OUr Adversaries are Our adversaries de cline to answer ou greatest challenge. very unwilling to suffer to appeare, that there is any further debate be­twixt them and us, but what is proper unto our Church, & doth arise from the Service Book, Canons, & Episco­pacie, which they have pressed upon us with violence, against all Order Ecclesiasticall and Civill: In the mean time, lest they become the sacrifices of the publike hatred of others, in a subtle Sophistication they labour to hide the [...] wrongs and assronts which they have done openly to the Reformed Religion, to the Churches of ENGLAND, and all the Reformed Churches [Page 2] in the main and most materiall questions debated a­gainst the Papists ever since the reformation: for such as professe themselves our enemies, and are most busie to stirre up our gracious Prince to armes a­gainst us, do wilfully dissemble their knowledg of any other controversie betweene them and us, but that which properly concerneth us, and rubbeth not upon any other Church. In this their doing the Judicious may perceive their manifold deceit, whereby they would delude the simple, and many wittie worldlings do deceive themselves: First, they would have the world to think that wee obsti­nately refuse to obey the Magistrate, in the point of things indifferent, And therefore unnecessarily, and in a foolish precisenesse draw upon ourselves the wrath of the King. Secondly, when in our late Assemblies, the order of our Church is made known, and the seeds of superstition, heresie, ido­latrie and antichristian tyranny are discovered in the service Booke and Canons, they wipe their mouth, they say, No such thing is meant; and that wee may upon the like occasion blame the service Booke of England. Thirdly, when by the occasi­on of the former quarrellings, their palpable Pope­rie and Arminianisme are set before their eyes, and their perverse intentions, desires, and endeavours, of the change of Religion and lawes are upon o­ther grounds then upon the service Booke and Ca­nons objected against them; they stop their eares, or at least shut their mouths, and answer nothing. This challenge they still decline and misken; they will not let it be heard, let bee to answer to it; And [Page 3] for to make out their tergiversation, for to dash a­way allutterly this our processe, they have bin long plying their great engine; and at last have wrought their yondmost myne to that perfection, that it is now ready to spring under our wals. By their flatte­ring calumnies they have drawne the Prince againe to arms, for the overthrow of us their challengers, and for the affrighting by the terrour of armies on foot all others elswhere, from commencing any such action against them.

As for us, truly it were the greatest happinesse The scope of the treatise. we do wish for out of Heaven, to live peaceably in all submission and obedience, under the wings of our gracious Soveraigne, and it is to us a bitternesse as gall, as wormwood, as death to be necessitate to any contest, to any contradictory tearms, let be an armed defence, against any whom hee is pleased to defend: Yea certainly, it were the great joy of our hearts, to receive these very men, our mortall ene­mies, into the arms of our affection, upon any pro­bable signes in them, of their sincere griefe, for the huge wrongs they have intended, and done to their Mother church and Country. But when this feli­city is denied, and nothing in them doth yet appeare but induration, and a malicions obstinacie; going on madly through a desperate desire of re­venge, to move a very sweet Prince for their cause to shed his own bloud, to rent his own bowels, to cut off his own members, what shall wee doe but complain to GOD, and [...] to the Worlds eyes the true cause of our sufferings, the true grounds of this Episcopall warre, or rather not Episcopall but [Page 4] Canterburian broyle? for wee judge sundry Bishops in the Isle to be very free of these mischiefs, and believe that divers of them would gladly demon­strate their innocency, if so be my Lord of Canter­bury and his dependants, were in any way to receive from the Kings justice some part of their deserve­ings.

Howsoever, that wee may give a testimony to the truth of GOD, which wee are like at once to seale with our bloud, wee will offer to the view of all Reformed Churches, and above the rest to our neerest and sibbest sister of England, as it were in a Table, divers of these errours, which our party first by craft and subtilty, but now by extreame vio­lence of fire and sword, are labouring to bring upon us; to the end that our deare brethren understand­ing our sufferings in the defence of such a cause, may be the more willing at this time to contribute for our assistance from God, the helpe of their earnest Prayers, and for ever hereafter to condole with the more hearty compassion, any misery which possi­bly may befall us, in such a quarrell.

Albeit truly our hopes are yet greater then our All our [...], but one [...]. [...], if we could become so happy as once to get our plea but entred before our Prince; for wee can hardly conceive what in reason should hinder our full [...] of a favourable decision from that Sa­cred mouth, whose naturall equity the World knows in all causes whereof he is impartially infor­med, since our whole action is nought but one for­mall argument, whereof the Major is the verdict of our judge, the Minor shall be the open and a­vowed [Page 5] Testimony of our party, need wee feare that either our Judge or party will be so irrationall as to venture upon the deniall of a conclusion, whereof both the premisses is their own open profession?

Our Major is this: Who ever in the Kings Do­minions The Major thereof. spreads abroad Popery or any doctrine op­posite to the Religion and Laws of the Land, now established, ought not to be countenanced, but se­verely punished by the King. This Major the King hath made certaine to us in his frequent most solemne asseverations, not only at his Coronation both here and in England, in his Proclamations both here and there, Neither shall We ever give way to the authorizing of any thing, whereby any innovation may steale or [...] into the Church, [...] shall preserve that unitie of doctrine and dis­cipline, established in Queen [...] Reigne, whereby the Church of England have stood and flourished, since [...] the [...] of England, 1628. and therefore once for all, we have thought sit to declare, and hereby to assure all our good people, that we neither were, are, nor ever (by the grace of God) shall be stained with Popish superstition, [...] by the contrary, are resolved to maintain the true Protestant Religion, already professed within this our an­cient Kingdome. We neither intend innovation in Religion or Laws, Proclam. [...] 8. 1638. [...] all our good Subjects of the least suspition of any intention in us, to innovate any thing either in Religion or Laws, and to satisfie not only their desires, but even their doubts. Wee have discharged, &c. Proclam. Septemb. 22. 1638. and to give all his Majesties people full as­surance, that hee never intended to admit any alteration or change in the true Religion pro­fessed within this Kingdome, and that they may be truly and fully satisfied of the reality of his intentions, and integrity of the same, his Majesty hath been pleased to require and com­mand all his good Subjects, to subscribe the Confession of Faith, formerly signed by his deare Father, in Anno 1580: and it is his Majesties will that this be insert and registred in the Books of Assembly, as a testimony to posterity, not only of the sincerity of his intertions to the said true Religion, but also of his resolution to mayntain and defend the same, and his Subjects in the profession thereof, Proclam. Decemb. 13. 1638. but also in his late large De­claration, oftimes giving out his resolution to live and die in the reformed Protestant Religion, oppo­site to all Popery; to maintaine his established Laws; and in nothing to permit the enervating of them: Yea, this resolution of the King is so pe­remptory, [Page 6] and publikely avowed, that Canterbury himselfe dare not but applaud thereto; If any prelate would labour to bring in the supersti­tions of the Church of Rome, I doe not only leave him to Gods iudgment, but if his irreligious [...] can be dis­covered, also to shame and severe panishment from the State, and in any just way, no mans hands should be sooner a­gainst him then mine. in his Starre-chamber Speech, who can see me more for­ward then hee for the great equity, to punish con­dignely all who would but mint to bring in any po­pery in this Isle, or assay to make any innovation in Religion or Lawes? Wee believe indeed that the man doth but juggle with the World in his faire ambiguous generalities, being content to in­veigh as much against popery and innovation as we could wish, upon hopes ever when it comes to any particular of the grossest popery wee can name, by his subtile distinctions and disputations to slide out of our hands: But wee are perswaded what ever may be the juggling of sophisticating Bishops, yet the magnanimous ingenuity, the Royall integrity of our gracious Soveraigne is not compatible with such fraudulent equivocations, as to proclaime his detestation of popery in generals, and not thereby to give us a full assurance of his abhorring every particular, which all the orthodox Preachers of this Isle since the Reformation, by Queene Elisabet and King James allowance have ever condemned as po­pish errours. Our Major then wee trust may be past as unquestionable.

Wee subjoine our Minor, But so it is that Can­terbury The Minor. and his dependars, men raised, and yet main­tained by him, have openly in their printed bookes, without any recantation or punishment to this day spread abroad in all the Kings dominions, doctrines opposite to our Religion and lawes, especially the most points of the grossest poperie. In reason all [Page 7] our bickering ought to be here alone. This Minor I offer to instruct, and that by no other middes then the testimony of their own pens. If I doe so to the full satisfaction of all, who know what are the par­ticular heads of the reformed Religion, and what the tenets of Popery opposite thereto, what are the lawes standing in all the three dominions, and what the contrary maximes of the Turkish empire, where with Machiavelists this day every where are labouring to poyson the eares of all Christian Princes, for enervating the laws and liberties of their Kinngdomes: I hope that reason and justice which stand night and day attending on either side of King Charles throne will not fail to perswade the chearfull embracement of the conclusion, which The conclusion. follows by a cleare and naturall necessity, from the forenamed premisses, to wit, that Canterbury and his dependars in all the three dominions ought not to be countenanced by the King, but severely punished: Let be that for their pastime a bloody and hazardous war should be raised in so unseasonable a time, for the undoing of that countrie and Church which God hath honoured with the birth and bap­tisme, both of his Majesties owne person, and of his renowmed father, and to the which both of them as all their hundreth and six glorious Predecessors, are endebted before God, and the World, all their Prerogatives both of nature, [...], and estate, so much as any Princes were ever to their mother Church and native country.

ARminianisme how great and dangerous an innovation of the reformed Religion it is, [...] a great and dangerous in­novation of [...] we may learne by the late experiences of our neighbours, when that weed began to spread among them. The States of Holland have declared in ma­ny passages of their Dordracen Synod, that they found it a more ready meane to overthrow both their Church and State, then all the engines, policies, armes which the Pope, and Spaniard, in any bygone time had used against them. The Church of France the other yeare, when Amirot, and Testard, and some few of their Divines, were but surmised to incline a little towards some small twigs of one ar­ticle of Arminius, was so affrighted, that they rested not till in a generall Assembly at Alenzon, they did run together for the extinguishing of the first sparkes as it were of a common fire. When P. Baro in Cambridge began to run a little on this rock, how carefull was my Lord of Canterbury and the Bishops then in their meeting at Lambeth for the crushing of that Cockatrice in the [...] when that serpent again in the same place began to set np the nose in the writtes of Thomson, how carefull was the Bishops then by the hand of their brother of Salisbury Doctor Abbots to cut of the head of that monster? But what speake wee of the Churches reformed? The very Synagogue of Rome whose conscience [Page 9] is enlarged as the Hell to swallow downe the vilest morsels of the most lewd errours that Antichrist can present, yet did they sticke much at this bone, when the Jesuit Molina began to draw out these dregs of Pelagianisme from the long neglected pits of some obscure Schoolmen, what clamours were raised there, not only by Alvarez and his followers, but also by numbers of Prelats and some great Princes, till the credit of the Jesuits in the Court of Rome, and the wisdome of the Consistory prognosticating a new rent in their Church did pro­cure from the Pope a peremptory injunction of si­lence to both sides, on all highest paines: hoping if the Dominicans mouthes were once stopped, that the Jesuits by their [...] arts, and silent policies would at last worke out their intended point, which indeed since that time, they have wel-neare fully gained.

But to King Charles eye no evidence useth to be King James judgment of [...]. so demonstrative, as that which commeth from the learned hand of his blessed Father. Would wee know how gracious a plant Arminianisme and the dressers of it will prove in England, or any where else, advise with King James, who after full tryall and long consultation about this emergent, with the Divines of his Court, especially the late Arch­bishop Abbots, gave out at last his Decree in print, and that in Latine, not only for a present declaration to the States of Holland, of his minde against Vorstius, and a cleere confession of his Faith in those points to the Christian World, but above all to remayne a perpetuall Register for his Heires and [Page 10] Succ essors, of his faithfull advise, if after his death [...] Kingdomes should be ever in danger to be [...] with that wicked seed.

In that Treatise, his Majesty doth first Declarat. contra [...] p. 15. [...] avow all them to be grosse Lyers, who do not blush to af­firme that any of the Arminian Articles, even that most plausible one of the Saints [...] are con­sonant with the Doctrine or Articles of the Church of England. Ibid. p. 12. [...] He styleth Bertius for such a slan­der, a very impudent and brazen-faced man. Se­condly, Ibid. pag. 18 [...] Hee pronounceth these Doctrines of Arminius to be Heresies lately revived and damna­ble to the Hels from whence they come. Thirdly, Ibid. pag. 12. [...] That Bertius for the very title of his booke, The Saints apostasie deserved burning Fourthly, Ibid. pag. 14. [...] That Arminius and his Scholars were to be reputed pests, enemies to God, proud, [...], hereticall, Atheists. Fifthly, Ibid. pag. 15. [...] Hee affirmeth that their tole­ration would not faile to bring upon the heads of their Tolerators let be favourers, Gods maledicti­on, an evill report, slander and infamy with all the Churches abroad, and certaine Schisme, Division and Tumults at home. Shall wee then make any doubt of King Charles full contentment, that wee a­vow Arminianisme, to be such a dangerous innova­tion of our Religion as the reformed Churches a­broad, and his Father at home hath taught us to count it where ever it is found.

The great increase of Arminians in Scot­land, by Canterburies mean.Notwithstanding this bitter root amongst us was setting up the head of late very boldly in all the prime places of our Kingdome, wee have had since the reformation many bickerings about the Church [Page 11] Government and Ceremonies, but in matters of Doctrine neverany Controversie was knowne, till some yeares agoe a favourable aire from the mouth of Doctour Lad at Court began to blow upon these unhappy seeds of Arminius. No sooner was those Southwinds sensible in our climate, but at once in S. Andrews, Edinburg, Aberdeen, and about Glasgow, that weed began to spring amaine. Doctour Wederburn in the new Colledge of Saint Andrews did stuffe his Dictates to the young Students in Divinity with these errours. This man upon the feares of our Churches censure, having fled the Countrey, was very tenderly embraced by his Grace at Court and well rewarded with a faire Benefice in England, for his labours: But to the end his talents should not lye hid, although a man very unmeet either for preach­ing or government, hee was sent downe tous, without the knowledge of our Church, by Can­terburies only favour, to be Bishop of Dumblane, for this purpose mainly, that in the Royall Chappell, whereof that Bishop is alwayes Dean, hee might in despite of all our Presbyteries weave out the web he had begun in Saint Andrews. So quickly there was erected a society of twenty foure Royall Chap­lains, who were thought fittest of the whole Cler­gie of the Kingdome, to be allured with hopes of favour from Court, to preach to the State the Deans Arminian tenets. In Edinburgh, Master Sydserfe did peartly play his part, and for the reward of his bold­nesse, had cast in his lap in a trace the Deanry of E. dinburgh, the Bishoprick of Brechen, and last of [...], with full hopes in a short time of an Arch­bishops [Page 12] cloake. In the North, Doctour Forbes the only Father of the most of those who fell a­way from the Doctrine of our Church, came too good speed in his evill labours, and for his pains was honoured with the first seate in the new erected Chaire of our principall Citie. Others about Glas­gow made their preaching of the Arminian errours the pathway to their assured advancement. In our generall Assembly wee found that this cockle was comming up apace in very many furrows of our field: Some of it we were forced, albeit to our great griefe, to draw up and cast [...] the dyke, which at once was received and replanted in England, in too good a soyle.

Wee confesse, that it happened not much beside The Kings name stolne by [...] to the defence of [...]. our expectation, that our Arminians after the cen­sure of our Church should at Court have beene too graciously received and sheltered in the Sanctuary of his Grace at Lambeth; But, this indeed, did and doth still astonish us all, that any should have been so bold as to have stolne King Charles name to a printed Declaration, wherein not only our generall Assembly is condemned for using any censure at all against any for the crime of Arminianisme: Large Declar. pag. 74. According to their weake and [...] power they did determine [...] Predestination, Uni­versall Grace, irresi­stibility of Grace, concurrance of Free Will with Grace, to­tall and finall perse­verance in Grace, and other such like intricate points, that some men would be loth to live so long as they could make them understand them. But also Arminius Articles are all-utterly slighted and pronounced to be of so obscure & intricate a nature that both our Assembly was too peart to make any determination about them, and that many of our number were altogether unable by any teaching ever to winne so much as to the understanding of [Page 13] the very questions: P. 16. Some Mi­nisters were depri­ved for [...], a course never heard of in any place where any rule of justice was observed, that a Minister should bee deprived for holding any Tenet which is not against the Do­ctrine of that Church wherein hee liveth, and that before it bee prohibited and con­demned by that Church. Now there is nothing in the [...] of that Church against these Tenets. Yea, those Articles are a­vowed to be consonant, and in nothing to be op­posite to the confession of our Church, and are free­ly absolved of all poperie. Pag. 303. They could make no an­swer when it was told them these Tenets could not be counted Popish, concerning which, or the chiese of which as learned Papists as any in the World, the [...] and Jesuits did differ as much as the Protestants, and that those which doe ad­here to the Augustan Confession did hold that side of those Te­nets which the Arminians did hold, and yet they were very farre from being Papists, being the first Protestants, and therefore it was against all sense to condemne that for Popery which was held by many Protestant Churches, and rejected by many learned Papists. Because indeed (for this is the onely reason) some learned papists finde divers of Arminius points to bee so absurd that their stomacks cannot away with them, and some of the Lutheran divines agree with the Arminians in cer­taine parcels of some of their Articles: They must bee strangers in these questions, who are ig­norant in how many things the Dominicans and all Papists agree with Arminius, and in how many the Lutherans disagree from him. However wee were and are amazed to see Canterbury so mala­peart, as to proclaime in the Kings name, beside many other strange things, the Articles of Ar­minius, to bee so far above the capacitie of our generall Assembly, that it deserves a Royall re­proofe for minting to determine any thing in them, and that they are no wayes contrarie to the do­ctrine of onr Church, neither any ways popish, and that for a reason, which will exeeme from the note of Poperie every errour which is so grosly absurd, that some learned Papists are forced to contradict it; or some grosse Lutheran can get his throat extended to swallow it downe.

[Page 14] This boldnesse cannot in any reason be imputed [...] is the au­thor of this part of the Declaration to our gracious Soveraigne: For how is it possible that he upon any tolerable information, should ever have suffered himselfe to be induced to write, or speak in such a straine of these thinge, which so late­ly by his learned Father was declared in print, and that in Latine to be no lesse then heresies worthy of burning; yea, damnable to the very infernall pit whence, as he sayes, they did first come up. Neither is it like that these sentences come from the heart of Doctor Balcanquel the penman of them; for he was a member of Dort Synod, and brought up in the Church of Scotland, the man is not unseene in the Popish Tenets; How is it possible that his conscience should absolve the Arminian errours of all Popery, and all contrarietie to the Scottish confession. May any be so uncharitable, as to suspect his late promo­tion in Durham, hath altered so soon his minde? Sure not long since, both in England and Scotland, hee did desire to be esteemed by his friends, one of those whom Canterbury did maligne, and hold downe for his certain and known resolutions, and reputed abi­lities to oppose his Graces Arminian, and Popish in­novations. His Majesty being certainly cleer of this imputation, and readily also Balcanquel, the Ama­nuense, on whom can the fault ly but Canterbury, the directors back? For the world knowes, that on his shoulders for common alone, the King doth de­volve the trust of all Bookish and Ecclesiasticall af­faires that concerne him, that at his commande­ment [...] hath written in the Kings name that part at the least of the declaration, which patronizeth the [Page 15] Arminian persons and cause, we doe not conjecture but demonstrate by the constant and avowed course of his Graces carriage in advancing Arminianisme at all occasions; in all the Kings Dominions.

That this may appeare, consider his practises, The Irish Church infected with [...] by Canterbu­rie. not so much amongst us, and in the Irish Church, where yet his hand is very nimble, to set these ungracious plants, and to nippe off all the over­spreading branches of any tree that may over­top them: For who else in a moment, hath ad­vanced Doctor Bramble, not only to the sea of Der­rie, but to the Kings [...] Generall? Who sent Doctor Chappell first to the University of Du­blin, and then to his Episcopall chair? Who holds [...] the head of that Orthodox Primat, and of all who kyth any zeale there to the trueth of God; Who caused not onely refuse the confir­mation of these Arminian Articles of Ireland, in the last Parliament, but threatned also to burne them by the hand of the Hangman? Whose invention are these privy Articles, which his creature Derry presents to divers, who take Or­ders from his holy hands? Wee will passe these and such other effects, which the remote rayes of his Graces countenance doe produce in so great a distance; Onely behold! How great an increase that unhappy plant hath made there in England, where his eye is neerer to view, and his hand to water it.

In the 25 yeare, at the very instant of King James The Canterburians in England, teach the first and second Ar­ticle of Arminianisme. death, Doctor Montague, with Doctor Whites appro­bation, did put to the Presse all the Articles of Ar­minius [Page 16] in the same termes, with the same argu­ments and most injurious calumniations of the Or­thodox Doctrine, as Spalato and the Remonstrants had done a little before, but with this difference, that where those had dipped their pens in inke Doct. Montagu doeth write with vinegar and gall, in every other line, casting out the venome of his bitter spirit, on all that commeth in his way, except they be fowles of his own feather; for oft when hee speakes of Jesuites, Cardinals, Popes, hee anoints his lips with the sweetest honey, and perfumes his breath with the most cordiall tablets. If any doe doubt of his full Arminianisme, let them cast up his Appeale and see it cleerely, [...], 60 [...] my through and sincere [...] from the faction of novellizing [...], but in no point [...] then in the [...] of desperate Prede­stination. [...]. [...] 70. I see no reason why any Di­vines of our [...] present at the Syned of [...], should take any [...] at my [...], who had no authority that I [...] to conclude me, [...] then I doe at them, [...] from mee in their [...], [...] in [...]. Ibid. pag. 71. I am sure the Church of England never [...] in her [...]. Ibid pag 72, at the Conference of Hampton Court, before his Majesty, by Doctor [...], that doctrine of irrespective Predestination was stiled against the [...] of [...], then urged by the [...], a desperare doctrine without reproofe or tax­ation of any. Ibid. [...] 50. your absolute, necessary, determined, irresistible, irrespective De­cree of God to call, save, and [...] Saint [...], for [...], without any conside­ration had of, or regard unto his [...], obedience, [...]: I say it truly, it is the fancie of some [...] men. in the first and second Article of Election and Redemption, hee avoweth his aversenesse from the doctrine of Lam­beth and Dort which teacheth, that God from eter­nity did elect us to grace and salvation, not for any consideration of our faith, workes or any thing in us as causes, respects or conditions antecedent to that decree, but onely of his meere mercy; And that from this Election all our faith, works, and perse­verance doe flow as effects. Hee calleth this the pri­vate fancie of the Divines of Dort, opposite to the doctrine of the Church of England: For this asser­tion he [...] the Synod of Lambeth, as teachers [Page 17] of desperate doctrine, and would father this foule imputation; but very falsely on the conference at Hampton Court. Ibid. [...] 61. 64. I shall as I can brief­ly set downe what I conceive of this act of Gods Decree of Predestination, set­ting by all execution of purpose: thus far we have gone, and no word yet of Prede­stination, for how could it be in a paritie? There must be first conceived a disproportion, before there can be conceived [...] election or dereliction: God had compassion of men in the masse of perdition, upon [...], & genera [...], and out of his mercy in his love motumero, no otherwise [...] out to them deliverance, in a Mediatour the Man Iesus Christ, and drew them out that took hold of mercy, leaving them there that would none of him. Againe hee avoweth positively that faith goeth before Election, and that to all the lost race of Adam alike, Gods mercy in Christ is propounded till the parties free-will, by believing or mis-believing, make the disproportion antece­dent to any divine either election, or reprobation.

One of the reasous why King Iames stiled Ar­minius Why King Iames sty­led them Atheists. disciples atheists, was because their first arti­cle of conditionall election did draw them by an inevitable necessitie to the maintenance of Vorstian impiety: For make mee once Gods Eternall decree posterior, and dependant from faith, repentance, perseverance, and such works, which they make slow from the free will of changeable men; that Decree of God will be changeable, it will be a se­parable accident in him; God will bee a composed substance of subject, and true accidents, no more an absolute simple essence, and so no more God. Vor­stius ingenuitie in professing this composition is not misliked by the most learned of the Belgick Armini­ans, who use not as many of the English, to deny the cleare consequences of their doctrine, if they be necessary, though never so absurd. However in this very place Montagu maintaines very Vorstian atheisme as expresly as any can do making the di­vine [Page 18] essence to be finite, his omni-presence not to be in substance, but in providence, Appeal, pae. 49. the [...] among o­thers [...] that [...] of old, [...] to [...]. They meant it substantially, and so [...]: Chri­stians [...] it too, but disposively in his providence. and so making God to be no God. This thought long agoe by lear­ned Featly objected in print to Montagu, lyes still up­on him without any clearing. Certainly our Armi­nians in Scotland were begun both in word and writ to undertake the dispute for all that Vorstius had printed: I speak what I know, and have felt oft to my great pains.

Arminianisme is a chaine, any one linke whereof, They teach the third and [...] Article. but specially the first, will draw all the rest; yet see the other also expressed by Montagu. In the Articles of Grace and Freewill, not only hee goes cleare with the Arminians, teaching that Mans will hath ever a faculty to resist, and oft times according to the doctrine of the Church of England actually doth re­sist, reject, frustrate, and overcome the most power­full acts of the spirit and grace of God, even those which are employed about regeneration, sanctifica­tion, justification, perseverance. [...] [...] 89. St. [...] in [...] hath the very word antipiptete, you resist, nay, fall crosse with the holy Ghost, not suffering him to [...] grace in you. If the Councell meaned it [...], operante: I thinke no man will deny it, de gratia [...], subsequente, cooperante; there is without question in the naturall will of a regenerate man so much [...] concupiscence, as may make him resist and rebell against the law of the Spirit. And if a man justified may fall away from grace, which is the doctrine of the Church of England, then without question, your selves being judges, he may [...] the grace of God offered. Not onely doth hee thus far proceed, but also hee avowes that all the difference which is betwixt the Church of England and Rome, in this head of freewill, is in nothing materiall, Ibid. [...] 95. Thus having with as great diligence as I could examined this question inter partes of Free-will, I doe ingenuously confesse, that I cannot finde any such materiall [...] between the [...], at least of better temper, and our Church. and really long agoe to be en­ded and agreed amongst the most judicious and sober of both the sides.

[Page 19] For the fifth of perseverance hee is as grosse as a­ny Also the fifth. either Remonstrant or Molinean Jesuite, profes­sing, that no man in this life can have more assu­rance not to fall away both totally and finally from all the grace he gets, then the devils Antigag. p. 161 Man is not likely in the State of grace to be of an higher alloy then Angels were in the state of glory, then Adam was in the state of innocencie: Now i Adam in Paradise, and [...] in heaven did fall and lost their originall estate, the one totally, [...] and the other eternally, what greater assurance hath any man in the state of proficiencie; not of consummation. had once in Heaven, and Adam once in Paradise.

Behold the Arminian ensigne fairly now display­ed Silence by proclama­tion enjoyned to both sides. in England by the hands of Montagu and White, under the conduct of Doctor Lad Bishop of Saint Davids, even then the President, the chiefe in Ecclesi­asticall affaires of the Duke of Buckinghams secret councell. At the first sight of this black banner a number of brave Champions got to their armes; pulpits over all England rang, presses swate against the boldnesse of that but small handfull then of courtizing Divines. Their crafty leader seeing the sloud of opposition, and finding it meet for a little to hold in, and fold up his displayed colours, did by the Duke his patron perswade the expediencie of that policy, which the Jesuites had immediately be­fore, for that same very designe moved the Roman consistory to practice. Hee obtained a Proclamati­on, commanding silence on both sides, discharging all preaching, all printing in these controversies, astricting to the cleare, plaine and very Grammati­call sense of the Articles of England in these points, without all further deductions. By this meanes his intentions were much promoved, open avowers of Arminianisme were by publique authority so [Page 20] exempted from any censure, a reall libertie was thus proclamed over all the land, for any who plea­sed to embrace Arminianisme without oppo­tion.

Hereby in two or three years the infection spread The Arminians in England advanced. so far and broad, that the Parliament was forced in the 28. to make the encrease of Arminianisme their chiefe grievance to his Majestie; But at that time Doctor Lad was growne greater. He had mounted up from the Bath to London, and to make a shew there in Parliament of his power in the eie of all the complainers, he raised up Montagu to the Episcopall Chaire of his own Diocesan, Doctor Carleton, who had lately chastised him in print for his Arminian appeale. D. White his other [...], that all great spirits might be encouraged to run the wayes which Doct. Lad pointed out to them, in despight of these Parliamentarie Remonstrants, was advanced from Bishoprick to Bishoprick, till death at the step of Elie did interrupt the course of his promotion, that to Wren a third violent follower of his Arminian Tenets, way might bee made for to clime up the re­maining steps of the ladder of his Honours. Now to the end [...] the world may know, that my Lord of Canterbury doth nothing blush at the advance­ment of such men, heare what a publique testimony of huge worth and deserving, hee causeth his He­rauld Peter [...] to proclame to that Triumvirat, not onely at his own directions, (for that mode­rate answer of Heylens is the Iusto volumine which his G. did promise to the world in his Starre-chamber speech) but also in name of authority, if Heylen [Page 21] lie not, who sayes, He writes that book at the com­mandement of the State: There, after the cryasse of Canterburies owne extraordinary prayses A moderate an­swer, pag. 78 you will be troubled to finde Canterburies equall in our Church, since King Edwards Re­formation, whether yee looke to his publike or private demeanours. the re­nowme of his three Underleaders, is loudly sounded as of plain Non-suches Ibid pag. 84. White, Montagne, and [...], whom you so abuse, are such, who for their endeavours for this Churches honour, fidelity in their service to the King, full abilities in Learning, have had no equals in this Church, since the Reformation..

All these his graces favours to his followers would Their opposites dis­graced and persecu­ted. have been the more tolerable, if he would have per­mitted his Orthodox opposites to have had some share in their Princes affection, or at least to have li­ved in peace in their own places. But behold, all that crosses his way must downe, were they the greatest Bishops in the Dominions. For who else wrought the [...] Archbishop so farre out of the Kings Grace, that he remained some yeers before his death well-neere confined to his house at Lambeth? Who hath caused to cage up in the Tower that great and learned Bi­shop of Lincolne? what ever else may be in the man. What fray makes that worthy Primate Vsher, to foretell oft to his friends his expectation, to be sent over Sea, to die a Pedant teaching boys for his bread, by the persecution of this faction whose ways he a­vows to many, doth tend to manifest Arminianisme, and Popery. This their resolution to persecute with Albeit to this day fleshly feares have made him to let passe with silence in pub­like the most wicked of their courses. all extremity, every one who shall mint to print or preach any thing against Arminianisme, they avow it openly not only by deeds (for why else was Ma­ster [Page 22] Butter the Stationer cast by Canterbury in the Fleet for printing Bishop Davenants letter to Bishop Hall against some passage of Arminianisme at the Au­thors direction, as we see it set down by Huntley in his Breviat?) but even in open print, for when Master Bur­ton complains to the King that hee was silenced by Canterbury, for expounding of his ordinary text, Rom. 8 Whom God hath predestinate, those he hath called, and ap­plying it to the present Pelagianisme and Popery of the Arminians, Christopher Dow Chr. Dow. Answer to Master Burton, M. Burton did preach on the highest point of Predestination in a cōtroverted way with disputes and clamo­rous invectives a­gainst those who dis­sented from him in opinion, his questio­ning and suspending for this cause, was nothing contrary to his Majestics Declarations. ibid pag. 40. Be it so that the doctrine of election, effectuall vocation, assurance of [...], are by the Declaration sup­pressed, rather then the peace of the Church should bee disturbed, wee might truly say of that time when his [...] Declaration was published, that men were uncapable of these doctrines, when men began to chide, and to count each other [...], [...] it was with our neighbours, it began to be with us, was it not time to enjoyne both sides silence? By this meanes you say, there is no Minister, not one among a thousand that dare clearly preach of these most comfor­table doctrines, and so soundly confute the [...] heresie. Blessed be God, that there are so few who dare, and I with those few who dare, had shewed more obedience to his Majesty. approved by Can­terburies Chaplain, and Peter Helyn directed to speak by Canterbury himselfe doth not stand to affirme, that this was a cause well deserving all the sufferings hee complained of.

Could any here but expect of his Graces wise­dome Canterbury and his [...] contrary to the Proclamation goe on still to print, let be to preach their Tenets. and loyalty, when his solicitude appeareth to disgrace and punish, without respect of persons, all who in contempt, as he saith, of the Kings Procla­mation will not desist from the publike oppugning of Arminianisme, that on the other hand the Preach­ers and Printers for Arminianisme according to that same Proclamation should be put to some order? yet this is so farre neglected, that all who are so affected, Cousins, Colines, Beal in CAMBRIDGE, Potter [Page 23] and Jackson in OXFORD, and many more prime Doctours in both Universities, in the Citie, in the Court, and over all the Land, boldly give out their mind to all they meet with for the advancement of the new way; yea boldnesse in running those paths hath beene knowne to have beene the high way in all the three Dominions these yeeres bygone to certain promotion in many men, who to the Worlds eyes had no other singular eminencie of any good parts.

But that his Graces tramping upon the Kings Proclamation may bee yet the more evident, be­hold how hee doth daily dispense both with his owne pen and those also of his Friends to write and print for Arminianisme, what they please. White being taxed by Master Burton for his subscription to Montagues Appeale, is so farre from the least re­tractation, that the fift Article of Apostasie and un­certainty of salvation which Master Burton did single out of all Montagues errours as most opposite to Christian comfort, hee maintaines it in his owne Answer to the Dialogue; but as the custome now is under the covert of some Fathers name, at great length with much bitternesse, and casts out without provocation in his Treatise of the Sabbath, the first and second Article: Pag 82. The be­nefit of redemption by the antecedent will of Christ is in­tended to all men living, though all men by reason of their own demerits doe not actually re­ceive the fruit of it. Volūtas antecedens est voluntas [...] & [...] Dei ex ejus nativa [...] existens, [...] su­mens occasionem ex no­bis. Master Dow and Schelfoord use the same plainnesse. Yea, in the one and thirtieth yeare that Faction was so malepeart as to set out the Historicall Narration by one Aileward where­in all the Articles of Arminius at length with these false and bitter Calumniations of our Do­ctrine, which are usually chanted and rechanted [Page 24] by the Remonstrants are not onely set downe as truths, but also fathered upon the first reformers and Martyrs of England. That Booke when it had beene out a while was called in, not because the doctrines were false, not because the story was forged, as that learned Knight Sir Vmphrey Lyne by the ocular inspection of that originall manu­script did since demonstrate, but the onely reason of the calling of it backe, as his Grace makes Heylen declare to us, was, the dinne and clamour which Mr. Burton, then one of the Ministers of London, made against it. Moderate an­swer, pag. 121. The historicall narration was called in also for your pleasure.

Conterbury himselfe is nothing afraid to lend his owne hand to pull downe any thing that seemes crosse to Arminianisme. The certainty of Sal­vation, the assurance of Election, is such an eye-sore, that to have it away, hee stands not with his owne hand to cut and mangle the very Liturgie of the Church, otherwise a sacred peace, and a noli me tangere in England in the smallest points, were they never so much by any censured of errour: yet if any clause crosse Arminianisme or Poperie, his grace doth not spare without dinne to expurge it, did it stand in the most eminent places thereof in the very mor­ning prayers for the Kings person. Here was this clause fixed since the reformation (who are the Father of thine elect and their seed) this seemed to bee a publike profession that it was not unlawfull for King Charles to avow his certainty and perswa­sion that God was his Father, and hee his adopted Childe elected to salvation. His grace could not en­dure any longer such a scandalous speech to bee ut­tered, [Page 25] but with his own hand scrapeth it out. Being challenged for it by Master Burton, and the out-cryes of the people, he confesseth the fact; only for excuse, bringeth three reasons of which you may judge: Star-chamber, speech, p. 28. It was delet at the King, di­rection in my Prede­cessors time, when theKing had no chil­dren First, he saith, It was done in his Predecessours time: Doth not this make his presumption the more into­lerable, that any inferiour Bishop living at the very eare of the Archbishop, should mint to expurge the Liturgie? Secondly, Hee pretends the Kings command for his doing. Doth not this encrease his guiltinesse, that hee and his followers are become so wicked and irrespective, as to make it an ordinary pranke, to cast their owne misdeeds upon the broad back of the Prince? Dare hee say, that the King commanded any such thing motu proprio? Did hee command that expunction without any information, without any mans advise? Did any King of England ever assay to expurge the publike Bookes of the Church, without the advise of his Clergie? Did ever King Charles meddle in any Church matter of far lesse importance without Doctour Lads counsell? The third excuse, That the King then had no seed: How is this pertinent? May not a childlesse man say in his prayers, that God is the Father of the Elect, and of their seed, though himselfe as yet have no seed? But the true cause of his anger against this passage of the Liturgie, seemeth to have been none other then this Arminian conclusion; that all faith of election in particular, of personall adoption or sal­vation, is nought but presumption. That this is his Graces faith, may appear by his Chaplains hand, at that base and false story of Ap-Evan by Studley, [Page 26] wherein are bitter invectives against all such per­swasions as puritanick delusions, Satan like an Angell of light stir­ring up in the heart of immort fied per­sons, a spirituall pride in a high con­ceit of their [...], the assurance of their e­lection, illuminati­on, conversion, ima­ginary sense of their adoption, &c. yea, hee is con­tented that Chouneus should print over and over again his unworthy collections, not onely subscribed by his chaplain, but dedicated to himself, wherein salva­tion is avowed to be a thing unknown, and whereof no man can have any further, or should wish for any more then a good hope. Pag. 82. Salus [...] satis certa quā ­vis ipsis ignota, ex gratia & [...] sua misericordia det Deus [...] suavissimam & [...] spei [...], [...] non expectamus. And if any desire a cleare confession, behold himselfe in those opuscula posthuma of Andrewes, which hee setteth out to the world after the mans death, and dedicates to the King; avowing that the Church of England doth maintaine no personall perswasion of predestination, which Tenet Cardinall Peroun had objected as pre­sumption. Stricturae, wee thinke it not safe for any man perempto­rily to presume him­selfe predestinate. White also in his answer to the dia­logue, makes mans election a mysterie, which God hath so hid in his secret counsell that no man can in this life come to any knowledge, let bee assu­rance of it, at great length from the ninety se­venth page to the hundred and third, and that most plainly.

But to close this Chapter passing a number of evi­dences, A demonstration of Canterburies Arminia­nisme in the highest degree. I bring but one more which readily may bee demonstrative, though all other were laid aside. By the Lawes and practises of England, a Chaplains licencing of a booke for the presse is taken for his Lord the Bishops deed: So Heylen approven by Canterbury teacheth in his Antido­tum, Pag. 3. [...] if you bee so [...] as not to apprehend that, yet must the publish­ing of this libell [...] in conclusion, on my Lord high treasurer the Bishop of London, at whose house the booke was licentiat, which is so high a language against authority, against the practice of this Realme, for licentiating of bookes against the honour of the Star-chamber on whose decree that practice is founded, &c. and for this there is reason, for the [Page 27] Lawes give authority of licencing to no chaplaine, but to their Lords alone, who are to be answerable for that which their servant doth in their name. Also the chaplaine at the licencing receives the prin­cipall subscribed copie, which hee delivereth to his Lord, to bee laid up in his episcopall Register. William Bray, one of Canterburies Chaplaines, sub­scribed [...] collectiones [...], as consonant to the doctrine of the Church of England & meet for the presse. The authour dedicated the treatise to my L. of Canterbury, it was printed at London 1636. in­to this booke, the first article, which by the confessi­on of all sides, draws with it all the rest, is set downe in more plain and foul tearmes then Molina or any Jesuite; sure I am then Arminius, Vorstius, or any their followers ever did deliver, Pag. 18. Non vi­deo [...] in [...] quare cum quae est ex Deo per [...] eandem (que) actionem bo­nitatis à seipso emanan­tem, recta [...] fi­dei in Christum resipis­centiae, obedientiae, per­severantiae, sit causa salvationis, perversa quae [...] hominibus est damnationis, in eadem unitatis ratione, electi­nis & reprobationis [...] causae [...]. teaching in one These those three grosse errours. 1. That mens faith, repentance, perseverance, are the true causes of their Salvation; as Misbeleefe, Impe­nitencie, Apostasie are of Damnation: Doth Bellarmine goe so farre in his Doctrine of justi­fication and merit? 2. That those sinnes are no lesse the true causes of reprobation then of dam­nation. 3. That mens faith, repentance, perseve­rance are no lesse the true causes of their eternall election, then misbeliefe or other sinnes of their temporall damnation. Let charity suppone that his grace in the midst of his numerous and weigh­tie imployments hath been forced to neglect the reading of a booke of this nature, though dedicate to himselfe, albeit it is well known that his watchfull eye is fixed upon nothing more then [Page 28] Pamphlets which passes the presse upon Doctrines now controverted, yet his grace being publikly upbraided, for countenancing of this book by Doctor Bastwick in the face of the Starre-chamber, and being advertised of its dedication to himselfe, of the errours contained in it, yea of injuries against the King of the deepest staine, as these which strooke at the very roote of his supremacie, and that in favour of Bishops. When in such a place Can­terbury was taxed for letting his name stand before a Booke that wounded the Kings Monarchicall go­vernment at the very heart, and did transferre from the Crowne to the Miter one of its fairest diamonds which the King and his Father before him did ever love most dearely, no Charity will longer per­mit us to believe, but his Grace would without further delay lend some two or three spare howers to the viewing of such a piece which did concerne the King and himselfe so neerely. Having therefore without all doubt both seen & most narrowly sifted all the corners of that small Treatise, and yet been so farre from reproving the Authour, from censuring the licencer, his Chaplain, from calling in the booke, from expurging any one jot that was in it, that the Treatise the second time is put to the presse at London with the same licence, the same dedication, no letter of the points in question altered: May wee not conclude with the favour of all reasonable men, that it is my Lord of Canterburies expresse minde to have his owne name prefixed, and his chaplaines hand subjoined to the grossest errours of Arminius, and so to professe openly his contempt of the Kings [Page 29] Proclamation, for the pretended violation where, of he causeth stigmatize, mutilat, fine excessively, imprison for time of life, very vertuous gentle-men, both Divines, Lawyers, Physitians, & of other faculties.

What there can be said for his graces apologie Arminianisme is con­sonant to the Arti­cles of England, and not contrary to the Proclamation. nothing commeth in my mind, except one al­ledgeance, that the point in hand crosseth not the proclamation, discharging toproceed in those que­stions beyond the Grammaticall construction and literall sense of the articles of England. The Au­thour indeed in the Epistle dedicatory avowes to his grace that the These alledged, and all the rest of his Booke doth perfectly agree with the English Articles, in the very first and literall sense, whereof the Proclamation speaketh, Nec videantur sensum articulorum [...] in li­terali & grammaticali nedum in [...] verbo­rum sensu transgredi. And to this asserti­on the Licencers hand is relative as to the rest of the booke: but of this miserable apologie, which yet is the onely one which I can imagine possible, this will be the necessary issue, that the grosse lie, which good King James put upon the bold brow of impu­dent Bertius, for his affirming that one article of the Saints apostasie, let bee other more vile Arminian Tenets, was consonant with the Articles of England, must bee throwne back from Bertius on the Kings face, and that in as disgracefull a way as it was first given: Montague and White, with his graces per­mission, did give that venerable Prince long agoe the lie at home in English, affirming the perfect agreeance of the Arminian apostasie with the Do­ctrine of England. But this afront contents not his [Page 30] Grace except the barbarous medicine, under the shelter of his Archiepiscopall name belie his Ma­jesty over sea, and over the whole world, where the Latine is understood. Beside this shamefull in­convenience, another dangerous evill will necessarily follow from this apologie, to wit, that the Armi­nian doctrine may not onely be tollerat in England, which yet if King James bee trusted, cannot faile to draw downe upon England a curse from God, shame from abroad, horrible schisme at home, but also since their grossest Articles are declared in print and in Latine, under the shadow of Canterburies name, to be fully consonant to the very literall sense of the Articles of England, all the members of that Church may bee compelled presently without more delay to embrace those doctrines; and that any man­is permitted in England, to believe in peace the Anti­arminian Articles, wherein Queene Elisabet and King James did live and die, it is of meere favour and the Princes mercy, who readily by the Arch-bishops in­tercession is diverted from pressing the profes­sion of those articles; according to the first and most literall sense, which now is clearly avowed to be after Arminius; yea, Molina his mind.

IT was the opinion of many among us for a The faction once su­spected of Luthcra­nisme. long time, that the innovating faction did minde no more nor Arminianisme, but at once, those who touched their pulse neerer, did finde a more high humour working in their veines. With Arminius errours they began incontinent to pub­lish other Tenets, which to all meere Arminians were ridiculous follies. The elements of the Lords Supper began by them to bee magnified, above the common phrase of protestant Divines, a corporall presence of Christs humanitie in and about the ele­ments to bee glanced at, a kind of omnipresence of Christs flesh to bee preached, a number of adora­tions before those elements, and all that was neere them, both the altar, bason, chalice, and chancell to bee urged; many new ceremonies, which for ma­ny yeares had beene out of use, to bee taken in, a great bitternesse of spirit, against all who ran not after these new guises to appeare. This made us thinke they intended to step over from Arminius to Luther. In this conception wee were somewhat [Page 32] confirmed, considering their earnest recommenda­tion, to the reading of young Students the late Lu­theran Divines, such as Hutter, Meisner, Gerard, with their crying down, both in private and publike, of Calvine, Beza, Martyr, Bucer, and the rest of the famous Writers both ancient and late of the French and Belgicke Churches. Their giving it out also that their martyred Reformers, Cranmer, Ridley, Latimer, were of Luthers Schoole, and from him had learned those things, wherein the English Church did differ from the other Reformed of Calvines framing. But most of all, by my Lord of Canterburies great diligence under-hand, to pro­move and reward that late negotiation of Master Duries with the Churches over Sea, for the extenua­ting of the Lutheran errours, and procuring with their Churches, not only a syncretisme, which all good men did ever pant for, but also a full peace in tearms so generall, so ambiguous, so slippery, that are very suspitious to many, other wayes very peaceable mindes.

This I speak without any intention of putting the least note of blame either upon the person or pains of Master Durie, or any of the Divines of either side, who have been ready to declare their inclination, and employ their labours towards that more desired then hoped for union of the Protestant Churches, whom evill instruments have keeped too too long asunder in a lamentable, dangerous, and disgracefull distraction. Master Duries labours in this kind were ever by mee [Page 33] esteemed worthy of great prayse, honour, and re­ward: I wished alwayes in my heart to them a most happy successe ever rejoycing when in any of his in­formations, I did perceive the lest step of advance­ment.

My remarke only is upon the malice of the Canter­burians, who to their wicked designe of re-uniting to Rome, and so overthrowing all the Protestant Chur­ches, doe most perversly abuse as all, whatsoever at any time hath falne from the pen of any Reformed Writer, tending towards mutuall peace or modera­tion, so especially the negotiations which of old or late, hath beene in hand for the drawing of us and the Lutherans, into one body: These Treaties whe­ther for a full agreement, or a friendly toleration, are laid by them as the principall ground-stones of their negotiation with Rome, for to them both the persons and doctrine of the Lutherans are more odious than these of the Papists, as you will see it hereafter de­monstrate from the Writs of Forbes and Kellet; so that all the countenance they have showne hitherto towards the negotiations of our peace with the Lu­therans did not proceed from any true affection, they carried either to the men or to their negotiation in it selfe: but their ayme mainly was to have these Trea­ties abused as plausible means to advance their own greater designe. This for a time, while their mysteries lay vailed, was not well perceived: the most of men did suspect no more in all their seeming favours to­wards the Lutheran party, then that a kind of Luthe­ranisme had beene there uttermost intension, hoping [Page 34] that the motion of their violent minds might have consisted here, without any further progresse.

But it was not long, while every common eye did But at last [...] was [...] to be their marke. observe their bowle to roll much beyond that [...]. They published incontinent a number of the Romish errours, which to the Lutherans were ever esteemed deadly poyson, the Popish Faith, the Trident'ne Justification, merit of Works, Works of Sup [...], Doctrinall Traditions, Limbus Patrum, the sa­crifice of the Masse, Adoration of Images, Mona­stick Vows, Abbeys and Nunneries, the authority of the Pope, a re-union with Rome as shee stands. Finding it so, wee were driven to this conclusion, that as ordinarily the spirit of defection doth not permit any Apostates to rest in any midde tearme, but carrieth them along to the extreams of some palpable madnesse, to some strong delusion for the recompence of the first degrees of their fall from the love of the Truth, so also our Faction was carried quite beyond the bounds both of Arminius and Luther, yea of their owne so much once belo­ved Cassander and Spalato, and all the Lists of that which they were wont to call moderation, to drinke of the vilest abominations, and the lowest dregs of the golden Cup of that Romish Whore: For now Canterburie and his followers, are not ashamed to pro­claime in print their affection to popery both in grosse and retail. Let no man in this cast up to me any slan­der till hee have heard and considered the probation of my alleageance.

[Page 35] f His fifth Sermon through the whole. Popery is a body of parts, if not innumerable, To make way for their designes, they cry downe the Pope. Antichristianisme. yet exceeding many. Their is scarce any member great or smal in this monster, wherto the faction hath not kythed too passionate a love. But for shortnesse, I will shew first their affection to the whole masse of Popish errours, their respect to the Church of Rome, and to the Pope the head thereof, than in particu­lar to the most principall and abominable parts of that Chaos. As for the whole of that confused lumpe, that they may winne the more easily to the embracement of it, they cast downe in the entry the chiefe wall, they remove the mayne impediment, whereby Protestants were ever keeped there from. What ever wee speake of some very few private men, yet all Protestant Churches without excepti­on made ever the Popes Antichristianisme, their chiefe bulwarke to keepe all their people from looking backe towards that Babylonish Whore. No Church did make greater state of that Fort than the English, and no man in that Church more than King Charles blessed Father. Hee was not content himselfe to believe and avow the Pope that great Antichrist, but also with Arguments invincible drawn mainly from some passages of the Revelati­on, cleared now as light, by the Commentary of the Popes practices, to demonstrate to all Neigh­bour Princes and States of Christendome in a moni­tory Treatise this beliefe, for that expresse end, that from this truth cleerly proved, they might not on­ly see the necessity hee had to keepe himselfe and his Subjects for evermore from returning to Rome, but [Page 36] they also by this one argument might be forced to cast off the yoke of the Pope, when they saw him clothed with the garments of Antichrist. It was the the continuall song of all the Bishops and Clergie in England, till Doctor Lad got absolute credit wjth the Duke of Buckingham, that the Popes Antichristi­anisme was an engine of such efficacie as was able of it selfe alone, if well manadged to overthrow the wals of Rome. For this I give but two witnesses, two late English Bishops both of them deponing before all England to King James and hee accepting their testimony, Caeterum agendo quam nihil agent, & [...] disputatione ista de anti­christo, liquido constare poterit; quia si causam hanc obtinuerimus esse romanum pontificem an­tichristum, de reliqua controversii dubitandi no erit [...] locus, quia de Antichristo Do­ctrina quin perniciosa sit et impia dubitari non potest. Abbots of Salisbury in his dedicatory Epistle to King James before his treatise of Antichrist, and Downame of Derry in the first pa­ragraph Illa mihi impri­mis quaestio, quae est de antichristo, dignissima semper est [...], in qua docti determinanda omnes tum ingenii, tum industriae nervos contenderent: illa enim de veritate quam nos in hac causa singulari Dei beneficio tenemus, si inter omnes semel conveniret, de reliquis statim contro­versiis actum esset, debillatumque, neque aliquid in posterum periculi foret, quemquam omnino Christia­num, cui sua cara esset salus, detecto jam antichristo, agnitoque [...]. of his booke dedicated also to K. James upon that same subject. Notwithstanding my Lord of Canterburyi For making the way to Rome more smooth, spareth not to cause raze downe to the earth this fort. Montague and White his non-such Di­vines, as wee heard them stiled at his Graces directi­on by his Herauld Heylene, will have the Kings un­answerable arguments proponed by him even to sorreine Princes; not onely counted-weak but [...] frensies. This word doth feately cite from their Appeale. Pelag. rediv. 2. tab. pag. 39. As for the Protestant arguments taken out of the Apocalypse, to prove the Pope to be the Antichrist. [...] calleth them deliramenta, dotages: And the Appealer to shew more zeale to the Popes cause straineth further, aad tearmeth them Apoca­lypticall phrensies. Christopher Dow is licentiat by Can­terbury, [Page 37] to affirme that howsoever our Divines at the beginning of the Reformation in the heat of dispute did upbraid the Pope with antichristia­nisme, yet now that heat being cooled, the matter to men in their sober bloud appeares doubtfull, P. 53. Many [...] in our Church especially when the greatest heat was stricken betweene us and Rome, have affir­med the Pope to be the Antichrist, yet to them that calmely & seriously consider it, it may not without good reason be dis­puted as doubtfull. his Graces Herauld appointed to speake for his Lord by the State, doth correct this simple dow and puts the matter out of all doubt, assuring by good scripturall proofe, by a text miserably a­bused, that the pope is not, was not, and cannot bee Antichrist. Pag. 128. I have yet one thing more to say to you in this point, St. Iohn hath given it for a rule, that every spirit that confesseth not that Jesus Christ is come in the slesh, is not of God, but is that spi­rit of Antichrist, whereof yee have heard. So that unlesse you can make good (as I thinke you cannot) that the Pope of Rome con­fesseth not that Jesus Christ is come in the flesh, you have no reason to conclude that hee is that Antichrist. And that in this matrer there may hereafter betwixe rhe Canterburians and Rome remaine no shadow of Controversie, their man Shelfoord, comes home to Bellarmine, well nere in omnibus: making Antichrist one single man; a Jew preaching formall blasphemies against Christs na­tures and person thre yeeres and an halfe, killing by his hands Enoch and Elias, and least any footstep of this belief should ever appeare in the Church of Eng­land; Canterbury confesseth that the place of the pub­lick liturgie wherein it was imported, was changed by his own hand. Star-chamber speech, pag. 32. the first place is changed thus, from, Root out that Babylonish and Antichristian Sect, which say of Jerusalem, into this forme of words, Root out that Romish and Babylonish Sect, of them, which say, This alteration is of sosmall consequence that it is, not worthy the speaking. or if there be any thing of moment in it, it is answered in the next, where the chiefe thing hee sayes, is, that hee was commanded to alter it by the King for to remove scandall from the Papists.

[Page 38] This scarre-crow being set aside, at once the They are content to have the [...]. Pope, the Cardinals and all their Religion began to looke with a new face. Anent the Pope they tell us first, [...] that the reformers did him pittiful wrong in spoiling him, not onely of those things he had usurped, but of many priviledges which were his owne by due right, and should have beene left to him untouched. Againe they will have us to be­lieve, that the See of Rome was truely Peters Apo­stolick Chaire, that Peter was truely a Prince a­mong the Apostles, that the Pope is [...] of the [...] pag. 183. A primacie of order was never denied to St. Peter, that Rome had [...] [...] other Churches: the Pro­testants grant, and that not only, because the Roman [...] was ordine primus, first in order and degree, which some one must be to avoid confusion, but also, &c. Ibid. pag. 154. [...] saith indeed, that in the Church of Rome there did ever [...] the principalitie of an [...], this no man denies. Ibid. pag. 133. No man of learning doubts but the Church of [...] had a powerfull [...] within its own [...]. Montag. Antid. p. 51. Damus à [...] ad [...]. Augustini in [...] Romana Apostolicae [...] princ patum. Ibid. pag. 57. Quae ratio [...] singulorum in suis [...] Ep scoporum, cadem erat in provinciis [...], in [...], recte autem (quis negat [...], & cautum per [...], ut [...] ille [...] (nec hoc [...]) [...], cui tot per occidentem [...], ubi fides [...] universa­lis, at [...] in rebus ad [...] [...] & quicquid [...] suo [...] confirma­ret, [...] ratum [...], [...] legis vim & essicaciam per [...] un versal mobtincret. Ibid. pag. 80. Monarchae sunt [...] in [...] [...], Monarchae in suis [...] Metropolitae, [...] augustiores, [...] per unam [...] Catholicam: Praecipuae [...] parti Christiani orbis hoc est, cunctis ad [...] cum [...] quadam non [...] praesuit Pontisex, [...] obstaret illa [...] ambitio etiam hedie [...]. Peters onely successour, that within the bounds of his owne Patriarchat hee is a Prince, hee is a Monarch. Thirdly, that order and unity doe necessarily re­quire one Bishop to have the inspection and superi­oritie ouer all Bishops, and that this preroga­tive by good Ecclesiasticall right is due to the Pope. Cant. relat. pag. 183. The Roman Prelate was ordine primus, first in order or degree, which some one must bee to avoid confusion. [...]. antid. p. 116. Certum est ratione vin­culi [...] inter [...] or­d [...] inter Patriarchas universa­lis [...] curam ad [...] sed m const [...]. Ibid. pag. 51 [...] ordinata [...] [...] con­stitu a. [...]; mul­ti & [...], ut [...] eluceat, & har­monia conservetur ab [...] est origo [...]. Vnde [...] ab [...], & illum ord [...], & [...] beat, si [...] Pontiser. Inter [...] sacerdotes [...] & societas [...] quoad [...] & [...] executionem non [...] fie­ri & [...]; Inde [...] per consensum [...] ani orbis [...], [...], à [...] Ro­mano [...]. Ibid. pag. 158 Illi [...] principatum [...], super [...] anti quitas tribui, [...]. Fourthly, that all the authoritie which the English Bishops have this day, specially his Grace [Page 39] of Canterbury, is derived to them from the Pope and Peters Chaire, That if this derivation could not be clearlie demonstrate, the Clergie of England might justly refuse all obedience to their Bishops jurisdiction. Pokling. [...] p. 50. Miserable were we, if he that now [...] Archbishop of Canterbury, could not derive his succession from St. [...], St. Augustine [...] St Gregory, St. Gregory from St. [...]. What a comfort is it to his Grace, that he can say, [...] Apostolorum, I, and my preducessours have [...]. [...]. Sunday at the beginning. Our Diocesan can de­rive himselfe the Successour of an Apostle, otherwise we should have taken his call for the voice of a stranger, and not have here appeared. It is St. [...] resolution, [...] Episcoporum ab ipsa sede Petri, is that which among other things by [...] named, keep, us in the bosome of the Church, and subjects us to our Bishops jurisdiction Fifthly, that divers of the late Popes have beene very good men, yea, among the best of men, that those of them who have beene verie monsters of men, yet for that veneration which their high and eminent place in the Church of God, doth require all the stiles of Honour in Justice is due to them, even holinesse it selfe in abstracto, that to refuse them this, or their other titles is but brain­sick puritanisme. Montag orig Eccles. pag. 114. Patrum nostrorum vel avorum memoria duo summi Pontisices viri [...] & doct [...], Hadrianus sextu, & Bel­larmini avunculus Marcellus secundus. An id. pag. 47. [...] Pontisex Maximus [...], scio vocatum [...], [...] Papam & Pastorem [...], quid si hec [...]. Orig. p. 417 Certis quibusdam titulis, & [...] [...] [...] ab [...] viri [...] etiam & [...] honorarunt, isto honorum [...], non est [...], sed nec [...] reprehendere, aut [...] derogare id quod solent [...], [...] indigitare certissimus est character [...] [...] adorator, cum [...] portan [...] Paulo al cui [...] [...] Sexto, [...] [...] & caeteris, si qui sunt [...] [...] [...].

[Page 40] Sixthly, That the dignity of the Episcopall of­fice specially the Bishop of Rome his eminencie was as far above the dignitie of the Emperors and Kings, as the soule is above the body, or God above the creature, yea, that the stile of GOD was but the Popes due: Montag. [...]. pag. 166. Est [...], ut recte observat Philo. [...] itaque ut [...] Iesu Chri­sti ut Dei atque homi­num [...] summus à Christianis omnibus, Divino instituto debe­tur honor & reveren­tia singusaris, ibid. p. 40. Fatetur ultro [...] aliquo modo in [...] supra re­giam [...], cum vetusti & orthodoxis [...], [...] (inquit Chrysostom [...] ( [...] prius [...]) [...], & Nazian. in apologia [...] ibid pag. 161. Allusum est a pussimo rege ad illud Exodi, Constitui te Deum Pha­raonis, communicat [...] [...], seu Pontificio, seu Civili, sui ipsi is [...], dii [...] quis vingatur ob hanc [...], & merito quos locum ille suum [...] inter [...] sustinere. Seventhly, that Emperours and Kings dld but their duety in giving reve­rence; yea, adoration unto the Pope with great summes of money by way of tribute: Montag. antid. pag. 40. Non est mirum si Constantinus, olim [...], Carolus, & alii [...], de equis descenderint, venientes exceperint, religionis antistites Christianae venerationemque exhibuerint. Quid [...] non ita pridem lot Sultanos tautam observantiam exhi­buisse tam ampla [...] persolvi se: Non minora quondam principes & populi Christiani Christianis [...] Ramanis [...] exhibuerunt, exhibebunt [...] ad pristinos illos mores, si tantum revertatur, & exempla pietatis [...]. ibid. pag. 158. Adoravit Johannem Justinus, sic & Constantinus inferiores Joanne sacerdotes, adoravit autem, dicit autor ille tuus dans gloriam Deo. Eighthly, that the temporall Principalities which the Pope enjoyeth this Day in Italie, or else­where are buthis just possessions, which none ought to envy him: Montag. antid. pag. 95. Habeat ille suas sibi opes & facultates, fundos habeat & latisundia principatum & dom nium per Ecclesiae terras, & Petri possessiones obtineat, dummodo contentus [...] liberalitate, alienam non invadat possessionem. Ninthly, that the resti­tution of the Popes ancient authority in England, and yeelding unto him all the power that this day he hath in Spaine or France, would bee many wayes advantageous, and in nothing prejudiciall to the [Page 41] King: Cant. re­lat. pag. 202. Hee that is not blinde may see, if hee will, of what little value the Popes power in France and Spaine is this day further then to serve the turns of their Kings therewith, which they doe to their great advantage. 10 The old constitution of the Empe­rour, whereby all the westerne clergie is so farre subjected to the Bishop of Rome, that without him they are disabled to make any Ecclesiasticall law, and obliged to receive for lawes what hee doth en­joyne, was very reasonable: yea, if the King would be pleased to command all the Church men in his dominions to be that far subject to the Pope, they would be unreasonable to refuse present obe­dience: Montag­antid. pag. 156. Quod è codice al­legatur Theodosi­ano decernimus ne quid tam [...] Gallicanis quam a­lierum [...], contra [...] veterem liceat [...] viri ve­nerabilis [...] ur­bis [...] authori­tate tentare, sed illis omnibusque legis loco sit, quisquid sanxit sanxeritve sedis [...] authoritas. Quicquid [...] pontifici (saith Montagow) arrogatur id totum edi­cto debetur Theodofiano vel vetustae consuetudini, quicquid autem per rescriptum [...] imperatoris ad occidentales [...] solos pertinebat, & nec [...] quibus juxta veterem [...] Pontifex, praesidebat ut [...]: Decernat imperator de [...] is [...], Rex Angliae de [...] suis, Francorum de Gallicanis, quod olim Theodosius decrivit, di­cto [...] omnes obediantes. Onely by all meanes my Lord of Can­terburies prerogative behoved to bee secured, his ancient right to the patriarchat of the whole Isle of Britaine behoved to be made cleare, that to his rod the whole clergie of the Isle might submit their shoulders, as to their spirituall head and Monarch, from whom to Rome there could bee no appeale, Cant. relat. pag. 171. It is [...], that in [...] times, in the Church government, Britaine was never subject to the Sea of Rom; for it was one of the six dioces of the West Empire, and had a Primat of its own: Nay [...] Capgraw, and [...] tell us, that Pope [...] the [...] in the Councel at Bari in [...], accounted my worthy [...] S [...] [...], and said, He was as the [...] and Apostolick of the other world, [...] comparem, & veluti [...] orbis & Patriarcham. Now the Britains having a Primate of their [...], which is greater then a Metropolitan; yea, a Patriarch, if ye will, he could not be [...] from to Rome. in any cause which concerned onely the Churches of the Kings dominions; for in causes more universall of the whole Catholicke Church, willingly they are contented that the Patriarch of Britaine and all others should submit to their grand [Page 42] Apostollcke father of Rome. [...] Every one of these pontificall positions since the midst of Henry the eights raigne, would have beene counted in England great paradoxes, yet now all of them are avowed by Canterburie himselfe, in that very booke which the last [...] at the Kings direction hee set [...], for to satisfie the world anent their suspition of his Popery, or else by D. Montagu in his bookes yet unrepealed, and cleanged of all suspition of Po­perie by M. Dow, under the seale of his Graces li­censing servant.

This much for the Pope. About the Cardinalls they tell us that their office is an high and eminent Their minde to the Cardina­lat. dignity in the Church of God; for the which their persons are to be handled with great reverence and honour, Montag. ap. pag. 56. [...] potuit $$Para$$. that their office is a [...] due to high graces and [...], that some of them though the greatest enemies that ever the reformed Churches have felt, such as [...] that spent all his time in opposing the truth and advancing Antichristianisme, and Barromaeus [...]. Alt. p 34. The [...] [...] in his jearing [...] Cardinall Baromaeus, whereas, if he [...] to read his life, he may not be [...] that the Cardinall was a man of [...], and spent the greatest part of his life in fasting, prayer, [...], preaching, [...], and doctrine, and did [...] both impiety and vanity both in word and deed. Me thinkes his [...] should check him for his scornfull usage of a man who had the report of so vertuous and pious a Bishop. a bloudy persecutor of our reli­gion and one of the fathers of Trent, that even such men are so full of grace and piety, that it is a great fault in any Protestant to break so much as a jest on their rid hattes.

Where the head and shoulders are so much [Page 43] affected it is hard to restraine charity from the They affect much to bee joy­ned with the Church of Rome, as she stands. [...] of the body. These good men vent their pas­sion no lesse towards the body of the present Church of Rome, then towards the Pope and the Cardinails. For first his grace avowes over and over againe that the Papists and we are of one and the same religion, that to speake otherwaies, as the Liturgie of England did all King Iames dayes, were a matter of very dangerous consequent, and therefore he consesseth his helping that part of the liturgie which puts a note of infamy upon the Po­pish religion, least that note should fall upon our owne religion which with the Popish is but all one. Cant. relat. p. 36. the Church of Rome & Pro­testants set not up a different Religion, for the Christian Religi­on is the same to both, but they differ in the same Religion, and the difference is in certain grosse corruptions to the very endan­gering of salvati­on, which each side saith the o­ther is guilty of. Star chamber speech. p. 36. My second reason is, That the learned make but three Religions to have been of old in the world, Paga­nisme, Judaisme, and [...], and now they have added a fourth which is [...]. Now if this ground of theirs be true, as it is generally received, perhaps it will bee of dangerous conse­quence sadly to [...] that the [...] religion is rebellion, though [...] clause passed in the [...] through [...] in King [...] [...], this reason well [...] is taken from the very foundation of Religion it self. ibid. page 34. His Majesty [...] commanded [...] to make the alteration, and to see it printed. 2. They will have us to understand though wee and the Papists differ in some things, yet that this very day there is no schisme betwixt Papists and Protestants, that Protestants keepe union and com­munion with the Church of Rome in all things re­quired for the essence of a true Church and ne­cessary for salvation, that though they com­municate not with some of her doctrines and practices, yet this marres not the true union and communion of the two Churches both in faith and [...]. That these who passe harder cen­sures upon Rome are but zelots in whom too much zeale hath burnt up all wisedome and cha­rity. [...]. pag. 3. 06. We dare not communicat with Rome, either in her publick [...] which is [...] with grosse superstition, or in these corrupt and ungrounded opi­nions, which shee hath added to the faith. These make up the [...], but not the Church of Rome. In them our communion is dissolved, but [...] have still a true and reall union with that and all other members of the Church universall in faith and charity. ibid. p. 74. To depart from the Church of Rome in some [...] and practices, we had just and ne­cessary cause though the Church of Rome [...] nothing necessary to salvation. There is great difference betwixt shisme from them and reformation of our selfe. It is one thing to leave communion with the Church of Rome, and another to leave com­municating with her errors, whosoever professeth himselfe to forsake the communion of any one member of Christs body, must confesse himselfe consequently to forsake the whole. And therefore we forsake not Romes communion more nor the body of Christ whereof we acknowledge the Church of Rome to be a member, though corrup­ted. If any Zelots [...] proceeded among us to heavier censures, their zeale may be ex­cused, but their charity and wisdome cannot be justified. Cant. relat. p. 192. The Prote­stants have not lest the Church of Rome in her essence, but in her errors, not in the things which constitute a Church, but only in such abuses and corruptions which work toward the dissolution of a Church. 3. That the points wherein the two Churches doe differ are such as prejudge not the [Page 44] Salvation of either party, that they are not foun­damentall, and albeit they were so: yet the truths that the Papists doe maintaine are of force to hin­der all the evill that can come from their errours. Can. [...]. 1. p. 249. The foundation is & [...] whole in the midst of their superstitions. [...] answer, p. 124. Suppose a great Prelate in the high Commission Court had said openly, That we and the Church of Rome differed not in fundamentalibus, yet how commeth this to be an innovation in the doctrine of England for that Church telleth us in the 19. article, That Rome doth [...] in matters of Faith, but it hath not told us that she doth erre in fundamentalibus. [...] old religion after the beginning: It is the charitable profession of zealous [...], that under the Popery there is much Christian good, yea, all, that under the Papacy there is true Christianity, yea, the kernell of Christianity? Neither doe wee censure that Church for what it hath not, but for what it hath. Fundamentall truth is like the [...] wine, which if it be mixed with twenty times so much water, [...] his [...]. Rome as it is Babylon, we must come out of it, but as it is an outward visible Church, we [...] did nor would, [...] Maskel. Popery is [...], but fundamentall truth is an antidote. A little quantity of antidot that is soveraigne, will destroy much poyson. Pottar. p. 62. The most necessary and fundamentall truths which constitute a Church, are on both sides unquestioned, ibid. By fundamentall points of [...] we un­derstand these prime and capitall doctrines of Religion, which [...] up the holy Ca­tholick Faith, which [...] constitutes a true Church and a [...] Christian. The A­postles [...] taken in a Catholick sense that is as it was [...] opened in some parts by occasion of emergent [...] in the other Catholick creeds of Nice, [...], E­pbesus, Chalcedon and [...] is said generally by the Schoolmen and Fathers to com­prehend a perfect [...] of fundamentall truths and to imply a full rejection of fun­damentall [...]. ib. p. 109. It seemed to some men of great learning and judgement, such as Hooker and [...], that all who prosesse to [...] Lord [...], are [...], and may be [...], though with errors, even fundamentall. Hereticks do imbrace the principles of [...], and [...] onely by misconstruction. Whereupon [...] opini­ons, albeit repugnant indeed to Faith, yet are held otherwise by them, and maintai­nedas consonant to the Faith. 4. That the Popish errours, let bee to bee fundamentall, are of so small importance as they doe not prejudge either faith, hope, or charity, let be salvation.

[Page 45] Cant. relat. pag. 361. Holcat. Non omnes error in his quae fidei sunt est aut [...], aut [...], In things not ne­cessary, though they bee divine truths if about them men differ, it is no more then they have done, more or lesse in all ages, and they may differ and yet preserve that one necessary Faith intire, and charity also, if they be so well [...], for opinions which fluttereth about that one soules saving Faith, there are dangerous differences this day. Pottar. pag. 38. It is a great vanity to hope or expect that all learned men in this life should absolutely consent in all the [...] of the divine truth, so long as the faith once delivered to the Saints, and that common faith containing all necessary verities is keeped. So long as men walke charitably according to this rule, though in other things they be otherwise minded, the unity of the Church is no wise violated: for it doth con­sist in the unity of faith, not of opinions, in the union of mens hearts by true charity, which easily tolerateth unnecessary differences. Some points of religion are [...] articles essentiall in the object of Faith. Dissention in these is pernitious, and destroieth unity. Other, are secundary probable obscure and accidentall points: [...] in these are tolerable. Unity in these is very contingent and variable. As in musicall con­sort, a discord now and then, so it bee in the discant, and depart not from the ground sweetens the harmony: so the variety of opinions and rites in divers parts of the Church, doth rather commend then prejudice the unity of the whole. Montag. Antigag pag. 14. Truth is of two sorts among men, manifest and confessed truth, or more obscure and involved truth. Plainly delivered in Scripture are all these points which belong unto Faith, and manners, hope and charity. I know none of these contraverted inter partes. The articles of our creedare confessed on both sides, and held plaine [...]. The con­traverted points are of a larger and inferiour alloy. Of them a man may bee ignorant without any danger of his [...] at all. A [...] this way or that way without [...] of [...] Cant. [...]. about the [...]. The [...] of Rome [...], and in the very kinde and nature, are [...], [...], hay, and stuble, yet the Bishop thought that [...] as were [...] by education, or long custome, or overvaluing the Soveraignty of the [...] Church, and did in [...] of heart imbrace [...], [...] by their generall [...] and [...] in the [...] of Christ, attended with charity and other vertues [...] at Gods hand. [...] pag. 235. Though there be some difference a­mong us in ceremonies and [...], which [...], yet still our head Christ by [...] stands upon our body, and the substance of the Gospel is intire and whole among us by [...] the articles of the Faith, the volume of the New-Testa­ment, and the practice thereof by Faith and good workes. ibid. 239. There bee [...] which [...] our agreement. What then? Among the Greekes there were di­vers [...], and yet [...] but one language, they [...] together in the maine. So though Papists have a letter more then wee, and we one letter for another, yet we hold together in the [...]. Paul could beare [...] differences, expecting Gods reformation. [...] you be otherwise minded God shall [...]. For the present let us be patient, and after [...] God will shew where the [...] heth. Why should we presume so [...] of [...] wee are in our none-age, and know [...] in part? Have not better men then we [...] Have not [...] Fathers and slyding Schoolists been alwaies borne with in [...] of Religion? Fistly, That a generall repentance for all unknowne sinnes is sufficient to secure the salvation not only of these who have lived and died in the Popish tenets before the Councell of Trent, but even to this day not onely their people, but their most learned Clergie, Popes, Cardinalls, Jesuits, living and dying in their bitter oppositions and persecutions of Protestants, are in no hazard of damnation, though they never come to any parti­cular acknowledgement of their sinfull opini­ons or practises following thereupon. Pottar pag. 77. We hope well of these holy [...], who [...] ages lived and [...] in the Church of Rome, for though they [...] in [...] sinfull [...], yet because they did it ignorantly through [...], not knowing them either to be [...] or sinnes, and repented in generall for all [...] knowne [...], [...] doubt not, but they obtained pardon of all their ignorances. Nay, our charity [...] further to all these this day, who in [...] of heart [...] the Roman [...] and [...] it. But we understand onely them who either have no [...] to [...], or [...] such as after the use [...] the best meanes they can have, [...] things [...], find no sufficient motives to [...] Hall, I dare bee bold to say [...] Church of Rome had [...] years before the councel of [...], to good a [...] of [...] doth [...]. Sixt­ly, They teach us that Papists may not in reason [Page 46] bee stiled either idolaters, or hereticks, or shis­maticks. His grace in that great large folio set our the last yeare, to declare to the world the farthest that his minde could bee drawen for to oppose Po­pery, is not pleased to my memory, in his most vehement oppositions to lay to then charge any of these three crimes, neither doe I remember in all the search my poore lecture hath made, that any of his favourits in their writtes these twelve yeares bygone hath layed to the charge of Rome in [Page 47] earnest, either idolatry heresie or shisme, but by the contrary hath absolved them clearly in formall tearmes all those three crimes. [...], page 300. I am not in the [...] that all images are idols, but on­ly when they are [...] for gods. This the [...] the [...] shipping of [...], with [...], that is divine worship, as it is used by [...], [...]. [...]. p. 299 They keepe close to that which is superstiti­on, and in the case of images come [...] to [...]. [...] p. 79. Et [...] palam non [...]: à pretate & [...] moribus [...] in [...] non [...] quam milvus & corvus [...] animalierant in area [...] [...] singulari, At nullus in area erat idolola­tres, quia [...] quatenus Christianam [...]. Montag. Orig. p. 309. [...] cultum latriam quam appellant [...], nec de­bemus sive [...] sive [...] quamvis excellentissimae impend re. [...] Pontificius & [...] non [...], [...] modo [...] creaturae [...] ne [...]. Mon­tag. Antigag. p. 319 Yousay, that images must not have [...] so we: let your practice and doctrine [...] together, and we agree. Dow against Burton. p. 142. When Burton ob­jecteth that [...] did [...] out of the publick [...] of fasts, this sentence, Thou hast delivered us from superstition and [...] wherein we were [...] drowned, his chiefe answer is, That men may be good Protestants, and yet not [...] all their sore­fathers, who lived before the reformation, as he must doe, who saith of them, they were wholly drowned in idolatry, which though M. [...] perhaps will not, yet some men may think it to be a reason sufficient for the leaving out of that sentence. Of idolatry be­cause they teach not the giving of [...] to any i­mage or any creature, [...]. page 306. Non omnis error in his quae [...] insi­delitas aut here­sis. Pottar. p 102. Every [...] so passionately in love with their owne opinions that they condemne all other differing from them to bee hereticall, so there [...] not a [...] on earth who in the judgement of many other is not an [...], ibid. page The Giant in Gath was a true man, though much deformed with [...] sing is and toes, but if one lose any vitall part, [...] a man no longer, there is not so much danger in adding super [...], as is in [...], what is essentiall and [...], that the Church shall never bee robbed of any [...], necessary to the being of the Church, the promises of Christ assureth us, but that she [...] no [...] truth wee have no warrant Of heresie, because their errours taketh no part of the foundation away, but are onely ex­cesses and additions consisting with all [...] trueth. Cant relat. page 316. If any will bee a leader and teaching [...], and adde [...] to [...], and bee [...] in both, [...] without repen­tance must needs be lost, while many that suc­ceed him in the errour onely, and notobstinacy may bee saved: I say, those, howsoever [...], are nei­ther [...] nor hereticks be­fore God and are therefore in a state of salvation. Montag Apar. p. 283. [...] & [...] non [...] qui constan­ter retinent do­ctrinam [...], necenim ille hae­reticus dicetur, qui per omnia Roma­nam fidem integerrimè prositetur. ibid. p. 389. Schismatici & singularitate rapti in trans­versum quales Scaliger, [...], Pareus, & [...] opinatores, quaero autem an quis feren­dus fit homo novus terrae filius, [...] contempto spreto (que) consensu majorum suas phrene­ticas observationes [...] serit Of shisme, because they goe on in the practice of their forbeares without in­troducing [Page 48] any late novations. 7. They declare it were very good wee had present peace with Rome as shee stands, her errors being but in opinions which charity ought to tolerate, that the Church of England would gladly embrace this peace, that Cassander and the like who further this reconci­liation are the men of the world most worthy of praise, that the Jesuits and Calvinists both puri­tanes who hinder this peace are the most flagi­tious and intollerable Shelford p. 238. Let us Christians leave off our divisi­ons, the Papists and we call upon one God our Father, upon one Christ our Sav our, [...] holy Ghost our [...], and we have but one mean to unite us to this holy [...], which is baptisme, How then should we not be brethren? O blessed [...] raise up one to bid the people returne, blessed be that peace-maker among men, Nulla [...] pacem te [...] omnes. ibid. p. 296. Why judge we so eargerly others for holding of errours, are any without them? Some errours we may beare with, charity [...] me to judge that errours of Christians are not of intention but ignorance. For I beleeve that [...], and willingly, [...], Protestant nor Lutheran would wrong their head Christ, whom daily they professe. Montag [...]. p 45 Citius inter [...] bono, quam inter Protestantes & Papistas inaudita [...], & [...] nuper inauspicato [...] controversis inter [...] questionibus conveniet, sed [...] de [...] istis quae penè [...] sani, [...], in vita & [...] bus nobis [...], cum prophani homines & politici sub [...] & [...] religionis suas [...] actiones, enormiz desideria sole­ant [...]. Post mota [...] inter [...] odiis decertatum vatinianis, atque eo [...] est [...] & excessus ut ferre eos nequeant zelota & [...] I heologi qui non una cum ipsis velint [...]. [...] Cassander vir usque ad miraculum eruditus [...] modestia & [...], [...] ab importunis utrinque censoribus, Calvino nimirum propter editum [...] au­reum libellum de officio viri pii, & [...] inter [...] propter con­sultationem [...] [...] nemo, quam fortunae [...] subeite [...] Fricius [...] qui impudenter nolu­erunt esse [...]. ibid pag. 78. Hoc tempore [...] prote­stantium & papi­starum varianti­bus de fide ac pietate sententiis distraxerunt in diversum Christianum otbem, si qui [...] qui bellum malint [...], qui velint odia exerceri im nortalia traducant illi nostram quae solet odiosius exagitari tepeditatem vel [...]: Ego filius illius pacifici & [...] qui [...] utraque unum [...] materie separationis; neque certè arbitror ab [...] [...] abhorret nostrae Anglicanae Ecclesiae [...] & voluntas, quod nonnulli [...] & [...] contendunt, ibid. p. 245. In Pharisaeis ad vivum depictas imagines intueamur corum [...] qui Pharisaica nobis institu ta in Christianismum retulere, [...] intelligo & Jesuitas, sive ut verius dicam utrinque puritanos honestatis etiam civilis reduvias, pietatis carcinomata, & Christianismi dehonestamenta pacis & con­cordiae alastoras & pernities. persons of this age. All this and much more of such stuffe you may see printed not onely with allowance but with ap­plause by the chiefe of that faction his Grace himselfe, Montagow the first of the three none­suches, Pottar in that his much beloved piece put out as hee saith at the command of authoritie. [Page 49] Pottars Epistle to the King, it was undertaken in obe­dience to your Majesties particular commandement. Shelfoord in his pious sermons printed by the university of Cambridge Presse at the direction of the Vice-chancellour, D. Beel dedicated to the Lord Keeper of England, adorned with many triumphing Epigrammes both Latine and English by a number of the Fellows, and although called in, yet no censure to this day for all the eomplaints against it, to our hearing hath beene put either on the Author or Prin­ter, or Licencer, or Adorners or any Doctrine con­tained therein, but the worst that Burton could pick out of it, is all defended by Dow and Heylen, at his Graces speciall direction, and subscribed licence, as we shall heare anon.

I hope now that all true Protestants pondering the passages I have brought, besides many moe, wherewith themselves from their owne readings are acquainted, will not onely absolve my alledgean­ces of rashnesse and slander, but also wonder at the incredible boldnesse of those men, who in these times wherein the Prince and State are by so many and deep tyes obliged, and according to their obliga­tions hath so oft declared themselves passionately zea­lous for the maintainance of Protestant orthodoxie, that yet they should bee so peart as to print in the [Page 50] royall city, and that after the long and great grum­blings of the people and formal challenges of divers of the learned to reprint their clear affection to the Pope and Cardinalls, and the whole Romish religi­on, albeit truely this their ventorious boldnesse seemes not more marveilous then their ingenuity commendable: For they have said nothing for the Pope, or Rome, but that which conscience would pouse any man upon all hazards to avow, who was so perswaded in the particular heeds of controver­sies betwixt Papists and Protestants, as they con­fesse themselves to be; to the end therefore that we may see the former strange enough passages not to have dropped from their pennes by any inadver­tance, but upon plaine designe and deliberate pur­pose, we will set downe in the next roome the af­fection they professe to the speciall heads of Pope­ry, very consonant to that which they have alrea­dy said of that which wee count the whole lumpe and universall masse [...] Antichristianisme. The speciall heads of Popery are moe then I have lea­sure to relate, or you can have patience to heare enumerate. Take notice therefore but of some prime articles which Protestants use most to detest in Papists, foure by name; their idolatries, their heresies, their superstitions, their abomination of desolation the masse. If from their owne mouths I make cleare that in these foure they joyne with Rome against us, it is like none hereafter shall won­der of any thing that yet they have done or said for the advancement of the popish party, and the subverting of the Protestant Churches either at [Page 51] home, or over sea, but rather embrace their sobrie­ty and moderation, who being minded, as they pro­fesse, doe not breake out in many moe both words and deeds, for the destroying of the Protestant schisme, and bringing all backe to the Catholick Apostolick mother Church of Rome, and unto the feet of his Holinesse the vicar of Christ, the successor of Peter, under whose obedience our holy and bles­sed antecestors did live and die.

THE acts of Romes Idolarry be many and va­rious: None more open to the eie of behol­ders then these five, their adorations of al­tars, In the midst of their deniall, yet they avow their giving of religi­ous adoration to the very stock or stone of the al­tar. images, relicts, sacramentall bread, and Saints departed: For the first, their worshipping of the stocke or stone of the altar; if wee would impute it unto the Canterburians, they will deny it allu­terly, and avow, that they may well worship God before the altar, but to worship the altar it selfe, to give to it that worship which is done before it, to give to it any religious worship any [...], any [...] any [...] any adoration, they dodetest it, as palpable idolatry. So his Grace, so Pockling­toune, so Heylene, so Lawrence, so [...] do oft professe: But that you may see how little faith [Page 52] those mens prorestations doe deserve, and that all may know either their desperate equivocating, or else their spirit of giddinesse, which makes them say and unsay the same things in the same pages; consi­der all of the five named authors, for all their deni­all, printing with approbation and applause as much worshipping and adoration even of the altar, as any Papists this day living will require.

Begin with his Grace, you shall finde him in his Star-chamber speech, for all his deniall, yet avow­ing within the bounds of two pages, once, twice, thrice, Pag. 47. A great [...] is due to the body, and so to the throne where his body is usually present. Ibid. pag. 49. Do mino & [...], to the Lord your God, and to his altar, for there is a [...] due to that too. ibid. pag. 45. Therefore ac­cording to the Ser­vice booke of the Church of Eng­land, the Priest and the people are called upon, for externall and bodily worship of God in his Church; Therefore they which do it not, innovat, and yet the government is so moderate, God grant it be not too loose, that no man is constrained, no man questioned, only religiously called upon, [...]. the giving of worship to the altar, and that such worship, which is grounded upon that place of Scripture, Venite [...], which we sup­pose none will deny to be divine adoration: But we must understand, that the King, and the Church of England here, as in all things must bear the blame of his graces faults, that the King and his most noble Knights of the Garter must bee patrons to this pra­ctice, and the English Liturgie the enjoiner of it: But his Grace and those that have the government of the Church must bee praised for their moderati­on, in not urging this practice upon all their bre­thren. Pockling altare p. 160. I shall intreat the pious and [...] Reader, to con­sider with meet reverence, what is recorded among the statutes of that most noble order; [...] [...] [...], in his Sunday no Sabbath at the end, if wee doe not onely bend or bow our body to his blessed board, or holy altar, but fall slat in our fa­ces before his footstooll so soon as ever wee come in sight thereof, what Apostle or Father would condemn us for it, and not rather be delighted to see the Lord so hono­red. D. Pocklingtoune with his Graces licence, [...] the bending of the body and the prostra­tion even to it. [Page 53] [...] comes up at last to his Masters backe, and tels us that the adoration before the altar, is the ho­nour of the altar it selfe, and that falling downe and kissing of the altar; for the honouring of the altar was a very commendable practice. Antidot. [...] preface to the King, altars were [...] so sacred that even the barbarous souldiers honoured them with affectionate kisses. Ibid pag. 86. The altar being thought to be [...] sacred, had a farre greater measure of reverence and devotion conferred upon [...], a reverend salutation of the table, [...], he and [...] both pag. 142. commends that exhortation of the [...] of [...] in the fifth councell, Ado emus primum [...] altare. Idem, in his answer to [...], pag. [...]. If you look [...] unto the use and practice of the ancient Church, you [...] raisse a [...], an honor to the altar, a [...], an ad [...]. Laurence as he prints with Canterburies licence, but undoubted­ly by an impudent lie, at the Kings speciall com­mandement, doth maintaine not onely veneration, but religious worshipping adoration, [...], and all, pag. 25. we finde in [...] [...], a honor due to the altar: and in Tertullian ad geniculariaris a kneeling to the altar: and in the fifth councel, [...], an adoration of the altar; and in the synoldals of Odo [...] altaribus [...], & in [...], [...], and in another, divine altaria; and in the life of [...] the [...]. [...], casting my self to the earth, and worshipping the [...] ground, & the Grecians triple prostrations tria [...] before the altar in the old [...]. not only by a relative and transient wor­ship as he speakes, Ibid. Although they gave a religious reverence to these places, yet they determine [...] reverence in God not in the place: the throne is honoured for the King; he that [...] cts the house for the owners sake, respects not the house but him. but also, which is a degree of madnesse, beyond any thing that ever I have marked in any [...], he will have a Divine adoration given to the altar it selfe without any relation, or mentall abstraction; because of the union of Christs body with it, which sits there as in a chaire of Estate even as without scruple or relations, or mentall abstracti­ons wee give to the humane nature of Christ, for that personall union of the Godhead with it, Divine adoration whereof in it selfe it is not capable. ibid. pag 30. So much they said, but to justifie the practice of our Church, I need not say so much: for as although the humane nature of Christ receive all from the [...], yet we adore the whole suppositum in grosse, which consists of the humane as well as of the Divine. So because of Gods personall presence in the place, wee [...] without abstraction of his person, from the place, to wit, the altar. [...] 153. Altars have beene in all ages so greatly honoured, because they are the seats and chaires of Estate, where the Lord [...] to place himselfe amongst us. Quid est e­nim altare (as Optatus speaks) nisi sedes [...] & [...] Christi?

[Page 54] For the adoration of the communion elements, As much adorati­on of the ele­ments they grant as the Papists re­quire. which Protestants count an Idolatrie so horrible, that for it alone they would not faile to separate from the Church of Rome, though she had no other fault, Apologie des [...] refor­mes par loan Dail­le chap. 20. their minde is plaine by the practice which his Grace maketh [...] in his State an­swer to defend, we doe passe their adoration in the act of communicating, [...] wee thinke it strange to see men who once were counted moderate and wise, by the touch of his Graces panton, to be­come so insolent, as to hisse and hout at the doctrine and practice of the best reformed Churches, as vile and monstruous, [...] re­medy of profain­nesse, pag. 1 2 8. a­way with these monsters of opi­nion and practice in this sacrament, Christ Jesus is here really ten­dered to us, and who can, who [...] take him but on his knees? who in the act of recei­ving hath thought meet to sit or stand, rather than to kneele. We speake onely of these their new ado­rations, which against the constant practice of the English Church they are now begun to use, with­out the act of receiving a number of low cringes towards these elements, when they take the pa­ten in their hand, a low inclinabo before the bread, when they set it downe, another; when they take up the chalice, a third; when they setit downe a fourth. [...] mo­derate answer, p. 137. [...] bowing to­wards the com­munion table be offensive to you at the administra­tion of the Sa­crament, I would [...] know upon what reasons [...] stomack, that men should use their greatest re­verence in so great an action, thinke you [...] the Priest should take into his hands the holy [...] with­out lowly reve­rence, or that it is an innovation so to do? That these avowed adorations be­fore the elements, without the act of receiving, [Page 55] are directed by them, not only as they say to the person of Christ, whom they make there essentially present, but also unto the elements themselves; we prove it by no other reason but their former con­fession. Their adoration before the altar is done as they confesse unto the altar, much more their ado­ration before the elements, without the act of re­ceiving must bee unto the elements: For I hope they will bee loath to affirme, that there is in the altar any worthinesse or aptitude, or any other cause imaginable, which can make it capable of a­doration, but the same causes are in the elements in a farre higher degree: The relation to Christs Body and Person, which they make the only foun­dation of those worships being much more true, more neare, more cleare in the elements, then in the altar, howsoever the Popish prostrations, and ado­rations, before the hostie, which to all Protestants are so abominable idolatries, are absolved by these men; not onely by the clearing of Papists of all i­dolatry every where, but particularly by their im­patience, to have the adoration of the elements to be called Popish. For in our book of Canons when in the copie sent up to the King, the adoration of the bread, Chap. 6. was styled by our Bishops the Po­pish adoration, my Lord of Canterburie on the mar­gine with his owne hand directeth to scrape out the word Popish, as we can shew in the authentick ma­nuscript of that booke now in our hands.

Concerning images, behold their assertions, first In the matter of images their full agreeance with Rome. they tell us that the pullers downe of images, out of their Churches, were but lowns and knaves, preten­ding [Page 54] [...] [Page 55] [...] [Page 56] onely religion to their prophane covetousnesse, that they were truly iconoclasticke and iconoma­chian hereticks. Montag. orig. [...]. 162. I­magines illae per ecclesias constitu­tae quae [...], icono­clastarum, ibid. p. 174. sub praetextu reformatae [...], Deum, [...], [...], per [...] eversis [...], templis, sa [...], & redactis infiscum [...] lones, &c. 2. That those who doe pull downe or breake, or offereth any indignity to a crosse, to a crucifix, to a Saints image, are but mad­fooles, that those injures reflect upon Christ and the Saints; and are revenged sundry times with plagues from heaven. [...]. [...]. p 28. [...] est omnino quod affirmas [...], [...] Caesaris imago in numilmate, [...] meletii character in pala annuli, quod [...] Caesarem in [...] suo & [...] [...] in archerypum transit ea [...], quo modo si quis sancti [...] imaginem [...] afficiat, illum ego & [...], [...], & suae temeritatis peaenas dare. Studley in his glasse for [...] about the end, tels us, that he knew a Churchwarden for the taking downe of a [...] which he conceived to have been by his neighbours idolized, to have had his swine [...] with [...], and thereafter the man in desperation to have drowned him­selfe Whence he exhorts all men to beware so much as to censure their antecessors of idolatry, for [...] such monuments of their devotion 3. That the Church of Eng­land, (they take that Church commonly by a hudge mistake, for their owne prevalent faction therein) doth not onely keepe innumerable images of Christ, and the Saints in the most eminent and conspicuous places of their Sanctuaries, but also daily erect a number of new long and large ones, very curi­ously dressed, and that heerein they have reason to rejoice and glory, above all other reformed Churches. [...]. pag. 24. [...] debemus [...], asservamus enim diligenter, & cum cura [...], [...], [...] virginis, sanctorum [...] innumeras imagines, praesertim vero Je­su [...] etiam in templorum cryptis, & [...] in parietibus, & [...] non adoramus. Ib. p. 26 [...], ut cum [...] [...]. Sunt apud nos quod aliquoties dicendum [...] imagines in [...] per stallos, ut vocant, Canonicorum, per fenestras, ambones, vasa, vestimenta, & [...] [...]. Pocking. [...] pag. 87. In my Lord of [...] private Chappel, are to be seen [...] the altar, most richly furnished close to the wall under the East window, many goodly pictures which cannot but strik the beholders with thoughts of piety, and devotion at their entrance into so holy a place, as the picture of the [...], and likewise of the holy Apo­stles, together with a fair cruci­fix, and our bles­sed [...], and S. Iohn set up in painted glasse in the east window, just over the holy table, or sacred altar; So that I must say, That who so lives in this Diocie, must be condemned of great impiety, that will desert his Lord, and not follow him giving a prece­dent of such de­votion, so con­formable to the rubrick of our Church. Heylens answer, pag. 174. For your particular instances in the Cathedrals of Durham, Bristow, Pauls, &c. the most that you except against, are things of ornament, which you are greeved to see now more rich or costly, nor they have been formerly. [...] altare page 24. Our Churches (by Gods mercy) are a glory to our religion, beautified with goodly glasse windowes. ibid page 87. A faire Crucifix, and our blessed Lady, and St. Iohn set up in painted glasse in the East window, just over the sacred altar. 4. That these their manifold images they use not onely for ornament, but also [Page 57] to bee bookes to the Laicks, both for their instru­ction and kindling of their affections to piety, zeale, charity, imitation of the Saints; Widowes schismaticall puritan, page 10. Church pictures are an externall beauty, of the Church, a memory of honour to the dead, and Saint Gregory cals them [...] mens books. Pockling. altare page 87. There are to be seen many goodly pictures, which cannot but strike the beholders with thoughts of piety and devotion. Montag. Antig. page 318. The pictures of Christ, of the blessed Virgin, and Saints, may be made, had in houses, set up in Churches, respect and honour may be given to them the [...] do it, and use them for helpes of piery, in rememoration, and effectuall representing of the proto­typ. Ibid. page 300. Imager have three uses, assigned by our Schooles instruction of the rude, commonefaction of story, and [...] up of devotion, these you and we also give unto them. 5. That towards the Images of Christ and the Saints, the hearts of the Godly ought to bee affected with a pi­ous devotion, with a religious reverence, and that this reverence may very lawfully bee expressed, with an outward religious adoration; yea, pro­stration before the Image, as well as before the altar, with the eies of the adorer fixed upon the Image; Montag. antid. page 30. Christiani omnes adoramus Christum imagini & simulachro, non prosternimur coram imagine forsan, quid ad rem vero? Invitatio est [...] mensam Dominicam [...], in genua procumbimus, venera­tionem [...], [...]. 6. That the Popish distinction of duleia and latreia is good, and well grounded, that the one­ly abuse of Images is the worshipping of them with latreia; that the Papists are free of this fault, that all their practice here is but iconoduly, not ido­latrie, that all our controversie with them about the worshipping of relicts, and so much more of images, (for to images, they professe a farre lesse re­spect then to reliques) is but the toying of chil­dren, the striving about shadowes, that long agoe [Page 58] both sides, are really agreed, though some for their owne pride and greed delight to keep this contraver­sie about ambiguous words still upon foot. Montag. antid. p. 16. [...], il­lum cultum solens [...], neque ego nomen a [...] rationem, vel subjectum improbavero, eum à [...] soletis [...] re, non also [...], quam quod [...] subje­ctarum [...], secundum [...] & minus [...] se distinguantur. pag. 27. Tantummodo taxamus [...] [...], usum & [...] non [...] ullo pacto. p. 24. [...] ad Ecclesiae Romanae [...]. Montag. [...] p. 40. Nolunt illi quovis pacto [...] cuicunque [...] ne [...] cultu relativo exhiberi, sed non constat quis [...] Deo [...] & [...] debitus, quibus terminis [...], quis ille qui solus [...], quis ejus modus, gradus, mensura, pattes, [...], [...], nec illud agitur ut constare [...] est in hac questione & [...] nempe vel conten­dendi vel [...], & [...] conveniet [...] nos. Mag­nam [...] ab [...] Christi, & [...] inter se contendentibus [...], qui [...] in hoc [...] cultu, & [...] possumus sine justo [...], animae [...] & [...], in [...] [...].

Concerning reliques they teach first that the About reliques they agree with [...]. [...] of them about in cloaths by devout peo­ple is tollerable. Andrew stri [...] For [...] were [...] sure they were true wee would carry to them the regard [...] becomes. It was [...] and un discreetly done of Vigilantius so to [...] his [...] co [...] them, had they power of doing miracles we would have esteemed them so much the more but in their [...] degree: yet the carrying of them about in [...] and [...] [...] did object, if he did it [...], we would [...] beare with it, and excuse it as [...] from [...] and [...] devotion which will [...] end it. Next that those bones or that dust of the deceased Saints ought justly to bee put in a casse of silke or of gold that they may bee well hung about our necke and oft kissed, that they may bee layed up amongst our most pretious jewels. Montag. antid. p. 17. [...] vase [...] convolvebant Ego certe cum [...] illas reliquias fascus [...], admovebo [...] [...]. 3. That in those reliques there is [...] found so much grace, holinesse, vertue, that all who touches them are sanctified by that touch. [...] antid. p. 16. [...] [...] [...] cor­pori insidentem, fit quandam tenus particeps sanctifi­cationis. 4. That to these relicts a great honour yea a relative [Page 59] worship is due albeit not a latria or divine adorati­on. Mon­ta. antid. p. 16. [...] veterem san­ctorum [...] & cineribus [...] honorem de­tulisse & venera­tione quadam re­lativa [...]. Fifthly, That pilgramages to the places where those relicts stand are very expedient, that Protestants doe reprove onely these pilgramages to­wards the Churches of the Saints which are made for greed or superstition, that Papists doe disallow all such as well as we Montag. antid. p. 44. [...] pere­grinationem reli­giosam ad loca ut appellant [...] quisquam [...] qui in re­bus Ecclesiae Christianae veteris non est hospes: improbat Molin­aeus & merito pe­regrinationes ut appellant malas, inventas vel ad superstitionem, vel ad questum, vel ad tyrannidem, quas & ipsas nemo sanus inter catho­licos Romanos non improbaverit. 6. That all the controver­sie which here remaines betwixt Papists and Pro­testants is about just nothing even about goates woll and the shadow of an Asse. Montag. orig. p. 45. Ut de lana caprina, vel [...] hic [...] videantur contendentes. [...] come very neare to the invocation of Saints.

About the invocation of Saints whereof the learned of the Papists are so ashamed that they dis­avow their owne practice thereof Andrews stricturae p. 57. The [...] freely confessed to M. Causabon that he had never prayed to a Saint in all his life save onely when [...] happened to follow the [...], and that then he sung ora pro [...] with the Clerks but else not. yet our men tell us first that the Saints in heaven are truely our mediators with God of intercession, as Chtist is of redemption. Montag. [...]. p 20. Non [...] sanctos esse orationis & [...] ut [...] soletis mediatores sed [...] universis: precibus suis apud Deum [...] & orationibus mediantur. Christus [...] & absque aliis [...] mediator redemptionis & [...] [...] [...] intercessionis [...]. Againe, that wee ought care­fully to keepe the Saints festivalls, to this end, that wee may be partakers of their intercession. Andrews [...] pa. 8. We agree with Saint Augustine, we celebrate the memories and hold the feasts of the blessed Martyrs as well for imitation, as that we may be [...] of their intercession. Shelfords first sermon page 44. Upon the Saints dayes the Saints in Heaven [...] with us, now if the Saints in Heaven [...] their manner [...] us with [...], shall wee be so base minded as not to [...] with them? Ibid [...] 27. In [...] and in dedicating tem ples to God in their names these who neglect this holy fellowship have a great losse, which none can see but they who have spirituall eies 3. That albeit for common their intercession bee uni­versall, yet that sundry times they descend to par­ticulars: They remember the estates of their friends and acquaintance as they left at it their death, they [Page 56] [...] [Page 57] [...] [Page 58] [...] [Page 59] [...] [Page 60] are informed of many new particulars by the Angels which hath been upon earth, and by the Saints which after their death hath newly come to the heaven, and that according to their particular informations they frame their intercession. Andrews answer to Cardi­nall Pirron. 20. Chap. We will hope well that Theodosius might interceed with God for his chil­dren, we see no cause to the con­trary. They Idolize the blessed Vir­gin as much as any Papist. Montag. antid. p. 22. Meminerunt amicorum suorū & rerū à se quon­dā in terris gesta tum quocirca ad Christum in coelo recollecti poterint de via ordinaria per Jesum Chri­stum apud Deum patrem amicos, familiares [...], precibus commendare & adjuvare.

4. M. Dow p. 54. In all these [...] straines of Rhetorick (for such for the most part they seeme rather then positive [...]) Stafford hath not deviat so much to the one extreame as M Bortouns marginall hath to the other in [...] and calling her the new great goddesse [...]. And if it be true that he hath not digressed in any particular from D. [...] the Bishop of [...] as M. Burtoun makes him affirme, I dare boldly say M Burtoun will never be able to finde the least point of Popery [...] For it is well knowne, that Bishop hath approved himselfe such a champion against Rome, that they who have tryed his strength durst never yet come to a second encounter. If we were certaine that the Saints in heaven knew our estate it were no fault at all but very expe­dient to make our prayers to them that they might interceed with Christ for us. And though we bee not certaine of their knowledge, yet all the fault that is in our prayers to them is onely some idlenesse and curiosity but no impiety at all. Montag. antid. p. 229. Save all other labour in this point. Prove only their knowledge of any thing ordinarily I promise you streight I willl say holy S. Mary pray for me. Ib. antid. p. 23. Tu [...] proba & demonstra posse me certum esse de scientia sanctorum par­ticulari quocunque tandem modo acquisita ego certe quod ad me ipsum attinet sanctos de­functos beatam puta [...], [...] Apostolos gloriosissimos Martyres non vere­bor adire interpellare, alloqui, [...] precibus deprecari habeant me commendatum & adjutum suis [...] apud Deum patrem per filium. Idem antid. p. 200. Per­haps there is no such great impiety in saying holy S. Laurence pray for me. 5. That none ought to reprove our prayers unto our Angel keeper. Montag. invocation of Saints p. 99. If thus my selfe resolved to do infer (holy Angel keeper pray for me) I see no reason to be taxed with point of Popery or superstition much lesse of absurdity or impiety. Ib. ant. p. 203. The case of Angels keepers in point of advocation is much different from other Angels not guardians, as being continually attendants alwaies at hand though invisible, and therefore though we may say S. Angel keeper pray for me, it followeth nor, we may say S. Gabriel pray for me.

The Saint in heaven which the Papists doe most idolize is our blessed Virgine to whom it is well knowne they give much more false worship, then true to the whole Trinity, concerning her the Canterburi­ans affirme first, that she is created in another way then any of the race of Adam, that God did medi­tate fifty ages upon the worke of her perfect creati­on, that she did live all her daies without mortall sin [Page 61] yea without all actuall sinne, yea without all origi­nall. Anthony Stafford Female glorie. p. 3. Others of these first and purer times not without admiration ob­serve that God was almost fifty ages in the medi­tation of the stru­cture of this state­ly Palace. Mon. [...]. p. 301. Magno procul dubio opere tem­plū illud [...] aparabatur, nec ut unade multis mater Domini in hune mundum processit è materno u­tero. Ibid. p. 338. Utcunque conceptum in originali peccato', vixisse tamen immunem à mortali peccato cum [...] putaverim. Staffords Female glorie in his proemiall verses, for Eves offence', not hers she did begin, to learne repentance ere she knew to sinne. Idem p. 20. She sent forth many a sigh for sin not having committed any, and bewailed that of which she was utterly ignorant. Idem p. 8. The Apostles sometimes were obscu­red with the fog of finne, but her brightnesse nothing vitious could lessen, much lesse a­lutterly extinguish. That she is now advanced above all the An­gels to the highest created perfection that is possible to be daughter, mother, and spouse of God, and that her very body is already translated to the heavens. Femal glorie. p. 28. Nothing in her was wanting but the [...] it selfe. Idem in the preface, Whether we regard her person or her divine gifts, shee is in dignity next to God himselfe. Ib. Great Queen of Queens, daughter, and mother, and the spouse of God. Idem p. 210. Her assumption by many of the Fathers, by all the Ro­mish Church, and some of the reformed is held for an undoubted truth. 3. That God hath made her to bee true Lady and Empresse of the Catholike Church, of all the earth, and of the heaven, and that all these ho­nours shee hath obtained by her due deservings and merits. Montag. apar. p. 212. Dominum profecto indicat [...] nomen, nam revera facta est domina om­nium creaturarum, [...] ait, cum conditoris omnium effecta fuerit mater. Ibid. p. 302. Certe nulli sanctorum dedi Deus plura, nulli majora, [...] ne omnibus quidem ne sanctis, tanta, hoc est elogia matris Dei Deus [...] qui titulus [...], omnes omnium creaturarum dignitates illud unicum privilegium supergreditur Recte ait B. Thomas, beata virgo ex hoc quod est mater Dei habet quandam dignitatem infinitam. Ex his licet colligere (inquit Baradas) sanctissimam virginem infinitam [...] quondam dignitatem ex Deo, qui & [...] bonaventura recitat, majorem mundum Deus facere potest, majus coelum Deus facere potest majorem autem matrem quam est mater Dei [...] facere non potest. Fem. gl. p. 21. She undoubtedly deserved to be rapt up, if it were possible, a story higher than was S. Paul. Ib. p. 80. Certainly all the ancient Fa­thers with one consent affirme that she deserves to be Empresse of all others who hum­bled her selfe below them all. 4. That all the Angels and Saints in Heaven, let bee men upon earth are obliged to adore her, and bow their soules unto her. Femal glorie. In the Panegyrick, to whom do bow the souls of all the just, whose place is next to Gods, to whom the Hierarchie do throng, and for whom heaven is all one [...], Ib. p. 3. Truly our beleef may easily digest this [...] his [...] would [...] her fit to be [...] of this lower world. Ib. pa. 17 There were no doubt some of [...] chil­dren who [...] before, and [...] to their [...] Ibid. page 32. The [...] glori­ous [...]. 5. That shee knoweth all thinges perfectly heere [Page 62] beneath upon the earth: For in the face of God in the glasse of the Trinity shee doth behold all creatures. Femal [...]. Whose place is next to God, and in his face all creatures and delights doe see as [...] of the [...]. 6. That it is but prophane puritans who refuse to say the Ave Maries and to follow the example of their pious predecessors who wont so to pray. Ibid. p. 220. The [...] of this land are [...] I mean, they reject all testimonies of her worth as haile Mary full of [...], &c. They abhor to hear her called Domina, because forsooth they chalenge to themselves a greater measure of knowledge but a lesser of piety, than did their [...] by [...] words and [...] familiar to antiquity. Of one thing I will assure them till they be good [...] they shall never be good Christians. 7. That the devotions of the pre­sent Monks, Nunnes, and Princes, who have en­rolled their names in the sodality of the Virgin Ma­ry is worthy of imitation. page 23. My arithmetick will not serve me to number all those who have registrate their nam [...] the [...] of the [...], of [...] our blessed Lady. The Princes of this [...] have not beene defective in doing her all possible honour, and in consecrating Cha­pels and Temples to her memory. [...] holy Orders also are of this [...] as the [...] the [...], the Franciscans, the Cartusians, and many others. If all those testimonies and examples of great worthy and pious people will not move us to honour her, we shall be judged both unworthy of this life, and ignorant of that better to come. 8. That the old pi­ous ceremony of burning of wax candels in all the Churches of England through the whole cleare day of her purification ought to be renewed. Ib. p 153. This day the celebration whereof is institute by the Church is called Candlemes, as much as to say, the day of lights, on which while masse was singing very many tapers were burning in the Church. Montag. orig. p. 157. Diem ab illa [...] cant [...] vel purificationis: nos anglue the purification of our Lady, [...] Candlemes day à distributione [...]. Couzins did put all this in practice in the Cathedral of Durham made burne in day light some hundreths of wax candles. Peter Smart for preaching against him was deposed and [...], but Couzins for his devotion advanced from a Prebend to a Provest of a Colledge and a royall Chaplane in ordinary. 9. That the Christians obtained that famous victory over the Turkes in Lepanto by her intercession at their prayers with Christ her sonne. Femal glorie p. 226. The originall of the sodality of the blessed virgin is derived from the battell of Na­upactum gained by John of Austria and the Christi­ans, which victo­ry was attributed to her intercession with her Son. All this his Grace hath permitted under his eye to bee prin­ted at London without any censure, and when [Page 63] this doctrine was challenged by Burton, hee was rewarded with the losse of his eares and perpetuall prison. The booke which he inveighed against let bee to bee recalled, is openly excused in Print at his Graces direction as containing no evill but on­ly innocent retorications. [...] an­swer. p. 123. As for [...] booke in­tituled the Femal glory you finde not in it that I see by your collections any thing positively or [...] delivered contrary unto any point of doctrine established and received in the Church of England. Some swelling language there is into it and some Apostrophees I perceive by you to the Virgin Mary which if you take for invocations you mistake his meaning, no innovation hitherto [...] of doctrine. Yea M. Dow with his Graces licence pronounceth that booke to bee free of all Popery, and that upon this reason, because the author professeth his tracing the steps of Do­ctor Montagu whom all England must know to be a­bove all suspition of Popery.

THE nature of heresie is so subtilized by our faction, that so farre as in them lies, it is now quite evanished in the aire, and no more here­sies are to be found on the earth. With the Socinian [Page 64] Remonstrants, they exeeme all [...] controver­ted this day among any Christians, from being the Subject of heresie: For they tell us, that the beleefe of the doctrines uncontroverted by all is suf­ficient for salvation. [...] cites from Causa­bon these words: Put by controver­sies these things wherein all sects universally do a­gree, are suffici­ent for salvation. And howsoever some of them will bee content to count the Socinian Ari­anisme and Macedonianisme to bee true heresies; yet, as we shew before, and all of them do clearethe Popish errors of this imputation. Alwayes not to strive for words, our assertion is, that the grossest of the Roman errours which in the common stile of Protestants, wont to goe for heresies, are main­tained by the Canterburians for Catholick truths. For to [...] this, cast over the bookes of Bellar­mine, and see if his grossest tenets bee not by them embraced. In his first tome, his errours about the Scriptures imperfection, and doctrinall traditions, seemes to be most weighty. In his second, besides these already named, his defence of the monastick vowes of Limbus Patrum and Purgatory are very palpable. In the third, his ascribing too little to the Sacraments of the old Testament, and too much to the Sacraments of the new, his making all infants in baptisme to bee regenerate, and all non­baptised to bee damned, his corporall presence of Christs body on the altar, his sacrifice of the Masse, auricular confession, extreame unction, are very grosse corruptions. In the last tome, his errours about faith, justification, merit, free-will, are among the chiefe. In all those, consider how farre our party is long agoe declined to the left hand.

[Page 65] Begin with Scripture and traditions: The refor­med They joyne with Rome in [...] up traditions in prejudice of Scri­pture. Churches in the harmony of their confessions lay all down one common ground, for their mutuall consent; the Scripures absolute perfection, with­out the helpe of any doctrinall tradition: Hogh me once this pillar, the whole edifice of the reforma­tion must fall. To batter downe this fort, the Pa­pists plant two Engines: One that there is divers Apostolicke and ancient traditions, both rituall and dogmaticall, which beside Scripture with a divine faith must be firmely beleeved: An other, that Scri­pture must not be taken in any sense by us, but [...] wherein the ancient Fathers of the Church have un­derstood it, or the present Church do take it. In both these very dangerous corruptions our party joines with Rome: They glory [...] anti. d. [...]. [...]. sect. 2. Things that have been ge­nerally received in the Church of Christ are [...] to have been derived from Apostolicall tra­dition, without a­ny speciall man­dat left in Scrip­ture for the doing of them. Praying directly towards the East is conceived to be of [...] condition, why may wee not con­clude the like of [...] up the [...] along the [...]? Many things come into our minde by a successionall tradition, for which we cannot finde an [...] command, which yet [...] ought to entertaine, [...]; of which traditions there are many, which [...] retaine their force among us in England. This Church (the Lord [...] thanked for it) hath stood more firme for Apostolicall [...], than any other what­soever of the reformation. Samuel [...] sermon, p. 15. We yeeld that there are Apo­stolicall traditions rituall and dogmaticall, which are no where mentioned or [...] the Scriptures, but delivered by word of mouth, by the Apostles to their followers; for some of which these are reputed the number of Canonicall books, the Apostles creed the baptisme of [...], the fast of Lent, the Lords day, the great festivalls of Easter and Whitson day, beside these we [...], there are and have been many ancient [...] traditions, from which as foundations grew those noted practices of not fasting on the Sunday, of adoring towards the East, [...] before the altar, of signing the baptised with the crosse, of exorcising the party baptised, and putting a white garment upon them, of receiving the [...] fasting, of mixing water with the wine, of sending it to such as were absent, of eating the confecrate bread in the Church, or carrying it home, of cros­sing themselves when they went out, or when [...] went in, when they went to bed, or when they rose, when they sate downe to meat, when they lighted candles, or had any businesse of moment to doe, that ceremonies and rites of this nature are [...] the power of the Church to ordaine, we generally grant to our adversaries. White on the Sabboth, page 97. The reformed Churches reject not all traditions, but such as are spurious, [...], and no consonant to the holy Scripture, but genuine traditions agreeable to the rule of faith, derived from the Apostolicall times by a successive current, and which have the uniforme testimony of pious antiquity, are received and honoured by us. Now such are these which follow the historicall tradition, concerning the number, integrity, dig­nity, and perfection of the books of Canonicall Scripture, the Catholick exposition of many sentences of Scripture, the Apostles creed, the baptisme of infants, the observation of the Lords day, and some other [...], as Easter, [...], &c. baptising and admi­nistration of the Supper in holy assemblies, the service of the Church in a known lan­guage, the delivering of the Communion to the people in both kindes, the superiority of Bishops over Priests and Deacons in jurisdiction, and power of ordination. and triumph above all other reformed Churches, that they doe embrace doctrinall traditions, for which in Scripture there is no ground; And of this kinde they reckon out some of great importance; such as are, the bap­tisme of infants, the sanctifying of the Sabboth, the Apostles Creed, the giving of the cup to the people, praying in a knowne tongue, our knowledge of Scripture to be Scripture, the names and num­ber of the Canonicall bookes and their distinction from Apocrypha, of this kinde they maintaine [Page 66] large as many as Rome. For at the first word they speake to us of six hundreth. [...] p. 396. [...] tur in Scripturis infantes batizari, aut in coena Do­mini sub utraque specie communi­cantes participare. 600. sunt ejusmo­di in rebus sacris à Deo institutis, [...] manda­tis & usurpatis ab Ecclesia, de qui­bus possumus pro [...], nihil tale docet Scriptura, Scriptura haec non aedicat. Among these traditions, which wee must embrace with an un­doubted faith: They reckon up the authority of Bishops above Priests, prostration before the altars, worshipping towards the East, crosse in Baptisme, crossing of our faces at all occasions, the standing of a crucifix upon the altar, and what else they please to urge, for which they can get no Scrip­ture warrant. To this head they referre the very customes of the Popish Church in latter times, for which they have no syllable in any writer let bee in any Father: Mon. orig. p. 276. Nihil est memoriae proditum, quod ego quidem sciam [...] apud vetustiores, sive historicos five [...], probabile tamen est [...] receptam [...] de traditione vetustiore, aut scriptis [...] vetustioribus nunc deperditis dimanasse. Montag. apar. 389. Ad me quod attinet, si [...] sanctis patribus per illa tempora inventum, primo & [...], nulla traditione priore com­mendatum, nullo usu veterum, ne quidem vestigiis leviter [...], [...] per [...] annorum decursum ad nostra usque tempora sine contradictione [...], non video cur non [...] & [...] vim suam obtineat & authoritatem. Absit enim ut [...] Ecclesia vel in rebus de facto, & Ecclesiasticis [...] diu aberra­verit. Ibid. p. 382. Meminerimus [...] olim statuisse cum applausu de hujusmodi consuetudinibus, si legem expostules scriptam, nullam invenies, sed traditio praetenditur autrix, consuetudo [...], & fides observatrix. Et Irenaeus, quid autem si neque [...] nobis Scripturas, nonne oporteret [...] traditionis. Idem an­tig. p. 42. That author saies no more then is justifiable touching traditions: for thus he [...], the doctrine of the Church is two waies delivered unto us; first by writing, then by tradition from hand to hand. Both are of alike value or force unto piety. Yea, all the injunctions of the [Page 67] Bishops must bee Ecclesiastick traditions, where­to the conscience must submit no lesse then to the precepts of God. White in his examination of the dialogue [...] not only this testimony of [...], Etiamsi Scripturae autho­ritas non subesset, totius tamen or­bis in hanc par­tem consensus, in­star praecepti ob­tinet, [...] & alia multa quae per traditionem in [...] observantur, authoritatem sibi scriptae legis [...], but also that of Eusebius, [...] in sanctis [...] decernitur, id universum divinae voluntati debet attribui: And this of Bernards. Sive [...], [...] ho­mo vicarius Dei mandatum quodcunque tradiderit, pari profecto obsequendum est cura, pari reverentia [...], ubi tamen Deo contraria non praecipit homo. [...]. pag. 31. Sensum Scripturarum ex patribus & doctoribus Ecclesiae [...], tradi­tum & conservatum in Ecclesia, & approbatum, quidni pro tali traditione agnoscamus, in [...] veritate acquiescendum, & à qua minimè [...] sit. In the meane time Scripture must bee stiled the booke of hereticks, Montag orig. p. 353. Eusebius de Severianis hereticis loquens, [...], [...] Prophetis & [...] utun­tur sacrarum Scripturarum sensus & sententias, ut nostri solent puritani & novatores pro suo arbitratu interpretantur. Mon. orig. p. 318. Neque enim insanire solent sine Scripturis haeretici & mir [...] casdem ad suos [...], solent applicare defendendos persus­dendosque. a Lesbian [...] Mont apar. 382. Non ut nostri [...] quibus [...] est [...] resipit & [...], & ideo [...] est vel ut amant [...] reforman­dum ad Dei verbum, hoc est ad Lesbiam plane regulam ipsorum cerebrositatem a­mussitandum. In no controversies no not in Sermons any use may bee made of it, except so farre as wee can backe our deductions from Scrip­ture, by consent of the ancient Fathers, or present Church. [...] p. 129. The godly and learned Fathers of our Church, give strick charge to private preachers, that they preach nothing in their preachings which they would have the people [...] to beleeve and observe, but that which is agree­able to the doctrine of the old and new Testament, and that which the Catholick Fa­thers, and ancient Bishops have formerly taught and collected from thence. White upon the [...], [...] 12. The holy Scripture is the fountaine and living spting, containing in all [...] and abundance whatsoever is necessary to make Gods people wise unto salvation. The [...] and unanimous [...] of the true Church of Christ [...] the primitive ages thereof is the [...], or a [...] pipe to derive and convoy to [...] generations the [...] water [...] in the holy Scripture. Ibid. From [...] he saith, Injuriam nobis [...], nos [...] solam [...] esse [...] & judicem [...] siarum [...], [...] & Spiritum [...], [...] [...] p. 14. The Ecclesiasticall [...] reporteth of [...] and [...], that in their studying the holy Scriptures [...] col­lected the sense of them, not from their owne judgement or presumption, but from the testimony and authority of the ancients, who had received the rule of the true intelli­gence of Scripture from the holy Apostles by succession.

[Page 68] In our most important controversies anent faith, In the doctrine of faith, justifica­tion, fulfilling of the Law, merit, they are fully Po­pish. justification, fulfilling of the Law, merite, &c. they teach first, that faith is no more but a bare knowledge, and naked assent, that in the nature of it there is no confidence, no application at all, that the soules confidence and application of Gods pro­mises, are the acts onely of hope and charity, that justifying faith is the Catholicke faith, a generall assent to the articles of the Apostolicke Creed, that particular personall applying faith, is but presump­tion and fantasie. [...] pag. 46. This one faith is called by Divines the Ca­tholike faith, con­tained in the three Creedes of the Apostles, Nice and [...]. The false faith is contrary to this, the private faith, or fancy rather, by which men beleeve to be saved by themselves that which is the mother and nource to vice, an enemy to all good life; & that this is not the Catholick faith, shall appear, because that faith hath not a special object, as a mans selfe, or Gods speciall favour to this or that particular man, which is hopes object, but Catholick object, which is the whole first truth, and every member of Gods book, as the school teacheth, this faith goeth but to the truth and esse of divine things. Faith giveth these truths a be­ing & substance in our mind, but after hope layeth hold on them in the wil and affections, and applyeth them to our selves, & cha­rity goeth in un­to them. The A­postle saith, that he who commeth to God must believe that he is a rewarder of them that [...] him, not a [...] of me or thee, as if the article of [...] were personall. Idem pag. 106. In the love of the heart lyeth the greatest apprehension. The greatest meane of our apprehending of him, is by charity, which layes hold on him in the will and reasonable affections. [...] Collect. 82. Applicatio ex parte hominis; non ex alia ra­tione procedit, quam ex amplexu amoris & desiderii. Ibid. pag. 97. [...] Deus hanc spem, & [...] hujus spei [...]. Againe, they teach that justi­fication is ascribed by the Apostle to faith onely, by way of beginning inchoative, because assent to the truth of God, is that first vertue which the chaine of all other vertues, whereby wee are com­pleatly [Page 69] justified, for common, doth follow. [...] collect. p. 69. Inchoative per [...] justicfiat Deus, dat [...]. propter Christum cognitionem, ex cognitione fidem, ex fide spem sive [...], ex fiduciacharitatem, ex cha­titate adhae sionem, obediendi & complacendi desiderium, ex isto desiderio meritorum [...] salubrium applicationem, ex [...] applicatione sanctificationem, seu observantiam mandatorum, ex istis omnibus in actu scilicet consummato just [...], ex illa salvati­onem quae omnia quum [...] per canalem Dei gratiae, ex fide tanquam ex principio seu radice, per connaturalitatem omnium ad fidem, & adse invicem [...], quaecunque ab aliquibus [...] ad fidem, tanquam ad omnium originem re­ferenda sunt, & in hoc sensu arbitramur Apostolum. 3. ad Rom. vers. 28. locutum fide ho­mines justificatum [...] scilicet per fi lem [...] ex [...] suis operationem. 3. That Charity is the forme of Faith, and that to it, the act of Justification is much more reasonably ascribed then to faith. Shelfoord pag [...]. Charity is called of Schoole Divines grace it selfe. It is that law of the Spirit which freeth from death and sinne. It is the maine refuge of a distressed conscience. It covereth a multitude of sins, It will not suffer them to appear: Without [...] workes are dead, as well as faith and other vertues. Hence the Schoole [...] charity the forme of vertues. Ibid pag. 106. Faith converteth the minde to God, but it is love that converts the heart and will to God, which is the greatest and last conversion; for we never seck anything till we desire it. [...] conversion is begun in the minde by faith, but it is only halfe conversion, yea no conversion of the whole man, except the love of the heart (where heth the greatest apprehension) follow it. we see salvation by faith, but we obtaine it not, till we seek it by [...] desire. Wherefore I conclude, that for as much as charity is the most near and immediate cause of our conversion, that it is also the most pretious grace of God for our good, and the greatest mean of our [...] him is by charity, which layeth hold on him in the will and reasonable affections, [...] his must be the greatest meane of our justification. Ibid. p. 109. The sulfilling of the law justifieth, but charity is the fulfilling of the law, where the Apostle [...] to justifying faith, he compareth them in the most excellent way and it is most manifest that the most excellent way, is the way of our justification & conversion to God. 4. That Saint Pauls justification whereby wee stand before the barre of God is nought, but our conversion and sanctificati­on by our inherent righteousnesse. Shelsoord pag. 107. Ju­stification & con­version to God is all one. Idem. [...]. 102. Charity is the maine refuge of a distressed conscience. Montag. [...]. pag. 142. A sinner is then justified when he is made just, when he is transformed in minde, tenewed in soule, [...] by [...]. [...] in [...] answer for Hall to Burtoun, is not only content to exeeme the [...] justification from all blot of a fundamentall error, but [...] also to make all our [...] in this point to be but a jugling about words; yea, at last he seemes to [...] with the Counsell of Trent in anathematizing our doctrine: For thus, if I remem­ber well, doth he speake. If any man shall [...] that men are so justified by the sole im­putation of Christs righteousnesse, or by sole remission of sinnes, [...] they are not also [...] fied by inherent grace or charity, or also that the grace whereby we are justified is only the favour of God, let him be accursed, and let him be so indeed for me. You will say this is nothing but meere jugling, I grant it, [...] yet it is not the direct deny all of the foun­dation, for here is both remission of sins, and imputation of Christs righteousnesse inclu­ded, which though it be sufficient to justification in the Protestant sence, yet in the Popish sence, wherein [...] is also required, it is not sufficient. 5. That [Page 70] the fulfilling of Gods Law to us in this life is both possible and easie, that if God did command us any thing which were impossible, hee should bee both unjust and a tyrant. [...] pag. 121. That there is a fulfilling of the Law in this life: Iames teach­eth, if you [...] the [...] law, you doe will. Were Gods Law no possible to be [...], the supposition should be idle, [...] fit for Gods word, a caption unbeseeming a man [...] by divine inspiration. To the keeping of this we must strain our soule, we must not flee to a naked [...], where is required our conformation. He hath predestinate us to be con­form to the image of his Son. He hath fulfilled the Law and so must we too. Ibid. pag. 127. Christ hath merited, that the righteousnesse of the Law should be fulfilled in us, not by faith only, or by sole imputation, as the ignorant understand it, but by our actuall walk­ing in the divine precepts. Ibid. pag. 136. To binde a man to things impossible, were a wrong both to nature and grace, therefore the schoole verse [...], [...] viri non [...] Deus ulla [...]. God can no more in [...] now require impossibilities at our hands, then he could at first at [...]: Neither doth he, if we beleeve S. [...], who saith, I can doe [...] things by Christ, who hath loved me. Ibid. pag 139. If God should command things impossi­ble, then should he be more cruell then a tyrant, who [...] not offer to exact of his Subjects such a tribute which he knowes cannot be [...]: It is tyrannical and cruell, and therefore impossible to God to require the ability which he himselfe took away, and of those too that are his friends, and in league with him. Ibid. pag. 147. To say that the very best workes of the Saints are uncleane, [...], mortall sins, is extreame blasphemy. Can the workes of the holy Ghost be impure? The least addition of evill in a good worke makes it sinfull, because Bonum est ex integracausa, malum ex [...] defectu. White on the Sabboth, pag. 157. [...] those sayings, as from S. Austine, Neque impossible ali­quid [...] potuit Deus [...] justus est; neque damnaturus est hominem pro eo quod vitare non potest, quia [...] est. Execramur blasphemiam eorum, qui dicunt aliquid impossibile homini à Deo esse praeceptum.

[Page 71] 6. That not onely manyidoelfulfill the Law with­out all mortall sinne, but sundry also doe supererogat by doing more then is commanded, by perfor­ming the counsels of perfection, of chastity, pover­ty, and obedience: [...] pag. 184 By his [...] he infor­meth us of all the meanes that leads toward life eternal by his counsels, which goe beyond his [...] (be­cause G O D hath given man free­will to get what he can in the state of grace for the state of glory) he shewes some exceeding meanes to grow to this lifes perfection, and to improve the common reward of glory for the next life, as sell what thou hast and give it to the peore, and [...] shalt have [...] in [...]; here wee have counsell to change temporall riches for eternall, which are better. 2. Wee are counselled to change permitted fleshly pleasures for heavenly pleasures, where it is said, qui [...] capere [...]. 3. Wee are counselled to deny our selves and our lawfull libertie, to follow Christ through the worlds difficulties; these are Gods counsels which in the primitive church were put in practice, but in our times they are put off with a non placet. Ibid. p. 129. Of the counsels of the gospel which goe beyond the counsels of the Law. S. [...]. sayes [...] Christ hath commanded nothing impossible yea, many have gone above his commandements. 7. That our good workes doe truely deserve and merit eternall life: [...]. appeal. p. 233. The wicked go to enduring of torments [...], the good to enjoying of happinesse without end; thus is their estate diversified to their deserving, [...] p. 120. setteth downe the comitiall verses of Cambridge which in merite goeth as farre as [...], [...] & speciosa [...], salutem divine [...] dabunt. [...] p. 18. goes yet further, that our workes are as true efficent causes of our salvation, as our wickednesse can be of our damnation, as we heard before. Montag. [...]. pag. 153. That a worke may be said to be meritorious, ex [...], these conditions are required, that it be morally good, that it be freely wrought by a man in this life in the estate of grace and friendship with God, that it have annexed Gods promise of re­ward. All which conditions I cannot conceive that any Protestants doth deny to good workes. 8. That our obeying the counsels of perfection doe purchase a degree of glory above the ordinary happinesse, [...] p. 198. In that blessed estate there are degrees of joy and glory, a starre differs from another in glory, some ground bringeth foorth thirty, some sixty, some a hundred fold. To this agreeth S. Gregory, Quia in hac vita est discretio operum, erit procul dubio in illa discretio dignitatum, ut quo hic alius alium merito superat, illic alius alium retributione transcendat. And S. Cyprian, in pace coronam vincentibus can­didam pro operi­bus dabit in per­secutio ne purpure­am pro passione geminabit; Certēt nune sin guli ad u­triusque honoris amplissimam dig­nitatem, accipiant coronas vel de o­peribus candidas, vel de sanguine purpureas. Here shineth Gods justice in distributing rewards according to the variety of his owne grace in this life bestowed, and Christians works by their own free wil to the best end imployed, and because there are certaine excellencies of workes in overcomming the greatest difficulties, therefore the scoole after the former demonstration argueth priviledged crownes which they call [...] to bee due to them which have con­auered best to Martyes for overcomming persecutions, to virgins for conquering the [...], qnd to Doctors for putting the Divell to flight from their flockes: All this lately is printed by the faction, nei­ther that onely, but (which to us seemeth marvel­lous) when great popular grumblings and sundry publicke challenges hath beene made against the authours of such writs. These whom Canterburie [Page 72] hath employed to apologise for the worlds full sa­tisfaction, hath not yet beene pleased to disavow any of those writers, nor to expresse the least signe of their indignation against any of their abomina­tions, [...] [...] 127. For Shelsoords booke whatever is in that mentioned should not trouble you, if he a­scribe a speciall eminency unto charity in some cerraine things, it is no more then [...] taught to him by S. Paul, who doth preferre it, as you cannot but choose to know, before faith and hope: nor doth he attribute our justification [...] in any other sence then was taught him by S. Iames M Dow p 52. And I believe if M. Shelsoords justification by [...] be well examined, it will prove no other then that which S. Iames saies, yee see how that by works a man is justified and not by faith onely, and I would demand of any reasonable man, whether the expresse words of that [...] may not without aspersion of popery be even openly and publickly maintained, if there be no sence obtruded upon them which may crosse S. Pauls doctrine, which M Burtoun can never prove that they did whom he charged with that assertion. but rather by sweetning all with ex­cuses seeme to vent their desire to have all swallowed downe.

In the doctrine of the Sacraments, from Bellarmins In the doctrine of the sacraments see their Popery. third tombe, they tell us first, that the sacraments of the old testamenr differ from the new, that the one confers grace, the other foresignes grace to bee conferred, that the same distinction must be holden betwixt Iohns and Christs baptimse. Montag. orig. p. 72. de circum­cisione quaeritur quamgratiam [...] & primo po­nitur non [...] quod [...] verum sacra­mentum veteris politiae in statu legis & [...], ideo esse operativū illius gratiae qua ab. luuntur [...] ut fit in baptismo novae legis. 2. Si quaeratur an ut baptismus [...] & [...] quae figurat [...] olim peccata visua sacramētali ex institutione divino opere operato, [...] ope­rantis aut alio quovis modo abolere & mundare poterit, qua de re sunt diversae sententiae. Hereafter he hath brought at length the Fathers, to prove that Sacramēta veteris testamēti non causabant gratiam sed cam solum per [...] Christi [...] esse signifi­cabant, nostra ve­ro & gratiam continent & dig­ne suscipientibus conferunt, [...] closes, inanes [...] illae disputationes & a­cerbae contentio­nes [...] lorum, quae apud schola­sticos & doctores nonnullos venti­lantur, quas sopi­tas optamus nos. Ibid. p. Baptismus Joannis rudimentarius ait Damascenus: imperfectus, & isagogicus, [...]: ut & lex vetus, [...] novum baptisma post illud necessarium inquit Augusti­nus, post Johannem baptizabat Paulus, post hereticos non baptizat Ecclesia, Christi bap­tismo actu remittebantur peccata, non remittebantur actu post Iohannis. Then in his owne words, quid ergo? An dabat gratiam baptismus ille; [...] visum non nullis perperam omni­no, nam ubi tum [...] baptismatis Christi & Sacramentorum novi faederis, quibus [...] gratiam [...] quam significant, preparatoriè hoc agebat non [...] in spe tantum cum re ipsa in Domini baptismo illud [...], ab [...] sententia quae est [...] omnium antiquorum, si Calvinus recesserit cum sequacibus, aetatem habent, ipsi responde­ant, privati cujuscunque hominis [...] non est communi protestantium sententiae ascribendum. Obtineat ergo per me Tridentinae synodi canon primus sessionis septimae: Si quis dixerit baptismum Iohannis habuisse eandem vim cum baptismo Christi anathema sit. 2. They tell us that all baptised infants as well reprobat as elect are in baptisme truely regenerat, sanctified, [Page 73] justified, and put in that state wherein if those who are reprobate and thereafter damned should die, they would be infallibly saved. Mon. opeal p. 35. We [...] aught in the Liturgie earnestly to beleeve, lest it should be left to mens [...], that [...] hath received favourably these infants that are baptised. And to make this doctrine [...] more sure against our novellists, it is again repeated in the [...], that it is certainly true by the word of God, that children being baptised have all things necessary forsalvation, and if they die before actuall sin, shall be undoub­tedly saved, according whereunto all antiquity hath also taught us Let this therefore be acknowledged to be the doctrine of our Church. White against the [...] p. 95. avowes it as the doctrine of England, that all infants baptised have the holy spirit, & are made the children of God by adoptiō, pressing that of S. [...] of all infants baptised. Quid dictu­rus est de infantibus parvulis qui plerique accepto in illa aetate gratiae sacramento, qut [...] dubio pertinerent ad vitam aeternam [...], si continuo ex hac vita [...], sinuntur crescere & nonnulli etiā apostatae sunt. Albeit this same White makes this tenet in his conserence with Fisher to be the judgement only of Papists and Luthe­rans pag. 176. They differ from Lutherans and [...] first, in that they [...] the grace of sanctification only to the elect. 2. In that they deny externall baptisme to be alwayes effectuall at the very [...] time when it is administrate. And on the ot her hand they avow that all those who die in their in­fancy without baptisme, by whatsoever misse, by whosoevers fault, are certainly damned so farre as men can judge: For baptisme is the onely ordnary meane which God hath appointed for their salvati­on, which failing, salvation must be lost, except we would dreame of extraordinary miracles of the which we have no warrant. Cant. relat. p. 56. That bap­tisme is neces­sary to the salva tion of infants in the ordinare way of the Church (without binding GOD to the use and means of that Sacrament to which hee hath bound us) it is expresse in Saint John, Chap. 3. Ex­cept a man be born again by water he cannot enter, no baptisme, no entrance, nor can infants creep in any other ordinare way. And this is the [...] opinion of all the ancient Church infants are to be baptised that their salvati­on may be certain, for they which cannot helpe themselves must not be left only to extra­ordinare helps of which we have no assurance, and for which we have no warrant at all in Seripture, [...]. p. 66. I can shew you of none saved ordinarly without the sacra­ments in regard of our Saviours exception in the 3. of Iohn, Except a man be born againe of the water and the spirit, he cannot enter into the kingdome of heaven. Montag. orig. p. 397. Adeo huic usui inserviunt aquae ut si tollatur lavacrū aquae alieni a Deo & soedere promissio­nis aeternae excludantur illi in tenebras exteriores, cum edicto divino [...] sit nisi quis re­natus fuerit ex aqua & spiritu sancto non introibit in regnum coelorum. [...] hoc elusum a novatoribus, sed & Christi divinitatem ab haereticis negatam [...] utrumque in contemptum Dei & dispendium animarum. 3. That the mani­fold ceremonies of Papists in baptisme and all o­ther sacraments are either to be embraced as pious [Page 74] ancient rites, or no to be stood upon as being only ceremoniall toyes. Samuel Hoards sermon supra, puts crosse in baptisme and sindry other ceremonies of it among his rituall traditions. Montag. [...]. pag. 16. vestis alba oleum, sal, lac, chrisma, additamenta quaedam sunt ornatus causa. Ib. p. 15. Cum con­cilio quodam nupero non veremur profiteri ceremonias à majoribus hominibus religiosissi­mis usurpatas quod ad varios pietatis usus valeant & exercitia quaedam fint quibus mens ex­ternarū rerum sensu & significatione ad divinum cultum [...] Deum attrahitur in Ec­clesia retinendas & ubi abrogatae fuerant restituendas esse statuimus. Andrews stricturae, p. 13. Chrisme, salt, candles, [...], signe of the crosse [...], and the consecration of the water, those being all matter of ceremony, are therefore in the Church power on good reasons either to retaine or to alter, For their tenets in the sa­crament of the supper, wee shall speake anone of them in the head of the masse. 4. They tell us that our dispute about the five bastard sacraments is a plaine logomachy. Andrews [...]. p. 11. The whole matter about the five Sacraments is a meer, [...] 5. They tell us that not only infants after their baptisme but even men bap­tised in perfect age who before baptisme gave a suf­ficient count of their faith, yet they may not bee e­steemed full Christians while they have received confirmation by the imposition of hands, and that alone by a Bishop. Pokling altare p. 65. And be­cause the competents were persons of full age they received also confirmation by impo­sition of hands [...] pleni [...] in­veniantar. About the orders, they tell us that they agree with Papists in their num­ber, that the reason why they want their Acolits, sub-deacons and the rest, is but their Churches po­verty: Andrewes [...]. pag. 12. The five orders is a point not [...] the standing on, while the revenues of the Church were able to main­taine so many de­grees it cannot be denyed but that there were so ma­ny, but by the Churches owne order neither by commandement nor example of Scripture, but what is this to the present estate of the Church scarce able to maintaine two? Which can scarce well maintaine the two [Page 75] orders of Priests and Deacons. But which in their que­stions is worst of all, they side here with the Papists in giving to all the Protestant Churches a wound which our enemies proclame to be mortall, fatall, incurable. They tie the conferring of ordours by a full divine right to the office of Bishops, they avow that the lawfull use of all ordination and outward ec­clesiasticke jurisdiction is by God put in the hands of their persons alone. Other reformed Kirkes therefore wanting Bishops, their Ministers must preach, cele­brate the Sacraments, administer discipline not only without a lawfull warrand, but also against the ordi­nance of God. When they are put in minde of this great wound given by them to all other reformed Churches, they either strive to cover it with the fig­tree leaves of an imagined case of necessity which never was, or else plainely to passe over it as immedi­cable. No marvaile if the Bishops of England refuse to admit without a new ordination, these who has beene ordained in Holland or France, and they make no scruple to admit without new orders, these who has beene ordained at Rome. [...] antid. sect. 3. p8. Let the Bishops stand alone on Apostoli­call right and no more then so, and doubt it not but some wil take it on your word & then plead accordingly, that thingsof Apo­stolicall institution may be laid aside. When Bishop Andrews had learnedly asserted the [...] order to be of Christs institutiō I have heard that some who were then in place did secretly interceed with King [...] to have had it altered, for feare forsooth of offending our neighbour Churches. [...]. 3. [...]. p. 195. Dixi abesse ab [...] aliquid quod de jure divino sit, culpa [...] vestra non [...] injuria temporum, non enim tam propitios habuisse Reges Galliam vestram in Ecclesia reformanda quam habu­it Britannia nostra: Interim ubi dabit meliora Deus, & hoc quoque quod jam abest per Dei gratiam suppletum iri. Relatum inter hereticos Aerium qui Epiphanio credat vel Au­gustino necesse est fateatur, & tu qui [...] Aerium quo nomine damnas? An quod se [...] consensui universalis Eccle­siae. Idem qui sen­tit an non itidem se opponit ac eo nomine damnan­dus erit Montag. [...]. p. 138. [...] jus & autoritatem ita credimus annexam Epis­coporum personis ut a nemine non episcopo ordinato & consecrato possit aut debeat adhi­beri, [...] ordinationem vel [...] omnem pronunciamus quae non a legitimo & canonico more [...] quod [...] se [...] & non missi ingerant caelesti [...] & [...], viderint [...] quid sint responsuri olim summo sacerdoti cujus partes usurpant, [...] nostros non aliorum [...] vocationes. Yea, not only they tye ordi­nation and jurisdict on to the person of Bishops, but of such Bishops who must of necessity shew the derivation of all their power, from the Pope as was shown before. 6. In Matrimony they will keepe not only the Popish Sa­cramentall words and signes, the Popish times of Lent and other dismall daies, except the Bishops give their dispensation, but also they will have the [Page 76] whole matrimoniall causes ruled by the Popes [...], yea, which is more, they avow that the Can­non-law by Acts of Parliament yet unrepealled stands in vigour amongst them. Dew p. 184. By his favour I must tell him that neither the law of God nor of the King disallowes the use of the old Canons and Constitutions, though made in the time of Popery and by the Pope or Popish Prelats, which are not contrary to the law of God or the King: If hee de­sire proofe of this, let him consider whether the Statute 25. Hen. 8 19. do not say as much as I affirme, which having regulated divers things touching the exercise of Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction. At last the statute concludes with this [...] Provided also that such Canons constitutions, ordinances, and synodals provinciall being already made not repugnant to the lawes and customes of this Realme, nor to the hurt of the Kings prerogative royall, shall now still be used and executed as they were before the making of this Act, till such time as they be viewed, searched, or otherwise ordered by the said two and thirty persons or the more part of them according to the tenour of this present Act. It followes then that till these thirty two persons determine otherwise, old Canons may bee still executed and retaine their ancient vigour and authority, and when that will be I know not but as yet I am sure it hath not beene done.

Except in some few things which are directly op­posit to some late lawes of the land and that Can­non-law they will have extendit as far downe as the very Councell of Basile. Femall glo­ry, pag. 128. With this pious and gratefull ordi­nance, I conclude the visitation of our incomparable Lady, [...] meanes the act of the late Councell of Ba­sile, which ordain­ed a festivall for that visitation. And as far up as the con­stitutions of the first Popes. [...] altar pag. 52. There is mention madeof the dedication of Churches unde [...], An. [...] 12. and under [...], 154. under Calixtus 221. And before them all in Saint Clemence his Epistles. These testimonies of Roman Bishops the Centurists doe suspect: Where the doctrine and decrees of Popes, and those in the first and best times are confirmed by the doctrine and constant practice of the holy Catholicke Church, it [...] great boldnesse in three or foure men to condemne and to brand their authority with the ministery of iniquity. Which divers of the Papists themselves acknowledge to bee supposi­titious, yet our men will defend them all, and with them the Canons ofthe Apostles, the constitutions of Clemence and all such trash. Laurence, Sermon, pag. 18. the Apostles in their Canons, and these too, which are undoubtedly theirs. Montag. apart. pag. 390 Ex antiquissimis illum [...] prin­cipem & prima­riae authoritatis, [...] erat Aposto­lorū [...] & [...] nime­rum [...] non preteribo, quem licet delica­tuli nescio qui, ex [...] parte con­tendentium falsi postulant, & tan­quam falsarium [...] Nos tamen ipsius [...] quosvis suscipere patrocinium aude­mus, doctissimum post virum Turrianum.

[Page 77] In the sacrament of pennance they [...] first, that auricular confession was evill abolished, and is ve­ry expedient to be restored. White on the Sabboth in the preface. There might also my reverend good Lord, be a very profitable use of some private of pasturall collation with their [...], for their direct on and information in [...] spirituall du­ties, such as was, private confestion in the ancient Church: Now the Presbyterian censures by their paralogisme taken from abuse have with such loud and impetuous declamations, filled the cares and possessed the mindes of many people that they are exceeding averse from this soveraigne and ancient medecine of consolation, prevention, and curing of the [...] of the soule. He approueth that of Gerardus, Privata coram Ecclesiae ministro confessio, quam auricularem vocant, quamv is non habeat expressum & peculiare man­datum [...] non fit absolutae necessitatis, tamen cum plurimas praester utilitates & disciplinae Ecclesiasticae [...] sit non postrema publico Ecclesiae consensu recepta, ideo ne­quaquam timere vel negligenda vel abolenda, [...] piè & in vero Dei timore, praesertim ab [...] qui ad sacram synoxin accedunt usurpanda. M. Sp. Sermon printed with approba­tion. p. 18. Confesse as the Church directs, confesse to God, confesse also to the Priest, if not privately in the [...] since that is out of use. [...] saith a devout Bishop, it is almost quite lost, the more pitty. 2. That God hath given a judiciall power of absolution to every Priest, which every one of the people is obliged to make use of, especially before the communion by con­fessing to the Priest all their sins without the con­cilement of any. Dew p. 35. It cannot be denied, but that the Church of England did ever allow the private confession of sinnes to the Priest, it were very strange, if our Church ordaining Priests and giving them power of absolution, and prescribing the forme to be used for the exercise of that power upon confession, should not allow of the private confession. M. Sp. Sermon page. 16. Since the Priest can in the name of God forgive us our sinnes, good reason we should make our confession to him: Surely God never give the Priest this power in vaine, he expects we should make the best use of it we can. He requires we should use the meanes we can to obtaine that blessing; now the onely meanes to obtaine this absolution is our confession to him [...]. p. 19. If we confesse in humility with griefe and sorrow for them, if we confesse them faithfully not concealing any (Ibid) p. 15. There is another confession that would not be neglected. He that would be sure of pardon, let him seek out a Priest, and make his humble confession to him: for God who alone hath the prime and originall right of for­giving sins hath delegat the Priests here upon earth his judges, and hath given them the power of ab­solution, so that they can in Gods name forgive the sinnes of those that confesse to them. But is not this Popery, would some say, Now take the counsell that is given in the eight of Iob, Aske the Fathers, and they shall tell thee: aske then S. [...] on Esay, and he will tell thee, that heaven waites and expects the Priests sentence here on earth: For the Priest [...] on earth, and the Lord followes the servant, and when the servant bindes or looses here on earth, clave non errante, the Lord confirmes it in heaven, words, saies he, so cleare for the judiciall and formall absolution of the Priest, that nothing can be said more plaine. 3. That God in the Heaven will certainly follow the sentence of the Priest ab­solving on earth. g 4. Beside a private confes­sor, it were very expedient to have in every congre­gation [Page 78] a publick penitentiarie, who in the beginning of Lent on ashe-wednesday might in the Kirk sit in his reclinatory, and sprinkling dust on the head of every parishioner, enjoyn them their Lent-pennance, whereby they may truly satisfie Gods judgement for their sins, and in the end of lent or Shrif-thursday before Pasche give his absolution to those who have fully satisfied. Pockl. alt. pag. 57. The Bishops made an addition to the Ecclesiastick canon, that in every Church a penitentiarie should be appointed to admit penetents in the Church, after they have done publick pennance. This kind of confession [...] abolished in the Church of [...], how beit the confession, whereof Tertullian and Cyprian speaks, was never abolished, but did ever con­tinue in the Greek Church, and in the Latine likewise: And to this purpose a solemne day was set apart for taking of publick pennance, for open faults, by imposition of hands, and sprinkling of ashes, namely Ashwednesday. This is the godly discipline whereof out Church speaketh, and wisheth that it might be restored. And as Ashwednesday was ap­pointed for penetents to receive absolution. This absolution they took upon their knees by the imposition of the Priests hands. Ibid. p. 63. and 67. The Competents beginning on Ashwednesday in sackcloth and ashes to humble themselves, they were all Lent long purged with fasting and prayer: They were to stand barefoot on sackcloth, and watch on good Fryday all night. How fand a thing it is, saith [...], to thinke to carry away with us the [...] of sinne, and not first of all to pay for our commodity. The Merchant before he deliver his wares will look to your coyne, [...] soulptilis, ne rasus, that it be nei­ther washed nor shaved; and doe not thinke but the Lord will looke well to your re­pentances and turne it over and over, before ye receive [...]. The Church caused those to take so strict pennance, that by their great humiliation they might make some amends for that liberty which some took to sin. Ibid. p. 24. Our Churches are a glory to our religion. To the [...] elongeth the [...] lavaiorie and [...], [...] heating confessions. Shalfoord p. 126. If the Just shall transgresse while they are with­in the law they are bound to make satisfaction by pennance, which is, [...] Ibid. pag. [...]. The law is oft broken by sins of omission and commission. I answer, as it is oft broken of us, so it is as oft repaired and satisfied, and so all is made whole againe, and so he is, [...] quo [...]: he riseth againe so oft as he falleth; ei­ther in number or vertue our sins of commission are repaired by repen­tance, our sins of omission are supplied by prayer. Extreame unction, if reports [Page 79] may be trusted, is already in practice among them, but howsoever, they avow in Print their satisfaction with the Papists in this point, if so be the ceremony be no made absolutely necessary. Montag. antig. pag. 267. That sacramentall unction is not to be used to the sick, use it if you will, we hinder you not, nor much care or en­quire what effects ensue upon it, but obtrude it not upon us as in [...] of the Sacraments in the time of grace.

Anent the Monastick life, consider how farre our They are for the recrection of mo­nasteries, and pla­cing of Monks, and Nuns therein as of old. men are from Popery, they tell us first, that the putting downe of the Monasteries in England by Henry the eight, let be by other Protestant Princes else-where, was a worke exceeding impious, and very prejudiciall both to the Church and Crowne: Montag. orig. p. 303. In Ec­clesia anglicana sacerdotes [...] magis gaudere, & soleant & debeant immunitatibus, tamen & frequen­tius & exuberan­tius, & libentius quam laici decimarum decimas, subsidia, annatas primitias, solvunt principi, ut vel inde [...] discerni possit quantum detrimenti regiis accesserit [...] per illam deso­lationem monasteriis invectam per importunum Henrici octavi rigorem, & per parlia­mentarias impropriationes. Ibid. p. 384. Quales quales reformare potius, & ad normam veterum reducere debebant, [...] non quod factum facinore flagitioso, & [...] fuerunt ad haras, altaria ad lupanaria transferenda, sed reprimam [...]. Ibid. p. 174. Sub pretextu reformatae pietatis. Deum, Ecclesiam, pietatem, per nefandistima sa­crilegia, eversis ubicunque monasteriis, &c. 2. That the Monks for the paterne of their orders have the Prophets and the Apostles, and spe­cially Iohn the Baptist: Montag. orig. p, 370. [...] primus hanc viam insistebat, illum [...] ut in aliis sequebantur [...] & [...]. Ibid. p. 382. Ejusmodi vitae genere [...] jecisse fundamenta monasticae vitae, cum illustrissimo Barono non abnuerim. 3. That their habits to their very tree-shoone hath Scripture warrant: Montag. orig. p 369. [...] & interula & tunica, & quocun­que amictu vestiebatur, de camelorum pilis id gestabat vestimentum, ut ipsa asperitas ad virtutem patientiae animum exerceret, nec princeps hoc institutum [...] [...]: ab omni retro antiquitate Prophetarum filii Elias, [...] alii [...] ute bantur, quin & positum in more qui rem quamcunque persuadere vellent, habitu ipso se componerent ad [...] rem efficacius insinuandam. William [...] sermon p. 20. The sackcloth and ashes they received from Daniel and the Ninivites, and to live according to a [...] rule, and order from S. Mark and other Apostles. so saith Cossian Ibidem p. 28. Those if you censure for will­worship or super­stition take heed ye condemne not the authors of them, even our blessed Saviour, with his Prophets and Apostles. Ibid. pag. 44. Whereas our blessed Savi­our hath forbidden shooes to his Disciples, he was herein obeyed by the Primitive mor­tifiers, sandals were meere solls tyed with strings: 4. That the Virgine Mary was truely a Nunne, and that the Nunnes this day are much to [Page 80] bee commended for the following of her paterne: Femal glory page 22. The same author affirmes that there she lived a [...] Nunne. Ibid. 23. Let us then imagine that this holy [...] confined her body to this sacred solitude, that shee might the more freely enjoy the inconceivable pleasure shee tooke in her [...] Virginity. Ibid. page She was a votary never to know man. Ibid. page 148. You who ply your sacred A­rithmetik and have thoughts cold and cleare as the Cristall beeds you pray by. You who have vowed virginity, mentall and corporall, approach with comfort, and kneel downe before the grand white immaculate [...] of your snowie Nunries, and present the alsaving babe in her armes with due veneration: 5. That the present Carthusians, Franciscans, and the rest of the Fraternities are very good and holy people, worthy in their very orders of Mona­stick life of our imitation: Ibid. page 236. Many holy or­ders also are of this sodality as the [...], the [...], the Franciscans, [...], and many other. If these examples of pious and worthy people will not move us, &c. 6. That their barefooted processions through the streets, that their Canonicall houres of devotion, at midnight in their Cloisters, that in great festivall Eves, their going at Mid-night, with confluence of people to Towne-churches is all commendable ser­vice. William Wats sermon. page 3. [...] Bishop of Vienne did not uncannonically, to appoint a solemne [...] of three daies fast, and to make a Letany to be sung in a barefooted procession. [...]. page 20. To goe barefooted, they received from David and Esaias. [...]. page 45. [...] maketh goers barefoote to be imitators of Apostolick spirited people. Ibid. page 48. In the third, fourth, and fifth ages, are examples plentifull of the nightly processions of the Christians; yea, they went from their houses in the Cities to some of their Churches in the fields, singing Psalmes all the way through the streets in the hearing of the Gentiles. Ibid. Minutius Felix men­tioneth necturna & [...] sacra. For this purpose the night was devided into Cano­nicall houres or certaine times of rising to prayer, whereof midnight was one, the morning watch was another Canonicall houre. I [...] notwithstanding our de­votion serveth us not [...] the Prophets and Apostles, and the Primitives, yet we will forbeare to take part with the old Hereticks in reprehending them. Ibid. Before a greater Festivall all the devouter sort of Christians constantly repaired to their Churches at midnight.

[Page 81] In the head of Purgatorie and prayer for the How neere they approach to Pur­gatorie, and [...] for the dead. dead, thus farre long agoe are they proceeded, first, they avow openly Limbus Patrum, telling us, that the Saints before Christ were not onely not in hea­ven, but truely in an infernall place, even in a lake, where in one nooke the godly were in peace, and the wicked in torments, that Abrahams bosome was here, betweene which and hell a certaine gulfe made but a tolerable distance, that Iacob, Samuel, and David, and other of the ancients were mour­ned for at their death, because their soules went not to heaven, but truely to a kind of hell: their minde in these things, as their custome is, they propone in the words of some Father, that by the shelter of their authoritie they may keep off their owne head the indignation of the people: Montag. orig. pag. 286. His qui in carcere erant spiritibus, hoc est defunct is, suo fato & inferno addict is praedicavit, quo in loco Puritani, & novatores spiri­tum, non animam Christi intelligunt Ibid. apar. p. 476. Communem esse patrum sententiam, [...] doctissimorum scriptorum nostrae aetatis & confessionis, san­ctorum animas ante Christi resurrectionem non fuisse in Coelo. Olim (inquit Chrysostomus) ad infernum deducebat mors, sed nunc assumit ad Christum. Ideo dicebat olim Iacob, Deducet is senectutem meam ad infernum cum lachrymis Ideo olim lugebantur mortui, at nunc cum Psalmis & hymnis efferuntur. Hieronymi testimonia sunt innumera, ante adven­tum Christi omnes ad inferos ducebantur; inde Iacob ad inferos discensurum se dicit, & Iob pios & impios in inferno queritur [...], & Euangelium docet magnum chaos in­terpositum apud inferos, & revera antequamflammeam illam rotam, & igneam rompheam ad [...] fores Christ us [...] one reseraret, clausa erant caelestia, Nota quoque ut [...] quoque in inferno fuisse credas, & ante adventum Christi, quamvis sanctos [...] lege detentos: locum esse ait, qui lacus [...] & abyssus, in qua non erant aquae in qua animae [...], sive ad poenas. Again they tell us that Christ before he opened heavens gate to any soule, he went first downe, and loosed the soules in prison: yea, if yee beleeve M. Maxwell (who hath written much for the drawing of our Church the factions way) hee went downe to the lowest hells, and delivered thence a number of Pagans such as Aristotle, Plato, Socrates, and a world of mo: [Page 82] Montag. a par. pag. 476. Post­quam eo descendit, Christus, infero­rum claustra per­fodit, diripuit, vastavit, spoliavit, vinctas inde ani­mas liberando. M. Maxwels demon­stration, pag. 9. Whether the pla­ces of Scripture wherein mention is made of our Saviours spoyling of hell, and lead­ing captivitie ca­ptive, may per­haps be understood of his powerfull & mercifull delivering from hell, of some of the soules of vertuous Pagans, as of their Philosophers, lawgivers, governors, kings, queens, & other private persons renowned for their wisdome, prudence, fortitude, temperance, bounty, chastity, justice, mercy; and generally for their civill carriage, & morall con­versation, [...] as were Hermes Trismegistus, Zoroaster, Socrates, Plato, Aristotle, Pytha­goras, Homer, Phocyllides, Theognis, Epictetus, Cicero; and such as were Hercules, Thesem, Cyrus, Solon, Lycurgus, Aristides, Simon, [...], Epaminondas, Tarrina, Camilla, [...], Panthea, Penelope, Artemisia, and others the like: for my owne part, I do professe such love to those vertuous wights, for their vertues sake, as I had rather condemne twentie such opinions as that of Limbus patrum, than to damne eternally the soule of one Socrates, of one Cyrus.. Our maine pillers against purgatory they hew downe with the popish axes: when wee rea­son that Scripture makes no mention of any third place betwixt Hell and Heaven; they reply, that there are many things whereof Scripture makes no mention. When we reason that Scripture makes mention expressely of two places for soules after death, they use the popish distinction, that after the resurrection there is but two eternall places, but that before the resurrection there may be three tem­porall: Montag. apar. [...]. 135 Objiciunt, nullus tertius [...] indicatur in Scriptura praeter infernum damnatorum & coelum. Resp. Licet non indicare­tur in [...] esse alium locum tertium, non tamen inde sequeretur non fuisse tertium, quia multa sunt quae non indicantur in Scripturis. Locus ille Matthaei 25. Loquitur non de loco aut statu animarum ante Christum, sed de statu & loco finali post finem saeculi, cum [...] tantum erunt absque dubio hominum societates sempiternae. 4. When papists urge upon us prayer for the dead, they will not contradict them; yea, they commend oblations in the Lords Supper, and prayers there for the dead in particular. Andreus stricturae, pag. 56. Anent offering and prayer for the dead, there is little to be said against it, it cannot be denyed but it is ancient. Dow. pag. 56. That the an­cient Church had commemorations, oblations, and prayers for the dead, the testimo­nies of the Fathers, ecclesiasticall stories & ancient Liturgies do put out of all questi­on. Pokling. alt. p. 83. Commends that Canon whereby a Priest after his death was or­dained to be punished, for making another Priest his Executour, with this paine, that at the altar for such an one, non offerretur, nee sacrificium [...] dormitione ejus [...].

IN the Church of Rome, the Canterburians use to professe corruptions of two kinds, errours and Few of all Romes superstitions are against their sto­mack. superstitions; as for heresies or Idolatries, they are loath that any such crimes should be laid to the charge of their mother church, how many, and how grievous errors they finde Rome guilty of, they had need to declare; for in the most of those where­in the protestants place the chief of the Romish er­rours, you have heard them plainly take their part, readily it will prove no otherwise when wee come downe to trie them in the particular heads, wherein papists are reputed most superstitious.

The superstitions which in papists are most re­marked in their private carriage are these four: In their frequent saining of themselves with the signe of the crosse: In wearing about their neck a crucifix or some such toy of an image or relique: In saying their praiers on their beads: In abstaining from flesh on friday, wednesday, lent, or some great festi­valls Eave; Our men are farre from disproving of any of these practises. For the first, they avow that saining with the signe of the crosse at rising or ly­ing down, at going out or comming in, at lighting of candles, closing of windowes, or any such acti­on is not only a pious and profitable ceremony, but a very Apostolicke tradition. Samuel Hoards Sermon, pag. 15: Reckons out among his traditions the crossing of themselves when they went out, or when they came in, when they went to bed, or [...] they rose, [...] they sat down to meat, or lighted candles, or had any businesse of moment to doe. Montag. apeal. p. 268. What hinders but that I may signe my self with the [...] of the crosse in any part of my body, at a­ny time when I goe to bed, in the morning when I rise, at my going out, at my returning home, the ancient Church so used it, and so may we (for ought I know) without just scandall or superstition. 2. They avow [Page 84] expressely the carrying of these holy trincats about their neck, in cases of silver or gold. Montag. antid. p. 17. Ego certe illas [...] fasciis involvam; [...], admovebo labiis ac collo su­spensas [...] oculisque [...] as [...]. [...] pag. 24. Imagines praesertim [...] diligenter & cum cura: sunt apud nos per fenestras, [...], [...], [...]. 3. The saying of their prayers; yea, their Ave Maries upon their beeds is to them an holy [...] worthy of praise and imitation. Female glory, pag. 148. Among the other praises of his holy Nuns, this is one, You who ply your sacred Arithmetick, and have your thoughts cold and cleare as the crystall beeds you pray by: And in his proemials, [...] terra revibrat ave. 4. Wed­nesday, Friday, and Lent-fasts, are to them not only lawdable practises of the ancient Church, but also traditions come from Christ and the Apostles, which for Religions cause all are obliged to em­brace. Montag. antid. pag. 164. Quadragesimale jejunium libenter ego concesserim ab Apostolis constitutum, & apud vetustissimos [...] proceres usurpatum. Ibid. p. 9. Do­ceatur esse aliquid ab ipsis Apostolis institutum, utpote jejunium quadragesimale; Causam non dicam quin haereseos accuser, si non ut ab Apostolica authoritate sancitumpropugnave­ro. William Wats sermon, p. 50. Most precise and severe observers were they of Lent­fast, which the whole primitive Church did believe to be of Apostolicall institution, so that they had their Saviours and his Apostles example for that strictnesse. I passe their observation of Wednesdayes and Fridayes fast weekly, which Epiphanius among many others assureth to be of Apostolicall [...]. [...] devotion: It hath also beene an ancient and religious custome, to fast all the Fridayes in the yeare, ex­cept those which fall within the twelve dayes of Christmasse. The Lent which now is, and ever hath beene reputed an Apostolicall constitution, and wee adde out of Chrysologus that it is not an humane invention, as they call it, but it comes from di­vine authoritie that we fast our fourtie dayes in Lent, pag 221.

The popish publick superstitions are very many, They embrace the grossest not only of their pri­vate, but also of their publick [...], but of these which that whole Church doth allow, very few comes to my minde which stand much a­gainst the stomack of our men: Those that come first to my thoughts are all pleasantly digested; [Page 85] Protestants wont to deride the popish conceats of their holy ground, of their consecrate walls, and the sanctuarie of their Chancels, their turnings towards the East, their manifold toyes in Baptisme, and the Lords supper joyned with the sacramentall Ele­ments, their gesticulations in time of publicke ser­vice, their hallowing above the Sabboth a multi­tude of Festivals, their pilgrimages, their proces­sions, and many such their practises. In this behold the minde of our men, they tell us first that Kirk­yards by prayers, and conspersion of holy water must be made holy ground; that before these epis­copall consecrations, no Christian buriall may bee made therein, but after that the Bishop hath used the pontificall ceremonies thereupon, no Heretick, no Schismaticke, no Excommunicate person may bee brought there, no worldly, no common action there performed without the profanation of the ho­ly place. Laurence sermon p 9. Chri­stians distinguish­ed their oratories into an atrium, a Church yard, a sanctum, a Church a sanctum sancto­rum, a Chancell, they did conceive a greater degree of [...] in one of them, than in another, and in one place of them than another, Churchyards they thought profaned by sports, the whole circuit both before and after Christ was [...] ledged for refuge, none out of the communion of the Kirk permitted to [...] there, any [...] ground [...] for interment before that which was not [...], and that in an higher esteem which was in a higher de­gree of consecra­tion, and that in the highest which was neerest the al­tar. Halls sermon at the consecrati­on of a buriall place, p. 38. Out of the considerati­on of the holy de­signation of these peculiar places came both the ti­tle and practice of consecration of [...], which they say is no lesse ancient than the dayes of Calixtus the first who dedicated the first Cemiteries, albeit it was decreed by the Councel of Arles, that if any Church were consecrated, the Churchyard of it should require no other hallowing but by simple conspersion, p. 40. It is meet & necessary that those places should be set aside to this holy use by a due & religious dedication, by prai­ers & holy actions tending therunto, if the Jews used these dedications, how much more we Ib. in the preface, an act worthy both of this common celebration & of that episco­pall service of mine. Again they shew us that the church by the bishops anointing some stones thereof with oyl and sprinkling others with water, and using from the Roman pontificall some mo prayers, some mo ceremonies upon it, becomes a ground more holy: That before these consecrations though the people of God for many yeares have met into a Church for divine service, yet it is no more holy than a [...], a [...], a tolbooth; but after these consecra­tions there is such holinesse in the walls, that even when there is no divine service, men at their com­ming in, and going out must adore and all the time [Page 86] of their presence stand discovered, and never so much as sit downe were the service never so long, except upon great infirmitie. Tedders sermon, p. 8. It is the consecration that makes them ho­ly & makes God esteem them so, which though they be not capable of grace, yet re­ceive by their consecration a spiritual power, wherby they are made fit for divine service, and being consecrate, there is no danger in ascribing holinesse unto them, if we beleeve S. Bernard, quis parietes istos sanctos dicere vereatur, quos manus sacratae Pontificū [...] sanctificavere mysteriis. When we come to Church, say the holy Fathers of the devoti­on of those primitive times, corpora humi [...], they that shewed the least devotion did bow, all the time that they were there none presumed so much as to sit, as being too [...] & lazie a posture in Gods house, but only for infirmitie or some other cause were [...] with. There were some that would not have their shooes on their feet in the temple, a shame to them that have their hats on in Gods house. Shelf p. 51. Some pro­fane Gods house by going out with headscovered, as if God were not present, & it were not his house when service was ended. Pokling. [...]. p. 141. hurches when they were made they were consecrate, for a man may as lawfully and Christianly administer the sacrament in a barn or town hal as in any place that is not consecrate to such holy uses, Queen scoole p. 223. S. Giles Church in the fields being newly repaired after two years service, sermon & sacraments in it in D. Montary B. of Londons time, was required to be consecrate by his successor D. Laud, the parochin refusing, the Bishop caused sequester, & [...] up the house for a month, & forces the parish after 50 pound fine to put up a [...] upon the East window, & receive the other orders of consecration. The foundatiō stons of there air of Pauls were so­lemnly blessed by the Bishop, his main reason for urging of the visitation of Cambridge was, that two chappels there was not yet conse­crate, notwithstanding of divine service in them for some score of years past. 3. That the Chan­cell and the Altar must not onely bee dedicate with prayers and unctious, but with lighted Candles, burning Incense, and many other such toyes; that it must bee divided from the Church with vailes to keep not only the bodies, but the eyes of the Laicks from beholding the arke and throne wherein the body of the Sonne of God doth sit, as in a chaire of state, that none but Priests must enter there, & that with their triple low adorations at their approa­ching: That it is a favor for the King or the Em­perour to win near that place for the short time of [Page 87] his offering. Pokl alt p. 141. Was not the altar the chiefest place which with most ceremony & devotion was hallowed? was there not a feast annuall kept in joyfull remembrance of the dedi­cation of every Church. Doth not S. Austine say, Novit sanctitas vestra fratres, corse­crationem altaris celebrareus in quo unctus vel benedictus est lapis, as he cites the place in his Sunday. Quenscoole, p. 198. In the collegiat Church of Wolverhampton in the coun­trey of Stafford, the altar & cloaths therof were consecrate 11. Octob. 1635. As soon as the Priests come to the Church, each of them made a low congie at their first entring in at the church door, & after that three congies a peece towards the altar, so they went unto the chancell, where a bason with water & a towel was provided for the Priests to wash in, where also was incense burning; after they returned making three [...] a peece. After the sermon every one of them had a paper in his hand, which they tear­med a censer, & so they went up again to the altar: as they went they made [...] con­gies a peece, the Communion being ended they washed their hands, and returned gi­ving three congies as before. Ib. 220. There are divers high [...] solemnly dedica­ted of late in divers [...] of Cambridge and Oxford, adorned with tapers, candle­sticks, Crucifixes, basons, crosses, rich altar-clothes, crimson cushions, rich hangings. Pokl. alt. p. 24. Optatus saith that Erant Ecclesiae ex auro & argento quam plurtma orna­menta. ib p 80. At the upper end of the Chancell was a place railed in, whereunto none were permitted to enter but the Priests. The Canon is cleare, Nulli omnium qui sit in Laicorum numeroliceat intra sacram altare ingredi. A dispensation indeed there was for the Emperor to enter inhither when he would Creatori dona afferre, but stay there he might not. Laurence, p. 10. Beyond these railes duo cancelli, which distinguished the body of the Church from the Oracle, none out of orders came. A more awfull reve­rence was commanded to this part being barred from common view. Ib. p 29 We have the Grecians triple prostrations from their Liturgies, [...], Ib. p. 12. The same God is thorow all the parts of the Church, but not in the same manner thorow all the parts therof, for as they are different de­grees of sanctitie in them, so is there a different dispensation of his presence in them. Ib. p. 15. This followes upon the consecration, as there was a greater communication of the divine presence in those places than in others, so was there a greater communi­cation of the same presence in some part of the temple of Solomon than in others. And as that distinction in holy places continued after Christ, so did the reason of that distin­ction too. The whole indeed is the house of God, for albeit the Lord be without these wals, yet is he more within, as we are not presumed to be so much abroad as at home, though the Church conceived him to be present in all parts of this house, yet it concer­ved him to be present more in one part of it than another, in respect of that [...] dispensation of his presence to that place of the Church, as of old to that place of the temple which was within the [...], we having an altar here answerable to a mercy [...] there, as also in respect of that union [...] this place and [...] humane nature. [...]. Star-Chamber speech, p. 47. The altar is the greatest place of Gods residence upon [...], I say the greatest, [...] greater than the pulpit, for [...] it is hoc est corpus meum, but in the pulpit is is [...] hoc est verbum meum, and a greater reverence no doubt is due to the body than to the word, and so in [...] an­swerable to the [...] where his body is usually [...] then to the seat whence his word uses to be proclaimed. 4. That none of the ceremonies of the popish baptism, neither their salt, their spitle, nor exsufflation are superstitious. Vide supra cap. 5. ( [...]) 5. That a num­ber [Page 84] [...] [Page 85] [...] [Page 86] [...] [Page 87] [...] [Page 88] of the Masse toyes, which yet are not in practise in England, yea all the guises of the Masse, which can be proven to be ancient are all to be embraced. [...] I was shewed a Latine determination [...] in one of our universities [...] to prove, that looke what ceremonies were used about the altar before the reformation by power and force of any generall custome, though past over in deep silence by our Liturgie, are notwithstanding commanded us by a kind of impli­ [...] [...], even unto us, that live under the discipline of the English Liturgie. [...] authour therein, onely leaves him as a man most able to justifie that writ. [...] are his words, as for your Sally on the author of the latin determination, I leave him to himselfe: He is of age to do you reason in this, as well as in that other quarrell you have against him. 6. That who ever in the publick prayers hath their face toward the North, South, and West, must be publickly called upon to turne themselves ever towards the East. Vide supra, cap. 5. B. 7. That in the Church not onely in the time of prayer, but at the reading of the ten commands, all must fal on their knees, but when the creed is read all must stand upright on their feet, when the epistle commeth, all may sit downe, but when the gospell beginneth, all must again arise, du­ring the time of sermon all must stand discovered. That to these and all such pious practises we are ob­lidged by the sole example of the bishops or some sew of them, even before the inacting of any Law, either of church or state. [...] Bughen, serm. pag. 9 We [...] not think [...] enough that we stand at the [...], except wee say it also with the [...] with a loud voice, nor is it enough [...] us to stand up at the gospel, but [...] at the name of Jesus, not as if we were ashamed of what we did, but [...], neither is it [...] to be bare in time of divine service, [...] kneell on our [...] commands & letanie are [...]. Shelfoord, pag. 20. Let us learne of our Cathedrall Churches, for there our reve­rend Fathers, the prelats, maketheir reverence to God in this wise, both at their entry and their returne, wherefore to fol­low their good & holy patterne, we are to do the like, both at our com­ming into Gods house, and at our going out. Ib. p. 22 The fifth office of holinesse is to rise up from our seats when the articles of our faith are read, wee also doe more reverently to stand up at the reading of the Psalmes, before, after, and behind the holy Lessons. We are also to stand at the reading of the Gospel. The reason that the old Lyturgick wri­ters gives of this superstitious standing at the Creed & Gospel more than at the reading of the lessons & Epistles is, because these Epistles among which they put the Revelation, the Pentateuch, and sundry other parts of the old restament, contains more base doctrine than the Gospel which comes behind them, as the Master comes after his servant which goes before to make way. 8. That the conscience is oblidged not only to keep religiously the greater festivities of Yule, pasch, pentecost, and the rest which are immediately referred to the honour of the Tri­nitie, but also a number of the festivals of the bles­sed Virgin, of the Saints and Angels: Those must not [Page 89] bee polluted with any worke or secular affaire, as wee desire to bee helped by these glorified persons intercession. Couzins devotions, they offend against the fifth command that obeyes not the precepts of the ecclesiastick Governors. The precepts of the Church are first to observe the festivals and holy dayes appointed in the Church calendar, vide supra cap. Yet Christs Sunday must bee no Sabboth; bowling, balling, and other such games may well consist with all the holinesse it hath; yea, no law of God, no ancient Canon of the Church doth discharge shearing of Corne, taking of fish, or much other husband labour upon that day; but by the contrary acts both of church & State do warrand such labour; yea, there is so great Jewish superstition in the Land about Christs Sunday, that all preach­ers must bee obliged in their very pulpits to pro­clame the new book of sports, for incouragement of the people to their gamings, when the short houre of divine service is ended, and that under no lesse paine than ejection from the Ministerie. Whits examinat. p. 118. The injunction maketh no difference betwixt Sun­day and the other holy dayes concerning working in harvest, no speciall priviledge is gi­ven it more than the [...]. For King Edwards statute repeated by Queen Elizabeth saith, It shall be law full to every husband-man, labourer, fisher-man, &c. upon the holy dayes aforesaid in harvest, or at any other time of the yeare when necessity shall require, to la­bour, ride, fish, or work any kind of work at their free wils and pleasure. Ib. on the Sab­bath. p. 217. In the new testament we read of no prohibition concerning abstinence from secular actions upon the Lords day more than upon other dayes, Et quod non prohibetur ultro permissum est. The Catholike Church for more than 600 yeares after Christ, gave licence to many Christian people to work upon the Lords day at such houres as they were not commanded to be present at the publike service by the precept of the Church. In S. Jeroms dayes the devoutest Christians did ordinarily work upon the Lords day. In Gregory the Greats time it was reputed antichristian doctrine to make it a sin to work on the Lords day. Helenes answer, p. 111. His Majestie having published his declaration about lawfull pastimes on the Sunday, gives order to his Bishops that publication thereof be made in all their severall Diocesses, the Bishops hereupon appoint the Incumbent of every Church to read the declaration to the people, and finding op­position to the said appointment, presse them to the performance of it by vertue of that Canonicall obedience, which by their severall oaths they were bound to yeeld unto their Ordinaries; but seeing nothing but contempt upon contempt, after much patience and long suffering, some of the most perverse have been suspended, as well [...] beneficio [...] [...], for an example to the rest. 9. Pil­grimages to Saints Reliques, and bare-footed pro­cessions to their Churches are preached and prin­ted. Vide supra caput 5. w. Those Throats which are so wide as [Page 90] to swallow downe all these it seemes they will not make great bones in all the other trash which in the Romish Church we challenge as superstitious.

OF all the pieces of popery, there is none so much beloved by papists, nor so much hated by Protestants, as the Masse, since the reformation of Religion, the Masse hath ever beene counted the great wall of division, keeping the parties asunder, who ever could free that ditch, whose stomack could digest that morsell, no man of either side was wont to make any doubt of his name, but that with consent of all, hee might passe for a true papist; and no waies in any rea­son stand for a moment longer in the catalogue of protestants: If then I bee able to demonstrate the Canterburians minde to be for the Masse, I hope no [Page 91] man of any understanding and equity will require of me any further proofe of their popery, but with good leave of all I may end my taske, having set up­on the head therof this cape-stone.

In the mouth of both sides reformed and Romish, preaching, and the Masse goe for reall opposites, the They cry downe so far as they can all preaching. affection of Papists to their Masse maketh them value our preaching at the lesser rate; the affection of Protestants to preaching, maketh the Masse to them the lesse lovely: Our faction to make roome for the Masse so farre as they dare, so fast as they can, are crying downe preaching. They tell us first, that much of the preaching which now is at London, and over England is not the word of God, but of the Devill, Cant. Star­chamber speech, pag. 47. But in the pulpit it is at most, Hoc est verbum meum, and God hold it there at his word: for as too many men use the matter, it is, Hoc est verbum Diaboli, this is the word of the devill in many places, witnesse sedition, and the like to it. because indeed the best and most zealous preachers in their sermons doe oft taxe Ar­minianisme and Popery, and the waies whereby his Grace is in use to advance both: This to him and his followers is doctrinall Puritanisme, much worse than disciplinarie; yea, it is sedition taught by the Devill: 2. They tell us, that the most of preachers, though voyd of the former fault, are so ignorant, idle, impertinent, clamorous fellowes, that their silence were much more to be wisht than their speech. And. Posthuma, pag. 32. Ex quo nuper hic apud nos vapularunt canes muti, exclusi sunt clamatores [...] as molesti, ex quo pessimus [...] mos invaluit, ex quo pruriginoso [...] editus [...] bic quicquidlibet effutiendi, Ecclesia in tonstrinam versa est, non plus ibi ineptiarum quam bic, Theologia in battologiam, canes [...] latrantes mu­tati in catulos [...], [...] fe­re scias [...] opt ā ­dum fit, illudne [...], an bi la­tratus absoni, illud­ne jejunium, an baec nausea. Because indeed grave and gracious Ministers are not either able or willing to stuffe their Sermons with secular learning, and imploy extra­ordinarie paines for to gather together a Masse of tinkling words, as Andrewes was, and his admirers [Page 92] are wont to doe, for to spoyle preaching of that life, spirit, and power, which ought to shine into it. 3. That the preaching which themselves approve and praise, is but sermonizing in pulpits, no necessary part of the Ministeriall charge, but a practice to bee used of some few of singular learning & eloquence, and that only at rare and extraordinary times, as the Bishop, or the Star-chamber Court shall be pleased to give licence. Shelfoord, pag. 91. Beside these ten kinds of preaching, which are able to stop the mouth of all itching [...] pro­fessours, there is yet another kind of preaching not fit for every Minister, but for extraordinary and excellent men, called by God and the Church, to reforme errors and abuses, to promulge to the world new Lawes & Canons. And as this kind is to be performed by extraordinary men, [...] it is not alwaies so needfull, but when necessity required: for when things are setled, there needs no more setling, but only preserving. We ought not to have many [...], or ma­ny Evangelists, nor many Apostles; Were people now to be called and converted to the Gospel, then not [...] this kind of preaching, but miracles also were needful, when much needlesse and some unsound teaching by tract of time had sued into the ark of Christs Church, by the [...] & Priests thereof: [...] in the 19 year of King Henry the eighth, began licences to be granted by the Court of Star-chamber, to preach against the corrupti­ons of the time; but now the corruptions are [...] the ancient & true doctrine of the primitive Church by setled articles is restored; Therfore this extraordinary kind is not now so necessary, except it be upon some [...] crimes, breaking forth among peo­ple. 4. That the onely ordinary, profitable, and necessary preaching which God hath appoynted, and the Church laid upon the backe of Pastours, as their charge for which their tithes and stipends is due to them, is nothing but the distinct and cleare reading of the Service Booke. Shelfoord, pag. 35. The principall part of the Ministers office is the true un­derstand [...], distinct reading, and decent Ministrie of the Church service, contained in the Book of Common Prayer. This is the pith of godlinesse, the heart of religion, the spina or [...], the backbone of all holy faculties of the Christian body. Ibid. pag 39. Were [...] [...] as the Canons [...] aptly, that is, by just distin­ctions, and by a sensible Reader, observing all the rules of reading, with [...] fit [...] the matter, and with due attention of the hearer, there would bee much profit and edif­ing. Jbid. pag. 76. Gods Minister [...] thy Preacher, and the divine service of the church book is his sermon. In this service & this sermon is contained whatsoever is necessary for salva­tion. Ibid. p. 78. The [...] reading is preaching; yea, a lively & effectuall kind of preach­ing. As for sermonizing in pulpits, when so it is permitted, it ought to be very short, and after the popish form, without any prayer at all, either before or after: That the custome of English preachers, who before Sermon pray for the help of the Spirit of God to [Page 93] themselves and their hearers, or after Sermon crave grace to practice what hath beene spoken is all but idle; yea, intollerable novations to bee abolished: Heylens answer, pag. 165. Whereas formerly you used to mangle and cut short the Service, that you might bring the whole worship of God to your extemporary pray­ers and Sermons, now you are brought againe to the ancient usage of reading the whole prayers, without any diminishing in regard of preaching. As for your other cavils about the using of no prayer at all after Sermon, the innovation here is on your part, who have offended all this while, not only against the Canon, but act of Parliament, by bringing in new formes of your owne devising. As for the forbidding of any prayer before the Ser­mon, if any such be, it is but agreeable unto the Canon, which hath determined so of it long ago. The Preachers in King Edwards dayes used no forme of prayers, but [...] ex­horting which is now required in the Canon. Neither this onely, but that the most able Pastors are not to bee suffered so much as in their private studies to recommend their soules to God in their owne words, but in their very private pray­ers, are to bee tyed precisely to the words of the Service Booke. Couzins devotions in the preface. Let no prayers be used, but these which are allowed by the Church: what prayers [...] ever any man hath framed for himselfe, let him first acquaint these that are wise & learned [...] them, before he presume to use them: and that men may not think those rules are to be applied to publike praiers only, & not to privat, let them weigh those words in the coun­cell of [...], Quascunque [...] preces, &c. When we speak to the awfull [...] of God, we would be sure to speak in the [...] and pious language of the Church, which hath ever been guided by the holy Ghost, & not to lose our selves with confusion in any sudden abrupt or rude dictates, which are [...] by private spirits, & ghosts of our own, in regard whereof our very Priests & Deacons themselves are in their private and [...] prayers enjoyned to say the morning & evening devotions of the Church, and when at any time they pray, there is a set forme of words prescribed to them to use, that they also might now it is not lawful for them to pray of their own heads, or suddenly to say what they please themselves. 5. That the sermonizing which themselves permit, must bee in the greatest Townes in the most solemne times but once a day, that the practice of hearing two Sermons in one day is to be corrected, that one in a month is abun­dant, and all the English Canons doe require. Pokling [...]. Our Saviour in [...] on the Sabbath, preached but once a day, for immedi­atly after he went to dinner. [...] answer, [...]. 168. If in the great ci­ties and [...], Sermons are [...] to the [...] time of the day, or as [...] owne phrase is, to an [...] one­ly, assuredly it is neither [...] nor strange, nor need [...] bee offended at it, if by that meanes the peo­ple in those pla­ce, cannot heare but one sermon in the day, it being not many, but good sermons; not much, but profitable hearing, which you should labor to commend. Shelford, p. 93. Better were it for our Church and people to have but one Sermon well premeditated, in a moneth, which is insinuated by the Ca­non, than two on a day, proceeding from a rolling braine and mouth, without due pre­paration. Heylens answer, pag. 166. Your afternoone Sermon on the Sunday, if perfor­med by Lecturers, are but a part of your new fashion, and having no foundation in the Church at all, it cannot be any innovation to lay them by, and if the Curate performe his dutie in catechizing, you have no reason to complaine for want of Sermons in the afternoone.

[Page 94] 6. That over all England, Lecturers whose Sermons wont to be the farre best, must be presently silenced, as those whose calling the Canons Eccle­siasticall of England cannot permit. Heylens answer, 163. Why count yee the suppressing of Lectures for an innovation, whereas the name of Lecturers and Lectures are in themselves a new and [...] invention, borrowed from the new fashions of Geneva? In a word, that Sermons are the great occasion of the division and heart-burnings, which now trouble the Church and State, of the presumption and pride, and most sins among the people: That there­fore it were verie good to returne to the old fa­shion in the dayes of popery, before the 19. yeare of Henry the eighth, where there was none, or but few preachings, that this is the only means to reduce the land to that old honest simplicitie, equitie, pietie, and happinesse, which was in our Antecessors dayes; Shelford, pag. 71 When men had more of inward teaching, and lesse of outward, then was there far better living; for then they lived alwayes in feare of offending, and as [...] as they had done any thing amisse, their conscience by & by gave them a nip, and a memento for it, then they confessed their sins to God & their Minister, for spirituall com­fort and counsell; then they endevoured to make the best temporall satisfaction they could by almes, prayers, & fasting, & other good works ofhumiliation; but now outward teaching not [...] understood, hath beaten away this. Ibid. pag. 82. The besot­ted negligence of our delicate Puritans, is that which makes them to run so after Ser­mons; what doth this singularitie work in them, but a contempt of government? As weak stomacks cannot well digest much meat, so the common people cannot governe much [...]; & when they can not digest it well, they vomit it up, they wax proud, and will contest with their Ministers. At what time were most heresies broached? Was it not in the primitive Church, when there was most preaching; [...] thereafter they did slake it. Ibid pag. 99. Preaching by reading is the ordinarie preaching ordained by God himselfe, and his Church, and this was the ordinarie preach­ing in our Church before King Henry the eighth. even to that old blindnesse, wherein of necessity, wee must give our soule to bee led by [Page 95] the light of Sir John the Priest, our Father Confes­sor, for all this behold on the margine their expresse declaration.

Preaching being thus far cryed down, there will be They approve the Masse both for word & mat­ter. the lesse adoe to get up the Masse: For the word of the Masse is so lovely to them, that they are deligh­ted to stile their Service Booke by that name. [...]. Sunday, Missam facere coepi, saith S. Ambrose, he be­gan the second service, as our Church calleth it, quidam cogunt sa­cerdotem [...] ab­breviet [...], saith S. Augustine, that is, they make the Priest to cur­taile Divine Ser­vice. And least wee should thinke that it is but with the word of the Masse, that they are reconciled, they shew us next, that they find no fault with the very matter of the Masse, if you will give unto it a cha­ritable, and benigne interpretation. Montag. antid. pag. 10. Missam ipsam non damnamus, quoad vocem, quin neque Missae [...] sano & recto sensu intellectum Neither here doe they stand, but goe on to tell us, yet more of their minde, that if transubstantiation onely were removed from the Masse, they would make no question, for any thing it hath beside. And this, but most falsly, they give out for King James judge­ment. Pockling. alt. pag. 138. The King would like well enough of the Masse, if the Priests would shrive her of [...]. Yea, they goe on further to embrace transubstantiation it selfe, so farre as concernes the word: And how much the matter of it displeaseth them wee shall heare anon. Montag. antid. pag. 10. De vocibus, ne Missae quidem, [...] ne Transubstan­tiationis certamen moveremus.

But to shew their minde more clearely towards the Masse, consider the Scottish Liturgie; This un­happy book was his Graces invention: If he should [Page 96] denie it, his owne deeds would convince him. The manifold letters which in this pestiferous affaire have passed betwixt him and our Prelates are yet ex­tant. If we might bee heard, wee would spread out sundrie of them before the Convocation house of England, making it cleare as the light, that in all this designe his hand hath ever been the prime stikler; so that upon his back mainly, nill he will hee, would be laid the charge of all the fruits good or evill which from that tree, are like to fall on the Kings Coun­tries. But of this in time and place; onely now we desire to bee considered, that to this houre, his Grace hath not permitted any of his partie to speak one crosse word against that booke, but by the con­trarie lets many ofthem commend it in word and writ for the most rare and singular piece, that these many ages hath beene seene in any Church, for all gratious qualities that can bee found in any humane writ. Heare how the personate Jesuite [...] Nicanor, that is, as we conjecture by too probable signes his Graces creature, Lesly of Dun, and Conner extolls that Booke above the skies: Pag. 28. I [...] no Church [...] celebrate the Sacrament with more puritie, [...], gravitie, and none with more majestythan by thi Book: Certainly it is purged from all [...], which you call Superstition, or the [...] of the Masse, it is restored to the ancient [...], the least thing that [...] to [...], being thrust out of doores, as Amnon did Tamar, without hope of returne: And if any superstitions would dare to enter, the doore is so [...] shut, that [...] must despaire of any entrie. What needs all such uproare then without cause? I shall [...] my selfe to make good these particulars: First, that you shall never bee able to find any thing in that Booke, contrarie to the Word of GOD. 2. That it containeth no­thing contrarie to the practice of the primitive Church, but which is most agreeable there­to. 3. That all the points which you condemne are not contra­verted betweene our Classicall Di­vines and [...], but agreed upon on both sides. 4. That there is nothing in it, contrarie to our Confession of Faith in Scotland; yea, which is much, yee shall not shew mee a [...] Divine of any note, who ever did condemne this Book of the least point of Poperie, but on the contrarie, did defend and commend it. And yet we did undertake to shew into it the maine, yea all the substantiall parts of the Masse, and this under­taking to the satisfaction of our Nation was perfor­med in our generall Assembly; but to those men the judgements of nationall Churches are but vile [Page 97] and contemptible testimonies. I have seene a paral­lel written by a preacher among us, comparing all and every particular portion of the Masse, as they are cleared by Innocent, Durand, Walfrid, Berno, and the rest of the old Liturgick Rationalists, with the parts of our Liturgy, as they may bee cleared by the late writs of the Canterburians, which ends not, till all the parts great and small of the Masse bee demonstrate in our Book either formally, in so many words, as the most considerable are, and that in the very [...] (If you will joyne to our book the Canterburian commentars) or virtually a neces­sity being laid uponus, upon the same grounds which perswades to embrace what in those bookes is for­mally expressed, to embrace also what of the Masse is omitted, [...] it shal be their pleasure in a new edition to add it. This parallel is ready for the pub­lick when ever it shall be called for.

For the present, because those men make our gra­cious The Scottish Li­turgie is much worse than the English. Soveraigne beleeve, and declare also to the world in print, that what we challenge in that book, doeth strike alike against the Liturgie of Eng­land, as if the Scots Liturgy were altogether one with the English, and the few small variations, which possibly may be found in the Scottish, were not onely to the better, but made for this very end, that this new booke might better comply with the Scots humour, which now almost by birth or at least by long education is become naturally antipathetick [Page 98] to the Masse, to make this their impudent fraud so palpable that hereafter they may blush (if it bee pos­sible for such foreheads to blush at any thing) ever againe before our King to make any such allegeance passing all the rest of that booke for shortnesse, wee shall consider some few lines in some three or foure leafes of it at most, wherein the world may see their malapart changing of the English liturgy in twentie particulars and above, every one whereof drawes us beyond all that ever was allowed in England, and diverse of them lead to those parts of the Masse which all protestants this day count most wicked. If this be made cleare, I hope that all equitable men will bee the more willing to free our opposition thereto, of all imputations, and specially of all inten­tions to meddle with any thing that concernes the English Church, except so farre as is necessary for our present defence, and future peace, and makes cleerely fortheir good also. For albeit we are con­fident the world would have excused us to have op­posed with all vehemency the imposition upon us (a Church and Kingdome as free and independant upon any other nation as is to bee found this day in Christendome) without our consent, or so much as our advice, the heavie burden of foure forraigne books, of liturgie, canons, ordination, homilies: ofa number ofstrange judicatories; high commission, e­piscopall visitations, officiall courts, and the like, though they had bin urged in no other words, in no other sence then of old they wont to be used in Eng­land: For it is well known that those things have bin the sole ground and onely occasion of the [...] [Page 99] schismes, and heavie troubles wherewith almost e­ver since the reformation, that gracious church hath beene miserably vexed. But now all those things be­ing laid upon us in a far worse sence as they are de­clared by the Canterburian imposers in their owne writs, yea in farre worse words, as all who will take the paines to compare, may see: wee trust that our immoveable resolution to oppose even unto death all such violent novations shall be taken, by no good man, in evill part, let be, to be throwne, far against our intentions, to the disgrace of our neighbour church, or any well minded person therein. We have with the English church nought to doe, but as with our most deare and nearest sister, wee wish them all happinesse; and that not onely they, but all other Christian Churches this day were both almost, and altogether such as wee are, except our afflictions. We have no enemies there but the Canterburian fa­ction, no lesse heavie to her than to us. What we have said against the Scots liturgie may well reflect upon them, and so farre as we intend, upon them a­lone, and that for three of their crimes chiefely. First their forcing upon us, with whom they had nought to do, so many novations, even all that is England at one draught, and that by meere violence. 2. Their mutation of the most of those things to a plaine popish sence, which in the best sence that ever was put upon them, did occasion alwayes to England much trouble. 3. Their mutation of the English books not onely to popish sences, but even to popish words, and that in a number of the most important passages of the Masse. This last here wee will shew, [Page 100] holding us within the bounds of our few forenamed leafes, by which, conjecture may bee made of the rest.

Of all the limbes of the Masse, the most substan­tious Our alteration in the Offertorie. for many evill qualities are those three, which lie contiguous together, the Offertorie, the Canon, the Communion: The English at the reformation, howsoever for reasons of their owne, thought meet to retaine more of the Masse words than our church could ever be induced to follow, yet in those three portions of the Masse they were very carefull to cast out what they knew protestants did much abhorre in the church of Rome. But at this time the Canterbu­rians having gotten the refraiming of the Liturgy in their hands, for to manifest their affection openly to Rome do put in expressely that, which the English reformers put out, as wicked scandalls. That this may bee seene, consider severally the three named portions.

The popish Offertorie in it selfe is a foule practice, even a renovation in the Christian church of a Jew­ish Sacrifice, as Durand confesseth. Durand. Ra­tion. lib. 4. fol. 65. Ritus igitur [...] transivit in [...], & sacrificia [...] populi [...] sunt in obser­vantimpopuli [...]. But as it stands in the Masse, it hath yet a worse use, to bee a preparatorie peace offering making way for that holy propitiatorie, which in the Canon followes. It is pretended to bee a sacrifice for the benefit both of quicke and dead, for the good of the whole church universall, for the helpe of these in Purga­torie; but it is really intended to be a dragge, a hook to draw in money to the Priests purses. This piece of the Masse the English did cleane abolish, but behold how much of it our present Reformers [Page 101] are pleased to replant in our booke: First, they pro­fesse in plaine tearmes the reduction of the Offerto­rie, and that not once alone, but least their designe should passe without observation, they tell us over againe of the Offertory: 2. In the very forefront of this their Offertory, they set up unto us whole five passages of Scripture, whereof the English hath none, all directly in the literall sence carrying to a Jewish oblation. 3. For the waking of the Priests appetite (which of it selfe uses to be sharpe enough) Upon the hope of present gaine to sing his Masses with the better will, they set up a Rubrick, seasing and infefting the officiating Priest in the halfe of all the oblations, which hee can move the people to offer, and giving a liberty to him with his Church-warden, to dispose on the other halfe also as he thinks good, expresly contrary to the English, which commands all the almes of the people to bee put up in the poores boxe. 4. They will not have us to want the very formality of a Jewish offering, for they ordaine the Deacon to put the bason with the peoples devotions in the hands of the Priest, that hee may present it before the Lord upon the Altar, just as the papists in this place ordaine to bring the paten with their oblations unto the Priest; that hee may set it before their altar. Durand. lib. 4 [...]. 64. Subse­quens Dtaconus i­pse patinam cum hostia pontifici [...], & pon­tifex seu sacerdos [...] collocat super altare. Ibid. fol 66 Sa­cerdos [...] manu targit, re­praesentans [...] [...], 14. 4. ponetque [...] super [...] hostiae, & [...], & in ex­piationem [...]. 5 The priest is ordained to place and to offer up the bread and wine upon the Lords Table, that it may be ready for that service, just the popish offering in that place of the Masse, of the bread and wine, as a preparatory sacrifice for the propitiatory following. 6. The English prayer for the Catholick Church, is in our [Page 102] book cast immediately at the back of the offering of bread and wine, and that we may know it must be taken for the Offertory prayers that stands there in the Missall, and that for the benefit not onely of the living, but also of the dead: The Masse clauses for the honour of the Saints, and helpe of those who are in purgatorie, which the English scraped out, they put in againe: For as the Papists say, these Offertorie prayers for the honour of the Saints, especially of the blessed Virgin, and Apostles, and Martyrs, so they in this their Offertorie prayer commemorat all the Saints, who in their severall ge­nerations were the lights of the World, and had wonderfull grace and vertue, they might have put in particularly, as Couzins in his devotions doeth, page. 371. The blessed Virgin [...], the holy Patri­archs, Prophets, Apostles, and Martyrs: also they mention among the dead not onely these glorious Saints, but the rest of Gods servants, who have fi­nished their course in [...], and now doe rest from their labours, the best description that can be, if Bel­larmine may be believed, of the Soules in Purgatory, for whom not only thanks is given, but also prayers made, as Couzins who is suspected to be one of the maine pen-men of our booke, doth comment this passage in his devotions, page 372. That at the last day, we with them, and they with us may attaine to the resurrection of the Just, and have our perfect consummation both of soule and body in the king­dome of heaven: There is no footestep of any of these things in the English book. Our changes in the consecration.

The piece which followes the Offertorie in the [Page 103] Missall, and in our booke also, is the Canon, no lesse detested by all Protestants, then admired by papists, as Bellarmine telleth us; De missa, lib. 2. cap 17. [...] canonem ut summa reverentia semper Catholici retinue­runt, it a incredibili furore haeretici hu­jus temporis lace­rant. Many of the prefaces and prayers thereof wee have word by word, and what ever we want, these men in print are bold to justifie it all, as in nothing opposite to the truth or protestant Doctrine: So the appendix to D. Fields third Booke, Chap. 1. But wee must consider the time wherein D. Field is made to utter such speech­es, it is in the twenty eight yeare, long after the death of that learned and reverend Divine: It is in that yeare when his Grace sitting in the Chaire of London, had [...] now the full superintendence of all the presses there, and could very easily (for the promoving of his designes) put in practice that piece of policie among others, to make men after their death speak in print, what they never thought in their life; or at least to speake out those thoughts which for the good and peace of the Church, they keeped close within the doors of their owne breast, and withdrew from the notice of the World; it would then seeme reason to father these strange ju­stifications of the Masse, which are cast to Fields booke so long after his death, as also many passages in these posthume works of Andrewes, which his Grace avowedly sets out in the twentie ninth yeare, and those new pieces never heard of, which in the thirtie one yeare are set out by M. Aylward, under the name of the English Martyrs, as also that writ of Overall, which Montagu puts out with his owne amplifications, in the thirty six yeare: These and the like pieces, must in reason be ratherfather'd on those [Page 104] who put them forth, then upon their pretended au­thors, who readily did never know such posthume children, or else did take them for such unhappy bastards as they were resolved, for reasons known to themselves to keep them in obscurity, and never in publike to avow them as their owne.

In this Canon there are two parts most princi­pall, which the papists call the Heart, and Head thereof. Innocent. lib. 4 [...]. 1. [...] nuno [...] summam Sacra­menti [...], ad ipsum [...] divini sacrificii penetramus. The prayers of consecration, and of oblation, this head the English strikes off, this heart they pull out of their Booke, that the wicked Ser­pent should not have any life among them. But our men are so tender and compassionate towards that poore Beast, that they will again put in that Heart, and set on that Head. The consecration and oblation they will bee loth [...] want. Consi­der then these mens changing of the English booke towards both those, the two incomparable worst parts of the whole Masse. First, the English scrapes out all mention of any consecration: for however we delight not to strive with the papists any where about words, yet in this place while they declare expressely, that by consecration of the Elements they doe understand not the sanctification of the E­lements by the word and prayer, but a secret whis­pering of certaine words upon the Elements, for their very Transubstantiation: Durand. lib. 6. [...] non [...]; sed [...]: differt autem inter [...], [...] consecrare, est [...] tran­substantiare: [...] est, san­ctum & reveren­dum efficere, ut [...] in aqua [...]. Consecration in this place being so taken by the papists, the English rejects it, and will have nothing to do therewith; but our men being more wise, and understanding their owne ends, put up in their rubrick in capitall letters formally and expressely their praier of consecration.

[Page 105] [...]. The Papists to the end that their consecratory words may bee whispered upon the elements for their change, and no wayes heard of the people, who perchance if they heard and understood them, might learne them by heart, and in their idlenesse might pronounce them over their meales, and so, which once they say was done, Transubstanti­ate their ordinary food into Christs body: for the eschewing of these inconveniences, they ordaine the consecration to bee made in the outmost corner of the church, so far from the eares of the people as may be; and for the greater security, they ordaine their priests in the time of consecration, both to speake low, and to turne their backs upon the people: For to remedy these wicked follies, the English expresse­ly ordained their Communion Table to stand in the body of the Church, where the Minister in the mids of the people might read out openly all the words of the Institution. But our men to returne to the old fashion, command the table to be set at the East end of the Chancell, that in the time of the conse­cration, the priest may stand so farre removed from the people, as the furthest wall of the Church can permit, and as this distance were not enough to keep these holy words of [...] from the pro­phane eares of Laicks, our book hath a second Ru­brick, enjoyning expressely the priest in the time of Consecration to turne his backe on the people, to come from the North end of the Table, and to stand at such a place where bee may use both his hands with more decencie and ease, which is not possible but on the West side alone; for on the South side [Page 106] the commoditie is just alike as in the North. On the Eastnone can stand, for the Table is joyned hard to the Wall, and whosoever stands at the West side of the Altar, his Back is directly to the people that are behind him. They say for this practise many things, first, That in the good holy Liturgie of Ed­ward the sixth, the Priest was ordained to stand with his back to the people. Heylens an­tid. pag. 45. and 46. The Church of Rome enjoyn­eth the Priest to stand in medio al­taris, with his face to the East, and back to the people; But the Church of Eng­land at the North side of the Table, albeit [...] King Ed­wards Lyturgie, the Priest was appointed to stand at the midst of the [...]. Againe, that al­wayes in the ancient church the priests stood in the uppermost end of the church, divided from the peo­ple behind them, with railes, and vailes, and other distinctions. [...] saepe. 3. That Scripture is the ground of this practice, for so it was in the Jewish Church, the Priest when hee went into the Sanctuary to pray, and offer incense for the people, they stood without and never did heare what he spake, nor saw what he did. Pokling alt. pag. 99. The peo­ple might see the Priest going into the Sanctuarie, they might heare the noyse of his bels; himselfe, his gesture, his acti­ons [...] saw not, yet all this was done in medio [...], but not a­mong the people in the outward [...] inward Court, whereunto onely the people were permitted to come. If from this practice wee would inferre with Bellarmine, that the priest in the consecrati­on might speake in latine, or in a language unknown to the people, since God to whom he speaks under­stands alllanguages, the elements upon which the consecratorie words are murmured, Scottish Service the words of [...] may be repeated againe over more ei­ther bread or wine. under­stands none, and the people for whom alone the vulgar language is used, is put backe from the hea­ring of the consecration; we know not what in rea­son they could answer: But this weknow, that the maine ground whereupon we presse the use of the vulgar language, not onely in the consecration as they call it, but in the whole service of God, I [Page 107] meane the warrant of Scripture, they openly denie and for it gives no ground, but the old tradition of the Church. White on the Sabbath, pag. 97. Such traditi­ons are those that follow the Ser­vice of the Church in a knowne lan­guage, &c.

3 When our priest is set under the East wal with­in his raile his backe upon the people, he is directed to use both his armes with decency and ease, what use here can be made of the priests armes, except it be for making oflarge crosses as the masse Rubricks at this place doth direct, We doe not understand: only we bave heard before, that they avow the law­fulnesse of crossing no lesse in the supper than in Bap­tisme. 4. The prayer which stands here in the English booke, drawne from the place wherin it stood of old in the Masse to countenance the tran­substantiation of the bread and wine into Christs body and blood, but standing in this place before the consecration it is clear of all such suspition: Our men are so bold as to transplant it from this good ground to the old wicked soyle at the backe of the consecration where it wont to stand before in the old order of Sarum. 5. In the next English prayer, we put in the words of the Masse, whereby God is besought by his omnipotent spirit so to sanctifie the oblations of bread and wine, that they may be­come to us Christs body and bloud, from these words all papists use to draw the truth of their tran­substantiation, wherefore the English reformers scraped them out of their Booke, but our men put them fairely in, and good reason have they so to do: for long agoe they professed that about the presence of Christs body and blood in the Sacrament after consecration, they are fully agreed with Lutherans [Page 108] and papists in all things that is materiall and need­full, as for the small difference which remaines a­bout the formalitie and mode of presence, it is but a curious and undeterminable question, wherea­bout there would bee no controversie, did not the devilish humour of the Puritans and Jesuites make and entertaine it. Monr. apeal p. 289. If men were disposed as they ought unto peace, there needed bee no difference in the point of reall presence: for the disagreement is only de modo [...]; the [...] it self, That there is in the holy Eu­charist a reall pre­sence, is [...] to on either side. For Andrews pro­fesseth to Bel­larmine, Nobis vo­biscum de objecto convenit, de modo lis est. Praesentiam inquam credimus non minus [...] vos veram, de mo­do praesentiae nil temere [...]. There is no such cause therefore saith he, why in this point of the Sacrament we should be so distracted, seeing we both confesse that which is enough, This is my body, and contend meerly about the mean, how it is my body, a point of faith undeniable though it be unsearchable and incomprehensible: From Hooker he pronounceth, that there is a generall agreement a­bout that which is alone materiall, for the rest he avoweth himselfe to be for peace and [...], and all to be so but Puritans and Jesuites, [...] the [...] doth nourish up in a faction. [...], p. 18. I like S. Ambrose, Lombard, Roffensis & Harding, who ad­vise in this argument to forbeare the [...] nation of the [...] of presence, and to cloath our [...] with [...] & general expressions. As I like not those that say he is [...] there, so I [...] not those that say his body is not there. For S. Paul saith it is there, [...] the Church [...] England saith it is there and the Church of God ever said, it is there, and that truly, substantially, essentially. We must beleeve it is there. We must not know how it is there. It is a mysterie they all say. The presence they determined, the [...] of his presence they determined not. They said he is there, but the Lord knows how. Yea they seeme to have come a step further, to the embracing of the very mode of the popish presence, for they [...] of a corporall presence ibi that the body is there on the Altar, and that essentially; yea so grossely, that for its presence there, the Altar it selfe, let be the elements, must bee adored. 6. They make an expresse rubrick for the priests taking of the patin and chalice in his hand in the time of consecration, which taking not being either for his owne participation or distribution to others, why shall wee not understand the end of it to be that, which the Masse there enjoynes the [...] and chalice, their elevation and adoration; for the ele­vation it waslong ago practised and professed by som of our Bishops, and the adoration when the chalice [Page 109] and paten are taken in the priests hands is avowed by Heylin. The practice of Wren does declare their intention: this man as the Citizens of Ipswich com­plaines to the Parliament, when he consecrat at their new Altar, did alwayes turne his back on the people, did elevate the bread and wine above his shoulder, that it might be seene, did set downe every one of the Elements, after they were consecrate, and adored lowly before them. [...] an­swer, pag. 137. Think you it [...] the Priest should takeinto his [...] the holy myste­ries without low­ly reverence, and that it is an inno­vation to do so. 7. In another rubrick of our consecration we have the cautels of the Masse, anent the priests intention to consecrate, expressely delivered unto us.

As for that wicked sacrifice of the Masse, which Our [...] a­bout the [...]. the Canon puts at the back of the Consecration, the English banisheth it all utterly out of their book; but the faction to shew their zeal in their reforming the errours of the English Church, their mother, puts downe here in our booke; first at the backe of the consecration their memento and prayer of oblation. 2. That prayer of Thanksgiving which the English sets after the Communion in a place, where it can­not be possibly abused, as it is in the Masse for a pro­pitiatory sacrifice of Christs body and blood, they transpose and set it just in the old place where it stood in the order of Sarum, at the back of the con­secration before the Communion. 3. The clause of the Missall, which for its savour of a [...] presence, the English put out of this prayer (may worthily receive the most precious body and blood of thy Son Christ Iesus) they have here restored. 4. That wee may plainly understand, that this prayer is so transpianted and supplyed for this very [...], that it [Page 110] may serve as it did of old in the Missall for a prayer of oblation of that unbloudie sacrifice by the priest for the sinnes of the world. Behold the first eighth lines of it, which of old it had in the Missall, but in the reformation was scraped out by the English, are plainly restored, wherein we professe to make and over againe to make before [...] divine Majestie a memoriall as Christ hath commanded. This ma­king not only the Papists, but Heylene speaking from Canterburie, expones farre otherwise then either An­drewes, Hooker, Montagu, or the grossest of the English Divines for a true, proper, corporall, visible, unbloody sacrificing of Christ, for which first the Apostles, and then all Ministers are as truely priests though Evangelicall, and after the order of Mel­chisedeck, as ever the Sons of Aaron were under the Law, and the Communion Table becomes as true and proper an Altar, as ever was the brazen Altar of Moses. Heylens an­tid. [...]. 6. [...]. 2 [...] of our [...], as by the Lords owne [...], it [...] to the [...] in the legal [...] by Christs [...], it is to [...] by us [...] in the holy [...]. A [...] it was in figure, a [...] in fact, [...] so by conse­quence a [...] the commemo­rations, or imme­diately upon the post fact a Sa­crifice there was among the Jewes, a Sacrifice [...] must be amongst the Christians: and if a Sacrifice must bee, there must be Priests al­so to do, and altars whereupon to do it: for without a Priest and an Al­tar there can be no Sacrifice. There was a bloudy Sacrifice then, an unbloudy now; a Priest derived from Aaron then, from Melchisedeck now; an Altar for Mosatcall Sacri­fices then, for Evangelicall now. The Apostles in the institution were appointed Priests by Christ, where they received a power for them and their Successors to celebrate these holy mysteries. Hoc facite, is for the Priest, who hath power to consecrate; Hoc [...], is both for Priest and people. Ibid pag. 17. He maintained at length, that in the Lords Supper there is a true, proper, corporall, visible, and externall Sacrifice. 5. After the consecration and oblation they put to the Lords prayer, with the Missalls preface, audemus dicere. Here the papists [...], that their priest by consecration having transubstantiate the bread, and by their memoriall of oblation having offered up in an unbloody sacrifice the body of Christ, for the reconciliation of the Father, doth then close his quiet whisperings, his poore pipings, and becomes bold to say with a loud voyce, having Christ corporally in his hands, Pater noster. The English to banish such absurdities, put away that naughty preface, and removed the prayer it selfe from that place: But our men to shew their Orthodoxie, repone the prayer in the owne old [Page 111] place, and set before it in a faire Rubrick the whole old preface. 6. The first English prayer which stood before the consecration, where the passages of eating Christs bodie, and drinking Christs blood, could not possibly, by the very papists themselves, be detorted to a corporall presence, yet now in our book, it must change the place, and bee brought to its owne old stance, after the consecration and obla­tion, immediately before the communion, as a pray­er of humble accesse.

The third part of the Masse I spake of, was the Our changes in the Communion. Communion; see how here our men change the English booke: The English indeed in giving the Elements to the people, retaine the Masse words, but to prevent any mischiefe that could arise in the peoples minde from their sound of a corporall pre­sence, they put in at the distribution of both the ele­ments, two golden sentences, of the hearts eating by faith, of the soules drinking in remembrance. Our men being nothing afraid for the peoples beliefe of a corporall presence, have pulled out of their hands and scraped out of our booke both these an­tidotes. 2. The Masse words of Christs body and blood in the act of communion, being quite of the English antidots against their [...], must not stand in our booke simply; but that the people [Page 112] may take extraordinary notice of these phrases, there are two Rubricks set up to their backs, obliging every Communicant with their owne mouth to say their Amen to them. 3. The English enjoynes the Minister to give the people the elements in their owne hand; ours scrapes out that clause, and bid communicate the people in their owne order, which imports not onely their removall from the Altar, their standing without the Rail, as prophane Laicks farre from the place, and communion of the Priests, but also openeth a faire doore to the popish practice, of putting the elements not in the prophane hands, but in the mouthes of the people; this as the report goes, they have well neer practised; and no marvaile, since already they professe that the people ought not with their fingers to touch these holy mysteries: See in the Supplement, D. Kellets Tenets. 4. The English permit the Curate to carry home the reliques of the bread and wine for his private use, but such pro­fanity by our booke is discharged: The consecrate e­lements are injoyned to be [...] in the holy place by the priest alone, and some of the Communicants that day, whose mouths he esteemeth to be most holy: Yea, for preventing of all dangers the cautele is put in, that so few elements as may, be consecrate. 5. Our Booke will have the elements after the consecration covered with a Corporall, the Church Linnings were never called Corporalls any where, till Transubstantiation was borne, neither carryed they that name in England, till of late his Grace was pleased by the pen of his man Pockling­tonne and the like, to disgrace them with that stile. [Page 113] 6 The English will have the Ministers and people to communicate in both kinds; our booke enjoynes the Priest to receive in both kindes, but the people onely in due order: This due order of the people, opposite to the communion of the Priest in both kindes, may import the removall of one kinde from the people, so much the more may wee feare this sacriledge from their hands, since they tell us, that our onely ground for communicating of the people in both kindes is stark naught, that for this pra­ctice there may well be tradition, but Scripture there is none. White on the Sabbath, pag. 97. Such Traditions are those that fol­low the deliverie of the Communi­on to the people in both kinds. Montag. orig. pag. 396. Vbi [...] in Scripturis in­fantes baptizari, aut in coena Domi­ui sub utraque spe­cie communicantes participare; de his [...] profiteri, Nihil tale docet Scriptura, Scriptu­ra [...] non praedi­cat. Andrews stricturae pag. 5. It cannot be denyed, but ro­serving the Sacra­ment was suffered a long time in the Primitive Church, in time of perse­cution, they were permitted to car­rie away how great a part they would, and to keep it by them, and to take it at times to comfort them; but for the sick, it was alwayes sent them home, were the distance ne­ver so great, and against the time of extremitie, it was thought not amisse to have it re­served, that if the Priest should not then be in state to go to the sick partie, and there to [...] it for him, yet at least it might be sent him, as in the case of Serapion. Pokling. as we have heard, made it one of the matters of that Churches glorie, that they yet [...] retaine in their [...] the old Repositories. Also that in divers cases the ancient Church did lawfully give to the people the bread alone, that the Sacrament after the publick commu­nion, was oft reserved to be sent to the sick, to be taken at private occasions, and laid up in the Church in a publicke repository. Now it is well knowne, and the papists presse this upon us, when they would rob the people of the cup; that the wine was not sent to the sicke in a farre distance from the Church, nor taken home by the people to be used with the bread in the times of straight, nor set up in the Church in the Ciboir or Repositorie. These changes of the English Liturgy, which the Canterbu­rians have made, in some few pages lying toge­ther of the Scottish service, if they be either few or small, your selfe pronounce the sentence.

ONe of the great causes of Protestants separa­tion from Rome, is the tyranny of the Romish Clergie, whereby they presse upon the verie conscience of their people, a multitude of their own devices, with the most extreame and rigorous censures which can be inflicted either upon bodies or soules. And for the more facilitating of their pur­poses, they advance the secular power of Princes, and of all Soveraigne Estates above all, that them­selves either crave or desire: alone for this end, that their Clerks may ride upon the shoulders of Sove­raignty, to tread under the feet of their dominati­on; first the Subjects, and then the Soveraignes themselves.

How much our men are behinde the greatest ty­rants The tyrannous [...] of the Canterburians, are as many and [...] as these of the [...] Clergie. that ever were in Rome, let any pronounce, when they have considered these their following maximes: They tell us, first, that the making of all Ecclesiastick constitutions doth belong alone to the Bishop of the Diocesse, no lesse out of Synod than in Synod: That some of the inferiour Clergy may be called (if the Bishops please) to give their ad­vice, and deliberative voyce; That the Prince may lend his power, for confirming and executing of the constitutions made; but for the worke of their ma­king, it is the Bishops priviledge, belonging to them [Page 115] alone by Divine right. Samuel Hoards Sermon, pag 7. By the Church I meane the Chur­ches Pilots, who sit at the sterne; Heads and mem­bers divide al bo­dies Ecclesiasticall and civill, what e­ver is to bee done in matters of dire­ction and govern­ment, hath al­wayes beene, and must bee the sole prerogative of the heads of these bodies, unlesse we will have all Common-wealths and Churches broken in peeces. Ibid. pag. 8. The key of jurisdiction, which is a power of bin­ding and loosing men, in foro exteriori, in the courts of justice, and of making lawes and orders, for the government of Gods house, is peculiar to the heads and Bishops of the Church. Ibid. p. 31. What was Ignatius and Ambrose, if we look at their authoritie, more than other Bishops of the Church: That libertie therfore which they had to make new orders, when they saw [...], have all other Prelates in their Churches. Edward Boughanes Serm. pag. 17. Submit your selves to those that are put in authoritie by Kings, so then to Bishops, because they are put in authoritie by Kings, if they had no other claime. But blessed be God, they hold not only by this, but by an higher tenure, since all powers are of God, from him they have their spirituall jurisdiction what ever it be. S. Paul there­fore you see assumes this power unto himselfe, of setting things in order in the Kirk, be­fore any Prince become Christian, 1 Cor. 11. 34. The like power hee acknowledgeth to be in [...]. 1. 5. and in all Bishops, Heb. 15. 17. Ibid. pag. 18. Kings make lawes, and Bi­shops make canons. This indeed it was of necessitie in the beginning of Christianitie, Kings made lawes for the State, and Bishops for the Kirk, because then there was no Christians Kings, either to authorize them to make such laws, or who would countenance the when they were made. But after that Kings became nourishing sathers to the Church in these pious & regular times, Bishops made no Canons, without the assent & confirma­tion of Christians Kings, & such are our Canons, so made, so confirmed, Chounei collect. p. 53. Reges membra [...] & filios Ecclesiae se esse habitos, rejecisse, contempsisse non [...] audivimus; obediunt, simulque regnant: Jura quibus gubernari se permittunt, sua sunt, vi­talitatem nativam ex praepositis Ecclesiae, tanquam ex corde recipiunts & [...] ex ipsis tanquam ex capitibus derivant. Sam. Hoards p. 9. Nor did they exercise this power, when they were in Counsell only, but when they were asunder also: speaking of Apostles as they are paterns to all Bishops. 2. That in a whole kingdome, the Bishops alone, without the privatie of any of the Clergie, of any of the Laity, may a­bolish all the Ecclesiasticall judicatories, which the standing and unrepealed lawes, which the constant customes, ever since the reformation had setled, and put in their roomenew forraigne Courts, which the kingdome had never knowne, scarce so much as by their name. Our Church Sessions, our weekly Presbyteries, our yearly generall Assemblies, whereof by our standing lawes we have been in possession, are close put downe by our book of Canons, and in their roome Church-Wardens, officiall Courts, Synods for Episcopall visitation, and generall Assemblies to bee called when they will, to be constitute of what members they please to name, are put in their place. That at one stroke they may an­null all the Acts of three or fourescore Nationall As­semblies, and set up in their roome a Book of Ca­nons [Page 116] of their owne devising. So is their booke entituled, Canons and Con­stitutions Ecclesi­asticall ga hered, and put in forme, for the govern­ment of the Church of Scot­land, and ordai­ned to bee obser­ved by the Cler­gie, and all others whom they con­cerne. That they may abolish all the formes used in the worship of God, without any question for threescore yeeres and a­bove, both in the publicke prayers, in the admini­stration of the Sacraments, in singing of Psalmes, in preaching the Word, in celebrating of marri­age, in visiting the sicke, and in ordination of Mi­nisters: neither this alone, but that it is in their hand to impose in place of these accustomed formes, foure new Bookes of their owne; of Ser­vice, of Psalmes, of Ordination, of Homilies. All this our Bishops in Scotland have done, and to this day, not any of them to our knowledge can bee moved to confesse in that deed, any faile against the rules either of equity or justice, what ever slips of imprudence there may bee therein. And all this they have done at my Lord of Canterburies directi­on, as we shall make good by his owne hand, if ever we shall bee so happy as to be permitted to pro­duce his owne authentick autographs, before the Parliament of England, or any other Judicatorie that his Majestie will command to cognosce upon this our allegeance. Readily Rome it selfe cannot be able in any one age to parallell this work which our faction did bring forth in one yeare. It is a bundle of so many, so various, and so heavie acts of tyrannie. Certainly, England was never acquaint with the like; we see what great trouble it hath cost his Grace, to get thorow there one poore Ceremo­nie of setting the Communion Table Altar wayes; for there themselves dare not denie, that it is repug­nant to the established Lawes of their Church and [Page 117] state for any Bishop; yea, for all the Bishops being joyned, to make the poorest Canon without the voyces of their Convocation house, or nationall Assembly; yea, without the Parliaments good pleasure. Whites Ex­amination of the dialogue, pag. 22. By the Lawes of our Kingdome, & Canons of our Church, many learned persons are appointed to be assistants unto Bishops, & in our nationall Synods, in which al weigh­tie matters con­cerning religion are determined, nothing is, or may be concluded, but by the common vote and counsell of the major part of the convocation which consisteth of many other learned Divines, besides Bishops. Andrews Sermon of Trumpets, dedica­ted to the King by Canterburie. As for the Churches Lawes, which we call Canons or rules, made to restraine or redresse abuses, they have alwayes been made at Church As­semblies, and in her owne Councels, not elsewhere. Heylens antid. pag 29. I trow you are not ignorant that the Kirk makes Canons, it is the work of [...] men in their Convocations, having his Majesties leave for their conveening, and approbation of their doings. His Majestie in the Declaration before the articles hath resolved it so, and the late practice in King James his raigne, what time the book of Canons was composed in the Convocation, hath declared it so too. 3. They avow that all their injun­ctions though so many and so new, yet they are so holy and so just, that the whole kingdome in con­science mustembrace them all as the commands of God. Whites Examination, pag. 20. telleth us as it were from Eusebius, Quicquid in Sanctis Episcoporum [...] decernitur, id univer­sum divinae voluntati debet attribui. And from Bernard, Sive Deus, five homo vicarius Dei mandatum quodcunque tradiderit, pari profectò obsequendum est oura, pari reverentia suscipiendum: ubi tamen Deo contraria non praecepit homo. That whoever will be so peart as to af­firme in any one of them, the least contrariety to the Word of God, he must have no lesse censure then the great excommunication, from which he must never be relaxed but by the Bishops own mouth, af­ter his publick repentance and revocation of so vile an errour. Book of Canons, pag. 8. Whosoever shall hereafter affirm, that the forme of worship contained in the booke of Common Prayer, that the rites and ceremonies of the Church, that the government of the Church by Arch-Bishops, Bishops, and others, that the forme of consecrating Arch-Bishops, Bishops, Presbyters, and Deacons, as they are now established under his Maje­sties authoritie, doe containe in them any thing repugnant to the Scriptures, or are cor­rupt, superstitious, or unlawfull in the service and worship of God, let him bee excom­municate, and not restored, but by the Bishop of the place, or Arch-Bishop of the Pro­vince, after his repentance, and publike revocation of such his wicked errours. That his bodily and pecuniall pe­naltie shall be at the free-will and discretion of the [Page 118] Bishop. Book of Ca­nons, pa. 37. In all this book of Ca­nons, wheresoe­ver there is no pe­naltie [...] set downe, it is to bee understood, that, [...] the crime or offence be pro­ved, the punish­ment shall bee ar­bitrary, as the Or­dinary shall think fittest. That the worthiest men of any libe­rall profession get favour to lose but their eares, to have their nosesslit, and cheeks burnt for contra­dicting their innovations. Can­terhuries Starre Chamber speech in his [...] to the King, I shall ra­ther magnifie your elemencie, that proceeded with those offenders, Burton, Bastwick, Prinne, in a Court of Mercie, as well as Justice; since as the reverend Judges then de­clared, yee might have justly called the offenders into another Court; and put them to it in a way that might have exacted their lives. That the furthest banishments for tearme of life, is a priviledge which their indulgence may grant but to few. The world [...], that numbers who have beene flying from Episcopall tyrannie out of England, to the very new found lands, never to returne, have been by violence kept back, and cast in their prisons: and we see daily, that numbers not onely of men, but even of silly women are drawne back in Ireland from their flight out of the Kingdome, to close prisons. That the vilest dungeons, irons, whippings, bread and water, chaining to posts without all company, day or night in the coldest and longest winters, is but a part of their opposers deserving. Huntly in his Breviate reports, as a known case among many other, this one also, that M. John Hayden, a poor Devonshire Minister, for preaching at Norwich a Sermon, wherin he let fall some passages against setting up of images, and bowing at the name of Jesus, was apprehended like a Traytour, with the Constables bils and halberds by D. Harsnet then Bishop, and brought manacled to him like a Felon, and committed to the common Jayle close priso­ner, above thirteene weeks, where he was like to starve; the Bishop having taken from him his horse, papers, and all, thereafter he was sent by a Pursevant to London, and kept two full Terms. At last, by the high Commission he was deprived of his orders, theraf­ter the high Commissioners imprisoned him in the Gate house common dungeon, & Can­terbury sent him to be whipt to Bridewell, and there kept him all the long extreme cold winter in a dark cold dungeon, without fire or candle-light, chained to a post in the midst of the roome, with heavie [...] on his hands and feet, allowing him onely bread and water, with a pad of straw to lye on: And since on his reliefe hath caused him to take an [...], and give band to preach no more, and to depart the Kingdome within three weeks, without returning; and all this for preaching after his first unjust deprivation, though [...] exception was taken against his doctrine. Thu much in the Breviate is printed of Hayden: if the man be roguish, as some indeed say he is, I am utterly ignorant of his manners: but hereof no man is ignorant, that the Episcopall censures lets slip in men who loves their cause, manners of the most vile villains, as appears well this day in many a black be presen­ted to the Com­mittee of Parlia­ment for scanda­lous Ministers: al­so that the cruelty of Bishops hath crusht to the verie death, with pover­tie, banishment, cold and famine in prisons, many whose lives were never spotted with the allegeance of any crime, but opposition to their ungratious Lordships; the Remonstrants can make it appeare by too too many examples. That the greatest Nobles of the Land, ought in Law to for­feit their Life and Estate, if they be so bold as to put their hand to a supplication unto their gratious [Page 119] Prince against their practices. Sun­dry of our prime Earles and Lords did present a supplication to our King, after his Co­ronation, wherein the matter of their greatest complaint was, so far as ever wee heard, their challenging of the Bishops for what they had done, and were likely to doe. The double of this privie supplication being privily convoyed by an unfriend, some two or three yeares thereafter, out of my Lord Balmerinochs chamber, was a ditty for which he was condemned to dye, for an example to all other Noble Men to beware of the like rashnesse, especially his Fellow-supplicants, who are all declared to have deserved by that fault the same sentence of death. Large Declaration, pag. 14. Nor could they have found the least blemish in our justice, if we should have given warrant both [...] his sentence and execution, whose life was now legally devolved into our hands. Ibid. p. 13. We were gra­ciously pleased, that the feare and example might reach to all, but the punishment only to one of them, to passe by many, who undoubtedly had been concluded, and involved by our Lawes in the same sentence, if we had proceeded against them. That all this is but just severity, and the very expedient meane to advance their cause, which they glory hath well neere already close undone their opposites, Studley a­bout the end of his wicked story avowes, that since by severe punishment the number of the unconformists have decayed, that their cause cannot be from God and which they boast shall still bee used. Canterburie in his Epistle to the King before the Star-Chamber speech, having magnified the Kings mercie, for saving the life of Burton and his companions, is bold to advise the King not alwayes to be so mercifull, in these words, Yet this I shall be bold to say, that your Ma­jestie may consider of it in your wisdome, that one way of government is not alwayes ei­ther fit or safe, when the humours of the people are in a continuall change, especially when such men as those shall work upon your people, and labour to infuse into them such malignant principles, to introduce a paritie in the Church or Common-wealth. [...] non satis sua sponte [...] instigare. Heylen in his moderate answer, pag. 187. [...] many reasons and examples, to prove that Bourton and his like deserved no lesse than publike execution: And yet these men are so gentle to Papists, that they glorie in their meeknesse towards them, professing that to the bitterest of the Jesuites they have never given so much as a course word. So Canterburie in his Epistle the other yeare to the King, before the relation of the conference, God forbid that I should ever offer to per­swade a persecution in any kind against the Jesuites, or practise it in the least, for to my remembrance I have not given him or his so much as [...] language. But alas it is gone now beyond boasts, when they are the second time upon the very poynt to kill millions of the Kings best Subjects, to dash together all his dominions in a bloody warre, as pitchers one upon [Page 120] another, for the confirmation of their intollerable tyranny, where long it hath beene tottering, and the reerection of it where its owne unsupportable weight hath caused it to fall.

As for the power of Princes, the most of those King Charles hates all tyranny. this day who are Christians, and especially our gracious Soveraigne, are very well content to bee limited within the bounds of the lawes which them­selves and their predecessors have setled in the Church and State of their dominions, to make the preservation of those Lawes and of their subjects li­berties Ecclesiastick and Civill, according to them, the greatest glory of their prerogative Royall. His Maje­sties speech in Parliament 28. p. 75. The peoples liberties strength­en the Kings pre­rogative, and the Kings prerogative is to defend the peoples liberties. To give assurance of their resolution never to abo­lish any old, or bring in any new act, either in church or state without the concurrence of Assemblies and Parliaments. Proclamation at York, April 25. 1639. We hearti­ly declare and faithfully pro­mise, that although wee bee now in armes, they shall be no wayes used either to force up­on that our native Kingdome any innovation of religion, or to infringe any of the civill liberties, or the lawes thereof, accounting it our glorie to preserve libertie and freedome among them, according to their Lawes. Therefore wee [...] once againe by this renew our former promises for the maintenance of Religion and Lawes, and this we doe in all sinceritie of heart, we take God the Searcher of all hearts to witnesse, that as we are De­fenders of the true Protestant Religion, which we from our heart professe; so we trust, we shall by his goodnesse continue in the same, and never shall permit any innovation to [...] in this, or any other of our Kingdomes. One of the articles of Dunce pacification is this: We are further graciously pleased, that according to the Petitioners humble [...], all matters Ecclesiasticall shall be determined by the Assemblies of the Church, and matters [...] by the Parliament, and other inferiour Judicatories established by Law, which accordingly shall be kept once a yeare, or so oft as the affaires of the Church and Kingdome shall require. Neither to impose any taxation on their subjects goods without their free consent thereto given by their Commissioners in Parlia­ment, Cant. relat. p. 112. In some Kingdomes there are divers [...] of greatest consequence, which cannot be finally and bindingly ordered, but in and by Parliament; and particularly the Statute Lawes, which must bind all the Sub­jects, cannot bee made or ratified but there, the supreme Magistrate in the civill State may not abrogate Lawes made in Parliament, thogh hee may cispense with the penaltie of the Law quoad hic & nunc. the extending of the prerogative to the [Page 121] making of new lawes, or abolishing of old, to the im­posing of taxes by simple proclamation without Parliament, our Prince doth so farre abhorre, that he condemned a certaine writ for importing his Ma­jesties entertainment of such motions; yea, his Ma­jestie by his Attourney generall called the Earle of Bedford and other noble personages to censure, for keeping such a writ wherein did lye so pernicious positions. The which seditious discourse and writing, the authors therof in­tended should bee dispersed, as if the same had beene entertained by your [...], with purpose to put it in executi­on, and to alter the ancient Laws of this Kingdom, and to draw all things to your Majesties absolute will and pleasure, and to dispose of your Subjects goods without their consent, and to make and repeale Lawes by your Majesties Proclamation only, without consent of Parliament, which if it should be beleeved by your people, could not but raise infinite discontent amongst them, the consequence whereof might be of extreme and almost inevitable danger to your Majesties person, and to the whole frame of the Kingdome. Where some Princes misled through passion and mis-information have deviat so far from the path of justice, as to intend by violence and armes the overthrow of the true religion and anci­ent liberties of their subjects, the opposition which the subjects are forced to make in this case against the oppression of their Prince, our gracious Sove­raigne hath been so farre ever from counting of it re­bellion, of which crime the greatest royalists in England wont alway to absolve it, Bilson of Subje­ction, p. 280. Neither will I rashly pronounce all that resist to be Rebels: Cases may fall out even in Christian Kingdomes, where people may plead their right against the Prince, and not be charged with rebellion: As for example, if a Prince should go about to subject his Kingdome to a forraine Realme, or change the forme of the Common-Wealth from Emperie to Tyranny, or neglect the Lawes established by common con­sent of Prince and people, to execute his owne pleasure; in those and other cases which might be named, if the Nobles and Commons joyne [...], to defend their ancient and accustomed libertie, regiment, and lawes, they may not well be counted Rebels. Ib. By superiour powers ordained of God, we do not meane the Princes private will against his lawes, but his precepts derived from his lawes, and agreeing with his lawes; which though it be wicked, yet may it not be resisted by any subject with armed violence; but when Princes offer their subjects no justice but force, and despise all lawes to practise their lusts, not any private man may take the sword to redresse the Prince; but if the lawes of the land appoint the Nobles, as next to the King, to assist him in doing right, and withhold him [...] doing wrong, then bee they li­cenced by mans law, & so not pro­hibited by Gods Law for to in­terposethemselves for the safeguard of equitie and in­nocencie, and by all lawfull and needfull meanes to procure the Prince to bee re­formed, but in no case to deprive him where the Scepter is inheri­ted. Ibid. pag. 94. Spoiles, massacres, conspiracies, treasons, even to the destruction and murther of Princes by their owne servants, if a Priest say the word, you count in your selves to bee just, honourable, and godly war: if others do but [...] on their guard to keep their lives and families from the blinded rage of their enemies, seeking to put whole townes and provinces to the sword, against all law and reason, and to disturb Kingdomes in the minoritie of the right Governours, or if they defend their Christian and ancient liberties, covenanted and agreed upon by those Princes to whom they first submitted themselves, and ever since confirmed and allowed by the Kings that have succeeded. If in either of these two cases the Godly require their right, and offer no wrong, neither impugne their Princes, but onely save their owne lives, you crie rebellious Hereticks, rebellious Calvinists, surie, frenzie, mutinie, and I know not what, yee may pursue, depose, murther Prin­ces when the B. of Rome bids you, and that without breach of duty, law, or con­science to God or man; as you vant. And that when neither life nor limme of you is touched, we may not so much as beseech Princes that we may be used like subjects, not like slaves, like men, not like beasts, that we may be convented by lawes before Judges, not murthered by Inquisitors in corners, but incontinent the fume of your uncleant mouth is ready to call us by all the names you can devise. that his [Page 122] Majestie hath thought meet before all Europe after the example of his glorious Father, and renowned predecesrix Elizabeth, to give his countenance, aid, and powerfull assistance to them all, when their just grievances and feares were laid out before his Throne. If so be King Charles had esteemed the late wars in France of the protestants against their king, the present wars of Holland, and of the high Dutches against the Spaniard and Emperour an unlawfull de­fence, let be a trayterous insurrection of Subjects a­gainst their Soveraignes; Weepresuppone his Ma­jesties justice would have beene loath ever to have defiled his Scepter by supporting them all with men and moneyes, as oft he hath done, and yet doth a­vow the deed.

While our gracious prince is so farre inflamed with The Canterburi­ans flatter the King in much more power than ever he will take: And [...] him without advice of the Clergy, to doe in the Church what he pleaseth. hatred against all tyranny, yet behold this wicked fiction how carefully they goe about by all the meanes they can, to draw his royall mind to that [Page 123] which naturally it doth so much abhorre: For they tell us first, that the power of all true Kings is so simply absolute and illimitate, that for any man to reason what they may not, is a crime no lesse than treason; that they are far above all Law. H [...] [...] answer, p. 28. What spirit leads you that you are [...] with [...] Power, which men of bet­ter understanding than you, have gi­ven to Princes. Ib. p. 32. Princes are Gods deputes, of whom should they be limited? if ye say by the Laws of the land, those themselves have made, a prince in [...] is above the lawes, though in concreto, a just prince will not breake the lawes which himselfe hath promised to observe, otherwise wee say of princes: Principi lex non est posita, that they doe not governe onely by the [...], but are above it, that he is sure and hath an absolute authority. Ibid. p. [...]. I will be bold to tell you that as it is a kind of Atheisme to dispute pro & contra, what God can doe, and what he can­not, though such disputes are raised sometimes by unquiet [...]; so it is a [...] of diso­bedience and disloyalty to determine what a King can, and what he cannot. [...] p. 3. Hence it is, that princes being Legislators are above their Laws, and dispence with them as they thinke expedient. A prince is not bound to his owne Lawes, because no man can impose a law upon himselfe. Aberdeen duplyes p. 22. The King is above the Law as both the author and giver of strength thereto. 2. That the Oath which a Prince makes to keepe the Lawes is but a personall deed, which cannot oblige his successor, that his Oath and promise at his Co­ronation to keepe the Lawes, is to be exponed of his resolution to make his lawes to be keeped by others: That all the oathes and promises he makes at his co­ronation are but of his meere free-will and arbitre­ment, that by them all no true covenant or paction can bee inferred betwixt the King and his subjects. Dominus Joannes We­mius de Craigtoun, a man advanced by our Bishops to be a Lord both of Councell and Session in his booke de primatu Regis printed at Edinburgh 1623. And going among them to this day with applause p. 18. Sed quid si princeps leges statuat adhibito etiam jurisjurandi sacramento, velin sua inauguratione promittat, se leges non [...] absque populi ordinumque non modo consilio, sedetiam consensu ac determinante sententia, fiquidem non suerit haec in prima regni constitutione conditio & [...] ac [...] reg­ni [...] non sit (quo casu dicerem non proprie esse regnum, sed [...] ocratiam, vel democratiam) sed post regni constitutionem pactum [...] sit Regis [...], etiam si for­san pollicentem [...] obliget, quoniam praestanda est fides data [...] sine fide licet, non fine [...] regnet: successores tamen in regno quomodo constringet vix intell gimus, [...] si [...] a quoque sit ut ait [...], & [...] omn is ea pactio quae inter patrem & filium, maritum & [...]. dominum & [...] regem & [...] celebratur, quod [...] hos au­dientes esse. lb. p. 39. Audemus dicere in [...] supra leges esse [...], nemo enim fibi Le­gislator, virdex aut [...], d stinctio non probanda prin­cipem quoad vim legum [...] coactivam legi­bus subditum esse, non enim mag is di­rigere quam coge­re seipsum [...] quis, [...] actio om­nis sit inter agens & patiens. lb. 41. Si [...] suas se ob­servaturum [...] obligaverit prin­ceps, quod raroaut nunquam fit, eri­amsi soleat princeps quisque legum suarum observationem hoc sensu promittere, id est, [...] a [...] observentur se effecturum, ad earum observationem teneri eum [...], [...] religion is potius quam ju­stitiae legalis observatione. 3. That the prince alone is the Law-giver, [Page 124] both in Church and State. [...] Wemius, p. 26. Legum latio pr [...] est supre­mae dominationis ac majestat is caput. lb. p 74. Legum ecclesiasticarum principes latores sunt, nec differunt à civilibus ecclesiastica ratione causae efficient is. 4. That in mat­ters Ecclesiasticall they themselves alone without the advice of any of the Clergie may lawfully make what Canons they please, and compell their Clergie to embrace them. Iohannes Wemius, p. 59. Potestatem in ecclesiasticis [...] posse a principibus jure suo extra concilia exerceri de­cent, quas ita tulerunt leges [...] atque [...] Regis legibus ecclesiasticis quae legi divinae non repugnant, nequit quis bona cum conscientia obedientiam detrectare, quam vis non [...] ad [...] constitutionem Pastorum Ecclesiae corsensus. Ib. p. 93. Etiamfi extra concilia jubendi autoritatem habeat Princeps, tamen libentius obsequuntur [...] principum sta­tut is, quibus past orum in conciliis honorantur judicia. 5. That it is a part of the Kings prerogative to have power to impose upon all his Subjects such Confessions of Faith, such Liturgies, such Canons as he thinks meetest without the advice of any Church Assem­bly. Large Declaration, p. 222. Did not we and our Councell by equall authoritie command these innovations of Canons and Liturgie? Was not then the Prelates practice of them as well warranted as this confession of faith, and the band annexed, which were never brought in by Acts of Parliament, or Assembly; but meerely by our royall Fathers [...], and put in execution by the authoritie of his Councell? 6. When it is his pleasure to call an As­sembly, the members of that Ecclesiastick Court are onely such as hee is pleased to call, whether of the Clergie or of the Laity. Iohannes Wemius, pag. 66. Laicos saepè a principilius advocatos in Concilia videre est; quibus non modo consultivam, sed & difinitiv im [...] permitterent. Iste fuit electionis mittendorum ad Conciliae modus, ut [...] praesulibus quos [...] mittendi liberam plerumque potestatem permitteret prin­ceps, quod illis exploratius quam sibi esset qui ad eam [...] aptiores: Non quod princ pi penitus neganda sit, quod autumant nonnulli, particular is personarum quae [...] eum Leges Ecclesiasticas laturum adjuvent designatio. [...] ud enim esset principum juri detrahere. Ex singulis [...] moderatus [...] numerus eruditorum ac prudentiorum Presbyterorum, Diaconorum, & Laicorum a Principe aut Metropolita Principis delegato [...]. 7. That when they are called onely the Princes voyce is decisive, [Page 125] the voyce of all the rest at most but consultive, or if any of them become decisive, it is by the Princes favour, or at least permission. Iohannes We­mius, p. 89. [...] habent vocem Pasto [...] tanqu im juris di­vini consulti, desi­nitivam princeps ut judex; dante illis consilii, his ju­dicii potestatem le­gislatore Deo, penes quem solum summa in spiritualibus im­perii residet. lb. p. 70. Vocem habere qui congregartur Presbyteros non qua Presbyteri, [...] qua ecclesiarū sunt legati a principe vocati. Ibid. pag. 74. Definitiva [...] dictio co­rum est, qui a prin­cipe summo mode­ratore cos corsulente, vocemque [...] dante vocantur. lb. Asserimus non agitata in conciliis fuisse saltem quae majoris momenti essent negotia, nisi quaterus ca princeps per le­gatos proponeret, aut patribus descripta [...]. 8. That Church Assemblies are onely politick Con­ventions, not grounded upon any Divine right, and so to bee used, or disused as the prince shall thinke expedient. Iohannes Wemius, p. 126. [...] in Scriptura mandato [...] concilia celebrandi mos; sed a principibus [...] curam [...] bus, & cum non essent principes, a pastoribus ipsis volentibus ortum habuit. 9. That it is in the power of all Soveraignes, whether Monarchick, Aristocra­tick, or Democratick, to appoynt for the govern­ment of the Church in their dominions such Of­ficers and Spirituall Courts, as they finde most meet, and agreeable to their temporall estates, to erect Bishops, and put downe Presbyteries, to erect Presbyteries, and put downe Bishops. Iohan­nes Wemius, p. 78. & 79. Officiorum Ecclesiae modus [...] est, & a principe pastores Ecclesiae non corsulente [...] posse affirmamus, [...] cum serenissimo nostro [...] sammis quibusque imperitantibus concessum esse externam in ecclesiasticis regiminis formam suis pra scribere, quae ad civilis administrationis modum quam proxime accedat, dummodo a fide veraeque religionis fundamentis ne tantillum abscedat. 10. That all this power to conclude every ecclesiastick affaire which can bee subject to the jurisdiction of any ec­clesiasticall Synod doth belong alike to all Sove­raignes, whether Turkish, Iewish, Pagan, Hereticall, or Christian and Orthodox. Iohannes Wemius, p 124. [...] confertur [...] jurisdictionis potest as per regium quod a Deo habet [...] Regi tantum Christiano aptitudo eâ recte utendi Christi gratia donetur. Tametsi prima­tus [...] administret Rex [...]: Primatus tamen jus, officii seu ve­catioris, [...] facultatis aut exercitii ratione Rex obtinet. Quae Regi supervenit gratia regiam in [...], non facit potestatem, non [...], nec expellit gratiae internae, nedum professionis externae defectus.

[Page 126] Concerning the Kings power in matter of State, They give to the [...] power to do in the State what ever he will, [...] the advice of his parliament. they teach first, that a Parliament is but his arbitra­rie Councell, which in making or annulling of his Lawes hee may use or not use as hee pleaseth. [...] Wemius, page 17. [...] putan­dum est, quia solet [...] ex modesta & prudenti virium suarum dissidentia non nisi de or dinum [...] leges ferre, absolutam ideo ei imponiejusque successoribus necessitatem illorum [...] corsersus, ac si nullo modo [...] perse, sine corundē [...], bonas edere [...], quibus qua quaeso conscientia non parebunt omnes, [...] pag. 19. In Monarchia [...] voluntas de substantialegis est: praevia cum populo [...], & si utilis imò [...] sit, [...] tamen non est. [...] cum imperatore [...] dicendum videtur; explosis ridi­culosis ambiguitatibus, verum conditorem & interpretem legum esse solum [...], & li­gem legislatoris, non [...], non ex vi con sensus & [...], sed ex regia [...] viobligantem. [...]. pag. 8. Non [...] Juristarum [...], qui [...] in [...] ron obligare legem nisi à [...] acceptetur, cum mon [...] fit legislator, & lex [...] qua lex obliget, [...] ut ad eam [...], dam, cogendi fint [...] post legis à [...] publicationem, temporisque quoad populi notitiam [...] sufficientis lapsum, potest [...] publica legis observatio praecise ingeri Heylens [...]. p. 66. The declaration of his [...] pleasure in the case of S. Gregorie is to bee extended to [...] other cases of the same nature. It is a maxime in the civill law, Sententia Principis, jus dubium decla­rans, jus sacit quoad omnes. Item Quodcunque imperator per [...] constituit, vel [...] decrevit, legem esse constat. Id in his moderate answer pag. 29. Onely these com­mands of the King are to be refused, which are directly against Scripture, or include mari­fest impiety. He learned this from his opposite the Lincolneshire Minister, pag. 68. I say that al commands of the King that are not upon the clear and immediate inference with­out all prosyllogismes, contrary to acleare passage of the word of God, or to an evident Sun-beame of the law of nature, are precisely to bee obeyed; nor is it enough to finde a remote and possible inconvenience that may ensue. 2. When hee is pleased to call a Parliament, it is his due right by his letter to ordaine such Barons to be Commissioners for the Shires, and such Citizens to bee Commissioners for Burrowes as hee shall bee pleased to name. [...] Wemius page 23. [...] ut & civium ad Comitia delegatos, non ita absolutè à Baronum vel Civium [...] pendere volumus, ut non possit Rex, quos [...] maxime idoneos censuerit eligendos [...], praesertim [...] pro legibus ferendis [...] quae administrationis [...] publicae statuendis [...] sunt, in quibus liberum denegare regi [...] quos [...] quibuscum deliberet sibi in [...], esset ex Rege non [...], statuumque voluntati ad Regiae depressionem eminentiae nimis [...]. 3. That hee may lawsully exact when he hath to doe what portion of his sub­jects [Page 127] goods hee thinks meet, and by himselfe alone, may make such Lawes for exactions in times to come, as seemes to him best. Joannes Wemius page 19 Omnia fatemur [...] in regno sunt regis esse, quarex est, [...] est, qua [...] regui dominus, ade­oque qua [...] ipsius qua rex est, aut publica regni conditio, posse re­gem de [...] bonis disponere, praesertim ubi om­nes in regno terrae in feuda concessae fuerint à rege, a­liquod penes se dominium retinente. Id. p. 17. Licet non de jure omnium bona exigendo, ta­men dejure in omnes leges ferendo, sine omnium consenso statuere potest. Montag. orig. p. 320 Omni lege, divina, naturali, nationali, vel politica licite semper reges & principes suis sub­ditu tributa & [...], & licitè quoque exegerunt, cum ad patriae, & reipublicae de­fensionem, tum ad ipsorum & familiae honest amprocurationem. Hanc doctrinam accurate tu­etur ecclesia [...] in qua sacerdotes licet magis gaudere & soleant, & debeant, immu­nitatibus tamen & frequentius, & exuberantius, & libentius, quam [...] dec marum deci­mas, subsid a, annatas primitias [...]. 4. That no subject of his Kingdome can have any hereditarie jurisdiction, but any jurisdiction that either any of the Nobilitie, or any other Magistrate or Officer possesseth, they have it alone during his pleasure; that at his presence, the power of all others must cease, and at his death evanish, and be quite extin­guished, till by his successors by new gift it bee re­newed. Joannes Wemius, page 136. Cum regis sit insuo regno judices, & Magistratus constituere, qui ipsius sint in judicando, & ju­bendo vicarii, potest rex [...] judicandique jus ac Mag stratus judicesque constitu­endt potestatem [...] prout regno utile esse visum ei fuerit abutent [...] us auferre, & nulla [...] est sub Rege patr monialis & haereditaria jur sdictio, Re­ge solo jurisdictionem tanquim propriam habente, aliisque quibus eam non dat, sed communicat, tanquam depositam [...]. Igitur non ut terras, ita & jurisdi­ctionem simpliciter, & ut loquuntur privative, Rex alienare potest, nisi Rex esse [...]. Ibid. page 157. Siiudices sint principum vicarii, [...] est eorum principe praesen­te potest as, cum solius absentis teneat [...] & si quae est alicubi, & [...], ron nisi jus est, judicium regium volente Rege declarandi; ut ita ex jud [...] ore proferatur Regis sententia. Ibid. page 17. In [...] non tam [...] psis quam ass stent bus imperium exercet Rex, quandoquidem praesente [...], [...] omnium [...] derivata, ut fluviorum [...] nomen & potestas, cum in mare [...] Ibid. pag. 143. Principis occasu [...] omnium tam [...] quam delagatorum jus. Negari non potest tam a­pud Romanos quam altos in usu suisse, ut qui in demortuorum succederent locum reges, [...] regnorum guberracula capesserent, [...] iudicumque [...], ut ostenderetur [...] regibus nullam esse inferiorum authoritatem, [...], [...] tacitè [...]. 5. That Scotland is a subdued Na­tion, that Fergus our first King did conquer us by [Page 128] the sword, and establish an absolute Monarchie for himselfe and his heires, giving to us what Lawes he thought meetest. Corbet, p. 45. There was no law in the Kingdome of Scotland before [...] gave it: for [...] Fergus his [...] wee were [...] hominum a­greste, sine legibus, [...] imperio. Hee and his Successors gave lawes. ibid. [...] did con­quer us. 6. That all the Lands in Scotland were once the Kings propertie, and what thereof hath beene given out for service, yet re­maines his owne by a manifold right. Cor­bet, p. 25. Fergus & his Successours divided the whole land which was their owne, and distinguished the orders of men, & did establish a [...] t: This is cleare ex [...] regiis, ubi satis constal regem esse dominum omnium [...] di­rectum, omnes subditos esse ejus vassallos, qui latifundia sua ipsi domino referant accepta, sui [...] obsequii, & servitii praemia. 7. That to denie any of the named parts of this power to the King, is to destroy his Monarchike govern­ment, to dethrone him and make him no King, to subject him to his people, and make them his Ma­sters, or at least Collegues in the Empire. Ioannes Wemius, p. 18. Quo casu dicerem nonpre­prie esse regnum, sed ar stocratiam vel democratiam. Ibid. p. 23. Hoc esset ex rege non re­gem cum facere. Ibid. p. 38. Quodsi alicubi non habeat rex potestatem leges ferendi, nisi ex [...] comitiis consensu, & sic fundamentaliter limitata, proprie Rex non est, ac non tam acceptans est populus quam cum Rege, [...] collega legem ferens. Ibid. p. 53. Non est im­perium illud vere [...], sed principatus quidam, & imperans ille, non Monarcha aut. Rex, sed tantum Princeps, & ut Venetorum Dux residente in opt matibus, aut populo [...] summa. But thankes be to God that our gracious prince hath so oft declared himselfe to bee farre from all such thoughts; yea, that my Lord of Canterburie him­selfe, is forced whiles to let drop from his fingers cleane contrarie maximes. Relat. of the Conference, pag. The Statute Lawes which must bind all the Subjects, cannot be made but in, and by Parliament: the supreme Magistrate in the civill state, may not abrogate Lawes made in Parliament. Ibid. pag. 158. Tiberius himselfe, in the cause of Silanus, when Dolabella would have flattered him into more power than in wisdome he thought [...] then to take to himselfe, he put him off thus: No, the Lawes grow lesse when such power enlargeth, nor is absolute power to bee used, where there may be an orderly proceeding by Law.

Lastly, they teach us in the matter of resistance, In no imaginable case, [...] wil have Tyrants resisted. first, that doe the Prince what hee will, he may never be resisted by any or all his Subjects, that not onely a private man must give over all defence, though most innocent of his owne life against the prince [Page 129] his unjust violence; Ioannes Wemius, pag. 21. Teneri videtur subditus seipsum fame [...], ut principem salva­ret, propter conser­vationem boni pub­lici. singulis adem­pta est adversus principem quae na­turalis dicitur iuris defensio, scu iniuriae depulsio. but the whole State can doe nought without rebellion against GOD, but flee or suffer, when the prince, whether by himselfe or his Officers doth destroy the true re­ligion established by all Lawes, and the liberties of the Land, deare bought of old, and peaceably broo­ked in many ages, also the lives of many thousands of the best Subjects, without the pretence or colour of any just cause. Canterb, re­lat. p. 205. Where the foundations of the faith are shaken by Princes, there there ought to be prayer and patience, but no opposition by force. Aberdeens Duplys, pag. 25. The way for all Christian Sub­iects to conquer Tyrants, and the remedy provided in the New Testament against all persecutions, is not to resist powers which God hath ordained, lest we be damned, but with all [...] to suffer that we may be crowned. It is evident by Scripture, that it is unlawfull for Subiects in a Monarchicall estate, to take armes for religion, or for any other pretence, without warrant from the Prince. The renow ned Thebaean Legion of 6666 Christian Souldiers, without making resistance as they had strength to have done, suffered themselves rather to be slaine for their Chri­stian profession by the Officers of Maximinian, the Emperours executors of his cruell commandements against them. Corbet, p. 42. For your examples from reformed Chur­ches, since we live not by examples but by [...], I will not stand upon them, from facts to prove the lawfulnesse of resisting is ridiculous; none of those by resisting, gained so much as by suffering, as experience too late doth thew. Againe, that all this subjecti­on must be used, not onely to our native King, but to any forraine usurper who can get footing among us, and it were the Kings of Spaine, as their prede­cessors the hereticall Gothish Kings got footing in the Roman Empire. [...] [...], pag 29. Such was the doctrine and practice of many other great lights, which shined in the [...] of Iulian the Apostate, and in the dayes of the Arrian [...], and Gothick Arrian Kings. That even against them, the States of a Land with a good conscience could use no defence, though before their eyes, they should see them execute the cruell tyrannies of Ne­buchadnezzar, put out the eyes of the King, kill [...] Children, lead himselfe and his Nobles away to a far land in fetters: Though with Nero, Corbet, pag. 26. Qui [...], Caio [...], qui Augusto, ipse & [...], qui [...], vel patri, vel filio, [...]; & ne per [...] ire [...], qui Constantino Christiano, ipse & apostatae Iuliano. Ibid. pag. 36. If the Iewes in the dayes of Assu­erus had beene of this new Scottish humour, when an utter extirpation was intended by Haman, both of themselves and theirreligion, they would have taken armes: but their prayers and teares were their defence in their greatest [...]. for their mere pleasure they should set the royallcitie in [Page 130] a faire fire, or execute the plot of [...] by mur­thering all the seed of the Iewes, all zealous pro­testants up and downe the land in one day. Such maximes exceedingly opposite to the honour of God, the safetie of the Kings person and Crowne, the welfare of the people, these men cause to bee printed and let them goe athort without any censure at these times, when by royall decreets, they have pulled into their hands the full commandement of all the presses, and the absolute jurisdiction over all the Book-sellers shops in the Kingdome, and [...] frequently theirzeale against any bookes that give but the least touch to their mitres, by inflicting no lesse censure than fire upon the books, pilloring and nose-slitting on the Authors, and whipping thorow the streets on the carriers.

All these extraordinarie prerogatives, whereby What they give to Kings, is not for any respect they have to Ma­iestie, but for their owne ambi­tious and [...] ends. the faction advanceth supreme Magistrates so neere unto God, and their favourites so far above the skies, Ioannes We [...] in his pre­face to the Duke of Buckingham, Reges in [...] sortem tran­scripti, cute & [...] tenus homi­nes, reipsa boni ge­nii censendi sunt, in quos ut bumanos Ioves divini hono­ris [...] pene & consortes, oculos animosque nostros desigi convenit. Tu Heros nobilis­sime coruscas, velut inter ignes Luna minores, quem in [...] augustioris gloriae [...] di­vina prorsus virgula constitutum nemo potest dissiteri. seeme to flow not from any love they carrie either to their crowns or the royall heads that beare them, but meerely out of their selfe-respect to their owne ambition and greed, that Soveraignty being advanced to an unmeasurable height, may be a state­lier horse for them to ride upon, in their glorious triumphings above all that is called God. For other­wise, yee may see how farre they depresse all Sove­raignes when they are layed in the ballance with themselves; they tell us that the King can bee no more the head of the Church, than the boy that rubs [Page 131] their horse heeles. Smart Ser­mon, pag. 1. M. Couzins uttered these trayterous speeches in an o­pen and affirma­tive manner, that the Kings High­nesse is no more supreme head of the Church of England, than the boy that rubs his horse heeles, and this as we are credibly informed, hath beene proved against him by the [...] of two sufficient witnesses. 2. That the heart whence the native life and vigour of the Ecclesiastick Lawes doth flow, is alone the Bishops, and not the King. [...]. supra cap. ult. A. 3. That Kings and Emperours ought to re­verence; yea, to adore Bishops, and to pay them tributes. [...]. su­pra cap. 3. O. 4. That everie Bishop is a Prince and a Monarch, as farre in dignitie above the grea­test secular Prince, as the soule above the body, or God above man. Montag. supra cap. tertio. (z)