USually we judge, by the Event, of the Uprightness or Injustice of human Actions, and of the Pru­dence or Indiscretion of those that Act. The Phi­losophers take upon them to make their Comments upon these inconsiderate Judgments, That vulgar Opinion car­ries it, That is to say, that they who prosper pass for Wise, and many times for Vertuous Men; they who are unfortunate are lookt upon as imprudent; and sometimes which is worse, as wicked and impious. A Kingdom oppress'd with exactions becomes enrag'd against the Contrivers of their Misery, and revolts against those that Officiate in the Tyrannies of the Court. Therefore Forces are sent to quell and dissipate the mutinous Multitude, their Ringleaders are seiz'd, and put to Death by all the most infamous and cruel ways of Exe­cution; nor do they grant any Act of Oblivion to the rest, but by charging them with new Taxes and Impositions. And as a Consummation of their Misfortunes, their Posterity at­tribute all their Miseries to them, and Historians range them in the Number of Factious and Rebels, justly depriv'd of their Liberties and their Ancient Priviledges. For these thirty Years the Kings of England have labour'd to render themselves Absolute, they have gradually dispoyl'd the Cities and Corporations of their Charters, and made it their business to introduce Popery into their three Kingdoms: well knowing that the Alteration of the Establish'd Reli­gion trailes after it the Change of the Government and the Laws; and no less assur'd, that of all the Christian Sects, the Roman is that which best agrees with Arbitrary Do­minion, and is most proper to inspire blind Obedience.

[Page 2]The English weary'd with their Sufferings, privately call in the Prince of Orange; and that great Hero was receiv'd into the Island as their Tutelar-Angel, but with so much Or­der and Unanimity, that the suddain Commotion was ta­ken rather for a public Rejoycing then a Rebellious Insur­rection. Some make hast to meet him, others set up his Standard, while the King disturb'd in Mind, perplex'd and astonish'd, withdraws without striking a stroak, and punishes himself with a voluntary Exile, for having followed the Advice of his Evil Counsellors. All Europe admires so sud­dain a Revolution. The Protestants lookt upon him as a Prodigy of Heaven, sent for the relief of Truth oppress'd. The moderate Catholics acknowledge the Justice of the Prince of Oranges Designs, applaud the mildness which he exercises toward their Brethren, and impute the unkindness which he has for their Religion, at this Conjucture, to the violent Counsels of the Jesuits. The Politicians of both Parties look upon the Success, as the Effect of a Transcen­dent Genius, which Heaven has been pleas'd to Favour, whether to set Enslav'd Europe at Liberty, or whether it were to shew that Prudence and Mildness are more assur'd and efficacious means to attain their Ends, then the Sanguinary Maxims of Matchiavel. Lastly, Persons of the clearest In­tellects, and most perspicacious insight into Affairs, belive that nothing can be above the reach of that Prince who has shewn himself able to carry on for many Years a Design of so great Importance unknown to his Enemies, or any other, who had no occasion to be interested therein. A Prince who has United several Soveraign Potentates against France; who has so well managed the Inclination and Humours of three Kingdoms, of several distant Plantations, and a Power­ful Commonwealth, for a long time harass'd by various Factions, as to soder them into Unanimity. A Prince in a Word, who after he has taken time to reflect and consi­der, puts his Resolutions in Execution with a courage and swiftness beyond imagination.

[Page 3]'Tis true, the Sloath, the lgnorance, and the Necessity which constrains some Men to submit to a present Con­juncture, and to side with the strongest Party, are without question the real sources of those applauses, which are given to those whom happy Success has exalted above others. Add to this that how desirous so ever Men may be to ingra­tiate themselves with such Persons, yet they are always willing to act conformably to their own Understandings. So that Self-Love, being willing to reconcile these two Passions, easi­ly perswades us, that our Flatteries are just, and that the Grandees are beholding to their Merit for their advance­ment. Moreover it is most certain that these successful Per­sons are many times highly worthy of Honour, and that Prudence and Indiscretion are the most usual causes of the good or bad Success of Men; of which, they who only un­derstand the most known Circumstances of the Revolu­tion of England, may convince themselves with little trouble.

But if Men are so quick in judging of things done, on the other side, they are so slow, to determin when they ought to Act, that their mistiming Execution, or their Wavering and Hesitation becomes the disappointment of the greatest and most noble Designs. They whose Interest it is to oppose them fill their Minds with pannic Fears, or desperate Mistrusts and Jealousies; and in regard that the number of Persons timorous and jealous, are very numerous; and for that idle, and imaginary Fear works a more signal Effect upon such, then a hope and assurance grounded upon Reason, therefore that a Man may act with Prudence upon such occasions, it behoves him to take a convenient time to examin the Cir­cumstances of Time, of Places and Persons, and then to re­solve, and pursue his design by the shortest ways and means, provided they be honest and lawful.

If a Man may be permitted to deliberate before he en­gages in an Enterprize, the same Liberty is not allowed [Page 4] him, after once he has began the Execution of it; for that the Ignominy is no less, then the danger to abandon a glo­rious Undertaking. Every moment that a Man looses in consulting whether he shall go on or no, are as so many foot of ground which a Man surrenders to his Enemy, and as so many paces that he retreats from his Adversary.

England and the Ʋnited Provinces have Contracted a most strait Alliance one with another by Vertue of that Aid and Assistance with which the States General furnish'd his Royal Highness Monsieur the Prince of Orange, toward the Resettle­ment of the Laws and Religion, under Oppression and Ty­rany, in that Island. Now certain it is, that if these two Nations continue a good Correspondence, they will be the Terror of their Enemies, the Sanctuary of their Neighbours, the support of their Allies, and it may be the Restorers of Eu­rope to her Liberties. There is nothing appears capable in all probability to prevent the Effects of this Union, but the f [...]nd Credit which some weak and inadvertent People may give to Spies, or other Persons corrupted by the French, who labour to buz into their Ears imaginary future Incon­veniences and Disturbances. But tho' there be very little likelihood that such ill-dispos'd People should ever get the Upper-hand, or make any considerable Progress in their Designs; Nevertheles, whether it be out of my abundance of precaution, or that it is a pleasing thing to let the World know that a Man has Reason of his side, I thought it my duty to oblige the public, by shewing how weak the Pretensions of those People are who argue against this Union and the real Interest of these two Nations to preserve it invio­lable.

All that their Enemies can invent of most plausible to in­sinuate into the two Nations a Mistrust of the Prince, or a Jealousie of one another, is to be reduc'd to these Six Heads. 1. That a King or Regent in England, being likewise Go­vernour or Generalissimo of the United Provinces is too pu­issant. [Page 5] 2. That the English and Hollanders being both for­midable by Sea, and gaining their Principal Riches by Com­merce and Trade, can never flourish but by the subduing of the one to the other. 3. That the two Nations being thus Jealous of their mutual Prosperity, it will be easie for a Politic Prince to make use of the one to invade the Liber­ties and Priviledges of the other. 4. That the Prince of Orange being a Presbyterian will favour the Nonconformists of England, and permit the Puritan Party in Scotland to keep their Station on purpose to weaken the Episcopal Party in England. 5. That this Prince has already given great Proofs of his Activity and Policy, by acquiring more Power in the United Provinces then any of his Predecessors, and by engaging the States General in the Expedition into England without any Engagement that could urge them to it. 6. That tho' the Prince himself were never so sincere in his own intentions, as he cannot be in two places at one time, it will not be possible for him to satisfy two Nations always accustom'd to see their Prince at home among them, and to enjoy him intirely to themselves; and that therefore let him divide his time after what manner soever he pleases, it will be a difficult Matter for him to please both the one and the other.

1. I must acknowledge, in the first place, that the Pro­testants never yet had so potent a Prince, as the Prince of Orange is like at one time or other to be, if it pleases God to hear our Prayers, and bless his pious Designs: but I dare maintain at the same time, that we have no reason in the world to be in the least Suspitious of him. His Highness till this very day has never given any other then real Marks of his Moderation, Mildness and Love of the public good. During the War of the Year 1672. in the time when the Prince had many Enemies, when near three of the Provinces were already dismember'd from the Union: When every one thought it the safest Course to shift for himself, [Page 6] the Mischief being without Remedy, the King of France then offer'd him the Soveraignty of the Country of Holland, and several other Places; But the generous Prince despising that Grandeur which he could not attain but by abandon­ing his Unfortunate Country, chose rather to expose himself to all the dangers that threaten the Chieftain of a ruin'd Party, then to accept of so tempting a Present from the Hand of an Enemy. His constancy prov'd successful; the Factions moulder'd away to nothing; the Hollanders resum'd fresh Courage, seeing themselves Headed by the Illustrious Off­spring of so many Hero's. Presently the Vigilance and Pru­dence of his Highness set all things in Order: he waken'd Spain and the Empire out of their Lethargic Drowsiness; So that the French found themselves constrain'd to abandon their Conquests in less time then they had spent in making them, notwithstanding the rapid Inundations of their Success.

Since that, France has not been slow in taking a most cruel Revenge for that refusal and Heroic Resistance. She has dismantl'd and sackt the City of Orange, she has Confis­cated all the Lands and Castles which the Prince possesses in Franche Conte, and in those places which she has taken from the Spaniards in Flanders and Brabant. She has caus'd the Prince to besummon'd before the Parliament of Paris as her Vassai, and Condemn'd him for default of appear­ance, and given away his Hereditary Estate to others. The Kings of Great Britain, Charles the II. and James the II. the one his Uncle, the other his Uncle and Father-in-Law, saw all these Injuries done him, without being in the least con­cern'd. On the other side the Prince suffer'd all this with a most Christian Patience, without making any other Op­position against so many Violences, and so much unworthy hard usage, then that of God and his Right. Well knowing that Acts of Injustice done to great Souls, generally fall most heavy upon the Wrong-doers.

This Axiom has fallen out very truly. James the II. has been oblig'd to quit his Kingdom. We know not as yet what may befal Lewis the XIV. Felix ante Obitum Nemo.

However it may come to pass, we cannot sufficiently admire the Mildness and Moderation of the Prince of Orange. King James fled without being pursu'd, he escapes in disguise, is stop­ped without being known. So soon as he is discover'd he has great Honour and Respect paid him. Commissioners from the Lords Spiritual and Temporal are sent to wait upon him, who desire him to continue in his Kingdom. He refuses, and desires leave to be gone: He is attended to the Sea side, he crosses the Sea, and retires into France, without▪ Op­position from any Person whatever. Generally before such Revolutions can be brought about, Slaughter, Executions and Banishment depopulate the Land, here was no such thing to be heard of. 'Tis true the French News Books tell us of several English Fugitive Lords. But what is it drives them out of the Land; either their own pannic Fears, or the remorse of their own Consciences. The Roman Ca­tholics live as much at ease and undisturb'd under the Re­gency of William Henry, as under the Reign of James the II. And I dare say, 'twill be their own fault, if they do not enjoy a greater Tranquility then yet they do. The English are as good natur'd and compassionate, as they are constant and couragious; so that there needs no more then to be an Object of Pity to disarm their Fury.

Tho' we had no more then this general knowledge of the Life of the Prince of Orange, we ought not to wonder that Heaven has so signally prosper'd his Arms, or that the English have Proclaim'd both him and his Illustrious Consort King and Queen. But there would be sufficient Cause to be surpriz'd, that England or Holland either, should enclose with­in [Page 8] their own Bosoms, Persons so distrustful, or such aligning and ill minded Malecontents, that should refuse to rejoyce sin­cerely at this Happiness. It will hardly be believ'd there are any such, at least among the Protestants of the two Nations; and what is here said is only to confirm and fortify those whom the Fallacious Arguments of our Enemies, may cause to waver, and sit loose for a time. But when it shall be consider'd that their most Serene and Sacred Majesties, have undergon so many severe and tedions Tryals, that they have all their life time observ'd an equal Conduct, and that they are arriv'd to Years of mature deliberation, without derogating from themselves, 'tis a sign that their Souls and Minds are sufficiently endu'd with constancy, and that it is imposible they should be de­prav'd by Prosperity.

It signifies nothing to say, that a Powerful King is always formidable to a free People; for he is only so, to the Ene­mies of his Dominions. He must be a very Feeble Prince as well in Mind as in Body, whom the Grandees govern as they please themselves, and according to their different In­terests, while they buz him in the Ears, sometimes with the noise of one Faction, sometimes of another, and make use of his Sacred Name as the Shuttlecock of their own Passions, and of the Royal Authority to the Ruin of the Subject. He must needs be a very Superstitious Prince that suffers his Head to be fill'd with the Dotages of an Idle Monk, and be­lieves he offers a pleasing Oblation to God, in Sacrificing to the Avarice of an insatiable Society, or by abandoning to the fury of the Souldiery the most sound and solid Party of his Kingdom. He is but a faint and impotent Prince who is scar'd and frighted at the sight of the slightest danger, and has neither Credit nor Authority to suppress the threatning disorder. He is a Vicious, Fantastical, and for the least Offence implacable Prince, who in the Transports of his Anger, or the furious Heat of his Wine, permits his hands to be clear'd of his most Faithful and Prudent Servants. He [Page 9] is a Prince addicted strangely to his Pleasures who suffers himself to be guided by his Confidents and his Mistresses, and oppresses his People with exactions to gratify their Vanity. These are the Princes of whom the People are to be afraid: But I would fain know what cause they have to fear a Wise, a Prudent, a Laborious, Indefatigable Prince, Religious without Superstition, who has almost an equal e­steem for all the Societies of Protestantism, nor any bigot­ted hatred against the Roman Catholics. A daring, coura­gious Prince, who understands how to shun Danger, and yet ready to expose himself when necessity requires: a Prince, so regular in his Manners, and in all the Conduct of his Life, that the Word Intreague is hardly known at his Court. Such a one, according to the public Voice of General Fame, is William Henry Prince of Orange, now King of England, Scotland, France and Ireland.

But this Prince is too Powerful, they cry, as if a Prince could be too potent, when he only makes use of his Authority to do good. Since the ruin of the Roman Empire in the West, never was Monarch more Powerful then Charlemain, yet never did Europe Flourish more, never was it more hap­py then under his Reign, he it was that converted and po­lish'd the Government of Pagan and Barbarian Germany; who tam'd the Pride of the Lombards, and set bounds to the Ambition of the Saracens, and by his Victories gave an Opportunity to the Christians, who were retir'd to the Mountains of Biscay and Asturia, to enlarge their Dominions in the Plains, and by degrees to chase the Infidels out of Spain. He it was that restor'd Learning and the knowledge of the Liberal Sciences, and made the greatest part of those Laws, which to this day uphold Justice and good Order in the Western Parts. Nevertheless this Prince whose Empire ex­tended from the Brittish Ocean, and the Frontiers of Na­varre to the Danaw and the Tuscan Sea, never undertook any considerable Enterprize without the Advice of his Parlia­ments, [Page 10] and Counsel of his Barons, and the consent of the Assembly of his Estates. Being fully perswaded that the greatest Power of a King, and the strongest Bulwark which he can oppose against his Enemies is the Affection of his Sub­jects; and that then they are to be govern'd with least trouble, when he suffers Equity and Justice to Reign. Had the Successors to Charlemain, but had wit and courage equal to Him, his Empire had not been dismember'd into so many peicemeals; of which not any one having force sufficient, to repel the Irruptions of the Northern People, Europe was soon after cover'd with Blood, and over-run with Ignorance and Barbarism.

Therefore it is Apparent by what has been said, that a Prince is not to be fear'd by his Subjects for that reason only, because he is Powerful: and that there is very little Proba­bility that ever King William the II. should ever make a wrong use of his Authority, how great so ever it be, that the Parliaments of Great Brittain, and their High and Mighti­nesses intrust him withal. However, though there be nothing to be fear'd on his side, yet perhaps the Constitution of the two Estates which now he governs with Supream Controul, is of such a Nature, that they can never remain United. Which is that which we are next to examin.

It is objected that People of the same profession rarely agree; that the English and Hollanders are addicted to Na­vigation, that the Sea is the common Fountain and Source of their Wealth; that the two Nations have been at Wars for above these twenty or thirty Years, as well in the Old as New World, and▪ all upon the score of Trade: that it is very improbable they should forget their Animosities all of a suddain; and that each should be willing to make concessi­ons on their own part, to Unite more firmly against their mu­tual Enemies, that the differences about the Flagg, about Fraight, the Herring-Fishery, and the Affairs of the East-In­dies are too great and recent, to be soon made up. This [Page 11] is the Language of our Enemies, who make us sensible of the mischeif they have done us, but conceal the Cause from us, on purpose to put us out of hope. But let us endeavour to find it out our selves, and then it will be easie to apply the Remedy.

It is a real and undeniable Truth, that time out of mind the English and Flemings have liv'd together in perfect Amity, and their Antipathy against the French has still been the same, and indeed a very slender knowledge of the Hi­story of the three Nations will serve to convince any Man of the truth of what is here asserted. During the greatest part of the Wars between England and France, from the Reigns of Philip the August and Richard Ceur de Lyon, till the time of Charles the VII. and Henry the VI. the Flemings, though Vassals to the French, always took part with the Ilanders. They were the first who acknowledg'd Edward the III. King of France to the prejudice of Philip de Valois. They have several times made War with their Counts, because they were too much inclined to the Interest of France. And though the House of Burgundy was always so very sparing of their Subjects, that they never kept any disciplin'd Forces in constant Pay, nor Garrisons in their strong Holds, believing that Subjects gently used, would be a suffieient Guard of their Country themselves. Nevertheless, at the time when the English, through the Divisions between the Houses of York and Lancaster, had almost lost what they possest in France, they attempted to rise in Favour of the English against Philip the Good, Duke of Burgundy, one of the best Princes in the World. And the reason which Mezerai alledges for it is very remarkable. It was, says he, not only because the Flmeing were at that time in a close Friendship with England, upon the score of Trade, but out of the particular hatred which they bare the French. The Cittizens of Bourdeaux revolted a­gainst Charles the VII. for the same Reason, having let the English in among them. And the same Historian assures us, [Page 12] that to keep in Subjection that City, which the interests of Commerce and reciprocal Marriages had link'd with Eng­land, the King was constrain'd to banish Forty Gentlemen and Citizens whom he most suipected, and to build two Citadels besides, the better to keep the Town in awe. More­over in the Year 1528. Henry the VIII. having made an Agreement with Francis I. that the King of England should attack the Emperour Charles the V. in the Low-Countries, Mezerai observes, that the King perceiving, that his Subjects had an Aversion to any War against the Flemings, because it would ruin their Trade, chose rather to lend his Con­sederate Thirty Thousand Crowns a Month; and for the renewing of Trade, negotiated a Truce between the Low-Countries, France and England.

It would be an easie thing to find more examples of this Union in all Ages; but to spare our selves the trouble of searching so far off, it shall suffice to observe that the Ʋni­ted Provinces did not arrive to that high degree of Puissance which renders them now a Terror to their Enemies, but by the means of their Trade: nor did they begin to Flourish in Trade, till they had shaken off the Yoke of Spain, and that they came to be strictly in League with England. And it was chiefly by means of the succour which Queen Elizabeth sent them, that they supported their growing Union against the Formidable Forces of the House of Austria: and though James the I. did not second them so Vigorously, whether it were that he had too much business at home, or that the Valour and Alliances of Prince Maurice supply'd that defect; ne­vertheless, it may be said, that if England had been their Ene­my, instead of being their Ally, that Valiant Prince would have found it a far more difficult task to have supported him­self and defended his Country against Strangers abroad, and Factions at home.

Although Great Britain no way depends upon the Ʋnited Provinces as being an Island that is able to subsist of its self, [Page 13] without borrowing from her Neighbours, yet I think she has no wrong done her, in averring that the succour which she afforded Holland turn'd to her own profit. For as the Hol­landers utterly expell'd the Portugueses and Spaniards out of the Indies, so the impairing the Power of the latter did not a little contribute to aggrandize the English in America, and to cause their Trade to Flourish in Europe. It is also very probable, that if Philip the II. had not been so embroyl'd, as he was with the Ʋnited Provinces, he would have ventur'd a Second Invasion of England. Nor would Queen Elizabeth been able to have reform'd and govern'd her Kingdom so peaceably as she did, after the Destruction of the Invincible Armada: and indeed never was the Trade of the Island in a more flourishing condition then under the Reign of that Queen. James the I. confirm'd the Alliance and found the benefit of it as long as he liv'd: And Charles the I. was so far from being ignorant of how great consequence it was for the two Nations to continue inseparably United, that he gave one of his Daughters to William the II. Father to his present Majesty. After all, the English have experienc'd the impor­tance of having good Neighbours: and indeed, according to all outward Appearances, had there been no Hollanders, nor any Prince of Orange in the World, the Religion, Laws and Liberties would have run a great hazard of being utter­ly abolish'd; or at least the strugling for them would have cost a vast Effusion of Blood.

The first that broke the happy Union of these two Nati­ons was the Ʋsurper Cromwel, out of his hatred to the House of the Stewarts. The two Brothers, Sons of Charles the I. during their Exile, suffer'd their heads to be intoxicated with a necessity of Absolute Power, looking upon it as the only Remedy to prevent the frequent Revolutions in England. Now when this Fancy had taken deep root, it was easie to perswade them that the Protestant Religion, or New up­start Opinions, as the Roman Catholics call them, nourish in the [Page 14] People this same Spirit of change and inconstancy: For that they who will be troubling their heads to examine whether their Bishops and Pastors do not delude and mislead them, will as soon take the same Liberty to enquire into the Acti­ons of their Kings; and will not suffer them to invade their Priviledges, nor to violate the Conditions of their Coronation-Oath. That the only means to bring about their ends upon the English, and to free the Crown from depending upon Parliaments, was to introduce Popery by degrees into the Is­land; for that under pretence of those insensible changes which Religion would suffer, it would be easie to alter the Laws and Form of the Government.

For the Execution of this Design it was thought expe­dient, or rather necessary. 1. To cut off all the most shrew'd and Politic Head-peices in the Nation, under va­rious Colours and Pretences. 2. To deprive the great Cities one after another of their Charters; and ever and a­non to break in upon the Priviledges of the Clergy, Nobili­ty and People. 3. To be always engag'd in some Foreign War; thereby to have a specious occasion to keep up a stand­ing Force, and set up a Shambles to consume and waste away the most stout and daring of the Nobility and Gentry; and to accustom the Subject to new and frequent Taxes, and drain their Purses. 4. To sow Jealousies between the English and Scots, on purpose to make use of one of the Nations to in­vade the Liberties of the other. 5. To foment the Divisi­ons of the Protestants, to multiply their Sects, and keep them in a kind of Equality, by favouring sometimes one, and sometimes the other, to the end that after several Persecu­tions, the Parliament might be constrain'd to come to a U­niversal Toleration, which would soon open a door to let in Popery into the Government. 6. That while the design was carrying on to amuse the English with a Foreign War, and at the same time their Destruction was contriving at home, the main thing to be consider'd was, whether to cuar­rel [Page 15] with France or the Ʋnited Provinces. France was alto­gether Roman Catholic, and the place where Arbitrary Power Reign'd in Triumph. If you lead the English thither, 'tis true you gratify'd their natural Inclination, but augmented their detestation of Popery and Slavery. And then it was to enfeeble a Power, by means of which they were to E­stablish blind Obedience in the Island. Therefore it was concluded that all the Force of the three Kingdoms should be turn'd upon Holland; for indeed there lay all the provoca­tions of their Malice. Reformation was the prevailing Religion of those Fortunate Provinces; Liberty was the Pillar that supported them. They had been a long time the Sanctuary of Unfortunate Fugitives and Exiles. Moreover it was foreseen that while they enclos'd within their own Bosom the two next Heirs of the Crown, the English be­ing abus'd and oppress'd would not fail to repair to them. Therefore there was no more to be done but absolutely to determin; that Carthage was to be utterly destroy'd. We must acknowledge that never was any Project better laid; but unfortunately for the Contrivers; the Impatience of the Jesuits, the Courage, Union and Piety of the Prince and Princess of Orange spoil'd all. Their Royal Highnesses refuse their Consent to repeal the Tests; King James is Angry, pushes on things to extremity, and counterfeits a Prince of Wales. The English redouble their Murmurs; the Prince Arms without making any Noise, Lands in England, where all give way, the Generality joyn with him, while the King abandons all at once both his Kingdom and his Vain En­terprises. But that I may no longer tarry upon a Subject that has been now the occasion of so much Writing, and which is now, God be thanked, quite out of Season, I shall apply my self at present to observe by what Artifices the Court of England Labour'd to render the War against the Hollanders acceptable to the People. This is that which most peculiarly was my Aim, and upon which I am apt to [Page 16] believe the Public has not seen any Reflections especially in our Language.

The Designs of Princes are manag'd at a distance, and perhaps it may not be thought an ill Conjecture, should I presume to say that the secret Motive which induc'd the set­ting up of the East Indie and African Companies was to lessen the Power of the Hollanders, and to serve for a Pre­tence to find an occasion of a Quarrel, when it should be thought convenient. At least, there are several Persons who openly maintain that those Societies are meer Monopolies, more fit to ruine the Trade of a great Kingdom, then to advance it. However it be, 'tis probable that the Court flatter'd the English with the hopes of rendring them absolute Masters of the Sea and Navigation, and giving them the possession of those Wealthy Countries which the Ʋnited Provinces are Masters of in the East Indies. Neverthe­less, they that lookt upon things with a clear sight, perceiv'd that it was only a Bait; but yet as evident as it was, the common People swallow'd it down. Charles the II. and the D. of York were then * Members of the1664. Church of England, and no body so much as dreamt at that time, that they were then forming a resolution to betray the Party. The Protestants are so easie of belief, that if James the II. had not bethought himself, after the Death of his Brother, to Publish a Writing under his Brother's Hand, which he assur'd the World contain'd the Real Profession of his Faith, no body would ever have imagin'd that a Person of his sublime Wit, and so great a Monarch could have persever'd in his Hypocrisie till Death: and it is thought even to this day, that he was either of the Reformed Religion, or that he had none at all▪

The Advantages which the Tyrant Cromwell, one of the greatest Captains of the Age, had obtain'd over the Hollanders from the Year 1651. to 1654. made the common People of England look upon the Conquest of Holland as an easie [Page 17] undertaking. They imagin'd, seeing that just after the Conclusion of a Civil War, under a Usurper not well settl'd, and at a time when the Land was all embroyl'd with Factions, they had constrain'd their Enemies to a dishonou­rable Peace, that they should reduce them much lower, should they Attack them, being well United, with all their Forces, under their lawful Prince. France promis'd to Assist them privately, to amuse the Hollanders▪ with hopes of feigned Succour, and to powre in upon them, so soon as she should find it proper. All the World knows the Success of that War, which lasted above three Years; during which time the two Nations Experienc'd what judicious Historians have already observ'd; that they could not vanquish one another, being very near of equal strength at Sea; and therefore that their Engagements would only contribute to their Mutual Ruine.

In the Year 1672. Lewis XIV. undertook the Conquest of Holland with more Success then Charles II. had done eight Years before. At what time the Court of England believing the Hollanders lost beyond recovery, at the beginning of the first Campagne openly joyn'd with France. And indeed there had been an end of the Ʋnited Provinces, had the English continu'd the War with that Vigor as they did in▪ 1665. But that quicksighted Nation perceiving that the Religion and Liberties of their Neighbours were more aim'd at, then their Trade and Riches, represented to their King that there was nothing to be gain'd by that War but blows, and that the French only sought to amuse them till he made himself Master of the Low Countries and Germany. These Rea­sons were laid before the King with so much strength of Argument; and the Parliaments refus'd with so much con­stancy those Aids which the King stood in need of to con­tinue the War, that King Charles found himself constrain'd to accept of those Proposals which were made him by the States, and the Treaty was concluded at Westminster the 19. [Page 18] of Feb. 1674. And whatever endeavours the Kings of Eng­land have since us'd they could never engage their Subjects in an open and formal War with the Ʋnited Provinces.

It is easie to deduce several Consequences from this piece of story, which utterly dissipate those vain Jealousies that the Enemies of the two Nations would fain create between them, under pretence of Trade. 1. The First is that the English and Hollanders have no natural Antipathy one a­gainst the other; and that their Three last Wars were only the Effect of an Ʋsurpers Revenge, who labour'd the Destructi­on of the Royal Family; and of two Kings their Conceal'd Enemies, who had sworn the utter Extirpation of the Pro­testant Religion, their Priviledges and Liberties. The Se­cond is that Commerce is so far from being a lawful Cause of the difference between the two Nations, that on the contrary it ought to incline them to a stricter Union, if they understand their own Interests, since their Trade then al­ways flourish'd most when there was the strictest Amity be­tween them. 3. The Third is that, they ought to take a more then ordinary care how they Engage in a War one against the other, well knowing that in all their Sea En­gagements, the Advantages on both sides have been very little different, or rather that they have come off with e­qual losses, and that Strangers taking the real Advantages of their Quarrels are become their Rivals in Navigation. Hambrough with the rest of the Hanse-Towns, the Danes and Swedes, for the most part now take in those Freights, by which the Hollanders before gain'd so much profit, and en­gross'd to themselves a great part of the Trade of the Baltic Sea. The French who since the time of Hen. IV. had not so much as one Ship that belong'd to the King, have ac­quir'd several Territories in America, and are now Labouring to get Footing in the Indies, by that Alliance which they have contracted with the King of Siam; set forth great Fleets, and pester the Sea with Pyrates. All which came to pass, while [Page 19] the English and Dutch were busily imploy'd in ruining one another. So that if three of their Wars have so sensibly abated their Trade to such a degree; the Fourth, which af­ter the present Union of the Two Nations, would be the Effect of an Irreconcileable Hatred, would prove their ut­ter ruin, by Translating to their Neighbours all the Ad­vantages which the two Nations receive by their Ship­ping.

As for what concerns their Quarrels about loaring the Flag, Freights, and the Herring-Fishery, they are not worth the trouble of any farther discourse; and to bury them in Oblivion, there needs no more then to keep close to the Peace of Breda in the Year 1667. The differences between the two East India Companies seem more considerable, never­theless if Men would but rightly understand one another, it might be easie to remove this Stumbling-block, either by Incorporating altogether, or by some other way which pro­vident deliberation might soon find out.

The Third Objection falls of it self, after what has been said to refute the Second. The Interest of the English and Hollanders inclining them to the continuance of their Union, and to contribute their utmost to their mutual Prosperity, there would never be any Jealousie between the two Nati­ons, unless they lent their Ears to the seducing Fallacies of their Enemies; and by consequence their King and their Governour would have no occasion to Invade their Privi­ledges. Besides that we are confidently assur'd that he will never endeavour it, but on the other side will use all his endeavours to prevent any difference between the two Na­tions, which are equally dear to him. But supposing that we were not so certain as we are of the mildness and gentle­ness of his present Majesty; at least we dare not question but that he is a Person of Honour and a Valiant Prince, and that he has a High Esteem for true Glory. If he has won Battles, if he has taken strong Towns, if he has made con­siderable [Page 20] Conquests, he is only beholding for all this to the Blessing of God, to his Valour, and the exact Discipline which he observes in his Armies, and the Love which his Souldiers have for him. He was never known to purchase strong Holds, to corrupt Governours, nor to aggrandize himself by fowl and treacherous means; If several French Officers have Listed themselves in his Service, it was the Catholic Zeal which expell'd them their Country, and the Reputation of so great a Captain, which made them eager to serve under his Command. How can it be imagin'd, that a Prince, who next to God is beholding for his high advancement, only to the largeness of his Soul, and the greatness of his Courage, to the Wisdom of his Counsel­lers, and the Love of his People: A Prince, that has suf­fer'd so long, and with a Patience unimitable, the wrongs that have been done him; who never took up Arms in Re­venge of his own Interests, but to deliver an Oppress'd Na­tion that implor'd his Aid: How, I say, can it be conceiv'd, that it should ever come into such a Princes thoughts by indirect ways to destroy that Liberty, which he adventur'd to restore with the hazard of his Blood and Life: or that he would go about, for an Airy Authority, to loose that im­mortal Glory which he has acquired; Or that while he Reigns as he does, in the Hearts of his Subjects and Allies, he should rather choose to draw upon himself the Hatred of the One and the Indignation of the Other, rather then peaceably to enjoy the Fruit of his Labours.

If on the one fide Honour engages his Majesty of Great Britain to preserve the Priviledges of his Subjects, as his own Handy-work, and to maintain the Liberty of the Hol­landers, his Fellow-Citizens, it inclines him on the other side to exterminate Tyranny. We know it Triumphs in France with an unlimited Power, and that it is there, as it were in the Center. Nor are we ignorant of the heinous Injuries which Lewis XIV. has offer'd to William [Page 21] the III. when he was only Prince of Orange, Governour and Generalissimo of the Ʋnited Provinces. The English are for­ward enough of themselves to engage in a War with the French; and several Historians have observ'd that they ne­ver give Money with a more willing Heart, then when they are ask'd to contribute toward the Expences of that Ex­pedition. Besides they well understand, that Cromwels Ci­vil War. The Evil Designs of their two last Kings, their Intestine Discords, their Engagements against the Hollanders, in a word all that themselves and their Brethren have suffer'd for this last near half an Age together, has been only the Effect of the Intreagues of the Court of France, of the two Cardinals and the Jesuits. Nor have the Ʋnited Provinces less Cause to complain. Not to mention the unjust Invasion in 1672. for which all the Subtlety of Lewis the Fourteenth's Counsel, could never alledge any other well grounded Rea­son, then the favourable Opportunity to Conquer those Rich Provinces, through the Cowardise, sloath and want of Intelligence in those that manag'd Affairs at that time; were there nothing else but the Violences and Cruelties which the French King and his Ministers have Committed within these Nine or Ten Years upon the Subjects of the States General, their Ships Embargo'd, their Goods Confisca­ted, their Seamen Imprison'd, constrain'd to change their Religion, to serve against their own Country, or to undergo the Punishment of the Gallies; the prodigious Number of Merchants Ships which their Privateers have taken; their Villages and Towns laid in Ashes, and all this in time of Peace, and without the least appearance of Justice; I dare be bold to say, that their High and Mightinesses must have Hearts of Steel to be insensible of these Recent Outrages; and that all the Offers and Re­parations that France can make, are not sufficient to e­qual them.

[Page 22]But some will say, it is the Interest of the Ʋnited Pro­vinces to continue in Peace, and the States never had a fairer opportunity to obtain from France whatever they shall judge requisite for the security of their Subjects and their Trade. I acknowledge it: But who shall be Guarantee for the Observation of the Treaty which is to be made with France? Certainly neither England, nor the Empire. Is it prudence to confide in those Persons who have a thousand times deceiv'd us, who never keep their word any longer, then sincerity agrees with their Ambitious Desires, and their Interests: who make a sport of their Promises, Oaths, Con­tracts, and most solemn Edicts, who are equally Treacherous to Friends and Enemies, Subjects and Allies? True it is that Peace is very desireable; but not a Peace of six Months or a Year, but a firm, stable and perpetual Peace; or at least such a Peace as shall last as long as we live. 'Tis also as true that it is the Interest of Common-wealths rather to preserve themselves in the Condition they are in, then to make new Conquests. But when we have Neighbours Potent, Ambi­tious, and such as seek to aggrandize themselves by all man­ner of means, right or wrong, they have no other way to secure themselves from their unlookt for Invasions, then to take advantage of the first opportunity that presents it self to pull down their Power, and to reduce them to such a Condition that they be no longer able to do any more Mis­chief.

This Happy Opportunity is now come: England and Holland have now William the III. for their Sovereign and Go­vernour. The whole Body of Germany moves toward Re­venge. The French themselves pant after their deliverance; the Persecuted Protestants and Jansenists are not the only Male Contents of that Kingdom. The Clergy, the Nobili­ty and People, all Orders of the Kingdom groan under the Tyranny of the Jesuits, and only wait for a Chieftain to deliver them from Slavery. This is a truth not to be questi­on'd, [Page 23] and to convince the Public, there needs no more for any Man to do, then to cast his Eyes upon the general Causes of the Discontents of the French.

No Country is more Fruitful, no Climate more tempe­rate and serene then theirs, no Inhabitants more Civil or more Humane, then those of this Kingdom. You would say, it was a Country made on purpose to be the Habitation of Good and Vertuous People, and a Paradise upon Earth. But as it is a Country Rich and Fertile, and as the People are extreamly humble and submissive, they are overwhelm'd with all sorts of exactions, insomuch that their Plenty becomes their Mi­sery, and their Obedience makes their Oppressions more grie­vous.

To reduce a free and Warlike People into so rigorous a Servitude requir'd a long time, and a world of Contri­vances. It was requisite to ravish from the Clergy their Rights, to deprive the Nobility of their Priviledges, and to invade the Liberties of the People. 'Tis well known that the Gallicane Church has bred up and foster'd in her Bosom the greatest Luminaries in Europe; that she has had in all Ages Holy Bishops, who have oppos'd the Usurpations of the Popes, who have publicly rebuk'd the Vices of the Grandees, and have openly withstood the Tyranny of Princes. The Inferior Clergy were solely under the Jurisdiction of their Prelates, their provincial and national Synods. At this day they are expos'd to the Mercy of the Court and the Fury of the Jesuits, not only in civil Causes, but also in what concerns their Ecclesiastical Discipline and Religion. A world of Formalities, a world of Assemblies, but no appeal against a Letter under the Privy Signet.

We also know what has formerly been the Power of the Nobility: without their Consent, neither Peace could be con­cluded, nor War undertaken, nor any Leagues offensive or defensive could be made. Offices of public Trust, which are now put to Sale, the Prey of Usurpers in Confederacy, or [Page 24] Hunger-starv'd Commissaries: Military Imployments which are bestowed for the most part upon Souldiers of Fortune, or the Lacqueys of Favourites. Benefices, which are now at the absolute disposal of the Kings Confessor, the Coun­cel of Conscience or the Jesuits; All Pensions, all Civil or▪ Ecclesiastical Dignities, all considerable Employments were as it were Portions for the Younger Sons of Noble Families, and afforded them Means to support the lustre of their House. Whereas now we see the Nobility without Estates, and ill Educated, through Poverty or want of Education stoop­ing to the meanest of Drudgeries. Formerly, when a Lord was disgusted with the Court, he retir'd to his Castle, where he liv'd like a petty Soveraign, no Man daring to come to trouble his Repose. But those happy days are past; Now they must eat their Bread in the train of the Fa­vourites, make their applications to such as have only their Vices or their Intreagues to favour them; and instead of that noble Fireceness so well becoming those whom Birth, Knowledge and Vertue have rais'd above the Common Sort, they must now put on the Countenances of Slaves and Sup­pliants upon the approach of a Beggar in Rich Apparel, a Commissary of the Treasury, or a Jesuit of the Court.

As for the People, their misery is so great, as would re­quire a showr of Bloody Tears to deplore it, and a Graving Tool of Iron to describe it, so that I have often question'd whether Posterity would give credit to what a thousand Testimonies have both seen and try'd themselves; and which they can never express but in a Language far short of the Truth. Who would believe that a People Laborious▪ Active, Sober, Industrious, that inhabits▪ a Country Fertil in Corn, abounding in Wine, in Cattel, in Pasturage, in Oyl, in Salt, in all sorts of Fruits; a Country water'd with large Rivers; to the North and West wash'd by the Ocean, and to the South by the Mediterranean Sea, as if Nature, not content with the peculiar Wealth she has bestow'd upon it, design'd to furnish [Page 25] it with all that Foreign Climates have in particular. I say who would believe that a People thus endow'd in the midst of a soil abounding with Milk and Honey, should be forc'd to dwell in Straw Huts, and to be reduc'd to Beggary. Who would believe that there should be nothing to be seen but Palaces demolish'd and ruin'd Houses in a Kingdom where no Enemy has been ravaging for these two or three Ages to­gether. That a Country Husband man, after he has till'd his own Lands, and reap'd the Harvest should have nothing but a little Rye, Barley or Chest-nuts to eat, or the squeezings of the Lees of the Grape mixed with Water, or Water it self to drink. For the Collector of the Kings duties, has de­spoil'd him of his Wheat, his Wine and his Oyl, leaving him hardly wherewithal to sow his Land next Year, and pay his Tenths. Besides that the Land is over and above charg'd with duties for goods brought in and going forth, Customs and other excessive Taxes, and to compleat the total con­suming of what the Collectors could not carry away, the Souldiers run from Province to Province trampling the poor People under foot.

Strangers wonder at the vast Number of Souldiers, that France keeps up in pay. But this does not come to pass be­cause the Kingdom is better Peopl'd then other Countries. You shall travel several Leagues together, through most fertile Champaign Countries, and hardly meet with one poor miserable Cottage; whereas the very Mershes, and Sands of Holland seem to be but one Great and Magni­ficent City. But the reason is, for that being Born where only the King, the Favourites of the Wealthy, and the Souldiers can live, the rest must either carry a Musquet or starve.

In all other Countries the Great Cities enjoy considerable Priviledges, hold General Assemblies composed of the No­bility, the Clergy and the third Estate, where they cons [...] of what concerns the public good, to prevent the indisc [...] on [Page 26] of bad Counsellers from putting the Kingdom in com­bustion, and the hungry Courtiers from inriching themselves with the sweat of the People. 'Tis not so in France; Bour­deaux, Marseilles, Toulouse, La Rochelle, Nismes, Montauban, &c. have all lost their Franchises, and are curb'd and kept in awe by Citadels and strong Garrisons. The King keeps his Court but seldom in Paris, to lessen the Power of that Proud City. All the rest of the Cities are so poor, that Grenoble, one of the most Flourishing and Capital of the Dauphinate, the Seat of the Parliament of that Province, is not able to raise Money to restrain within it's Channel a small River, that overflows the Country and many times threatens the City with a destructive deluge. The Parliaments, more especially that of Paris, had reserv'd to themselves a right to examine the Edicts and Decrees of their Prince. And if they found any thing fit to be excepted against, they humbly re­presented their exceptions to his Majesty, as they did to Hen. IV. when he was designing to recal the Jesuits; and their remonstrances were frequently of that force as to cancel an Edict, otherwise they allow'd and confirm'd it. But they have Punish'd with so much rigor and cruelty several Coun­sellers, who in the late troubles, during the Minority of the King, gave proof of their constancy and zeal for the public good, that at this day no Body dares so much as open their mouths. Nor do they now make use of the Word d'Enteri­ner, which properly signifies to give the force of a Law to a Declaration of the Prince; so that the Parliaments, for fear of jostling the Absolute Power of their Invincible Monarch, barely write down, that they have read such or such an Edict of the King, and that they have Verify'd it; that is, they have acknowledg'd it to be his Majesties Act and Deed. After which, his most humble Slaves have not a Word more to say.

[Page 27]I will not here speak of that same tedious and barbarous Persecution of the Reformed, in France, though that Party was very considerable in the Kingdom; as well for that o­ther Authors have made very large Descriptions of it, as for that it is not convenient to meddle with Particular dif­ferences in a discourse that relates only to the public Interest. I shall only observe that Religion, which is the General Pretence laid hold of to cause the Roman Catholics to ap­prove these violent Proceedings, is not the real cause there­of; and that it is not out of any zeal for the Glory of God, that those poor People are depriv'd of their Relations and Friends, and of their fellow Citizens, and that they de­stroy and ruin their Trade. It may be that the King is over perswaded that his conscience obliges him to exterminate Heresy. But he is a good natur'd Prince, naturally not in­clin'd to cruelty: yet when he is made believe that he offers an oblation to God, in Sacrificing to his vengeance those that worship him after a manner different from ours, it is enough to overcome a good disposition, and push on zeal even to fury. But as for his Counsellers they are too sufficient­ly known to the World, to make any doubt whether Con­science or Religion are the Motives that spur them on to Act. 'Tis certain they are not; and therefore we must seek out for others; and I think I have call'd to mind some of them. The first is, the hatred of the Jesuites, against all those that are not of their Opinion. For Opinion is the Queen of the World. And therefore they who would com­mand others, use all their endeavours to make those whom they labour to bring under Subjection to admit of their Maxims, chiefly those that relate to Philosophy, Divinity and Morality. The Grandees can easily rid themselves of a few Private Persons by the way of Calumny, or by bringing them into trouble; but to destroy a numerous Body, that continually raises up fresh Enemies, there is no way but to proceed by open force. The Jesuits, being the most Rigid [Page 28] of all the Doctors of the Roman Church, always found the Reformed to be Opposers of their designs. Nor were the Jansenists, who accus'd these Fathers for being the Corrup­ters of Christian Morality, less odious to them. But the So­ciety being more Powerful then both these, brought about their ends by a Persecution of above Forty Years. In the first Place they put in practice Processes and brangling Suits, Knavery and Imposture, of which they made use against those that escap'd their fury, by flying for Sanctuary into Foreign Countries.

The second Motive to Persecution is the Avarice of the Society, which appear'd, by the Benefices and Estates of the Jansenists and Protestant confiscated, which the Jesuits pro­cur'd to be given to themselves.

The Politicians also give us some Reasons for these Cruel­ties; they say, that the King is a great Lover of Glory, and makes it a point of Honour to destroy a Religion, which his Predecessors would have eradicated, but could not. They add, that the Victories he has gain'd, and the Progress he has made, through the Divisions of the Neighbouring Prin­ces, and by other Stratagems have puft him up to believe that he is able to execute whatever he undertakes: and that it is as easie for him to force his Subjects to change their be­lief, as to win the strong holds of his Enemies. Others there are who will have it, that the Court has Sacrific'd the Reformed to the Ghosts of the Jansenists, and that to procure the condes­cention of the Pope that the Disciples of St. Austin might be persecuted, and the Canonical Elections abolish'd in these Churches where they were preserv'd, they bethought them­selves of oppressing the Protestants, which has been always a great Mark of Catholicism. Others hold, that it was the design of the Ministers of State, and superntendants to en­rich themselves with the spoils of those that fled, to defray the expences of the War, and pay off the half famish'd Souldiers: perswading the King that a small number of poor [Page 29] People by leaving his Kingdom, did but discharge it of an unprofitable Burthen. Lastly, there are some, that maintain that though there were no such probable reasons to be given, there would be cause enough to believe, that in a Court, like that of France, Religion is usually the Motive least con­sider'd.

However it be, most evident it is, that both Priests and Ministers are Banish'd alike; that Religious Houses are dis­solv'd, as well as the Reformed Churches, that Monasteries are sack'd and destroy'd as well as Temples, and that they make War with the same violence upon those that adhere to the Pope, as upon those that side with Calvin. This I say, is an evident sign that it is not the Doctrine of the Ro­mish Church, but Jesuitism, which is the immediate Incentive to all these Cruelties. That is to say, that the Politcs of Matchiavel; the thirst of Rule, and to establish their opini­ons at any rate whatever, to ruin those by all manner of ways that oppose them, and to dispose absolutely of the Bodys, Estates and Consciences of the People carry them to these Courses.

Whence it follows, that all the French Roman Catholics or others, ought to look upon these Persecutions. 1. As At­tempts against the Public Faith, as being contrary to the Edicts of Nantes and Nismes, confirm'd to outward Appear­ance by all the Declarations publish'd against the Reformed; and to a Decree of Council by which the King forbids the disturbance of such as should have subscrib'd the Formu­lary, and promises the same Usage to the Jansenists as to the Molinists.

These Persecutions ranverse the Foundations of public Se­curity, and introduce the Inquisition. 'Tis well known that the Questions about Predestination and Grace are very nice and thorny; and how easie a thing it is, whatever the receiv'd opinion may be, to give a Heretical Sence to inno­cent Propositions: so that if there be any that bear malice to a Learned Man, or that he shall be so unfortunate as to [Page 30] displease the Society, then is he lost for ever; since there is nothing more easie then to forge an imaginary Heresie out of a Metaphysical Controversie.

3. The Persecutions of the Jansenists lay a snare for Di­vines, which they are not well able to be aware of. For should the Disputes happen to be about Predestination or Grace, the Mysteries of the Holy Trinity, the Incarnation, the free Satisfaction of Christ: If what we ought to believe were clearly taught in Scripture, or had been decided in a General Council according to the Principles receiv'd among the Christians, the Opposers would be treated as Heretics. But neither Pelagius, nor St. Austin were ever condemn'd by the Universal Church, and though the Body of the Roman Church agree with the Semipelagians; nevertheless, if the Disciples of Molinus, would but speak candidly, they must acknowledge that the contrary Doctrin has always been tolerated. The Heresie of Predestination is a Chimera, Godescale was Persecuted by the Faction of the two Arch-Bishops, Rabanus Maurus of Mayence, and Hincmar of Rheims. The greatest part of the Prelates and Learned Men of Germany undertook the Defence of his Doctrin; Nevertheless Semipelagianism was never listed in the Number of Errors against the Faith, but got great footing afterwards in the West. On the other side, the Writings of St. Austin, and his Disciples, St. Prosper, St. Fulgentius, St. Gregory. Tho. Aquinas, and an Infinite Number of others have been approv'd, receiv'd and respected by all the Church: And there needs no more then to read and understand them, to see then Jansenius has taught nothing but what other Anci­ent Doctors taught before him. How is it then possible▪ that a Divine, who shall read the Books of the Holy Fathers who shall reverence them as Saints, who shall look upon them as Testimonies to confirm the Doctrin of the Ages they liv'd in; how is it possible, I say, but that he must either iump with them in opinion, or condemn those that follow [Page 31] them; consequently how can he avoid being either a Here­tic or a Favourer of Heretics?

4. These Persecutions are contrary to the Law of Nature and Nations. The Law of Nature permits every one to de­fend his own Estate and his Life by all the lawful ways that may be, and ordains as to others, that we should deal by them, as we would they should deal by us. So that this Law is quite overturn'd in such Places, where the Estate, Life and Honour of several Persons depend upon the Fancy of a single Person, and where the Innocent are oppress'd by a violent Faction, and by a Power usurp'd and purely Arbitrary, without any regard to the Law. By vertue of which Law of Nations, the Contracts of Superiour to Inferiour, or of equal to equal, remain immoveable. The consequence of which is, that every Man may live without disturbance in his own House, and enjoy his Estate in Tranquility, provided he behave himself peaceably toward the Government, and Act nothing contrary to the Laws, either Civil or Ecclesiastical. Now the Protestant Religion having been establish'd in France by Solemn Edicts, and seeing that the Doctrin of St. Austin was never yet Condemn'd by any Council, it is most appa­rent, that the Persecution of the Subjects for one or the o­ther of these two Beliefs, is a violation of the Law of Na­ture and Nations, before an Assembly of Estates have revok'd those Edicts, or a National Synod have rejected the Do­ctrin.

If then all the Facts that have been hither to alledg'd are certain; if it be true that the Clergy have been despoil'd of their Libertys, the Nobility of their Employments and Privi­ledges, the People of their Subsistance. If it be true, that Priests and Ministers, Catholics and Reformed have been and still are Persecuted under the specious Colour of Religion, against Public Faith and Assurances, against Establish'd Laws and Irrevocable Edicts; and against the Law of Nature and of Nations; If it be true, that it is impossible for any French [Page 32] Divine or Learned Man to write according to his Conscience, even in reference to those things which the Gallican Church, has left undecided. If it be true, that the Jesuits have a design in hand to extirpate their Enemies by all manner of ways which they shall deem proper, and that they are so much Masters of the Kings Favour, that they can but only ask and have, but that all good Men, that all France, and all Europe betake themselves to their Arms to exterminate this Impious Society, which permits Murder, Robbery, Whoredom and all Sorts of Vices: that they set up the Standard, not against the King and Kingdom, but to deliver his most Christian Ma­jesty from his wicked Counsellers, that fill the Churches and Monasteries with false Pastors and Intruders, that exclude the Nobility from their Employments, and bestow them up­on their own Creatures, that fat themselves with the Blood of the People and enrich themselves with the Confiscate E­states of the Innocent.

Nor would it be a Bloody War, but an easie Victory for the English and Hollanders under the lucky Auspices of their Prince; or rather an Extirpation of Tyranny and the Delivery of an unhappy People, worthy of a better Fate, resolv'd on by both Nations, to the end that the Deliverer of England, may be no less celebrated for setting France at Liberty. More especially while the French, thus lying under the smart of their Provocations, are thus favourably dispos'd to Assist the Enterprises of their Avenger.

But should this come to pass, cry some; in regard the War could not be long, and that the success would be almost unquestionable; This, they cry, would be still to make William the Third more puissant and more formidable. And then they come in with their Proverbs, and say, 'tis hard for Mortal Man to preserve his Vertue from Temptation in over­flowing Prosperity. And let the Kings Intentions, of them­selves be never so sincere and upright, who shall assure us of the vertue and honesty of his Counsellers? This looks like a [Page 33] Mans tormenting himself for recreations sake; or like his framing Chimeras to combat the shadows of his own fancy. An Ordinary Person; that has but common Con­stancy and Prudence, never changes upon the least puff of Wind; but when he has all his Life long observ'd certain Maxims of Honesty, which have gain'd him a respect in the World, and are conformable to the Dictates of his consci­ence, it is the least of his thoughts to depart from them, for that he understands that Levity is a mark of weakness of mind and want of wit, and that nothing is more displeasing to God then Inconstancy and Breach of Word. Much less can we believe that a Prince, of a clear understanding, con­stant and couragious, could ever be capable of change; or that he would go about to tarnish his Honour, disturb his own repose, or to render himself unacceptable to God, of whose Blessings at present he is so well assur'd. Besides that, Courtiers, when they perceive their Master to be a Per­son accomplish'd in vertue, are wary how they let him per­ceive the Irregularities of their inclinations, but rather make it their Study to shew themselves conformable to his disposi­tion. They are cautious of giving him bad Council for fear of incurring his displeasure. They will rather on the contrary Study to become vertuous or at least to seem so. Besides the Counsellers of King William are no more to be fear'd, then the King himself. Their modesty will not per­mit me to give the World a lively Portraiture of their vertues, and therefore it will suffice to observe, that they are all ei­ther English or Hollanders, true Protestants, and Persons of deep foresight, and for the most part, Men of Learning. That is to say, they are Men who have frequently expos'd their Lives for their Religion and the Liberty of their Country. Add to this that the Souls of Learned Men are too highly exalted above the mean thoughts of Treason and Conspira­cy, and their Hearts too generous to be capable of Baseness and Perfidy; nor will the Spirit of Popery and Tyranny ever accord with Philosophic Liberty.

[Page 34]There is this also farther to be said that though a Prince and his Counsel should have vow'd their own ruin, by con­spiring against the Repose and Priviledges of two Nations, it would be impossible for them to accomplish their design. 'I is true that if a Nation accustom'd to Arbitrary Power and Slavery, happens to subdue a free People, 'tis very probable that the Victors will ravish from them their ancient Fran­chises if they can do it without loosing the Fruit of their Con­quests, for that it must needs be a trouble to the Victors that the condition of the vanquish'd should be better then theirs. Nevertheless it does not always so happen. For the Courts of Flanders and Dukes of Burgundy in vain attempted several times to accustom their Subjects of the Low Countries to the French Manners. And the Spaniards were so sensible of their Error in endeavouring to introduce the Inquisition into those Provinces, that they were forc'd to permit them to enjoy whatever they had remaining of their ancient Priviledges.

But when two free People are United together, their U­nion fortifies their Liberty, against all those that would go a­bout to invade it. England and Scotland have often experienc'd the truth of this, tho it can hardly be said that they obey'd the same Line for a whole Century of Years together.

Not to insist upon time past, 'tis well known that James the Second had already adventur'd to declare himself in­vested with an Arbitrary Power in reference to the Scots: And if the English had not call'd in the Prince of Orange to their Assistance, their late King would not have stopt there. By which it is clearly to be seen, that there is so little rea­son for the Hollanders to be Jealous of their new Governour, or for the People of Great Britain to repent their having set the Crown upon the Head of a Prince so powerful be­fore, that on the contrary the Puissance of their Supreme Chiestain is their proper and safest security; since it is nei­ther in his Will nor in his Power to make use of it to their Hurt; and for that their Security under him will protect [Page 35] them from all the Assaults of France, which taking Advantage of their Divisions, advanc'd within a little of ruining both the one and the other.

The three other Objections are so inconsiderable that they are not worth the trouble of insisting upon them. Never­theless we shall refute them in a few words, least some con­ceited Reader should believe we avoid the medling with them. The Prince is a Presbyterian by Birth, therefore he will favour the Nonconformists of Great Britain, and lessen the Authority of the Church of England. 'Tis a strange thing that the Roman Catholics who hardly know their own Religion, should pretend to teach us ours.

They have been told a thousand times that the Bishops and Presbyterians of England differ only in so slight Cere­monies, which are nothing to the Essential part of Divine Worship, and that there is more of Obstinacy and Misunder­standing between them, then of real Cause of Dispute. We have seen at the Hugue for this ten or twelve Years, the Princess of Orange, now Queen Mary of England, repair in­differently sometimes to the Dutch or French Church, and sometimes to her own Chappel. The Prince no sooner ar­riv'd at London, but he receiv'd the Communion in an E­piscopal Church, and gave a favourable Reception to the Presbyterian Ministers who went to Congratulate him. We see every day several of the Episcopal Party Communicate with the Reformed on this side the Sea, and our French and Holland Protestants joyn themselves with the Church of England. Yet, maugre all this, the Romish Doctors would make us believe we are of two Religions. And upon the same score because their Religion properly consists only in exterior Pomp, in Images, Relics, Beds, Rosaries, Holy-water, Monks of several Colours, and such like Super­stitious Exercises and Institutions; and that those other things wherein they differ from the Protestants are only the In­ventions of Italian Policy, they imagin it to be the same with ours. Whence it comes to pass that all the Specula­tive [Page 36] Opinions of our Divines are by those Gentlemen lookt upon as so many. All the Confessions of Faith, the Litur­gies, the Ceremonies in the Administration of the Sacra­ments, the Varieties of Discipline, the Orders and Habits of the Preachers, if our Adversaries were so to be believ'd, among us make so many different Sects. For this reason it was that a certain Prelate, who believ'd himself to be very witty, has made a History of the Variations of our Churches, and he had so great a desire to augment the Number that he bethought himself of ascribing to us as many Relics as he found Systems of our Ministers upon the Apocalyps, the most obscure Book of▪ all the New Testament.

Nevertheless we must acknowledge that the Headstrong Obstinacy of some of Ours, and the remains of Ignorance and the Spirit of Antichristianism that will not yet out of the Bones of some that Envy our Unity, have given oc­casion to these Calumnies. The Western Church has mourn'd for above these ten Centuries, under the Darkness and Yoke of Popery. During which time there was Opportunity and Advantage enough to deepen the Superstitions, and Im­pressions of Popery under so wicked a Master. Add to this, that since the Reformation, we have not had a Prince whose Knowledg, Piety and Puissance have been able to reconcile our Differences. The Great Gustavus had conceiv'd such a Design in his Mind, but he vanish'd like a flash of Light­ning in the midst of his Victories. It seems that God has reserv'd this Honour for William the III. and this Happi­ness till our Time. God has sent this Prince into the World in a Country, where the Spirit of Toleration has pass'd from the Magistrates to the most Learned Ministers. He has call'd him to a Kingdom replenish'd with Learned and Pious Bishops, who have for a long time preserv'd their Flocks in Peace by their gentleness and moderation. The Prince at hi first Coming to the Government found Facti­ons in the Church, as well as in the State. He has appeas'd [Page 37] both the one and the other. The Persecution of the Re­formed in France, has open'd, the Eyes of all their Bre­thren, and has shew'd them the necessity of guarding them­selves from the Fury of the Jesuits. All these Conjunctures in my Opinion presage a happy Union of the Protestants.

As to what is said, that the Prince of Orange is more ab­solute in the Ʋnited Provinces then any of his Predecessors, is an Equivocation. For ever since the Establishment of the Commonwealth, the Hollanders have always born a very great Affection to the House of Orange: but true it is that ever since William the Silent, who laid the first Foundations of their Liberty, this State never had a Prince whom they lov'd more then William Henry. The reason is because he enter'd upon the Government at a time, when the Hollanders seem'd to be ruin'd beyond recovery; and yet he restor'd them to their former Grandeur.

However, notwithstanding this signal Service done them, the dread of War and certain vain Suspitions were the Cause that there was great Opposition made against a Levie of sixteen Thousand Men, which the Prince most earnestly press'd for, as better understanding the Designs of France, then any of the Burgomasters of Amsterdam. The Event de­monstrated that never was any Opposition made upon such bad Grounds, nor more Prejudicial to the State. For Lewis the XIV. boasted in the Edict which revokes that of Nantes that he had not made the Truce but to Exterminate the Protestants out of his Kingdom. James the II. took that time to perplex the Church of England, and to invade the Liberties of his People. At length France threw off her▪ Mask, and broke the Truce, as soon as she thought she could do it with Advantage. That long Train of Delusions justify'd the Prince's Innocence; shew'd that he had no o­ther Aim in all his Designs, but the Preservation of Liberty and the Protestant Religion, and gain'd him the Hearts of all the Hollanders. And I would fain know how long it has [Page 38] been a Crime for a Governour to win the Love of those who are under his Conduct?

Thus you may see how the first Prince William render'd himself Absolute; and how the same Power came to be transferr'd to his Successors; not by Usurpation, but by pre­serving the Liberty of the Republic. The form of Govern­ment is still the same, the Elections are made by the usual Suffrages; the Resolutions taken for the raising of Money, making Peace and War, Affairs of Trade. Justice and Civil Government, are all determin'd in the Assembly of Estates according to the Ancient Customs: and we are ready to make it appear that for these fifteen Years last past, that William Henry has sate at the Helm, he has acted nothing but according to the Laws, and by vertue of the power an­nex'd to his high Authority and Command.

As to what is reported, that the Prince engag'd the States General in his Expedition for England, without imparting to them his Design, is a Calumny of his Enemies, which has no other foundation but the Malice of those who are en­rag'd that he did not make a discovery of that Fortunate Enterprize at such a time, that they might have had more leisure to prepare to obstruct him. And it is an easie thing to convince all Intelligent Persons of the Folly of this Ob­jection.

Suppose this Revolution had been the Effect of long deli­beration; it was necessary, before all other things, 1. To be assur'd of the Inclinations of the English and Scotch, and the Collonies depending upon Them. In these Transactions, the Prince not acting as Governour of the Ʋnited Provinces, but as a Private person managing his own proper Affairs, he was not oblig'd to make his business known to the States General. Nevertheless, I make no question but the Principal Head­peices among them were well inform'd from the beginning of the Design; which is a thing indeed not to be doubted, considering the good Intelligence there has been at the Hague [Page 39] for several Years last past; and the unanimous Consent of their High and Mightinessess when the Question was debated, whether they should lend their helping hand to carry on the Work!

2. Since the Defeat of the D. of Monmouth, and the Dragoon Persecutions, France and the Court of England never ceas'd to molest and disquiet the Ʋnited Provinces. They Exasperated the Algerines against them, who adven­tur'd to exercise their Pyracies upon the Coast of Holland. James the II. set open his Ports to those Corsairs, and suffer'd them publicly to sell the Prizes which they had taken from his Allies. Lewis the XIV. sought an occasion to pick a Quarrel with the Subjects of the States in the Streights of Gibraltar, forbid the Sale of their Herrings, and their Cloath in his Kingdom, and laid Impositions upon all their Merchan­dizes enter'd in his Ports. In a Word, since the Design for the repeal of the Tests, and the Attempts upon Dr. Burnet, there has been nothing but Memoirs, Complaints and Mur­murings on both sides. It was easie for the Hollanders to see, that the Two Princes had conspir'd their Ruin; so that the least they could do was to Arm and stand on their De­fence. Therefore they rig out a Fleet to protect themselves from the Algerines, and the Threats of France. Thereupon out comes the Letter of the Deceas'd Monsieur▪ Fagel, that the Court of England was drawn into a Conjunction with France by the force of Intreaties, Promises and Menaces re­peated one upon the Neck of another. The Misunder­standing increases, and King James keeps an Army on Foot contrary to the Laws of the Land, the Queen is feign'd to be with Child, and a Counterfeit Prince of Wales is im­pos'd upon the Nation. The Hollanders reinforce their Army and Navy both by Sea and Land: The French re­double their Threats and the English their Murmurs. The latter at length present a Memorial to their Royal Highnesses, wherein they set forth the Cause of their Complaints, and [Page 40] invite the Prince to come over and procure the Calling of a Parliament. The Prince condescends to their earnest Sup­plications, the States Consent, Assist him with Ships and Souldiers to prevent any Attempt upon his Person? The Prince puts to Sea, accompany'd with the Blessing of Hea­ven and the Acclamations of the People, and he was re­cerv'd into England with the same Joy, as was seen at his de­parture out of Holland. This was that which was both seen and known to all the Land. What can be from hence con­cluded, but that there was a great deal of Patience and Prudence on the one side, and Violence and Rashness on the other? So that all that the View of this Transaction could encline a rational Person to was only this, to have a Compassion for James the II. and a High Esteem for his Competitor.

But it behoves us to be Candid and to acknowledge, that the Fortunate Assemblage of all these Circumstances would not perhaps have been sufficient, had they been only favour'd by Persons of less exalted Degree, then their Royal Highnesses were. They are both of them Protestants not only by Birth and Education, but also through Affection and choice of a more Understanding; they are of easie Access and Affable, their Conversation Civil and Vertuous; they keep their words exactly; they make it their glory to leave nothing imperfect but to accomplish whatever they take in hand, not enduring the repulse of whatsoever dan­gers they see before them. They never Abandon those that serve them faithfully, but reward them liberally: they are neither sway'd by Humour our nor difficult to Content, and wil­lingly forgive Offences not maliciously committed. They are endow'd with Wisdom, Piety and Vertue; Great En­eouragers of Learning and Learned Men, and particularly Church-men. Such Qualities as these would recommend a Private Person to the highest Dignities; but where they meet in Persons of Royal Extraction, what wonder if they [Page 41] win upon the Affections of the People. The Valour and Vigilance of the Prince, his Experience in Military Discipline, and his inde­fatigable Fervency in Combat gain him the Hearts of his Souldiers and Allies, his Prudence and peircing Judgment, cause him to be esteem'd by Men of the sublimest intellects; and his probity and sincerity command the Reverence of good Men. His Reputation is so uncontroulable, that the Court of England, could never lay any other thing to his Charge but the rigorous Severity of his Mili­tary Discipline. The Love which the Hollanders have for him is so general, that among the vast Number of Writers wish which that State is crowded, of which so many take the Liberty to speak their Minds with freedom enough, there never was but one that endea­vour'd to Calumniate the Princes Expedition into England; but the Book had so few Readers and sold so ill, thatit presently became wast Paper. These were the Reasons of the great Success of Willtam the III. For in regard that all the World had a great Love for him, in regard his Designs were equally Just, Pious and Beneficial, that he went to secure his Country, to deliver his Oppress'd Brethern and Neighbours, and to Re-establish the Protestant Religion and the Li­berty of the Nation, every body glory'd in contributing to it; no body betray'd him, tho he had several Confidents; and the States lent him their Helping hand so soon as all things were ready. And this was that which made several Strangers believe, that this Design, till it was ripe for Execution, lay deposited in the Breasts of certain faithful Counsellors, who then by a more then usual Dexterity en­gag'd their High and Mightinesses in the Affair. But the truth is, that several Persons were acquainted with it, and that they were sway'd rather by Love then Policy. The Secrecy with which the King of France manages his Affairs is greatly wonder'd at; and in­deed it is a thing much to be commended, but it is very rare. Tho for ten or twelve Counsellors whose Fortune wholly depends upon the King, to be faithful to him and keep his Secrets is no such ex­traordinary peice of business. But for an infinite Number of Bi­shops and Ministers, of Lords, Magistrates and Private Per­sons, to keep silence so long and to be so true one to another, is that which hardly ever yet was known.

And therefore the best Counsel that can be given to our Enemies would be speedily to make a Peace with a Prince so well belov'd by his own Subjects, and so formidable to his Adversaries: For the time will come, that he will despise their Offers. They vainly flatter [Page 42] themselves to seduce the Hollanders, during the Kings abode in Eng­land, or to raise Disturbances in England, while he remains in Holland. 'Tis true that feeble Affection which is supported only by Fancy, or only grounded upon some Conformity of Temper and Humour is as frail, as the Foundation is slight: But when Religion, Vertue and the public Interest are the Bonds of Union between the Prince and Subjects, it is a Link inseparable, which the absence of some few Months renders much the stronger. Now the Affecti­on which the two Nations bear to his most Serene Majesty William the III. is of the latter sort. The English are a Warlike Nation that passionately Loves their Kings, especially when their Inclinati­ons are Martial. Their Princes have for a long time enjoy'd both Normandy and Guyenne, which oblig'd them frequently to cross the Sea; but we never read in any History that their Subjects took any Ad­vantage of their absence to rise up in Rebellion. The Ʋnited Pro­vinces ever since their first Confederacy having been almost con­tinually engag'd in Wars, are more accustom'd to see their Prince at the Head of their Armies, then at leisure at the Hague. So that both the one and the other will easily be contented that his Ma­jesty should visit them by turns. Besides that, the English will have Queen Mary always present in their Capital City, whose Piety and Vertue, whose great Understanding and Mildness renders her equal to Elizabeth; a Person to whom the Hollanders were so devoted, that at her departure the chiefest of their wishes were that she might be but as well belov'd at London, as she had been at the Hague; to which her Royal Highness answer'd, that she desir'd no more.

These are the greatest Difficulties that are propounded and buzz'd abroad by our Male Contents, or which I have been able to think of. Their weakness appears to me a certain presage of the felicity of the People under the Reign of William the III. and Mary the II. and of that Peace which the Union between England and Holland will restore to Europe.

The SECOND PART. The Happy Consequences of the Union be­tween FRANCE and HOLLAND.
The Means to preserve it entire.

AMong the happy Consequences of the Union between the Sub­jects of their Majesties of Great Britain, and of their High and Mightinesses, there are some which are particular to each of the two Nations; and relate to the form of Government, their Laws and Priviledges. But it belongs not to a private Person to meddle with those sorts of Matters, as being the business of Parliaments and Assemblies of Estates. Other Consequences there are more general, wherein divers Confederate Princes, several Countries, all the Pro­testants, and all Europe find themselves interested, and upon which we shall make some Reflections.

I place in the first ranck, the bringing down the Power of France; not believing that I could begin with a more pleasing Sub­ject. Since the Pyrenean Peace that Kingdom has mounted to a Degree of Grandeur and Pride which have render'd France insup­portable to all her Neighbours; so that it is neither the Wealth nor the Welfare of the French People that are envy'd (for Men have more reason to be mov'd with Compassion at the sight of their Miseries.) 'Tis against their blindness that Men exclaim, and that indispensable fury that hurries them on to make others as miserable as themselves; instead of complying with their good Intentions, and permitting the release of those miserable People from the sad Condition wherein they are. If France were enrich'd by Trade, by Manufacture, by a long Peace; if it were aggrandiz'd by Mar­riages and Alliances, by the free Concessions of Princes, or by the vast Concurrences and Conflux of People to her Territories, we should be so far from troubling her repose, that we should do our utmost to imitate her Example. But it is well known that her Con­quests and her Riches are the Effects of Breach of Faith, and her [Page 44] unjust Wars, of her Vexations and Oppressions, and the vast Con­tributions which she exacts from the People; so that the generality of the Subjects are reduc'd by the Court to that Condition as not to be able to subsist but in the midst of the Rage of War, by Pillage, Robbery and Ransack.

The bare Duties of Humanity would oblige their Neighbours to redeem them from a Condition so opposite to the public good and the Salvation of their Souls; nor is the particular Interest of other People an Obligation less engaging to the same Effect. Since that under the pretence of Religion, the Dragoons have ruin'd the best Families in the Kingdom, wasted their Estates, and disabl'd the Proprietors to make the best of their demeans, and to continue their Trades: since as an Accumulation of their Misfortune, the Privateers being be­come Masters of the Seas, Trade has undergon so sensible a decay, that ten Years more, like the three last, will produce a far greater mischief then a general Pestilence for ten Months; in regard they would be the ruin of an infinite Number of Families, which by means of their Wealth and Industry, are at present the support and glory of Europe.

Considering the present Constitution of our Western Parts, the Wines, the Strong-waters, the Oyl and Salt of France, are Mer­chandizes which Foreigners can hardly live without. But the In­habitants being impoverish'd, and not able to burthen themselves with those things which would be given them in exchange, they that want their Wares, must be oblig'd to carry ready Money, and to afford new Matter to feed the Extortions of the Collectors, and the Insatiable Avarice of the Chief Ministers. Add to this, that if the War happen to spin out in length, the great Number of Soul­diers that must be rais'd throughout the Kingdom, will be the cause that the greatest part of the Lands must lye untill'd; and that the infinite Wealth accrewing by the profits of the Land would be all lost.

If it be so then, some will say, that it is so much the Interest of Foreigners to Labour the preservation of France, it behoves them speedily to make a Peace with her. 'Tis very true, that there could be nothing more advantageous then a general Peace; but the mis­chief is▪ that considering the present Condition of Affairs, it is nei­ther safe nor possible to conclude a Peace; besides that, it is also more uncertain and more difficult to be assur'd that it shall be of any long continuance. Therefore before we talk of Peace, it will be requisite. 1. That Lemis the XIV. Re-establish the Edict of Nantes, and re­store [Page 45] the Reformed to the same Condition wherein they were before the Death of Hen. IV. and make restitution of all the Damages which they have sustain'd since the Pyrenaean Peace; but more espe­cially since the Truce in the Year—84. It would be an eternal Ignominy to the Protestants, to suffer the public Violation of the Treaties concluded with their Brethren, without alledging any o­ther reason, but only that they are not Roman Catholics, nor of the King's Religion. If these Reasons could take Place, or that a Prince could break his Promises made to his Subjects and persecute them with Fire and Sword, meerly because they are not Christians after his manner, what shall hinder him from breaking the Contracts made with his Allies, that are of another belief which is different from his?

2. If the public Faith engages the Protestants States to restore the Reformed of France, it also excites the Catholic Potentates to re­quire Satisfaction for the Injuries done them by that Crown, which has omitted no sort of Usurpations, increase to it's Gran­deur either by unjust Wars, or in full Peace. Therefore it is but requisite, that now for the obtaining of Peace, Lewis the XIV. should make reparation for all his Neighbours losses, of which himself has been the occasion in the last War, since the Treaty of Nimeghen and the Breach of the Truce; that he restore what he unjustly detains from the Empire, from Spain, from the King of England, from the Ʋnited Provinces, from the Electors, the D. of Lorrain, the Pope and the Princes of Italy.

3. The King of France never failing of Pretences to break the most Sacred Leagues, no body that I know would be willing to trust him, nor to be Guarantees for the performance of the offers he should make, unless it were the Grand Signior, with whom he has renew'd and confirm'd his Ancient Alliances. And therefore it will be re­quisite that he surrender up several strong Towns and Garrisons as Pledges for his performance, upon condition that they shall remain confi [...]scated to the Parties into whose hands they are surrender'd, in case he break the Peace to be concluded.

Now in regard it is most certain that France will find such Articles very burthensome, at least that she will never subscribe or put them in Execution, there is no Foundation to be laid upon her promises; whence it is clear, that to procure the Peace of Europe, there is a ne­cessity that she must be constrain'd to it by Attacquing her on several sides.

[Page 46]This will be no difficult thing to bring to pass, if the Empire, Spain, England, Swedeland and the Ʋnited Provinces confirm their Alliance, and if the Confederates create a particular General, to the end that their Forces United under one Generalissimo may act by consent and unanimouslyagainst the common Enemy.

In all times, misunderstanding has ruin'd the strongest Leagues; of which we have seen frequent and fatal Examples in the last War. If France therefore can yet find any means to disunite the Confede­rates, they may assure themselves that the opportunity for pulling down the Power of France will not be long in their hands. France will make use of her usual methods, by bribing the Governors of Garrisons, corrupting the Treasurer's, that the Army may stil want either Money or Provision; by gaining the cheif Ministers of the several Courts, on purpose to make false reports to their Masters, or impertinent and unseasonable Orders to the Generals, and sowing jea­losies between them, to make them draw off one from another in the greatest urgency of Affairs. And it is very probable that the greatest part of these misfortunes will not fail to happen, if the Confederates do not agree to confer the supream command of General upon one Person, in whose power it shall be to make the whole Body Act Unanimously, and who shall have Reputation and Authority suffi­cient to restrain the inferior Generals within the bounds of their duty.

We are verily perswaded, that neither Flatteries, Promises, Pen­sion, no Lewis's of Gold, will be able to disarm the Protestant Prin­ces. Therefore France begins to despair of seducing them that way, but gives it out that this is a War for the sake of Religion; conse­quently that the Catholic Potentates ought to unite with her to pre­vent the Establishing the Reformation all over Europe. But it is the ruin of his Matchiavillian Politics which he dreads more then the Establishment of the Reformation. In the mean while the pretence is specious, because he judges of others by himself, and for that the Zeal of the Roman Clergy pushing him on to destroy the pretended Heretics, he imagins the Resolutions of the reformed to be the same.

This is an Error of which it is of great Importance to convince these Gentlemen; though it be no difficult thing to undeceive them, if they will but take the pains to mind the following Reflections.

1. That it is a Fundamental maxim of the Reformation, that every Man has a right to examin the Religion he intends to profess; [Page 47] to judge of it by his own understanding, and to believe nothing but what he is perswaded of the Truth in his Conscience. Whence the Protestants infer, that no human Authority ought to force Men to exercise a Worship which they believe unlawful, or to profess an Opinion which they concieve to be false.

Clear it is, that this Doctrin is directly opposite to the Spirit of Persecution; for if it be not lawful for the Pastors to constrain Christians to believe or practise what they hold to be false and for­bidden of God; much less is it lawful to employ the Power of the se­cular Arm to the same effect.

It signifies nothing to say, that among us we Excommunicate Here­tics, or that we have frequently Persecuted Ministers and Private Per­sons for the same reason. For as for Excommunication, in respect of Speculative Opinions it is no more of it's self then a bare Declara­tion that such or such a one, has not those Qualities which are re­quir'd to fit him to be a Member of such or such a Society. In which case, it is not accompany'd with any mark of Infamy or civil Punishment.

Suppose for Example that any Minister of the Church of England is perswaded, that Episcopacy is no lawful Government, that he cannot in conscience preach upon Holy-days, or perform other Functions to which the Ministry obliges him; and that thereupon he goes to his Diocesan, and lays down his Function; promising all the rest of his life to live quietly at home, or in Communion with the Faithful; Sure I am that if they could not undeceive him, they would bewayl his Ignorance; but yet they would be so far from using him as a Criminal, that they would admire his Probity. But if the same Divine should make use of the Liberty of his Function to excite the People to contemn the Bishops, and to trample their con­stitutions under foot, by shewing them himself an ill example; then it would be but just to punish him, not as a Person that holds errone­ous opinions, but as a disturber of the Public Peace.

This Maxim takes no farther place then to preserve the order and unity of Ecclesiastical Discipline; for Politic Toleration is so much in practise among the Protestants, that as well the particular Members of their Body, as those that are not of the Communion of their Churches, have all the liberty to believe and say what they think fitting in respect of Religion, provided they do not broach Im­pieties or trouble the State with Factions and Cabals.

[Page 84]2. The Spirit of Infallibility is so natural to Men that are Proud and full of self Love, and is so linkt with the desire of advancing their own sentiments, that we have no cause to wonder that the Reformed have retain'd some small remainder of this Leven; as being sprung from a Church which holds Infallibility for one of its Fundamental Doctrins, and conveighs it from the Head to all its Members. But during the last Persecution, the Protestants have written so many Treatises to destroy that wicked Principle; they have testify'd such an Abhorrency of all manner of Persecution both in their private and public discourses; they have demonstrated in such a convincing manner that truth perswades, but never forces; that God alone is the sole Lord of the Heart, and that to attempt to force it, would be an Attack upon the Prerogative of the supream Majesty, that though Conscience and the Spirit of Religion should not encline them to support all others their fellow Christians, the Honour of observing one equal conduct, and the shame of contradicting themselves, would perswade them to Toleration.

3. Before we believe that Intelligent Persons are capable of com­mitting those faults which they detest, and which are con­trary to their Principles, we ought to examin whether there be any conceal'd motive of Interest which inclines them to such absur­ditys. Thus though Pope Pelagius, the fourth Lateran Council, and several other Pontiffs and Assemblies of the Roman Church, had not ca­noniz'd the Persecution of the Heretics, though the Council of Constance had never declar'd it to be lawful to break faith with the Hugonots, though the same Church of Rome had never put these Principles in Practice by Imprisonment, Exile, Proscription, and torments of such Christians as were not within the pale of their Communion, yet we had reason to suspect her guilty of this design, because it is perfectly agreeable to their Interests. The Roman Clergy is a Monarchical Body, of which all the several Members are in a capacity of Aspi­ring, not only to the highest employments both in Church and State, but even to Soveraignty it self. Now the more numerous these dig­nities and employments are, the more reason have Private Persons to hope; and as certain it is that extent of Empire encreases the Number of Preferments. Therefore it is, that in all Monarchies that incline to Tyranny, the surest means to extend their dominion, is to carry as high as may be the Soveraign Prerogative, though at the expence of the Peoples liberty. Then again, besides the secular Ec­clesiastics, there are infinite swarms of Monks whose principal [Page 49] business it is to extend the bounds of the Pontifical Empire; in re­gard the vaster it is, the richer, the more powerful, and more re­spected their several Societies will be; and the more the employ­ments of Particular Persons. Now the Reformed are the declar'd Enemies of this Church; they not only refuse Obedience to the Head of it, to acknowledge it's Ministers and Officers, or to admit of it's Maxims; but they also ruin the Foundations of its sub­sistance, in Preaching down the Mass, Indulgencies, Purgatory they drain and dry up the very Fountains of its Wealth by contemning Images, Relics, Invocation of Saints, Bulls and Dispen­sations from Rome, they destroy the respect and reverence which the People have for it, in rejecting it's Infallibility, Transubstantiati­on, Adoration of Saints, and the refusal of the Cup to the Laity. Who can doubt after all this, but that the Pope, the Monks and Cler­gy of Rome are mainly interested to extinguish the Reformation, and extirpate the Reformed?

It is not so with the Protestants; in regard that neither their Prin­ciples, nor their Interest prompt them to Persecute the Catholics. I must acknowledge, that tis for the glory and reputation of the Eng­lish Bishops, that all the Subjects of the Kingdom should be Mem­bers of the Church of England; But neither their Jurisdiction nor their Revenues would be much enlarged by the conjunction of the Roman Catholics. As for the Presbyterian Ministers in other States, all the profit which they get by the conversion of their Adversaries, is to have a more numerous Auditory in some places, and to be at more trouble in visiting their Parishioners.

4. But what necessity of Physical Reffections where the thing speaks it self? You shall never find our Bishops, nor our Ministers rambling over Sea and Land, and Vagabonding about the World to gain Proselites, nor Besieging the Houses of the public Magistrates to obtain decrees against the Roman Catholics. Our Princes and our Governors suffer them to live unmolested, at the same time that they Persecute our Brethren. In a word the Protestants are all a sort of Republicans, whose Government is Aristocratical in England, De­mocratical in Holland, and composed of both among the Lutherans, but no where Monarchical: So that all they mind is to preserve themselves in Peace without giving any trouble to others. Thus the Roman Catholics have no cause to mistrust us, and it is long of them, that we do not live together like Brethren, at least like Christians and good Friends. Therefore let them surcease to hate and Perse­cute us, for we wish them no ill, and we likewise offer to bury in [Page 50] Oblivion all the mischeifs they have caus'd us to suffer, in favour of those who shall joyn themselves with us to extirpate Tyranny, and reestablish the PEACE OF EƲROPE.

This is that Summum Bonum, that Soveraign Good, the Perfection and Fountain of all the Rest, which will naturally spring from the debasing and humbling the Power of France: and this is that, which they who understand the designs and Pretensions of that Crown, will easily apprehend by giving never so little Attention to what we are going to say.

The Grand complaint against that Monarchy is for pretending to the Ʋniversal Monarchy; Nor are they mistaken in their Accusati­on. And I dare affirm, that had it not been for the great Revolu­tion in England, that France was upon the Point of obtaining what she had been so thirsting after. People will say perhaps, that she had several Countries yet to conquer. But I could answer that all the rest of Europe was not in a condition to make much resistance. The Emperor and the Venetians engag'd in a War against the Turk, Den­mark ally'd to Lewis the XIV. Spain exhausted and under the con­duct of a Woman, [dead some weeks ago] that had a kindness for her own Country, Portugal and the Princes of Italy almost in the same condition; the King of England embroyl'd and in confusion at home, and Germany divided. What could Sweden and the Ʋnited Provinces have done. They would only have been glad to have been the last attacqu'd.

But it may be reply'd, that we live not in those conquering times, nor in those Ages when they were wont to bring all into the Feild that were able to bear Arms, or when two or three Battels decided the Destiny of Empires; that according to the manner of spinning out a War now a days the lives of five or six Kings equally Prospe­rous would not suffice to Conquer all Europe. To which I have ano­ther answer to make; that the same methods are not taken, nor the same ways us'd as formerly to gain the Ʋniversal Monarchy. The People of Europe are so accustom'd to be rul'd by different Princes, that there would be little reason to fear a King who should conceive a design to subdue them all, and afterwards to govern them by his Lieutenants; in regard his design would be no less fantastic then im­possible. A Ʋniversal Monarch then, at present, is quite another thing then an Absolute Prince at home, and who has reduc'd his Neighbours so low that they are not able to enterprize any thing a­gainst him; that they are constrain'd to brook his outrages and in­juries, and to suffer him to do what he pleases. Now is there any [Page 51] Person of good credit that can deny but that France was almost ar­riv'd at this high Pitch of Grandeur and that in all outward Appea­rance he had attain'd to what he desir'd, had James 11. his faithful Ally, kept firm upon his Throne.

Now let the Confederates consider whether it be not their interest to humble the Pride of France, and whether they will ever meet with an opportunity more Favourable. Not that I would advise them to the Tryal of an Absolute conquest of France; but if they can but regain what she has wrested from them, restore the Duke of Lorain to his own, and as occasion offers, sever the Dukedoms of Normandy, Britain and Guyen as formerly they were divided, and which is no more then what is long'd for by the inhabitants at this day; take advantage of the discontents of the People to re-establish the custom of calling free Assemblies of Estates, and in a Word divide that vast Kingdom into several Principalities, and reduce it to the same condition wherein it was toward the end of the Second Race, and at the beginning of the Third, before Philip the August; at what time the Kings of France, had something else to do then trouble their Brains about disturbing their Neighbours quiet.

Perhaps some French man will tell me I am a Traytor to my Nation, and give that Advice which is enough to embroyl the Kingdom in Civil War. But there is nothing of that in my design; for I dare protest with a safe conscience that my Principal aim is only to asust my fellow Country-men in the recovery of their liberty. Though if they cannot recover it but by a Civil War, that may last for some Years, is it not infinitely to be prefer'd before an eternal slavery? But say my opposers, these Petty Princes will be always quarrelling one with another? And do not the great ones do the same? Let the Counts of Foix and Armagnac fight it out as long as they please, the rest of France takes no notice of their brawls. But when Lewis the XIV. Rendevouzes three hundred thousand Men, he drains and depopulates a great Kingdom, and strikes such a terror into all his Neighbours, that they are compell'd to oppress their People, to withstand his Invasions, besides a War between two petty Princes can never last long; for that in a short time they find themselves both so enfeebl'd that they are constrain'd to agree. This is the only means to procure a general Peace, and to prevent France from breaking the Treaties that shall be concluded with her.

THE REESTABLISHMENT OF THE PRINCES DISPOS­SESS'D, AND OF THE PROTESTANTS EXIL'D is another [Page 52] of the most happy and important consequences of the Union of the Confederates. Wars are the Law-suits of Princes, Battels and Con­quests are their Judges; and the mischeif is that these Judges are both blind and inconstant; and there is always Appeal from their decrees so soon as the vanquish'd finds himself in a condition to come to a new Tryal. And therefore that Christendom may be restor'd to a general and lasting Peace there is a necessity of fixing, as far as lies in mortal Power, the Fate and destiny of Armed Decisions, by bringing the Protestants of Europe to such an equal Ballance, that no one may be easily able to oppress the Rest. We have sought in vain for this Medium, ever since the Pyrenean Treaty; for that the strength of Spain decay'd of a suddain, and England which was only able to oppose the Progress of the French, intended nothing less. Now the medal begins to turn; Great Britain is at liberty, Germany is United, the Empire grows powerful; and it may be said without any injury to the valour of the rest of the Generals, neither to his Highness the Elector of Bavaria, that the Emperour is cheifly be­holding for the Victories which he has gain'd over the Grand Enemy of the Christian Name, since the Seige of Vienna, to Duke Charles of Lorain. It would be therefore a great peice of injustice, if that No­ble Prince should not Reap as well the Fruit of his Labours, as the Honour of having so many times triumph'd over the Infidels. Hangary being reduc'd, and the Hereditary Countries of the House of Austria being secured for a long time from the terrour of the Otto­man Arms, deserve without doubt, that the Empire should do it's utmost to restore it's Preserver, to the Inheritance of his Ancestors. I dare affirm also that his Atcheivments are of that importance to the Glory and Repose of the Imperial Family, that they ought to pre­serve the memory of this Victorious Champion, and testify their acknowledgement to his Posterity, if Fate prevent them from return­ing their Gratitude to himself.

Interest and Vertue are not always Enemies to one another, they agree perfectly well upon this occasion. The Conquests of France in the Low-Countries; the Invasion of Lorain, of Franche Conte, and Alsatia, have render'd her so potent and so near a Neighbour to the Empire, that at length in the last Campaign, she took Philipsbourgh, and has almost made her self Mistriss of the four Electorats of the Rhine. So that if the revolution in England, had not hasten'd her to the defence of her own Country, 'tis very probable that she would have carry'd on her Victories with little or no Obstruction, Crown'd the Dauphin, King of the Romans, and reduc'd in time the Electors of [Page 53] Saxony, Brandenburgh and Bavaria, the Landgraves of Hess, and the rest of the Princes of Germany, to the same condition as the Ancient Dukes of Normandy, Guyen and Burgundy; that is to say, to no­thing.

The Roman Catholics may imagin, that the Re-establishment of the Exil'd Protestants does not concern them; But it more nearly concerns them, then they are aware of. It is said that one of the Causes which hasten'd the ruin of the Reformed in France was this; because the Court was sensible of their discontents and murmurings during the War with the Ʋnited Provinces. They were accus'd of holding Intelligence which the Hollanders, and of discovering to them the Secrets of State, and furnishing them with Money, and some of their Ministers were imprison'd upon that Account. This was only a Malitious Invention of two or three Monks; they never could pro­duce any Proofs against the Parties accus'd, unless it were some slight Expressions that dropt unwarily from their Lips; and in regard it was no good Policy to discover the weakness and divisions of the Kingdom, the business was husht up, and the Persons let go. Never­theless as it is common for those that are troubled with a bad Con­science, to fear their own shaddows, these reports and murmurs made a deep impression in the Minds of the Courtiers. They apprehended that there was nothing so dangerous as to ruin People by halves, to provoke a Powerful Body to the highest degree and leave them the means to revenge themselves. Upon which there happen'd a slight Insurrection in Sevennes and the Dauphinate. Several poor People being gather'd together without any Leader, without any support or defence, a fancy took them to Preach upon the Ruins of their Chur­ches. The Kings Ministers took the Alarum as if the four Corners of France had been on Fire, and being secure of England, nor ap­prehending any danger from the Low-Countries, nor Germany, after the twenty Years Truce, and the defeat of Monmouth, they began the utter Extirpation of the Reformed, after that manner which is known to every Body.

Besides the Motives to the Persecution, recited in the first Part of this Treatise, there is one which has not yet been mention'd, which perhaps is the chiefest. For that France having laid the Design of Invading the Empire, was afraid that while she should be busied in the Execution of it, the Reformed should betake themselves to their Arms in Defence of their Liberties, and their Languishing Religion. Let the Reader judge whether this were a [Page 54] groundless Fear or no; However it appear'd that the Court was strook with it, by the way which they took to extinguish the Re­formation in that Kingdom.

There were two things Aim'd at, in sending the Dragoons among those People; the first was to ruin the best Families because they were able to lend Mony, which is the Sinews of the War; the o­ther to destroy the most devout and zealous, as being the support of the Religious Societies. Constancy is a vertue very rare; exalted Minds and undaunted Courages but few; but they are the Soul that moves the great Body, and like the Salt which preserves it from Corruption; so that when the Soul expires, or the Salt looses it's strength, the Societies dye or fall into fainting Fits, which are a cer­tain Presage of their utter Destruction. Vulgar Courage, or a re­solution of some few days or hours, may cause a Man to Contemn Death; but it requires a Constancy more then Heroic, to suffer long contriv'd Torments, incessantly renew'd, and which one would think would never have an end. This last sort of Torments it was, the most unsupportable of all, which the Court of France made use of to exercise their Cruelty upon the Reformed. And indeed that Court has been very Successful; for those People that would have despis'd a Flaming Bavin, where they had been stifled in a quarter of an hour, wanted resolution to dye a thousand times in one day.

Yet several Persons of Quality saw themselves despoil'd of their Estates, depriv'd of their Employments, and torn from their Fami­lies; and have endur'd Imprisonment and other Ignominious Usage, till the Cruelty of their Persecutors was almost tyr'd. Great Num­bers of the Common People have undergon all that the Insolence and Barbarism of the Dragoons could invent, the most Merciless and most Outragious; nor have there been wanting of the seeble Sex, who have signaliz'd their Constancy. And many of those whom continu'd Torments had constrain'd to sign Ambiguous Pro­fessions of Faith, repenting soon after forsook all, and departed the Kingdom, exposing themselves to be Condemn'd to the Galleys to be banish'd into Canada, and to the most exquisite of Torments which have been inflicted upon some. Others have refus'd to go to Mass, and have endur'd the extremity of Torment with a Constancy be­yond the former. A good Number have stay'd behind in hopes of a speedy Deliverance: Nevertheless a Man would hardly believe how many have perish'd in the midst of these Meseries; or else that still are forc'd to endure their Miseries in Exile.

[Page 55]It cannot be deny'd but that France gave it self a very great Wound; Nor did the Court without doubt believe, that the perswasion of the truth had so much force upon the Souls of Men, because they had never put it to the Tryal. So that finding that the Number of the faint and dastardly was not so great as they thought, they let go those whose Constancy fortify'd the weak, and set open the Gates of the Kingdom for some few days, on purpose to give the more zea­lous an Opportunity to escape, tho they would not suffer them to carry any thing along with them.

It is evident that those of our Brethren who escap'd are the most Couragious and the most Politic, as well as Fortunate. Which be­ing suppos'd, if the Confederates neglect to restore the Protestants of France, one of these two things will necessarily follow. the first is that the Court believing themselves engag'd in Honour, and con­tinuing their ill usage to the most Constant, at length either Sorrow or Misery will bring them to their end: and then the rest being de­stitute of this support, and the hopes of Delivery, will endeavour to reconcile their Consciences and their Understandings to the pre­vailing Religion, and of Politic Catholics will become Superstitious. Zelots.

But on the other side, if the King will be pleas'd to open his Eyes, and to free himself from the fear of a Civil War, while his Forces are employ'd against Foreigners, shall recall the Banish'd, and re­store to the Reformed their Estates and Ancient Franchises, the greatest part will return to their Country. Native Air, the Ancient Constitutions, and free Converse with Kindred and Friends are such powerful Attractions, which will much surmount the seeble remains of Fear; more especially considering, that few of those who fled for Sanctuary, but met with among Foreigners as great Advantages, as those which they left at home.

Either of which two things if they fall out, France will find her self in nine or ten Years as peaceable, and formidable to her Ene­mies, as she was under the Reign of Lewis the XII before the Re­formation, or toward the end of the Reign of H [...]n. IV. after the Edict of Nantes. The French are the best People in the World; if their Kings do but p [...]t confidence in them, they forget all the ill U­sages they have receiv'd, and Sacrifice their particular Interest to the necessities of the State.

[Page 56]During the Civil War, 1651. under the Minority of Charles IX. the Princes sought the Alliance of Q. Elizabeth as being of their Religion; She assisted them; but not with all that Vigour which good Policy requir'd. For the French Pensions had corrupted the greatest part of her Counsellors. The Protestants had put Havre de Grace into the Hands of the English, who neglected to Succour them as they ought to have done. So that after the Battle of Dreux, the Princes were overjoy'd when propositions of Peace were made them When the Peace was concluded, they declar'd War against Q. Elizabeth, and Besieg'd Havre de Grace. All the French flock'd thither, with an ardor more then ordinary, and the Hugonots in greater Numbers, then the Catholics. The Earl of Warwick, who Commanded the Place was astonish'd at this suddain Change, and endeavour'd to flatter the Reformed with new Hopes; to which they answer'd, that remiss and faint-hearted Friends were more to be fear'd then reconcil'd Enemies.

But if the Confederates vigorously press forward the Re-establish­ment of the Edict of Nantes, and will not admit of any Peace, but upon that Condition, they will gain the Hearts of the Protestants of that Kingdom, and may be assur'd of a strong Party, that will look with an Evil Eye upon the Invasion of Germany, considering it as a forerunner of the downfal of their Religion.

The Re-establishment of the Exiles, will be attended with ano­ther Benefit; without which the comfort of the rest will be quite lost, and Peace will prove a Misfortune; I mean, the surceasing of the Persecutions. I shall not trouble my self to prove that forc'd Con­versions are contrary to the Genius of the Gospel, and more pro­per to make Men Hypocrites then Christians. 'Tis a Subject upon which others have prosperously exercis'd their Pens, and which ra­ther belongs to Theology then Policy: I shall only observe, that Interests of State obliges all the Princes of Europe to force a Cessation of Persecutions. 1. Because they deprive them of their best Sub­jects. 2. Because they inspire others with the Spirit of Cruelty and Rebellion. 3. Because they shake the very Foundations of Civil Society. 4. Because they render the Government Feeble and Odious.

Most certain it is, that Vertuous Persons are the support of a Kingdom, and that the Character of an honest Man is to do no­thing against his Conscience. Let the Conscience be erroneous or not, it always guides us to love Truth and Vertue, and to sacrifice all things to that which the inward Light of our Understanding re­presents [Page 57] to us as such. So that when any one suffers loss of Goods, Exile, Imprisonment or Death, because he will not conform to a Worship which he believes to be forbidden by God, or profess an Opinion which he conceives to be false, it cannot be deny'd but that he Acts like an honest Man, tho perhaps he may be in the wrong.

To this it may be objected, that if we admit this Rule, we ought to let go Robbery, Murder, Adultery and all other Crimes un­punish'd, out of respect to them, who believe them to be no Sins. To which I answer, that there is no Toleration to be granted to those that do not believe in God, nor the morality of the Gospel; for that the Laws, which are the foundation of our Christian Re­publics, are so link't to the Precepts of Christ, that they cannot sub­sist without them. Add to this, that those Precepts are so clear, that they who should deny them, would be lookt upon as Prodigies, whom we might with good reason believe to be more malitious and wicked then ignorant, and that they were fitter to be lockt up for Mad-men, or to be punish'd as Disturbers of the public Peace. But there is not the same judgment to be made of speculative O­pinions, which relate to the Ecclesiastical Government, or the forms of divine Service; the Number of those that differ in those things is almost infinite, and the wisest Men many times wander so far from Truth in Reference to these Particulars, that they are pitty'd by their Opponents.

Persecution inspires the Vulgar Sort, the Ignorant and Supersti­tious with Cruelty, who are the Spectators, and frequently the In­struments of the Mischiefs which they cause others to suffer for the Truth. What can a Prince expect from a People accustom'd to Rob and Pillage their Neighbours, and to overwhelm them with Injuries, because they had rather hear a Sermon then go to Mass? Does not this infuse a fear into them least the Monks, Priests and Seditious Preachers should turn the Fury of the Rabble upon their Soveraigns? The pretended Holy League, and the Tragical End of Hen. the III. one would think should cause a trembling in the Joynts of all Per­secuting Princes.

For a Prince to Persecute his Subjects for Religion sake is to ruin Trade: For that if the People make a public Profession of it; and the Prince on the other side sends his Dragoons to deprive them of their Liberties, to sack their Houses, waste and confiscate their E­states, Imprison or Banish them and their Families; In the midst of [Page 58] these Disorders a great Number of Debts remaining unpaid will cause a great number of Bankrupts; besides that vast numbers of poor People that were let to Work and got their Livings by those that are Persecuted, must be forc'd to starve. All these Inconve­niences have befallen France, as it is well known. Nor does the pub­lic exercise of the Reformed Religion being forbid, make e're a whit the better for those that stay behind; for the Old Catholics will never trust the News Ones, their Kindred or their Friends, of which they see some or other every day making their Escapes; nor will Foreigners either Traffic or send their Goods, to a Country where there is so little Security.

Persecution is an unexhaustible source of Knavery, as affording Treacherous and Revengeful Persons, an easie means to ruin their Adversaries. An Attorney or Counsellor, that the Cause may go of his Clients side, has no more to do but to plead that their Ad­verse Party is a frequenter of the private Assemblies of the Re­formed, that he rarely goes to Mass, or that he spoke contemptibly of Transubstantiation, or some other of the Tenets of the Romish Church. There is no need of going into Italy, or Spain, Portugal, or the Indies, to find Examples for this. France it self will furnish us with a great Number within these few Years, and we might produce some more particularly, were it not that some Persons are concern'd for whom We have too great kindness.

After all this, there is no wonder that Persecution renders the Government Odious; the fatal Consequences of the Inquisition are fresh in memory, and the great Opposition which was every where made against the setting of it up. It was expell'd out of France and the Low Countries, reduc'd almost to nothing in the Venetian Com­monwealth, and the Romans defac'd and pull'd down the Arms and Statues of Paul IV. out of their hatred to his memory for having impos'd that Yoak upon them. Almost all Persecutors have been the Object of the Peoples Hatred, and their Ends have been such for the most part as their Cruelties deserv'd.

The principal Strength of a King consists in the Hearts of his People, so that when a Prince and his Ministers are become Odious, the Government can never be said to be strong. A clear Example of which we see in James the II. But if that be not a proof sufficient, because England is altogether Protestant, let us call to mind the lu­stre of the House of Guise, which the League reduc'd so low; the downfal of the House of Austria, after the Union between the Ʋnited [Page 59] Provinces and Gustaphus Adolphus. Let us compare the Reigns of Mary and Elizabeth, of Charles V. and Philip II. of Charles the IX. and Hen. III. of Hen. IV. and Lewis the XIII.

Therefore the shortest and surest means to stifle the Spirit of Per­secution is to procure the REUNION OF THE PROTESTANTS, who living in the same Communion would make a Body so con­siderably Puissant, that the Roman Catholics, would not so much as think of disturbing them. Thus we have set forth the Original of our Divisions, the causes that have fomented them, and the hopes that we have of an approaching Union. We are not to shew that this reconciliation is not so difficult as People believe. All our Controversies roul upon the same form of Ecclesiastical Government; upon the manner of Christ's being present in the Eucharist, and upon the Idea of Predestination.

As to the Ecclesiastical Government, I do not believe that any Protestant will deny me the following propositions that seem to be unquestionable, and of which there are some that are the foundation of our Reformation.

1. That a Church is a Body or Society of several Persons that agree together upon certain Points of Doctrine, and upon a certain form of public Worship.

2. That every Church in the Quality of a Body makes up a Part of the Civil Society, and every one of its Members is a Member also of the State: and consequently that in that respect they are un­der the Soveraign Jurisdiction.

3. That it is in the Power of the Magistrate to regulate the ex­terior Government of growing Societies or of such as are not yet E­stablish'd by public Authority, and so grant them Laws and Privi­ledges.

4. That he cannot change the Government of those which he finds already form'd, nor deprive them of their Rights and Priviledges; unless perhaps in some extraordinary Cases.

5. That the Soveraign is Born Head of the Church he is a Member.

6. That there is no precise Form of Ecclesiastical Discourse or Ex­terior Government prescrib'd in History, or in the New Testa­ment. Indeed we find there general Precepts to avoid Tyranny, Anarchy and Superstition, to do all things with Decency and in Or­der; and to turn all things to Piety, and the Edification of the Faithful.

[Page 60]7. That tho Episcopacy be the most Ancient of all Ecclesiastical Governments, because the Roman Empire where the Gospel was first divulg'd, was a Monarchy; Nevertheless the Form of Government is a thing indifferent of it's self; and the best Discipline is that which best agrees with the Nature of the Gospel, with the natural Dis­positions and Customs of the People, and the Constitution of the Government.

8. After the Roman Empire came to be dismember'd, the several Soveraigns that shar'd it between them have as much right to regu­late within their own Dominions the Discipline of the Church, as the Christian Emperors had. So that the Order of Presbytery can­not be Condemn'd in a Republic, where the Magistrate has made choice of it as the most conformable to the Government of the Country.

9. The last proposition includes certain Consequences which re­quire explanation. 1. That considering the present Constitution of Europe, a Universal Bishop is a kind of a Monster: and that it is also of dangerous Consequence that a Bishop, an Abbot, or other Prelate should have a Jurisdiction over any part of the Clergy belonging to Neighbouring Princes. 2. That Oecumenic Coun­cils are no more to be held, but by the Consent of all the Christian Princes; because those Councils were no more then General As­semblies of the Clergy of the Roman Empire, which is now no longer in being. 3. Supposing such an unexpected Happiness that all the Princes of Europe, or the greatest Part should agree to call a Gene­ral Council, it would not be their business to handle Matters of Go­vernment, nor of Discipline, of which it would be in vain to seek for a Uniformity; only to apply themselves to examin the Differences among the Christians about the Points of Doctrine, and to regulate, if it may be done, the Number of the Fundamental Articles, to determin what we ought to believe thereupon, and so to order it, that the Christi­ans, notwithstanding some few Controversies of little Consequence among them, may always stand their ground, look upon each other as Brethren, and Communicate with the same willingness upon all Occasions together, as they obey the several Magistrates of the seve­ral Countries through which they Travel.

10. Schism is a separation occasion'd by particular Persons that forsake the Communion of a Church Authoriz'd by the Laws of a Kingdom to set up particular Congregations, and that only for some defect which they find in the Discipline of the Church, for some [Page 61] Ceremony, or for some Point of Doctrine not Fundamental. Thus the Labadists, and the Anabaptists of Holland who differ from the rest of the Reformed only about the time of the Adminstration of the Sacrament of Baptism, are Schismatics. The Protestants of France, of Poland, of Hungary are not so; but would be Hereticks, if the Doctrine of Rome were true. The Catholics of Spain and Italy, who accuse the Protestants of England, Germany and the Low Countries of Schism, are Ridiculous: for that the Ma­gistrates of the North have as much right to regulate the Exterior Government of Religion, as those of the South.

11. Schism is very dangerous; they who are the Promoters of it, will have much to answer for at the last day; and they who Harbour and Entertain it are no less Guilty. It is the Original of many Quarrels between private Persons, and of Factions in the State: Add to this, that many times it happens that the Ringleaders of the weaker Party, for fear of being forsaken by their Followers, they fill their Heads with Opinions, which cause them to forsake in good earnest the Communion of the lawful Church. We know what has happen'd to one Sect, which has made a great noise in the World, only because a few Learned Men embrac'd their Party.

12. Ceremonies of themselves are indifferent as to Religion. Ne­vertheless it is good to observe. 1. That the most Ancient are the best, and that they ought to be held in Veneration, tho they may be alter'd upon weighty and considerable Reasons. 2. That all those which have been reduc'd into the Church since Constantine are ex­treamly suspected, because of the Spirit of Paganism and Tyranny which began then to Reign. 3. That the Miseries which the Pro­testants have suffer'd from the Church of Rome have inspir'd them with an utter Abhorrency of all that has the least Tincture of that Sect. So that it is both Prudence and Charity not to Scandalize other People, through an Affectation to imitate our Enemies in certain Words and Practices, which tho indifferent in their Nature, become baneful and mischievous, because offensive to others. 4. That the Genius of our Age which is very much improv'd in understanding, and the Genius of the Christian Religion, which relates all to the Soul and Conscience, require few Ceremonies. 5. However that some are necessary to prevent the Contempt of Divine Worship and its Mini­sters.

These are the propositions that seem to me very profitable for the Peace of the Church, and which I judge to be so very clear, that I [Page 62] need not go about to prove them. The Reader also, I hope, will pardon my not drawing any Consequences from them, in regard I write for a Re-union, and for that I do not desire to give any Party an occasion to Quarrel with me. Besides there is no Person of a clear judgment, but can apply them himself; and for others they would be wrangling with me at every Turn.

As to the manner how Jesus Christ is present in the Eucharist, there is no Controversie perhaps so vain, nor more easie to be de­termin'd: tho the Gentlemen of the Roman Communion imagin it to be the Foundation of our separation. All the Protestants agree that this Sacrament is a Symbol of the Death of Jesus Christ; a Commemoration of his Sacrifice, and a Pledge of the remission of our Sins; that the Body and Blood of our Crucify'd Saviour, which are given us therein, are the Nourishment of our Souls; that we do not participate thereof but by Faith; and that the wicked do not receive Jesus Christ, but only the Consecrated Signs to their Con­demnation; That Jesus Christ is not present but during the use of the Sacrament, that he is not to be there ador'd; that the Bread and Wine continue to be Bread and Wine after the Sacrament; and that we are not to pay any Religious Homage to those Material E­lements. So that all the difficulty is to know, how Jesus Christ, who as Man is in Heaven can be at the the same time upon the Earth and present with the Faithful every time that they Communicate worthily. Upon which particular since the Scripture has not told us any thing, we should do well to be silent.

When I consider and contemplate the unsearchable ways of God, I cannot conceive how two understanding Persons, and endu'd with true Piety, can raise disputes about Predestination and Grace. The same Person, who knows not either how Speech is Form'd, or by what Springs we our selves move, will undertake to teach others now God govern's the World, and what he has determin'd in reference to their equals. But to confound the Pride of Human Wit, it so falls out, that the more we reason upon these things the more we find that our understanding fails when we strive to search beyond the bounds of Divine Revelation. If they uphold Pre­destination to be absolute, they make God the Author of sin, destroy Liberty and all Religion. If it be suppos'd conditionally, we cannot unfold the fore-knowledge of God, nor give any good reasons for the varieties of his favours. Therefore let Men keep close to that which is plain, and to what the Scrip­ture [Page 63] informs us in express Terms. That God knows all things, and disposes of all things as he pleases himself. That being the Master of Events, he is also of the heart of Man. Nevertheless that Man is free, that is to say, that he has Power to restrain his judgment in respect of True or False, of Good or Evil. That the habit of Ig­norance and sin decreases this Liberty, and that it increases by the good use which a Man makes of this understanding and divine As­sistance. That God grants his Favour to all those that desire it; and so it is our duty to pray to him, to obey him, and to exhort o­thers so to do, to impute all that is Evil to our selves, and all that is good to the Inspirations of the Holy Spirit. This is that wherein all Christians agree; and the whole being duly consider'd the dis­pute is reduc'd to one Impenetrable question. It is a greed, that God shares out his benefits very variously, and that he distributes to some more, to some less. The difficulty is to know, whether God af­fords Grace sufficient to save all and every Particular Man in case they make a good use of it. And who can affirm it Precisely; at least who can pretend to know the bottom of every Mans heart, and the degree of the Efficacy of that Assistance which he has re­ceiv'd?

I will not undertake to describe the Qualities to be requir'd in those that shall be employ'd to accomplish this Union. I make no question but a fit choice will be made of Persons of a Genius and Integrity more then ordinary. I shall only say, 'twill be more difficult to take care of making a good choice. They who have render'd themselves odious to one of the Parties by their Writings embitter'd with Gall, are incapable to discharge this trust, how learned soever they may be. There are some soaring Wits who sway'd by I know not what Fantastical conceits, many times neglect things of great Importance, and apply their Studies wholly to Trifles. There are some so in love with Novelty that they would overturn all things else, to in­troduce a supposition of their own Invention. Others under the Spe­cious pretence of a Universal Union, would reduce Christianity to Ideas so confus'd and general that natural Morality and Religion would with great difficulty be preserv'd entire. Happy is he that can observe a just Medium.

If France were humbl'd, Peace once settl'd, England and Holland strictly United, and the Protestants at rest, we should soon see the DOWNFAL of POPERY. But least the Roman Catholics should be offended, they are to know that this is no desir'd in reference to [Page 64] what they look upon as the Fundamental part of their Religion: Let them pray to the Saints, let them adore the Sacrament, Images and Relics, if they think fitting; let them observe all their Cere­monies; let them acknowledge the Pope for Head of the Church; this is nothing at all to us. We will be content, so that they will but solemnly renounce in express Terms, and in a General Council, certain Opinions which the moderate among them openly deny, but yet are generally put in Practice 1. That it is in their power to Excommunicate and depose Heretic Kings, stir up their Subjects to rebel against them, dispose of their Kingdoms to others, and rid their hands of Princes suspected, by Assassination, or otherwise. 2. That Promises and Oaths made to Heretics are of no value; that they are not oblig'd to keep faith with them; and that they may be Per­secuted and exterminated at all times as occasion shall offer. At least, that the Church of Rome in a Body shall Anathematize all those that are of these Opinions, or put them in Practice, since other­wise there is no Assurance for Princes or Private Persons to conside in any Treatys or Contracts which they shall make with those of the Romish Communion. Or if they refuse to Condemn this Heresie un­der the Name of Popery let them do it under the Name of Jesuitism, which will very well agree with it.

To the People there could be no Tydings more grateful then that of the ABATEMENT OF THEIR IMPOSITIONS; they are mounted to such a Prodigious excess over all Europe unless it be in England; that there is hardly any other Country where a Man may live with convenience. The very Sciences are contemn'd, because they are become mercenary. Arts perish, by reason that the Indi­gency which oppresses the Artificers, hinders them from bringing any thing to perfection: and though they feel the Goads of Poverty, they are near a whit the more spurr'd on with the thoughts of Honour. The better sort of Families are ruin'd, because of the great expences of House-keeping. The Country is dispeopl'd of honest People, and fill'd with Vagabonds and Debaushees, while the fear of Poverty deters an infinit Number of People from Marrying, and plunges others into wickedness and disorder. There is nothing but cheating in Trade; and Men begin to be a weary of it by de­grees, because it becomes every day more dangerous, more difficult, and less gainful. The Subjects cheat their Soveraign; and to retali­ate his Extortions, as they believe them to be, so generally accustom themselves to deprive him of his rights, that they make no Consci­ence [Page 65] of it. All places, all Courts are full of Complaints murmur­ings, confiscations, broken Merchants, and Law-suits. For the great­est part of which Europe is beholding to the Court of France. To this Court are we beholding to those tholes of Projectors, and Inven­ters of Prodigious Numbers of new Imposts. But the worst is, her continuance and dreadful raising of Armies, her Threats, and unex­pected Breaches of Leagues and Truces oblige the Neighbouring Princes to keep on foot considerable Forces and constrain them at the same time to drain the Purses of the Subjects. H [...]idelburgh, Manheim, all the Palatinate, so many Countries, so many Cities which the French have laid wast, sackt, burnt, or destroy'd against all the Assurances of pleighted Faith; so many poor Creatures as the French Court has reduc'd to misery by her Dragoons, Contributions, or rather justify'd Robberies are as so many Voices that cry for vengeance to Heaven, and which threaten all the Christian Proten­tates in the same manner, if they do not closely Unite to stop the Course of her fury.

THE INCREASE OF TRADE, is one of the usual Fruits of Peace and of the Abatement of Imposts. But in regard the late Treaties of Peace were neither durable nor sincere, but that both sides continu'd still in Arms, there has been no sensible Abatement of the Taxes, nor increase of Trade. Since the Peace of Nimeghen, France has laid a thousand cruel Imposts upon the Hollanders to de­stroy their Trade, which their High and Mightinesses made out in their Declaration of War against that Crown. But their Union with England presents with an assured means and opportunity to re­gain double to what they have lost. Thirty English Vessels are suf­ficient to cruise upon the Coasts of Britain and Guyen, and to shut the French quite out of the entrance into Spain by Sea and stop up their Passage into the Streights of Gibraltar. Thirty Hol­land Men of War will wrest the Trade of the Baltic Sea and the Northern Ocean out of their hands, and keep the Coasts of Picardy and Normandy in a perpetual Alarum. And then nothing will re­main to the French but the Commerce of the Levant through the Mediterranean, which will be more prejudicial then profitable, be­cause it will drain the Coyn of the Kingdom, and overstock it with wares which they will not be able to vend. The reason of it is because the Cities of Italy all Trade the same way, and with more conveniences. Add to this that the English and Hollanders bring the same Merchandizes in great abundance out of the Levant and the [Page 66] Indies, which only consist in Drugs, Silks, Cotons, Wax, Hides, Spanish Leather, and Pot-ashes. So that the French being debarr'd the Trade of Germany, the North of Spain and England, they will be stor'd with Goods but distitute of Money.

Besides the Trade of the Levant cannot extend but from Marseilles to Lion, and be beneficial to some Cities only upon the Rhine: So that all the rest of France and all the Coasts of the Ocean, will never­theless be depriv'd of their Trade, there being no vent for the Goods and Manufactures of the Country. We are assur'd, that about a Month since the stuff weavers were ready to have made an Insur­rection in Roven, upon Information that a Merchant of that City was about to set up a Royal Manufacture. They flew to his House to the Number of four hundred, and constrain'd him to make a Declaration before the Intendant, wherein he protested that he never had any such design, and solemnly promised never to enterprize the like again. If Poverty makes them so bold, what will they not dare, when thev come to feel the Nips of Pinching Hunger.

'Tis a great Enterprize to bring down the Power of those that make use of it meerly to do us mischeif; but it is of far greater Con­sequence to provide for our own security. England and Holland joyn'd together will be Masters of the Ocean, and consequently cannot stand in want of any thing. But though these two Nations may be strongly Interested to preserve their Union, the Hollanders are still more oblig'd to it then the English. Great Britain is an Inaccessible Island, that stands in little fear of a Foreign Enemy. Whereas the Ʋnited Provinces may be attacqu'd by Land from the North, South and East. They are environ'd with Potent Neighbours, the Empire, France, Spain and England. And I dare be bold to say, that how powerful soever they may be in Wealth and Forces, in Proporti­on to their Territories, they are of too small an Extent, to make head for a long time against any one of these their Neighbours without the Assistance of the other. This the States General rightly apprehended from the beginning of their Confederacy, while they had recourse sometimes to England, sometimes to France, to support themselves against the House of Austria. France at this present time, is advanc'd to the same degree of Power in Europe which render'd Spain so formidable when first the Seven Provinces Ʋnited together. And they have had experience in the last War, that France was no less eager after the Conquest of their Country then Philip the Second was to subdue them under his own, and the Tyranny of the [Page 67] Inquisition. Of all their Neighbours there are not any, with whom they have greater tyes of Friendship then with Great Britain: in re­gard that at this time the Interest of Trade is United to that of Re­ligion. And as if those two tyes were not strong enough, Heaven has bequeath'd one Prince to both, to Perpetuate their Union, and to the end those two Nations may joyn together to break the Fetters which France was preparing both for them and all the rest of Europe.

I was just about to make an end, when the Sixth Letter concerning the Affairs of the Times came to my hands; where I read the Title and an Extract of three Libels against the Confederate Princes; but more especially against His Majesty of Great Britain, against whom France has the greatest Antipathy. When Men are in a vio­lent Passion, 'tis no easie thing to conceal it: Dread and Despair have seiz'd that Court: It is apparent by all they say, by all they do, and write. Now they flatter the Empire England, Holland, the Ca­tholic Potentates, the Protestant Princes, and in a Word all Europe, which they vaunted to be beholding to them for her Peace, and threatned not above six months ago with so much Haughtiness. There is none to whom they give an ill Word but William the III. because they see it would be a very Fruitless thing to flatter him. In all out ward appearance, they will gain as little by their Colloquing upon the rest of the Princes. Since the Diet at Ratisbone has caus'd two of the three Libels to be Burnt by the hand of the common Hangman; and dismiss'd the Secretary to James II. However though the dread of France may seem to shew by her words, how far her Pride is abated, however we find the Traces of her rage and fury by the Devastations of her Troops, depopulating all with Fire and Sword. Is this the way to appease the Princes of the Empire, by Sacking and Burning so many of the Cities; and wasting and destroying what­ever they cannot carry away?

She exposes the disquiet of her thoughts by the reasons which she alledges, and by the manner of her venting them. They are only Invectives, Contradictions, and imaginary Suspitions. 'Tis true, I never read those three Pamphlets, but the Letters about the Affairs of the Times carry so fair a Character of sound Judgment and Sin­cerity, that we may easily judge of the Resemblance which the Au­thor has to his own works. Never did Writer better support his Ar­guments; his Reflections neither offend through impertinency, not do the Spring from whence they flow seem to be in the least exhau­sted, [Page 68] while the Author becomes every day more exact and more profound then other. After all not having seen any new reasons in the Extract, I suppose I have refuted all Objections that our Enemies can alledge.

However I am far from having drain'd my self in reference to the Subjects which I have handled, that was not my intent; there be­ing few of them which might not be enlarg'd to a considerable Vo­lume. Therefore I hope that the Omissions will not be charg'd upon me for faults, but that if I have said those things which are true and right, they will not be rejected for a slight Error. Besides that I found my self oblig'd to compose this Treatise out of hand, and in hast, remote from my Study, my Friends, or any other Assistance, but a very great Zeal for the Public Good.

I foresaw several other Effects of a Union between England and Holland, which I did not think it proper to insist upon, since they themselves cannot but be sufficiently sensible thereof. For Example. 1. That Arts and Sciences will Flourish, because the Protestants love them, as being the Original of the Reformation; and therefore find­ing themselves at liberty, they will not fail to improve, so much the rather, in regard that King William the III. and Queen Mary the II. are so much the Favourers of Learned Men. 2. Because the Laws of the Land will for the future be the Rule of Government; seeing that for their sake the Prince of Orange took up Arms and ex­pos'd himself to so many dangers. 3. Because that Justice and good Manners, will be more and more observ'd: in regard their Majesties of Great Britain are themselves both Just and Equitable, and the True Models of Vertue.