scio enim juramento silentii obligatam; ideo aperto nomine, praesentibus Reverentiae tuae innotescere volui mansurus.

Hagae Comitum Sept. 14. S. N. 1640.

Observantissimus, & Officiosissimus Andreas ab Habernfeld.

[Page] Illustrissimo ac Reverendissimo Dom. Domino Gulielmo Archiepiscopo Cantuariensi, Primati & Metropolitano totius Regni Angliae Dom. meo.

§

Most Illustrious and most Reverend Lord,

ALL my Senses are shaken together as often as I revolve the present business; neither doth my Vnderstanding suffice (to conceive) what Wind hath brought such horridthings, that they should see the Sunshine by me. For besides expectation this good Man became known unto me, who when he had heard me discoursing of these Scottish stirs, said, that I knew not the Nerve of the Business, that those things which are commonly scattered abroad are Superficial: From that hour he every day became more familiar to me; who acknowledging my dexterity herein, with a full Brest poured forth the Burdens of his Heart into my Bosom, supposing that he had discharged a Burthen of Conscience wherewith he was pressed. Hence he related to me the Factions of the Jesuits, with which the whole Earthly World was assaulted, and shewed, that I might behold how through their Poyson, Bohemia and Germany were devoured, and both of them maimed with an irreparable Wound: That the same Plague did creep through the Realms of England and Scotland, the matter whereof revealed in the adjacent writing, be discovered to me: Which things having heard, If a stranger were thus affected at the hearing of this Plot, how should we our selves be sensible thereof? my Bowels were contracted together, my Loyns trembled with horrour, that a pernicious Gulf should be prepared for so many thousands of Souls: With Words moving the Conscience, I inflamed the Mind of the Man: He had scarce one hour concocted my Admonitions, but he disclosed [Page] all the Secrets, and he gave free Liberty that I should treat with those whom it concerned, that they might be informed thereof. I thought no delay was to be made about the things? The same Hour I went to Master Boswell the King's Leger at the Hague, who being tied with an Oath of Secrecy to me, I communicated the Business to him; I admonished him to weigh these things by the Ballance, neither to defer, but act, that those who were in danger might be speedily succoured: He, as becomes an honest man, mindful of his Duty, and having nearer looked into the business, refused not to obey the monitions: Moreover, he forthwith caused that an Express should be dispatched; and sent word back again, what a most acceptable Oblation this had been to the King and your Grace; for which we rejoyced from the Heart, and we judged, that a safe and favourable Deity had interposed it self in this Business, whereby you might be preserved.

Now that the verity of the things related might be confirmed, some principal heads of the Conspiracy were purposely pretermitted, that the Knowledge of them might be extorted from the circumvented Society of the Conspirators.

Now the things will be speedily and safely promoted into Act, if they be warily proceeded in at Bruxels. By my advice, that day should be observed wherein the Packet of Letters are dispatched, which under the Title of, To Monsieur Strario Arch-Deacon of Cambray, tied with one Cover are delivered to the Post-Master, such a Packet may be secretly brought back from him; yet it will be unprofitable, because all the inclosed Letters are written Characteristically. Likewise another Packet coming weekly from Rome, which is brought under this Subscription, to the Most Illustrious Lord Count Rossetti, Legat for the [Page] time; these are not to be neglected: to whom likewise Letters writ in the same Character are included. That they may be understood, Read is to be consulted with. The forenamed day of dispatch shall be expected: In Read's house an accumulated Congregation may be circumvented; which succeeding, it will be your Grace's part to order the Business. The Intestine Enemy being at length detected by God's Grace, all Bitterness of Mind which is caused on either side may be abolished, delivered to oblivion, deleted and quieted, the Enemy be invaded on both parts: Thus the King and the King's Friend, and both Kingdoms near to danger, shall be preserved, delivered from imminent Danger.

Your Grace likewise may have this Injunction by you, if you desire to have the best advice given you by others, that you trust not overmuch to your Pursevants; for some of them live under the Stipend of the Popish party. How many Rocks, how many Scillaes, how many displeased Charibdes appear before your Grace, in what a dangerous Sea the Cockboat of your Grace's Life, next to Shipwrack, is tossed, your self may judge; the Fore-deck of the Ship is speedily to be driven to the Harbour.

All these things (I whisper) into your Grace's Ear; for I know it bound with an Oath of Secresie; therefore by open Name, I would by these Presents become known unto your Grace.

Hague 14. Sept. S. N. 1640.

Your Grace's most Observant, and most Officious Andrew Habernfeld.

Andreas ab Habernfeld, [a Chaplain (as some affirm) to the Queen of Bohemia] his Indorsement hereon. [Page] The Arch-Bishop's Indorsement with his own hand. Rece. Octob. 14. 1640. Andreas ab Habernfeld his Letters sent by Sir W. Boswell about the discovery of the Treason. I conceive by the English Latin herein, that he must needs be an Englishman, with a concealed and changed Name. And yet it may be this kind of Latin may relate to the Italian. Or else he lived some good time in England. [The declaration of this Treason I have by his Majesty's special Command, sent to Sir W. Boswell, that he may there see what proof can be made of any particulars.]

The general Overture and Discovery of the Plot sent with Sir William Boswell's first Letter.

§

The King's Majesty, and Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, are to be secretly informed by Letters.

* 1. THat the King's Majesty, and the Lord Arch-Bishop are both of them in great danger of their lives.

2. That the whole Commonwealth is by this means endangered, unless the mischief be speedily prevented.

3. That these Scottish Troubles are raised to the end, that under this pretext, the King [and Arch-Bishop might be destroyed.]

4. That there is a means to be prescribed, whereby both of them in this case may be preserved, and this Tumult speedily composed.

5. That The Jesuits Plots are never ended till they obtain their [...] ends in all things. although these Scottish Tumults be speedily composed, yet that the King is endangered; and that there are many [Page] ways, by which Destruction is plotted to the King [and Lord Arch-Bishop.]

6. That a certain Society hath conspired, which attempts the Death of the King, [and Lord Arch-Bishop,] and Convulsion of the whole Realm.

7. That the same Society every week deposits with the President of the Society, what intelligence every of them hath purchased in eight days search, and then confer all into one Packet; which is weekly sent to the The Pope and Cardinal Barbarino. Director of the Business.

8. That all the Confederates in the said Conspiracy may verily be named by the Poll. But because they may be made known by other means, it is thought meet to defer it till hereafter.

9. That there is a ready means, whereby the Villany may be discovered in one moment, the chief Conspirators circumvented, and the primary Members of the Conjuration, apprehended in the very act.

10. That very many about the His Majesty and the Realm may be soon be trayed by such false Attendants. King, who are accounted most faithful and intimate, to whom likewise the more secret things are intrusted, ARE TRAYTORS TO THE KING, corrupted with a foreign Pension, who communicate all secrets, of greater or lesser moment, to a foreign Power.

11. These and other most secret things, which shall be necessary to be known for the security of the King, may be revealed, if these things [shall be acceptable to the Lord Arch-Bishop.]

12. In the mean time, if his Royal Majesty and [the Lord Arch-Bishop] desire to consult well to themselves, they shall keep these things, only superficially communicated unto them, most secretly under deep silence, not communicating [Page] them so much as to those whom they judge most faithful to them, before they shall receive by Name, in whom they may confide: For else they are safe on no side.

Likewise they may be assured, that whatsoever things are here proposed, are no Figments, nor Fables, nor vain Dreams; but such real Verities, which may be demonstrated in every small Tittle. For those who thrust themselves into this Business, are such Men, who mind no gain; but the very Zeal of Christian Charity suffers them not to conceal these things: Yet both from his Majesty [and the Lord Arch-Bishop] some small exemplar of Gratitude will be expected.

All these Premises have been communicated under good faith, and the Sacrament of an Oath, to Mr. Leger Embassadour of the King of Great Brittain, at the Hague; that he should not immediately trust, or communicate these things to any Mortal, besides the King [and the Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury.]

Subscribed, &c.

Present, &c.

Hague, Com. 6 Sept. 1640. in the stile of the place.

§

[Page]

Regiae Majestati, & Dom. Archiepiscopo Cantuariensi insinuandum per Literas.

1. REgiam Majestatem & Dom. Archiepiscopum, utrumque in magno discrimine vitae constitutum.

2. Totam Rempublicam hoc nomine periclitari, nisi properè occurratur malo.

3. Turbas istas Scoticas in eum finem esse concitatas; ut sub isto praetextu Rex & Dominus Archiepiscopus perimeretur.

4. Dari medium, quo utrique hac in parte bene consuli, & tumultus iste cito componi possit.

5. Compositis etiam turbis istis Scoticis, [...] periclitari Regem; esse plarima media quibus [Page] Regi, & Domino Archiepiscopo machinatur exitium.

6. Conspirasse certam societatem, quae Regi & Dom. Archiepiscopo molitur necem, totiusque Regni convulsionem.

7. Eandem Societatem singulis septimanis, explorationis octiduae suum quemque quod nundinatus est, ad Praesidem Societatis deponere, & in unum fasciculum conferre; qui Hebdomadatim ad Directorem negotii expeditur.

8. Nominari quidem posse omnes per capita dictae conspirationis conjuratos. At quia alio medio innotescent differre in posterum placuit.

9. Medium esse in promptu, quo uno momento detegi poterit scelus, Conspiratores praecipui circumveniri, membraque primaria Conjurationis in ipso actu apprehendi.

10. Astantes Regi plurimos, qui pro fidelissimis & intimis censentur, quibus etiam secretiora fiduntur, proditores Regis esse, peregrinâ pensione corruptos, qui secreta quaeque majoris, vel exigui momenti, ad exteram Potestatem deferunt.

11. Haec & alia secretissima, quae scitu ad securitatem Regis erunt necessaria, quòd si haec accepta Dom. Archiepiscopo fuerint, revelari poterunt.

12. Interim si Regia Majestas sua & Dominus Archiepiscopus bene sibi consultum volunt, haec superficialiter quidem tantum ipsis communicata, sub profundo silentio, & secretissimè servabunt, ne quidem iis, quos sibi fidelissimos judicant, communicaturi, [Page] antequam de nomine acceperint, quibus fidendum sit: Ab nullo enim latere alias tuti sunt.

Sint etiam certi, quicquid hic proponitur, nulla figmenta, nec fabulas, aut inania Somnia esse; sed in rei veritate it a constituta, quae omnibus momentis demonstrari poterunt. Qui enim se immiscent huic negotio, viri honesti sunt, quibus nullus quaestus in animo; sed ipse Christianae Charitatis Fervor ista facere non sinit: Ab utroque tamen, suae Majestati, tum Domino Archiepiscopo, gratitudinis exemplar tale quale expectabitur.

Haec omnia antecedentia sub bona fide & juramenti Sacramento, Dom. Residenti Regis Magnae Britanniae, Hagae Comitum communicata esse, ne ulli mortalium, praeter Regem, & Dom. Archiepiscopum Cantuariensem immediatè ista fideret, vel communicaret.

Subscripta, &c.

Proesentes, &c.

Hagae Com. 6 Sept. 1640. St. loci. Detectio &c. offerenda Seren. Regiae Majestati Britanniae & [Dom. Archiepiscopo Cantuariensi,] &c. 6. Sept. 1640.

The Arch-Bishop of Canterbury's Letter to the King concerning the Plot: With the King's directions in the Margin, written with his own Hand. I beseech Your Majesty read these Letters as they are endorsed by figures, 1, 2, 3, &c.

[Page]

May it please your Majesty,

AS great as the Secret is which comes herewith, yet I chuse rather to send it in this silent covert way, and I hope safe, than to Ye had reason so to doe. come thither, and bring it my self. First, because I am no way able to make haste enough with it. Secondly, because should I come at this time, and antedate the meeting Septemb. 24. there would be more jealousy of the Business, and more enquiry after it; especially, if I being once there, should return again befor that Day, as I must if this be followed, as is most fit.

The danger it seems is imminent, and laid by God knows whom; but to be executed by them which are very near about you. (For the great Honour which I have to be in danger with you, or for you, I pass not, so your Sacred person and the State may be safe.) Now, It is an unanswerable Dilemma. May it please your Majesty, This Information is either true, or there is some mistake in it: If it be true, the persons which make the discovery, will deserve Thanks and Reward; if there should be any mistake in it, your Majesty can lose nothing but a little silence.

The Business (if it be) is extream foul. The discovery thus by God's Providence offered, seems fair. I do hereby humbly beg it upon my Knees, of your Majesty, that you will conceal this Business from every Creature, I concur totally with you in opinion, assuring you that no body doth, or shall know of this businesse, and to shew my care to conceale it, I received this but this afternoon, and now I make this dispatch before I sleepe. Herewith I send his warrant, as you advise, which indeed I judge to [...] the [...] way. and his Name that sends this to me. And I send his Letters to me, to your Majesty, that you may see his Sense both of the Business and the [...]. And such Instructions as you think fit to give him, I beseech you let them be in your own Hand for his Warrant, without imparting them to any. And if your Majesty leave it to his Discretion to follow it there in the best way he can, that in your own Hand will be Instruction and Warrant enough for him. And if you please to return it herewith presently to me, I will send an Express away with it presently.

In the mean time, I have by this Express returned him this Answer, I like your answer extreame well, and doe promise not to deceive your confidence, nor make you break your word. That I think he shall do well to hold on the Treaty with these Men, with all Care and Secresy, and drive on to the Discovery, so soon as the Business is ripe for it, that he may assure himself and them, they shall not want reward, if they do the Service. That for my part he shall be sure of Secresy, and that I am most confident that your Majesty will not impart it to any. That he have a special Eye to the Eighth and Ninth Proposition.

[Page] Sir, for Gods sake, and your own safety, secresy I have sent all back. I thinke these Apostyles will bee warrant enough for you to proceed, especially when I expresly command you to doe so. in this business: And I beseech you send me back this Letter, and all that comes with it, spedily and secretly, and trust not your own Pockets with them. I shall not eat nor sleep in quiet till I receive them. And so soon as I have them again, and your Majesty's Warrant to proceed, no diligence shall be wanting in me to help on the Discovery. In this I am as far from condemning your judgment, as suspecting your fidelitie. C. R.

This is the greatest business that ever was put to me. And if I have herein proposed or done any thing amiss, I most humbly crave your Majesty's pardon. But I am willing to hope I have not herein erred in judgment; and in fidelity I never will.

These Letters came to me on Thursday, Septemb. 10. at night, and I sent these away according to the date hereof, being extreamly wearied with writing this Letter, copying out these other which come with this, and dispatching my Letters back to him that sent these, all in my own hand. Once again, secrecy for God's sake, and your own. To his most blessed Protection I commend your Majesty and all your Affairs: And am

The King's hand and date.

York 13. Lambeth Septemb. 11. 1640.

Your Majesty's most humble faithful servant, W. Cant.

The Arch-Bishop's Postcript. As I had ended these, whether with the labour or indignation, or both, I fell into an extream faint Sweat: I pray God keep me from a Fever, of which three are down in my Family at Croyden.

These Letters came late to me, the Express being beaten back by the Wind.

The Arch-Bishop's Indorsement with his own Hand. Received from the King, Sept. 16. 1640. For your Sacred Majesty. Yours Apostyled. The King's Answer to the Plot against him, &c.

Sir William Boswell's second Letter to the Arch-Bishop.

May it please your Grace,

THis Evening late I have received your Grace's dispatch, with the enclosed from his Majesty, by my Secretary Oueart, and shall give due account with all possible speed of the same, according to his Majesty's and your Grace's Commands, praying heartily that my Endeavours, which shall be most faithful, may also prove effectual, to his Majesty's and your Grace's content, with which I do most humbly take leave, being always

Hagh. 24. Sept. 1640. S. Angelo.

Your Grace's most dutiful and humble servant, William Boswell.

[Page] The Arch-Bishop's Indorsement. Received Sept. 30. 1640. Sir William Boswell his acknowledgment that he hath received the King's directions and my Letters.

Sir William Boswell's third Letter to the Arch-Bishop, sent with the larger Discovery of the Plot.

May it please your Grace,

UPon receipt of his Majesty's Commands, with your Grace's Letters of 9. and 18. Sept. last. I dealt with the party to make good his offers formerly put in my Hand, and transmitted to your Grace: This he hopes to have done, by the inclosed, so far as will be needful for his Majesty's satisfaction; yet if any more particular explanation or discovery shall be required by his Majesty or your Grace, He hath promised to add thereunto, whatsoever he can remember and knows of truth. And for better assurance and verification of his integrity, he professeth himself ready (if required) to make A very good Argument of truth and reality. Oath of what he hath already declared, or shall hereafter declare in the business.

His Name he conjures me still to conceal: Though he thinks his Majesty and your Grace, by the Character he gives of himself, will easily imagine who he is, having been known so Therefore a man of note and imployment. generally through Court and City, as he was for three or four Years, in the quality and imployment he acknowledgeth (by his Declaration inclosed) himself to have held.

Hereupon he doth also redouble his most humble and earnest suit unto his Majesty and your Grace, to be most secret and circumspect in the Business, that he may not be suspected to have discovered, or had a hand in the same.

I shall here humbly beseech your Grace to let me know what I may further do for his Majesty's Service, or for your Grace's particular behoof; that I may accordingly endeavour to approve my self, as I am

Hague. 15. Octob. 1640.

Your Grace's most dutiful and obliged servant, William Boswell.

The Arch-Bishop's Indorsement. Received Octob. 14. 1640. Sir William Boswell in prosecution of the great Business. If any thing come to him in Cyphers, to send it to him.

The large particular Discovery of the Plot and Treason against the King, Kingdom, and Protestant Religion; and to raise the Scottish Wars.

[Page]

§

Most Illustrious and Reverend Lord.

WE have willingly and cordially perceived, that our offers have been acceptable both to his Royal Majesty, and likewise to your Grace. This is the only Index to us, That the blessing of God is present with you, whereby a spur is given, that we should so much the more cheerfully and freely utter and detect those things whereby the hazard of both your Lives, the subversion of the Realm and State both of England and Scotland, the tumbling down of his Excellent Majesty from his Throne, is intended. Now lest the Discourse should be enlarged with superfluous circumstances, we will only premise some things which are meerly necessary to the business.

They may first of all [...], that this The quality of the discoverer and means inducing him to reveal this Plot. good Man, by whom the ensuing things are detected, was born and bred in the Popish Religion, who spent many Years in Ecclesiastical dignities. At length being found fit for the expedition of the present Design, by the counsel and mandate of the Lord Cardinal Barbarino, he was adjoyned to the assistance of Master Cuneus (The Popes Nuncio then in England. Cun) by whom he was found so diligent and sedulous in his Office, that hope of great promotion was given to him. Yet he, led by the instinct of the good Spirit, hath, howsoever it be, contemned sweet promises, and having known the vanities of the Pontifician Religion (of which he had sometime been a most [Page] severe defender) having likewise noted the Malice of those who fight under the Popish Banner, felt his Conscience to be burdened; which Burden that he might case himself of, he converted his Mind to the Orthodox Religion. Soon after, that he might exonerate his Conscience, he thought [...], that a desperate Treason, machinated against so many Souls, was to be revealed, and that he should receive ease, if he vented such things into the Bosom of a Friend: Which done, he was seriously admonished by the said Friend, that he should shew an Example of his Conversion and Charity, and free so many innocent Souls from imminent Danger: To whose monitions he willingly consented, and delivered the following things to be put in Writing, out of which the Articles not long since tendered to your Grace, may be clearly explicated and demonstrated.

1. First of all, that the Hinge Four sorts of Jesuits. of the Business may be rightly discerned, it is to be known, that all those Factions with which all Christendom is at this Day shaken, do arise from the Jesuitical Off-spring of Cham, of which four Orders abound throughout the World.

Of the First Order are Ecclesiasticks, whose Office it is to take care of things promoting Religion.

Of the second Order are Politicians, whose Office it is, by any means to shake, trouble, reform the State of Kingdoms and Republicks.

Of the Third Order are Seculars, whose property it is to obtrude themselves into Offices with Kings and Princes, to insinuate and immix themselves in Court Businesses, bargains and sales, and to be busied in Civil Affairs.

Of the Fourth Order are Intelligencers (or Spies) Men of Inferiour [Page] condition, who submit themselves to the A good Caveat to Nobles and Gentlemen, to beware they entertain not a Jesuit or Romish Spie in their Houses instead of a Servant. services of great Men, Princes, Barons, Noblemen, Citizens, to deceive (or corrupt) the Minds of their Masters.

2. A Society of so many Orders the We had need [...] about, when so many active [...] are harboured among us, even perchance at this present. Kingdom of England nourisheth: For scarce all Spain, France, and Italy, can yield so great a multitude of Jesuits, as London alone; where are found more than Fifty Scottish Jesuits. There the said Society hath elected to it self a seat of Iniquity, and hath conspired against the King, and the most faithful to the King, especially the Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, and likewise against both Kingdoms.

3. For it is more certain than Therefore [...] Kingdoms need [...] to themselves. certainty it self, that the forenamed Society hath determined to effect an universal Reformation of the Kingdom of England and Scotland. Therefore the determination of the end, necessarily infers a determination of means to the end.

4. Therefore to promote the undertaken Strange, that such a Society should be [...] under the Desender of the Faith. Villany, the said Society dubbed it self with the Title of, The Congregation of propagating the Faith; which acknowledgeth the Pope of Rome the Head of the College, and Cardinal Barbarino his Substitute and Executor.

5. The chief Patron of the Society A strangeWorld when a Popes Legat shall be openly [...] boured so [...] the King and Court, and have free access to [...] without controul. at London, is the Popes Legat, who takes care of the business; into whose Bosom, these Dregs of Traytors weekly deposite all their Intelligences. Now the Residence of this Legation, was obtained at London, in the name of the Roman Pontif, by whose mediation it might be lawful for Cardinal Barbarino to work so much the more easily and safely upon the King and Kingdom. For [Page] none else could so freely circumvent If the King truly hate the Pope, it will make his Instruments less effectual if they come in his Name: the King, as he who should be palliated with the Pope's Authority.

6. Master Cuneus did at that time enjoy the Office of the Pope's Legat, an universal Instrument of the conjured Society, and a serious promoter of the business, whose secrets, Popes Instruments are ever very active. as likewise those of all the other Intelligencers, the present good Man, the Communicator of all these things, did receive and expedite whither the business required.

Cuneus set upon the chief Men Strange it was that the chief Men should not set themselves gainst him, and his, to send them packing hence; especially that the King himself did it not when hethus tempted and assaulted him. of the Kingdom, and left nothing unattempted, by what means he might corrupt them all, and incline them to the Pontifician Party: He inticed many with various Incitements; yea, he sought to delude the King himself with gifts of Pictures, Antiquities, Idols, and of other Vanities brought from Rome, which yet would prevail nothing with the King.

Having entred familiarity with That a Popes Legat should be so familiar with the King, and the King make much of him instead of banishing him, is a Riddle. the King, he is often requested at Hamptoncourt, likewise at London, to undertake the cause of the Palatine, and that he would interpose his Authority, and by his Intercession persuade the Legat of Colen, that the Palatine in the next Diet to treat of Peace, might be inserted into the Conditions; which verily he promised, but performed the contrary. He writ indeed, that he had been so desired by the King concerning such things, yet he advised not that they should be consented to, lest peradventure it might be said by the Spaniard, that the Pope of Rome had patronized an heretical Prince.

In the mean time, Cuncus smelling The Archbishop therefore, and he, had some familiarity and acquaintance at first. from the Arch-Bishop, most trusty to the King, that the King's Mind was wholly pendulous (or doubtful,) resolved, That he would move every Stone, and apply his Forces, that he might [Page] gain him to his party: Certainly, considing, that he had a means prepared. For he had a command to This offer appears under the Arch - Bishop's own hand in the [...] of his Life. offer a Cardinal's Cap to the Lord Archbishop, in the Name of the Pope of Rome, and that he should allure him also with higher Promises, that he might corrupt his sincere Mind. Yet The Papacy of Cant. and this otherWorld is of greater value, than an Italian Cardinalship. a sitting ocasion was never given, whereby he might insinuate himself into the Lord Arch-Bishop (for the Scorpion sought an Egg:) Free access was to be impetrated by the Earl and Countess of Arundel, likewise by Secretary Windebank: The intercession of all which being neglected, he did fly the Company or familiarity of Cuneus, worse than But he kept not him from the Court. the Plague: He was likewise perswaded by others of no mean rank, well known to him, neither yet was he moved.

7. Another also was assayed, who Jesuits are both diligent and able to remove their [...] at Court from out of Place and Favour too. hindred access to the detestable wickedness, Secretary Cook; he was a most bitter hater of the Jesuits, from whom he intercepted access to the King; he entertained many (of them) according to their deserts, he diligently enquired into their Factions; by which means every incitement, breathing a Magnetical (attractive) power to the Popish Party, was ineffectual with him; for nothing was so dear unto him, that might incline him to wickedness. Hereupon being It is admirable this Faction should be so powerfully predominant as to displace the greatest and faithfulest Officers. made odious to the Patrons of the Conspiracy, he was endangered to be discharged from his Office; it was laboured for three Years space, and at last obtained.

Yet notwithstanding there remained on the King's part a knot hard to be untied; for the Lord Arch-Bishop by his constancy, interposed himself as a most hard Rock.

When Cuneus had understood Jesuit I will be sure to move Hell when they cannot prevail with Heaven. from the Lord Arch-Bishop's part, that he had laboured in vain, his Malice and the whole Societies waxed [Page] boyling hot: Soon after Ambushes began to be prepared, wherewith the Lord Arch-Bishop, together with the King, should be taken.

Likewise a Sentence is passed against Jesuits cannot indure neuters. If a man may be saved in any Religion be may safely imbrace any and cleave close to none. the King (for whose sake all this business is disposed) because nothing is hoped from him, which might seem to promote the Popish Religion (but especially when he had opened his Mind, that he was of this Opinion, that every one might be saved in his own Religion, so as he be an honest and pious Man)

8. To perpetrate the Treason undertaken, the Criminal The Bishop's Tyranny against Puritans the best advantage, and greatest advancement of Popes designs. execution at Westminster, caused by some Writings of Puritans, gave occasion of the first Fire: Which thing was so much exasperated and exaggerated by the Papists to the Puritans, that if it remained unrevenged, it would be thought a blemish to their Religion; the Flames of which Fire, the subsequent book of He means the Scottish Prayerbook; the alterations whereof from the English were found in the Original Copy, under the Arch-Bishop's own hand, when his Chamber was [...]. The Jesuits love to Fish when the Bishops trouble the Streams with their Innovations and Popish Ceremonies. The Jesuits the plotters and chief directors of the Scottish War. Prayers increases.

9. In this heat, a certain Scottish-Earl, called Maxfield, if I mistake not, was expedited to the Scots by the Popish party; with whom two other Scottish Earls, Papists, held correspondency: He ought to stir up the People to Commotion, and rub over the injury afresh, that he might inflame their Minds, precipitate them to Arms, by which the hurtful Disturber of the Scottish Liberty might be slain.

10. There, by one Labour, Snares are prepared for the King; for this purpose the present business was so ordered, that very many of the English should adhere to the Scots; That the King should remain inferiour in Arms, who (thereupon) should be compelled to crave assistance from the Papists; which yet he should not obtain, unless he would descend into [Page] The King tied to Conditions by Papists before they aided him. † Now practised in Oxford, Wales, and the Northern parts, by open toleration. Conditions, by which he should permit † Universal liberty of the exercise of the Popish Religion; for so the affairs of the Papists would succeed according to their desire. To which consent, if he should shew himself more difficult, there should be a present remedy at hand: For the King's Son growing now very fast to his youthful age (who is The more shame and pity, and a good Caveat for the Parliament henceforth to look to it. educated from his tender age, that he might accustom himself to the Popish Party) the King is to be dispatched: For an The King then must needs be in great danger among Papists now. Indian Nut stuffed with most sharp Poyson, is kept in the Society (which Cuneus at that time shewed often to me in Jesuits make but a vaunt of poysoning Kings. a boasting manner) wherein a Poyson was prepared for the King; after the Example of his The Jesuits it seems know very well King James was poysoned, belike by some of their Instruments. Father.

11. In this Scottish Commotion, the Marquess of Hamelton, often dispatched to the Scots in the name of the King, to interpose the Royal Authority, whereby the heat of minds might be mitigated, returned notwithstanding as often without Fruit, and without ending the business: His Chaplain at that time repaired to us, who It seems some Noblemens Chaplains are but the Popes and Jesuits Intelligencers, if not their Confederates. communicated some things secretly with Cuneus. Being demanded of me in Jest, Whether also the Jews agreed with the Samaritans? Cuneus thereunto answered; Would to God all Ministers were such as he: What you will, may be hence conjectured.

12. Things standing thus, there All foreign Popish States contribute their best assistance to reduce England to Rome. arrived at London from Cardinal Richelieu, Mr. Thomas Chamberlain, his Chaplain and Almoner, a Scot by Nation, who ought to assist the College of the Confederated Society, and seriously to set forward the business, to leave nothing unattempted, whereby the first heat might be exasperated. For which service he was promised the Reward of a [Page] A meet Guerdon for such a Service. Jesuits will not give over acting, till they [...] their Designs. Bishoprick. He cohabited with the Society four Months space; neither was it lawful for him first to depart, until things succeeding according to his wish, he might be able to return back again with good News.

13. Sir Toby Matthew, a Jesuited Bishops Sons oft-times the Pope's greatest Agents. [...] industrious Activity should shame our Slothfulness. Priest, of the Order of Politicians, a most vigilant Man of the chief Heads, to whom a Bed was never so dear, that he would rest his Head thereon, refreshing his Body with Sleep in a Chair for an Hour or two; neither Day nor Night spared his Machinations; a Man principally noxious, and himself the Plague of the King and Kingdom of England; a most impudent Man, who flies to all Banquets and Feasts, called or not called; never quiet, always in action and perpetual motion; thrusting himself into all Conversations of Superiours; he urgeth Conferences familiarly, that he may fish out the Minds of Men; whatever he observeth thence, which may bring any Commodity or Discommodity to the Part of the Conspirators, he communicates to the Pope's Legat; the more secret things he himself writes to the Pope, or to Cardinal Barbarino. In sum, he adjoins The Protestants want of such mutual correspondency and intelligence is a great weakning to their cause. Let them learn Wisdom by their Enemies. himself to any Man's Company; no Word can be spoken, that he will not lay hold on, and accommodate to his Party. In the mean time, whatever he hath sished out, he reduceth into a Catalogue, and every Summer carrieth it to the General Consistory of the Jesuits Politicks, which secretly meets together in the Province of A [...] place for their intelligence and correspondency with Ireland, lying in the midst between both. Wales, where he is an acceptable Guest. There Councils are secretly hammer'd which are most meet for the Convulsion of the Ecclesiastick and Politick Estate of both Kingdoms.

14. Captain Read, a Scot, dwelling in Longacre-street, near the The Jesuits [...] make [...] use of all Nations and [...]. Angel-Tavern, a Secular Jesuit, [Page] who for his detestable Office performed (whereby he had perverted a certain Minister of the Church, with secret Incitements to the Popish Religion, with all his Family, taking his Daughter to Wife) for a O that such Romish Seducers should obtain such Power and Rewards, for being seducing Instiuments. Recompence obtained a Rent or Impost upon Butter, which the Country People are bound to render to him, procured for him from the King, by some chief Men of the Society, who never want a Spur, whereby he may be constantly detained in his Office. In his House The Jesuits it seems are very powerful at [...]. the Business of the whole Plot is concluded, where the Society, which hath conspired against the King, the Lord Archbishop, and both Kingdoms, meet together, for the most part every Day: But on the Day of the Carriers (or Posts) dispatch, which is ordinarily Friday, they meet in greater numbers; for then all the Intilligencers assemble, and confer in common, what things every of them hath fished out that Week; who that they may be without suspicion, send The Pope's weekly intelligence at Rome, from hence, can [...] no [...] England. their Secrets by Toby Matthew, or Read himself, to the Pope's Legat; he transmits the compacted Pacquet, which he hath purchased from the Intelligencers, to Rome.

With the same Read, the Letters Jesuits [...] how to [...] their Names and [...]. brought from Rome are deposited, under feigned Titles and Names, who by him are delivered to all, to whom they appertain; for all and every of their Names are known to him.

Vpon the very same occasion, Letters also are brought hither under the covert of Father Philip, (he notwithstanding being ignorant of things) from whom they are distributed to the Conspirators.

There is in that very House a There are more Popish Chapel in and about London, than are [...] known. publick Chapel, wherein an ordinary Jesuit consecrates, and dwells there. In the said Chapel, Masses are daily celebrated by the Jesuits, and it serves for the Baptizing of the Children of [Page] the House, and of some of the Conspirators.

Those who assemble in the forenamed Jesuits can [...] any [...] or Part to delude the [...]. House, come frequently in Coaches, or on Horse-back in Laymens Habit, and with a great Train, wherewith they are disguised, that they may not be known; yet they are Jesuits, and conjured Members of the Society.

15. All the Papists of England Papists large Contributions to undermine our Religion, should make us liberal to defend it. contribute to this Assembly, lest any thing should be wanting to promote the undertaken Design. Vpon whose Treasury, one Widow, owner of the Houses, wherein Secretary Windebank now dwelleth, dead above three Years since, bestowed four hundred thousand English Pounds; so likewise others contribute above their Abilities, so as the Business may be promoted unto its desired End.

16. Besides the foresaid Houses, Jesuits are as wise as Serpents, though not so innocent as Doves. there are Conventicles also kept in other more secret places, of which verily they confide not even among themseves, for fear lest they should be discovered. First, every of them are called to certain Inns, (one not knowing of the other) hence they are severally led by Spies to the place where they ought to meet, otherwise ignorant where they ought to assemble, le st peradventure they should be surprised at unawares.

17. The Countess of Arundel, The Jesuits [...] of the Serpent to seduce men by female [...] to their ruin. Her Voyage to Rome to visit the Pope, made her frequently to visit his Legat. a strenuous She-Champion of the Popish Religion, bends all her Nerves to the universal Reformation; whatsoever she hears at the Kings Court, that is done secretly or openly, in Words or Deeds, she presently imparts to the Popes Legat, with whom she meets thrice a Day, sometimes in Arundel-House, now at the Court, or at Tarthal. He scarce sucks such things by the Claw.

[Page] The Earl himself called now about The Countess belike was his forerunner [...]. three Years since, this Year, ought to go to Rome; without doubt to consult there of serious things, concerning the Design. With gifts and Speeches the Jesuits watch diligently to their Masses.

At Greenwich at the Earl's costs, No wonder theEarls Debts be so great. A School of Nunns. a Feminine School is maintained, which otherwise is a Monastery of Nuns; for the young Girls therein, are sent forth hither and thither into foreign Monasteries beyond the Seas.

18. Mr. Porter of the King's Bed-Chamber, Is not the King in gre it danger who hath such a Person in his Bed-chamber, now keeper of the great Seal? most addicted to the Popish Religion, is a bitter Enemy of the King; he reveals all his greatest Secrets to the Popes Legat; although he very rarely meets with him, yet his Wife meets him so much the oftner, who being informed by her Husband, conveighs secrets to the Legat. In all his Actions he is nothing inferiour to Toby Matthew; it cannot be uttered how diligently he watcheth on the Business.

His Sons are secretly instructed Both King and Prince have Jesuitical [...] in their Bed-chambers. in the Popish Religion; openly, they profess the Reformed. The Eldest is now to receive his Father's Office, under the King which shall be: A Cardinals Hat is provided for the other, if the Design shall succeed well.

Above three Years past, the said All businesses and imployments must be [...] aside to [...] this Plot. Mr. Porter, was to be sent away by the King to Morocco: But he was prohibited by the Society, lest the Business should suffer delay thereby.

He is a Patron of the Jesuits, for whom for the exercise of Religion, he provides Chappels both at home and abroad.

19. Secretary Windebank, a most A Jesuitical Secretary; his [...] and Articles in Parliament confirm [...] this and more. sierce Papist, is the most unfaithful to the King of all Men, who not only betrays and reveals even the King's greatest Secrets, but likewise communicates Counsels, by which the Design may be best advanced. He at least thrice every Week converseth with the Legat in [Page] Nocturnal Conventicles, and reveals those things which he thinks fit to be known; for which end, he hired a House near to the Legat's House, whom he often resorts to through the Garden-door; for by this vicinity, the Meeting is facilitated.

The said Secretary is bribed with Papists spare no cost. Gifts to the Party of that conjured Society, by whom he is sustained, that he may the more seriously execute his Office.

He sent his [...] expresly to Rome, who ought to insinuate himself into the Roman Pontif.

20. Sir Digby, Sir Winter, Mr. The other Conspirators Names. Mountague the younger, who hath been at Rome, my Lord Sterling, a Cousin of the Earl of Arundel's, a Knight, the Countess of Neuport, the Dutchess of Buckingham, and many others who have sworn into this Conspiracy, are all most vigilant in the Design. Some of these are inticed with the hope of Court; others of Political Offices; others attend to the sixteen Cardinals Caps that are vacant, which are therefore detained idle for some years, that they may impose a vain hope on those who expect them.

21. The President of the aforesaid Society was my Lord Gage, a Jesuit Priest, dead above three years since. He had a Palace adorned with lascivious A sit Cover for such a Dish. Pictures, which counterfeited Prophaneness in the House; but with them was palliated a Monastery, wherein forty Nuns were maintained, hid in so great a Palace: It is situated in Queen-street, which the Statue of a golden Queen adorns. The Secular Jesuits It seems their Purses were strong, and their hopes great. have bought all this Street, and have reduced it into a Quadrangle, where a Jesuitical College is tacitly built, with this hope, that it might be openly finished, as soon as the universal Reformation was begun.

The Pope's Legat useth a threefold Character, or Cypher; one wherewith he communicates with all Nuncios; another, [Page] other, with Cardinal Barbarino only; a third, wherewith he covers some great Secrets to be communicated.

Whatever things he either receiveth from the Society, or other Spies, those he packs up together in one Bundle, dedicated under this Inscription, To Monsieur Stravio, Arch-Deacon of Cambray; from whom at last they are promoted to Rome.

These things being thus ordered, if every thing be laid to the balance, it will satisfie in special all the Articles propounded.

WHEREIN,

1. THe Conspiracy against the King [and Lord Arch-Bishop is detected] and the means whereby ruin is, threatned to both, demonstrated.

2. The imminent Dangers to both Kingdoms are rehearsed.

3. The rise and progress of that Scottish Fire is related.

4. Means whereby the Scottish Troubles may be appeased, are suggested; for after the Scots shall know by whom and to what end their Minds are incensed, they will speedily look to themselves; A good Caveat for England now. neither will they suffer the Forces of both Parts to be subdued, lest a middle Party interpose, which seeks (the ruin) of both.

5. With what Sword the King's Throat is assaulted, even when these Stirs shall be ended, Cuneus his Confession, and a visible Demonstration, sheweth.

[Page] 6. The Place of the Assembly, in the House of Captain Read, is nominated.

7. The day of the eight days dispatch by Read and the Legat is prescribed.

8. How the Names of the Conspirators may be known.

9. Where this whole Congregation may be circumvented.

10. Some of the principal unfaithful ones of the King's Party are notified by name; many of whose Names occur not, yet their Habitations are known; their Names may be easily extorted from Read.

If these things be warily proceeded in, the strength of the whole Business will be brought to light; so the Arrow being foreseen, the Danger shall be avoided; which that it may prosperously succeed, the Omnipotent Creator grant.

The Arch-Bishop's Indorsement with his own Hand:

Rece. Octob. 14. 1640.

The Narration of the great Treason, concerning which he promised to Sir William Boswell, to discover against the King and State.

§

[Page]

Illustrissime ac Reverendissime Domine.

ACcepta suae Regiae Majestati simulac Reverentiae Tuae fuisse offerta nostra lubentes, & ex animo percepimus. Adesse vobis benignitatem Numinis, hoc unicum nobis Index est, quo stimulus datur, ut tantò alacrius, liberaliusque, illa quibus vitae discrimen utriusque, statusque Regni Angliae, tum Scotiae eximiae Majestatis sede deturbatio intendatur, effundamus, detegamus. Ne autem ambagibus superfluis dilatetur Oratio, nonnulla, quae tantum ad rem necessaria praemittemus.

Sciant primò, bonum istum virum per quem sequentia deteguntur, in pulvere isto Pontificio esse natum & educatum, qui in dignitatibus Ecclesiasticis aetates consumpsit. Tandem praesentis Negotii expeditioni, par inventus, Consilio & Mandato Domini Cardinalis Barbarini, ad auxilium Domino Cuneo adjunctus est; penes quem in officio ita diligens ac sedulus inventus, ut spes magnae promotionis ipsi data fuerit. Ipse verò, boni Spiritus ductus instinctu, ut dulcia promissa contempsit, agnitisque Religionis Pontificiae vanitatibus; (quarum alias defensor fuerat severissimus) malitia etiam sub vexillo Papali [Page] militantium notata, gravari Conscientiam suam senserat; quod Onus ut deponeret, ad Orthodoxam Religionem Animum convertit. Mox ut Conscientiam suam exoneraret, machinatum in tot innocentes Animas scelus, revelandum censuit, levamen se percepturum, si in sinum Amici talia effundat. Quo facto, ab eodem Amico serio commonitus, verae Conversionis, Charitatisque Exemplar ostenderet, liberaret ab imminenti Discrimine innocentes tot Animas: In cujus monita lubens consenserat, calamoque sequentia excipiendum dederat, ex quibus Articuli non ita pridem tuae Reverentiae oblati, luculenter explicari & demonstrari poterunt.

1. Ante omnia, ut Cardo Rei recipiatur, sciendum est, omnes istas, quibus tota Christianitas hodiè concutitur, Factiones, exoriri ab Jesuitica ista Chamea Sobole, cujus quatuor per Orbem luxuriant Ordines.

Primi Ordinis sunt Ecclesiastici, quorum Religionis promotoria est curare.

Secundi Ordinis sunt Politici, quorum Officium est, statum Regnorum, Rerumque publicarum, quoquomodo intentare, turbare, reformare.

Tertii Ordinis sunt Seculares, quorum proprium est, Regibus, Principibusque, ad Officia sese obtrudere, insinuare, immiscere se rebus forensibus; emptionibus venditionibusque, & quae Civilia sunt occupari.

Quarti Ordinis Exploratores sunt, sortis inferioris homines, [Page] qui servitiis Magnatum, Principum, Baronum, Nobilium, Civium, sese submittunt, Animis Dominorum imposituri.

II. Tot Ordinum Societatem Regnum Anglicanum alit: Vix enim tota Hispania, Gallia & Italia tantam multitudinem Jesuitarum, quantam unicum Londinum, exhibere posset; ubi plus quam 50. Scoti Jesuitae reperiuntur. Ibi sedem iniquitatis, dicta Societas sibi elegit, conspiravitque in Regem, Regique fidelissimos, inprimis vero Dominum Archiepiscopum Cantuariensem, etiam in Regnum utrumque.

III. Certo certius enim est, determinasse Societatem nominatam, reformatione universali Regnum Angliae tum Scotiae adficere. Determinatio ergo finis, infert necessario determinationem mediorum ad finem.

IV. Ad promovendum ergo susceptum scelus, Titulo Congregationis Fidei propagandae, dicta Societas sese insignivit; quae Caput Collegii Pontificem Romanum substitutum, & executorem Cardinalem Barbarinum agnoscit.

V. Patronus Societatis primarius Londini, est Legatus Pontificius, qui curam negotii gerit; in cujus sinum, faex illa proditorum omnia explorata, hebdomadatim deponit. Impetrata autem est reseda Legationis istius Londini, Pontificis Romani nomine, qua mediante, Cardinali Barbarino agere in Regem Regnumque tanto tutius faciliusque liceret. Nullus enim alias, tam libere [Page] ambire Regem posset, quam ille qui Pontificia Auctoritate palliatus fit.

VI. Fungebatur tum temporis Officio Legati Pontificii, Dominus Cuneus, Conjuratae Societatis Instrumentum universale, & serius negotii promotor; cujus secreta, ut & aliorum exploratorum omnium, praesens vir bonus, communicator horum, excipiebat, expediebatque quo res postulabat.

Adoriebatur Cuneus primaria Regni Capita, nihilque intentatum sivit, quomodo singula corrumperet & ad partem Pontificiam inclinaret: Variis incitamentis plurimos alliciebat; Etiam Regem ipsum donationibus Picturarum, Antiquitatum, Idolorum, aliarumque vanitatum Roma allatarum, deludendum quaerebat, quae tamen apud Regem nihil proficerant.

Familiaritate inita cum Rege, rogatur sae pius Hantocurti, etiam Londini, Palatini causam ageret, interponeretque auctoritatem suam, intercessione Legato Coloniensi persuaderet, ut Palatinus in conditiones, proximis Comitiis de pace acturis, insereretur; quod quidem pollicitus est, contrarium vero praestitit; scripsit quidem, Jesuits know well how to equivocate thus. Rogagatum se de talibus ab Rege fuisse, non consulere tamen, ut consentiatur, Ij Popes must not favour Protestant Princes, its a Miracle that they should favour them, or harbour any of their Agents now neer them. ne ab Hispanis fortasse dicatur, Pontificem Romanum Principi Haeretico parocinatum fuisse.

[...] interim Cuneus, ab Domino Archiepiscopo Regi fidelissimo, totum animum Regium esse pendulum, omnem se moturum lapidem, nervosque adplicaturum statuerat, ut ad partem [Page] suam lucrari possit: Paratum se habere medium certò confisus. Mandatum enim habebat, Pileum Cardinalem, Nomine Pontificis Romani, Domino Archiepiscopo offerret, lactaretque pollicitis etiam sublimioribus, ut Animum sincerum corrumperet. Commoda tamen occasio nunquam dabatur, qua Domino Archiepiscopo sese insinuare posset (quaerebat enim Scorpius ovum:) Per Comitem & Comitissam Arondelianam, etiam per Secretarium Windebankum, liber accessus impetrari debebat: Quorum omnium intercessionibus neglectis, societatem vel familiaritatem Cunei, Peste pejus fugiebat: Persuadebatur etiam ab aliis non infimis, ipsi bene notis, nec tamen commovebatur.

VII. Quaerebatur & alius qui ad facinus detestandum accessum impediebat, Secretarius Cook; erat is osor Jesuitarum infensissimus, quibus aditum ad Regem intercipiebat; excipiebat plurimos pro meritis, in illorum Factiones, sedulo inquirebat; quo nomine incitamentum omne, vim magneticam ad partem Pontificiam spirans, erat apud ipsum inefficax; nihil enim tam carum erat, quod ipsum ad pravum inclinasset. Hinc Conjurationis Patronis exosus factus, periclitabatur de Officio ut exueretur; laborabatur per triennium, quod ultimo impetratum.

Mansit nihilominus ab parte Regis, nodus solutu difficilis; Dominus Archiepiscopus enim constantia sua, sicuti durissimum sese interposuit Saxum.

Laborasse se incassum, ab parte Domini Archiepiscopi Cuneus cum intellexisset, efferbuit Malitia ipsius, totiusque Societatis: [Page] Mox insidiae parari caeperunt, quibus Dominus Archiepiscopus una cum Rege caperetur.

In Regem quoque (cujus gratia totum istud disponitur negotium) à quo quia nihil quod promovendae Religioni Papistic ae inserviret speratur, (imprimis verò, Cum Animum suum aperuerit, se ejus Opinionis esse, quemvis in Religione sua dummodo vir probus & pius sit, salvari posse) Sententia lata est.

VIII. Ad perpetrandum susceptum facinus, executio criminalis Westmonasterii, per scripta nonnulla Puritanorum causata, primi incendii ansam dedit: Quae res ab Papistis apud Puritanos in tantm exacerbabatur, exaggerabaturque, ut si inulta maneret, Religioni ipsis duceretur; cujus incendii, subsequens tandem liber Precum, flammas auxit.

IX. In isto fervore expeditus fuit ad Scotos ab parte Pontificia Comes quidam Scotus Maxfield, ni fallor nomine, cum quo, duo alii Comites Scoti Papistae, correspondebant. Is commovere debebat plebem, injuriamque refricare ut Animos accenderet, ad Arma praecipitaret, quibus noxius libertatis Scoticae, perimeretur Turbator.

X. Ibi una opera paratus in Casses Regi; eo enim directum esse praesens negotium ut Anglorum complurimi sese adglutinarent Scotis; Rex armis maneret inferior, qui ab Papistis auxilia petere cogeretur; quae tamen non impetraret, nisi in [Page] Conditiones discenderet, quibus libertatem universalem exercitii Religionis Pontificiae, permitteret; ita enim res Papistarum ad nutum succederent. Quo consensu si difficiliorem sese exhibuerit, remedium erit in promptu: Adolescente enim cum primum Regio Filio, (qui à teneris, ut parti Pontificiae adsuescat, educatur) de Rege actum est: Nux quippe Indica acutissimo veneno referta in Societate servatur (quam Cuneus tum temporis gloriabundus mihi ostentabat) quo Regi exemplo Patris, parabatur Pharmacum.

XI. In ista Commotione Scotica Marquesse d'Hamelton saepius Regis nomine ad Scotos ablegatur, Regiam auctoritatem interponeret, quâ aestus animorum mitigaretur, sine fructu tamen, reque infecta toties reversus. Ipsius Concionator tum temporis nos adiit, qui cum Cuneo secretè nonnulla communicavit. Interrogatus a me, joco; Num etiam Judaei cum Samaritanis convenirnt? Ad quae Cuneus respondit, Vtinam omnes ministri tales ut ipse essent: Conjiciatur hinc quidcunque.

XII. Rebus sic stantibus, ab Cardinali Richelieu, Dominus Thomas Camerarius, Sacellanus & Eleemosinarius ipsius, natione Scotus, Londinum adpulit, qui Collegio Societatis conjuratae adsidere debebat, remque seriò agere, nihil intentatum relinquere, quo primus exasperaretur fervor. Quo Officio Honorarium Episcopatus [Page] erat ipsi pollicitum. Conhabitabat & Societati per quatuor Menses; nec prius discedendum licebat, donec rebus ex voto cedentihus, cum bonis novis redux fieri possit.

XIII. Cavalliero Tobias Mathei, Sacerdos Jesuita, Ordinis politicorum, è capitibus primariis homo vigilantissimus, cui nunquam tam charum cubile, quo caput reclivet, ad sellam tantum, hora una, atque altera, somno corpus reficit; nec diei nec nocti, machinamentis parcit; vir summè noxius & ipsa Regis Regnique Angliae Pestis; homo impudentissimus, qui per omnia convivia, epulasque, vocatus vel non vocatus, volitat; nunquam quietus, semper in actione, motuque perpetuo; singulis Conversationibus Superiorum immiscuit; urget familiariè colloquia, ut animos hominum expiscaretur: Quicquid inde ad partes Conjuratorum commodi vel incommodi concernere advertit, Legati Pontificio communicat; Secretioria ipse ad Pontificem vel Cardinalem Barbarinum praescribit. In summa, cuivis Societati sese adglutinat; nullum verbum effari potest, quod ipse non arripiat & ad partes suas accommodet. Quicquid inter à temporis expiscatus, in Catalogum redigit, & quavis AEstate ad Consistorium generale Jesuitarum Politicorum, quod in Provincia Wallensi secreto concurrit, Hospes acceptus defert. Ibi tacitè [...] cuduntur quae ad convulsionem Status Ecclesiastici, tum Politici, Regni utriusque sunt aptissima.

XIV. Capitaneus Reda, Scotus, habitans in platea Longaker, prope [Page] tabernam Angeli, Jesuita Secularis, qui ob detestandum officium praestitum (quo Ministrum quendam Ecclesiae, incitamentis dulcibus ad Religionem Papisticam, tota cum familia ipsius perverterat, filia ipsius in uxorem ducta) pro repensa obtinuit reditus vel vectigal Butiraceum, quod Rustici sibi praestare tenentur, adquisitum ipsi ab Rege, per non nullos Societatis praecipuos, cui stimulus nunquam deficit, quo in officio constans detineatur. In ipsius aedibus Rei totius peragitur Negotium, ubi Societas quae in Regem & Dominum Archiepiscopum, Regnumque utrumque conjuravit, plerumque diebus singulis concurrit: Die vero expeditionis Tabellarii, quae ordinariè est dies Veneris, tanto frequentiores; tum enim omnes Exploratores conveniunt, quae quisque ea hebdomada expiscatus est, in commune conferunt; qui ut extra suspicionem sint, secreta sua per Tobiam Mathei vel ipsum Redam, ad Legatum Pontificium amandant; ipse, fasciculum compactum quem ab Exploratoribus nundinatus est, Romam transmittit.

Apud eundem Redam deponuntur literae Roma illatae, sub titulis & nominibus fictis, quae per ipsum singulis ad quos spectant traduntur; illorum enim omnium & singulorum nomina ipsi sunt cognita.

Eadem ipsa occasione adferuntur etiam literae, sub coperta Patris Philippi (ipso tamen rerum nescio) à quo conjuratis distribuuntur.

Habetur in illis ipsis aedibus Sacellum publicum; cui Jesuita ordinarius consecrat, ibidemque habitat. In dicto Sacello Missae celebrantur quotidie à Jesuitis; Baptismoque liberis domesticis & [Page] nonnullorum Conjuratorum inservitur.

Qui in nominatis AEdibus concurrunt, Rhodis vel Equis, frequenter habitu Politico, magnoque Comitatu, quo palliantur ne innotescant; Jesuitae tamen sunt, & Membra Societatis conjurata.

XV. Hoc coetu contribuitur ab omnibus Papistis Angliae, ne quidquam ad promovendum susceptum Negotium deficiat. In quem fiscum, unica Vidua, proprietaria olim AEdium, quas modo Secretarius Windebank inhabitat, ante triennium defuncta 40000 Librarum Anglicarum, contulit; sic & alii etiam citra vires faciunt, modo ad optatum finem promoveatur negotium.

XVI. Praeter nominatas AEdes, etiam per alia loca secretiora fiunt Conventicula, de quibus ne inter se quidem fidunt, metu ne dispatentur. Convocantur primo ad certa Diversoria singuli, (alter alterius inscius) hinc per Exploratores ad locum ubi convenire debent, singuli deducuntur, ignari alias ubi conventuri sint, ne forte insperato obruantur.

XVII. Comitissa d' Arondel, strenua Pontificiae Religionis Propugnatrix, ad Reformationem universalem omnes nervos intendit; quicquid ad Aulam Regis, secretè vel apertè verbis vel factis geritur, Legato Pontificio insinuat, cum quo ad minimum ter de die, modo in AEdibus Arondelianis, jam ad Aulam vel Tarthalae cum ipso congreditur. Ex Ungue talia vix exsugit.

[Page] Ipse Comes vocatus jam à triennio hoc Anno ire debebat Romam; acturus ibi dubio procul de seriis, Negotium concernentibus. Donis dictionibusque suis, Jesuitae missis invigilant.

Grinwici, Impensis Comitis, Schola Foeminea sustentatur; quae alias Monasterium Monialium est; Adultae enim inibi Juvenculae, hic inde per extera transmarina Monasteria emittuntur.

18. Dominus Porter, Cubicularius Regius, Pontificiae Religioni addictissimus, Regis infensus hostis, Is ipsius secretissima quaeque, Legato Pontificio aperit, quamvis rarissime cum ipso conveniat; Uxor tantò saepius, quae ab marito informata, Legato secreta confidit: In omnibus suis actionibus Tobiae Mathei nihil cedit; effari non potest qualiter negotio invigilet.

Filii ipsius in Religione Pontificia occulte informantur; aperte, Reformatam profitentur. Major Natu Officium Patris suscepturus, sub Rege futuro: Alteri, si negotium bene successerit, Pileus Cardinalis paratus est.

Ante triennium ablegari debebat dictus Dominus Porter à Rege [...]: Prohibitus fuit ab Societate ne, moram pateretur negotium.

Patronus est Jesuitarum, quibus ad exercitium Religionis, Sacella, domi forisque subministrat.

19. Secretarius Windebank, Papista acerrimus, Regi omnium infidelissimus, qui non solum secretissima etiam quaeque Regia prodit & revelat, sed etiam Consilia, quibus optime Negotio consuleretur, communicat. Ipse ad minimum ter in hebdomada, per nocturna [Page] Conventicula cum Legato conversatur; injungitque quae scitu digna cogitat: Cujus causa, aedes vicinas Legati Domo conduxit, quem saepius per portam horti adit; hac enim vicinitate facilitatur congressus.

Dictus Secretarius ad partem Societatis conjuratae, muncribus emptus est, quibus sustentatur, ut magis seriò officium peragat.

Filium suum expresse Romam misit, qui Romano Pontifici sese insinuare debebit.

20. Cavalliero Digbi, Cavalliero Winter, Dominus Mountagu Jun. qui Romae fuit, Mi-lord Sterling, Cognatus Comitis d'Arondel, Eques, Comitissa de Neuport, Ducissa Buckingham, & plerique alii qui in Conditionem hane jurarunt, omnes in opere sunt vigilantissimi. Horum alii, Aulicorum; alii Politicorum Officiorum spe inescantur; alii ad sexdecim Pileos Cardinales vacantes attendunt, qui ideo ab aliquot annis otioss detinentur, ut spem vanam expectantibus imponant.

21. Praeses nominatae Societatis erat Mi-lord Gage, Sacerdos Jesuita, ante triennium defunctus. Habebat is Palatium, lascivis Picturis exornatum, quae prophanitatem in aedibus mentiebantur; Palliabatur vero illis, Monasterium, quo quadraginta Moniales sustentabantur, tanto Palatio occultatae: Situm [...] in Platea Reginae, quam Statua Regina aurea decorat. Istam Plateam totam Jesuitae Seculares emerunt, redegeruntque in Quadratum, ubi tacitae Collegium Jesuiticum exstruitur, ea spe, ut quam primum Reformatione universali incepta, aperte elaborari possit.

Legatus Pontificius triplici Charactere sive Cifra utitur: Uno, quo, cum omnibus Nunciis communicat; [Page] altero, cum solo Cardinale Barbarino: Tertio, quo secretioria nonnulla communicanda occultat.

Quaecunque per hebdomadam ab Societate aut aliis Exploratoribus excepit, illa uno fasciculo consarcinat, sub inscriptione, Al Monsignor Stravio Archidiacono di Cambray, dedicat; ab quo tandem promoventur Romae.

His ita constitutis, si singula ad trutinam ponantur, satisfiet in specie omnibus Articulis propositis.

QUIBUS,

1. COnjuratio in Regem, & Dominum Archiepiscopum detegitur; Media quibus exitium utrique minatur, demonstratur.

2. Pericula Regno utrique imminentia recensentur.

3. Exortus incendii illius Scotici & progressus enarratur.

4. Media quibus turbae istae Scoticae sedari possint, suggeruntur; postquam enim resciverint Scoti, à quibus & in quem finem animi ipsorum accendantur, consulent sibi properè; neque utriusque partis vires succumbere sinent, ne medius sese interponat qui utramque quaerit.

5. Quo ense Regis petatur jugulum, etiam turbis istis sopitis, Cunei Confessio, oculataque demonstratio docet.

[Page] 6. Lous Congregationis, in AEdibus Capitanei Redae, nominatur.

7. Dies expeditionis octiduae per Redam & Legatum injungitur.

8. Quomodo nomina Conjuratorum innotescere possent.

9. Ubi tota ista Congregatio possit circumveniri.

10. Infideles nonnulli ab parte Regis praecipuorum de nomine notificantur; plures, quorum nomina non occurrunt; habitationes tamen notae sunt; de nomine facile ab Reda extorqueri poterunt.

Si cautè in his procedetur, nervus totius negotii in apricum prodibit; ita Sagitta praevisa, effugietur periculo; quod ut succedat prospere, Creator Omnipotens faxit.

A further Evidence and Confirmation of some things in the Relation concerning the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury.

[Page]

THE Relation of this horrid Plot by a chief Actor in it, (with which the Arch-Bishop acquainted the King, not many Days before this Parliament began) lay concealed among the Arch-Bishop's Papers, a [without any Prosecution of the Conspirators (for ought appears) who are since dispersed in part by the Parliament] but neither Dissolved, nor taken off this Plot, but more active in it; putting forth their last and utmost Endeavours in all Places to accomplish this their Design, which they have almost brought to Maturity, to our Shame and Grief, by new raised Civil Wars both in Ireland and England.

Two things in this Plot which concern [the Arch-Bishop] may perchance seem strange to different sorts of Men.

First, That [the Pope's Legat should presume to tempt the Arch-Bishop with the Offer of a Cardinal's Cap,] and that certainly no such Proffer was ever made unto him. But to put this out of Question: The Bishop himself, under his own Hand, among other Memorials in the Journal of his Life, (found in his Pocket) hath these two remarkable Notes, Anno 1633. August 4. Sunday, News came to Court of the Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury's Death, and the King resolved presently to give it me. That very Morning at Greenwich there came one to me SERIOUS-LY, and THAT AVOWED This must needs be the [...], or one employed from him. ABILITY TO PERFORM IT, and OFFERED ME TO BE A CARDINAL. I went presently TO THE KING and ACQUAINTED HIM BOTH [WITH THE THING and PERSON.] August 17. (the same Month) Saturday I had A SERIOUS OFFER MADE ME AGAIN TO BE A CAR-DINAL. I was then from Court; but so soon as I came thither (which was Wednesday, August 21.) I ACQUAINTED HIS MAJESTY WITH IT. But my Answer again was, That somewhat dwelt within me that would not suffer that TILL ROME were other than it is. So that by his own Notes it appears, a Cardinal's Cap was twice proffered him very seriously, and that he acquainted the King with it; b [not by way of Complaint] to crave Justice against c [the Party who durst presume to tempt him with such a Foreign Dignity, to be the Pope's Sworn Instrument, but by way of Advice, and to sound his Majesty's Opinion hereof, as his Answer] imports: Neither did he absolutely disclaim the Dignity it self, as if he might in no case accept it, but conditionally, Till Rome should be other than it is now, d [and then he would not refuse it.] Indeed the Arch-Bishop in [Page] his Page 171. Reply to Fisher, e [challengeth] this Title (Patriarch of another World) as his Due, being given to his Predecessor Anselme; and therefore cannot brook any other Pope (in point of Sovereignty) to Lord it over him here; and this made him refuse the Cap. But had he resisted the [...] Landing or Continuance here, which he never f [did for ought appears, but entertained some Familiarity with him] at first, though they afterwards grew more strange; or peremptorily refused the first Offer with Indignation, [thrust out the Legat or Offerer by Head and Shoulders, g prosecuted him] (as he did poor innocent Puritans) [upon the Statute of 23 Eliz. c. 1. as a Traytor, for attempting to seduce and subject him to the See of Rome;] or brought him [publickly into the Star-Chamber or High-Commission] as he did some others for lesser pretended Crimes and Scandals; he had discharged the part of a good zealous Prelate and Protestant: But here was no such Proceeding in this Case. The very Parties that tendred this Cap, h [presuming some good Inclination in him to accept it] and to the Romish Church, which he maintains to be a True Church, wherein Men are, and may be saved: And the Second Proffer following so soon at the Heels of the First, intimates, That the First was in such sort entertained by him, as rather encouraged, than discouraged the Party to make the Second. And his Second Consultation with the King concerning it, insinuates, That [the King rather enclined to, than against it;] or at leastwise left it arbitrary to him, to accept or reject it, as he best liked. As for his Severity in prosecuting Papists, it appears by his Epistle to the King before his Conference with the Jesuit Fisher, where he useth these Speeches of his Carriage towards them; God forbid that I should perswade a Persecution in any kind, or practise it in the least i [against Priests and Jesuits.] For to my remembrance I have not given him or his so much as cross Language. Therefore he is no great Enemy to them.

The Second thing which may seem strange to others, is this; That the Pope's Legat and Jesuits should ever hate, or conspire his Death, unless he were an utter Enemy to all Popery, Papists, and the Church of Rome; which admits an easie Answer. The Truth is, the Bishop being very pragmatical and wilful in his Courses, could not well brook pragmatical peremptory Jesuits, who in Popish Kingdoms are in perpetual Enmity with all other Orders, and they with them; they having been oft banished out of See the General Hist. of France in the Life of H. 3. & 4. France and other Realms by the Sorbonists, Dominicans, and other Orders; no Protestants writing so bitterly against these Popish Orders, as themselves do one against the other; yea, the Priests and Jesuits in See the English Pope. England were lately at great Variance, and persecuted one another with much Violence. This is no good Argument then [that the Arch-Bishop held no Correspondence with Priests and other Orders,] and bare no good Affection to the Church of Rome, in whose Superstitious Ceremonies he outstripped many Priests themselves. What Correspondency he held with k [Franciscus de Sancta Clara, with other] Priests, and k [Dr: Smith Bishop of Calcedon,] whom [Page] the Jesuits persecuted, and got Excommunicated, (though of their own Church and Religion) is at large discovered in a Book, entituled, The English Pope; and by the Scottish Common-Prayer Book found in the Arch-Bishop's Chamber, with all those Alterations, wherein it differs from the English, l [written with his own Hand;] some of which smell very strongly of Popery: As namely, his blotting out of these Words at the Delivery of the Bread and Wine in the Sacrament, Take and eat this, in remembrance that Christ died for thee; and feed on him in thy Heart by Faith with Thanksgiving: Take and m [drink this in remembrance that] Christ's Blood was shed for thee, &c. and leaving only this former Clause (the better to justifie and imply a With which his Speech in Star-chamber agrees; There it is Hoc est corpus meum, &c. n [Corporal] Presence of Christ in the Sacrament) The Body of our Lord Jesus Christ which was given for thee: The Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ which was shed for thee, preserve thy Body and Soul unto everlasting Life. And this Popish Rubrick written with his own Hand. The Presbyter, during the time of Consecration, shall stand AT THE MIDDLE OF THE ALTAR, where he may with more Ease and Decency To elevate the Hostia as Papists do. USE BOTH HIS HANDS, than he can do, if he stand at the North-end: With other Particulars of this kind. Moreover, in his Book of Private Devotions, written with his own Hand, he hath (after the Romish Form) reduced all his Prayers to Canonical Hours. And in the Memorials of his Life, written with his own Hand, there are these suspicious Passages, among others, besides the Offer of the Cardinal's Cap, Anno 1631. Jun. 21. & 26. My nearer Acquaintance began to settle with Dr. S. God bless us in it. Junii 25. Dr. S. with me at Fulham cum Ma. &c. o [meant of Dr. Smith, the Popish Bishop of Calcedon, as is conceived.] Jun. 25. Mr. p [Fr. Windebank my old Friend] was Sworn Secretary of State, which Place I OBTAINED FOR HIM of my Gracious Master King Charles. What an Arch-Papist and Conspirator he was, the Plot relates, and his Flight into France See the Articles against him in Parliament. for: releasing Papists and Jesuits out of Prison, and from Executions by his own Warrants, and imprisoning those Officers who apprehended them) confirms. q [About this time Dr: Theodore Price, Sub-dean of Westminster, a Man very intimate with the Arch-Bishop,] and recommended specially to the King by him to be a Welch Bishop (in Opposition to the Earl of Pembrook, and his Chaplain Griffith Williams) soon after died a Reconciled Papist, and received Extream Vnction from a Priest: Noscitur ex comite. August 30. 1634. he hath this Memorial: Saturday, at Oatlands the Queen sent for me, and gave me Thanks for a Business with which she trusted me; her Promise then that she r [would be my Friend,] and that I should have immediate Address to her, when I had occasion. All which considered, together with s [his Chaplains] Licensing divers Popish Books, with their expunging most Passages against Popery out of Books brought to the Press, with other Particulars commonly known, will give a true Character of his Temper, that he is t [another Cassander,] or middle Man, between an Absolute [Page] Papist, and a real Protestant, who will far sooner hug a Popish Priest in his Bosom, than take a Puritan by the Little Finger: An absolute Papist in all matters of Ceremony, Pomp and external Worship, (in which he was over-zealous, even to an open u [ [...] Persecution of all Conscientious Ministers,] who made Scruple of them,) if not half an one at least in Doctrinal Tenets. How far he was guilty x [of a Conditional Voting] the breaking up the last Parliament before this was called, and for what end it was summoned, this other Memorial under his own Hand will attest: Decemb. 5. 1639. Thursday, the King declared his Resolution for a Parliament, in case of the Scottish Rebellion: The first Movers to it were my Lord Deputy of Ireland, my Lord Marquess Hamilton, and my self: And A RESOLUTION VOTED AT THE BOARD TO AS-SIST THE KING IN EXTRAORDINARY WAYS, IF THE PARLIAMENT SHOULD PROVE PEEVISH AND REFUSE, &c. But of him sufficient, y [till his Charge (now in preparation) shall come in.]

Observations on, and from the Relation of this PLOT.

FRom the Relation of the former Plot by so good a Hand, our own Three Realms, and all Foreign Protestant States may receive full Satisfaction.

First, That there hath been a most cunning, strong, execrable Conspiracy long since contrived at Rome, and for divers Years together most vigorously pursued in England with all Industry, Policy, Subtilty, Engines, by many active, potent Confederates of all sorts, all Sexes, to undermine the Protestant Religion, re-establish Popery, and alter the very Frame of Civil Government in all the King's Dominions; wherein a most dangerous visible Progress hath been lately made.

Secondly, That to effect this Trayterous Design, they have not only secretly erected some Monasteries of Monks, Nuns, in, and about London; but sent over hither whole Regiments of most active subtile Jesuits, incorporated into a particular new Society, whereof the Pope himself is Head, and Cardinal Barbarino his Vicar; which Society was first discovered, and some of them apprehended in their private College at Clerkenwel (together with their Books of Account, Reliques, and Massing Trinkets) about the beginning of the Second Parliament of this King; yet such Power, Favour, Friends they had then acquired, that their Persons were speedily and most indirectly released out of Newgate without any Prosecution, to prevent the Parliament's Proceedings against them. Since which, this conjured Society increasing in Strength and Number, secretly replanted themselves [Page] in Queenstreet and Long-Acre; and their Purses are now so strong, their Hopes so elevated, their Designs so ripened, as they have there purchased, and founded [a new magnificent College] of their own for their Habitation, near the fairest Buildings of Nobles, Knights and Gentlemen, the more commodiously to seduce them.

Thirdly, That these Jesuits and Conspirators hold weekly, constant, uninterrupted Intelligence with the Pope and Romish Cardinals; and have many Spies or Intelligencers of all sorts about the King, Court, City, Noblemen, Ladies, Gentlemen, and in all Quarters of the Kingdom, to promote this their Damnable Plot.

Fourthly, That the Pope for divers late Years hath had a known avowed Legat, Con by Name, openly residing even in London near the Court, of purpose to reduce the King and his Kingdoms to the Obedience of the Church of Rome; and the Queen at least, another Leger at Rome trading with the Pope, to facilitate the Design, to wit, one Hamilton a Scot, who receives a large Pension out of the Exchequer, granted to another Protestant of that Name, who payeth it over unto him, to palliate the business from the People's knowledge; by which means there hath been a constant allowed Negotiation held between Rome and England, without any open interruption.

Fifthly, That the Pope's Legat came over into England to effect this Project, and kept his Residence here in London, for the better Prosecution thereof, by the King's own Privity and Consent. And whereas by [...]. Eccles. [...]. p. 322. Ead. lib. 1. and [...] Acts and Mon. Vol. 1. Edit. ult. p. 926. the ancient Law and Custom of the Realm yet in force, even in Times of Popery, no Legat whatsoever coming from Rome ought to cross the Seas, or land in England, or any the King's Dominions, without the King's Petition, Calling and Request; and before he had taken a Solemn Oath or Protestation to bring and attempt nothing in Word or Deed to the Prejudice of the Rights, Priviledges, Laws and Customs of the King and Realm. This Legat, [for ought appears] was here admitted without any such cautionary Oath, which would have crossed the chief End of his Legation, to prejudice all of them, and our Religion too.

Yea, whereas by the 23 Eliz. c. 1. 35 Eliz. c. 2. 3 [...] c. 3, 4, 5. Statutes of the Realm, it is made no less than High Treason for any Priests, Jesuits, or others, receiving Orders or Authority from the Pope of Rome, to set footing in England, or any the King's Dominions, to seduce any of his Subjects to Popery: And no Popish Recusant (much less then Priests, Jesuits and Legats) ought to remain within Ten Miles of the City of London, nor come into the King's or Prince's Courts, the better to avoid such traiterous and most dangerous Conspiracies, Treasons and Attempts as are daily devised and practised by them against the King and Commonweal. Yet notwithstanding, this Pope's Legat, and his Confederates, have not only kept Residence for divers Years in, or near London and the Court, and enjoyed free Liberty, (without Disturbance, or any Prosecution of the Laws against them) to seduce his Majesty's Nobles, Courtiers, Servants, Subjects every where, to their Grief and Prejudice; but likewise have had familiar Access to, and Conference with, the King himself (under the very Name and Authority of the Pope's Legat) by all Arts, Policies and Arguments, to pervert and draw him, with his three Kingdoms, into a new Subjection to the See of Rome, (as See 1 & 2 Phil. & Mary. c. 8. Cardinal [...] the last [Page] Pope's Legat extant in England before this in Queen Mary's Reign, reconciled her and the Realm to Rome, to their intolerable Prejudice. An [Act so inconsistent with the Laws of the Realm, with his Majesty's many ancient and late Remonstrances, Oaths, Protestations to maintain the] Protestant Religion, without giving way to any back-sliding to Popery, in such sort as it was maintained and professed in the purest Times of Queen Elizabeth, &c. as may well amaze the World, which ever looks more at real Actions than verbal Protestations.

Sixthly, That the Popish Party and Conspirators have lately usurped a Sovereign Power, not only above the Laws and Magistrates of the Realm (which take no hold of Papists, but by the Parliament's late Care against them here) but even over the King himself; who either cannot, or dares not (for fear, perchance, of Poysoning, or other Assassination) oppose or banish these horrid Conspirators from his Dominions and Court, but hath a long time permitted them to prosecute this Plot without any publick Opposition or Dislike, by whose Powerful Authority and Mediation all may easily divine. Alas! What will become of the poor Sheep, when the Shepherd himself not only neglects to chase and keep out these Romish Wolves, but permits them free Access into, and Harbour in the Sheepfold, to assault, if not devour, not only his Flock, but Person too? Either St. Joh. 10. 10, 11, 12, 13. John was much mistaken in the Character of a good Shepherd, and in prescribing this Injunction against such Seducers, 2 Joh. 10, 11. If there come any unto you, and bring not this Doctrine, receive him not into your House, neither bid him God speed: for he that biddeth him God speed, is Partaker of his evil Deeds. And the Gratian. caus. 23. Fathers and Canonists deceived in this Maxim, Qui non prohibet malum quod potest, jubet: Or else the Premises cannot be tolerated or defended by any, who profess themselves Enemies, or Opposites, to the Pope, Priests, or Church of Rome.

Seventhly, That these Conspirators are so potent, as to remove from Court and Publick Offices all such as dare strenuously oppose their Plots, [(as the Example of a Secretary Cook, with other] Officers lately removed in Ireland, evidence) and plant others of their own Party and Confederacy both in his Majesty's Court, Privy Council, Closet, Bed-chamber, [if not Bed,] and about the Prince, to corrupt them: And how those who are thus environed with so many industrious potent Seducers of all sorts, who have so many Snares to entrap, so many Enticements to withdraw them, both in their Beds, Bed-Chambers, Closets, Councils, Courts, where-ever they go or come, should possibly continue long untainted, unseduced, without an omnipotent Protection (of which none can be assured, who permits or connives at such dangerous Temptations) is a thing scarce credible in Divine or Humane Reason, if Gen. 3. Adam's, 1 King. 11. Solomon's, and others Apostacies by such means be duly pondered. He who sails in the midst of dangerous Rocks, may justly fear and expect a Qui amat [...], peribit in co. Wrack.

Eighthly, That the late Scottish Trouble and Wars were both plotted and raised by these Jesuitical Conspirators, of purpose to force the King to resort to them and their Popish Party for Aid of Men and Money against the Scots; and by Colour thereof, to raise an Army [Page] of their own, to gain the King into their Power, and then to win or force him to what Conditions they pleased; who must at least-wise promise them an universal Toleration of their Religion throughout his Dominions, e're they will yield to assist him. And in case they conquer or prevail, he must then come fully over to their Party, or else be sent packing by them with a poysoned Fig to another World, [as his Father (they say) was;] (it's likely by their Instruments or Procurement, they are so conusant of it;) and then [the Prince yet young, and well enclined to them already by his Education] being got into their Hands by this wicked Policy, shall soon be made an Obedient Son of the Church of Rome. Thus the Relator, a chief Actor in this pre-plotted Treason, discovers. And if his single Testimony (though out of a wounded Conscience) will not be believed alone, the ensuing Circumstances will abundantly manifest the Scottish Wars to be plotted and directed by them: For Con the Pope's Legat, Hamilton the Queen's Agent, most of the Jesuits then about London, Captain Read their Host, the Lord Sterling, with other Chamberlain, Cardinal Richelieu his Agent. chief Actors in the Plot, being all Scots, and employing Maxfield, and he two other Popish Scots, in raising these Tumults; the Earl of Arundel, [another principal Member of this Conspiracy, being by their procurement made General of the first Army against the Scots,] and most of his Commanders Papists; the Papists in all Counties of England (upon the Queen's Letters directed to them) contributing large Sums of Money, besides Men, Arms and Horses, to maintain this War. Sir Toby Matthew (the most Industrious Conspirator in the Pack) making a Voyage with the Lord Deputy into Ireland, to stir up the Papists there to contribute Men, Arms, Moneys, to subdue the Scottish Covenanters; [yea, Marquess Hamilton's own Chaplain] (employed as the King's Commissioner to appease these Scots) [holding Correspondency with Con, and resorting to him] in private, to impart the Secrets of that business to him, the general Discontent of the Papists and Conspirators upon the first Pacification of those Troubles, which they soon after infringed, and by new Contributions raised a second Army against the Scots, when the English Parliament refused to grant Subsidies to maintain the War. All these concurring Circumstances compared with the Relation, will ratifie it past Dispute, that this War first sprung from these Conspirators.

Ninthly, That the subsequent present Rebellion in Ireland, and Wars in England, originally issued from, and were plotted by the same Conspirators. For the Scottish War producing this setled Parliament, beyond their expectation, which they foresaw would prove fatal to this their long-agitated Conspiracy, if it continued undissolved; thereupon some Popish Irish Commissioners coming over into England, and confederating with the Dutchess of Buckingham, [Captain Read Now a Prisoner in the Tower, and taken in the Field in actual Rebellion in Ireland.] and other of these Conspirators, who afterwards departed secretly into Ireland, they plotted an universal Rebellion, Surprisal and Massacre of all the Protestants in that Kingdom; which though in part prevented by a timely discovery, securing Dublin, and some few Places else, yet it took general Effect in all other Parts, to the loss of [about an Hundred and Forty Thousand Protestants Lives,] there massacred by them. And finding themselves likely to be overcome [Page] there by the Parliament's Forces sent hence, and from Scotland, to relieve the Protestant Party; thereupon to work a Diversion, they raised a Civil Bloody War against the Parliament here in England, procuring the King [after Endymion Porter, a principal Conspirator in the Plot, had gained the Custody of the Great Seal of England] to issue out divers Proclamations under the great Seal, proclaiming the Parliament themselves Traytors and Rebels, to grant Commissions to Irish and English Papists (contrary to his former Proclamations) to raise Popish Forces both at Home and in Foreign parts, for his Defence, as his trustiest and most loyal Subjects; to send Letters and Commissions of Favour to the Irish Rebels, and hinder all Supplies from hence to the Protestant Party. And withal they procured [the Queen,] by the Earl of Antrim and Dutchess of Buckingham's Mediation, [to send Ammunition to the Irish Rebels,] and to attempt to raise an Insurrection in Scotland too, as the Declaration of the Rise and Progress of the Rebellion in Ireland, more largely discovers. Seeing then all may clearly discern the exact Prosecution of this Plot, carried on in all these Wars by the Conspirators therein particularly nominated, by the Queen and Popish Party in all Three Kingdoms, and in Foreign Parts too, who have largely contributed Men, Money, Arms, Ammunition, to accomplish this Grand Design, through the Instigation of those Conspirators in this Plot, who are gone beyond the Seas, and have lately caused publick Proclamations to be made in Bruges, and other parts of Flanders, in July last, (as appears by the Examination of Henry Mayo, since seconded by others, That all People who will now give ANY MONEY TO MAINTAIN THE RO-MAN CATHOLICKS IN ENGLAND, should have it repaid them again in a Years time, with many Thanks;) the whole World must now of Necessity both see and acknowledge (unless they will renounce their own Eyes and Reason) that this Conspiracy and Plot is no feigned Imposture, but a most real perspicuous agitated Treachery, now driven on almost to its Perfection, the full Accomplishment whereof (unless Heaven prevent it) the Catholicks of England expect within the Circuit of one Year, as the forenamed Proclamations intimate.

Tenthly, That no setled Peace [was ever formerly intended, nor can now] be futurely expected in England or Ireland without an universal publick Toleration (at the least) of [Popery, and a Repeal and Suspension of all Laws against it;] this being the very Condition in the Plot which the King must condescend to, e're the Papists would engage themselves to assist him in these Wars thus raised by them, for this end. And that none may doubt this Verity, the late most insolent bold Demands of the Irish Rebels in the Treaty with them, the present Suspension of all Laws against Priests and Recusants in all Counties under his Majesty's Power; [the uncontrolled multitudes of Masses in his Armies, Quarters, Wales, the North, and elsewhere;] the open Boasts of Papists every where, most really proclaim it. And if the King, after all their many Years restless Labour, Plot, Costs, Pains, and pretended Fidelity to his Cause against the Parliament, should deny these Merit-mongers such a diminutive Reward as this is, (the very least they will expect) now they have [Page] him, the Prince and Duke within their Custody, Bristol, Chester, [Ireland,] all his Forccs in their Power, this Discoverer (an Eye and Earwitness of his Destiny from the Legat's own Vaunt, will inform his Majesty, and all his Protestant Subjects (who will tremble at the very apprehension of it) that they [have an Indian poisoned Nut] reserved for him amongst this Jesuitical Society; or if it be lost, a poisoned Knife perchance, or some other Instrument, to dispatch him out of the World, and to get the possession and protection of the Prince, whom they will educate in their Antichristian Religion; which how possible, how probable it is for them (considering their present Power and Endeavours to effect it, their Grimston in his Life, Fox, Speed. poisoning of the Emperour Henry the Seventh, in the sacred Host; of King John in the Chalice; their General History of France. stabbing of Henry the Third of France, with a Knife in the Belly; of Henry the Fourth his Successor, first in the Mouth, next in the Heart-strings; though all of their own Religion, because they would not humour the Pope in every unreasonable Demand, (though Henry the Fourth turned an Apostate from the Protestant Religion wherein he was bred, restored the Jesuits formerly banished out of France, rased the Pillar erected in Paris, as a standing Monument of their Treasons against their Sovereigns, and built them a stately College, to secure his Life from their Assassination, which yet would not save him from their Butchery:) Together with their pistolling of the Prince of [...], Grimston. Orange [and poisoning of See Dr. [...] Book, and the Commons Charge against the Duke of [...]. King James himself (as the Legat boasted)] may inform his Majesty, and all his faithful Protestant Subjects, (especially such as by their confederating with them in these their Wars, have done nought but executed their fore-named Designs) whom it concerns now very nearly, to prevent, if possible, such a sad Catastrophe of that bloody Tragedy which hath been acted over-long in Ireland and England, by these Conspirators foreplotted Treasons. The execrable Horrridness and Reality whereof, made the very Discoverer of the Plot, out of remorse of Conscience, to desert the Conspirators Conspiracy, and that bloody Religion which begot it; and therefore should much more incite [all such in his Majesty's Army] who are cordially faithful to their Sovereign, Religion, Country, Posterity, and have hitherto ignorantly acted these Conspirators Treasonable Designs, under colour of serving the King, to consider with remorse of Conscience, whose Instruments they have thus long been, whose Treasons they have ripened, what Protestant Blood they have shed, how much they have weakened, impoverished, betrayed their own Protestant Party, who have really stood for God, Religion, King, Country, Parliament, against these Romish Conspirators; and what Hopes, what Advantages they have given these Confederates both in England and Ireland, to over-top, suppress, and ere long utterly to extirpate the Protestant Religion, themselves, and all others who cordially profess it, as they have done many thousands of them already. And then upon all these sad, most serious Considerations (the very Thoughts whereof should cause their Souls to bleed and tremble) speedily to desert these traiterous Papists, ere they get all into their Power, [and unite all their Heads, Hearts, [Page] Hands, Forces, to the Parliament's Party] who had so good cause to take up defensive Arms, to prevent the imminent ruin, which otherwise is like to befal both King, Kingdom, Religion, Parliament, Liberty, Property, Posterity, ere we be aware; [especially since the most cowardly unworthy yielding up of Bristol, a fit Inlet for the Irish Rebels] who have conspired to come over hither with all expedition, and [Welsh Papists to cut all our Throats.]

Eleventhly, That those Protestants who now side with Popish Conspirators, when they have accomplished their Designs, whatsoever they may now fancy to themselves, shall find no more Mercy or Favour from them, than the greatest Roundheads, if they comply not with them in all things, and even in Popery it self: For if they will not spare the King's own Person and Life, after so many Favours, Graces, extended to them, (as they will not, if we believe this Relation, or the late Story of King Henry the Fourth of France, yet fresh in memory) what inferiour Person can think to be secure to fare better than the King himself? And if Con the Legat, to insinuate himself into the King's and [Palatine's Favours] at the first, when he had no interest in them, would not so much as advise the Legat of Cologne, to mediate for the Palsgrave, lest peradventure the King of Spain should report, that the Pope had Patroniz'd an Heretical Prince, as the Relation attests, though he promised the King effectually to do it; How [can Prince Rupert, Maurice, or any other Commanders in the King's Army, when they have fully accomplished the Pope's, and these his Instruments Designs] (under whose Banner they ignorantly, yet really militate, and promote his Cause, instead of the King's and Kingdoms, to whom they and others have been so much engaged) hope to receive the least Dram of Favour, Pity, much less any Recompence from the Pope and Popish Party, if they continue Hereticks still, notwithstanding all their present goodly Promises? Will they part with any other Inheritances to them, then, who will not so much as now mediate for them to regain their own? Will these, who have butchered so many thousands of innocent Protestants in Ireland, in England, even before they were sure of the Day, without any provocation given, spare any Mother's Son of them alive, if they once erect their Trophies over them? Certainly the Experience of all former Ages, compared with the present, may fully resolve all, That the very tender Mercies of these wicked ones, will be nought but extream Cruelty; and if they prevail, we all must perish, without distinction, sooner or later, unless we will turn Apostates, and lose our Religion, God, Heaven, Souls, to save our transitory Lives.

Finally, Therefore let the serious Consideration of all the Premises instruct us, to learn Wisdom from these our Adversaries; let their indefatigable Industry, subtil Policy, sincere Fidelity, chearful Constancy, bountiful Liberality, fraternal Unanimity, undaunted Magnanimity, indissolvable Confederacy, and uninterrupted Pertinacy in prosecuting, establishing, propagating their Antichristian Religions, Treasons, Designs, excite all Protestants [(according to their several late Covenants and Protestations much forgotten)] [Page] to equalize, if not transcend them in all these, in defending, securing, propagating our true Christian Religion, protecting our King, Kingdoms, Parliament, Laws, Liberties, Posterities, all we yet have, or hereafter hope for, from that imminent ruin, which these Popish Conspirators threaten to them. Fore-warn'd, fore-arm'd: If now we perish through our own private Dissentions, Folly, Cowardise, Covetousness, Treachery, or Security, or [monstrous Credulity] that these Conspirators and Papists now in Arms, fight only for the King and establishment of the Protestant Religion, as it was in Queen Elizabeth's days, against whom they plotted so many Treasons, even for her very Religion, and the Powder-Plot since, against King James and the whole Parliament; our Blood shall rest upon our own Heads, who would not take timely notice of our incumbent Dangers, nor suddenly prevent them whiles we might.

THE EXAMINATION OF HENRY MAYO.

[Page]

WHO saith, That on Thursday last, being the Twentieth of July, One Thousand Six Hundred Forty Three, he being at Bruges in Flanders, heard Proclamation made in Dutch, (who understands it very well) That all People within that City, that would go to the Governours House, and give any Money to maintain the Roman [...] in England, they should have their Money repaid them again in a Years time, with many Thanks.

HENRY MAYO.

This Examination was taken before [...]

EDWARD BOYCE.

JOHN BOYCE.

GEORGE TROTTER.

H. W.

[Page]

I Will conclude this first Volume with three Letters of the Arch-Bishop; two of them wrote by him, while Chancellor of the Vniversity of Oxford, to his Vice-Chancellor there, for discovering, preventing and punishing the Practices of Romish Emissaries; who endeavoured to seduce the Youth of that Place; and the third to Sir Kenelm Digby, upon his return to the Communion of the Church of Rome; being so many Authentick and Vndeniable Arguments of the Arch-Bishop's Sincecerity in the profession of, and Zeal for the Established Religion of the Church of England. To which I will subjoyn the Testimonies of two worthy Persons yet living, concerning the Opinion had of the Arch-Bishop at Rome, during his Life; and with what Joy they received the News of his Death and Sufferings.

The first Letter to Oxford, was wrote upon Occasion of this following Letter.

Letter from Oxon, to Mr: Fish of Clerkenwell; to convey two Oxford Youths beyond Sea.

Mr. Fish brought me this Letter, Aug: 29: 1637.

Sir,

THough unknown, I have presumed to be so bold, as to solicit you in a Business, viz. To know, whether you could send over one or two, who for Religion sake are desirous to be entred into some Order beyond the Seas, especially that of the Fratrum Minorum, or Jesuits. So, expecting your Answer, and unwilling to disclose my self, till I have it; I rest

23. Augu:

Yours—

Direct your Letter as [...] as you can to one Richard Pully in St: John's College Oxon.

Superscribed thus,

To his very loving Friend Mr: John Fish in Clerkenwell, give these.

Leave this at one Mr: Fishes at Doctors Commons, to be delivered unto him.

London.

My Letter to the Vice-chancellor [Dr: Bayly] Aug: 29: 1637. sent presently away, for care to be had of this Business.

[Page]

Salutem in Christo. S I R,

I Have yet received no Letter from you this Week. If I do, you shall have answer on Friday, if I have so much Leisure. In the mean time, I send you this inclosed, which came to my Hands this present Afternoon. I pray examine the Business, with all the care and industry you possibly can, as well for the discharge of your own Duty and Credit as mine, in the Government of that Place. And if there be such a Man as It should seem, that this Popish [...] had assumed a wrong Name, and made use of that of a much [...] Person, then a Member of the Vniversity; who, perhaps, being absent at that time, might have unadvisedly left a Commission with this Emissary, to receive the Letters directed to him at Oxford. For from Dr: Bayly's Answer to the Arch-Bishop it appears, that after all the enquiry he could make into the matter, he could not find any reason to fasten any Suspicion upon Mr. Pully; or that he was in the least inclined to Popery. Pully here mentioned; be sure to make him fast, and examine him throughly touching all Particulars, that you shall think material for the discovery of these unworthy Practices, for the seducing of Youths in that University or elsewhere. Especially concerning the Author of this Letter; and what Youths have been dealt withal after this sort, either in that House, or any other of the Town. And whether any Jesuits, or other, have of late lyen hankering up and down thereabouts, or be there at this present to that purpose, or any other as bad. In all which I desire you to use your utmost Diligence and Discretion, that you can; and let me have an account with all convenient speed. So I leave you to God's Grace, and rest

Croydon, Aug: 29: 1637.

Your very Loving Friend, W: C A N T.

My LETTER to the Vice-Chancellor [Dr: Frewen] for watchfulness against Jesuits, Febr: 7:

—You had need be very careful of the University: For while none of you think of it, the Jesuits and their Instruments are busie thereabouts. And at this present they have seduced a young [Page] Youth of Exeter College. I have forgotten his Name; but it begins with a His Name is Weale. W, and the young Organist of St: John's, who slipt away, whilst the President was at Sarum. I have granted an Attachment against them, if they can light upon them, before they take Shipping; as also against Cherriton, for that I hear is his Name, who seduced them. You had need be very careful in these Businesses; for else we shall very deservedly hear ill of it.—

Lambeth, Febr: 7: [...].

W: Cant.

Arch-Bishop Laud's Letter to Sir Kenelm Digby.

§

Salutem in Christo. Worthy Sir,

I Am sorry for all the Contents of your Letter, save that which expresses your Love to me. And I was not a little troubled at the very first words of it. For you begin, that my Lord Ambassador told you, I was not pleased to hear you had made a Defection from the Church of England. 'Tis most true, I was informed so; and thereupon I writ to my Lord Ambassador, to know what he heard of it there. But 'tis true likewise, that I writ to your self; and Mr. Secretary Cooke sent my Letters very carefully. Now seeing your Letters mentioned my Lord Ambassador's Speech with you, without any notice taken of my writing; I could not but fear these Letters of mine came not to your Hands. Out of this Fear, your Second Letters took me; for they acknowledged the receipt of mine, and your kind acceptance of them. Had they miscarried, I should have held it a great Misfortune. For you must needs have condemned me deeply in your own Thoughts, if in such a near and tender Business, I should have solicited my Lord Ambassador, and not written to your self.

In the next place I thank you, and take it for a great Testimony of your Love to me; that you have been pleased to give me so open and clear Account of your proceedings with your self in this matter of Religion. In which as I cannot but commend the strict reckoning, to which you have called your self; so I could have wish'd, before you had absolutely setled the Foot of that Account, you would have called in some Friend, and made use of his Eye as a By-stander, who oftentimes sees more than he that plays the [Page] Game. You write, I confess, that after you had fallen upon these troublesom Thoughts, you were nigh two Years in the diligent Discussion of this matter; and that you omitted no Industry, either of conversing with Learned Men, or of reading the best Authors, to beget in you a right Intelligence of this Subject. I believe all this, and you did wisely to do it. But I have some Questions, out of the freedom of a Friend, to ask about it. Were not all the Learned Men, you conversed with for this Particular, of the Roman Party? Were not the best Authors, you mention, of the same Side? If both Men and Authors were the same way; can they beget any righter Intelligence in you, than is in themselves? If they were Men and Authors on both Sides, with whom you conversed; why was I (whom you are pleased to Style one of your best Friends) omitted? True, it may be, you could not reckon me among those Learned Men and Able for Direction, with whom you conversed: Suppose that; yet your self accounts me among your Friends. And is it not many times as useful, when Thoughts are distracted, to make use of the Freedom and Openness of a Friend not altogether Ignorant, as of those which are thought more Learned; but not so Free, nor perhaps so Indifferent?

But the Result, you say, that first-began to settle you, was, that you discern'd by this your diligent Conversation, and studious Reading, that there were great Mistakings on both Sides, and that Passion and Affection to a Party, transported too many of those that entred into the Lists in this Quarrel. Suppose this also to be true, I am heartily sorry, and have been ever since I was of any Understanding in matters of Religion, to hear of Sides in the Church. And I make no doubt, but 'twill one Day fall heavy upon all, that wilfully make, or purposely continue Sidings in that Body. But when Sides are made and continued, remember you confess there are great Mistakings on both Sides. And how then can you go from one Side to the other; but you must go from one great Mistaking to another? And if so, then by changing the Side, you do but change the Mistaking, not quit your self from Mistakes. And if you do quit your self from them, by God's Goodness, and your own Strength; yet why might not that have been done, without changing the Side; since Mistakes are on both Sides? As for the Passion and Transportation of many that enter the Lists in this Quarrel; I am sure you mean not to make their Passion your Guide; for that would make you mistake indeed. And why then should their Passion work upon your Judgment? especially, since the Passion, as well as the Mistakes are confest to be on both Sides.

After this follows the main part of your Letters, and that which principally resolved you to enter again the Communion of the Church of Rome, in which you had been Born and Bred, against that semblance of good Reason, which formerly had made you adhere to the Church of England.

And first you say, you now perceive that you may preserve your self in that Church, without having your Belief bound up in several particulars, the dislike whereof had been a motive to you to free your [Page] self from the Jurisdiction which you conceived did impose them. 'Tis true, all Churches leave some particulars free. But doth that Church leave you free to believe, or not believe, any thing determined by it? And did not your former Dislike arise from some things determined in and by that Church? And if so, what Freedom see you now, that you saw not then? And you cannot well say, that your Dislike arose from any thing not determined; for in those, the Jurisdiction of that Church imposes not.

You add, That your greatest Difficulties were solved, when you could distinguish between the Opinions of some New Men raised upon wrested Inferences, and the plain and solid Articles of Faith delivered at the first. Why, but I cannot but be confident you could distinguish these long since, and long before you joined your self to the Church of England. And that therefore your greatest Difficulties (if these were they) were as fully and fairly solved then, as now they are, or can be. Besides, if by these plain and solid Articles you mean none but the Creed (and certainly no other were delivered at the first) you seem to intimate by comparing this and the former Passage, that so you believe these plain and first Articles, you may preserve your self in that Church, from having your Belief bound up to other Particulars; which I think few will believe, besides your self, if you can believe it. And the Opinions of New Men, and the wrested Inferences upon these, are some of those great Mistakes which you say are on both sides, and therefore needed not to have caused your Change.

To these first Articles you say, The Church, in no succeeding Age hath power to add (as such) the least Tittle of New Doctrine. Be it so; and I believe it heartily (not as such) especially if you mean the Articles of the Creed. But yet if that Church do maintain, That all her Decisions in a General Council, are Articles Fidei Catholicae; and that all Christians are bound to believe all and every of them, eâdem Fide, quâ Fidei Articulos; and that he is an Heretick which believes them not all: Where is then your Freedom, or your not being bound up in several Particulars? And if you reply, You dislike no Determination which that Church hath made; then why did you formerly leave it, to free your self from that Jurisdiction that you conceived imposed them? For if the things which troubled you were Particulars not determin'd, they were not imposed upon your Belief. And if they were determin'd, and so imposed; how are you now set free more than then?

You say again, You see now, that to be a Catholick, doth not deprive them of the fore-named Liberty, who have Abilities to examin the things you formerly stuck at, and drive them up to their first Principles. But first then, what shall become of their Liberty, who are not able to examin; shall they enthral their Consciences? Next, what shall secure them, who think themselves, and are perhaps thought by others able to examin, yet indeed are not? Thirdly, what Assurance is there in Cases not demonstrable (as few things in Religion are) that they which are able to examin, have either no Affection to blind their Judgment, or may not mistake themselves and [Page] their way, in driving a doubtful Point to its First Principles? Lastly, how much doth this differ from leaning upon a private Spirit; so [...] cried out against by that side, when Men, under pretence of their Ability, shall examin the Tenets of the Church, and assume a Liberty to themselves, under a colour of not being bound?

But, you say, this is not the breaking of any Obligation that Church lays upon you; but only an exact understanding of the just and utmost Obligations that Side ties Men to. I must here question again: For first, what shall become of their Freedom, that cannot reach to this exact understanding? And next, do not you make your self, as a private Man, Judge of the Church's Obligations upon you? And is it not as great an Usurpation upon the Church's Power and Right, to be Judge of her Obligations, as of her Tenets? For if the Points be left free, there's no Obligation: Nor can you, or need any other, have any Scruple. But if the Points be binding by the Predetermination of the Church; can you any way be Judge of her Obligation, but you must be Judge also of the Point to which she obliges? Now, I think, that Church will hardly give liberty to any private Man to be so far her Judge, since she scarce allows so much to any, as Judicium Discretionis, in things determin'd by her.

These utmost Obligations, to which that Side ties Men, you believe many Men (and not of the meanest Note) pass over in gross, without ever throughly entring into the due Consideration thereof. And truly I believe so too, that among too many Men on both sides, neither the Points nor the Obligations to them, are weighed as they ought. But that's no Warrant (pardon my Freedom) that your self hath consider'd them in all Circumstances; or that you have consider'd them better now, than you did before, when the Dislike of that imposing Jurisdiction, was your first Motive to free your self from it, by joining to the Church of England.

And whereas you say, That you have return'd into that Communion, who from your Birth had right of possession in you, and therefore ought to continue it, unless clear and evident proof (which you say surely cannot be found) should have evicted you from it: Truly, Sir, I think this had been spoken with more advantage to you and your Cause, before your adhering to the Church of England, than now; for then right of possession could not have been thought little. But now since you deserted that Communion, either you did it upon clear and evident proof, or upon apparent only. If you did it then upon clear and evident proof, why say you now no such can be found? If you did it but upon apparent and seeming proof (a semblance of very good Reason as your self calls it) why did you then come off from that Communion, till your proof were clear and evident? And why may not that, which now seems clear and evident, be but apparent, as well as that which then seem'd clear unto you, be but semblance now? Nor would I have you say, That clear and evident proof cannot be found for a Man, in this case of Religion, to forego the Communion, which had right of possession in him [Page] from his Birth: For the Proposition is an universal Negative, and of hard proof. And therefore though I think I know you and your Judgment so well, that I may not without manifest wrong charge you, that you did in this great Action, and so nearly concerning you, ad pauca respicere, which our Great Master tells us Ethic. l. 1. breeds facile and easie, rather than safe and warrantable Determinations; yet it will lie upon you not only in Honour without, but also in Conscience within, to be able to assure your self that you did ad plurima, if not ad omnia respicere. The thing being so weighty in it self, and the miserable Division of Christendom (never sufficiently to be lamented) making the Doubt so great, that you who have been on both sides, must needs lie under the Dispute of both sides, whether this last Act of yours, be not in you rather a Relapse into a former Sickness, than a Recovery from a former Fall.

But against this, the Temper of your Mind (you say) arms you aagainst all Censures, no slight Air of Reputation being able to move you. In this, I must needs say, you are happy: For he that can be moved from himself by the changeable Breath of Men, lives more out of, than in himself; and (which is a Misery beyond all expression) must in all Doubts go to other Men for Resolution; not to himself; as if he had no Soul within him: But yet post Conscientiam Fama. And though I would not desire to live by Reputation; yet would I leave no good means untried, rather than live without it. And how far you have brought your self in question, which of these two, Conscience or Reputation, you have shaken by this double Change, I leave your self to judge; because you say your first was with a semblance of very good Reason. And though you say again, That it now appears you were then mis-led; yet you will have much ado to make the World think so.

The way you took in concealing this your Resolution of returning into that Communion, and the Reasons which you give why you so privately carried it here, I cannot but approve. They are full of all Ingenuity, tender and civil Respects, fitted to avoid Discontent in your Friends, and Scandal that might be taken by others, or Contumely that might be returned upon your self. And as are these Reasons, so is the whole frame of your Letter (setting aside that I cannot concur in Judgment) full of Discretion and Temper, and so like your self, that I cannot but love even that which I dislike in it. And though I shall never be other than I have been to the Worth of Sir Kenelm Digby; yet most heartily sorry I am, that a Man whose Discourse did so much content me, should thus slide away from me, before I had so much as suspicion to awaken me, and suggest that he was going. Had you put me into a Dispensation, and communicated your Thoughts to me before they had grown up into Resolutions, I am a Priest, and would have put on what Secrefie you should have commanded. A little Knowledge I have (God knows a little) I would have ventur'd it with you in that serious Debate you have had with your self. I have ever honoured you, since I knew your Worth, and I would have done all Offices of a Friend to keep you nearer than now you are. But since you are gone, [Page] and setled another way, before you would let me know it, I know not now what to say to a Man of Judgment; and so resolved: For to what end should I treat, when a Resolution is set already? So set, as that you say no clear and evident proof can be found against it: Nor can I tell how to press such a Man as you to ring the Changes in Religion. In your power it was not to change; in mine it is not to make you change again. Therefore to the Moderation of your own heart, under the Grace of God, I must and do now leave you for matter of Religion; but retaining still with me, and entirely, all the Love and Friendliness which your Worth won from me; well knowing, that all Differences in Opinion shake not the Foundations of Religion.

Now to your Postscript, and then I have done. That I am the first, and the only Person to whom you have written thus freely: I thank you heartily for it. For I cannot conceive any thing thereby, but your great Respect to me, which hath abundantly spread it self all over your Letter. And had you written this to me, with a Restraint of making it further known, I should have perform'd that Trust: But since you have submitted it to me, what further Knowledge of it I shall think fit to give to any other person; I have, as I took my self bound, acquainted his Majesty with it, who gave a great deal of very good Expression concerning you, and is not a little sorry to lose the Service of so able a Subject. I have likewise made it known in private, to Mr. Secretary Cooke, who was as confident of you as my self. I could hardly believe your own Letters, and he as hardly my Relation. To my Secretary I must needs trust it, having not Time to write it again out of my scribled Copy; but I dare trust the Secresie in which I have bound him. To others I am silent, and shall so continue, till the thing open it self; and I shall do it out of Reasons, very like to those which you give, why your self would not divulge it here. In the last place, you promise your self, That the Condition you are in, will not hinder me from continuing to be the Best Friend you have. To this I can say no more, than that I could never arrogate to my self to be your Best Friend; but a poor, yet respective Friend of yours I have been, ever since I knew you: And it is not your Change, that can change me, who never yet left, but where I was first forsaken; and not always there. So praying for God's Blessing upon you, and in that Way which He knows most necessary for you, I rest,

Lambeth, March, 27, 1636.

Your very Loving Friend, To serve you in Domino.

§

I have writ this Letter freely; I shall look upon all the Trust that ever you mean to carry with me, that you shew it not, nor deliver any Copy to any Man. Nor will I look for any Answer to the Quaeries I have herein made. If they do you any good, I am glad; if not, yet I have satisfied my self. But leisure I have none, to write such Letters; nor will I entertain a Quarrel in this wrangling Age; and now my Strength is past. For all things of moment in this Letter, I have pregnant places in the Council of Trent, Thomas, Bellarmin, [Page] Stapleton, Valentia, &c. But I did not mean to make a Volume of a Letter.

Endorsed thus with the Archbishop's own Hand.

March: 27: 1636. A Copy of my Answer to Sir Ken: Digby's Letters, in which he gives me an account of his Return to the Ro: Communion.

§

The Testimony of the Reverend Mr: Jonathan Whiston, concerning the Opinion had of the Archbishop at Rome; and with what Joy the News of his Death and Suffering was there received.

I Do remember, that being Chaplain to the Honourable Sir Lionel Tolmach Baronet, about the Year: 1666. I heard him relate to some Person of Quality, how that in his younger days he was at Rome, and well acquainted with a certain Abbot; which Abbot asked him, Whether he had heard any News from England? He answered, No. The Abbot replied, I will tell you then some; Archbishop Laud is Beheaded. Sir Lionel answered, You are sorry for that, I presume. The Abbot replied again, That they had more cause to rejoice, that the Greatest Enemy of the Church of Rome in England was cut off, and the Greatest CHAMPION of the Church of England silenced: Or in Words to that purpose. In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my Hand, this 28th: Day of September, 1694.

Jona. Whiston, Vicar of Bethersden in Kent.

§

The Testimony of the Learned and Worthy John Evelyn Esq Fellow of the Royal Society, concerning the same Matter.

I Was at Rome in the Company of divers of the English Fathers, when the News of the Arch-Bishop's Suffering, and a Copy of his Sermon made upon the Scaffold, came thither. They read the Sermon, and commented upon it with no small Satisfaction and Contempt; and looked upon him as one that was a great Enemy to them, and stood in their Way; whilst one of the blackest Crimes imputed to him was his being Popishly affected.

John Evelyn.

FINIS.

Notes

*

And would be then disclose it to me, if I were in any degree a Promoter of it, or a Favourer of the Religion:

↵

*

This is not so. For I gave not any Vote at all for his Censure.

↵

*

I have not looked upon these [...] these two Years and [...] half. Yet (if my memory fail not) here are some [...] left [...].

↵

a

I did all I could; and the whole Business was examined at a Committee of Lords, his Majesty being present. And Sir William Roswell's last Answer to these Lords Committees came after I was committed, when it lay not in my Power to follow it any farther.

↵

b

Yet, by [...].

↵

c

Most false.

↵

d

This is added.

↵

e

'Tis no Challenge neither.

↵

f

Most false.

↵

g

I could not prosecute him: Nor the Author of this Tract, had he been in my place.

↵

h

The slanderous Tongues of your Faction made him presume, if any thing.

↵

i

These Words are not mine. Besides, take the whole Sentence; and then, &c.

↵

k

I had [...] with either of them. And have received Blame from some Great Men, that I would not make use of them, as my Predecessor [...] have done.

↵

k

I had [...] with either of them. And have received Blame from some Great Men, that I would not make use of them, as my Predecessor [...] have done.

↵

l

I had good reason to write them in my own Hand. Yet shall they never be proved to be all [...]. And if they were, yet, &c.

↵

m

This is according to the First Book of Edw 6.

↵

n

This is no greater Proof of Corporal Presence, than the retaining of it is only to make a bare remembrance, &c.

↵

o

It was never meant of Dr. [...].

↵

p

I hope I shall not answer for other Men, if they prove not as they should.

↵

q

He was [...] inward with another Bishop, and who laboured his Preferment more [...] I.

↵

r

Go Potlids.

↵

s

My Chaplains have answered their Faults; or may, when [...].

↵

t

Who told you so?

↵

u

Vtterly False.

↵

x

I helped on that Parliament. And Sir Henry Vane was the Man that brake it, for ought I know.

↵

y

When 'tis prepared, it shall be welcome to me, to have any end.

↵

a

Sir Henry Vane wrought him out.

↵

BOOKS Printed for RICHARD CHISWELL.

[Page]

SCriptorum [...] Historia Literaria a Christo nate usque ad seculum xiv: facili [...] Digesta. Qua de Vita illorum ac Rebus Gestis, de Secta, Dogmatibus, [...], Style; de Scriptis Genuinis, Dubiis, Suppositiis, Ineditis, Deper ditis, Fragmentis; Deque Variis Operum Editionibus perspicue Agitur. Accedunt Scriptores Gentiles, Christianae Religionis [...]; & Cujusvis Seculi Breviarum. Inseruntur suis Locis Veterum [...] Opuscula & Fragmenta, tum Graeca, tum Latina hactenus inedita. Premissa denique [...], quibus plurima ad Antiquitatis Ecclesiasticae Studium spectantia Traduntur. Opus indicibus necessariis Instructum, Authore Gulielmo Cave, SS. Theol. [...]. [...] Windesoriensi. Accedit Hen. Whartoni Appendix ab ineunte Secula xiv: ad Annum usque MDX VII. [...]:

Disquisitiones Criticae de Variis per Diversa [...] & [...] Bibliorum Editionibus. Quibus Accedunt Castigationes Theologi Cujusdam Parisiensis ad Opusculum Is: Vossii de Sybillinis Oraculis, & Ejusdem responsionem ad Objectiones nuperae Critica Sacra: 4to.

Censura Celebriorum Authorum; sive tractatus in quo Varia Virorum [...] de Claris. Cuiusque Seculi Scriptoribus Judicia traduntur. Unde Facilimo [...] Lector [...] queat quid in singulis quibusque istorum Authorum Maxime Memorabile sit & qucnam in pretio apud Eruditos [...] Habiti Fuerunt. Opera Thomae Pope-Blunt, Baroneti. Fol:

V: Cl: Gulielmi Camdeni, & Illustrium [...] ad G. Camdenum Epistolae, cum Appendice Varii Argumenti. Accesserunt Annalium Regni Regis Jacobi [...]. Apparatus, & [...] de Antiquitate, Dignitate, & Officio Comitis Marescali Angliae. Premittitur G. Camdeni Vita. Scriptore Thoma Smitho, S: T: D: Ecclesiae Anglicanae Presbytero. 4to.

Jacobi Usserii Armachani Archiepiscopi Historia Degmatica Controversiae inter Orthodoxos & [...] de Scripturis & Sacris Vernaculis; nunc primum Edita. Accesserunt ejusdem Dissertationes duae de Pseudo-Dionysii seriptis, & de [...] ad Laodiceos antehac [...]. Descripsit, Digessit, & notis atque auctario, Locupletavit Henricus Wharton, A: M: Rev: in Christo Pat: ac [...]: Archiepisc: Cantuariensi a sacris Domesticis. 4to. 1690.

Anglia [...] sive Gollectio Historiarum Antiquitus Scriptarum de Archiepiscopis & [...] Angliae a Prima Fidei Christianae susceptione ad Annum 1540. in duobus Voluminibus per Henricum Whartonum. Fol. 1691

Some Remarks upon the Ecclesiastical History of the Ancient Churches of [...]. By Peter Allix, D: D: Treasurer of Sarum. 4to

—his Remarks upon the Ecclesiastical History of the Ancient Churches of the Albigenses. 4to

Dr: Burnet's (now Lord Bishop of Sarum) Vindication of the Ordinations of the Church of England. 4to.

—History of the Rights of Princes, in disposing of Ecclesiastical Benefices, and Church Lands. [...] 8vo.

—Life of William Bedel D: D: Bishop of Kilmore in Ireland; together with the Copies of certain Letters, which passed between Spain and England, in matter of Religion, concerning the general Motives to the Roman Obedience: Between Mr: James [...], a late Pensioner of the Holy Inquisition in Sevil, and the said William Bedel. 8vo.

—Some Passages of the Life and Death of John late Earl of Rochester. 8vo.

—A Collection of Tracts and Discourses, from 1678 to Christmas 1689 inclusive. In 2 Volumes. 4to.

—Examination of the Letter writ by the late Assembly-General of the Clergy of France to the [...], inviting them to return to their Communion; together with the Methods proposed by them for their Conviction. 8vo.

—Pastorall Letter to the Clergv of his Diocess, concerning the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, to K: William and Q: Mary. 4to

—Ten several occasional Sermons since 1690.

The Jesuits Memorial for the intended [...] of Ergland, under their first Popish Prince. Written by Father Parsons 1596. And prepared to be proposed in the first Parliament after the Restoration of Popery, for the better Establishment and Preservation of that Religion. Published from the very Manuscript Copy that was presented by the Jesuits to the [...] K: James the Second, and found in his Closet. With an Introduction, and some Animadversions, by Edward Gee, Chaplain to their Majesties. 8vo.

Dr: Cumberland (now Lord Bishop of [...]) his Essay towards the Recovery of the Jewish Measures and Weights, comprehending their [...]; by help of Antient Standards, compared with ours of England; useful also to state many of those of the Greeks and Romans, and the Eastern Nations. 8vo.

Dr: Patrick (now Lord Bishop of Ely) his Parable of the Pilgrim, written to a Friend, the sixth Edition. 4to, 1681.

—Hearts-Ease; or, a Remedy against all Troubles: with a consolatory Discourse, particularly directed to those who have lost their Friends and Relations. To which is added two Papers, printed in the time of the late Plague. The sixth Edition corrected. 12mo. 1695.

—Answer to a Book spread abroad by the Romish Priests, [...] [The Touch- [...] [Page] of the Reformed Gospel] wherein the true Doctrine of the Church of England, and many Texts of the Holy Scripture are faithfully explained, 1692. 8vo.

—Nine several occasional Sermons since the Revolution, 4to.

—Exposition of the Tea Commandments. 8vo.

A Vindication of their Majesty's Authority to fill the Sees of the deprived Bishops, in a Letter [...] by [...] B—'s refusal of the Bishoprick of Bath and Wells. 4to.

A Discourse concerning the unreasonableness of a new Separation on Account of the Oaths to the present Government. With an Answer to the History of Passive Obedience, so far as relates to them. 4to:

A Vindication of the said Discourse concerning the Unreasonableness of a New Separation from the Exceptions made against it in a Tract called, [A brief Answer to the said [...] &c.] 4to.

[...]: Or, a Discourse concerning the Earth before the Deluge; wherein the Form and Properties ascribed to it, in a Book, intituled, [The Theory of the Earth], are excepted against; and it is made appear, That the Dissolution of that Earth was not the Cause of the Universal Flood. Also a New Explication of that Flood is attempted. By Erasmus Warren, Rector of [...] in [...]. 4to.

The Present State of Germany. By a Person of Quality. 8vo.

Memoris [...] to the Royal Navy of England for Ten Years, determined December 1688: By [...], [...] 8vo.

[...] of what [...] in Christendom, from the War begun 1672. to the Peace concluded 1679: 8vo.

[...] Historical Collections: The Third Part, in two Volumes. Containing the Principal Matters which happened from the Meeting of the Parliament, Nov: 3: 1640. to the end of the Year 1644. Wherein is a particular Account of the Rise and Progress of the Civil War, to that Period. Fol: 1692.

A Discourse of the Pastoral Care. By Gilbert Burnet, Lord Bishop of Sarum: 1692:

The Character of Queen Elizabeth: Or, A full and clear Account of her Policies, and the Methods of her Government, both in Church and State; her Vertues and Defects: Together with the Characters of her Principal Ministers of State; and the greater part of the Affairs and Events that happened in her time. By Edmund Bohun Esq: 1693. 8vo.

The Letters of the Reverend Father Paul, Councellor of State to the most Serene Republick of Venice, and Author of the Excellent History of the Council of Trent. 1693.

An Impartial History of the Wars in Ireland. In Two Parts. From the time that Duke Schomberg landed with an Army in that Kingdom, to the 23 d. of March, 1691/2. when their Majesties Proclamation was published, declaring the War to be ended. Illustrated with Copper Sculptures, describing the most important Places of Action. By George Story, an Eye-witness of the most remarkable Passages. 4to. 1693.

Linguae Romanae Dictionarium [...] Novum: Or, A New Dictionary, in Five Alphabets. ( [...]) English Words and Phrases before the Latin. (2:) Latin Classic. (3:) Latin Proper Names. (4.) Latin Barbarous. (5.) Law-Latin. Cambridge. 4to. 1693.

Dr: John Conant's Sermons. 1693. 8vo.

Of the Government of the Thoughts. By Geo: Tully, [...] of York. 8vo. 1694.

Origo Legum: Or, A [...] of the Origine of Laws, and their Obliging Power; as also of their great Variety; and why some Laws are immutable, and some not, but may suffer change, or cease to be, or be suspended, or abrogated. In Seven Books. By George Dawson. Fol. 1694.

Four Discourses delivered to the Clergy of the Diocess of Sarum: [...] I: The Truth of the Christian Religion. II: The Divinity and the Death of Christ. III: The Infallibility and Authority of the Church. IV. The Obligations to continue in the Communion of the Church. By Gilbert Lord Bishop of Sarum. 8vo. 1694.

A brief Discourse concerning the Lawfulness of Worshipping God by the Common-Prayer; In Answer to a Book, intitused, [A brief Discourse of the [...] of Common-Prayer-Worship.] By John Williams, D: D: 4to. 1694.

A true Representation of the absurd and [...] Principles of the Sect commonly known by the Name of the [...] 4to. 1694.

Memoirs of the most [...] Thomas [...], Archbishop of Canterbury: Wherein the History of the Church, and the Reformation of it, during the Primacy of the said Archbishop, are greatly illustrated, and many singular Matters relating thereunto, now first published. In Three Books. Collected [...] from Records, Registers, Authentick Letters, and other Original Manuscripts, By John [...], M. A. Fol. 1694.

A Commentary on the First Book of Moses, called Genesis. By Simon Lord Bishop of Ely. 4to: 1695.

[Page]

Information about this book

Title statement

The history of the troubles and tryal of the Most Reverend Father in God and blessed martyr, William Laud, Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury. vol. 1 wrote by himself during his imprisonment in the Tower ; to which is prefixed the diary of his own life, faithfully and entirely published from the original copy ; and subjoined, a supplement to the preceding history, the Arch-Bishop's last will, his large answer to the Lord Say's speech concerning liturgies, his annual accounts of his province delivered to the king, and some other things relating to the history.

Laud, William, 1573-1645.

Edition statement

1695

Publication

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Text Creation Partnership,

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Date

2003-11 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1).

ID [DLPS]

A67908

ID [STC]

Wing L586

ID [STC]

Wing H2188

ID [STC]

ESTC R354

ID [EEBO-CITATION]

12126453

ID [OCLC]

ocm 12126453

ID [VID]

54614

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(EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A67908)

Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 54614)

Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 106:9, 500:10, 74:8)

Source

— The history of the troubles and tryal of the Most Reverend Father in God and blessed martyr, William Laud, Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury. vol. 1 wrote by himself during his imprisonment in the Tower ; to which is prefixed the diary of his own life, faithfully and entirely published from the original copy ; and subjoined, a supplement to the preceding history, the Arch-Bishop's last will, his large answer to the Lord Say's speech concerning liturgies, his annual accounts of his province delivered to the king, and some other things relating to the history., Laud, William, 1573-1645., Wharton, Henry, 1664-1695., Prynne, William, 1600-1669. Rome's masterpiece..

Extent

2 v. : port.

Printed for Ri. Chiswell ...,. London :: 1695-1700.. (An introduction to the following "History containing the diary of ... William Laud" and "The history of the troubles and tryal of ... William Laud" each have special t.p. with imprint date: 1694.) ("Rome's masterpiece" by William Prynne has special t.p. with imprint date: 1695.) (Vol. 2 has title and imprint: The second volume of the remains of the most reverend father in God, and blessed martyr, William Laud ... Collected by the late learned Mr. Henry Wharton, and published according to his request by the reverend Mr. Edmund Wharton, his father. London : Printed for Sam. Keble [etc.], 1700.) (Preface, v. 1, signed: Hen. Wharton.) (Copies at reel 74:8 and 106:9 are volume 1; copy at 500:10 is volume 2.) (Imperfect: H2188 has p. 1 of the introduction lacking on film.) (Reproduction of originals in the Huntington Library and the University of Illinois (Urbana-Champaign Campus). Library.)

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