Vindiciæ academiarum containing some briefe animadversions upon Mr Websters book stiled, The examination of academies : together with an appendix concerning what M. Hobbs and M. Dell have published on this argument.

Vindiciæ academiarum containing some briefe animadversions upon Mr Websters book stiled, The examination of academies : together with an appendix concerning what M. Hobbs and M. Dell have published on this argument.

Table of contents

Title page

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CAP. I. Of the generall ends of erecting publique Schooles.

CAP. III. Of the Division of that which the Schooles call Humane Learning, and first of Tongues or Languages.

CAP. IV. Of Logick.

CAP. V. Of the Mathematicall Sciences.

CAP. VI. Of Scholastick Phylosophy.

CAP. VII. Of Metaphysicks, Ethicks, Politicks, Oeconomicks, Poesy and Oratory.

Politicks.

Rhetorick.

CAP. VIII. Of their Customes and Method.

CAP. IX. Of some Expedients or Remedies in Theology, Grammar, Logick, and Mathematicks.

For Theology.

Concerning Languages.

Next in order followeth Logick.

The Mathematicks.

CAP. X. Of some helps in Naturall Phylosophy.

But to come to his Remedies.

Metaphysicks.

Ethicks.

Rhetorick and Poetry.

CAP. XI. Some Expedients concerning their Custome and Method.

An Appendix Concerning what Mr Hobbs and Mr Dell have written touching the Universities.

Concerning Mr DELL.

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Vindiciae Academiarum CONTAINING, Some briefe Animadversions upon MR WEBSTERS Book, STILED, The Examination of Academies.

Together with an Appendix concerning what M. Hobbs, and M. Dell have published on this Argument.

OXFORD, Printed by Leonard Lichfield Printer to the University, for Thomas Robinson. 1654.

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SIR,

THERE came lately to my hands since I came to this place a Discourse stiled the Examination of Accademies, (which I herewith send you) It pretends to the reforming of Publick Schooles, and the promoting of all kind of science. I must confesse my selfe at first sight, very much pleased with the undertakeing, as being suitable to my owne frequent wishes, and what I conceived might with some reason be hoped for in this inquisitive age. And therefore I came to the reading of it, with great expectations of finding somewhat answerable to the noblenesse of the attempt.

But I quickly discovered, that I was like to be much disappointed in that hope, & that besides a Torrent of affected insignificant tautologies with some peevish unworthy reflections, & the repetitions of some old & trite cavills, together with severall bundles of grosse mistaks there was litle else to be expected from this Author.

Two grand incapacityes for such a worke, he quickly discovers himselfe guilty of, that are not to be pardoned or excused in such an undertaker.

1. His ignorance of the present state of our Universityes which he pretends to reforme.

2. His Ignorance in the common grounds of those Arts and Sciences which he undertakes to advance and promote. In both which respects he must needs fall under that censure of folly and shame, Prov. 18.13. which Solomon doth ascribe unto those that will venture to judge of a matter before they understand it.

1. For the present state of the Universityes. He supposes and takes it for granted, that they are so tyed up to the Dictates of Aristotle, that whatsoeuer is taught either against or besides him by way of refutation or supply, they do by no meanes admit of, so much as to any consideration or debate, but are wholy ignorant of it.

Which is so notoriously false, that I should very much wonder [Page] with what confidence he could suppose it, if I did not finde Mr Hobbs likewise guilty of the same mistake. Whereas those that understād these places, do know that there is not to be wished a more generall liberty in point of judgment or debate, then what is here allowed. So that there is scarce any Hypothesis, which hath been formerly or lately entertained by Judicious men, and seemes to have in it any clearenesse or consistency, but hath here its strenuous Assertours, as the Atomicall and Magneticall in Philosophy, the Copernican in Astronomy &c.

And though we do very much honour Aristotle for his profound judgment and universall learning, yet are we so farre from being tyed up to his opinions, that persons of all conditions amongst us take liberty to discent fom him, and to declare against him, according as any contrary evidence doth ingage them, being ready to follow the Banner of truth by whomsoever it shall be lifted up.

Witnesse the publick Lectures of our Professors, the Positions or Questions maintained in the publick Exercise of the Vniversitie for Degrees, & in the private Exercises of Colledges, besides the Instructions and readings of many Tutors, wherein the principall things which this Author doth accuse us to be ignorant of, and enemies unto, are taught and owned, and I can assure him they are so well learnt, that for all his contempt of the Universityes, we have here many young boyes (who have not yet attained to that very proud & vainglorious title of Bachelours of Art, (as he is pleased to phrase it) that are able to reforme this Reformer, in those things, wherein he thinks us all so ignorant, and himselfe so great a Master.

2. And for his ignorance in the common grounds of those things which he undertakes to advance and promote, his whole Discourse doth not so clearely prove any thing else, (not that which he intends by it,) as it doth prove this.

Let any serious man but consider the two first Chapters of it, wherein he endeavours to prove, Vniversities are not in any kind usefull to fit men for the Ministry, but opposite thereunto, pag. 3. And that those Systems of Theology, which are therein taught are not only uselesse but hurtfull, pag. 10.

One might reasonably expect that upon flinging out his Gauntlet for the defence of such positions as these, this Author should muster up his forces, and appeare at least with some seeming strength and reason. And yet he doth nothing lesse.

His Arguments to this purpose being generally so triviall, coincident, inconsequent, that we sh [...]uld looke upon it as a signe of [Page] very great negligence or ignorance in many of our young Boyes, if they should debate matters in so impertinent and loose a manner. And I must observe by the way, how this Author doth herein give sufficient warning what we are to expect from him in the Reforming of Logick, of the use of which he himselfe understands so little, that will teach a man how to define and distinguish, to understand Consequences and Method, and by this meanes to speake clearely, strongly and plainly: To which he is altogether a stranger. Nor is it to be much wondered at, if he appeare an enemy to Syllogismes, (as he afterward professes) considering how wildly his own arguments would looke, if they were to be put into that dresse.

He supposes in both these Chapters, that the Universities doe undertake to teach spirituall knowledge, and to furnish men with such gifts, as do only proceed from the Spirit of God. And this is the chiefe foundation that he doth erect his following heap of Arguments upon, then which nothing can be more groundlesse or false. There being no man, (that ever I heard of) who hath believed or asserted any such thing. And I cannot think it any great presumption to believe that I understand the tenets of the Uniuersity in this point as well as he. I am sure it hath been the common opinion amongst them, that there are three kind of gifts materially requisite to compleat a man unto the Ministeriall function.

1. Something to be infused by the Spirit of God, which must illuminate him to understand the misteries of the Gospell, and affect his heart with an experimentall savour, and acquaintance with those sacred truths wherein he is to instruct others.

2. Some naturall abilityes in respect of solidity of judgment, strength of memory, warmenes of affection, readinesse and volubility of speech, by which he may be rendered much more serviceable in that worke, then those that want these abilities.

3. Something to be acquired by our own industry and the teaching others; Namely, a distinct and methodicall comprehention of the severall subjects to be treated of, together with the meanes or advantages that helpe to facilitate the worke of instructing others.

In which respect it may be of singular use for a man to be acquainted with the severall Scriptures and Reasons, that are more immediately pertinent to any particular head in Theologie, as concerning God, his Attributes, Workes: The fallen estate of man, the meanes of his restitution &c. The dutyes of the Law and [Page] Gospell together with many particular cases of Conscience which are incident to the various states and businesses of life.

Concerning all which things, sure it can be no hinderance to a man (as this Author supposes) to have all the most materiall notions upon any subject, put together, cleared up and stated by the concurrent labours of many wise and good men, after much consideration and experience about them. And this is that Theologie, which the Universities do pretend to teach, and though it doth not exceed the sphere of those common gifts which meer naturall men are capeable of, yet is it of such singular use to enable a man to speake distinctly unto severall points, to confirme truth, to cleare up difficultyes, answer doubts and consequently to help in the worke of informing others. That I am not able to imagine any reason, why an eminent ability in this kind might not be sufficient to make a man capable of a civill degree, as well as skill in any other faculty.

I am sure the preparatory studies required to the profession of Physick or Civill Law, are not more then for this Theology, nor is it lesse copious for its extent, or of lesse importance and usefulnesse for its end, then either of the other Faculties.

Now unlesse this Author will say, that he who has grace, and is without these gifts, is better able to Teach, then he that hath both grace and these gifts too, he hath no reason to complaine of the uselesnesse and danger of Academicall education, in reference to the worke of the Ministry.

Whereas he doth object that these common gifts are a Temptation to pride, confidence, boasting: That is meerely accidentall: So is health too, and liberty, and all other naturall or acquired abilities, and he may upon as good grounds, hope to perswade men to love sicknesse and slavery, as to preferre Ignorance before that Knowledge of this kind that is to be learnt in the Universities; the best things that are (even Grace it selfe) may be accidentally hurtfull by the abuse of them, but that is no argument against their proper usefulnesse.

Coloss. 2.8.As for his objecting that place of the Apostle, where he bids to beware of Philosophy: If that prohibition be to be understood absolutely, and without limitation, why doth he here pretend so much to the knowledge of it himselfe, and to the Advancement of it in others? The same answer that he will make for his own vindication, will serve for his Objection. But besides if he consider the place better, he will find the words to be, Beware least any man [Page]spoile you through Philosophy and vaine deceit. Where 'tis the abuse and not the use that is prohibited.

I cannot passe over this subject without taking notice of the neare affinity betwixt his third and fourth Argument against schoole Theologie, pag. 14, 15. In one he quarrells with it because tis drawn into a strict Logicall Method. And in the next, because tis a confused Chaos. Are they not judiciously put together? And is not the man very quarrellsome? That out of zeale to contradict his Adversaries, takes no care of contradicting himselfe.

What a loose and wild kind of vapouring is that Cap. 3. about Cryptography, and the universall Character wherein he supposes the Universities to be wholly ignorant, none of them having so much as touched at these things. pag. 24.

But above all, the man doth give me the freest prospect of his depth and braine, in that canting Discourse about the language of nature, wherein he doth assent unto the highly illuminated fraternity of the Rosycrucians In his large encomiums upon Iacob Behem, in that reverence which he professes to judiciall Astrologie, which may sufficiently convince what a kind of credulous fanatick Reformer he is like to prove.

How wretchedly doth he abuse some ingenious opinions by his ignorant managing of them, particularly the copernican Hypothesis; In the defence of which he urges such pittifull arguments as are enough to fright a serious man from the beliefe of it, & to breed a prejudice against it in such as are that way inclined.

It is enough to nauseate and make a man sick to peruse his crude and jejune Animadversions upon Logick, Mathematicks, Physickes, Metaphysickes, &c. with the expedients or remedyes which he proposes, wherein he has abused some good Authors, by his ill managing the notions that they have suggested to him.

I must needs confesse that at the first sight of this Book, I had a very great desire to know what the person was who had put himselfe forward to so noble an attempt, as reforming all Schooles, and advancing all Arts. But for that he doth in his Epistle at the beginning referre wholly to his Booke, whereby he saith he will discover himself as Hercules doth by his foot & the Lion by his pawe. But if I were to judge of him by the impressions which he therein makes of his foote or pawe, I should not by that guesse him to be either a Hercules or a Lion, but some more weake and lesse generous Animal.

[Page]I have heard from very good hands that he is suspected to be a Friar, his conversation being much with men of that way, And the true designe of this Booke being very suitable to one of that profession, Besides that his superficiall and confused knowledge of things is much about that elevation.

I should have been apt to have conjectured him to be some obscure person, whose peevish malecontented humour had brought him into the gang of the vulgar Levellers: Amongst whom his ability to talke of some things out of the common road, hath raised him to the reputation of being [...], some extraordinary person; and by that meanes hath blowne him up to such a selfeconfidence, as to think himselfe fit to reforme the Universityes.

And thus Sir have I given you my suddaine thoughts upon the cursory reading of this Examen. And though the Booke will appeare unto all Judicious men but slight and contemptible, yet because it may light into the hands of some weaker persons, who may be apt to take accusations for convictions: It would not be amisse if for their sakes some body would vouchfafe more particularly to examine this Examiner, and to disabuse such as may be seduced by him. It is part of that Scholastick imprudence, which men of our profession are subject unto, to sit downe and satisfie our selves in our owne knowledge of the weakenesse of such Adversaries, without taking any paines to satisfie others, who are not so well able to judge.

I shoud think that Mr Alex: Rosse might in some respects be very fit to enter the lists with this Champion. But I know not how farre he may at present be engaged in the Confutation of some better Booke. I am very sure Sir there are many of your acquaintance, who if their leisure and patience would permit, are able to play with this Hercules, and I should think it a good recreation for some of their spare howers. And the hopes that you may be instrumentall for this is, the chiefe occasion that provoked me to trouble you with so large an account of my present thoughts upon this subject.

It may seem somewhat odde and strange to consider what severall kinds of Adversaries have of late appeared against the Universityes. Mr Hobbs, Mr Dell, Mr Webster.

The first of them being a person of good ability and solid parts, but otherwise highly magisteriall, and one that will be very angry with all that do not presently submit to his dictates, And for advancing the reputation of his own skill, cares not what unworthy [Page] reflexions he casts on others. It were not amisse, if he were made acquainted, that for all his slighting of the Universityes, there are here many men, who have been very well versed in those notions and Principles which he would be counted the inventer of, and that before his workes were published. And though he for his part may think it below him to acknowledge himselfe beholding to Mr Warners Manuscripts, yet those amongst us who haue seen and perused them must for many things give him the honour of precedency before Mr Hobbs.

The other (as farre as his character may be pickt out of his writings) is an angry fanatick man, who wanting himselfe such Academicall Learning as would become his relation, would needs perswade others against it, like the Ape in the Fable. But there is reason to hope that he may be shortly called to an account, and lay'd openby a person of eminent worth, whom he hath weakely provoked.

The last is this worthy Author, who by a smattering and superficiall knowledge hath raised himselfe a repute amongst his ignorant followers. In the strength of which he comes forth to teach the Universities. I should have used him with much more tendernesse and respect, if it had not been very evident to me that it was not so much an ingenuous affection to the advancement of learning, as a froward and malicious prejudice against the Universities, that put him on to this worke.

But by this time I have tired you as well as my selfe, let me crave your pardon for this tediousnesse, and that you would continue to esteeme me for

SIR

Your most Affectionate Friend and Servant N. S.

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SIR,

IF I should gaine no other fruit beside the pleasure of my giving testimony to the service and respect I beare you, it were a reward exceedingly beyond the labour of the taske which you (by recommending) have imposed upon me. The advancement of Learning and the consideration of designes tending that way, are things exceedingly suitable to mydesires, these things have beene the argument of much discourse, which I have had the hapinesse to have with you. I must needs say that I should not more desire (next to the matters of the highest concernement) to meet with a Booke of any other argument, then such an one as should propose expedients for the perfecting and promoting of all kinds of Science. And that is the undertaking of the Booke you are pleased to send me, (in the Title-Page of it) so that the pleasure you are pleased to give me in offering me under the notion of satisfying your desires that which is so suitable to my owne, takes off all consideration of labour in turning the times of my diversion to scribling, and yet leaves me the hopes of your Acceptance, as if I had taken paines, or done something in your service.

I can easily conceive, that upon the ground which I have laid (of my delight in writings tending to the advancement of Learning.) I may raise a suspicion that out of compleasance to you I would diminish the service which herein I offer you. Seeing the disappointment of our earnest expectations in things we seriously desire, doth use to be unpleasant to us, and such a disappointment you have sufficiently fore warned me of in your Epistle. But I must professe I am farre from any such reach in Complement. Designes that way, do allwayes please me however managed, prouided it be not in the way of a dull and nauseous mediocrity. You may perhaps Sir, impute this to some peculiary in my disposition. Yet I have observed in other men, that they have expressed as great a pleasure at the combate of Clinias and Dametas, as of Amphialus and Musidorus, and when Punteus was in towne, I saw the soberest of the spectatours as much affected at the imitations of the Zany, as at the Active, and (in their kind) admirable performances of the cheife Actor.

There is an excellēcy in that which is uncouth, aswell as in what is [Page] handsome; and it is enough for me if any thing be excellent in its kind, and such I found (upon my slight perusall) to be the Booke you sent me, which to my Lord Bacons Advancement, and those which some others have designed, beares such proportion as I have intimated.

It remaines therefore that I humbly thanke you for so farre considering my Genius, which allwayes inclining me to Idlenesse, you have found out a way to imploy my vacancyes with a just satisfaction, such as doth arise rather from being slightly busied then not at all, rather from Trifling then perfect Idlenesse.

In complyance therefore with your desire, I mean to runne over this reverend Authour, not staying upon his expressions, or making a toyle of a pleasure but briefely touching upon the things he mentions, taking no care either of my passions or expressions, any farther then to reteine them within the compasse of civility.

Those things which you have taken the paines to confute, I shall not so much as once recite, the remainder I shall carelesly and slightly (that is, in my apprehension most becomingly) speake to.

'Tis true, you have given us a perfect character of him in your Epistle; but because some may conjecture that he knowes himselfe, better then you know him (though in truth you are much a better judge of him then he is of himselfe:) I suppose it may not be unusefull to gather together that Character which he hath given of himselfe, that doing him no wrong, and forming a just Idea of him in the beginning of my Discourse, the Reader may be prepared for a due reception of that which followes.

We may understand him by his stile (oratio indicat virum) and by his passions, wherein its hard for a man to dissemble.

HE enters in feare & proceedes in jelousies.Epistle. His first feare is (of affrighting the tender Scholars) least he should be looked on as some Goth or Vandall, Hunne or Scythian comming like a torrent from the Boreall mountaines of cold stupidity &c. But for that his comfort is, that others cannot more Experimentally and Apodictically anatomize his Idiocracy then himselfe, wherein besides the [...] of his elloquence, there is likewise a [...] of sence not fathomable by common understandings; as how others should at all experimentally, or he himselfe should Apodictically anatomize his Idiocracy.

His next is a doubtfull pang, least he should be charged with over much confidence, & the proposall of fame for his Guerdon but here againe his bosome is his Sāctuary, I find him valiant (your petifull [Page] men are alwayes so) the sanctuary of his brest and a sentence of the Accedence are his retreat; & this is his comfort a man is a man though he have but an hose on his head, and homo is a common name for all men. 'Tis to be hoped his Examen may be favourable to the Gramar, who is thus beholding to the Accedence; Yet some men think he could not want an high degree of confidence that should expect fame from compiling such a worke as this.

His next encounter is against the suspition of Avarice, as if he would ruine Universities to share in the spoile. But this he doth sufficiently confute by an Argument of such a weighty consequence, as I hope no man will be so uncivill as to deny. For he is no Deane nor Master President, nor Provost, Fellow, nor Pensioner, and least any man should suspect him to be of another order which he hath omitted viz. a Scholler; he gives assurance to the contrary by that new ellegance which he hath added to an old verse,

Qui cadit in terram non habet unde cadat.

Which he hath reformed it into nonsence: Indeed although we hope that none could suspect him of any such interst; Yet all those Parties ought to thank him for his care in giving the world this satisfaction.

By this time he supposes the drousy world awakened by the sound of his thundering stile (and by the Proclamation of his heroicall designes) to enquire into the Origine and Education of him that dares censure (and defy all the Universityes in the universe Though he might chose to answer; he won't be Cinicall but say, That Hercules is eastly known by his foot, and the Lyon by his paw, his Treatise shall shew that he is a free borne Englishman (of the house of the Websters) and thats enough for modest inquirers.

And now one would think this Herculean Lyon should be no more afraid, but againe behold he trembles, least some should think his Treatise to be like Plato's Republick: Sr Thomas Mores Vtopia, or the Ld. Bacons new Atlantis. But if they should do so, they were surely much to blame, and 'twere an unpardonable errour, I should be very glad to rid him from this feare, but I consider it is the destiny of such Heroes, borne for reformers of the world, to be men of working fancies, subject to māy feares & trances. His predecessor in the Military way (the famous Hero of the Mancha mistooke a windmill for an inchanted Castle, and this man (man did I say, this Hero) lyes under the same delusion, relieve him I cannot, lament him I must,

O Webster Webster quae te dementia cepit.

[Page]He hath a petty scruple yet remaining, least he may possibly be charged with an infirmity of pilfering or nimming: But he can say, with Macrobius, Omne meum, Nihil meum, the Treatise is of his own invention (he found it in Helmont, Verulam, Gassendus, and some others) he hath indeed taken some hints to the mountenance of three quarters of the Treatise, but he took them from strong men, fighting with the steely instruments of Demonstration &c. and no man can accuse him of singularity, whilest Noble Heroes beare him Company.

Thus have you Sir, a character of this Noble Reformer, given us liberally by himselfe, he would not calumniate the Academies, (but censure the corruptions of the present Generation) he professes he hath not done all he could, so that if he faile, we must blame his weaknesse not his Will; where by the way, observe the consequence of his reformed Logick, he could have done more if he would, and yet we must blame his weaknesse not his will.

Hitherto you have had his Apologies, he will now put us to ours, for Explicit Epistola, Incipit Examen Academiarum.

CAP. I. Of the generall ends of erecting publique Schooles.

HE acknowledges, that no Nation hath been so ferall as not to honour Literature, for the Indians had their Brachmans &c. and these had their publick Schooles.

The man we see thinks it brutishnesse not to honour Learning, & the way for Learning to flourish, to be by instituting Academies. How infinitely are we beholden to him for this testimony.

Yet they had not so farre as he can gather (and thats as farre as some milder Author will furnish him, for its hard to name from whence he had his Catalogue of Brachmans, Magi, and Druides, there are so many who taken with the bombast of their names love to recite them) any publick salaryes: But their merit was their maintenance &c. Here first it will be worth the while to observe his course of reasoning, how it differs from ours in the Universities.

1. He cannot gather they had publick Salaries.

2. Therefore they had no Salaries at all (for Their merit was their maintenance.)

3. Yet their excellence in arts procured them Advancement.

I see the reason why he is offended at our Logick; But (to answere [Page] seriously) if he have any meaning in this touch, it must be of bad signification to the Revenues of the Universities.

But it would be sad, if things should be modelled by this mans reading, or Universities were to subsist upon his collections.

Tis true, we never read of AEsculapius, what fees he took, nor of the price of Homers Ballads, yet we know that Homer had a mouth, else how could he sing? And by the Immortality of his Workes we know that his drink was not water.

— nec vivere carmina possunt

Quae scribuntur aquae potoribus.

This mans predecessor in the way of Knight Errantry, had like to have runne into a grievous mistake, because he had never read in any Author, that they used to carry money; and if M. Webster compose himselfe to the model of what he reads concerning those ancient Worthies, I confesse I should feare to keepe him company; for not reading of any shirts or shooes that they made use of, I know not how sweet & cleanly I might find him.

Well Sir, that which followes is very sad, and you having answered the Theologicall part, I intend to skip it over.

The ends of erecting Academies, have been in his account, the same in generall to all people, though they have differed in particulars.

Viz.

Politick, in reference to the Common-wealth

Military.

Civill.

Religious, serving to

Idolatry amongst the Heathen.

The Ministry amongst Christians.

The Politick use he approves of, to the great happinesse of the Universities, rejoyce therefore O ye Academies, for ye may remaine notwithstanding the strenuous endeavour of the Scythians, the Gothes, the Vandalls, and the Huns. Dicite, Io Paean.

But the Religious use of them he disapproves, and here it is that you have sufficiently contunded him, and saved us the labour of a Reply, I shall not therefore need to speake a word to his Theologicall Arguments, the judicious Reader will excuse this Chasme, being so happily prevented by your Learned Strictures, I shall touch upon that which you took no notice of.

It fell within the compasse of his wit, being so vast and comprehensive to discerne, that languages may be judged usefull to [Page] Theology, see therefore how he will elevate their reputation.

It is not (he saies) concluded which are the Originall Copies: and tongues teach but the Grammaticall sence. It is indeed disputed which Copies are Authenticall, betwixt men of his Religion, and those of ours, but the want of Grammar, hath made a Protestant of a Friar, for by translating the word Authenticall, into the word Originall, he hath (by meer chance) renounced the Tridentine Councell, tacitely acknowledging the vulgar Latine not to be Authenticall.

But his Logick is as fortunate as his Grammar, he argues Tongues to be unnecessary to Theology (for I am loth to offend his tender eares or head) because they teach but the Grammaticall sence, and a literall understanding: Sir, you may perhaps demand a reason of the consequence, thinking the knowledge of the Grammaticall sence, to be necessary to the attaining of the Spirituall meaning, but I shall desire to be heard as to the Antecedent, and to be his remembrancer, that Tongues, nay Letters, have taught a way of Mysticall Theology, as mysticall as need to be, and not unworthy to be compared to his which followes; 'tis pitty he had not heard of the mysteries of the Gnosticks, nor the Ziruph Gematry and Notariacon of the Cabalists, that one might have gained his favour to the Greek, the other to the Hebrew Tongue, to the advancement of Marcus and Colarbasus, and the sparing of Behemen & De Fluctibus.

But the knowledge of Tongues is built upon no surer a foundation then traditionall Faith. Alasse! who knowes there ever was such a language as Greeke or Hebrew or Latine, or that the words do signify as we are told. Mr Webster is a deepe thinking man, and will not be put off without a demonstration or revelation (you charge him wrongfully with Popery he hates traditions) and will not I warrant you upon tradition believe that caput signifyes a head, or that this word head, can represent that noble part of his stiled in the verses before his Book his bonny sconce, where so much wit & Learning is inskulled, in this point surely he may say,Preface▪ if he be not guilty of too much dubi [...]ation, with Pyrrho, he is not over confident with Aristotle.

But there are errours in all translations, therefore toungs are unnecessary, how necessary to renounce their reason, is it for those who deale with them of the Mystery. Some would have thought because there were errours therefore the study of Languages are necessary; that were indeed the Logicall consequence, but the other is the Misticall.

His last Argument of making men proud of their skill you have [Page] answered, and this for the first Chapter as to what you thought worthy of your notice, the Second concerning Schoole-Theology, hath felt likewise the weight of your hand: I passe on therefore to the Third, being earnest to tast of his Humanity.

CAP. III. Of the Division of that which the Schooles call Humane Learning, and first of Tongues or Languages.

THAT which he Proposes in the Third Chapter is to speake

1. Of the division of humane Learning, made by

The Schooles.

Himselfe.

2. Of Languages, where he proposes,

1. Their uselessenesse.

2. A Dispute about the way of Attainement, Whether that by Grammar be the best.

3. Errors of Grammar.

4. Advancements, by

Hieroglyphicks.

Symbolismes.

Steganography.

Universall Character.

Language of Nature.

The first part of his undertaking, I shall not stand much upon, because the good man ha's hinted at some others worthy of more consideration, the good man (for I feare I offend when I call him Master Webster, because of pag. 11.) is offended that knowledge should be divided into Speculative and Practicall: Naturall Philosophy hath for its object, Corpus Naturale mobile, and the end is not Speculation, and so its practicall. Mathematicks hath taught men to build houses, &c. therefore that is Practicall, and the Schooles would have them Speculative. A sad thing, and worthy the Animadversion of this great Reformer.

Now if the Schooles should answer, that the end of these Sciences may be practised, and yet they may be speculative, I know not what he would reply. I am much given to observe the course of his ratiocination, which alwaies ends in Mystery. See then [Page] how he proceeds for Naturall Philosophy: This cannot be Speculative, for the end of it is more sublime then to rest in Speculation. Well, whats the end? to behold the eternall power and Godhead, that's, speculation: but farther, to be drawne to worship him, thats indeed practise; But lastly, to worship him, that we may come to the vision of him, that's Speculation; the end therefore of it may be Speculation, and so the Schooles escape a whipping.

For what he saies concerning the Mathematicks, as you know Sr it cannot choose but move mee, they have bin sōetime accounted my Mistresse, and Jealousy must work when I find another courting her, and that so passionately that he falls into an Extasy: (O sublime, transcendent, Pag. 19. beautifull, and most Noble Mistresse (quoth he) who would not be enamoured on thy Seraphick pulchritude &c.) But making my approach to him, I find him at his distance, praying (like some moping Friar to the Lady of Lauretto, or like) the Nephew of the Queene of Faery, and uttering a speech to her, made by Iohn Dee in his Preface, enough to satisfy mee, that she is yet pure and untouched by him, and hath not entertained him into any familiarity.

Seriously Sir, had he read the Book as well as the Preface, nay had he understood but the two first Propositions, he would have perceived, how Theorems doe serve in order to Problemes, and practise may be the end of contemplation, and so againe the Schooles might have escaped him.

Well! but see him divide now the Arts and Sciences, behold him coming to it with his cleaver, or rather with his Herculean beetle endeavouring to split them in three peeces.

1. The first are those that though they seeme to conferre some knowledge, yet they doe it in order to a farther end, and so are instrumentall.

And this part, according to this Author, ought to comprehend all Arts and Sciences, and so the block of Sciences, hath escaped the wedge, though it hath felt the Beetle-head.

2. Those which conferre knowledge of themselves, and are not instrumentall to others, as Naturall Philosophy, &c.

Here the Beetle rebounds, and gives himselfe a blow, for can the science of Naturall things, whose subject is Corpus Naturale mobile, p. 18. chuse but be subordinate and instrumentall to the discovery of God, and the preservation of health? p. 18.19.

3. The third sort are those, which though they conferre some knowledge, and have some peculiar uses, so they seeme necessary as ornamentall.

[Page]We see the blow the Beetle gave him, hath wholly bereft him of his sence, a sad example upon a man, that not contented with the old, would set himselfe to make amongst us new divisions.

Well may he loose his senses, but he will never loose his mettle, he no sooner awakes out of his trance, but biting his tongue by chance, upon that occasion he falls upon the thought of Tongues and Languages. Wherefore woe be to them.

1. The Knowledge of tongues beareth a great noise in the world (and is it not strange that tongues should keep such a noise?) and yet there is not much profit by them.

The profit that is by tongues is only

1. To understand one another.

2. To make forreigne negotiations and to traffick

and therefore 'tis not worth the while to learne them.

The Argument is somewhat mysticall, I shall endeavour a little to unfold the mystery; All good things relate only to the body or mind, and the lives of men are divided into these foure kinds

[...].

[...].

[...].

[...]

Riches or pleasure carry the greatest sway, and those are carryed on in the world by Negotiations and Traffick, these administer to every Nation whatever is the peculiar advantage of any one, & furnishes them all with Gold & Silver, &c. which men have agreed to make the common measure of riches, and with all things conducing to health and pleasure. Now there is no traffick without the use of Languages, therefore there is not much profit in them. Well these are commonly counted good things, but our Zeletique or Sceptick may be in that a Stoick, these are commoda not bona, things that are good and profitable are the goods of the mind, and those are attained by making use of the Discourse and writings of men of all Ages and Nations, and that is not to be done without skill in Languages, So that againe there is but little profit by them.

'Tis true no sort of men can well be without thē, as they cannot be without the Sun, (his heat to nourish, his light to guide them) therefore the use of them is little, this is his Logick, but I am apt to forget my selfe as oft as I shall fall into his Mysteries.

2. But if Languages were worth the while to learne, yet the way of teaching them (by Grammar &c.) is not the best. Either the way must be by Grammar, or by Exercise in Colloquy, if the latter it must [Page] be gained by cōversation either

at home

or abroad.

First for the Learned languages, Latin, Greeke, Hebrew and the rest of that ranke, whether shall a man travell to converse with such as will speake to him in those tongues: as for other tongues, as French, Italian, Spanish &c. his advice will be to travell into those Nations. But if any man make it his businesse to comprehend them all, he must either hire men of all sorts to be with him as Conversers, or must apply himselfe to all, (travelling till he meet with them) so that the result will be that instead of some daies in his study, a man spends many years in travell or conversation, and all for saving the expence of time and charges.

The way of Conversation, makes men ready and confident, but that alone will never make them accurate, an instance whereof we have, in that none that have no skill in Grammar, can ever amongst us (though they speake excellently) attaine the true writing of our English Tongue, and though many have come to be knowing men, as to the substance, and vastly read, yet I never knew an accurate man, fit to write or speake in any learned Language, who neglected the Grammar of it.

This I thought proper enough for an Academicall man to take notice of: as for his exceptions to the Grammar, as being void of Evidentiall perspicuity, and not coapted to the tender capacities of young years &c. I leave them to the Schooles of the lower forme to answer. The man supposes that Universities, like to the Scholae Illustres of the Jesuites, teach the Latine Grammar, and to goe through even the lowest elements of learning: but you know Sir, that it is neither usuall nor lawfull to teach the Latine Grammar in the Universities.Stat. Cant. If this man have ever seene any Universities, they have been the Romish Schooles and Academies, to whose elevation, the Learning which he discovers, and the reformation he proposes, are (to use his excellent phrase) coapted.

But in truth I am extreamly ravished at the defects he finds in Grammar, and his proposalls for its advancement, how sweetly and congruously hath he drawn in to the reliefe and advancement of Grammar and Language, those things which mortall men intended to set in opposition to them. It is reported of Friar Bacon, that time was when by the strength of Alchymy he made a Brazen head to speake Time is &c. but how farre hath our Friar exceeded him, who taking of Hieroglyphicks, Emblemes, Symbols, and [Page] Cryptography, and according to his capacity, hath extracted out of silence, an advance of Eloquence, and from dumb signes a Grammar. Sir, I doe not deny that the consideration of these things may very well accompany the consideration of Grammar, and the defects in these kinds may be spoken of very methodically, together w [...]th the defects of Grammar, they being all conversant (though in waies as absolutely different as the eare is from the ey) about signification, and generally referring to it: but to make them all one, or parts of each other, amounts to no lesse then a great want of consideration.

It is a thing to be acknowledged by all considering men, that knowledge is conveighed by signification of our notions to one another, that signes may be made (by institution of men) in any way which doth admit of a sufficient variety, and that knowledge may be communicated, as well by the eye as by the eare, but to say that by introducing that way, either Grammar or Languages should be advanced, it were as mysticall as to affirme, that the day light is advanced by the coming of the night, or that he would kill a man for his preservation.

To discourse concerning Hieroglyphicall (or Emblematicall) and Cryptographicall Learning, is as needlesse, to men that know any thing, as uselesse to M Webster, who out of the abundance of his ingenuity, confesses the Cryptographicall Bookes of Porta, Agrippa, Trit [...]hemius, &c. to be written to his wonder and amazement; what was the designe of them, and to whether Pallas they referre, he troubles not himselfe to know, it is enough for him, that Orthography and Cryptography have the same end, and he hath heard that the first is a part of Grammar: and why may not Emblems be a part of Grammar, as well as Etymology, they begin both with a letter, the word sounds as well, and Emblematicall is a neater word, and suits perhaps better with his mouth then Etymologicall. Besides.

Hierogliphicks and Cryptography, were invented for concealement of things, and used either in mysteries of Religion which were infanda, or in the exigences af Warre, or in occa [...]ions of the deepest secresy, (such as those of Love, which is not to be owned, or of the great Elix [...]r, and the like) and Grammar is one of those Arts and Language one of those helps, which serve for explication of our minds and notions: How incongruous then is it, that the Art of Concealement, should not be made a part of the Art of Illustration; surely it would make much to the advancement of Children while they are learning the Elements of Grammar, to be put upon the [Page] speculation of the Mensa Isiacae, the Canopi, and Obeliskes, the Thesaurus Hieroglyphicus, or Grosschedel's Magicall Calendar; This would certainly effect, even in Children, what Porta & Agrippa have done to M. Webster, bring them to Wonder and Amazement.

But he hath extreamely disobliged whosoever have been Authors of the Symbolicall way, either in Mathematicks, Philosophy, or Oratory, to bring them under the ferula, and make those who have exempted themselves from the encombrances of words to be brought post liminio, into the Grammar Schoole, it was little thought by Vieta, M. Oughtred, or Herrigon, that their designation of quantities by Species, or of the severall waies of managing them by Symbols (whereby we are enabled to behold, as it were, with our eyes, that long continued series of mixt and intricate Ratiocination, which would confound the strongest fancy to sustaine it, and are with ease let in to the Abstruseft, and most perplexed depths, wherein the contemplation of quantity is concerned) should ever have met so slight a considerer of them, as should bring them under Grammar. It is very well known to the youth of the University, that the avoiding of confusion or perturbatiō of the fancy made by words, or preventing the los of sight of the generall reason of things, by the disguise of particular nūbers, having passed through severall formes of operation, was the end and motive of inventing Mathematicall Symbols, so that it was a designe perfectly intended against Language and its servant Grammar, and that carried on so farre, as to oppose the use of numbers themselves, which by the Learned, are stiled Lingua Mathematicorum, with whom [...] and numero inexplicabile are equipollent: But Mr W. makes me wild to follow him in his mysteries.

The use of Symbols is not confined to the Mathematicks only; but hath been applied to the nature of things, by the Pythagorean Philosophers, and diverse of the Cabalists, and to the Art of Speaking, by diverse both Jewes and others: and this Symbolicall art is that Ars Combinatoria, frō which Picus Mirandula & others, make such large undertakings. The Pythagoreans did make Symbols of numbers, designing (ex Arbitrio) the parts of nature (as the supreme mind, the first matter &c.) by them, an instance whereof is Platos, Timeus; the Combinatorian Jews (viz. the Author of Iezirah and others) and from them I. Picus: Schalichius Lully, and others, have made Symbols of the Letters of the Alphabet, so that [...] signifies with them God: [...] the Angelicall Nature &c. The use of this way with all Symbolicall writers old or new, (Numeralls, Literalls,[Page]Algebraicalls (for there want not such as have designed things by the notes of Cossic powers) is to discourse (that is to compare subjects and subjects, subjects and Predicates, and to deduce conclusions) freely without the trouble of words, upon which while the mind of man is intended, it neither sees the consequence so cleerely, nor can so swiftly make comparison as when it is acquitted of those obstacles, an instance whereof every man hath in casting an account by Sarracenicall Ziphers, which is much more certaine and speedy, then if the numbers were designed either in words at length, or in the letters of any Alphabet; if ever there be a speedy way made to the attainement of Knowledge, it must be by making a shorter, and clearer cutt to the understanding (by the way of signification) then that which is travailed now by words; which advancement of Learning and Knowledge, will bring (not an advance, as this man innocently supposes, but) an elevation and uselessenesse upon Language and Grammar.

For this effect is that which is pretended to by the Vniversall Character, about which he smatters so deliciously viz. To take away from every Nation the necessity of Learning any other beside their mother tongue (which no Nation is taught by the rules of Grammar) by designing all things & notions by certaine common signes which may be intelligible by all alike though diversly expressible (as our numerall notes, the notes of the 12 Signes &c.) You see Sir how methodicall the man is by bringing this under Grammar, however I shall take this hint to speake a little freely concerning this Argument.

Sir when I first fell from that verbose way of tradition of the Mathematicks, used by the Ancients, and of late by almost all (such as Clavius and the like) who have written huge Volumes of particular subjects; into the Symbolicall way, invented by Vieta, advanced by Harriot, perfected by Mr Oughtred, and Des Cartes: I was presently extreamly taken with it, finding by this meanes, that not only the substance of those vast Volumes might be brought into the compasse of a sheet or two, but that the things thus reduced were more comprehensible and mannageable; the labour of the braine much taken off, and a way layd open (by the various comparisons and applications of quantities) for invention and demonstration of infinite propositions with more ease then before we could vnderstand those which others had invented for us. And I was put upon an eranest desire, that the same course might be taken in other things (the affections of quantity, the object of universall [Page] Mathematicks, seeming to be an Argument too slender to engrosse this benefit.) My first proposall was to find whether other things might not as well be designed by Symbols, and herein I was presently resolved that Symboles might be found for every thing and notion, (I having found the variety of many millons of signes in a square of a quarter of an Inch.) So that an Universall Character might easily be made wherein all Nations might communicate together, just as they do in numbers and in species. And to effect this, is indeed the designe of such as hitherto have done any thing concerning an Universall Character. And the thing thus proposed is feasible, but the number of severall Characters will be almost infinite (at left as great as the number of primitive words in the most copious tongues and the learning of them either impossible or very difficult. Of this kind I have seen severall Essayes, one in Print, another in Manuscript shewed to K. Charles (containing the first Book of Homers Iliads done into Characters,) but in truth such as would never be received, or if they should, would give us no other benefit, besides a communication without language (which is that which is spoken of the China Characters.)

So that the tradition of Learning, or faciliation of it would be but little advanced by this meanes. But it did pesently occurre to me, that by the helpe of Logick and Mathematiticks this might soone receive a mighty advantage, for all Discourses being resolved in sentences, those into words, words signifying either simple notions or being resolvible into simple notions, it is manifest, that if all the sorts of simple notions be found out, and have Symboles assigned to them, those will be extreamly few in respect of the other, (which are indeed Characters of words, such as Tullius Tiro's) the reason of their composition easily known, and the most compounded ones at once will be comprehended, and yet will represent to the very eye all the elements of their composition, & so deliver the natures of things: and exact discources may be made demonstratively without any other paines then is used in the operations of specious Analytics.

And to such a character as this, there is but one thing more desireable, which is to make it effable, because it is a dul thing to discourse by pointing & indication: and as to this there is thus much obvious, that if the first & most simple things & notions are so few as is the nūber of consonants, & the modall variations so few as may be expressed by Vowels and Diphthongs, this also may be done with [Page] great ease and clearenesse, otherwise not without admitting Homonymies and Synonimies into that language. And here also, a successe hath been found much beyond expectation, viz. that the characters before described may be utterable, and the names be made up of the definitions of things, or a complexion of all those notions, whereof a Complexe is compounded, every simple notion being expressed by one syllable, and the most complexe notion, consisting of as many syllables, as it doth of simple elementall notions. This designe if perfected, would be of very great concernement to the advancement of Learning, and I know one in this University, who hath attempted some thing this way, & undertaks as farre as the tradition of reall Learning, by which I understand the Mathematicks, and Naturall Philosophy, and the grounds of Physick.

However M. Webster will be brought by this, to acknowledge that these things are considered in the Universities, and that they only are not dry, whilest he and his friends are madid.

Such a Language as this (where every word were a definition and contain'd the nature of the thing) might not unjustly be termed a naturall Language, and would afford that which the Cabalists and Rosycrucians have vainely sought for in the Hebrew, And in the names of things assigned by Adam, which M. Webster, passing the bounds of sence and reason, would bring under the Laws and regulation of Donatus, although as he concludes most Grammatically, C. ult. it be not Acquisitive but Dative.

Sir, familiarity with M. Webster makes me bold with him, and that hath encouraged me, to deny that ever there was any such Language of Nature, and to offer him this Demonstration.

The Paradisicall Protoplast, being Characteristically bound to the Ideal Matrix of Magicall contrition, by the Symphoniacall inspeaking of Aleph tenebrosum, and limited by Shem hamphorash to the centrall Idees, in-blowne by the ten numerations of Belimah, which are ten and not nine, ten and not eleaven; and consequently being altogether absorpt in decyphering the signatures of Ensoph, beyond the sagacity of either a Peritrochiall, or an Isoperimetrall expansion. The lynges of the faetiferous elocution, being disposed only to introversion, was destitute at that time of all Peristalticall effluxion, which silenced the Otacousticall tone of of the outflying word, and suppressed it in singultient irructations. But where the formes are thus enveloped in a reluctancy to Pamphoniacall Symbols, and the Phantasmaticall effluviums checked by the tergiversation of the Epiglottis, from its due subserviency to that [Page] concord and harmony which ought to have been betwixt lapsed man and his fellow strings, each diatesseron being failed of its diapente necessary to make up a Diapason no perfect tone could follow. And consequently this Language of nature must needs be impossible.

I am apt to suspect that this demonstration may to some seeme somewhat obscure, but I am very sure that if Mr Webster doth understand what he hath transcribed upon this subject it must have to him (to use his own phrase) an evidentiall perspicuity.

Thus having demonstrated what I undertooke, I make an end of this Chapter, and proceed to comment upon your text, concerning that which followes.

CAP. IV. Of Logick.

HOw great a favourer of Sciences Mr Webster is, will appeare in this, that in every chapter his Discourse (If I may be bold to call it so without a Catachresis) equally runnes against the Schooles, and the arts themselves. I am perswaded he used to be sorely beaten in the Schooles with stripes, and that hath raised up in him, this fatall indignation, wo worth the hand that gathred the twigs, that made the rod, that whipt the — for what if he were uncapable of Arts? Ex quovis ligno non fit &c. & what though frō a child he were given to Pilfering, & to Plagiarisme, we know that every thing would live, & if he now can make a Book from whence he hopes that he shall volitare—vivus per ora virum, & yet take of that Booke, whole sheets together from other Authors, mentioning them only now and then in the margent, as if he quoted a line or two of them, if I say by this trade he can live, yes and rant amongst the Levellers, and be suffered to spend much paper, let them say what they please, the man is to be regarded both as a wit, and a great paines-taker.

That which followes & is considerable in this whole Booke, except his raptures when he falls in contemplation of Magick, Astrology, or Behmens workes is intirely taken from others, but they are strong men, theres his valour, and they are none of his acquaintance, theres his ingenuity this Chapter begins pag. 32. and reaches to the 40. pag. of these, his 33. pag. is taken from Gassendas his Exercitations pag. 162. his 34th from L. Bacon pag. 33 (in 160) his 36th from [Page] Gassend. Exerc. pag. 100, 101, 102. his 37. and 38. out of Helmont. pag. 42, 43, 44. the rest of the Chapter out of Verulam and Agrippa, and thus I could give an account of all the rest were it not to be Jejune and troublesome.

But to come to our Examen his scope being to speake against the Logick taught in our Universities, his Discourse runs upon these heads.

1. Logick is a meere verball contest.

2. It is ill applyed for the finding forth of verity, Induction being laid aside and Syllogisme taken up.

3. It teaches no certane rules of

Abstracting notions.

Fitting words to notion.

4. It is made a part of Physicks, intricated with thorny questions &c.

5. Aristotles Logick is defective &c. as followes in Gassend. locis ut supra.

6. There are errours in the parts, viz.

1. In Definition.

2. In Division.

3. In Argumentation by Syllogisme.

1. Their conclusion not necessarily compels assent.

2. Syllogizing doth not teach that which we are ignorant of before.

3. Syllogisticall conclusions beget but bare opination.

7. Lullyes Art (an Alphabeticall way for Syllogizing) better then the other, deserving wonderous great praise, yet leaves the mind vast and unsatisfied. So great is the difference betwixt putation and true knowledge.

If the man had intended to speak to our Capacityes, he should have first examined what Logick is usually taught in Universities & disputed against it; now he hath roved at all and some interchangeably, accordingly as the fortune of his Collectors hath enabled him, speaking first against the Boyes, for hissing, then against Syllogisme, then against Definition, then against Aristotle, then against Definition &c. And after that against Aristotle and Syllogizing: you see Sir the generosity of this man he will not make use of Logick against it selfe, and you will think me ridiculous in answering to his Allegation (the University being wholy inconcerned,) but ile be exceeding briefe.

1. A Systeme of rules directing us to the knowledge of the truth begets no intestine warre no humming, hissing, nor obfuscation.

[Page]2. The use of Induction is taught in the University as well as the use of Syllogisme; Logick is universally subservient to the enquiry of all truths; Induction is ridiculously applyed to Mathematicall truths, and Syllogisme is to be applyed to Physicks; it was a misfortune to the world, that my Lord Bacon was not skilled in Mathematicks, which made him jealous of their Assistance in naturall Enquiries; when the operations of nature shall be followed up to their Staticall (and Mechanicall) causes, the use of Induction will cease, and Sylogisme succeed in the place of it, in the interim we are to desire that men have patience not to lay aside Induction before they have reason.

3. Logick doth teach certaine rules of Abstracting notions viz by examining the Agreements and disagreements (which they call the Genus and Difference) of things, and if our notions of things have been rashly abstracted, the fault hath been either in the obscurity of nature, or in the dullnesse or impatience of Phylosophers & not in the Logick of the Academies. The notions of things being rightly abstracted they are rightly assigned to words by Definition.

4. The questions concerning the entity of Logicall notions, and other Physicall and Metaphysicall things, are not (to my Knowledge) mingled with the tradition of Logick, (otherwise then to afford examples to the Rules of it) so that this complaint may concerne others, but not our Universities.

5. Aristotles Organon is not read to the youth of this University, (how justly I contend not) neither was it ever understood, or ever will be by M. Webster, then why should we fall out about it?

6. 1. It is a prodigious Ignorance in Helmont (from whom M. Webster without regard to common honesty, hath taken what ensues) to think there are no other, or scarce any differences known, beside Rationall and Irrationall: This is frequently met withall in the vulgar Systems of Logick as an example, and he thought no more was knowne: without regard to all demonstrative Mathematicall knowledge: but he could not speake of things he understood not; why then should the blind lead the blind?

2. Something he would have spoken against Division, but he had it not about him; so we can only thanke him for his good intentions in that particular.

3. His Exceptions against Syllogizing (I meane his new supply out of Helmont are these.)

1. Their Conclusions doe not necessarily compell Assent. viz. [Page] M. Webster is one who can grant the premises in a true Syllogisme, and yet deny the conclusion. I Answere this is by a speciall gift.

2 His Second exception, I say, that the eduction of a third Proposition, or truth from two that were known before, is a teaching of what we knew not, otherwise no man living need to study for any Demonstrative Knowledge: tis possible M. Webster may know that totum est majus sua parte, and the other Axioms in Euclid, yet I dare say, he understands not, that in a Rectangled Triangle, the square of the Hypothenuse, is equall to the conjoyned squares of the other sides, much lesse any of the Propositions concerning the Regular Bodies, or Conic Sections.

3. And whereas he saies, that Syllogisticall conclusions beget but bare opination; we ought to pardon him, Helmont told him so, and he knew not that there was such a thing as Syllogismus Demonstrativus, and what would you have of a Cat? &c.

7. But though he have despised these waies, he will give an excellent account of the Art of Lully, and indeed his description argues him a man of profound search into the things he deales with: it is he saith, An Alphabeticall way for Syllogizing: a description sunke many fathoms beyond the profundity of truth or sence, and if there be any sence assigneable to this description, it will amount to such a Definition of Geometry as this, It is an Art of Knowing something by the helpe of Letters, Syllables, Words, and Figures: a matter of grievous skil and judgement to discover Sir I need not own my conversation in that Art of Lully: yet I meet with few that have considered much more of it then my selfe, and this I undertake to be accountable for to M. Webster, that neither that, nor Logick are unusefull▪ yet that Logick conduces more to the invention, and search, and strict examination of Truth, and that other more to the invention of Arguments for discourse: the one more appropriate to Logicall, (as 'tis called) the other to Rhetoricall, or Poeticall invention; the one is a very good way for beginners, the other extreamely usefull to men that have already attained to the knowledge of things, to fetch the notions of things with ease and celerity in their view; and fit men for secure and ready speaking. I have now done with his Chapter of Logick and come to that concerning Mathematicks.

CAP. V. Of the Mathematicall Sciences.

[Page]

THE Mathematicks are extreamely beholding to him for his Favours (but sure without any speciall desert from him) He hath heard of their perspicuity, veritude, and certitude, and complaines they are so slightly handled, without any solid practice, or true Demonstrations.

You know Sr, how much this makes towards a bribeing of mee; My clamour is against the neglect of Mathematics in our method of study, & you would think I cannot chuse but receive a cōplacency from his concurrence; lyet such is the perversenes of my nature, that I have not upon any occasion, felt my spleen so high, streining upon a downe-right indignation, as when I find him and Mr Dell praising the Mathematicks: for why? what have the Mathematicks deserved? that these men should render them contemptible by their commendations: You know Sir, it was heretofore accounted an instance of Mathematicall skill, to give the dimensions of Hercules from the measure of his foot, what if I should adventure to give you the measure of this Mathematicall Hercules, or Herculean Mathematian. Sir ile begin to rant the society with these men having brought me to it, and I will give you the (Mathematicall) measure of two of them together Mr Webster and Mr Dell.

The measure of their pous (for they tread both in the same steps and are Mathematitians both of a cise) I take meerely from their buzzing Discourse about Mathematicks, and lay this for my Assertion as the result & summe that may be collected from what they have said in that argument (where I put with the jejuner discourse all the Rhetorick Poetry. All all the raptures, extasyes and exclamations, & bring them into this aequation) & that if A be a symboll of a known measure of skill to be expressed in the number 666. the skill of them both put together will be equall to Aq—AqCCC, (the mischiefe is they do not understand me) and thence it followes as a corollary, that neither of them ever understood one demonstration or aequation, and for assurance of what I say, I undertake, that if either or both of them joyntly or severally be able to resolve a common adfected aequation, or give the Geometricall effection of it (that which many Boyes in the University are able [Page] to do) I will procure them one of our Mathematick Professors places.

But he sayes The Schooles have done little or nothing to advance learning, or promote Science, tis true that my L. Nepair, Mr Briggs, and Mr Oughtred, (private Spirits) have done something &c.

Will he be allwayes so mysterious? Was not Mr Oughtred Fellow of K. Colledge in Cambridge, and Mr Briggs first Fellow of St Iohns, afterwards Professour of Geometry at Gresham Colledge, and did he not lastly live and dye Professor of Geometry at Oxford, did not most or all of those he mentions afterwards, Professe and read the Mathematicks in severall Schooles and Academies, and is not Gassendus (from whom he takes whole sheets together of this Rapsody) Professour of Astronomy at Paris.

What then doth this man meane, to say the Schooles (as he termes them) have not advanced these sciences; dos he expect that the Colledge buildings, or Sr Thomas Bodlyes frame should do it? Indeed they will do it as soone as he. But I forget my selfe, the summe of his complaints is this.

1. That Arithmetick and Geometry are neglected, the Schooles contenting themselves with verball disputes of magnitude, &c.

2. That Opticks have received no advance.

3. That the Theory of Musick is neglected.

4. That the Astronomy Schooles teach according to the Ptolemaick System, which they maintaine with Rigour. And against this his spirit runs out in very many Arguments.

5. They are ignorant of the other parts, as Geography, Hydrography, Chorography, &c.

6. They doe not professe the divine Art or Science of Astrology.

7. Somewhat he would say of Staticks, Architecture, Pneumatithmy, &c. Commemorated by Dr Iohn Dee.

Concerning these, I shall speake as briefely as is possible.

1 Arithmetick and Geometry are sincerely & profoundly taught, Analyticall Algebra, the Solution and Application of Aequations, containing the whole mystery of both those sciences, being faithfully expounded in the Schooles by the professor of Geometry, and in many severall Colledges by particular Tutors, and were he an Idoneous Auditor, I undertake he should receive full satisfaction here in that particular, however I will be bound he shall be wrought upon (as he expresses it else-where) even to wonder and amazement.

2. His next complaint is, that the Opticks are neglected, (I cannot [Page] say what they are generally, but this I know, that there have been lately given by some persons here instances of more solid knowledge of all sorts of radiation or vision, then ever were here, or indeed elsewhere before, and that such things are ordinary now amongst us (done by some amongst our selves) as heretofore were counted Magicall.

3. The Theory of Musick is not neglected, indeed the Musick meeting, by the Statutes of this University, appointed to be once a weeke, hath not of late been observed, our Instruments having been lately out of tune, and our harpes hanged up, but if such men as he should please to come among us, and put us to an examen, without doubt we should then have a fit of Mirth &c.

4. But of all things the Astronomy Schooles he is most offended at, as maintaining with Rigour the Ptolemaick System: And against this he disputes with Arguments able to turne a Copernican into a Ptolemaick: the thing, as to our University, you know to be most false; I believe there is not one man here, who is so farre Astronomicall, as to be able to calculate an Eclipse, who hath not received the Copernican System, (as it was left by him, or as improved by Kepler, Bullialdus, our own Professor, and others of the Ellipticall way) either as an opinion, or at leastwise, as the most intelligible, and most convenient Hypothesis. For my selfe, you know well my principles of Phylosophy and Astronomy, and how little this whole Pamphlet concernes me, yet in defence of Ptolemy this may be said with justice, that there is no Astronomicall Book in the World, which may not be better spared then his [...]: Sir H. Savile (then whom in his time, Europe had not a better judge of things of that nature,) saies of it, nihil illi par aut aequale: and I heard this lately discoursed and demonstrated, by one (having relation to him) who himselfe is yet a Copernican of the Ellipticall family; had this man ever seen the Almagest, or Ptolomies Hypo [...]yposis, he would have known, that Ptolomy never medled with solid Orbes, he only salved the Phenomena, which were left him by Excentricks and Epicycles, and medled notwith the Physicall part at all: and indeed there is no Mathematick Book in the world more learned or usefull in its kind, then Ptolemies Almagist, but it is above the capacity of M. Websters cise to understand either his solution of Triangles, his investigation of Apogees and Excentricities, his Demonstration of the Inequalities of the Planets, his concluding of them from the Phenomena of nature, and his exhibition of them by his hypothesis.

[Page]The Method here observed in our Schooles is, first to exhibit the Phenomena, and shew the way of their observation, then to give an account of the various Hypotheses, how those Phenomena have been salved, or may be (where the Aequipollency or defects of the severall Hyppotheses are shewn.) And lastly to shew how the Geometricall Hypotheses are resolvible into tables, serving for calculation of Ephemerides, which are of quotidian use, and if Mr Webster have any thing to amend in this method, and will afford it our Professor, I will undertake he will be thankfull for it.

The puerility of his Arguments your selfe have noted, they are sacred I will not name them.

5. It is not faire to say we are ignorant of Cosmography, unlesse he had tried us, indeed, if we be so, I know some must answer for it, Sir Henry Savile hath laid it upon one of his Professors to Read publickly after the body of Astronomy, these Arts he mentions, and if he be ignorant of them, let M. Webster informe against him, and take his Profession, winne it and weare it. You will give me leave Sir, to publish in our vindication, what your selfe and I know to be true. These Arts he mentions, are not only understood, and taught here, but have lately received reall and considerable advances (I meane since the Universities came into those hands wherein now it is) particularly Arithmetick, and Geometry, in the promotion of the Doctrine of Indivisibilia, and the discovery of the naturall rise and mannagement of Conic Sections and other solid places. Opticks and Perspective, by various inventions and applications on Gnomonicks and picture Astronomy in polishing, and indeed perfecting the Ellipticall hypothesis, and rendring it Geometricall; and surely if we may still enjoy the encouragement of the Higher Powers, we may hope in a little time, to give a good account of our selves, as to these particulars.

6. But the mischiefe is, we are not given to Astrology, a sad thing, that men will not forsake the study of Arts and Languages, and give themselves up to this high and Noble Art or Science, he knowes not what to call it: Nay call it that ridiculous cheat, made up of nonsence and contradictions, founded only upon the dishonesty of Impostors, and the frivolous curiosity of silly people, so as none but one initiated in the Academy of Bethlem, would require of us, that we should be Philosophers and Mathematicians, and yet not to have outgrowne this gullery. I speake not to him (for he understands as much of Astrology as of other things) but to those he so highly adores (for one of whom viz. Mr Ashmole, [Page] I have a very good respect) I make this proffer, that if they can assert either upon the grounds of reason, or constant experiment, any one rule of Judiciall Astrology, nay if they can maintaine, that the very foundations of them, are not frivolously and ridiculously laid and retained, I shall joyne with Mr. W. in desiring that the Thundering Pulpit men, may submit to the Blundering Hell-pitmen, and that Divinity (he will let me use that word rather then loose a Conunrim) may give way to Divination. The pretence of Astrology is to divine by the Syzyges of the Planets. The Planets are considered, as they respect either (1) the 12 houses, or (2) the signes of the Zodiac, or (3) one another, or (4) according to their site and native powers.

Against them I assert, that their Houses have no foundation, for whereas there are three waies of assigning them, either by dividing the Ecliptick, the first verticall or the Aequinoctiall into 12 equall parts, they have forsaken the two former, and called the last the rationall way (as condemning the two former of irrationality) yet this rationall way serves but for some parts of the sphere, and those that live under a right or parallel sphere (if any doe) must be deprived of the benefit of Astrology, because in a right sphere they are confounded, and in a parallel there are no houses.

2. In relation to the signes of the Zodiac, the Planets are conceived to have their Exaltations or Diminutions, and here they discover a most profound stupidity: about the time when this folly took place, the Apogees and Perigees of the severall Planets being by Astronomers determined to be in certaine places of the Zodiac: this exaltation or depression, in respect of distance, they Coxcomically have understood in respect to their virtue, and though their Apogees be changed, they still retaine in those very places their Exaltations.

3. Their number of Aspects is Arbitrary, and there may as well be made 600 as 6. and granting there were any reason or ground for their good or bad signification, they must signify to one another, not to us.

4. Lastly, the vertues of the Planets themselves, that they are hot and cold, male and female &c. is ridiculously founded; who ever felt the heat of Mars, or cold of Saturne? The whole Theory is formed with respect to the Peripateticall System, the conceit of the foure Elements, and if they should be granted, conduce nothing to the fortune-telling which they professe.

[Page]I have but touched these things, yet so as I have strook at the root of their whole imposture, and if they can satisfy in these things, I will be their Proselite.

7 Seeing Mr Webster had nothing to say of Staticks, Architecture, Pnemaththmy, &c. I only shall say that all or most, have received some improvement in this place, as we shall make appeare when he makes his visitation.

CAP. VI. Of Scholastick Phylosophy.

THis Chapter of his consists of two parts, an affirmative and a Negative; the first concernes the way of Phylosophy, which he saith is professed in the Schooles viz. The Aristotelicall way: in the other he would exhibit the Desiderata, those things whereof the Universities are ignorant.

He disputes against the Aristotelicall Philolophy in more then twenty whole pages of this Chapter, but his dispute is interrupted by the Desiderata: for from pag. 53. to 67. inclusivè, he is Ant-Aristoticall; thence to the 78. p. come in his other exceptions, and from the 78. page to 83. (viz. to the end of the Chapter) he hath another bang at Aristotle.

You know Sir, how little either I my selfe, or our Universities, are concerned to interesse our selves in this quarrell, considering the liberty that is here allowed and taken, this Discourse may perhaps concern Collegium Conimbricense or some forraign Universities, and let them Answer it.

Yet I must confesse I wondered at this chap. both at the learning, the Inequality, and the method of it; I presently found some things in it to exceed the Genius of our Reformer, and some things well becomming him both in respect of his Learning, Method, and Ingenuity.

Concerning his Desiderata I shall speake briefely by themselves, after I have given an account first of his Antaristotelicall matter, then of his Method.

I have formerly intimated how good he is at taking hints, I forgot to give notice in the last Chapter of that faculty of his; Now I will not see him wronged, my Proposition is, That there is not one Argument against Aristotle, which he hath not taken entirely out of [Page] Gassendis Exercitations adversus Aristoteleos, beside a little out of Helmont, to spare words I have annexed this Table.

Webster. Page | Gassend. Page | Here come in the Desiderata, Afterwards
53 | 53, 54, 55 |  |
54 | 56 |  |
55 | 58, 59, 60 |  |
56 | 60 | Webster. | Gassend.
57 | 62, 63 | Page | Page
58 | 64 | 78 | 141
59 | 78 | 79 | 146, 167
60 | 79 | 80 | 167
61 | 81, 83 | 81 | 170, 171, 172
62 | 84 | 82 | 186
63 | 90, 92 | 83 | 189, 195
64 | 93 |  |
Webster. | Helm. |  |
65 | 46 |  |
66 | & deinceps. |  |
67 |  |  |

You may think Sir I love the man, otherwise I should not take this paines with him; this concernes his Learning, that which discovers his ingenuity is, that in the transcription of all these 18 whole Pages out of Gassendus, he never quotes him▪ only for a line or two by the by, pag. 66▪ he names him.

Q. But you will wonder why this chasme should be betwixt pag. 67. and p. 78. and why he could not have given Aristotle his lurry altogether?

Ans. I answer because his Translator failed him, who should have brought it to him altogether.

Mr Webster being above, or without all skill in Languages, and destitute of revelation, was forced to get another to translate (he onely attempting at one small parcell pag. 64. Accedebat ad haec ingenium viri (Aristotelis) tectum & callidum &c. which he construes, there happened to these things the close wit of the man &c. though his translator stayes, yet (sensible in how great need the world stood of his labour) [Page] he goes on, and when his Translator brings in his remnant, he claps it into the rest crying first come first served, and that's the just account and reason of this Method.

The summe of his complaints is this.

1. Naturall Magick is abominated, and prosecuted with fire and sword, and not only so, but the name of it execrable &c.

2. The sublime science of Pyrotechny, or Chymistry neglected.

3. Medicine 1. Turned to flattery &c. 2. Ill bottomed upon false Phylosophy. 3. The Galenicall way not advanced.

4. Discoveries in Anotomy 1. Vselesse (as Circulation) 2. Defective, as to the discovery of the Signatures of the invisible Archeus.

5. Chirurgery defective in curing the Lupus, Cancer, &c.

Againe, that the Schooles are ignorant of

1. Celestiall Signatures, and Subcelestiall Physiognomy, viz. Meteorologicall, Mineralogicall, Botanicall, Anthropologicall.

2. The three great Hypostaticall soule-ravishing Principles, Salt, Sulphur, and Mercury.

3. Magneticall Phylosophy.

4. Atomicall Learning.

To all these I shall make a very briefe reply.

Ans. 1. It is surely a wonderfull thing, that naturall Magick should not only be prosecuted with fire and sword, but that it should be execrable also. Yet notwithstanding this lamentable persecution, I dare adventure my life, That M. W. may passe safely with this Examen, carrying it either in his pocket, or in his hand, or in his mouth through both the Universities of this Nation, the severall Colleges of Eaton, Winchester &c. the College of Physitians at London, and all the rest, (provided he have a care how he passes by the College at Bethlem) without any danger of Bell, Booke, or Candle, Fire, Sword or Execration. As for those Authors who have treated of that Argument such as Agrippa, Porta, Wecker, & the rest, you know Sir how oft they have deluded us how very slender a proportion of truth is conteined in their volumes, that they are not respected here because of the name Magick, much less for any conjuring they teach, but for the cheat and imposture which they put upon us, eluding credulous men with the pretence of specificall vertues, and occult celestiall Signatures and taking them off from observation & experiment (the only way to the knowledge of nature) The discoveries of the Symphonies of nature, and the rules of applying agent and materiall causes to produce effects, is the true naturall Magick, and the generall humane ends of all [Page] Pylosophycall enquiries; but M. Webster knew not this, 'tis plaine therefore he is no Witch, and is therefore free from persecution.

2. Chymistry you know is not neglected here (there being a conjunction of both the Purses and endeavours of severall persons towards discoveries of that kind, such as may serve either to the discovery of light or profit, either to Naturall Philosophy or Physick. But Mr Webster expects we should tell him, that we have found the Elixar, (surely we are wiser then to say so) yet we can recommend him to one of his faith, who hath been threescore years in the pursuance of it, and two years since believed he was very neare it.

3. By what Chymicall operation Physick should be turned into flattery, in truth I cannot fancy. The practice of Physick hath been bottomed upon experience and observation.

4. And that is the reason, that the discoveries of the Circulation of the blood, of the venae lacteae, both Mesentericall and Thoracicall, of the vas breve, and severall new ductus, vasa lymphatica &c. have not made an alteration in the practice of Physick, answerable to the advantage they have given to the Theory; and the security and confirmation they have brought to the former waies of practice.

As for his Postulatum of discovering the signatures of the Invisible Archeus by Anatomy, it is one of his Rosycrucian Rodomantados; would he have us by diffection surprize the Anima mundi, & shew him the impressions of a thing invisible? Yet the Schematismes of nature in matters of sensible bulke, have been observed amongst us, and collections made of them in our inquiries, and when the microscope shall be brought to the highest (whether it is apace arriving) we shall be able either to give the seminall figures of things, which regulates them in their production and growth, or evince them to lye in quantities insensible, and so to be in truth invisible.

5. If neither Physick nor Surgery should be defective, he ought to believe, that man should be Immortall, or at least, be as long lived as the Rosycrucians tell him. Yet Surgery as well as Physick, hath even in our time been extremely advanced, this place hath given late instances of both; (particularly in recovering the Wench after she had been hanged at least halfe an hower, and others which I could mention) And the Colledge of Physitians at London is [Page] the glory of this Nation, and indeed of Europe, for their Learning and felicity, in the cures of desperate Ulcers and diseases, even of the Cancer, and those he (ignorantly) mentions, which have been diverse times performed, by D. Harvey and others.

As to the Ignorance he charges upon us, I Answer.

1. It is the destiny of proud and ignorant men, such as having nothing of science, have yet the unjust desire to be reputed Rabbies, and the Impudence to attempt to be Reformers, that being diverted from the reall and solid wayes of knowledge, they dwindle after the windy impostures of Magick and Astrology▪ of signatures and physiognomy, and the like, and if we follow them not madding in these pursuits, we pray that we may be excused.

2. I have formerly given some intimation of our Chymicall society, so that I hope it will be charitably concluded, that we are not ignorant of those hypostaticall principles: yet how they should come to ravish the soule of M. Webster, I cannot tell, unlesse it should be in contemplation of the benefits he hath received from them, viz. of Salt at Dinner, of Sulphur in the Mange, and of Mercury in Salivation.

3. Magneticall Philosophy is not neglected here, your selfe Sir, are conscious of some Instruments that are prepared for those experiments (as Loadstones rough and polished, armed and naked, a Terrella and diverse others) and how it is a reall designe amongst us, wanting only some assistance for execution, to erect a Magneticall, Mechanicall, and Optick Schoole, furnished with the best Instruments, and Adapted for the most usefull experiments in all those faculties.

4. How happy are you and I Sir, and our ingenious acquaintance, (whose studies are toward Physick or Philosophy) in this place, who are all employed to salve Mechanically, and statically the Phenomena of nature, and have in some parts advanced the Philosophy of those he mentions? How will it comfort us that we do, and have done in many things, what he would have us?

Qui monet ut facias, quod jam facis ipse &c.

But least we should be lifted up, behold him in the next Chapter thundering against the remainder of Arts and Sciences.

CAP. VII. Of Metaphysicks, Ethicks, Politicks, Oeconomicks, Poesy and Oratory.

[Page]

YOu see Sir, how thick they come together, and yet the Chap. consists but of three leaves, and part of them is taken up with the repetition of that learned Proverbe, Hercules is knowne by his foot, and the Lyon by his pawe. Do not you think Sir, that this man lookes like Hercules? He thinks so, and he knowes how he lookes; even like Hercules Furens, and thence is the inequallity of his Ravings. You had him in the former Chap. in his combate with strong men to take from them their steely armes of demonstration; But no Mortall wight, no Hero is able to persist to perpetuity: we see here the great Alcides or Goliah fainting, not able to weild his Weavers beame, or Fustilogge, letting it fall at all adventures, himselfe forlorne of friends, his strength and reason fled away.

But though the storme be past therere may be danger from these after drops, Alcides may stūble, & oppresse the Sciences with his fall and a man may be wounded with the convulsive graspe of a dying Lyon. Let us observe, therefore and either decline or repell these last attempts against the Learning of the Academies.

Against Metaphysicks his exceptions are these.

1. It brings no better instrument for the discovery of truth, then the operation of the Intellect.

Why! hath Mr W. any better instrument then this? Is it sense, or is it revelation? What is his instrument or toole, that he preferres before the Intellect of man? The man is mad why doe I trouble him?

2. It containes no certaine principles, the principle of mens Cogitans, is more certaine, and undeniable then that of the Schooles, Impossibile est idem simul esse & non esse.

It seemes he is in a case to swallow Contradictions, and can assert that a thing can simul esse & non esse (I warrant this man doth believe transubstantiation) how is his throat widened since he was so streight as not to admit the inference of a conclusion in a true Syllogisme? but then was then, and now is now, omnium rerum est vicissitudo. Yet Des Cartes will give him little thankes for acknowledging his Principle, Cogito ergo sum, if a thing may simul esse & non esse.

[Page]3. The summe of the remainder is this, (though by a speciall gift he hath multiplyed it into three arguments) That Metaphysicks is of no Profit but to obscure the truth, hath produced none but weake frivolous opinions concerning God &c. and the poisonous Cocatrice egs of Altercation.

I answer Sir that I have no inclination to grapple with the wind, or deale with wild universalityes, I am of opinion, that there is much to be considered of, & amended in the Metaphysicks; but that upon this occasion, he hath only discovered an art he hath which might have saved him the labour of all particulars, by saying at once both to the Schooles and Sciences that they are evill and not good, yea even wicked frivolous and abominable.

His next touch is at Ethicks, and his Exceptions are

1. Against Aristotle, who was a Heathen, and did not acknowledge God.

And you say Sir, Mr Webster is a Friar, yet Aristotle acknowledged a First Mover & if that be not God what is it.

2. He placed the summum bonum in the exercise of virtue, but the summum bonum is not attaineable in this life.

But he was disputing what was the summum bonum in this Life, and if virtue be the way to Life Eternall, it is certainely that summum bonum.

3. They have taught nothing practicable.

We are sorry that Mr Webster finds Justice, Prudence, Temperance, Modesty &c. unpracticable, but so it seemes it is with him, and yet he will be our Reformer.

4. Aristotle takes the preheminence of that which is deduced from the Principles of Christianity, and is unjustly preferred before Socrates, Plato, Zeno, Seneca, Epictetus, who containe more precious Treasure.

But where is it O thou roaring Lyon, (seeking whom thou maist devour) or rather thou Essex-Lyon, that Aristotle is preferred before Christ? Is it at Oxford or at Cambridge? Are not the Christian Ethicks of Daneus, Scultetus, Amesius, Aquinas, others, beside all those Authors you have mentioned, read & studye,d and preferred before him in the Universities? What shall be done unto thee O thou leasing toungue?

Politicks.

His exception against the Politicks read in the Universities is very faint and thinne being only this, That Plato, Bodin, Machavell, are as good as Aristotle (though he have many things of singular use, which is the first good word he hath given him) and that our Country man, M. Hobbs, is more profound, and yet we read Aristotle in the Vniversities.

Rhetorick.

[Page]

And the same is his Exception against Rhetorick. We read Aristotle, and spend too much time upon ornamentall Oratory and Poetry, which are gifts of nature.

Ans. Had this man found any one that had written whole Bookes against these Arts of Aristotle, so as Gassendus, Helmont, &c. against his Logick and Naturall Phylosophy, and a Translator ready to assist him, these Arts and Sciences had not thus escaped him, now he can only clatter at Aristotle, and clamour against the Schooles for reading him. Plato, Bodin, Macchiavel, are as good as Aristotle: well, and Aristotle as good as them; what then? But Mr Hobbs is more profound &c. 'Tis true our Theologues say he is bottomed in the great Abysse. Againe, Aristotle in his Rhetorick must give way to Plato; I will not repeat what I have said, and you Sir before me, concerning the Liberty and variety amongst us, But I affirme, that supposing those Morall Authours which even now he mentioned, Zeno, Seneca, Epictetus, or these Politick writers or Rhetoritians, did conteine things better in their kind then Aristotle, yet they are not so fit to be read in Universities by way of Institution, as he. They have written diffusedly stilo oratorio, or use by way of Dialogues, but have not given a briefe Methodicall body of the things they handle. The businesse of such as have the institution of youth, is to give them, first a briefe and generall comprehension of the kinds and natures of those things, about which their studyes, and endeavours are to be employed, and so to excite & stirre them up to a deeper & more thorough consideration of them, to set them into a way of study and knowledge, but no man is made perfect in any kind by the meere endeavours of a Tutor, but for that they must have recourse to their industry, their ingenuity, and their inclination. Now the chiefe reason as I conceive, why Aristotle hath been universally received as Magister Legitimus in Schooles hath been; The universallity of his Enquiries; the brevity and Method of them; fitting them for Institutions, and not the truth or infallibillity of his Workes: Ignorance or want of consideration of that end, mixt with pride and Arrogance and an Ambition to be a reformer, hath produced this glorious worke of Mr Webster.

He hath now done with the Learning of the Universityes, indeed he had done with it long agoe, and will have a fling at their Customes and Method.

CAP. VIII. Of their Customes and Method.

[Page]

WHat Erasmus said concerning the Popes Crowne, and Monkes bellyes, is more fit for a Fryar to speak, then for us who live upon College Commons. To come therefore briefely to his Exceptions.

1. His first is, That all our severall Colleges are tyed to one Method, carried on in one way, bound to the same Authors.

The charge is utterly untrue, yet were it so, it were no inconvenience (unlesse he could demonstrate an errour in our Institutions) that those who are to engage in the same Scholastick exercises, should be trained up in the same Authors and Method.

2. But our Exercises are slothfully performed, our Publick Acts being kept but foure times in the yeare, that is in the Termes, which, if one should tell them in plaine termes, are but usually idle termes.

Would not some man as knowing as himself imagine our Terms to last some four dayes or thereabouts? But you know Sir, they take up the greatest part of all the yeare, and that in the vacations our Schollars are not exempt from exercise, either in the College-Halls, or in their Tutors Chambers.

As for his quibling about termes, (it being the only wit that he hath offered at) I will upon no termes spoile his Conundrum, yet I must confesse some grudging I have, that he should set up in two trades at once, Quibling and Reforming.

3. The custome is Injurious which ties men to a set time of yeares and Acts, before they can receive their laureation.

Of all men living I know no reason why such as he should complaine of this: alas! why should such men be left behind their over nimble fellowes? Me thinks he should be comforted, in being suffered to Leird it in a crowd of better company. But seriously Sir, I use to admire in this the prudence of our Ancestors; to stay a while for a degree (which yet this mā would not have us so proud and arrogant as to conferre) it is no prejudice to mens worth or Learning; those Colledges have not been least renowned where the locall statutes oblige them to stay the longest; we are not destitute of other equivalent encouragements, in case of an egregious proficiency: and if upon such pretences, time and exercises should be dispensed with, the overweening of men, and the partiallities [Page] of friends, would prove very prejudiciall to the true and sincere interest of worth and Learning.

4. His next scandall is, At the Humming and Hissing of Boyes, rather like Geese then Bees &c.

Indeed Sir, the Boyes are to be chidden, yet I must needs tell M. Webster, that all are not Bees that buzze, and it appeares their hissing hath been his great vexation; but that he was never troubled with their humming.

5. He complaines, That their Disputations are about Notions and paper-Idols.

Was there ever, or can there be a Disputation about any thing else but Notions? Would he have them bring forth Bread and Cheese & Dispute de gustibus? Or would he have the Consecrated Host brought in, and paper-Idols converted into Wafer-Idols of more savour?

6. And in earnest, it is a heavy thing, that they make use still of the Latine Tongue in all their exercises.

Indeed Sir, this is a sad and grievous complaint, and hath not fallen from him without reason. His reason I discovered in his Chapter about Philosophy: let others admire his wit, I am for his judgement: you say Sir, he is a Friar (whether black or gray, of the Family of the Creepers, or the Skippers it matters not) now Sir, if he could reforme out of the Universities, our studied Arts and Languages, so farre as to banish from us the use of even the Latine Tongue, and put us into a course of studying Magicall signatures, Astrology, and Iacob Behmen; his modesty might admit of demanding a Canonization, and this great Mathematician, might justly conclude his account to his holinesse, with an [...].

P. 8, 9, His next three complaints I shall make bold to put together, as containing our adhering to Antiquity, our being sweyed by plurality of voyce, and our adhering to Aristotle.

O Aristotle, are you there! I wondered where he was all this while, when M. Webster was in distresse for want of him: but he is a Peripatetick, and will never leave these courses, till M. Webster turne him out from among the Academies; however for us, let M. W. answer for our affectation of novelty and singularity, and we shall well enough evade the charges of these Paragraphs.

10. His last complaint is, that we doe not read the Mathematicks.

Indeed we doe not so much and earely as is fitting, yet this I [Page] must needs say, that we read Ptolemy, Apollonius, and Euclide, &c. and he hath read nothing but Iohn Dees English Preface: make roome now for his Expedients.

CAP. IX. Of some Expedients or Remedies in Theology, Grammar, Logick, and Mathematicks.

DID not I heretofore intimate, that I found M. Webster to be a pittifull man, and now Sir you see it plainly proved by this Chapter, and those which follow,

Vna eadem (que) manus vulnus opem (que) feret.

he that hath hurt the Universities will heale them. You know it is the custome of those generous soules, who for the health and safety of the generality of men, doe use to ascend the banke or publick stage, to give poyson to some that are about them, to wound or scald them, not that they delight in torturing the creature, (that were cruelty) but by the smart of some few, to convince the unbelieving multitude of the celestiall energy of their Balsames; they only wound, that they may cure the wounded. And now for Application in short, that's the designe of this noble Gentleman: yet least any man should think the remedies worse then the diseases, I am resolved here to joyne with him, and with steely arguments, to confound his gainsayers.

For Theology.

1. His first remedy is, that men should lay aside the suffering of themselves, to be stiled by the Blasphemous title of Divines, and that the people should call them Theologues, as they doe in Scotland.

I am for Theologue, Divine is a thinne stingy word to it, this fills the mouth better, and is fitter to astonish, comes nearer too to a Magicall noise, (and Magick is almost Divine p. 68.) I would have the people call them Theologues, and this is my reason; his reasons are mysticall, because the other is blasphemous: yet nothing more frequent amongst the Antients then [...]: and those who have sought Epithites for Plato, Aristotle, and Ptolemy, called the first of them [...], the second [...], and the last [...], I am perswaded without any intention to Blaspheme. In the last place, I must pray you not to mistake him, as a favourer of the [Page] Scottish interest, for it is well known he is a Leveller, and by consequence an adversary to the High-lands.

2. His next remedy is, that the Scriptures be wholly laid aside in Scholastick exercises.

The truth is Sir, he hath spoken so excellently in his remedies, that all the service I can doe him, is only to unfold his meaning. I say then that his meaning is not, that the Scripture should be laid aside in morall exercises, (for he would have them deduced from the principles of Christianity p. 87.) nor yet in Physicall exercises, (for he would have some Physicall Learning introduced into the Schooles, which is grounded upon Scripture Principles p. 105.) but his meaning is only, that the Scriptures should be laid aside in Theologicall exercises, and who does not see what a remedy to Theology that would prove?

3. That the discoveries of God by reason, may be a part of Naturall Philosophy.

For why? the subject of Naturall Philosophy is Corpus Naturale Mobile.

Concerning Languages.

1.2. His first and second Remedies for Languages are, that we should advance our owne, and have a compendious way for teaching forraigne Languages.

Who ever thou art that deniest these to be speciall (or rather indeed generall) remedies in this malady, I say unto thee, thou Liest, and art stiffnecked: moreover I say, that they are excellent remedies, as being part of the universall medicine.

3, 4. That in teaching

Languages, Comenius way in his Ianua Linguarum.

Grammar, M. Brinsleys way in his Grammar Schoole.

may be followed.

Comenius I know, and that his way is usefull, Mr Brinsley I have not the happinesse to know, any otherwise then by M. Websters commendation, being one of his favorites I should be glad to serve him: I conceive by M. W. his designe is, that Children should be well instructed in the Accedence before they learne their Grammar.

5. In his fift remedy he discovers a maine secret, that Irregulars should be learned without rule, and that the Irregulars being learned, the rule also of the Regular Nounes and Verbes would be facile and briefe, as being but one rule for all.

Indeed the Children ought to cry gratias, for if for one play-day, and that a broken one, they use to doe it, how many play-daies [Page] hath he procured them? besides the present sport he makes them.

After all this he feares it may be imagined, that he should proffer at advancing Symbolicall and Cryptographicall Learning, the universall Character, and Language of Nature.

I testify they doe him wrong that thus imagine, and never understood well what formerly he delivered in that Argument: I had him presently in the wind, (such was my felicity) and durst then have sworne (if need had been) that it was even just as now I find it: that concerning Cryptography, Symbols, the Vniversall Character, he knew nothing; and that his discourse of the Language of Nature, did signify only this, that wanting the use of other languages, even of the Latine, he had obtained a gift as usefull, viz. a Canting Language.

Next in order followeth Logick.

1. His first remedy is, that we find out what reason is in its intrinseck nature and operation. And examine wherein mans reason exceeds the reason of other Animants; and here he saith it will be found, there is no specificall but a gradual difference.

M. Webster having discovered that betwixt his reason, and his horses, there is only a graduall difference, hath given much light in the present enquiry; only he hath concealed from us, which of them hath the advantage of degrees, and whether those Degrees are divided by minutes, seconds, and thirds, and whether in the sexagesimall or decimall way. When he shall have holpen us in these scruples, I pray Sir, let us make the best we can of this remedy.

2. That the principles of Syllogisme be cleared and demonstrated.

Because 'tis very hard for him to understand, that Quae eidem sunt aequalia, vel inaequalia; sunt inter se aequalia vel inaequalia. Or Quae conveniunt in uno tertio vel non conveniunt; inter se conveniunt etiam vel non conveniunt, his reason differing but gradually from the reason of other Animants.

3. That some prevalent way be found out, for discovering and rectifying the fallacies of the sences, for Abstracting adequate notions, and giving apposite denominations to them.

Now Sir, what say you to M. Webster? Had he had the luck to have added the Quadrature of the Circle, with its Appendices [Page] in Geometry, and the Phylosophers Stone in Chymystry, what could more judiciously and comprehensively have been required?

4. That induction may be improved, and to that end Experiments frugiferous and luciferous may be made.

The thing that is here proposed I do exceedingly like, and seeing it is an Amphibious argument, belonging to Physick and Logick both, I will not be so unreasonable as to quarrell with him about his Method or disposition.

The Mathematicks.

The Mathematicks should come to be spoken of, but they being what they are, (able to shift for themselves) and he being able to make a (scambling) shift without them, and it being terrible hard for one utterly unacquainted with them to speake any tollerable sence in this Argument, he being wisely-wary, wishing well to the Mathematicks and Mathematicians, (l meane the Copernican Astronomers) having spoken against Ptolemy, having had a twitch at Aristotle, and having no more to say, concludes the Chapter.

CAP. X. Of some helps in Naturall Phylosophy.

HOw can it chose but be well help't up, when he shall set his hands to it who is so great a Naturall-Phylosopher? In this Chapter he first discusses that great Question, what shall become of Aristotle? And then proceeds to his Remedies.

The first in truth is decided (in my opinion) not without some judgement, how ever it comes to passe.

There are many things in him good (in truth very many excellent things, all his Historicall parts of nature are excellent, and so is his Rhetorick, and all his other workes) only his Physicks is to be eliminated, it being founded upon either false, or not intelligible Principles, referring all things to that System, and modell of the World, which time and observation have manifested to be untrue: the Astronomy depending thereon (upon that System of foure elements, and a Quintessentiall solid Heaven) falls necessarily upon the removall of his Physicks, or rather the Physicall part of that Astronomy.

You see Sir, how loath I am to vary from M. W. my opinion concerning Aristotle being even coincident with his: yet I think [Page] Aristotles Bookes, the best of any Philosophick writings, & that when these things are laid aside, that which remaines deserves for him the honour that ought to be given to one of the greatest wits, and most usefull that ever the World enjoyed.

Farther, I must enforme M. Webster, that the thing he doth desire, is already performed in our Academies, there being no man, any thing deeply seene in Naturall Philosophy, who goes about to salve things upon the principles, of matter, forme, and privation, or the first and second qualities. So that I feare his molimina against Aristotle, will by some witts, be accounted disingenious, and his reflections upon our Universities, unworthy and impertinent.

But to come to his Remedies.

1. His first is, that my L. Bacons way may be embraced. That Axioms be evidently proved by observations, and no other be admitted. &c.

I am wholly of his judgement, yet I have an itching desire to know what Lilly, and Booker, Behmen, and all the families of Magicians, Soothsayers, Canters, and Rosycrucians, have done to vexe him, since he was writing of Mathematicks, and Scholastick Philosophy, that having cherished them then, and put them in hopes of his blessing, he should now of a sudden cast them off, betaking himselfe to their deadly enemy.

2. The second Remedy is, That some Physicall Learning may be brought into the Schooles, that is grounded upon sensible, Rationall, Experimentall, and Scripture Principles, and such an Author is Dr Fludd; then which for all the particulars, the World never had a more perfect piece

How little trust there is in villainous man! he that even now was for the way of strict and accurate induction, is fallen into the mysticall way of the Cabala, and numbers formall: there are not two waies in the whole World more opposite, then those of the L. Verulam and D. Fludd, the one founded upon experiment, the other upon mysticall Ideal reasons; even now he was for him, now he is for this, and all this in the twinkling of an eye, O the celerity of the change and motion of the Wind.

3. His third remedy is, That the Philosophy of Plato and Democritus, of Epicurus and Philolaus, of Hermes and Dr Gilbert, be brought into Examination and practise.

He meanes that these be examined by those that can understand them (himselfe being unprovided in that kind,) that we chuse the good, and refuse the evill. You will say, if De Fluctibus be so perfect, [Page] what need we go any farther? I warrant you Sir, he knows both why and wherefore, though I can see no reason for it.

4. That youth may put their hands to labour, and their fingers to the Furnaces: that the Mysteries discovered by Pyrotechny; and the wonders brought to light by Chymistry may be familiar to them.

All that I can do here is to explaine his meaning, least the remedy should loose its operation [It is not his meaning, that the youth should put their fingers into the Furnaces, for that would make them dread the fire, nor yet unto the Furnaces, for that would smut them, but to, that is, towards the Furnace.] He hath likewise taken care that we should not confound in this Paragraph Chymistry and Pyrotechny, the wonders of that, and the Mysteries of this. Chymistry is well knowne, Pyrotechny is the Method of fireworkes, the Mystery of making Squibs and Crackers.

5. The last remedy is, That Galenicall Physick may not be the prison that all men must be enchained in.

See Sir how one may live and learne! I ever thought that Galenicall Physick had served to make men loose, and not to be a prison to them. I can but thank Mr Webster for this discovery, Ingratum si dixeris, omnia dixeris.

Metaphysicks.

His remedy for Metaphysicks is to read Des Cartes. Yet had he read him till he had understood him, the world had been deprived of this Herculean labour.

Ethicks.

Ethicks is better taught by President. Which made him shew his manners in dealing with the Universities.

Rhetorick and Poetry.

Rhetorick and Poetry are gifts, and he hath nought to do with them, for why? Kings and Emperours cannot make an Orator or Poet, Much lesse can he make either of them. A sows eare will never make a silken Saile.

CAP. XI. Some Expedients concerning their Custome and Method.

WHosoever shall consider the Errours charged upon the Universities in his eight Chapter, and the Expedients here proposed, if he do not acknowledge the Remedies here applyed [Page] to be the very genuine & naturall ones hinted by the Indication of the Diseases: I say he labours in his Judgment, and is a Dis-Idoneous Auditor of Mr Webster.

For If the Disease be, that the body of the University is bound, (bound to one Method) can there be a surer remedy, then to use a solutive Medicine, to give them a purge and set them loose? If it labour of Idlenesse or a consumption of time, can any remedy be more naturall, then that time should not hence forth be trifled away? These are his Recipes, carried on thus to the last, against which the tongue of envy, cannot say but they are proper to their Maladyes.

Yet I must speake to them in severall.

1. That there be a liberty in the way and Method of Study.

I have formerly hinted to him, that our Universities are pretty well furnished with this medicine, so that he shall doe well to vent it upon those forraigne ones from whence he is come.

2. That time be not mispent in the Universities.

Some captious ones have asked, why then he would not take care, to keep his Workes from coming hither to be read? to whom I answer, that he never did intend they should come hither, he meant them to a party in the City, and takes no pleasure I dare say, that I should spend this time about him; well this is not the only thing wherein it is my happinesse to agree with M. Webster.

3. That there be not a set time for degrees, but that merit, not years should take place, and be rewarded.

How fitting this is, I have endeavoured to shew p. 40.

4. That in their Exercises, it be tried what they can doe, that (nature having given them two hands) they may learne to worke &c.

The reasons of this may be many, I shall name only two. First, because he hath been used to weed the Garden, and to other labour in his Covent: then why should not we? Secondly, because if his reformation shall take place, we must be put shortly to work for our livings, therefore tis good before hand, for each man to be provided of a Trade.

5. That Exercises may be in English.

His reason is, least we forget the English Tongue, which would be very sad if it should fall out: Mine is, that M. Webster and others of his measure, be not deprived of the benefit of them.

6. That neither Antiquity nor Novelty take place of Verity, nor the Authority of Aristotle, or any other, should enchaine us.

[Page]What? againe at Aristotle! nay verily now he is to blame: This remedy had been a pure one, if he could have let Aristotle alone: the fetching him in here, I feare, may give occasion to some, to think he does it out of spight.

7. Lastly, the order he prescribes is this, that they be taught, 1. Mathematicks. 2. Tongues. 3. Physicks. 4. Logick. 5. Metaphysicks. &c.

Not that all men should be bound to the same Method, (as is above expressed) beside M. Webster studied all these together, which hath made him so equally skilled in all, that there is not any thing to chuse betwixt his skill in every one of them, no man being able to speake, whether he be a greater Mathematician, a Linguist, or a Philosopher.

And now Sir, you judge that I have faithfully performed what I undertook, at the opening of his Remedies: I having stuck to him as close as needed to be, and to speake truth, as close as his sent would suffer mee.

Sir, I have ran through this Pamphlet, and I think I have in some measure, made good the character you gave me of him in your Epistle; you know Sir, I am not of those who hate to be reformed; it hath been my earnest desire, that men of Parts and Experience would meet together, and consult about the Advancement of study, by the most convenient method, That would produce something worthy of our age of light; the raw and crude attempts of such men as these, are slight and very Ridiculous, no waies considerable, unlesse it shall be in their excitations of us, to reforme such Errours as we find, to assert and vindicate the honour of these places. A thing which would speedily and plentifully be performed, if our designe of Printing Bookes, and setting up a forreigne correspondency were once accomplished. There is one thing which this sort of Pamphleteers insist on, which as it is pursued by my L. Verulam, so it carries weight with it, but is very impertinently applied, either as an exception against us, or as a generall rule to be imposed upon us in our Academicall institution. It is, that instead of verball Exercises, we should set upon experiments and observations, that we should lay aside our Disputations, Declamations, and Publick Lectures, and betake our selves, to Agriculture, Mechanicks, Chymistry, and the like.

It cannot be denied but this is the way, and the only way to perfect Naturall Philosophy and Medicine: so that whosoever intend to professe the one or the other, are to take that course, [Page] and I have not neglected occasionally to tell the World, that this way is pursued amongst us. But our Academies are of a more generall and comprehensive institution, and as there is a provision here made, that whosoever will be excellent in any kind, in any Art, Science, or Language, may here receive assistance, and be led by the hand, till he come to be excellent; so is there a provision likewise, that men be not forced into particular waies, but may receive an institution, variously answerable to their genius and designe.

Of those very great numbers of youth, which come to our Universities, how few are there, whose designe is to be absolute in Naturall Philosophy? Which of the Nobility or Gentry, desire when they send their Sonnes hither, that they should be set to Chymistry, or Agriculture, or Mechanicks? Their removall is from hence commonly in two or three years, to the Innes of Court, and the desire of their friends is not, that they be engaged in those experimentall things, but that their reason, and fancy, and carriage, be improved by lighter Institutions and Exercises, that they may become Rationall and Gracefull speakers, and be of an acceptable behaviour in their Countries.

I am perswaded, that of all those, who come hither for Institution, there is not one of many hundreds, who if they may have their option, will give themselves to be accomplished Naturall Philosophers, (such as will, ought certainly to follow this course) the paines is great, the reward but slender, unlesse we reckon in the pleasure of contemplation; that indeed is great and high, but therefore to draw all men that way, by reason of the pleasure, were to present a Feast all of Custard or Tart, and not to consult the variety of Tasts, and tempers of our Guests: But I have been too much and long extravagant and idle: if out of all this you shall be pleased to raise a Contemplation of your power over mee, and shall from thence receive a complacence, it is the only aime and interest of, SIR,

Your Most &c. H. D.

An Appendix Concerning what Mr Hobbs and Mr Dell have written touching the Universities.

[Page]

SIR, when I consider how I have spent that little time, which I have hitherto bestowed upon Mr Websters Examen, and into what a temper of mind I have fallen upon that occasion, the satisfaction I receive from what I have done, is so small, that were I not held on by the power you have over mee, in truth I would excuse my selfe from any farther trouble. Now it seemes I must goe on, and being tired with idle play, I must addresse my selfe for a much more considerable encounter. You know Sir, and have observed in your Letter to mee, how vast a difference there is, betwixt the Learning and Reputation of Mr Hobbs, and these two Gentlemen, and how scornefully he will take it to be ranked with a Friar and an Enthusiast: The Answer to this, if he complaine, will be, we found him inter Grues, and could not without prejudice let him escape: However I shall deale with him as respectfully as I can, giving him leave to heare himselfe speake at large, (a thing he is infinitely taken with) and making such replies, as Truth and Reason shall suggest in our concernements. I intend only to consider what he hath spoken of the Universities in his Leviathan, or rather what I have therein observed to that purpose, laying together such passages as may make him to be understood.

That men may be able fully to comprehend the meaning of this Author, we must carefully by way of preparation, search for his

1. End and Designe.

2. Judgement, concerning the meanes of attaining it.

3. Expectation as to successe in his Designe, and the consequences of it.

1. It appeares that the end he proposes to himselfe (in his Leviathan) is, that the World should be regulated exactly, by that [Page] modell which he there exhibits, and that his reason should be the governing Reason of Mankind.

This is (I conceive) so evident, that he will not denie it, and so frequently insinuated, that it's needlesse to be particular. The close of his second part, and 31 Chapter, is with an intimation of a desire, that by the exercise of entire Soveraignty, his truth of speculation may be converted into the utility of practise.

2. The meanes he proposes to accomplish this end, is the publicke Teaching of his Leviathan: which he would have protected by the exercise of entire Soveraignty. ibid.

Now this publick teaching may be either in the

Pulpits.

Universities.

The Divines and others who make shew of Learning, derive their knowledge from the Vniversities, and from the Schooles of Law, or from the Books which by men eminent in those Schooles and Vniversities have been published. It is therefore manifest, that the instruction of the People, dependeth wholly upon the right teaching of Youth in the Vniversities. p. 179, 180.

So that the way he proposes to accomplish his great designe, is, the Publicke reading of his Leviathan in the Universities, (especially of England) and in order to this, he hath declared himselfe concerning his Booke, the Universities, and himselfe. 1. Concerning his Booke in the review. p. 395. "That it may be profitably Printed, and more profitably taught in the Vniversities. 2, and 3 Concerning the other two. p. 180. In answer to these two Questions.

1. Are not the Vniversities of England learned enough already (to teach the People their duty?

2. Is it you (Mr Hobbs) will undertake to teach the Vniversities?

Where the answer to the first, is, That the Vniversities have not been able to plant the true Doctrine (which is his.)

And to the other, that any man which sees what he is doing, may easily perceive what he thinkes.

His immediate desire and judgment is therefore, that his Leviathan be by entire soveragnity imposed upon the Vniversities, there to be read, and publickly taught.

3. It will now concerne us to consider his expectation and hope, concerning the accomplishment of this (sober and modest) designe. Upon the prevailing or failing of which hope in his mind, the destiny of the Universities (as to his endeavours) shall depend. If he have hope that he shall be publickly taught in the Universities, it will be convenient for him only to endeavour this [Page] peice of Reformation, and to assert their usefulnesse being so ordered. If there be little hopes of obtaining this publick Authority for this great Leviathan; To what end then serve the Universities? Shall other things be taught there publickly, and this be looked upon as the writing of a private Author? It will then concerne him to fall downe right upon them, on every occasion to endeavour to blast them, and to proclaime them uselesse to the world.

And here indeed we find him fluctuating betwixt despaire and hope, p. 193. sometimes, ‘At the point of believing this his labour as uselesse as the Commonwealth of Plato. At other times recovering hopes, that one time or other this writing of his may fall into the hands of a Soveraigne, who by the Exercise of entire Soveraignty, in protecting the publick teaching of it, will convert this truth of Speculation into the Vtility of practise.’

How happy Sir had it been, if his hopes might have reigned perpetually in his mind, that so the Universities might have obtained a Patron of this great man, but he is well in yeares, and Jelousy and Spleen have prevailed over him, and in conclusion, he deales with us accordingly; indeed Sir, somewhat Puerilely, in insulting over us without cause, Tetrically striking at us without any occasion, Vnreasonably, in charging us with some things we are not guilty of, and condemning us for other, without convincing us of any fault. This is that we shall demonstrate in our just defence, There are two passages by the by, and one entire Chapter which will concerne us to consider.

His first passage is in the 1. Chapter p. 4. Where having determined Sence to be nothing else but a perception of a motion made upon the Organ, He adds, But the Phylosophy Schooles through all the Vniversities of Christendome grounded upon certaine texts of Aristotle, teach another Doctrine (viz. that sence is made by a Species &c.)

1. As for the thing here charged upon all the Schooles of Christendome, you know it Sir to be untrue.

The other Theory of explaining sence upon the grounds of motion, was almost generally received here before his Booke came forth. Being sufficiently taught by Des Cartes, Gassendus, S. K. Digby, and others, before he had Published any thing in that kind.

2. That which he so much glories in, is not his owne invention, but is contained for substance (as I am certainely informed by one who hath seen it) in Mr Warners Papers, which Mr Hobbs had long since in his hands, and is delivered in the very beginning of that tract of vision, which treats de penicillo optico.

[Page]3. If Mr Hobbs had invented this, who hath not (so farre as I can learne) added any thing considerable to the inventions of other men: It might have been needlesse, upon so slight an occasion, to insult over all the Schooles of Christendome; but his mind was intent upon his designe, and at this time his hope had possession there; He sayes not (therefore) that, as disapproving (yet) the use of Vniversities, but to let men see what would be amended in them. page 4.

But that which followes after is indeed of worse consequence, and is (to speake the best and mildest of it) an evidence of a fuming spleene, and an instance of despondency in his designe.

A touch he is thought to give us in his Kingdome of Darkenesse, where he makes a comparison of the Papacy with the Kingdome of Fayries. The words are (p. 386.) In what shop or operatory the Fayries make their Enchantments, the old Wives have not determined; but the Operatories of the Clergy, are well enough known to be the Vniversities, that received their Discipline, from Authority Pontificiall.

In truth Sir, I hardly know how to behave myselfe upon this occasion. First, I know not whether he intended this to concerne our Universities or not; if not, he might have done us the Justice, to have separated our case from that of Popish Vniversities; if he did intend to cast a contumely upon us, I am yet at a losse how to answer him. This whole discourse is freakish and unbecoming the Archipoliticall gravity of a Master of the world, our Universities have bin Modelled by commission from the Civill Power. Seeing the old Women have found no operatory for the Fairyes; it was a needlesse Sollicitude in this Reverend old man, to seeke one for the Clergy. Well Sir, seeing he will have his frollick, I am resolved to answer this passage with a Crotchet of a Friend of mine, whose observation, is that however the Fayries are sayd to be harmelesse in their dancings, he is sure the Hobbe-goblins are spightfull and mischeivous in their Friskings.

But hitherto we have been but girded at; his maine forces he hath gathered into the Chapter preceding this, viz. the .46. whose title is of Darkenesse from vaine Philosophy, &c. but its designe is against Universities. And this Chapter containes,

1. A discourse concerning, the beginning and progresse of Philosophy.

2. Concerning the originall, & Progresse of Schooles.

3. The unprofitablenesse of Schooles.

4. Of Universities, and a generall charge against them.

[Page]5. Their particular errours.

The two first parts of this Chapter, seeme not to be of any speciall concernement to us, and I shall have that regard to him, and to my selfe, not to oppose him without necessity: were it requisite so to doe, it were easy to manifest, that his sentence concerning the beginnings and progresse of knowledge, is neither suitable to Reason nor History: the supposition laid as a lemma to that sentence is, that hearding of men like beasts together, their feeding upon Akornes, and drinking water, their wanting for some time the use of speech, &c. things neither suitable to those Authentick Histories which ought to have authority amongst us, nor yet to the conclusions of Reason, running back from the present state of the world, to the temper and state of earlier times. But to drive this home were to unravell the whole body of his Politicks, and to dissolve this goodly work, which is not to be done occasionally in such an Appendix; the time may be, when after Mr Hobbs shall have published his other Philosophicall Workes, from whence the rise of this Great one is fetched, some friend or other of ours may set apart some time, to weigh and examine all his Labours, and then to render him what shall be due to the Truth and Demonstration of his Assertions.

You know how much may be said for that Origine & derivation of knowledge, which the Bookes of Moses deliver to us; And for the Origine of Schooles, which is the second part of this discourse: as we cannot deny them to have been the productions of Peace and leasure, so I conceive it is an excessive instance of Spleen and Melancholy, prejudiciall even to the whole course of Life and Profession of M.H. to call the Discourses and Contemplations of the Antient Philosophers, by the name of Talke and Idlenesse, and to compare the Exercises of Plato, Aristotle, Zeno, and the Antient Worthies, (without some of whose endeavours, there had scarce at this time been either oportunity of knowing much, nor had the World perhaps set so high a price on knowledge,) to the prating and loitering usually exercised in Pauls Church, and More-fields ▪ The world had then another esteeme of those Exercises, who publickly upon this occasion erected Schooles for Lectures, and Disputations, almost in every Commonwealth. And it is in the strength of the reputation of Philosophy gained that way, that M. Hobbs findes a regard amongst men, desirous of knowledge, and not for the eminence of what he hath published, in any kind exceeding the productions of those men whom he despises. Thus much in generall concerning the two [Page] first parts of this Chapter. The Third is, the Inutility of the Antient Schooles.

The distast he hath conceived against our Universities, hath not suffered him to containe his Rage within any bounds. What hath been the utility of those (Antient) Schooles? What Science is there at this day acquired by their Readings and Disputings. p. 369.

The meaning is, there never was any profit by Publick Schooles. This concernes us, and we will examine it particularly.

The substance of his reasoning is this, (ib.) Naturall Philosophy cannot be had, without having first attained great knowledge in Geometry

That we have of Geometry (which is the Mother of all naturall Science) we are not indebted for it to the Schooles.

Plato forbad entrance to all that were not in some measure Geometricians, &c.

Sir, here it is that I cannot but complaine of misguided Rage in M. Hobbs; against this passage I assert, that not onely Geometry was taught in the Antient Schooles, but that to those Schooles, we owe the Geometry which we have.

Much we owe to the Schoole of Athens, and even to Plato's Schoole (the Academy) much more to that famous Schoole of Alexandria. Plato was He, who when the Oracle required the duplication of the Cubicall Altar, expounded it of the recommendation of the study of Geometry to them, shewed them that the particular solution of the Problem, must be by the invention of two meane proportionalls betwixt two lines given, propounded the Problem to his Scholers, who wrote severall things concerning it.

Proclus doth often referre the invention of Propositions in Euclides Collection, to the Schoole of Pythagoras. Theudius Magnes, Cyzicinus the Athenian, and others, are delivered to us by Proclus, in the Second Book of Commentaries upon the first Element of Euclide, in Academia simul vacasse quaestionibus Geometricis enucleandis.

But the Schoole of Alexandria, hath been so renouned for delivering of the Mathematicks, that in truth I cannot but wonder at the assertion of M Hobbs.

It was begun by Euclide there, not long after the building of that City, in the time of Ptolemaeus Lagi.

It was continued by the Disciples of Euclide, who left many behind him as Pappus acknowledges in his Collections.

To it we owe all the great Mathematicians, which ever were amongst the Antients, such as Eratosthenes (who set up the Instruments [Page] at Alexandria, by which men made the observations of Hipparchus, and Ptolemy the foundation of all Astronomy) Archimedes, Apollonius (the great Geometrician) Ptolemy, Theon, Diophantus, and very many others.

Nay, Sir H. Savile hath asserted, that from the time of Euclide to the Saracenicall times, there never was a great Mathematician, who was not borne at Alexandria, or had not studied some yeares there.

I would gladly know, what is there in Geometry, or all Mathematicks, which we are not indebted for to some of these, I speak not of Propositions, but of the way and method of mastering all kinds of Problemes. The Analyticks was their Art, the Exegeticall part hath indeed been found out by Vieta, and the Geometricall effection of solid and lineary Problemes, by the immortall wit of Des Cartes, but had it not been for those, we never had enjoyed the benefit of these.

I have heard that M. Hobbs hath given out, that he hath found the solution of some Problemes, amounting to no lesse then the Quadrature of the Circle, when we shall be made happy with the sight of those his labours, I shall fall in with those that speake loudest in his praise, in the meane time I cannot dissemble my feare, that his Geometricall designe (as to those high pieces) may prove answerable to a late Opticall designe of his, of casting Conicall glasses in a mould, then which there could not be any thing attempted, lesse becoming such a man, as he doth apprehend himselfe to be.

Briefely as to the case in hand, either M. Hobbs did know of these Schooles, or not; if he knew not of them, I dare undertake him not to be so great a Geometrician as he pretends to be, and that he is defective at his chiefe weapon.

If he did know of them, where is his ingenuity in asserting the inutility of Schooles? and that we are not beholden to them for our Geometry?

It is not in vaine Sir, that I have charged these things upon his spleene, which yet will more appeare by that which followes. pag. 370.

4. That which he there asserts concerning Universities is, that whereas an University is an Incorporation of many publick Schooles in one Towne.

1. The Principall Schooles were ordained for

The Romane Religion.

[Page] The Romane Law.

The Art of Medicine.

To this it is easily answered, that however the Ordination of them hath formerly been, the two Universities have since the casting off the Papall Yoke, been regulated by the Civill power, and been conformed to it, so that the Discourse of the Romish Religion or Law, with reflexion upon us, is disingenious, and nothing to this purpose.

2. For the study of Philosophy, it hath no otherwise place, then as a Handmaid to the Romish Religion.

This is in truth so Barbarous an Assertion, as nothing beside the Reverence to his Grey Haires, restraines me from speaking bluntly of him: what friends to the Romish Religion our Universities have brought forth, that party have felt. And it is said that Mr Hobbs is no otherwise an enemy to it, save only, as it hath the name of a Religion.

3. And since the Authority of Aristotle is only current there, that study is not properly Phylosophy but Aristotelity.

How farre the Authority of Aristotle is current amongst us, Sir both you and I have spoken.

What his designe is concerning the publick reading of his Leviathan Himselfe hath told us.

From whence it is manifest, that the only thing which paines him is the desire that Aristotelity may be changed into Hobbeity, & insteed of the Stagyrite, the world may adore the great Malmesburian Phylosopher.

4. For Geometry till of very late times it had no place at all. And if any man by the ingenuity of his nature had atteined to any degree of perfection in it, he was commonly thought a Magician, and his Art Diabolicall.

Geometry hath now so much place in the Universities, that when Mr Hobbs shall have published his Philosophicall and Geometricall Peices, I assure my selfe, I am able to find a great number in the University, who will understand as much or more of them then he desires they should, indeed too much to keep up in them that Admiration of him which only will content him.

And if in our times these studies have been advanced, we might have expected from a temperate man, rather the commendation for our Advance, then an exprobration with the ignorance of our Ancestors.

The truth is Sir, about that time when Mr Hobbs was conversant in Magdalen-Hall, the constitution and way of the University [Page] might (likely) be enclining to his Character of it, but now his Discourse seemes like that of the seaven sleepers, who after many yeares awaking, in vaine addressed themselves to act according to the state of things when they lay downe.

I shall speake no more to this fourth head. And to the fift, containing an enumeration of particular errours: They all or most are resolved into that Aristotelity he Charges us with, and require no Answer, save that we enjoy a liberty of Philosophizing, and that if he should do us the honour to come amongst us, I am perswaded he would hardly find any other fault with us, except that great unpardonable one, that the publick reading of his Leviathan, is not by a Sanction of the Magistrate imposed upon us.

5. The particular errors which he would charge us with, are neere twenty in number, amongst which there is not one, either in Philosophy, Politicks, or Divinity, which he hath proved, or can prove, both to be an Error, and to be maintained by our Universities. I shall give a briefe account of them all.

1. His first Error charged upon us, is the Doctrine of Abstracted Essences, and Immateriall Substances.

Concerning which, as I cannot but acknowledge his Ratiocination to be good, as to the former part, viz. of Vniversalls, and formall Entities: so I am willing to make good upon a just occasion, that Being is a superiour notion to Body, that Immateriall substance, or separated Substances, is no contradiction, and that the Truths of Philosophy, are better salved upon that ground, then upon his imagination.

2. His next quarrell is at Nunc stans, the common definition of Eternity: This I affirme to be more intelligible then a successive Eternity, or a progresse in infinitum, which is the contrary position.

Of all that which followes, I doe not know one thing which is held by any of us.

3. As That one Body may be in many places, many in one.

4. That Gravity is the cause of heavinesse.

5. That Quantity is put into Body already made.

6. That the Soule of man is Poured into the body, meaning it literally and grossely.

7. That the power of willing is the (totall) cause of Actuall willing.

8. That Fortune or Ignorance, is an occult cause of things, although we may not professe to know the causes of all things.

[Page]These are the Errors in Naturall Philosophy charged on us, and yet not one of those positions generally maintained by us.

Morall Errours are these.

1. That one makes things Incongruent, another the Incongruity.

2. That private appetite is the rule of publick good.

3. Lawfull Marriage is unchastity.

4. That all Government but Popular is Tyranny.

5. That not Men but Law Governes.

6. That humane Lawes ought to extend to the inquisition of mens Thoughts and Consciences, notwithstanding the conformity of their Speeches and Actions.

7. That private men may interpret the Law, and restraine where the Soveraigne hath left a liberty

Concerning all which Positions, I am perswaded he cannot instance in one University man, who hath published such an opinion, as he would put upon the whole Universities: it is true, that in the first of these, when the question is, Whether there be Free will in man, or God be the Author of sinne, men fall frequently into very great difficulties: but either Mr Hobbes ought to have cleared one part of these two; or not to have charged upon us, either the obscurity of Truth, or the imbecillity of humane Nature.

As for the rest of them, he may better assert, that there are Universities in the Moone, and that they maintaine all those Positions, then impose them upon us. There it will be hard to prove the contrary, We now challenge him to make proofe of what he hath delivered, and Promise to give him satisfaction.

There remaines three other Charges, viz.

1. The Insignificant Language of the Schoolemen (the Commenters upon Peter Lombard.)

2. Errors from Tradition (as the Histories of Apparitions and Ghosts, &c.)

3. The suppression of Reason and true Philosophy.

But these with the other charges, are so extravagant, and so much forced to appeare against us, that had he not been in great necessity, and much constrained to it by his passion, I am perswaded, he never would have produced them, as Arguments of our disgrace. What is the language of Peter Lombard, or the Writers upon the Sentences, to the Universities of Oxford or Cambridge? When were we troubled or frighted with Ghosts or Apparitions? Whose Reason or Philosophy have we supprest? Or is it such a [Page] Crime to Assert the Attributes of God, and the Naturall Immortality of the Soules of Men, that it shall exempt our Adversaries from the Common Lawes, Honesty, and Ingenuity, and excuse the most grosse and palpable Calumniations of us? Nay, the delation of us to the Civill Magistrate, and the Endeavours for our Extirpation? But he hath done what becomes a man of his judgment and Principles, let us be answerable to ours, not returning railing for railing, or scorne for scorne, but making an end of this contention, let us release the Reader from farther trouble.

Concerning Mr DELL.

[Page]

IT remaines now, that I should take into consideration what Mr Dell hath written in our concernements, but that which he hath done, is so little either in Magnitude or Vertue, that I can hardly perswade my selfe to make a businesse of it.

The cause of Learning, its necessity and usefullnesse to the Ministers of the Gospell, though it be of generall importance to all men, whose interest it is, that the Blind be not leaders of the Blind, yet seeing the defence of it is taken up, by one so able and ready to maintaine the Truth, (Mr Sydrach Sympson) I look upon it as forreigne to our present engagement, and shall therefore wholly decline it.

Our view is only of a Post-script to his Book, called the Triall of Spirits, where he delivers his judgement concerning the Reformation of Universities. The piece is short, it containes many things wherein we agree with him, and some few wherein we differ.

1. He would not have Children have nothing to doe, but to doe nothing. Very witty, No more would we.

2. He thinkes it meet, the Magistrate take great care for the education of youth. We also think it meet.

3. That Schooles be erected in greater Townes and Villages, that none but Godly men, and sober and Grave Women have charge of of them. Very good.

4. That they first teach them to read their Native Tongue, [very necessary] and presently to read the Scriptures. Very convenient.

5. That in Great Townes they teach them Latine, Greeke, and Hebrew, and the Latine and Greeke especially from Christian Authors. (not from Heathen Poets &c.) This also is very Honest.

6. It may be convenient, that there may be some Vniversities or Colledges, for the teaching Liberall Arts, as Logick of good use in Humane things, though in Divinity gladius Diaboli, and Mathematicks, [Page]which as they carry no wickednesse in them, so are they [...] usefull. This sentence, though as it concernes the use of Logick in Divinity, it be of an occult and not investigable sence, yet as it concernes the Mathematicks, it carries in it neither non-sence nor dishonesty, and is besides very allowable.

Thus farre then we are agreed, in that which followes, Reason will that we should differ from him.

1. He complaines that our Universities should only be at Cambridge and Oxford, and here he

1. Charges them of Encroachment against the Law of Love, for Monopolizing humane Learning.

2. He charges them to have been places of great Licentiousnesse and profanenesse.

3. He asserts it to be more suitable to a Common-wealth, (if we become so indeed, and not in word only) and more advantagious to the People to have Vniversities in every Great Towne.

To answer first to his criminall charges.

1. If Mr Dell be a graduate in the the University, he hath sworne to defend the priviledges of it, to do it all the Honour and right he can, If so how doth he encroach upon the Law of nature, Sacred amongst all not given over to Barbarisme▪ Unlesse he can prove the matter of that Oath to be unlawfull which is yet retained in every Corporatiō) I do not know any thing which can here excuse him from unrighteousness. If he himselfe be no Graduate, he doth indeed discover no more, but a disingenuous envy and (considering his relations) an unworthy ingratitude.

2. But particularly, first, that which he calls the Monopolizing of Learning by those two places, it is not to be charged upon them (neither is it f [...]rther chargeable then upon any corporation of men whatsoever) but it reflects upon the Soveraigne Magistracy of our Nation by whose ordination, the priviledges & statutes of both the Universityes have been alwayes regulated.

2. His second charge is generall, unproved, and no wayes concernes us▪ I am sure that this University cannot now be Justly taxed with any such Licentiousnesse or profanenesse: indeed the care and prudence and successe of our Immediate Governors, as to the Advancement of Religion and Learning is such as Mr Dell may envy but he will never equall it, I should be very loath to injure him, yet common fame hath brought his name hither with a Character upon it of one whose studyed designe is (by letting fall [Page] all Discipline) to let in Licence with all its usuall traine, both into Cays Colledge, and that other University: an I that the consequence of what he hath done hitherto hath been such as tends manifestly rather to the ruine then Reformation of that place.

3. His third assertion containes in the Parenthesis an unworthy reflexion upon those who have the mannage of the supream power, and is in it selfe such as he cannot prove; were his designe put in execution, it would tend undoubtedly to the disadvantage of Learning; there is nothing in the world more conducing to the enlarging of the minds of men and the compleating of their Knowledge, then the cōversation with men eminent in all the severall parts of Learning, and the honest emulation of those that doe excell. This is to be had only where there are great numbers of Students and Professors, and the cause of the advance in Learning encreases alwayes with the variety and eminency of mens wits and learning who converse together. To spare more words in a Theoreticall discourse of this nature, we may cōpare together the Learning of the Universities, and Religious Houses of foreigne parts, where it is evident, the difference in Learning is vast; those are dispursed according to great townes, and remaine pittifully ignorant, these are one or two in a Nation, flourishing with the profession of all ingenious Learning.

Now that which he alleadges as a convenience in his way, That People may maintaine their Children at home while they learne in the Schooles, hath not been observed to tend to an advance in learning but to the contrary.

We have not Generally observed that Towns-mens Children prove the greatest Schollars and those who would have their Children excellently learned rather choose to send them abroad to Schoole, or to travell, then keepe them at home. Having briefely examined this proposall, I shall need only to mention his second; which is,

2. That youth may be so trained up that they may spend some part of the day in Learning, and another part in some lawfull Calling (suppose of Weaving or making Shooes) or one day in study, and another in businesse.

How much he hath in him either of Learning or Judgement, he hath manifested by this proposall; I am much assured, there is not a Learned man in all the world who hath not found by experience, that skill in any Faculty (so as to exceed the smatterings of such trifies as Mr Dell) is not to be attained, without a timely beginning, [Page] a constancy and assiduity in study, especially while they are young; Had not Mr Dell abstained from reading of the Poets (rather because they are too hard for him, then for any wickednesse which is in them) he had long since been perswaded of this truth,

Multa tulit fecit (que) puer, sudavit & alsit.

Vdum & molle lutum es, nunc, nunc properandus, & acri

Fingendus sine fine rotâ—

It is very probable that Mr Dell may have given as much of his time to some other trade, as he hath done to Learning or study: Indeed his Learning and Judgement shewes it, (notwithstanding which he may be (for ought I know) an excellent Artificer, his wit perhaps lying that way) but if this course shall be set up, as the only Authorized way of Institution, we may by this meanes have ignorance enough to think highly of our selves, but we shall become the scorne of all the Gallant Men in the Nations about us, and Mr Dell shall not need to torment himselfe about Tithes, and maintainance of Ministers, the Romans will come and take away their Place and Nation.

Sir, I have now done what I intended, (as slightly as I could runne over what you recommended,) and am ambitious only to continue in the acceptance wherein I stand with you,

As being your most Humble and Affectionate Servant H. D.

FINIS.

Information about this book

Title statement

Vindiciæ academiarum containing some briefe animadversions upon Mr Websters book stiled, The examination of academies : together with an appendix concerning what M. Hobbs and M. Dell have published on this argument.

Ward, Seth, 1617-1689.

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1654

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2004-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1).

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A67575

ID [STC]

Wing W832

ID [STC]

ESTC R12478

ID [EEBO-CITATION]

11913100

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ocm 11913100

ID [VID]

50857

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(EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A67575)

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Source

— Vindiciæ academiarum containing some briefe animadversions upon Mr Websters book stiled, The examination of academies : together with an appendix concerning what M. Hobbs and M. Dell have published on this argument., Ward, Seth, 1617-1689., Wilkins, John, 1614-1672..

Extent

[2], 65 p.

Printed by Leonard Lichfield ... for Thomas Robinson,. Oxford :: 1654.. (Signed: H.D. [i.e., Seth Ward, Bishop of Salisbury] ; prefatory epistle signed: N.S. [i.e., John Wilkins, Bishop of Chester] Cf. DNB.) (Reproduction of original in Harvard University Libraries.)

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