TEsfa Lion, a Native of Ethiopia, in his close to St. John's Gospel, which he published, together with the rest of the New Testament, in his Mother­tongue (imprinted at Rome in the year of our Lord 1548.) affirms that his Soveraign's Ancestors were in times past Lords of 62 Kingdoms, but their Empire is now reduced to a Third part of its ancient Dimensions. [A vast Re­gion which (though concealed in those inward Re­cesses of Africa, neither well known nor oft fre­quented by us of Europe, yet) may claim a just pre­cedency [Page 2]among all the Nations of Christendom, not only for the large extent of its Dominions, but like­wise for the prime Antiquity of its Conversion to the Christian Faith, or at least its early Notice and participation of that Gospel whereby it hath been propagated in the World.

For, shortly after the Glorious Ascension of our Lord into Heaven, an Eunuch of great Authority un­der Candace Queen of the Ethiopians] whom the afore­mentioned Tesfa Zion, without expressing by what Authority he doth it, names Lacasa, and the place of her principal Residence Tigra [upon his return from Jerusalem, whither he had come to worship, met with Philip the Evangelist in the Desart of Gaza, who after he had preached unto him JESUS, in the Exposition of what he then read in the Book of Esaias the Prophet, baptized him in the next Water they came to as they went on their way; whereof we have an authentick Record in the 8th. Chapter of the Acts of the Holy Apostles. And since the Spirit of Truth in the same Scripture tells us, He went on his way re­joycing, doubtless at his journeys end he expressed that Joy and its just occasion, in making a publick decla­ration to his Countrey-men of all that befel him in the way, and so he became the first Preacher of the Gospel to that part of the World, though he was not fully qualified to convey all the priviledges that might compleat the Foundation of the Christian Church among them:] For,Vid. Spon­dan. An. Cbr. 35. N. 9. & 15. the Eunuch wanting the Authority of conferring Holy Orders, (in regard he receiv'd both his Baptism and Instruction from a Deacon only, and returned home without any Impo­sition of the Apostles hands) the Abissins remained de­stitute [Page 3]of Priests or Bishops till such time as one Abà Seláma arrived in that Countrey; whereofLib. 10. c. 9. Ruffi­nus in his Ecclesiastical History writes to this effect:

Meropius a certain Tyrian Philosopher determining to visit India, took two Youths to accompany him in his Travels, the one named Aedesius, the other Frumentius. In his Return he unhappily fell into a Port of Africa, where a barbarous people surprized him and his whole Company, and slew them all, except the two Lads whom they found Conning their Lessons under a Tree near the inhospitable Harbor, and of these they made a Present to their Soveraign. Aedesius was raised to the Office of his Cup-bearer, but he advanced Frumentius to be one of his Privy-Council. After that Monarchs death, Frumentius became Protector to the heir during his minority, in which time he made diligent Inquiry among the Ro­man Merchants that drove a Traffick in those parts for such as were Christians; and these he directed and authorized to build divers magnificent Stru­ctures for the publick exercise of the Christian Reli­gion in more solemn Assemblies than had there been usual afore-time. But when the young Prince arrived to such years as qualified him to assume the Govern­ment, he no sooner took the Scepter into his own hands, but Aedesius returned to his Kindred at Tyre; Frumen­tius travelled to Alexandria in Egypt, where after he had related the State of the Countrey from whence he came to the Patriarch, advising him to send some sitper­son thither endued with Episcopal Dignity and Power, upon a Motion made by Athanasius (then newly en­tred into the Order ofAn Ethi­opick Histo­ry written by P. Al­meyda saith be was Patri­arch at that time. Ex Chron. Auzumen­si. Priesthood) the same Fru­mentius was sent back invested with the Authority [Page 4]of a Bishop, who not only encreased the number of Believers by the Apostolick Miracles, which he wrought, but established also a Succession of Eccle­siastical Officers in those Countreys: Whereupon the Abissins, in memory of the singular Benefits they received by his Ministry, styled him Aba Seláma, i. e. The Father of Peace; [and have ever since honour'd the See of Alexandria with the Consecration of their successive Metropolitans.] According to the Abissin Chronologies this came to pass in the Year of Christ 356. when two Brothers, whom they name Abri­ham and Azbiha, raigned together: butAn. Chr. 327. N. 4. Spondanus disagrees in the Computation of the time, account­ing their Raign nine and twenty years sooner.

From this Aba Seláma, to Abuna Simon who died in the year 1618. they reckon up Ninety five Me­tropolitans in a continued Succession.

But the Church of Ethiopia, thus planted and esta­blished in the Orthodox Profession of the Gospel, did not long retain the Catholick Faith in its Purity: for, soon after the Council of Chalcedon (which was convened in the year of Christ, 451.) had condemned Dioscorus of Heresie, from whom, being then Pa­triarch of Alexandria, (or rather from Jacob Syrus his Scholar, according to their own Confession) the Abissins receiv'd the corrupt Opinion of Eutyches; they did not only separate from the Churches of Europe, but proceeded so far as to pass sentence of Excommunication against them, the form where­of my Author out of an Ethiopick Manuscript which he found somewhere in England, translates in these words, Maledicta sit impia Synodus quoe Chalcedone habita est: Maledictus sit qui cum illis communicat, om­nesque [Page 5]qui in eâdem side cum illis permanent. Nos autem non obedimus Congregationi istoe hoereticoe unquam. In English thus. ‘Let the wicked Synod held at Chal­cedon be accursed: Cursed be he that is of their Com­munion, and all those that continue in the same Faith with them. But we own no Obedience or con­formity to that Heretical assembly.’

From that time till the year 1177. our Ecclesi­astical Historians make little mention of the Abissins, or any affairs of that Church: except Galvisius in his Opere chron. an. Chr. 451. fol. 462.

But in the forementioned year 1177. Pope Alexan­der the III. was informed by one of his Physicians, named Peter, then newly returned out of Ethiopia, that the Abissin Emperor expressed himself very well in­clined to the Church of Rome, and desirous of being reconciled to her Communion; for which purpose he requested his Holiness to entertain some of his sub­jects in Rome, where they might conveniently be brought up and instructed in the principles of the Ro­man Faith. This proposal was readily embraced by the Pope, and the better to promote and encourage the designed Union he appointed them a certain house with a Chappel dedicated to S. Stephen, scituate be­hind the Quire of S. Peter's for their Accommodation. As soon as the Popes Letters brought Tidings into Ethiopia of the kind Reception allotted for them in Rome, many of the Abissins flocked thither, where they abode till they had throughly learnt and espoused the Rites and customs of the Latin Church, and then these New proselytes were sent home again sit Instru­ments to induce their Countreymen to a milder Opi­nion of the Roman Religion.

And to further this Design,Vide Spon­dan an. Ch. 1253. N. 3. 1321. N. 3. 1329. N. 10. which had so auspi­cious a beginning, Innocent the IVth. sent divers of the Order of S. Dominic into the Abissin Territories, [to second the endeavours of those converted Na­tives now returned thither, and to perfect (if possible) the subjection of that Mighty Prince and people to the papal Chair.]

Afterwards, Eugenius the IVth. having in the Council of Ferrara reconciled [at least as was pre­tended] the Greeks, Armenians, and Copties; [that no­thing might be wanting to compleat so glorious an acquest,] sent express messengers to Zera Jacob then raigning in Ethiopia, by whom he did earnestly invite and solicit him to enter into the Catholick Communion: And he being loth to frustrate so tedious and charge­able an Embassy (especially since twas the first made into those parts by an European Prince) sent some of his subjects to Rome, where they did not only comple­ment the Pope, but in their Emperor's name made a Confession of Faith according to the Articles receiv'd and establish'd in the Church of Rome; and thereupon carried back with them Letters of Union from his Ho­liness, as the Acts of that Council signifie, which was continued at Florence and ended in Rome; in the close whereof this great affair was transacted, a little be­fore the death of Pope Eugenius. But the short continu­ance of that fair correspondence, and the few acts of Union or Obedience put in practice thereupon, may sufficiently evidence to the world that what theA fair Confession from a Pa­pist. Ethiopian Monarchs did of this nature in their Trans­actions with the Popes of Rome, was never heartily approved or generally entertained by their subjects.

About this time John the II. King of Portugal, de­sirous [Page 7]to make some new discoveries [that might em­ploy and inrich his Subjects, whose experience and suc­cess in the Art of Navigation extended their Renown and Dominion farther toward the East than any other People of Europe in that Age,] resolved to send some able persons with his Credential Letters, (as to the most remarkable Provinces thereabouts, so especially) to the Emperor of Ethiopia; that, (if no other Ad­vantage should accrue thereby) he might at least be gratified with a more exact Information concerning those parts of the World. In this enterprise, Alphon­sus à Pavia and Johannes Petrus à Covilham, both Por­tugueses, were the chief: They began their Voyage from Lisbon on the 7th of May, 1486. and having pass­ed through Neapolis, Egypt, Tor, and Suaquem, at last Johannes (Alphonsus being dead by the way) arrived at the Imperial Court of Ethiopia, where then raigned Alexander, who was Successor to Bete Mariam the son of Zera Jacob, by whom they were entertained with all demonstrations of Humanity and Kindness: espe­cially Johannes Petrus who grew into so much Favor and esteem there, that he was never permitted to re­turn into his own Countrey. He therefore omitted not, upon all fair Occasions which his abode and in­terest in that Court allowed him, to discourse of the great Atchievements happily undertaken and accom­plish'd by the Crown of Portugal; the relation where­of so won upon the mind of Hellen the Empress, that she rested not satisfied till an Embassy was sent to con­clude a League of Friendship with Emanuel, who then sate on the Throne of his Father K. John deceased some time before. And on that errand one Matthew an Armenian, whom they made choice of as the fittest [Page 8]person for such an employment, came to Lisbon in the year 1513.

This was the first Embassy which any Prince of Europe ever receiv'd from the Ethiopian Court: For those Abissins who were sent to Rome upon the Medi­ation of Pope Alexander's Physician (as is before re­lated) came not immediately from Ethiopia, but were recommended from a Monastery which they then had in Jerusalem.

Hereupon King Emanuel of Portugal returned an honourable Embassy to the Abissin Emperor, which he committed to the management of Edward Galvan a very sage experienc'd person, and Francis Alvarez his own Chaplain, a devout & learned Priest; and with them sent back the Armenian also. But Galvan dying in Cameran, an Isle of the Red Sea, Rhoderic Lima was appointed his Substitute, who with Alvarez and the rest of their company (except Matthew the Armenian who likewise dyed by the way) presented themselves at the Court of Ethiopia before David then raigning,See the Hi­story writ­ten by Fran­cis Alva­rez. who gave them most splendid and obliging entertain­ment, not only at their first Reception, but during the whole time of their Residence. After six years (a great part whereof they spent against their wills in that Court) they were licensed to return, Alvarez having so well acquitted himself in his Negotiation there that the Emperor deputed him to be his Ambassador to the Pope, with a command [as was pretended] to tender Obedience to his Holiness in his Name. But Claudius, David, successor, did afterwards tell Oviedus to his face, that this wasThis For­gery is own­ed by the Pen of a Rom. Cath. added to the Emperor's Letters as well contrary to his intention as without his knowledge. He sent also with them Christopher Licanatus, aliàs [Page 9]Zega Zeab, with kind Letters both to the King of Portugal and the Pope.

These Embassadors left Ethiopia in the Month of April, an. 1526. and arrived at Lisbon in July the same year. But Francis Alvarez came not to Rome till the 29th. of January, an. 1533. at which time he deliver'd the Ethiopian Letters to the Pope (then Clemens the VIIth.) who caused them to be read in the presence of that puissant Emperor Charles the Vth. and many other Worthies.

King Emanuel was very desirous this friendly cor­respondence, already so well initiated, might be brought to perfection; and though he did not live to see his Wishes fully answer'd, yet this design of his was afterwards much facilitated by another Message from Claudius the Son and Successor of David, where­in he earnestly requested aids from the King of Portu­gal against oneAgainst whom Tes­sa Zion inveighs bitterly, terming him a Com­panion of the Goats and Perse­cutor of the Sheep, because of the deva­station of his Native Countrey. Grain King of Adel, [a more successful than potent Neighbour, who at that time miserably wasted his Dominions,] and to render this request the more successful and avaialable, he [not only sent a Confession of his Faith since published by Job Ludolfus, but] in the same Letters further craved an under­standing person invested by the Pope with the Autho­rity of a Patriarch, and some other able Divines to be sent under his Conduct into Abissinia.

In Answer to this proposal, John King of Portugal demanded of Ignatius de Loyola some Members of his Order (not long before instituted) to be employed on that occasion; but the Father of the Jesuits [with a Deliberation suitable to his Gravity] gave him no reply till the year 1555. and then he recommended Johannes Nunnius Barretta and Melchior Carnerius, [Page 10]both Portugueses, and Andreas Oviedus a Castilian, as persons throughly accomplished for such a purpose. And [that a plenary power and qualification from the See Apostolick might add the more Honour and Authority to their Mission,] Nunnius was ordained Patriarch of Ethiopia by Pope Julius the IIId. and af­terwards confirmed by Pope Paul the IVth. and of his two Co-adjutors, the first was made Bishop of Ni­coea, the later Bishop of Hierapolis: [Thus were they fitted to reconcile the Abissin Church to the Roman Faith; and to prevent dissention among them,] it was ordered and agreed that upon the death of Nun­nius, Oviedus should succeed in the Charge and Dig­nity of Patriarch.

On this occasion the King of Portugal wrote to Clau­dius; and so did Ignatius Loyola, whose Epistle may be seen in the History of the Jesuits. However these Letters were not sent by the three above named, but being conveyed to Petrus Mascarenius then Vice-Roy of India, he transmitted them to the Ethiopian Court by the hands of three other persons, that they might sound the Emperors Inclinations before the Patriarchs arrival: But Claudius (having already received the aids he desired) had changed his mind in the matter of Religion, intending nothing less than to admit of the Alteration he had proposed, so that, when the Roman Fathers came to press for Audience, he sent them word, he had neither Need to receive the In­struction, nor Will to obey the Authority of the Church of Rome; nay, so averse were his Nobles to their Admission, that some of them openly affirmed, they would sooner submit to the Turkish than the Roman yoke.

Nevertheless, that so high an enterprise might not fall under the blemish of an utter frustration, Oviedus [now become principal of the Mission, in the absence of Nunnus, who proceeded not with them] boldly prosecutes his Journey with five Fathers more, and so wrought his way through all the Obstacles which threatned his disappointment, that on the third day of Pentecost in the year 1557. they were admitted into the Emperor's presence, who seemed to promise them a favorable Reception at the first; but having read their Letters, his Countenance was quickly changed, the Contents thereof being no way cor­respondent to his Humor or Interest; as he afterwards sufficiently expressed in his frequent disputes with the Bishop concerning Religion, whereby he gave them to understand he would not easily relinquish the receiv'd Opinions and Customs of the Abissin Church. Hereupon Oviedus wrote a confutation of their Errors and presented it to the Emperor, who made him no other reply thereunto than what might suffice to signifie his firm Resolution of adhering to the Principles of his Forefathers.

But these repeated altercations having rendred the Bishop's presence ingrateful at Court, he sound it high time to retire with his Companions to some place of greater privacy, where they omitted not their usual Industry and utmost endeavours to reduce the Abissin Christians to the Doctrine and Rites of the Roman Church; whereupon the Emperor not only sent him a severe check and prohibition, but (had not some of the Nobles interpos'd their interest and Argu­ments) would have proceeded to put him to death, but [being disswaded from inflicting any Sanguinary [Page 12]punishment,] he at last with great fury injoyned the Roman Bishop never to see his face more. This was transacted in January 1559. and Claudius ended his days in a battle against the Saracens in the moneth of March next following.

Who in another Tract pub­lished by my Author is also named Mi­nas. Adamas Saghed his brother succeeded him both in the Throne, [and in the Resolute Affection he had for the Abissin Church, as then established by the an­cient Laws and Constitutions of the Empire] being a man so inveterate against the Promoters of the Ro­man Cause that, upon some bold reply made by Ovie­dus (when admitted to a Conference) he could scarce forbear laying violent hands upon him; nay, his Fu­ry carried him so far as to tear the Gown from his back: Nor was his wrath thus appeased, but (when he was become Patriarch, in the room of Nunnius Barretta who dyed at Goa, in the year 1562.) he ba­nished him into an horrid and desolate Mountain to­gether with his Complices, where they were confined for the space of six moneths, till released upon the Intercession of some Lords. He also revoked the Li­berty which Claudius his Predecessor had formerly granted, ‘That such Abissin women as were married to Portugueses might observe the Roman Institutions, without incurring any penalty:’ and forbad all his Subjects on severe penalties to profess the Roman Reli­gion, or so much as be present at the Popish Mass or any Portuguess meeting; whereupon divers were imprisoned, tortured, and put to death, for transgressing the Imperial Edict.

By this rigor and strict severity which he used for the suppression of the Roman Interest now set on foot by the Fathers in his Territories, many of his [Page 13]Subjects were soNot with­out the con­current In­stigation of the Jesuits, who led the Portugal Faction. exasperated, that in the year 1560. Isaac Barnagassi, who drew a considerable part of the Nobles into the Conspiracy, plotted with thirtyNot with­out the con­current In­stigation of the Jesuits, who led the Portugal Faction. Por­tugueses how they might destroy him: And [finding no sit Opportunity for the private Assassination of his person, the more plausibly to effect it by open War] they pretend to vindicate the Right of Bencon or Zar­car. Tar­car, the Son of his deceased Elder Brother Claudius, for whose advancement to the Throne they take up Arms. But Adamas, justly apprehensive of the danger, soon levied an Army to suppress theOne Re­bellion oc­casioned by the Pope's Agents. Rebellion; and to re-ingratiate himself with the Portuguese party, he invitos Oviedus, and the rest of his Co-adjutors, by an amicable message, to his Camp; [not being ignorant from what quarter the Storm arose.] How­ever, the Fire being blown up so far already as not to be quenched without Effusion of blond, they came to blows, with various success: For, in the first con­flict Adamas was driven from his Trenches, with some loss; in the second, he had the good fortune to take Tarcar alive, and (in hopes his Trouble might dye with him) caused him to be beheaded on the 2d of July, 1561. But in a third Battel, Isaac, the Traiterous Vice-Roy of Midrebahr, having set up another Bro­ther of the deceased Tarcar, and called in the Turks to his Aid, so terrified Adamas and his Army with their great Guns, that he left his Camp in confused haste and fled on the 20th of April, 1562. and in the moneth of February the year following, he ended his Days and Troubles together, leaving his SonWhom be elsewhere names Ba­silides. Melec Saghed very young to succeed him, who, by those of the Loy­al Party, was set up in his Fathers room.

But Barnagassi, prosecuting the Rebellion upon the [Page 14]Interest of Tarcar's brother whom he had advanced to the Imperial Title and Dignity, became Master of Mesauva, and Erquiquum, with all the Sea-coast, which [finding himself unable to carry on the Trea­son he had begun, to its desired issue] he maliciously betrayed to the subjection of the Turks, his Confede­rates. However, in spite of the malice or success of his Enemies, Melec Segued out-lived these Storms, and became equally eminent in Glory and Virtue.

In the mean time the Patriarch Oviedus, after the forementioned Discomfiture of Adamas, having re­tired with part of the Portugueses [notwithstanding their success, which makes it very unaccountable] into Fremona, a Town in the Kingdom of Tigra, where he past the remainder of his life, he wrote di­vers Letters both to Rome and Portugal, dated in the year 1562. wherein he chargeth the miscarriage of his whole Enterprise on the want of Aids from Por­tugal, and (among other things) desires to be re­moved out of Ethiopia into India, which request was granted him by a Brief from Pius quintus bearing date Feb. 25. 1566. But notwithstanding this Liberty given him, he afterwards excused himself for not passing into India, by reason of the Turks who were become Masters of the Passage, in Letters to the Pope on the 15th of June 1567. wherein he also gave his Holiness an Account, that the number of Roman Ca­tholicks at that time in the Empire of Ethiopia might be about five hundred. And at last this vigilant Pa­triarch, after 15. or 16. years Residence in Fremona, dyed there, an. 1577. [After his death we find not any further attempt from Rome, till] the year 1584. when Pope Gregory the XIIIth. sent Johannes Baptista [Page 15]Brittus to reclaim Melec Saghed to Apostolick Obedi­ence; [furnishing him not only with perswasive Letters, but many Catholick Books, which for the more effectual Conviction both of the Soveraign and his Subjects, were to be dispersed among them. Arm'd with these Instructions] he passed by the way of Aleppo to Ormuz, thence he sailed to Goa, and there embarked himself on a ship bound for the Red Sea, where touch­ing upon a small Isle (whose name we know not) he was taken and slain by the Turks, an. 1586. And yet [though he and the great design he undertook mis­carried together] some of his Books were brought into Ethiopia, where they were received and cried up [at least by those well affected to the Church of Rome] as Divine Oracles dropt down from Heaven.

Touching these Affairs we hear no farther men­tion during the Raign of Melec Saghed; only that in the year 1593. he sent one Tecle Maria, of the Order of S. Anthony, to Rome and Lisbon, requiring succors might be sent him on some special occasion; but his Message was not answer'd with its desired effect.

About this time divers Roman Fathers made many in­effectual attempts to pass into Ethiopia, being still disap­pointed by the Turks, who were nowThus they justly smarted by the Effect of their Treason against A­damas. Possessors of all the Ports & Avenues to that Empie lying on the Sea-coast, by whom some of them were killed and others captivated for many years. Hereupon they began to consider of some safer Expedient for their Transporta­tion, & it was concluded requisite to this purpose that an House should be built upon Diu, an Isle belonging to the Kingdom of Cambaya (scituate between the City Cambaya and the River Sinda) whereunto Armenians, Greeks, Arabs, Turks and Persians continually resort to [Page 16]lade and unlade the Traffick they carry on in those parts; in regard that from thence, by reason of the great Concourse of People always passng to and fro the Fa­thers might conveniently enough in the habit of Arme­nians be conveyed by the Moors themselves into Ethio­pia, And no sooner had Ayres de Saldanna, then Vice Roy of India, [of his pious inclination to that Religious design] built and endowed the House they desired, but this Counsel took effect, so that in the year 1603. P. Petrus Paez, in 1605. P. Anton. Fernandez. and P. An­ton. de Angelis, and in 1606. P. Ludovicus de Azevedo and Laurentius Romanus, were successively transpor­ted without danger or discovery: and [for the better dispersing of their Doctrine] the one part betook themselves to Dembea, and the other to Fremona; where [they knew so well to act their parts and im­prove their advantages, that] they drew great num­bers of Proselytes to the Church of Rome, and among the rest prevailed with the EmperorWhich perhaps is no other but the same Melec Sag­hed under a different Title, it be­ing usual for the A­bissin Afo­narchs to have many Names, whereof Job Lu­dolsus hath given apar­ticular in­stanco in his Notes on the Con­fession of Claudius, N. 5, 6. Zà Dinghil himself to espouse their Religion and own the Popes Authority. But [instead of winning his Subjects to embrace the same Profession after the example of their Soveraign, his Defection from the established Opinions and Practices of the Abissin Church] so en­raged the people, [who till then had expressed them­selves Loyal and Obedient to his Person and Govern­ment] that theyThis is a second Re­bellion oc­casioned by Popish E­missaries. rebelled against him, and while he endeavoured to reduce them to their Duty by force of Arms, he was slain in the Battel.

After the death of Zà Dinghil, there arose two Competitors for the Crown, Jacob and Susnejos, be­tween whom the whole strength of the Empire was divided. Jacob had been driven, about a year before, [Page 17]by a Faction of the Nobles, to Enarea as an Exile, for as much as they reputed him to be Illegitimate; but having maintained a good correspondence with divers of the Grandees during his absence from Court, at his return he [found not only a very friend­ly Reception, but so great an Interest among them as enabled him to] overcome his Uncle Susnejos in the Field and ascend the Throne. But not long after [such is the instability of Fortune] Susnejos, who pretended to the Crown as nearer in Bloud reinforc'd his scatter'd Troops, and with his victorious Arms deprived Jacob at once of his Life and Soveraignty, on the 10th. of March, an. 1607. This Prince Jacob had two sons, who (upon their Fathers overthrow) fled for their security; the one was named Cosmus; the other, Zega Christus, who, after he had escaped out of the Abissin Territories, travelled to Jerusalem, thence he went to Rome, after that he came to Paris, and in the end dyed at Ruel, an. 1638.

Susnejos, who was a Prince no less renowned for his Vertues than his Successes, divided the Govern­ment of his three principal Kingdoms, Amhare, Abag­amider, and Tigra, between his three Brethren, and Gorgora he committed to the charge of a certain Duke, in whom he much confided. And having thus disposed the places of greatest Trust into safe hands, he was the better able to suppress all Tumultuary Insurrecti­ons in the bud, and provided for the peace and safety of his Empire, which was much established by his absolute Conquest of a neighbouring enemy, that often infested his Dominions, called the Gallae. These were a People inhabiting between the Kingdom of Bale and the Sea, generally esteemed the Race of those [Page 18] Jews that were irrecoverably dispersed by Salmanas­sar, Nebuch adnezzar, Titus, Adrian, and Severus, who, as they accidentally fell into those parts, associated to­gether, and from small despised beginnings grew up into a considerable body, which proved troublesome (if not formidable) to the neighbouring Princes; though by their long abode in that Climate, they are now become black.

Ethiopia being thus at rest on every side, Susnejos [resolves to improve those Haleyon days in propa­gating the Faith hitherto concealed in his own Breast, and for this purpose] calls the Roman Fathers, acquainting them with his design to be reconciled to the Church of Rome, and expressing himself ready to let the Pope and King of Portugal know his Intentions by Letters, which he would have sent without the privity of his Nobles. But the Fathers advising the contrary, he consulted them in this Affair, though little to his satisfaction, they being utterly averse to his Proposal: However (notwithstanding their dissent) he resolutely proceeds, and [following his own sence] wrote to Paul the Vth. on the 14th. of October, 1607. and to the King of Portugal on the 10th. of December, the same year, in which Letters he requested Aids against hisHe seems to intend such of his Subjects as should per­sist in the old A­bissin per­swasion. enemies, and Mini­sters to instruct his Subjects in the Catholick Faith.

These [after a long delay] were granted him by Pope Gregory the XVth. an. 1622. (much about the time that the Colledge de propagandâ side was first erected in Rome) and Alphonsus Mendez, a Portuguese Jesuit, was constituted Patriarch of Ethiopia: But he departed not from Lisbon till the year 1624. when prosecuting his Voyage, he arrived the year follow­ing [Page 19]at the Port of Beilur in the Kingdom of Dancale, (which lies over against Mocca) the King whereof, being a Tributary and Ally to the Abissin Emperor, had Notice of his arrival, and accordingly received him. From thence he past on toSupposed the same with Fre­mona. Maiguagua, where he winter'd with the Fathers of the Society; next he came to Genéte Jesus, where also some Fathers dwelt; after that to Gorgora, and there he found Fathers like­wise; and at last he arrived at the Emperor's Court, who entertained him with great demonstrations of Joy and Favor.

After a few days of refreshment, the Patriarch Al­phonsus, attired in Pontifical habit, made a Sermon before the Court on that Text, Thou art Peter,S. Matth. 16.18. and upon this Rock I will build my Church, &c. And at the Close of his Discourse, the Emperor (by his Lord Chamberlain) made open Confession in the presence of all his Nobles, ‘That Dioscorus had been justly con­demend, and though Jacobus Syrus his Disciple brought that Heresie among them, yet they were still conscious of the Authority of the Church of Rome, whereof himself was so throughly convinced that he resolved to countenance the Roman Faith throughout all his Dominions; concluding with the Application of that Passage to the Church of Rome, which S. Paul writes in his Epistle to the Romans, Who shall separate us from the love of Christ? cap. 8.35, 37, 38, 39. Shall tribulation or distress, or persecution, or famine, or naked­ness, or peril, or sword, &c.’

After this Speech was ended, the Emperor took an Oath, wherein he obliged himself to be an obedient Son to the Church and Pope of Rome; thenor Basili­des. Fasila­des, his Son and Heir apparent, did the like; and [Page 20]after him, Râs Secla Christus the Emperor's half Bro­ther, with other Grandees and Officers of State, took the same Oath. Then the Nobles swore Allegiance to Fasilades, as the sole person whom [at the expence of their Lives and Fortunes] they would set upon the Throne, in case of his Fathers decease; where­unto some [of the most zealous for the rising Cause] added this Proviso UPON CONDITION HE CONTINUED FIRM TO THE ROMAN FAITH.☞ Last of all, the Ecclesiastical Censure of Excommunication was denounced against any per­son that should thenceforward endeavour to remove the Catholick Faith, or restore the Abissin Perswasion. This great Revolution was transacted on the eleventh day of February, in the year 1626.

In pursuance of the Oath he had lately taken, Sus­nejos required his Subjects to renounce their ancient Opinions and Way of Worship: But the major part of them were so obstinate in their Old Principles, and their Soveraign so resolute to reduce them to the New, that the whole Empire (lately flourishing in Peace and Tranquillity) was transformed into a dis­mal scene of Oppression and Violence, being filled with the bloud and slaughter of its native Inhabitants, insomuch that the number of sufferers in this Quar­rel of Religion did not seldom amount to four thou­sand in a day.

This grand success of the Roman Cause was with all convenient speed certified to the Pope, then Urban the VIIIth. who (not a little pleased with such acceptable tidings) wrote gratulatory Letters to the Ethiopian Patriarch Alphonsus: dated at S. Peter's in Rome the 4th. of March, 1628. and the fifth year of his Papacy.

In the mean time all Acts of Religion passed in Ethiopia according to the rites of the Roman Church; all from the Emperor to the meanest Commoner were re-baptized, and their Marriages, which the Abissin Custom had in times past allowed to be dissoluble at the pleasure of the parties, became now irevocable: [except a Divorce were granted by Dispensation, or adjudged by Sentence.]

But, (to use my Author's own words hujusmodi per vim & supplicia populos ad Regnum Christitrahendi mo­dus, diuturnus esse hautquaquam poterat;) this method of drawing (or rather driving) People by Acts of Violence and the infliction of punishments, to the Kingdom ofThough the Abis­sins avere Christians already. Christ, was not likely to lay any last­ing foundation: For, when the Catholick Faith had been promoted and maintained with Fire and Sword for the space ofFour. fourteen years, [so that it seemed to be rooted and established in the Empire] divers of the Great ones (still well affected to the Abissin Church) combining together made anA third Rebellion by reason of the Popish Interest. Insurrecti­on for the Restauration and Defence of their Anci­ent Profession; and these were quickly seconded by multitudes of the Common People flocking to them from every quarter, whose Courage and Numbers received no small accession from the presence and per­swasions of those Abissin Monks, who (lest they should have been compelled to embrace the Roman Faith or suffer the severe Penalties denounced against its opposers) had retired into inacessible Moun­tains, or lain hid in obscure dens and caves; but now disclosed themselves to the new raised Forces, ani­mating them against the Roman Fathers and their Doctrine.

[Susnejos in the mean time was not idle, but like a vigilant and resolute Champion of the Faith he had solemnly espoused, sent forth his Troops to prevent the danger of those Tumults, hoping to crush them ere they could be in a posture to make head against him, though the success did not answer his Expecta­tion: For] the Vice-Roy, to whose Valour and Con­duct he entrusted that Campaign, and many Catho­lick Nobles who fought under his Banner, fell in sun­dry Battles; so that by the unhappy issue of these Intestine Wars the Catholick Cause daily declined, and upon the rumor of their losses the adverse party pro­portionably encreased both in strength and number.

Hereupon they first demand Liberty to celebrate their Mass after the Rites prescribed in the Liturgy of their Fore-fathers: This being readily assented to, the success emboldned them to press with greater vi­gor and earnestness for the Restitution of all their other Opinions and Priviledges. And whereas the Roman Fathers seemed the sole Obstructors of their desired Liberty, they never gave the Emperor any respit from their clamorous addresses till he conde­scended to rid the Court of the Patriarch and his Co­operators, whereupon [being as well wearied by their Importunity as terrified by their Power] he commanded the Fathers to return to Maiguagua: Upon whose Removal from their Prince's eye, the people soon obtained a publick Revocation of all those Edicts that had been made in favour of the Roman Catholicks or their Religion, and a general Grant of Liberty of Conscience to all the Abissins, as in times past. A short time after, the death of Susnejos put an end to the Controversie, an. 1632.

The Reasons of the peoples implacable animosity against the Fathers, which procured their Ejection, were not (it seems) well understood in Europe, till a certain Abissin named Abbas Gregorius, and he a Catholick, being weary of the Commotions occasi­oned by the Jesuits in his own Countrey, came to Grand Cairo, then to Jerusalem, and after that to Rome, where he gave an Account of the whole mat­ter upon Oath before Don Pedro Lippa, then Secreta­ry to the Colledge de propagandâ fide.

And Ernestus Duke of Saxony, hearing of this Abissins Arrival and Deposition, immediately sent an Express to invite him to his Court, that he might be informed in a more particular manner from his own mouth. However, not being fully satisfied with his Relation, he sent Wansleben (my Author) into Egypt, an. 1663. to procure the best information he could from such as came down from Ethiopia to Grand Cairo.

Now of the Abissins Relation and the Author's En­quiry, this he gives us as the sum and substance.

The Patriarch Alphonsus Mendez, The Jesuits Pride, [as if he had vyed with the Emperor's Pomp and Attendance] maintained three hundred servants in his ordinary Retinue, and in all things carried a losty Port far ex­ceeding the degree of an Ecclesiastical person; (at least among the Abissins, where men of that Function live at a contrary Rate and retein very different Cu­stoms;) nay, his Pride was such that he would not give any Ethiopian, of what estate or degree soever, the respect due to his place or quality; whereof this may serve for one signal instance. Susnejos, on some special occasion, sent his Son and Successor to speak [Page 24]with the Patriarch, into whose presence at the same instant came a Lay-brother of the Order; to the later he appointed a Chair, [as a mark of Honor,] per­mitting the Heir apparent in the mean time to stand before him [without making him the least Tender of the like Civility.] Nor did he put a less affront upon the Empress her self, [when she had as much Need as Reason to expect a more obliging Treat­ment;] for,Ingrati­tude, whereas the Emperor had granted Al­phonsus and the Fathers of his Society the same Castle, wherein he preserved his Treasure, for their Security in the time of the Rebellion; they ingratefully denied admission to his Royal Consort, when (in a great apprehension of imminent danger) she sled thither for Refuge. And so little did he countenance the Na­tives of that Countrey, that he would neither allow any of the Abissins [though zealous Assertors of the Roman Catholick Profession] the dignity of Holy Orders, nor permit them to accompany him in those journeys which he rode on Horse-back, except they would submit to walk by him on foot, like so many Lacquies.

[But, besides these personal dis-respects, there were many other Provocations, of a more hainous na­ture, which moved the Abissins to hate and expel the Jesuits, as enemies to the Publick Weal, in plotting the Subversion as well of the Civil as Ecclesiastical Government, not content to Triumph in the Ruine of their Church, without improving that to the Disso­lution of their State too. For,]

They laid a secret design to betray the Empire of Ethiopia to the Portuguese Dominion;and Trea­sonable Practices. whereof they were undeniably convicted by divers Letters [writ­ten [Page 25]to carry on the Treason,] which were seasonably intercepted.

Under the pretence of building Churches and Col­ledges, they raised Fortifications and strong holds in many advantageous parts of the Countrey.

And a vast quantity of Instruments for the erecting of Mounds and Bulworks, with other warlike pre­parations, were (upon a strict search) found in their houses.

In short, they did inordinately enrich themselves and were intolerably insolent; which first bred a­mong the Abissins a suspicion, that they rather aimed at the Gold and Government of Ethiopia, than the salvation of its Inhabitants.

Upon this discovery, the Roman Cause dyed toge­ther with Susnejos; for no sooner was his son Fasi­lades advanced to the Throne, but he resolved to ex­pel the Catholick Fathers out of his Dominions; and to the more violent as well as speedy execution of this Resolve he was not a little quickned by a message from a neighbouring King, who, (being both Po­tent and Wealthy) threatned to invade him, unless he gave his Subjects liberty to worship God accord­ing to the Rites of their Ancestors. Having therefore granted the Patriarch forty servants, Letters of safe Conduct, and licence to transport whatsoever his Fa­ther had bestowed upon him; he strictly injoyns him and all the Roman Fathers to depart the Empire without delay, [and by publick Decree makes it a Capital Offence for any of them to be found in his Territories on any pretence whatsoever.]

After their departure, he immediately prohibits the Exercise of the Roman Religion, deprives the Ca­tholick [Page 26]Abissins of all their Honors and Charges; com­pels them both by Threats and Punishments to re­sume their former Opinions; and in the Province of Assa put three Jesuits to death, because they departed not with the rest, [at the day prescribed:] The like number of Abissins and Portugueses ran the same Fate [for their Obstinacy,] and among others Bishop Apollinaris; nor did he spare his own Uncle, Râs Se­cla Christus, then seventy years old, but condemned him to a tedious imprisonment.

In a word, Susnejos the Father was not more zea­lous and active to plant the Roman Faith in Abissinia, than Fasilades his Son and Successor was to extirpate and abolish it.

As soon as these affairs were throughly made known and impartially stated at Rome; the Colledge de propagandâ fide [upon mature consideration of their ill success and its as just as apparent occasion] resolve to lay aside the Jesuits as improper instru­ments for that enterprise, and in their stead made choice of some Religious persons of the Order of Mendicant Friers to manage their design upon Ethiopia. Accordingly certain Capuchins (namely Agat-Angelus and Cassianus) were deputed for that Charge, and order'd to proceed on their journey thither, an. 1636.

While these things were transacted in Italy, the Patriarch of Alexandria (at the Request of Fasilades, who in the year 1634. had re-setled his Empire in its pristine State and Condition) had ordained one Arminius a Copti, of the Monastery of S. Macarius, Metropolitan of Ethiopia, according to the ancient usage; whom the Italian Friers, upon their arrival at Grand Cairo, found ready to depart to his new [Page 27]Charge, as soon as he should receive the Patriarch's Benediction and his Letters Patents: and under­standing that they were also designed for Abissinia, he made the Fathers a civil invitation to be his Com­panions in Travel; but Arminius having obtained his dispatches before they were fitted for so great a journey, proceeds on his way without them.

At the same time there was in Cairo one Peter Hey­ling, a Lutheran of Lubec, who, for his better securi­ty among the Roman Catholicks, passed under the name of Petrus Nolingus, an Hollander. An En­terprise worthy of the Pro­testant Re­ligion. This man (as is credibly reported) with Ten others of the same Perswasion, [emulating the industry of the Roman Church,] concurred in a joynt resolution to dis­perse the Christian Doctrine, according to the Prin­ciples of the Reformed Religion, over the whole earth; [and that the distribution of their Labours might be the better regulated, they cast the several Provinces of the World into a proportionable divi­sion among them,] each of them obliging himself to undertake that part which should fall to him by Lot: In pursuance of which agreement and design, the forenamed Peter was advanced as far as Cairo, The Lot having destined Egypt and Ethiopia to his charge. A person (by my Authors own confession) of emi­nent Prudence, well skilled in History, experienc'd in Physick, and in many Languages (as Greek, He­brew, Arabic, Ethiopic,) inferiour to none.

From Cairo he travelled sevent days journey to Siút, a City in the upper Egypt, but was constrained to return thence by the means of Agat-Angelus; where­fore to prevent the like affront and disappointment a second time, he determined to procure Licence to [Page 28]accompany Arminius the Ethiopick Metropolitan in his journey towards his new Province, for which pur­pose, that he might ingratiate himself with the chief of the Copties [at least as myWith those of his Reli­gion 'tis no sin to bely an Heretick to blast his Reputation Author saith] he not only professed their Religion, but privately suffer'd himself to be Circumcised, and by these means ob­tained commendatory Letters from the Alexandrian Patriarch to the Emperor of Ethiopia, as well as Permission to joyn with Arminius in his Travels, who left Cairo in the year 1637.

[And yet the Co-herence of my Author's discourse seems to imply that Heylings great parts and abilities recommended him to Arminius; who, that he might the better veil his own want of Learning under the covert of such a mans company and assistance, had a private inducement to obtain the Patriarch's Grant for his Protection and Society, without having re­course to any such indirect means or base complian­ces as are above specified.]

Peter Heyling thus arrived in Abissinia, under the Metropolitans Favour, took up his abode in a Church, [not far from Court.] And as soon as he was setled in his new Mansion, he began to practise Physick and profess the Instruction of Youth in the Greek and He­brew tongues, wherein he quickly became so famous that even the principal Nobility accounted it a sin­gular priviledge to have their Sons educated under his Tuition; so that he might easily have amassed a very considerable Treasure, had he been disposed to accept or hoord up all the Gratuities that were offer'd him: But he either generously refused the Presents when tendered, or else (in ease they were urgently pressed upon him) liberally distributed the over-plus [Page 29]among the poor; [after he had made himself a very moderate allowance out of it for Food and Raiment.] A sufficient evidence [as my Author notes] of his great Abstinence or self-denial.

These remarkable qualities and endowments could not long brook the concealment of a private life, but brake out into such an advantageous report of him as reached the Emperors Ears, and won him so high an esteem at Court that [after some Trial had been made of his Capacity for publick employments] he was by large steps and degrees quickly raised to the principal Charge of the Empire, in which great Office and Trust he acquitted himself with such a prudent address, that his Great Master obliged him (with a courteous violence) to accept of a Revenue and Attendance equal to the Chief of the Nobility, with a most delightful Apartment in a place (accoun­ted the Paradise of Ethiopia) called Genéte Christos; yea, and designed him, as 'tis commonly and posi­tively affirmed, his own Daughter in marriage.

Peter Heyling sinding himself so deeply interested in the Prince's Favour and Affection, began to re­mind his Imperial Majesty of all those deplorable Troubles wherein his Dominions had been so often involved [(especially in the days of his Father,) and so effectually represented to him that those dreadful Commotions and all their pernicious con­sequences] were solely occasioned by the Jesuits, and Popish Emissaries, warning him of the sudden ap­proach of others on the same Errand, [together with the firm Resolution of their Party to persist in the like Treasonable attempts,] that at last his Remon­strance prevailed with the Ethiopian Monarch and [Page 30]his Council to establish a Penal Law against allWith re­gard (no doubt) to a certain old Prophe­cy which our learned Dr. Ed. Castelcites out of San­doval thus, Que gente blanca ha­ziendo los labradores los han de echar suc­ra de Eti­opia: im­porting, That a White Peo­ple under some dis­guise should dispossess them of their Coun­trey. the people of Europe, [of what Countrey or per­swasion soever,] forbidding any person bearing the native distinction of a white Complexion to enter his Territories upon pain of death.

In the mean time the Roman Fathers, an. 1638. proceed on their journey by Suaquem an (Isle of the Red Sea) thence to Enquiquum and so on to­wards the Abissin Court, in the Company of cer­tain Merchants who had liberty of Traffick in those parts. When they came to Seráve, where Barna­gassi the Vice-Roy of Midrebahr had his ordinary Residence, he no sooner saw two White Faces a­mong the Travellers, but he suspected them to be such as had by the late Imperial Edict been banished from all the Coasts of Ethiopia: whereupon (being thereunto advised by the chief Abissin Priest upon the place) he searched their Sumpture, and therein found Chalices, Stones consecrated for Altars, Sa­cerdotal Ornaments and Mass-Books, with other things prepared for Ecclesiastical uses. Having thus discovered their persons and designs, the Vice-Roy informs his Master of the discovery he had made, and detains the Fathers in chains until he should receive further notice of his Majesties pleasure; which was no sooner signified but they were brought to the Emperor's presence on the 5th. of August, 1638. where, upon reading some Letters which they produced from the Patriarch of Alexandria, the Emperor was at first inclined to remand them [without any further mark of his displeasure] to Grand Cairo from whence they came: But, being advised to the contrary by Peter Heyling, and his [Page 31]new Metropolitan Arminius, he changed his pur­pose and required them [as a Test resolved on in the late Consult] to receive the Holy Communi­on after the manner prescribed and practised in the Abissin Church, with a Promise that (in case of their Conformity thereunto) they should not only have Licence to remain in his Dominions, but be ca­pable of places of Honour and Trust therein: Pro­vided also that they bless S. Dioscorus, and curse Pope Leo; for, all the Abissins firmly believe, that in his time the Roman Church fell into Heresy, and (to let my Author speak in his own Language, Ex sancta & capite, qualem tune fuisse fatentur, eam factam dicunt Caudam & Cathedram Diaboli) from being Holy and the Head (as they then owned her) she became, they say, the Tail and the Chair of the Devil.

This proposal being utterly rejected by the Friers, his Imperial Majesty (at the urgent motion of his Mother, the Clergy, and the Commons, whose joynt Vogue accused him of Dissimulation, in case he put not these Franks to death according to his own Decree) past sentence against them; which was speedily executed, they being hanged with those very Ropes which themselves had made use of for their Girdles, and in that posture were intombed by the vast number of Stones which the multi­tude of Abissin Zealots threw at them; [the heap still remaining a Monument as well of the Roman Fathers Resolution as of Ethiopian seve­rity.]

Peter Heyling in process of time (being grown very Rich and powerful) began to make publick [Page 32]expression of his dislike of divers Abissin Customes, decrying especially their Adoration of Saints, and of the Virgin Mary her self, as repugnant to true Religion and the Holy Scriptures; having on the same account privately forbidden his Scholars to use their ordinary Forms of Prayer directed to her. This begat him much ill will and great opposition among the Nobles; for all the Abissins have a very great Reverence for the Holy Virgin: To express their disgust therefore, they first withdrew their Sons from his Tuition; and after that, made use of their best Arguments and Interest with the Emperor not only to remove him from Court but out of his Do­minions also, who hereupon having gently admo­nished him [at least to be silent and connive at their Customs, if he could not conform to them] without effect, orders him to quit his Territories for a time, as the best expedient to avoid the dangerous efforts of popular fury.

Thus this Great man voluntarily relinquished Ethiopia, together with the High place and Inter­est he held there, after he had been (as it were) na­turallized by Twelve years Residence in that Coun­trey; being accompanied by his usual Retinue, and all the Wealth he had gotten, [which was sent along with him as a mark of the just esteem and fa­vour the Emperor ever had for him:] But having advanced on his way thus attended as far as the Isle Suaquem, he fell into the hands of a Turkish Pasha, who (to satisfie his Avarice) deprived him at once of his Life and Riches.

Soon after Peter Heyling's departure,Another Popish Plot. the Empe­rors younger Brother, with divers Nobles inclin'd [Page 33]to the Roman Principles, made a dangerous Con­spiracy against their natural Lord, upon the design of introducing more of the Catholick Fathers; but Fasilades, having received timely notice hereof from Arminius, his Primate and Metropolitan, immedi­ately caused his Brother to beAccord­ing to the barbarous Custom of Eastern Tyranny. Strangled with a Napkin [for the better prevention as well of publick Rumors as Commotions] and exposed his Com­plices to open Execution. And, [in consideration of this Treason,] became so exasperated against the Catholicks, that he rather resolved to introduce Mahumetanism than admit any of the Roman Church into his Territories. This Resolution [rash­ly conceived to avoid one extream, did desperately precipitate him into another, wherein] he pro­ceeded so far that (as my Author saith) he sent to Iman, a certain King of Arabia Felix, for a Turk learned in the Law of Mahomet, whose Abilities might qualifie him to transport the Doctrine of his Prophet into Ethiopia. But an Abissin Christian, being one of those that were employ'd on this Errand, as soon as he returned (whether upon disgust, or some other more laudable reason) imparted to the Prin­cipal of the Nobility and Clergy the sum of that wicked Embassy, advising them to consider of some prudent and safe way for the prevention of so great a mischief.

Upon this Information they began to raise tumul­tuary Assemblies, wherein the people grew so bold as to vent open threats against their Soveraign; nay, when the Turkish Effendi arrived, they did so much stomach the honourable reception he found at Court, that they twice set his Lodgings on Fire, and spared [Page 34]not to make sundry Attempts upon his Life. These daring Actions, pretending no less than the absolute revolt of his Subjects, engaged Fasilades (under the pretext of some criminal Accusation) to cast the Mahometan Embassador into prison, and declare himself ignorant of the design for which he came into his Dominions. Soon after [finding it the on­ly Mean to allay the Commotions and restore the Peace of his Empire] he sent the Turk back into his own Countrey, having gratified him with many rich Presents, among which was a very costly Vest bestowed on him by the Empress.

The Colledge de propagandâ fide, having all this while received no News of the Fathers Capuchins since their departure, sent after them other Fathers, an. 1638. whereof P. Antonius de Virgolta, and P. Antonius de Petra Pagana, were the Chief, both being of the Reformed Order of S. Francis. These Emissaries passing by Grand Cairo, soon after arrived at Suaquem and thence sailed to Mesauva, where they remained two years [in continual expectation of some favourable opportunity for their safe passage into Ethiopia:] But having endured many Grievan­ces from the injurious Turks in the time of their abode there, [and nothing advanced in the hopes of compassing their design,] they were necessitated to return to Suaquem; an Isle whose shores are so very white that they seem at a distance cover'd with Snow, much about a mile in compass and well inhabited, but doth not yield the least drop of fresh water, wherewith it is supplied from the neighbouring Continent, though at a dear rate; for, a skin of water is commonly sold for two Chabers, forty of [Page 35]which pieces amount to the value of a Spanish Para­gon, neither doth it produce any Fruits or Food for the use of Man, (nay, it cannot boast of the least Verdure) but is furnished with all Necessaries for humane Life from the Kingdoms of Fungi and Sennaar. In this Isle Antonius de Petra Pagana practi­sed Physick, and Antonius de Virgolta made Fans of Straw, by which means they lived quietly and supplied their Wants in that barren place.

There Father Anthony Virgolta dyed, whereupon Father Anthony de Petra (now left alone) sends Let­ters to Rome wherein he informed the Colledge that to seek for any access into Abissinia by Sea would be not only a fruitless but impossible Attempt.

Hereupon they send other Emissaries with di­rections to proceed all the way by Land, wherein they were order'd to go as far as conveniently they might by the River Nilus, then to pass on through Nubia, Sennaar, and the whole Realm of Fungi, and so to steal privately into Ethiopia. Jacob Vemmers, a Carmelite Frier, was Head of the Mission. And, be­ing constituted Apostolick Vicar of the whole Empire, departed from Rome, an. 1640. with Letters from Pope Urban VIII. to the Emperor, the Metropolitan, and Archi-mandrita the General of the Monks, re­spectively: his Companions were P. Joseph de Atino, and P. Felix de S. Severino, of the Reformed Order of S. Francis. But upon the death of Vemmers, Mat­theus de Castro succeeded in his Charge, who, when he was advanced on the way with his companions as far as Cairo, returned to Rome, [for what reason is not specified in our History.]

While Matthaeus was hastning towards Italy, the [Page 36]Fathers, whom he left in Egypt, had an opportunity presented for their conveyance to Suaquem, by the fa­vour they had gained with Mahunied-Pasha who was then going to assume the Government of that Island with some other adjacent places. Their arrival there did very much revive and comfort P. Antonius de Petra, [till then disconsolate in that melancholy So­litude wherein the death of Virgolta had left him.]

Soon after they held a Consultation there concern­ing the method and possibility of their gaining en­trance into Abissinia, whereupon they resolved first to found the Emperor's inclinations by Letters, and these they wrote by the Aid of a certain Catholick Abissin named Gregory, who had been [graced with the singular favour of being] ordained a Priest by the Patriarch Alphonsus Mendez.

But these Letters, being delivered to Fasilades at that unhappy juncture of time when the Mahometan Doctor was in Ethiopia, put him into such a rage, that he presently dispatched a Messenger to the Pasha, then resident in Suaquem, requesting him to kill all the Religious men in his Isle, and (to render this cruel demand the more prevalent) promised 150. Ounces of Gold for his Reward. This taking pro­posal was readily accepted by the covetous Pasha (Successor to him that brought the Fathers thither from Cairo) who [to purchase both the Money and Favour of so Potent a Neighbour] cut off their heads almost as soon as the Abissin Messenger arrived; for, [without any further warning or legal Process,] they were executed in the Evening of that very day where­in the Emperor's Letters came to his hands, which is said to be the Feast of the Annunciation, an. 1648.

From that time till the year 1669. the Roman Colledge, [upon these apparent hazards and discourage­ments,] quitted their Designs of propagating the Catholick Faith in Ethiopia during the Raign of Fasi­lades: but then, having News of his death, upon some hopes or intimation that his Successor was less rigorous towards the Roman Catholicks, they re­sumed their former Intentions, and made choice of these three Priests to be their Emissaries, Don An­tonio de Andrada a Native of Ethiopia, and two Fa­thers of the Order of St. Francis; who [in Obedi­ence to the Directors of their Mission, so diligently prosecuted their Journey, that without any remark­able impediment they] arrived at Suaquem, the unfor­tunate Isle aforenamed, as their last Letters intimate; [where we must leave them and their Enterprise, till my Author, or some other able Pen, shall give us a further Account of its Success.]