SECTION I.

IReland, before that fatal War broke out in the year 1641. had two different Nations, (like the Twins of Rebecca) strugling in its Womb perpetually, al­most five hundred years; the one called by themselves the Ancient Irish, the other the Old English, or English Irish. And indeed the former may justly glory in the Epithet of Ancient: since, as Cambden himself confesses, they fetch Britannia, trans­lated by Phile­mon Holland, Edit. Lond. Tit. Ireland, pag. 64. the beginning of their Histo­ries from the most profound and remote Records of Anti­quity; so that in compari­son of them, the Ancientness of all other Nations is but Novelty, and as it were, a matter of ye­sterday. It is now at least 2988 years since their Fore-fathers, the Sons of Mileadh (a­lias Milesius the Spaniard) in a Fleet of three­score Sail, arrived in Ireland from Gallicia in Spain, conquer'd it, and left it to their Posterity. I say at least: Because, although Polychronicon, and Cambrensis (Topog. Dist. 3. c. 17.) by their saying, That from the Arrival of those Milesians in Ireland, till the death of S. Pa­trick their Apostle, were efflux'd 1800 years. (See Jocelin, Vit. Saucti Patricii, c. 196.) agree exactly with Ketings Epocha here: yet the Irish Book of Reigns, makes the Arrival of those [Page 6] Milesians much earlier; that is, (to this pre­sent year of Christ 1680.) e'en as long since as 3480 years compleat. But I follow Ke­ting's Reformation of that Book, and his Ac­count (in his Mss. History, l. 1.) whereby he places the Milesian Conquest in the year of the World, 2736. after the Floud 1086, after Moses's passing the Red Sea, 192. and before the Birth of Christ [...] 308.

Were it to my main purpose, which is, or only, or at least mostly concern'd in those Mi­lesians, I could insert here, out of Keting, the several Plantations and Conquests of that Countrey before they knew it.

How one Ciocal, about a hundred years after the Deluge, in a small Fleet of Vessels, each Vessel having fifty Men, and fifty Wo­men aboard, arriving there, was the First that planted it.

How Bartholanus and his three Sons Langui­nus, Salanus, and Reterugus, with their Wives; and as This Author li­ved (as himself writes) An 830. under Anaraugh, King of Anglesey and Guinech, or North-Wales. Nennius writes, a thousand Fighting Men, about 300 years after the Flood, Anno Mundi, 1956. before the Birth of Abraham 95 years, invaded it: had many dough­ty Battels therein with those Aborigines the Issue of Ciocal, and Progeny of Cham, who (come thither from Afric) were called Gyants, [Page 7] because partly of their stature or corpulency (which yet was no way exceeding the tallest growth of other men) and partly of their wic­kedness, endeavouring to destroy every where the Descendants or Progeny of Japhet. And how this Bartholanus, alias Partholan, having Conquer'd at last those Aborigines, and Affri­cans, his Issue after him were, at the end of three hundred years, consumed by a Pestilence; not one remaining of them. A just judgment from Heaven (without peradventure) on him, who had fled thither (as it were) from Hea­ven, for having in his own Countrey, in Scy­thia, kill'd both his Father and Mother, to make way for a Brother of his, and their Son, to come to the Royal Throne.

How, in the end of 30 years more, Nemedus, another Scythian (some of the Irish Chronolo­gists say he was a son to Bartholanus, left by him in Scythia when himself had departed thence) with his four Sons, Starius, Gervale, Annin, and Fergus, in a Fleet of 34 Ships, and 30 Marriners in each of them, arriving in Ireland, overthrew in three Battels the remainder of those Affrican Gyants, but was overcome in the fourth. And how soon after this defeat Ne­medus being dead, his People rousing them­selves, put it to the issue of one great Battel, sought at the same time both by Sea and by Land, they having 30 thousand at Land, and so many more at Sea: and the Fight proved [Page 8] so mortal, that albeit they had the victory, yet they could reap no benefit by it; the very Air being so corrupted by the stench of the Carcasses which lay unburied every where (for they kill'd promiscuously in every place after that Victory, Man, Woman, and Child of their Enemies) that all over the Land there was an universal Pestilence; which after seven years more made 'em depart and quit the whole Country, leaving only ten Captains to defend those of their People (that could not have Shipping) against the remainder of the Gygantick Affricans.

How these Children or Posterity of Nemedus (Clanna Neimheadh, the Irish call 'em) to avoid that dreadful and continual Pestilence, de­parting in a thousand Vessels, great and small, under the Conduct of three Chieftains, Simeon Breac, Ibaath, and Briotan; the other two sailing to Greece, Briotan with his adherents Landed in the North of that Countrey, which we now call Scotland: and, with his and their Posterity remaining there, gave the denomi­nation of Brittain to this whole Island, which is now called Great Brittain; as holy Cormac, the K. of Mounster, and Bishop of Cashel, in his Psalter of Cashel, together with all the Chronologers of Ireland, affirm. Wherein surely they have at least much more probability of their side, than any late Authors have, that derive that [Page 9] name from Brutus, or his Romantick History either in Galfridus, or in any other. For if from Brutus, besides other reasons, why not Bru­tannia rather than Britannia?

How the five sons of Dela, viz. Gandius, Ge­nandius, Segandius, Rutheragus, and Slanius, being the 8th. Generation from Simeon Breac, and calied in Irish Fir-bholg. after 217 years compleat from the former arrival of Nemedus there, invaded Ireland with 5000 men of all sorts in their company: and studing no great resistance, won it entirely, routed utterly out of it the remainder of that cursed Generation of Cham, the Affrican Giants, and divided it into five Provinces or Portions; which Di­vision continues till this day. How they, and four of their Children after them, were in succession Monarchs of all Ireland, after that Slanius, who was the youngest of them all, had by force and War upon the rest erected it to a Monarchy; though he enjoy'd it but one year, Death having given him no longer joy of his Conquest over his Brethren. How none before them, i. e. none of the former In­vaders called themselves Kings: they being the first Kings, and Slanius among them too, as I have now said, the first Monarch that Ireland ever had. Yet the Reigns of all the nine made not above 36 years in the whole.

How Eugenius, or Eoghun, as the Irish Books call him (and so they have quite other termi­nations, both for all these and all other Names too expressed by us with Latin terminations) being the last of them, and prosperously Reign­ing in peace and plenty over Ireland, the Na­tion whom the Irish call Tuath-De-Danann, under their King Nuathad Airgidlaimh, as de­scending from the foresaid Nemedus, or Ne­meus, or Neimh, (which you please to call him) and therefore claiming that Kingdom, as their right, invaded it, fought a great Battel in Connaught, with Feramh-Bolg (the Genera­tion of Simeon Breac, and Neimheadh, or Neme­dus) kill'd a hundred thousand of them, and thereby, and without much loss to themselves, conquer'd the whole kingdom; the Reliques of Ferramh-Bolg retiring to the small Islands of Arrain, Ile, Rachluinn, and many other about Ireland and Scotland, where they continued till such time as Ireland came to be govern'd by Provincial Kings under the Milesians.

How the Posterity of those Reliques of Ferra­imb Bolg being forced away by the Picts, had their refuge back again to Ireland: and first to the King of Leinster, turning Tenants to him for such Lands as he was pleased to lett unto them: and next from Leinster, because of the heavy rent there, to Connaught: shifting so in the best manner they could for themselves, until [Page 11] by Co-Chulain and Connall Cearnach, and the Inhabitants of Ʋlster, they were wholly driven away the second time, and quite Banish'd for ever: only three Families, Sur-names, or Septs of them excepted, which according to the judgment of some Irish Antiqnaries, remain still in Connaght and Leinster; as Dr. Keting, who also names these Septs, does write. Adding thereunto this further animadversion, as a ne­cessary consequence, that these three Families are not of Clanna Gaoidhel, or Posterity of Gathelus, from whom all the Milesians descen­ded long before either Milesius himself, or his Predecessors came into Spain.

Lastly, how according to the Book called Psaltuir Chassil, the aforesaid Colony, or Nati­on of Tuatha-De-Danann, held the Sovereignty of Ireland for 197 years, under seven, or ra­ther indeed nine Kings; for after Fiacha, who was the 6th of them, reigned the three Sons of Cearmada by turns, yearly.

But neither to prosecute, nor so much as to insert any of these Plantations or Conquests of Ireland by Ciocal, or Partholan, or Neimhe, or Feara Bolg, or Tuatha Dee Danann (as the Irish names of them are) can be much, if any thing at all, to my main purpose here. And though perhaps it might be in some sort material to tell you what a famous man in his Generation, nay in a great part of the World, Milesius him­self [Page 12] (otherwise called Galathus in Latin, but in Irish Galamh) had been. Or to tell you. 1. Of his first adventuring from Spain to Scythia, and serving there as General of the Army, under his Kinsman Refloir, the great Monarch of that Countrey. 2. Of his marrying this Refloir's Daughter, and Refloir's growing jea­lous of his greatness, and preparing therefore to dispatch him, and his preventing the King by taking away his life: and then his quit­ting Scythia, and passing to Egypt by Sea, with a Fleet of sixty Sail, and his being there em­ploy'd by Pharaoh as General against the King of Ethiopia's Forces warring at that time on Egypt. 3. Of the many over-throws given by him to them, and Pharaoh's so great favour to him thereupon, that seeing him a Widower, (his former Wife, the Scythian Kings Daughter having died before he came to Egypt) the gave him one of his own Daughters to Wife. 4. Of his departure from Egypt by Sea, and various adventures for some years, roaming about all the Northern Seas and Isles of Europe. 5. Of his return at last to his own Countrey of Spain, and the five and forty Battels fought there vi­ctoriously by him, and under his conduct by his near Cosins the Children of Breoghuin (the Son of Bratha, who founded Braganza in Por­tugal) against the forein Enemies that inva­ded that Kingdom then. 6. Of the destruction [Page 13] and utter extirpation, at least for a good while, of all those Foreiners out of Spain, by his Va­lour and Wisdom: and (which was conse­quent) of his possessing, by himself and his foresaid Kinsmen, the greater Part of this Kingdom. 7. Of his two and thirty Sons, part Legitimat, but the most part Illegitimat. 8. Of the great Dearth in his time all over Spain, continuing six and twenty years, thro want of Rain. 9. And lastly, how this Dearth, together with several other reasons, but parti­cularly that, of his minding now the Pro­phetical Prediction of him by his own Magiti­an Cathoir some years before, That his Posterity should settle in Ireland: made him, and (soon after his death) eight of his Sons think upon invading Ireland. Tho, I say, these are mat­ters not wholly foreign to my purpose; yet because they are unnecessary, it sufficeth to have touch'd 'em lightly.

And so I proceed to what I intended, as more material here to let you know. Which is, 1. That of those 8. Sons of that Great Milesius (for no more of his two and thirty Sons ventured to Ireland) who presently after their Fathers death, setting forth from Breoghuin's Tower, a place in Gallicia, long after called Notium, but of later years Compostella) and put­ting to Sea with the first convenience, and landing in Ireland then when the three Sons [Page 14] of Cearmada, ruled there by turns: and by their great Valour, destroying all three at last in the Battel of Tailtinn: and thereby subduing tho­rowly the whole Nation of Tuatha-De-Da­nann: two only (I mean of those eight Bro­thers) survived to rejoyce in their Conquest finish'd by that Battel, Eibhir and Erimhon (a­lias Heber and Herimon, as the Latins call them:) the other six being lost by various Chances.

2. That Eibhir and Erimhon assuming now the sovereign power of the whole Island, & af­ter partition made first to themselves, then to their Cousins German, then to their other Cap­tains, and last of all to the common Soldiers, of convenient proportions of Land) ruling se­verally over all (that is, Eibhir in the Southern, and Erimhon in the Northern Division) the first year in perfect peace together: and then falling at odds, through the Pride and instiga­tion of Heber's Wife, that put her Husband upon having all in both Divisions to himself alone; to the end forsooth, she might sit and strut upon the three chief Ardes or Heights of Ireland, as the only Queen thereof: and then coming to a pitch'd Battel, and Heber kill'd in it: and then Herimon remaining the only King, without any Competitor until his death, which hapned fourteen years after: He was the first of a hundred fourscore and one, that as Monarchs of all Ireland, suc­cessively [Page 15] governed it, and the Milesian or Irish Nation the only possessors of it, for two thou­sand, four hundred, eighty eight years, until the landing of Henry the second there in the year of Christ 1172.

3. Cambrensis himself (tho Giraldus Camb. Topog. Hiber. dist. 3. c. xv. 17. 36, 37, & 44. otherwise no great favourer of the Irish) does certifie so much, by computing from Herimon the first King, to Laogirius, (who was King when St. Patrick landed there, An [...] Christi 432. to preach the Gospel) a hundred, thirty and one: from Laogirius to King Fedlimidius, which contain'd 400 years of the flourishing state of Christianity among the Irish, three and thirty more: and from that period to Ruaridh O Conchabhair, who was the Monarch when Henry II. landed as before, the whole remainder of that number of a hundred four­score and one: who (besides a far greater number of the Provincial Kings under them) governed, as Sovereign Monarchs▪ of all that Island for so many Ages, from the year of the World, 2736. Argument e­nough I think for the Antiquity of the Irish Nation, to be no where parallel'd, if not per­adventure by the Chineses only, in the late History written of them by Martinus à Mar­tin [...]s.

4. That for their bravery in Martial Ex­ploits (to say nothing now of a thousand bloody proofs thereof given by them at home for much above 2000 years, fighting almost continually, either the Progeny of Heber in general against Herimon's for the Sovereignty; or one Province, or greater Division, Leath Cuinn, and Leath Mogh, invading the other, especially after the Provincial Kings had set up by the Authority of Eoghun Mor or Eu­genius Magnus the Monarch, about 600 years after the death of Herimon: so that very few of their Monarchs in so large an extent of time died other than violent deaths, and this in Battel commonly; but to say nothing of these proofs given by them at home) their manifest Invasions abroad, their Plantations, and at last even total Conquest of the King­dom of Albain, that part of Great Britain which in after Ages came to be called Scot­land, from their conquering and planting of it with Colonies of their Children (for they themselves were in this part of the World, the original Scots, as their Countrey now called Ireland, or in Latin Hibernia, was then the only Countrey named Scotia) is an argu­ment which cannot be refuted.

5. That the Nation which we call Picts, but the Irish, in their Language, Cruinith, having in the reign of Herimon, the first Irish Mo­narch, [Page 17] roam'd about by Sea from Scythia till they arrived at last in Ireland, and there de­siring to inhabit, and being denied this re­quest, but however directed by Herimon to that part of the now Great Britain, which lying Northeast of Ireland was called Albain then, and is so still by the Irish; and here seated themselves, and then multiplying ex­ceedingly for two hundred and fifty years; at the expiration of this time, upon some difference hapned, Aonghus (or Aenaeas) Oll­bhuadhach, the VII. Monarch of Ireland, suc­ceeding Herimon, made so sharp and long a War upon them, and not on them only, but as well on the Northern Britains remaining still their Neighbours, as upon the Inhabi­tants of the barren Orcades the Race of Fir Bholg long before expelled Ireland, that in fifty fierce Battels given them, he utterly broke their whole strength and made them Tribu­taries.

Nor was this the only Conquest made by the Milesian Irish either on the Heathen or Christian Picts, and their Associats in Albain. For to pass over those six or seven Inva­sions more of the Irish into Albain, under se­veral of their Monarchs from the Reign of the foresaid Aonghus, or Enaeas, to the Reign of Niall the Great, surnamed also Naoighiallach. Likewise to say nothing how this very Niall [Page 18] not only went himself in Person with a pow­erful Army thither, partly to confirm, and partly to enlarge those [...]antations made there by his Predecessors, but was himself the first of Mortals, that by his own Authority, and at the instance of those Plantations gave the name of Scotia Minor, (or Scotland the Lesser) to that Northern part of Great Britain, or­daining all his Subjects to call it so. Besides, to pass by as well the Invasion, as the ex­traordinary great and famous Plantation made therein by the six sons of that Ʋlster King Muiredbach (whom Cambrensis calls in Latin Muredus) either in the Time of Lapghaire the II's being Monarch of Ireland, when St. Patrick conquered that Kingdom to Christian Religion, or at least somewhat later. To pass I say all these matters in silence, though otherwise both great in themselves, and no less attested by sufficient Authority: that I think is very great and very true, which Cambden Title Scots. page 26. and be­fore, page. 128. in his Britannia writes, That the Scots come from Ireland, after a long War, at last in the year of Christ 740. and in one great Bat­tel destroyed the Picts so, as there was scarce one of them left alive; whereby that whole Nation and very name of the Picts was utter­ly extinguish'd.

6. That besides; the Irish Chronicles, with­out contradiction from any, tell us, how the foresaid Niall the Great, surnamed Naoighel­lach from the nine Hostages taken by him, five from the five Provinces of Ireland, and four from the Picts and other Inhabitants of Scotland or Albuin, not only made the other parts of Great Britain, even so far as the South of it, tributary, but with a mighty Force of Irish, Scots, Picts, and Britons in one Army pass'd the Sea to France, landed in Armorica, and march'd so far as the River Loyre. Where, being encamped, hewas trea­cherously kill'd by Eochae King of Leinster, whom he had formerly so punish'd and plagu'd, that he forc'd him to fly even out of all Ire­land, and who therefore studying still re­venge, followed him unknown to France, and finding there an opportunity, took it. For standing one day by chance on the bank of the foresaid River, and seeing Niall at the same time on the other Bank, not far off, he bent his Bow presently, and with all his might letting fly at him, shot him dead in the place by piercing his head through both scull and brain.

7. That moreover, Fergus the Great, King of all Ireland, as Buchanan calls him, enter'd Scotland with a puiffant Army, gave Battel to Coilus King of the Britons, who invaded [Page 20] both the Picts and Irish Plantations together, fought him, kill'd him, overthrew his whole Army, was thereupon himself both declar'd and receiv'd the first King of the Scottish Nation inhabiting the North of Great Britain; and after this being gone for Ireland, as he was returning back again to Scotland, was drown'd hard by the Rock, which from his fate before it, hath ever since been called by the Irish Carig-Fherus, now Knock-fergus by the English: and that all this Rerum Scoti­car. l. 1. happened, says Buchanan, a­bout the time that Alexander the Great enter'd Babylon. For albeit the Irish Books agree not with Buchanans relation of this Fergusius the Great; not either, I say, as to his quality of being King of Ireland, or as to this time of his Adventure in Scot­land, or elsewhere, mentioning him only as a Brother to Mairchertach Mor mhac Ercha Monarch of Ireland, and then fixing both his life and death immediatly after Saint Patricks death, that is about 530 years after the Incarnation of our Lord: yet since they agree with Buchanan in all other material points related by him of this famous Fergus; especially that of his entring Scotland with a great Army, being the first King of Scots in Britain: I think the allegation of what they so agree upon is mightily to purpose.

8. That therefore it is easie to be under­stood (whatever Cambden's admiration be) how the Mi­lesian Irish Race were those In his Britan­nia. Tit. Picts. p. 115. daring men, that having the assistance of the Picts their Tributaries, and some few Britons, withdrawn to them for protection from the Roman yoke, drew forth at one time thirty thousand armed men a­gainst Agricola, and gave Severus the Empe­rour so much trouble, that of Romans and Associats, he lost in one expedition against them fifty thousand men. And were yet the men against Dio. whose incursions into the Ro­man Province here; first the Fence was built by Adrian from Edinborough Frith to Cluyd, fourscore miles Spartianus. in length, the foundation of it being laid deep within the ground of huge piles or stakes, fastned together like a strong hedg or mound: then the work of Turff and Earth by Severus across the Island from one Sea to another; then under Hono­rius, the Wall of stone running the same extent, eight foot broad, and twelve foot high: and last of all, the Towers and Bul­warks all along the Southern Coast of Bri­tain, at convenient distances, raised against their landing on that side out of their plunder­ing Fleets.

6. That a further argument yet, and such as of all hands must be confess'd to shew a­bundantly their Martial spirit and fortitude in those days of old, was their brave defence of their own Countrey at home against the manifold powerful and almost continual Inva­sions of it from abroad by the Heathen Danes, Norvegians, and Easterlings, at least 200 years.

For I pass wholly over those little, short and inconsiderable Invasions of them, either by Egfrid the Saxon King of Northumberland, in the year 640. according to Cambden, Britannia Tit. Ireland. or (rather indeed) by his Ge­neral Berthus in the year 684. as Beda l. 4. c. 26. has it; or by some other Brittish Commanders joyn'd with the Picts, at two or three several times in the seventh Century after Christ. Of none of these do I take notice, because they signifie not much, save only the preying and burning at two several times and places a part of the Countrey by the▪ Sea-side, and three inconside­rable Fights, as they are related in the Irish Books. The first under the Sovereignty of Blathmhac and Diarmuid Ruannigh, two Bro­thers ruling peaceably together as Kings of Ire­land; wherein the Saxon King and thirty of his Nobles were kill'd, say the Irish Chronicles, without mentioning other loss, or any at all [Page 23] of the other side. The second under the Sove­reignty of Fionachta Fliadhach: whereof all the account they give is, that Comghusgach King of the Picts, and a great many of the Irish were slain in it. The third, after a few years more, under the Monarchy of Loionsiogch mhac Aonghussa, fought against the men of Ʋlster by the Brittons, but to their own loss. And this is all the Irish Chronicles (in Doctor Keting) have of these matters. So that neither the loss nor Victory signifying much of either side, at least as to Ireland in ge­neral, by any of these Invasions, there was no­thing more heard of them or of the Invaders.

Much less was there ever in any Chronicle or Book that I could see, either in English, Irish, or Latin, before Cambden's Britannia came forth, any mention made of Edgar King of England, how puissant soever he was, his having conque­red a great part of Ireland, and Dublin withal, or indeed so much as one foot of Land there, nay or so much as his having attempted any such thing. And therefore I take no notice of Cambden's old Charter of King Edgar, wherever he found it.

And so I do as little of Buchanan's relation, where he writes, that Gregory the Great, King of Scotland (who began his Reign Anno Christi 875. and ended it with his life Anno 902.) invaded Ireland with a puissant Army, [Page 24] during the minority of Donogh King of Ireland, and Tutorship of this young King by Brien and Conchuair: beat these Tutors in two several great Fights: took Dondalk, Droghedagh, and Dublin: visited here the young King, assum'd his Tutorage to himself: placed Governours in the strong Towns: receiv'd threescore Hostages for their fidelity: and with them return'd victorious to Scotland.

Certainly Ireland never had at any time, since the very beginning (not even since the first Monarch Slanius, who reigned above three thousand years ago) any King that was a Minor, as Doctor Keting well observes, and may be seen by any that reads over in his Chronology and History all the Reigns of the several Monarchs, who during that vast ex­tent of time successively govern'd Ireland, or had the Title to govern as Monarchs there, until it came under the English Power in the year of Christ 1172. There was not one of them all that came to the Soveraignty, but either by election of the people, or power of the Sword: as there was not one in seven but came to it by this latter way, that is, by killing of his Predecessor, Keting in the life of Brian Bo­rumha. and this commonly too in Battel. Besides their very fundamental Law of Tani­stry did exclude a Minor. What then must [Page 25] we think, where so many thousands descend­ed of Heber and Herimon were at hand to claim their Titles, rather than a Minor should have it?

But to say no more to this feigned Inva­sion from Scotland, nor any thing, other than what I have already, of those former true however inconsiderable ones from elsewhere in Great Britain: and to return back where I was, to the Invasions both true, and ter­rible and lasting indeed of the Danes: what I would say is, that notwithstanding those cruel Heathens had from the year of Christ 820. (when they first invaded Ireland in the Reign of Hugh, in Irish Aodh, surnamed Ordnighe Monarch of Ireland, and Airtre mhic Caithil Provincial King of Mounster; and after that year, all along in the Reigns of both that Monarch and his two Succes­sors Conchauar mhac Donchadha and Niall Caille, as likewise of Feilimidh mhic Griom­thaine, the Latins call him Feidlimidius, successor to Airtre in the Kingdom of Moun­ster) in several Fleets, the two first, one after another, landing in Mounster, the third in the North, the fourth in vibh Cinsallach in Leinster, fifth, in the Harbour of Limmerick, sixth, of 60 Sail at the River Boyne, seventh, of forty Sail on the River Liffy, eighth and ninth, extraordinary great mighty ones at [Page 26] Lough-Foyle in Ʋlster, poured in continually from time to time for above forty years to­gether, those almost incredible Numbers of men, related by Hanmor: yet the Irish fought 'em still, and foyl'd 'em too in eight or nine Battels.

And although, being too much overpow­red by the continual supplies of new men coming to their Enemies, who were absolute masters of the Seas; they, after a tedious cruel and continual War, became at last for some little season Tributary to their Captain General Turgheise (for so the Irish call him, by us called Turgesius) who now stiled himself King of Ireland; lived in the middle thereof at Lough Ribh near the place where now Ath­lone is; had both there and all over the whole Kingdom in every Province and Countrey, and almost nook of it, his Dane-Raths and other Fortifications made, and strong Garrisons planted in 'em: yet (very soon after the gene­rality of their Princes and people (I say the generality: for some of them held out still in some inaccessible places of Rocks and Bogs' and Woods) had so yielded to him) their wisdom & valour enfranchiz'd them most wonderfully in little above one Months time, by their utter de­struction of this Tyrant & all his Heathen Crue. For upon his lusting after the beautiful Daugh­ter of Maolsechluin King of Meath, and his de­siring [Page 27] her of her Father to be his Concubine, and the Fathers seeming of purpose to con­sent, and then sending her privately at the Night appointed, but attended with fifteen resolute Youths in Womens attire with short Swords under their Gowns, and instructions what to do: and then when it was very late at Night, and all the rest of the leacherous Tyrants great Commanders withdrawn each to his own Apartment, their seizing him so soon as he began to be rude with her, and the Armour too of all the rest laid together in one heap on a Table in the Hall: and then her Fathers rushing in at the same time, and kil­ling all those Commanders every one when they expected other Company, each one of them one of the young beautiful Damsels, as the Tyrant had promised them: hereupon, I say, and upon the word given by Messengers, who were ready of purpose, flying into all parts, the Irish to a man throughout the King­dom are presently in Arms, fall upon the a­sto [...]ish'd Danes, attack and carry their Forts, fight their Troops wherever they embody, rout 'em, kill 'em, and pursue the remainders of them to their very Ships, getting now away out of the Roads, as Wind & Weather serv'd 'em. As for Turgesius himself, Maolseachluin, reserv'd him in Fetters for a time, and then drown'd him at last in Lough-ainme.

So that, after much about forty years bloody, continual and general War at home in all the Provinces, and several years most miserable and general thraldom under the yoke of such powerful, barbarous and fell Tyrants, who left not a Monastery or Church, or Chappel standing where ever they came; who placed a Lay-heathen Abbot, in every Cloyster, and endowed Church to gather the Revenues; who layed so many times all their Countrey in Ashes; who no less than four several times in one Month burnt Ard­magh, the most holy See and Metropolitan City then of all Ireland; who slew indi­stinctly for so many years both Priests and Clerks and Laicks, and mean and great, and rich and poor without mercy; and who at last having subdued the miserable remainder, imposed those burdens of Bondage on them which were such, that if as to the particu­lars they were not attested by all the Irish Chronicles in Dr. Keting, they would surpass all belief: we see how at last, and for that present, the Irish Nation were by the wisdom of this Maolseachluin King of Meath, and by the great Valour and resolution of the rest of their Princes and People, delivered. I say for that present. For pursuant to what has been said before, you are to understand now,

10. That but a very few years after, because in the Keting. Poly­chronicon. Reign of the same Maolseach­luin mhic Mhaolruanuidh King of Meath, (who deservedly upon the aforesaid expulsion of the Danes was by the Princes and Nobility made King of all Ire­land, and continued so until his death, i. e. full sixteen years and no more) three Norvegian Brothers, Amelanus, Cytaracus, and Ivorus, as Polychronicon calls 'em, with their Train, being come to Ireland in a peaceable manner, and under pretence of Trafficking, got leave of the Princes of the Land to build three Ci­ties, paying Tribute for them, Dublin, Water­ford, and Limeric. Which they had no sooner finished, and strongly forti­fied, than the Irish found Keting. themselves engaged in as great a War as the former, by new and nu­merous Fleets both of Norvegians, Danes, and Oostmans (as they call'd 'em then) arriving continually from time to time in all the Quarters of the Kingdom. The difference only was, that the former continued forty years, or thereabouts; but this War now off and on a hundred and fifty years compleat. And when the former began, the Irish had no strangers in pay whose Revolt might en­danger them: but when this began they had [Page 30] a great number even of Danish, or other Ea­sterling Foreigners (whom immediately up­on ending the former War, they entertain'd in pay, and therefore call'd 'em Bownies) to guard their Coasts all round the Kingdom, and these every one turned against them now. Besides in the former the Irish were all of a mind against the common Enemy; but in this they were often divided, some of them confederating openly and fighting in conjunction with those forein Enemies against their Native Soil, especially the little King of Desies in Mounster, and the King of Leinster too not seldom. Moreover, to end the for­mer War, and redeem them from their bon­dage under Turgesius, the stratagem of Maol­seachluin was necessary; but in this later all along both in the procedure, and final issue of it, they owed their great and frequent Vi­ctories not to any stratagem, but under God to pure Valour and manly Resolution.

But that I may at last come to an issue on this point, I will pass over all those Victo­rious Battels fought by the Irish in the pro­cedure of this second Danish War made up­on them. As first the Battel of Dromma Dam­haigha, fought by the foresaid King of Ire­land, Maolseachluin himself. 2. The Battel of Loughfoill by his Successor Aoth Finliath. 3. The many Battels in the Reign of Donn­choe [Page 31] mhic Floinn, fought by Ceallaghane King of Mounster, whereby he not only took Limme­rick, Cashel, Cork, and Waterford from the Danes, but quite extirpated them at least in his days out of that Province. His Sea-fight also with their Fleet before Dundalk; which proved extreamly fatal to them. Likewise the great slaughter of their fellows in Con­naught by the Conacians about the same time. Moreover, and which was somewhat extra­ordinary, and before Ceallaghane had taken Limmerick, the Battel of Roscrea, where the Merchants and Townsmen at a great Fair held in that place on Saint Peters day, under­standing of an Army of Danes coming on them from Connaught and Limmerick under a Danish Earl called Oilsin, set forth against them in the best order they could, fought them, defeated them, and kill'd three or four thousand of them in that Field. Besides Muirchiortach mhac Neill King of Ʋlster, his killing 800 with their chief Commanders, Abilaine, Aufer, and Roilt, and soon after Conuing mhac Neill 1200 more of their Hea­then wicked Crue. And further yet, the De­feat given to Rodoricus the King of Britains Son, who Anno Christi 966. as Hanmer says, invaded Ireland with a puissant Army, but lost both Army and Life by those he invaded. 4. The Battel of Muine Broghaine fought by [Page 32] the Monarch Conghallach mhac Maoil Mhithe, with the slaughter of 7000 Danes on the spot, though with great loss of his own side too. 5. and last­ly, even all those four & twenty bloudy Battels fought against the Danes, and their Confede­rats before the Battel of Cluain-Tairbh, and fought I say every one of them by that hap­py victorious Prince until his death Brien mhac Kinedie, alias Boraimhe, who in the fourth year of the foresaid Monarch Conghallach's Reign came to be King of Mounster, and within eight years next following made all Leath Mogha, i. e. the Southern half of Ire­land acknowledg him their Sovereign: and ruled so for seven and thirty years, until he was chosen at last Monarch of all Ireland: in which last Supremacy he continued flourish­ing the remainder of his life, which after twelve years more he ended victoriously at Cluain-tairf Field. And as I do pass over so many former Battels wherein the Irish were victorious in this second War: so I shall those many other too wherein they were to some purpose foiled in the same War; tho Martial courage, tho true Valour may sometimes exert it self no less in the Foil than in the Victory. I'le take no notice, neither of the stoning to death Maolguala, King of Mounster, by those barbarous heathen Foes, in the Reign of Aodh Finliath: nor of [Page 33] the mighty overthrow given the Leinster men by Jomhar one of their Generals, in the reign of Niall Gluindubh: nor of Sitric, another General of theirs, both defeating and kil­ling, and that in a more considerable fight also, the said Monarch Niall Gluindubb him­self: nor of the Battel of Biothlane against the Leinster men again, under the Reign of Domhnal mhac Muirchirtae: nor finally of the Battel of Cille mhoane, fought by the Danes and Lagenians both, joyn'd together now against their Monarch Domhnal mhac Muirchirtae; wherein the King of Ʋlster Ard­gall, and Dombnal King of Oirghiellae, and many others of great quality were kill'd of the Monarch's side.

As well every one of these unsuccessful Battels, as all the former, ten times both in number and weight, more successful to the Irish in the second War, I willingly pass over, to come unto, and give you the famous Fight of Cluain-Tairbh at last. It was the five and twentieth and last of all the Battels fought so bravely by that victorious King of Ireland, Brian Boraimhe himself. It was in­deed the Battel that put an end to all the Danish, hopes in that Kingdom. Besides, it was, if ever any was, by mutual consent of both sides, a pitch'd Battel, and the Field, whereon it was fought, some weeks before [Page 34] agreed upon between them. So that there was no place at all for Ambuscadoes, Tricks, or stratagems in it; but pure Valour must de­cide the quarrel and win the day.

The occasion, manner and issue of it, take thus in short. About the end of Brian Bo­raimh's Reign, the Kingdom of Ireland being all over in peace and flourishing with all earthly blessings under him, and no more Danes left in the Land, but such a certain number of Artificers, Handy-craftsmen, and Merchants in Dublin, Weixford, Waterford, Cork, and Limmerick, as he thought and knew could be master'd at any time if they dared rebel: he sends to his Brother-in-law Maolmoradh mhac Murchoe King of Leinster, desiring three special Masts for shipping out of his Woods. Maoldmoradh consents, and goes himself to see them drawn along by the streingth of men to Cean Choradh, the Mo­narch's House in Tomond. A difference hap­pening in the way between those men, and thereupon Maolmoradh alighting, and help­ing them to draw one of the beams up a high Mountain which they must have cross'd, he toare off the clasp of his outward Robe. Which, so soon as he came to the Monarchs Court, and visited the Queen, his own Si­ster Garmlaigh, he desires her to fasten, telling her how it was torn off. She [Page 35] takes the Robe, throws it into the fire, burns it before his face, and then rebukes him smartly for his unworthy subjection of him­self and his people of Leinster to Briean, though her Husband. And the Monarch Maolmoradh taking to heart her words, and turning aside to see Murchoe the Prince, Brian's eldest Son, playing a game at Chess, advises against him on some draught, whereby the Prince lost his game. Who thereupon fretting and twit­ting his Uncle this Leinster King; told him, that his advice formerly given to the Danes at the Battel of Gleann Mama lost them the Field. Maolmoradh replyes, that his next should prove otherwise. The Prince defies him. Maolmoradh withdraws, goes to bed Supperless, and early in the morning un­known posts away to Leinster. Where the very next day after his coming, he assembles his chief Noblemen, represents to them what had past, sets them all on fire to renounce their Allegiance to Briean, confederate with the Danes, and send the Monarch defiance. Then he posts immediatly to Dublin, en­gages the chief of the Danes there to send forthwith to the King of Denmark for a strong supply to help him against their mortal E­nemy Brian Boraimhe, and promises them his destruction. And then he prepares at home for War. And then within a little more time [Page 36] having seen twelve thousand men under the command of two of the King of Denmark's Sons, Carolus Knutus, and Andreas, landed safe­ly at Dublin, and both kindly received them, and refreshed them very well; he without longer delay by a Herauld bid defiance to Brian, and challenges him to fight on Magh­nealta a spacious Field at Cluain-Tairbh (o­therwise Clantarf) within two miles of Dub­lin. And Brian, with what speed he can, joyning together all the Forces of Mounster, Connaght, and Meath (for those of Ʋlster he neither sent unto, nor would stay for, as confiding mightily in those he had already out of the three other Divisions, and hastning to fight) marches directly to the place ap­pointed, Maghnealta, and sees the Enemy there, prepared to receive him, viz. sixteen thousand Danes, twelve of the new, and four of the old ones, together with all the power of Leinster, headed by their said King Maol­moradh the only Author of this Battel. To be short, both Armies drawing near, and view­ing fully one another, the fatal sign is given at last, and Trumpets sound and skies re­sound with the terrible shouts of both sides, as they closed. But Maolseachluin the King of Meath, who had been Monarch before Brian Boraimhe, and was deposed to give him place (the only Monarch of Ireland, that [Page 37] from the beginning did survive his depositi­on) finding it now his time to be in some sort revenged on Brian, stands off with his Forces of Meath so soon as the signal was given, and continues a meer Spectator du­ring the whole time of the Battel, without joyning with either side. And yet notwith­standing this treacherous carriage of Maolseach­luin, (for it can be term'd no better, though after this Fight was over, he recovered the Mo­narchy by it, and was the last Monarch of the Milesian Race obeyed or acknowledged as such universally throughout the Kingdom) yet I say, notwithstanding it, the valorous undaunted Prince Murchoe, eldest Son of Brian Boraimhe, having persuaded his Father to retire into his Tent by reason of his great age (for he was now fourscore and eight years old) behaved himself with his Momo­nian and Conacian Forces so bravely, and made such and so many furious impressions on e­very side into the main Battalions of the E­nemies, that although neither courage, nor dexterity, nor ambition, nor glory, nor re­venge, nor despair, proposed unto them re­spectively, were wanting to make the Danish and Lagenian Forces withstand him a very long time, and sell the Victory at a very dear rate; he won the Field at last, or rather indeed his Father and his Army won it after [Page 38] his death. For this renowned Prince was kill'd in the Battel. And, which is far more strange, the Father himself Brian Boraimhe the Mo­narch, now after the Field had been clearly gain'd, and the remainder of the Enemy scattered into the four Winds, was kill'd in his own Tent by one Bruaodor a Dane, who in the general Rout leading a party after him was forc'd to fly that way where the Monarch's Tent was pitch'd. Whereinto, as he pass'd by, entring, and seeing the Mo­narch whom he had formerly known, he slew him; though himself and his followers were presently cut in pieces by those that pursued them.

Of the Monarchs side, besides himself and his Son the Prince, were kill'd in this Battel, seven little Kings, most of the other Nobi­lity both of Mounster and Connaught, and 4000 of inferiour degree. But of the other side were kill'd, first the King of Leinster him­self, Molmoradh mhac Murchoe (the Challen­ger of Brian to this Battel) with his chief Nobles, and 3000 common Souldiers: then of the Danes, the two Sons of the King of Denmark, all their great Nobility, 6700 of the Souldiers newly come with them, and of the old Danes, that were before their com­ing to Ireland, 4000 more: in all of both sides, 17000 seven hundred, besides Princes [Page 39] and other Noble men. It was fought in the year of Christ 1034. Apr. 22. on good Friday.

After this Battel we hear but little of the Danes in Ireland. Only that the foresaid Maol­seachluin (who now the second time suc­ceeded in the Monarchy for nine years more until his death) took Dublin the next year, sack'd it, burnt it, and killed in it all those Danes that escaped from Clantarff. That soon after this again, i. e. in the Sovereignty of this same Maolseachluin, Huaghaire mhac Duinling mhac T [...]athil King of Leinster (a man of another mind, race and interest than Molmoradh mhac Murchoe was) gave a mighty overthrow (and it the very last given) to Si­teric the Son of Aomlaibh, and the Danes of Dublin: who, it seems, after the Battel of Clantarff, and the burning of Dublin next year by Maolseachluin, had once more recruit­ed from the Isle of Man, and other Islands possess'd as yet by the Danes; but were now finally destroyed in Ireland by the said new King of Leinster. And lastly, as Hackluyt reports in his Chronicle, and so does Han­mer too, that in the Reign of Muirchiortach mhac Brien, who was the fourth after Brian Boraimhe, Magnus, then King of Denmark, would needs venture the attempting Ireland once more, to recover what his Predecessors [Page 40] held there; but that landing with part of his Fleet before the greater part of them came up, he was set upon immediately by the Countrey people and kill'd, and his Fleet understanding it return'd presently from whence they came.

SECT. II.

AND so by this time I think enough is said of the Warlike Spirit and Valour of the ancient Irish for so many Ages of the World, until that time which was near the Eleventh Century of Christian Religion. For as yet the infinite goodness, patience and mercy of God, expecting still their amend­ment, restrain'd his Justice from bereaving them utterly of that Virtue, that masculine bold Heroick Spirit I mean, which preserv'd them so long, even well nigh six and twenty hundred years a free Nation, independent of any other: unsubdued, undisturb'd, uninva­ded otherwise, and no longer, nor no oftner, nor with other success or issue than we have seen. Not even the old Roman Empire it self, whose conquering Eagles made all the [Page 43] rest, at least of the Western World, and among them, all, even the very most unaccessible remote recesses of Great Brittain, a prey to their uncircumscribed ambition; having ne­ver at any time had either footing, or com­mand, or tribute, or acknowledgment in Ireland. Though we knowwell enough out of History (Tacitus in vit. Agric.) what a longing they had to be doing there: at least to see that Countrey and people, which dared receive continually so many fugitives (Cum suum Romani Imperi­um▪ undique pro­pagassent, mul­ti proculd [...]bio ex Hispania, Gallia, & Britannia huc se receperunt, ut iniquissimo Roma­norum jugo colla subducerent. Cam­den, Hibern.) from their power in Spain and France, and Great Brittain and protect them to their face. But I am not to dwell or dilate on this Subject, nor indeed on any other concern­ing that Nation: the method I prescribed my self and bulk of this Treatise not allowing it.

11. What I would in the next place reflect upon, and as briefly as I well can, is somewhat of their Policy or Government, their stand­ing Militia, their Learning, and their San­ctity, when they were a happy flourishing people before the first Invasion of the Danes. For their Government, besides a Monarch, five Provincial Kings, and in process [Page 44] of time, especially since the first Danish War, manyother much lesser Kings, they had anciently three great Councils held in three several places: the Council of Taragh, the Council of Eumhna, and the Council of Gruachain: all three called in their language Feis Teambrach, Feis Eumhna, and Feis Grua­chain. The first was a Triennial Parliament of all the Estates assembled at Taragh in Meath, at the Monarch's pleasure, about that time of year, which we call now All Saints. It was ordained first by Ollamh Fodhla the Twentieth Monarch after Herimon, to be thence­forth from time to time perpetually observ'd in after Ages. It was death, without mercy, without any hopes of it, without any power in the Monarch himself to extend it to any person whatsoever, either to [...]ssault, or wound, or strike or draw upon any man attending that great Assembly, or to be convicted ei­ther of robbery or stealth, during the Session of it. It was called only for making Laws, reforming general abuses, revising their An­tiquities, Genealogies, Chronicles, and either restoring or preserving peace and love among 'em by feasting together for seven days in one great House. And therefore it is notable what Dr. Keting has in the Reign of Tuathall Teachtvair the Monarch, of the manner of their meeting and sitting at these Feasts. That the [Page 45] Room prepared to receive them all being made of purpose, tho very longs yet narrow, with Tables set on both sides and both ends, and all things ready for the Entertainment: and then the Room cleared of all persons whatsoever, only the Marshal, the chief He­rauld or Chronicler, and a Horn-winder ex­cepted: and then at three convenient little distances of time, this Horn-winder calling to Dinner by the winding of his Horn; at the first of 'em, all the Esquires or Shield­bearers to the Princes and Nobility came to the door, and there delivered their Shields to the Marshal, who by the Heraulds direction hung them up in their due places over the Tables prepared of the right hand-side for the Estates. At the second, in like manner all the Taget-bearers to the Generals and other great Commanders of the Militia de­livered up theirs, and were on the other side of the House placed orderly as the former. But at the third, all the Kings, Princes, E­states, Military men, and other chief Gentry came in and fat down, each one under his own Goat of Arms blazon'd on his Shield, without any disorder about precedency, or of places; no man sitting on the outside of the Table, nor any Woman at all admitted: the Table in one end being for the Antiquaries, and in the other for other Officers.

But to pass over this matter of Ceremony, Herauldry and Feasting, what I chiefly note in their procedure, when they sat in Council or Parliament, is their extraordinary care, diligence and exactness in providing, That all their monuments of Antiquity, their Ge­nealogies, Cronicles and Records should have nothing foisted into them, nothing at all in­serted, but what was true and certain by the approbation of a special Committee of the most skilful in such matters. That all such, and only such National Concerns, An­nals, or other matters, which they approv'd, after their diligent search and examination of them, should be there in publick written in the Kings or Monarchs book of Royal Re­cords called the Psalter of Taragh: and what­ever was repugnant to that Book, should have no credit. That, in prosecution of this great care of their National Monuments, it was, that when they became Christians, a Parlia­ment of all their Estates both Temporal and Spiritual (held under the Monarch Laogirius at the same Royal Habitation of the Monarchs, Taragh) deputed three Kings, three Bishops, and three of their most singular Antiquaries (even Saint Patrick himself there present be­ing one of these Bishops, as the other two were Benuin and Caraioch; and the three Kings, the foresaid Laogirius Monarch of Ire­land, [Page 47] tho never converted, Daire King of Ʋlster, and Cork mhac Luighioch King of Mounster; the Antiquaries also being Dubthach, Fergus, and Rosse mhac Trichim) to review and reduce into order all their National Chronicles. That this Committee of Nine having done so with great pains and industry, they reduced all into one Book fairly written. That the keeping of this original Book, was intrusted after, by the Estates to the Prelats: and those Prelats, for its perpetual preservation, caused several authentick Copies of it to be fairly engross'd: whereof some are extant to this day, and several more faithfully tran­scribed out of them; their Names (taken from the places where they were for many Ages kept) being the Book of Ardmach, The Psalter of Casshell, The Book of Gleann da Loch, &c.

Whereunto I may add, as not very imper­tinent in this place, That the Irish Nation were all along from the beginning so ad­dicted to, and had so great an esteem of the knowledg of their own Genealogies & Histories, that Keting in his Preface. anciently there have been in Ireland above two hundred chief Annalists or Historians, by place and office such, who had Estates in Land set a­part and assign'd them and to their Issue af­ter [Page 48] them in perpetuity for attending wholly that Calling and study of it; every great Lord having a peculiar Sept of them to re­cord and transmit to Posterity what espe­cially concern'd him and those deriving from him; besides what concern'd the Nation in general; yet all continually subject to the foresaid Triennial Scrutiny in Parliament. A care of Antiquity and History, I think, not to be match'd by any other Nation in Europe. And as they took that care to pro­vide for their Antiquaries, so they did also, as Cambden Britannia, tit. Ireland. p. 140. hath observed, the like for their Poets, Physicians, and Har­pers, by assigning them Estates in Land to live independently of others, only the duty they owed their great Lords excepted still.

In the two other Councils of Eumhna and Cruachain, the matters principally debated by the Nobility, Gentry, and other mem­bers of them were the concerns of all the Artificers, Tradesmen, and Handicrafts-men of Ireland, Smiths of all sorts, Carpenters, Masons, &c. whereof a great number was summon'd to be at each Assembly. Out of which number these two Councils did cull out sixty the most eminent in their professions, and gave them authority all over the King­dom, allowing them distinct jurisdictions, [Page 49] to reform all the abuses of their several Cal­lings, and suspend such as they thought fit from exercising them. So that none could set up or continue any Mechanical occupa­tion but with their Licence, after they had examined and made trial of the sufficiency or insufficiency of the party concern'd. These Masters so authorised they call'd in their Language Goldannuigh; which imports omni­scient or skilful in all Mechanicks.

So much of their Councils and Government as to Civil Affairs in the more ancient times both of Paganism and Christianity. Of their Judicatures, and Judges, whom they call Bre­hons, he that please may see very singular and wonderful things related of them in D. Keting, (Reign of Laoghaire the Monarch in St. Patricks days.) even when they were Pagans,

But if you desire to know the several de­grees of their Nobility, or the different Titles of Honour among those Irish Noblemen who sat in their Parliaments or Councils: I can only answer, besides what is said al­ready, that in Ireland until the English Con­quest, they had none of our Titles, that is, not those either of Duke, or Marquess, Earl, Viscount, Baron, or Knight (only such Knights as they called Niadha-Nask, and may [Page 50] be called by us in English Knights of the Chain, or in Latin Milites Torquati, from a certain kind of Chain put about their Necks): as no more in truth had Scotland any such Titles before the year of Christ 1074. when Malcolm III. Reigned there, and William I. surnamed the Bastard and Conquerour had subdued all intirely here in England. Con­cerning which custom of not using any such Titles of Honour, in Scotland particularly, as likewise concerning the other of the Lan­guage spoken till that time in the very Court of Scotland, (though as well the one as the other may seem foreign to this place:) this following Note, in Samuel Da­niel's words, may give you further satisfa­ction.

‘As in the Court of England, the French Tongue became more generally spoken, (viz. in William the Conquerours Reign, for of that time this Author speaks here) so in that of Scotland, did the English, by reason of the multitude of this Nation, attending both the Queen and her Brother Edgar, and daily repairing thither for their safety, and combination against the common Enemy. Of whom divers, abandoning their Native distressed Countrey, were by the bounty of that King preferred: and there planted, spread their off-spring into many Noble Fa­milies, [Page 51] remaining to this day. The Titles for distinguishing degrees of Honour, as of Duke, Earl, Baron, Rider, or Knight, were then (as is thought) first introduced: and the nobler sort began to be called by the title of their Seigneuries (according to the French manner) which before bare the name of their Father, with the addition of Mac, after the fashion of Ireland. Sam. Dan. in the Reign of William I. pag. 34.’ Where, in the Margin, he hath this further observation, that Scotland before this time generally spake a kind of Irish.

12. As to their constant ordinary Militia, what it was in their times of peace we find in the Reign of Cormock Ʋlfada (the Son of Airt) King of Ireland a little after the Birth of Christ. For then it consisted of three Battalions or Divisions, of equal number each, in all nine thousand men, under se­veral Commanders, and Fionn mhac Cuual their General; who was neither Gyant, nor Dane, nor other Foreigner, as no more were any of his Commanders, Captains or Soul­diers. He was himself but of the ordinary stature of other men; though Hector Boethius makes him a Giant of 15 Cubits high: and he was an Irish man both by birth and de­scent lineally come, of his Mothers side, in the fifth Generation, from Nuatha Neacht King [Page 52] of Leinster, and so upward all along from Herimon; whatever is repor­ted by D. Hanmer Page 24. to the contrary, in his History of Ireland. Hanmer might as well have made the Cappadocian Knight a Saxon, as Fionn the son of Cuual, a Dane. And so might Hector Boethius have as well turn'd Huon of Burdeaux, or Amadis de Gaul, or the Knight of the Sun, or the Seven Champions of Chri­stendom, and such like Romances into the very truest Histories, as the Fables written of Fionn mhac Cuual, and the Captains un­der him called Fiona Erionn, only to en­tertain leasurable hours and Fancy. For the Irish had their Romances too for divertise­ment. They had Bruoidhuin in Chaorhuinn, and the Battel of Fionthraghadh (or Fentra, as Hanmer calls it) and the story of Gilla­deackuir's Jade, and many other such, and so among these, some also of Fionn mhac Cuual and his Commanders. Which yet every one of common sense among the Irish could distinguish from their Chronicles and other Monuments of real story. In short, these Gentlemen Fionn mhac Cuaal and Fiona E­rionn were the stoutest and bravest fighting men of their time in Ireland. And they were kept in constant pay by the Monarch, Princes and people of that Kingdom, to guard the [Page 53] Coasts from abroad, and keep all at home quiet. With power nevertheless, that if the case required it, either to suppress a Rebel­lion, or withstand an Invasion, or succour Dal Riadac in Scotland, the said General Fionn mhac Cuual might make up the stand­ing Forces to seven Battalions, that is, one and twenty thousand men in all. And this is the naked truth concerning these Fiona Erionn so famous in their Generation. On which truth many fabulous stories have been superstructed.

To them may be added those other brave Warriors, whether of a later or earlier Genera­tion (but as to the reality of things for ought I know, of as much bravery and Valour) called Dal-Gheasse. These were the standing Militia of those fortunate successful Kings of Moun­ster, Ceallaghan, and Brian Boraimhe in the second Danish War, and the only Gens d'Armes about their persons, and continued to be so to the succeeding Kings of Mounster, and Leathe Mogh, who were Monarchs of Ireland, at least bore that Title, three of them in succession, after the death of that Maolseachluin, who immediatly succeeded Brian Boraimhe. What number these Valiant men Dal-Gheasse did make, I cannot find. But see them all along represented for incompa­rable Warriors, till being over-power'd at last by the King of Connaght and Leathe Cuinn, [Page 54] and presumed Monarch, Torlagh More O Con­nor, they were utterly destroyed a little be­fore the English Conquest, and with them the Kingdom of Mounster extinguish'd. For this by that Monarch was divided in two, and continued so till the English abolish'd them both.

13. Of their Learning, Historians make no mention till after their conversion to Christianity. Which Conversion, if we speak of it as to the generality of Ireland, was be­gun by Saint Patrick their Apostle, as we have seen before, early in the fifth Century, that is in the year 431. upon his second landing in that Countrey, and compleated by him within threescore and one years more. For so long he lived carrying on that holy Work, though he had been full threescore and one aged upon this second landing of his when he began it.

About this time all the Western and Sou­thern parts too of the Roman Empire being over-run by the Goths, Vandals, Huns, Franks, and o [...]her barbarous partly German, partly Scythick Nations, and consequently all kind of Learning for the matter destroyed by them where ever they set footing: and the little remainders of the learned Contemplative men retiring still from the noise of Arms: and find­ing themselves no where on the Continent, and [Page 55] as little in Great Britain at rest or in safety: many of them at last passed over to Ireland. That is, to a Countrey, where, as they were told for certain (and so it was indeed) the Romans never challeng'd any right: and con­sequently neither could the Barbarians on account of such right pretend any quarrel to it; and yet a Countrey to admiration religious and holy. This of all likelihood was one of the causes or means whereby Ireland began suddenly to flourish above any Countrey of Europe at that time in Learn­ing. Besides, and to speak without likeli­hood, but by the authority of good Authors for matters of Fact, their blessed Apostle St. Patrick himself at his coming thither to con­vert them in the aforesaid year, brought with him, besides other Clerks, in his own Company thirty Bishops whom himself had in his Journey through foreign parts ga­thered together, and before his shipping for Ireland, and for that mission of purpose con­secrated: because he foresaw the Harvest would be very great, and therefore he need­ed many Workmen. So affirmeth an an­cient French Author of good repute Henricus Altisiodorensis, (Vitae S. Ger­mani, cap. 168.) who flourish'd in the Emperour Carolus Calvus's Reign. Moreo­ver, the Irish Chronicles tell us, that he al­so [Page 56] brought along with him all those of Ci­niodb Scuit, or Scottish (that is Irish) Nati­on, whom he met abroad any where that were Christians. So here you may clearly see be­tween these Bishops, Clerks, and other Chri­stians, the first Seminary of that great Learn­ing in Ireland then, when all the other We­stern Kingdoms and Provinces were grown illiterate, barbarous, rude. However, or whatever the causes or the Teachers of that Learning in Ireland were (besides these Bi­shops and Clerks, who no man will doubt but they were at least the Chief Instructors in holy Scripture and all matters of Divi­nity: as were also, next unto them, those other Bishops consecrated by S. Patrick at home in Ireland, during the time of his Apostle­ship, even 355. in number (says Nennius) that is, one for every two Churches founded by him in that Countrey, and those 3000 Priests (Jocelin says 5000) likewise that were not Bi­shops, all of them every one consecrated by himself in this Kingdom:) it is confessed of all hands, and venerable Bede (Histor. An­glic. l. 3. c. 4, 5. 19. & l. 4. c. 25.) of old, and Cambden (Britan. pag. 730. edit. London. in Fol. an. 1607.) of late, are sufficient vouchers for it, That in those dayes the Saxons flowed over into Ireland as to the Mart of good Literature. And that, [Page 57] when any was wanting here from home, it came to be a Proverb, He is gone to Ireland to be bred. Pursuant hereunto is that Distich in the life of Sulgenus (who flourish'd about 700 years since)

Besides all the Irish Chronicles tell us of the four great Universities in Ireland, Ardmagh, Cashel, Dun-da-Leathghlass, and Lismore; not to mention many other Colledges of lesser note elsewhere. And then I think seven thousand Scholars at one time, in one of these Universities, to wit, Ard­magh, (Manusc. of Keting. Reign of Conchuuair Mhic Donochoe.) is a considera­ble evidence how Learn­ing did flourish at that time in Ireland. To all which may be added, that they were the Irish of those days, who gave a begin­ning abroad, if not to the Schools of Oxford, (for I have an Author by me that says they did so even to these) yet cer­tainly to those of Paris and Pavia (Monach. Sangal. de Gest. Car. Mag. c. 1. apud Canis. Tom. 1. Antiq. Lect.): yea and to many other great Colleges of Learning in fo­reign parts; or the most famous Monasteries of Europe then, that is of France and Germany, and Italy, have not been at any time reputed Col­leges of Learning; which yet we know, and shall presently see they have, and have indeed equally both of Learning and Sanctity been re­puted [Page 58] the chief Schools in those parts. Finally, both Camhden (Supra.) and Spencer (View of Ire­land, or Dialogue be­tween Irenaeus and Eudoxus, pag. 29.) acknowledge that from Ireland our Fore-fathers in Great Brittain, the Ancient Saxons, or English, learned the very form and manner of framing their characters for writing.

14. But if their Learning was great (as in those Ages) from the year of Christ, 431. or soon after, to the year 820. when the Heathen Danes and Norvegians first invaded them, it was esteem'd to be: the sanctity of those among them who gave themselves to a religious life, was yet much more admirable, as their num­bers were almost beyond belief in these our days. And yet Cambden, that excellent Anti­quary was convinc'd of both. Verily Hieric of Auxer (otherwise in Latin Henricus Altisio­dorensis, whom I mention­ed before) hath 800 years since written, (Vit. S. Ger­mani, c. 174. Jocel. vi [...]. S. Pa [...]. c. 174.) that S. Patrick having converted Ireland, did so prevail with the Princes and People thereof, that he obtained a tenth of all the Lands, Goods, Cattle, and Persons of the whole Kingdom to be dedicated by them to God; the Men to be Monks, and the Women Nuns, forsaking all worldly joys most willing­ly for a religious life: and that every where an­swerably [Page 59] to the Lands and other goods de­voted so to God, he built Monasteries apart, the one half for Men, and the other for Wo­men. From whence it came to pass within a very little time (says another ancient Author of great credit, Jocelinus the Monk, in his life of S. Patrick) [...]. 174. ‘that there was not a Wilder­ness, nor corner, nor place so remote any where in the whole Island, but was reple­nished with perfect Monks and Nuns; in so much that Ireland came to be called then by a special name, The Island of Saints. For says he) all those religious persons lived ac­cording to the rule given them by S. Patrick, in perfect contempt of all earthly things, de­sire of celestial only, mortification of their flesh, and quitting of their own proper will, equal to the Monks of Egypt, both in merit and number.’ Besides these testimonies, tho very many more of the ancient Writers of all Nations in Europe might be quoted; it will be sufficient to quote S. Bernard only, in the life written by him of S. Malachias, cap. v. where he relates that Ireland sent forth whole swarms of Saints into other parts of the world.

And therefore I need not add but little more upon this subject than the sense of Cambden, and that in his own words, as Britannia. tit. Ireland. P. 67. they are given by his Transla­tor, Philemon Holland. ‘The [Page 60] Irish Scholars of Patrick (says he) profited so notably in Christianity, that in the Age next ensuing, Ireland was termed Sanctorum Patria, The native Coun­try of Saints; and the Soottish See before, how at that time, by the name Scottish, were under­stood only the Irish, because as yet Ireland was called Scotia Major. Monks in Ire­land and Brittain highly excell'd for their holiness and learning; yea, and sent out whole flocks of most devout men into all parts of Europe, who were the first Foun­ders of Luxeu Abbey in Burgundy, of Bubie Abbey in Italy, of Wirtzburg Abbey in Franck­land, of S. Galius in Sweitzerland, of Malmes­bury, Lindisfern, and many other Mona­steries in Britain: For out of Ireland came Celius Sedulius a Priest, Columba, Columbane, Colman, Aidan, Gallus, [...]ithan, Maidulph, Brendan, and many other celebrated for their holy life and learning. Of these Monks is Hieric of Auxerres to be understood, when he writeth thus to the Emperour Charls the Bald, What should I speak of Ireland, which setting light by the dangers of the Sea, flitteth all of it well near with whole flocks of Philosophers unto our shores? Of whom so many as are more skil­ful and learned than the rest, do voluntarily banish themselves to attend dutifully on the wise Solo­mon, and be at his command.’

‘Then (says he, I mean Cambden, delivering his further judgment, and continuing his re­lation) this Monastical profession, although but then newly come up, was far different in those days from that of our time. They de­sired to be that indeed which they were named to be: they were far from colourable dealing or dissembling. Erred they in any thing? It was through simplicity, not through lewdness, much less of wil [...]ul obstinacy. As for wealth, and these worldly things, they so so highly contemned them, that they did not only not seek after, but also refused the same, tho they were offered unto them descended by inheritance. For a notable Apophthegm was that of Columbane (a Monk of Ireland) who, as the Abbot Walafride writeth, When Sigebert, King of the Frankners, dealt very very earnestly with him, and that by way of many large and fair promises, that he should not depart out of his Kingdom; answered him in the same sort as Eusebius has reported of Thaddeus, name­ly, That it became not them to embrace other mens riches, who for Christs sake had forsaken their own.’ Hitherto Cambden. who else­where p. 144. tells us, that we must not wonder at the austerity of those ancient Irish Monks in their generation, that is, during those primitive ages of Christianity in Ireland, tho nothing indeed can be more [Page 62] wonderful than what is written of them in that kind, For (says he) in very late times, Such as gave themselves to Religion there, did mor­tifie their flesh even to a miracle, by watching, pray­ing, and fasting.

And verily Cambdens relation both of the sanctity and prodigious numbers too of the Irish Monks in those first ages of Christianity in Ireland, before the Danish Invasion is abun­dantly confirm'd by the Irish Chronicles in Dr. Keting (Reign of Louis the Son of Laogirius, Son to Nial the Great. The Irish call him Lugha, mhac Laoghaire, mhic Neill Naoighiallaoi.) where he tells us that the holy Abbot Comghall (who about the end of the first, and beginning of the second century of Christian Religion in Ireland, built the famous Monastery of Beannchuir in Ʋlster) had 20000 Monks cloistered in several Mona­steries under his own government. Which is the more credible, because S. Bernard, six hundred years agoe, in his life of S. Malachias, Archbishop of Ardmagh, and sometime Abbot and Restorer of Beannchuir, who died with him at Clara Vallis in France, report­eth, Cap. 5. that this Monastery, under the first Founder of it, the blessed Comghall (or, as the Latins call him, Congellus) was the most noble head of many Monasteries, and fruitful Mother of many thousands of holy [Page 63] Monks. That one by name Luanus, a Son of that holy Congregation of Beannchuir, was him­self alone Founder of a hundred Monasteries in other places. That from thence flowed such a prodigious inundation of Saints, all over Ire­land, Scotland, and other foreign Nations in those days, as we have spoken of before out of Cambden. That Columbanus, who came to France, being another Son of that holy place, founded the Cloyster of Luxeu in Burgundy, in which the number of Religious men was so great, that both day and night the Quire was replenish'd with Singers, praising God perpe­tually by turns, even all the 24 hours through­out the whole year, without intermission of one sole moment of time. That Beannchuir it self, the happy Mother of so blessed an Issue, had likewise of her own peculiar Conventuals at home constantly praising and serving God, such a number, that on a time some foreign Pirats Landing there unexpectedly (for't was upon the Sea-side) to spoil and burn it, as they did both, found nine hundred Monks in the place: whom they slew, and burnt alto­gether most inhumanely, as the Histories of that Countrey tell. (Which Martyrdom, and first destruction of this Monastery hap­pen'd, says Keting, in the Reign of Ceanfolae, Monarch or King of Ireland. That is, as I take it, about a hundred and fifty years before the [Page 64] the first Invasion of the Danes.) Finally that Malachias, about 400 years after this first destruction of Beannchuir, and a second too by the Danes, restored it once more to its ancient religious dedication to God, tho not to the like number of Monks, and was himself Abbot of it, before his being Bishop ei­ther of Connor, Ardmagh, or Down. I add in the last place Down, because this wonderful Servant of God Malachias, against the will of all others resign'd Ardmagh, and chose the poor Bishoprick of Down to retire unto, of purpose to cultivate the Barbarous Inhabitants hereof, as he had successively those of the two former. To illustrate with a few more particulars this relation given of the memorable Abbot Congellus, I Hanmer, p. 62. and 53. can out of Hanmer's Chro­nicle, add (passing over his vain attempt to challenge him for his own Countreyman, and make him at least of British blood and birth. But he soon gives over his claim in the very next page, where on better grounds he confesses) that Con­gellus, not far from Westchester, founded the Monastery of Bangor, which then among the Brittons was call'd the Colledg of Christian Philosoph [...]rs, and was himself the first Abbot of it, in the days of King Arthur, An. Christi 530. That he also founded the famous Mo­nastery [Page 65] of Benchor, as he calls it, but the Irish Beannchuir, in the Ardes (alias Altitudo Ʋltonum) in Ʋlster, which had 3000 Monks, and bred and train'd up many singular and eminent men of Learning, not only Irish, but Brittons, Saxons, and Scots, who dispers'd themselves far and near into foreign Coun­treys, and converted and confirmed thou­sands in the true faith of Christ. That se­ven years after the founding of this Abbey in Ʋlster, he founded the other near Chester; but then return'd again to his former in Ʋlster, where he resteth in peace. And, be­sides other particulars, to conclude all, and acknowledg indeed both the Native Countrey of Congellus, and Countrey also of his breed­ing in holiness, that he was born in Dal-Naraidh in Ʋlster of honourable Parents, bred under Abbot Fiontan in Mounster, and then at last under Kieran at Cluain-mhac-Noise, &c.

15. I might here enlarge on the Conver­sion of many Infidel Nations, especially in the North of Great Britain, and the Lower and Higher Germany, by the power of the words and Example of the lives of those wonderful Irish Monks. But having said e­nough already on this Head of their San­ctity, I will dilate no further on it. I will not recount any thing, not so much as of [Page 66] St. Aidam that holy Bishop of Lindisfarn, and great Instructor of King Os­wald's Saxon Subjects in Christianity: (Beda Hi­st [...]r. Eccles. l. 3. c. v. & vi.) nor much neither of Columb-Cille him­self. Only of this later give me leave to de­liver a few things. As 1. That he was born in Ʋlster, and the Son of Feilimidh, the Son of Fergus, the Son of Conal Gulbhann, the Son of Niall the Great, surnamed also Naoighiallach, Monarch of Ireland. Which I note against some Scottish Authors, that contrary to all known truth, would make him a Scotchman. 2. That his proper name received in Baptism was Criomhthan: and the name of Columb-Cille was given him by Children, his Play-fellows; who because of his Dove-like simplicity, and because when he came to them upon a certain day, once every week, where they with great longing expected him, he always came to them immediatly out of the Church or Mona­stery wherein he was educated (at Dubghlaissa in Tirconel) therefore they, so soon as he ap­pear'd to them, cried forth unanimously with one voice, Columb ne Cille. Whereof his In­structors taking notice at last, thought it the will of God he should be so called thence-for­ward by all others too, even as the innocent Children had already and constantly once a week by their joyful acclamations begun to do: [Page 67] those three distinct Irish words importing in English the Dove of the Church. For in that Language Celumb is a Dove, and Ceall, or Cill is a Church, Monastery, or Cell. And hence it was that Criomhthan came to be generally called no more Criomhthan, but Columb-Cille; the middle word at first used by the Children, being left out of the composition for brevities sake. 3. That having in his youth dedicated himself to a Monastick life, and having by stu­pendious mortification arrived to the highest pitch of holiness, he founded the Monastery of Ardmagh, otherwise Dear-magh, in Latin Campus Roborum, as Beda notes. He pass'd from thence over to Scotland in the 43 year of his age, but of Christ 565. He Preach'd the Gospel Beda. l. 3. c. 4. there with so great power, that he converted to Christianity all the Picts then inhabiting the more Northern parts of Great Britain. He founded here another no less famous Abbey in the Isle of Hy (in Latin Iona) on which Abbey Connall mhac Conghvill, King of Dal-Rheuda, not a Pict, but an Irish Scot, bestowed that Keting in the Reign of whole Island, with the Sove­raignty thereof to be transmit­ted to all future Abbots of it for ever. He was held in such extraordinary great vene­ration, both in his life and after his death, [Page 68] that as Venerable Bede records it, not only all In quibus omnibus, sci­licet Monasteriis, per Hiberniam & Britanni­am propagatis ex utroque Monasterio, idem Mona­sterium Insulanum, in quo ipse requi [...]scit cor­pore, principatum tenat. Habere autem solet ipsa Irsula Rectorem semper Abbatem presbyterum, cu­jus juri & omnis Pro­vincia, & ipsi etiam Episcopi ordine inusitato debeant esse subjecti, jux­ta exemplum primi Do­ctoris illius, qui non E­piscopus, sed presbyter extitit & Monachus. Beda, ibid. the Monasteries propa­gated in Ireland or Bri­tain, from either of those two Abbeys founded by himself, were subordi­nate to this latter of Hy, wherein he lived long­est, and died at last, be­ing 77 years aged: nor only all the whole Pro­vince: but even the very Bishops themselves, con­trary to the custom of the Church in other Countreys, were subject to the jurisdiction of all the succeeding Abbots thereof, tho Presbyters only by ordination: to wit, according to the primitive pattern of their first Doctor, who was himself no Bishop, but only a Priest and Monk. In fine, he most justly deserved the title which Posterity gave him of the first Converter of the North of Scotland, and great Apostle of the Picts, as Cambden himself calls him. And so he might have call'd him too, the great and chief (if not the first) Instructor in Christianity of all the Irish Scots. 4. That although I cannot [Page 69] tell certainly what Venerable Bede means here (in the Marginal Note) by his (omnis Pro­vincia) whole Province; that is, whether he mean all the Kingdom of Scotland, as it lies now extended, and as then comprehending all the several petty Kingdoms, both of Scots and Picts (for by the Battel fought in Scotland at Monadoire, in the Reign of Diarmuid mhic Cearbheoil, King of Ireland, by the Family of the Neals, against the Picts, we understand this Nation of Picts had several petty Kings at that time: being they lost in this one Battel, together with the Victory, seven of them kill'd in the place by those Irish, formerly planted there;) or whether he mean the King­dom of the Irish in Scotland, or (which is the same thing) of the Scots or Dal-Rheudans only (all three signifying the same People) or whether only the Dominions of those Northern Picts, converted by Columb; and there can be no other to be meant by omnis provincia, since the Island it self, wherein that Monastery was, exceeded not five English miles in length: yet thus much I can certain­ly say, that Keting tells us in his Reign of Aodh (or Hugh Ainmhirioch, Monarch of Ire­land, that Columb-Cille, in his Voyages and Journey to the Parliament, held by this Mo­narch at Drom-Ceath, in that Kingdom, was [Page 70] all along out of Scotland, attended not only by 30 Sub-deacons, 50 Deacons, and 40 Priests, but 20 Bishops also, to praise God continually, and officiate in divine Offices in his company; whereby we may somewhat guess at the largeness of that Province, where­of Venerable Bede does speak here.

SECT. III.

HItherto I have briefly run over the Anti­quity, Martial Exploits, Political Go­vernment, or Grand Councils, ordinary Mi­litia, and (after their Conversion to Christi­anity) the Learning also and Sanctity of the Ancient Irish. And so have, I think, delivered in short all the most glorious Excellencies re­corded of that Nation, eitheir in their own Monuments, or any foreign Histories, that I have seen.

16. What follows next, is on the other side of the Medal to represent unto you not only a mixture of great imperfections with so many excellencies, nor only the prevalency of downright evil men against so many good, a­gainst so prodigiously numerous and great ex­emplars of virtue living among them, after their being enlightned with the doctrine of salvation: but, according to the vicissitude of all things on earth, the change, and wane, and strange decay, and utter fall at last of that People in general from all the glory of their Ancestors. And this, whether we re­gard the greatness of their former dominion and power abroad, or the more ancient policy of their Government at home, or the stupen­dious fame of their Letters and Holiness every where in those days of old. Nay, and this alteration too, in every point, as happening to [Page 74] them even before the English had set one foot in their Country under Henry II. All which I am to represent unto you now, because the order of things, and both title and nature of this Tract require I should. Though I shall ne­vertheless do it by so much the more briefly, by how much I am less inclined to dwell on this subject.

However, I must confess that when I reflect on the most authentick Monuments of that Nation, as written by their own most select Antiquaries, and believed by themselves: I am absorpt in admiration, at the wonderful patience of God with them in particular, a­bove all other People that I have read of, ex­pecting their amendment so long, that is, well nigh 3000 years compleat, before he would quite destroy them. A period so large, that with­in a far less extent of time, his wrath subverted utterly the Assyrian, Chaldean, Median, Persian, Macedonian, Roman Empires, and all the Re­publicks of Europe and Affric, and all other Kingdoms or Dominions, how great or how little soever any where on earth; whereof we have but the least competent knowledge out of ancient History, or other authentick book. And yet he continued still the Irish Nation and Monarchy beyond that extent of time. And yet 'tis no less apparent in their own Chronicles, that according to the judgment [Page 75] of man, they had as little deserved the mercy of God as any of their Neighbours, or other the destroy'd Nations.

For to lay aside their Idolatry, and all the appendants of it, which yet among them in their time of Paganism, were as great and hor­rible, and provoking of Heaven as any where else in the world: and to pass over also those other Immoralities of theirs, how enormous soever in the sight of God, which were never­theless but common to them with other Na­tions, reputed the most civil among men: certainly (if not among Cannibals, or Le­strigons, or such other Monsters, unworthy to be called men, or at least to be brought in comparison with any People that make use of reason, live in society and approve Govern­ment) never has any other Nation upon Earth anneer'd the Milesian race (inhabiting Ireland) in the most unnatural, bloody, ever­lasting destructive Feuds that have been heard, or can well be imagin'd. Feuds so prodigi­ously bloody, that as they were first founded, so they still encreased and continued in blood, even along from the first foundation of the Irish Monarchy in the blood of Heber, shed in Battel by his Brother Herimon, until the slaugh­ter of Muirchiortach mhac Neill (the last re­puted Monarch saving one) by the hands of Fearrnibh Fearrmhaighe, and O Brian, or even [Page 76] until the death of Diarmuid na Ngall (the last King of Leinster) at his Town of Ferns. And yet such Feuds as not only had for necessary concomitants the greatest pride, most hellish ambition, and cruellest desires of revenge; but also had for no less necessary consequents, the most horrible Injustices, Oppressions, Extor­tions, Rapins, Desolations of the Countrey, Perfidiousnesses, Treasons, Rebellions, Con­spiracies, Treacheries, Murders: and all this from time to time, for six and twenty hun­dred years, only a very few lucid intervals of the frenzy excepted. These prodigious pro­vocations of Heaven to that excessive degree wherein they were National and peculiar to that People only, and the contemplation there­of, is it that, upon return of it, suspends my soul in admiration at the patience of God bearing so long with them, in particular, above all other Nations, far less guilty for ought ap­pears to us in History, and much sooner utterly subverted by his revenging hand of justice.

Never have we read of any other People in the World so implacably, so furiously, so eter­nally set upon the destruction of one another, as first, The Progenies of Heber and Herimon: then those two or three other descended from Ire and Ithe, and Breoghuin, all of the same Milesian stock or kinred: and then again the two former: and then last of all, the descen­dents [Page 77] of each apart among themselves, contend­ing for the sovraignty of the whole Island, were. To say nothing now of those no less bloody contentions of others of them very often about Provincial, or even lesser Kingdoms and Rights, after that either these or those petty Kingdoms came up. Never have we heard of any other Countrey on Earth, so frequently, so misera­bly, beyond almost all belief afflicted, harassed, wasted, turn'd into a Wilderness, by the ac­cursed Pride of her Nobles, Tyranny of her Princes, Rebellion of their Subjects, Fury of her Men at arms, and other Souldiers, Preying, Sacking, Burning all that stood over ground in the Provinces invaded by them. Never has either book or man told us of any Region be­sides Ireland, that beheld so many of her beau­teous Fields turn'd ruddy, all cover'd with the bloody gore of above 600 Battels fought on 'em so cruelly and unnaturally by her own Children of the same Language, Lineage, Re­ligious rites, tearing out the lives of one ano­ther partly for dominion, and often for meer re­venge. Never has the Sun bestowed his light on any other Land, to behold a hundred and eighteen Monarchs slaughter'd by the hands of their own disloyal Native Subjects; four and twenty of them in Battel, and the rest by down­right Assassination and Murder. And which is yet more hideous, fourscore and six of them [Page 78] succeeded immediately in their Regal Thrones by those very men that so villanously had dis­patch'd them. Nay, and a Brother, and a Son also to be in this number: besides a wicked Sister too, that by the priviledge of her Sex more finely indeed, but I am sure no less im­piously adding one more to the former num­ber of Royal Victims; and this of purpose to make way for her own Son to mount the Throne, bereav'd of life the Monarch Criomh­than mhac Fiodhuigh, her own Brother, with a cup of Poyson ministred by her own hand to him.

I say nothing of Lughac Riamh-Ndearg, murder'd by himself: Nothing of Aodh Ruadh, Diahorba, Niall Caille, those three destroy'd by water: Nothing of Roithsoigh mac Roain, Dathi, Laoghaire mhac Neill, or Lugha mhac Laoghaire, all four struck dead by Thunder­bolts: Nothing of Cormuck Ʋlsada, that was choak▪d by the evil spirits for not adoring them: Lastly, nothing of Tighernmbuir, long before any of the former, by either good or evil Angels, on a sudden destroy'd, on Magh Sleachta in Letrim, and together with him three parts of the People of Ireland on the same Field, and same night, (which was our All-Souls Eve, and the night of the day we name All-Saints, or All-Hallows) for their adoring on that very day and place, the devillish Idol [Page 79] set up by him there to be adored as the only God. Of none of all these, however strange­ly kill'd, either by their own hands, or by water or thunder, or invisible Demons, or o­ther miraculous means, do I take notice here, because none of them was taken away by any other man.

Yet I cannot pass over without special note either Sedhna Jonnarruydgh, or Simeon Brea [...], two of the number dispatcht by the hands of men, their own Subjects: Whereof the for­mer was in a most barbarous manner, even that of straining his members asunder, tortur'd to death by the later, who nevertheless did suc­ceed him next: and this later again in the very same manner bereaved of life by Duach Fionn, the formers Son, succeeding now by a cruel retaliation in the Soveraignty, and so transmitting to others this particular feud, which tho not by torture, yet by murder con­tinued on still. For the same Duach Fionn lost both his Soveraignty and Life by the hands of Muireadhach Bolgrach, Son to the above Simeon Breac: and this Muireadhach also both his in like manner to Euno Dearg, Son to that very Duach now mentioned. Which Euno having thus not only satisfied his revenge by sacri­ficing to his Fathers Ghost, but his ambition too by acquiring the Monarchy, and enjoying it twelve years, had the great luck to die a [Page 80] natural death. I say great luck, &c. For in short, of so vast a number of Irish Monarchs of the sole Milesian Race or Conquest, as we have seen in the beginning of this Treatise, in all 181. not above nine and twenty (for ought we know, or I can observe by reading over their Lives) came to a natural end. All the rest of them (besides a few whose deaths, what they were, or how, are not mentioned at all) perishing as you have seen, except only Nial Gluinndubh, and Conghallach mhac Maoil­mhithe, both in two several Battels kill'd by Foreign Enemies, the Danes, in their second War on Ireland; unless peradventure you may think it fit to except also Brian Boraimhe from that general rule, upon this ground that he was kill'd by a Dane; tho the Battel against him was no less composed of Irish than Danes.

Which account as well of those Irish Mo­narchs, as of all the foresaid prodigious num­ber of Battels fought between the several con­tending Parties of that Nation, during their eternal bloody feuds in the long succession of so many Ages, I have taken the pains by read­ing over attentively, at least twice or thrice, Dr. Ketings History, and all the several Reigns of the said Monarchs, and consequently all the memorable acts performed or happen­ed in each of them, to give here in brief: that is by summing up together what is so [Page 81] dispersedly given by him in his far more Vo­luminous work. Which, whoever please to consult, may find not only the names and acts, but even the genealogies of all the said Monarchs carried up along to their several stocks, Heber, Herimon, Ire, Ithe, and Breog­huin, the Son of Bratha, who dyed in Spain long before Milesius himself was born. And he shall moreover find not only the principal actors in and occasions of fighting every one of so vast a number of Battels, and the time or Reign of the Monarch under whom each of them happened; but the particular places or Fields, on which at least one half of them had been fought, and from which each of them re­spectively has its particular denomination.

I say at least one half, &c. because I find not in Keting the Fields or places (by particular name set down) either of sixteen of those 25 Battels fought by Caomhaol, youngest Son to Heber, against the Progeny of Herimon; or of fourteen of those other 27 Battels, wherein Tighearnmhuir that kill'd Caomhaol, and there­upon succeeding him in the Soveraignty, foil'd both his and all his Fathers Race; or of any, except the first of all those hundred and five of Tuathal Teachtvair fought by him and the No­bility in five and twenty years, against the Ple­beians, and the two usurping Monarchs e­lected by them successively one after another, [Page 82] Cairbre Caitcheann and Conrach mhac Rossae; or even of any of those other, yet much more nu­merous of Con Ceadchathach, in all 260 (whence the Irish gave him in their own Lan­guage the furname of Ceadchathach, Cead in Irish, im­ports an hundred; and Cath, a Battel. and in Latin call'd him Constan­tinus Centibellis, which we may render in English Con of the hundred Battels) which he had Victoriously fought to reduce the Provinces of Ireland to his own terms: foiling the Province of Ʋlster in a hundred of them, the Mounster men in a hundred more, and those of Leinsten in sixty: though after all, he was himself in ten other Battels by Mogha Nuathat, King of Mounster, so mightily beaten and worsted, that he was forced at last even fairly to part stakes, and come to a new division of Ireland, in two e­qual parts between 'em, by the Meer of Eisger-Riada, as it were a line drawn from the Eastern Sea at Dubh-linn (now Dublin) to the Western at Galway: quitting so the whole Southern side of the line for ever to Mogh, and con­tenting himself with the North-side only. Which division, as it continued in after Ages (tho not as to the first purpose of it, but sel­dom) and took its name from those two Di­viders, the Southern part of it being in Irish called Leath Mogh, and the Northern Leath [Page 83] Cuinn; the former importing the half of Mogh, and the latter the half of Con (for the word Leath signifies half): So it transmitted to their several Posterities, and rest of the Princes and People inhabiting either of these two halves, a strong addition to their former Feuds, and new general occasion of many cruel Fights. Of all and every of which Fights, and all the rest whatsoever, except only those but now excepted, the date, and place, and persons principally concern'd, and particular occasions too not seldom, may be read in the foresaid History of Dr. Keting. And among them, seaven of those ten Battels fought by Mogha against Con Ceadchathach, particularly named from the places where they were fought, viz. the Battels of Brosnuighe, and Sampaire, and Greine, and Atha-Luaine, and Luighe Croich, and Asail, and Ʋsnach; the names of the other three are lost.

17. But that which in this whole account of their Battels fought, and Monarchs kill'd by their own Natives, must be not only strange, but astonishing, is, that the fury extended even to many Ages of Christianity, or rather in­deed in a very great measure to the whole ex­tent or duration of their being a free People. In the very first four hundred years of Chri­stian Religion flourishing in Ireland so con­spicuously, as we have seen before, with My­riads [Page 84] of holy Professors, yet their Princes and Nobles, and other Martial men were as furi­ously given to the destruction of one another, as their Ancestors had been in the time of Pa­ganism. In so much, that of 33 Monarchs, who (according even to Polychronicon and Cambrensis) had Reigned successively in that Nation from Laogirius (in whose Reign, and fourth year of it, S. Patrick entred upon the work of their Conversion) to the Reign of Aodh Ordnigh, in which the first Invasion and War of the Danes upon em began, four and twenty were by their own Irish Christian Sub­jects most unchristianly murder'd in the Island of Saints; six of them in Battel, and eighteen without battel or other solemnity or ceremo­ny, than that of the vilest Assassination com­mitted on great Princes. Nor were the six Battels in which those six Monachs were kill'd the only Battels fought in that space of time wherein the primitive fervour of Christi­anity most flourish'd among other Professors of it in that Country. So far otherwise, that of those 33 Monarchs who Reign'd in that time before the first Landing of the Danes, I find but three only, Aodh Slaine, Colman Rim­high, and Swine Mean that were not in Arms against any at all, Subjects or Foreigners; who nevertheless were all three murdered by some wicked Irish men, their own Subjects: [Page 85] and besides them, Blaithmhac and Diarmuid Ruannigh, two Brothers in like manner joynt­ly enjoying the Soveraign Power, and then Seachnasach immediatly succeeding, in all three more, that although they were in Arms at home, it was not against any of their own People, but the two former against the Saxons and Brittons invading them under the lead­ing of their General Brit (or Berthus) and the third against the Picts Landing in Ʋlster, whom the Forces of that Province overthrew presently; and yet he also was murdered by his own People. All the rest of the three and thirty Monarchs had their Swords drawn (whether justly or injustly I dispute not here) against their own Rebellious Subjects at home; and these against them. So that besides infinite depredations, wastings, burnings of the Coun­trey; besides the endless harrassing of the poor Peasants; and even sometime the violating of Sanctuaries, and burning of Churches, and killing of Clergy men, and Priests, and Bishops too for company; besides lesser Fights and skirmishes without num­ber: you may read in Manuscript. in the se­veral Reigns of those Kings. Keting above 58 main Battels fought between their Princes, Kings, and Monarchs, within that period of time: a period that wanted se­ven or eightyears of 400.

18. And that you may understand how bloody, how destructive indeed those greater Battels might have generally been: I will in­stance here in two of them. First, in that which they call the Battel of Allmbain, wherein about the year of Christ, 920. the Monarch Ferghall mhac Maolduin with an Army of one and twenty thousand men invading and fighting Murchoe mhac Bruin King of Leinster, who had but nine thousand one hundred and sixty men to oppose him, was himself kill'd, and together with him seven thousand of his Army on the place; besides 269 persons more of them so strangely frighted, that they fell in­to that kind or heighth of frenzy which the Irish call in their Language Dubhghealtacht, flying over ground, like frighted Fowls from all People they met or saw. This ill fortune of this Monarch Fearghall was thought to have happend him, because a Party of his men in their march to this Field had spoild a Sanctua­ry call'd Cillin, and the Anchoret there living had curs'd the Monarch and his whole Army. Secondly, in that which they call the Battel of Seanaigh and Vchaidh, fought between the Monarch Aodh Ollan, and Aodh Colgan, King (also) of Leinster, yea sought with that fury on both sides, that besides this Monarch himself mortally wounded, and a very great slaughter of his Army; and besides Aodh Colgan kill'd, [Page 87] together with Bran Beg, the petty King of half Leinster; nine thousand more of the Leinster men alone remained dead on the Field; tho the said Monarch died not of his wounds re­ceived here, but was kill'd sometimes after in the Battel of Seir. But what I cannot here but particularly take notice of, as worthy of special remark, are two things. The one, that this fury of pursuing one another with Battels, and Slaughters, and Murders, even all along from their conversion to Christianity, for the extent of 400 years, had been so strangely vio­lent, that it gave them no leasure at all to think of preserving, much less enlarging their former Conquests.

In their time of Paganism how bloodily so­ever the several Factions had been commonly bent to mutual destruction; yet the prevailing Parties now and then had such generous pub­lick resolutions, as to give over at home, and employ their Warlike spirits abroad to enlarge their Dominions. We have formerly seen their brave exploits in subduing the Orcades, Hebrides, Isle of Man, and then all Scotland; and then making the rest of Great Britain tri­butary, and last of all enterprizing on France it self in the decay of the Roman Empire, till Niall the Great was no less treacherously than revengfully murder'd there amidst his Army camping on the River of Loyrc, as has been said [Page 88] before. I might also have added another ad­venture and enterprize of theirs on France, with a resolute Army under the leading of their Monarch Dathi, alias Fearadhach, who as in the Sovereignty of Ireland, so in his design on France succeeded immediatly to the foresaid Niall the Great: tho having Landed there, and march'd through till he came near the Alps, he was here struck dead by a Thunder­bolt from Heaven: for so the Irish Chronicles deliver his death. As they do also the cause of it (according to the conjectures of men) to have been, that he suffered the Cell of a Chri­stian holy Anchorite, by name Parmenius, to be ransack'd: who thereupon cursing this Hea­then Sacrilegious King, and calling to Heaven for Vengeance, that exemplary punishment shewed his prayer was heard by God. But whatever the cause of it was, the place where it happen'd shews how vigorously he pursued the brave adventures of so many other Pagan Kings and Princes of Ireland to enlarge their Dominions abroad.

19. And because peradventure it may be worth the while, take here in short a Cata­logue of those Irish Monarchs, Princes, and o­ther chief Nobles, who by their first subduing, and then planting of Albain (as they call it) gave it the name of Scotland. 1. Aongus Ollbhuathach, not the VII Monarch, nor Mo­narch [Page 89] of any number at all, but Son to Fiachae Labhruinne the XIV. Monarch or King of Ire­land (for so you must correct what is said of him otherwise before pag. 17.) I say this Aongus entred Albuin to recover of the Picts the chiefry due to the King of Ireland his Father. Wherein finding them refractory, he gave them and the Britains, or Aborigines, inhabiting at that time the Northern parts of Great Britain so many overthrows, that he reduced them at last to his own conditions, making them not only Tributarles but Subjects to the Kings of Ireland: which happen'd about 250 years af­ter the arrival of the Iberians there from Spain, that is well nigh 2800 years since. 2. Aongus surnamed Ollmhucuidh (from his extraordi­nary great Hogs: for Muc in their Language signifies a Hog in English) the XVI. King of Ireland, of the Milesian Conquest, fought the Picts and Firr Bholg inhabiting the Orcades, and other Islands of Scotland, and utterly sub­dued them in 50 Battels. For it was he, and not the foresaid Aongus, surnamed Ollbhua­thach (or the Victorious) that fought them and subdued all those Islanders. And therefore by this observation also, be pleased to correct what you find otherwise in the foresaid 16 page. 3. Many centuries after, the sixtieth Mo­narch of Ireland, Reachta Righdhearg crossing the narrow Seas, and Landing in Albain (as [Page 90] the Irish call that Country still, which we call Scotland) once more established on the Picts what those other Princes did before him. This Reachta Righdhearg was the first of three Irish Monarchs born in Mounster, that enjoyed the Sovereign Power of Albain. The other two were Mac Con (otherwise called Lughae) and Criomthan mhac Fiodaigh. 4. There went also thither (about the year of Christ, 150.) on his own account with considerable Forces Cair­bre Riadfadae (Son to the 106. Monarch of Ireland, by name Conaire mhac Mogha Lauae) who Conquer'd large Dominions for himself in the more Northern parts of that Kingdom, and left his Posterity after him there; who are those, or at least a great and the more ancient part of those called by [...]da. Nistor. Eccles. l. 1. c. 1. Venerable Bede Dal-Rheudini, as being the Inhabitants and first Irish Planters of Dal-Rheuda, or as the Irish call it, Dal-Riada, in Scotland. Whether it be not called so from that Cairbre Riadbfadae, that is from this surname of his, Riadfadae, being changed by V. Bede to Rheuda, as it might ea­sily be, I know not. But this I know that Dal, which is prepos'd in the composition, signifies Part, or Lot. And so the whole word Dal-Rheuda, or Dal-Riada signifies the Part of such a man who was the chief in Con­quering it. 5. The foresaid Mac Con, alias [Page 91] Lughae, within a few years more, at least with­in less than thirty, purfuing the same exam­ples, Landed in Scotland with a power of his Country-men Adventurers. For it was from thence he returned back into Ireland to fight the Battel called Maigh Mhuchruimhe, wherein being Victorious, and killing the Monarch Art Aoinfir, he made himself Sovereign in his place. 6. This Mac Con's Grand-Son, Fiachae Ceanann entring likewise Scotland, not only gain'd large possessions, but left his Posterity after him to give a beginning to Mac Allin and his Family there, who are all descended from him. 7. Colla Vais, who had been four years, tho by Usurpation, the 115. Monarch of Ire­land, when he was by the lawful Heir, his own Cousin German, Muireadhach Tiriogh, defeated in Battel, and forc'd to flie, adventuring over to Scotland with the two other Collaes, his Bre­thren, and rest of his adherents, and acquiring great scopes of ground there, became the Grandsire of the Clan Ndomnaills both in Scot­land and Ireland. For all of this Surname, in either Kingdom, in their several generations or branches derive their extraction in a direct line from this Colla Vais: and consequently neither from Herimon or Heber, but from Ithe, a Cousin of theirs, who was the Son of Breog­huin mhic Bratha, of the same stock with Mile­sius. 8. Next after that Colla, did Criamhthan mhac Fioda, the 120. King of Ireland, with a [Page 92] Royal Army invade Albain, I mean Scotland. He had in his company another very powerful Noble man called Earc mhac Eocha Muingrea­har, mhic Aongussa. And from him the Septs, not only of Clann Eirc, and Cineall Gabhrain, but those of Cineall Conghvill, Cineall Naonghussa, and Cineall Conriche Anile, with their distinct propagations and Families in Scotland, ever since to this present are descended. 9. Corck mhac Luighdhioch is the next in order that de­serves mention. Because that by the false and wicked surmises of his Step-mother, upon his refusal to consent to her incestuous Lust (she was Daughter to Fiachac mhac Reill, King of Ely) falling into his Fathers displeasure; and thereupon forced to seek his fortune in Scot­land, and arriving there, accompanied with such armed Troops as he could raise; and then by his own deserts coming into such extraordinary favour with the Scottish King Fearradhach Fionn, otherwise called Fionn Chor­mac, that he obtain'd his Daughter call'd Muing­fionn to Wife; he had issue by her, besides o­ther Sons, Manie Leambna, from whom the Sept of Leambnuidh in Scotland, and Cairbre Cruith­nioch, from whom the Families of Eoghanacht Muighe Geirghin, in the same Kingdom were propagated. 10. Soon after him Niall Naoighi­allach the 121. and most powerful indeed of all the Irish Monarchs that were at any time before or since, entred Scotland with so great a force [Page 93] that there was no resisting him. But having said enough of him before, I need not add to it here. 11. In the last place, and year of Christ 493. (much about ninety three years af­ter the said War-like Prince Niall the Great, surnamed also Naoighiallach, had been kill'd in France, and in the 20. year of Lugha the 125 Monarch (Son to Laogi­rius) his Reign, the six Sons of Muireadhach So says Keting in the Reign of Niall Naoighi­allach. yet formerly in the Reign of Oilioll Mol [...], he calls them the six Sons of Eirc mhic Eachae Muinreamh­air. mhic Eoghuin, Mhic Neill, King of Ʋlster, being six Brothers of Mairchiartach Mor, that soon after came to be Monarch of Ireland, namely to the two Fergusses, the two Aon­gussaes, and the two Loarns, together with o­ther Septs or Families of Dal-Riada, in the same Province of Ʋlster, adventur'd for Albain: and whether or no they gave the denomination of Dal-Rheuda, or Dal-Riada to the Country there mostly possessed by them, tho at least for a great part of it planted before (as we have seen) by the Progeny of Cairbre Rioghfadae; Eochae Muinreamhar of the Progeny of Cair­bre Ridhfadae, had two Sons, Earcha and Elchon. From the former, the the Families of Dal-Riada in Scotland were descended. From the later those of Dal-Riada in Ulster. So Keting soys in the Reign of Art Aonsir. where he further says that the two Dal-Riades, or Families of them have been distinguished by the surname or nick-name of Russach, given those of Dal Riada in Ulster. the Irish Chronicles are plain and positive herein, that they gave to them­selves [Page 94] and all their Country-men the Scots of Albion the first King that ever they had of the name of Fergus, who was one of those six Bro­thers. And it is he that both the Irish and English Scots have since, for his honor, sur­named the Great; as likewise Fergus I. Not that he was indeed the first Irish (or Scottish) King of Dal-Rheuda, (wherein Buchanan, and all the rest of his Fellow-Historians that were English Scots, are extreamly out: for long be­fore that very Fergus there have been many Scottish Kings of Irish descent in Dal-Rheuda:) but that he was greater than any of the former, and the first of his own name that ruled there. To conclude, so many were the Invasions, and so great the Plantations made in that Country by the Irish Milesians, and other Gathelians in their time of Paganism, that as they Con­quer'd, so they planted it throughly at last, having quite expell'd the Picts. And so they kept it possess'd intirely by themselves, as Lords thereof, for some Ages: That is, until after the Norman Conquest of England, very many of the Saxons retiring thither under their pro­tection, others invited in, and accompanying William the Scottish King, and both of them [Page 95] multiplying mightily▪ they not only made the other Nations which are now called Eng­lish Scots, but by degrees gained from them, as we see, even all other the better parts of that Kingdom besides the Lowlands.

I say accompanying William the Scottish King. For Stow in his Chronicle tells, That this King William of Scot­land, Fol. 152. after he had been taken Pri­soner by Henry II. of England, carried over to Normandy, confin'd at Roan, until he com­pounded for his Ransom; return'd back to England; set free at York upon his paying down 4000, &c. and now being on his journey home, and seeing the Noble-men, his own Subjects, would come no nearer than Pembels in Scotland, to receive him; therefore took with him many younger Sons of such of the English Nobility as shew'd him most kindness in the time of his Imprisonment. That he en­tertain'd them, and detain'd them, and be­stow'd on them great Estates and Possessions in Scotland, which he took from such as had rebell'd against him there. That this of their waiting on him to Scotland was in the year of Christ, 1174. And that their names were Bailliol, Brewse, Soulley, Moubrey, St. Clare▪ Hay, Giff [...]rd, Ramsey, Lanudell, Biscy, Berk, Ley, Willegen, B [...]ys, Montgomery, Valx, Cole­nuille, Friser, Gran [...], G [...]lay, and divers o­thers.

20. Yet my meaning is not to assert posi­tively, that the foresaid last Invasion or Plan­tation made by those Ʋlster Dal-Rheudans, and six Sons of Muredus King of Ʋlster, had been made in the time of Irelands Paganism. I know it happen'd in the 20th. year of the Sovereign­ty of Lugha (mhac Laoghaire) Monarch of Ire­land, which was of Christ, 493. and conse­quently the very next year after Patricks death, according to Ketings computation; tho ac­cording to Jocelinus, it must have been the next saving one. I know also, it is supposed by the Writers of this holy mans life, especially Jocelinus, c. 191. that even three and thirty years before his death, all Ireland, together with the Isle of Man, and all other Islands then subject to the Irish, had been throughly and wholly converted to Christian Religion by him. Which makes it indeed very probable, that this last expedition of the Irish into Scot­land was wholly consisting of Christian Adven­turers. And yet I am not certain of it for these reasons. 1. Because Jocelinus (c. 49.) and others tell us that notwithstanding all the prodigious wonders done by S. Patrick, and many of them in the very presence of Laogirius the Mo­narch, (Father to this Lugha,) he was never converted, but died in his Infidelity, being kill'd at Greallach (a Village near the River Liffy in that Country, which we now call the [Page 97] County of Kildare) by a Thunder-bolt shot at him from Heaven. Tho Keting partly at­tributes this Vengeance of God fallen on him, to his perfidious breach of solemn promise made by him upon Oath, invoking the Sun, Moon, and all the Planets to attest it. Which Oath he made to obtain his Liberty, when he was foiled and taken Prisoner in the Battel of Ath-Dara, by the Lagenians and Criomthan mhac Euno: the contents of it being, to remit for ever the heavy Bor [...]imh (as they call it) or Fine, which he challeng'd from them as due to him and all other Monarchs after him. 2. Because this very Monarch Luigha, in whose Reign that Expedition of the Ʋlster Dal-Rheudans, and six Sons of Muredus happen'd, tho he lived and continued his Sovereignty 15 years longer, was nevertheless at last struck likewise dead by a Thunderbolt: and the Irish Antiquaries of those times have interpreted this Judgment on him as a just punishment of the great disrespects and dishonour done by him to the same extraordinary wonderful Servant of God. And these are my reasons for doubting. For it seems not likely, that if Lugha had been converted, he would after his Conversion have so behaved himself towards that Saint, as to incense Heaven to punish him in so dreadful a manner. And as unlikely it is, that in case he had so mis-behaved himself, during his Infide­lity, [Page 98] he would not after his Conversion have repented so heartily thereof, as to merit the Saints prayers for him to God, at least for di­verting so terrible a judgment. And then we know how far the example of a wicked Mo­narch might have prevail'd with other wicked men to keep them still in their Infidelity.

But be this conjecture true or false; nay, be it suppos'd for certain, that Lugha and all Ire­land every one, and consequently those six Sons of Muireadhach King of Ʋlster, with their Dal-Rheudans were Christians then, when they enter'd Scotland: it appears notwithstanding out of the Irish Chronicles, that as they were the first, so they were the last and only Adven­turers any where abroad out of Ireland, since its Conversion to Christianity; the War-like humor of its Monarchs, Princes, and Nobles, being always after that, wholly imploy'd at home in destroying one another. Insomuch that they gave not themselves either opportu­nity or leisure to look after not so much as the paiment of Chiefries or Tributes due to them from their Dominions abroad in the Islands or Terra Firma it self of Scotland. Not one of all their Monarchs, for ought appears in their History, having at any time since entertain'd no not a thought of employing their Arms that way, save only Aodh mhac Aiumhiriogh the 10th. undoubted Christian Monarch, who [Page 99] propos'd it in his great Parliament at Drom Ceatha, and was generously resolv'd upon it' until by the customary obstacle of a Civil War at home, he was not only soon diverted from that resolution, but himself kill'd in the Battel of Beluigh Duin Bholg, fought against him by Brandubh King of Leinster; as this Brandubh also, not long after, was by his own Lagenian Subjects in the Battel of Cam-Chluana.

By all which you may perceive that Christi­an Religion wrought so little on that People to­wards the abatement of their mortal feuds, that under it, even in its first four hundred years among them, their Princes were much more fatally engaged in pursuing one another with fire and sword, and horrid slaughters, to the utter undoing of themselves, and weakning of their Country, and making it an easie prey to Foreiners after, than their very Pagan Pre­decessors had been, whereof so many had ex­tended their Dominions far and near, and still enlarged and kept them for so many Ages a­broad; whatever in the mean time their dis­sentions were at home. And this is one of those two things I would especially remark here.

12. The other is, That not even the great­est holiness of some of their very greatest and most justly celebrated Saints has been exempt from the fatality of this genius of putting their [Page 100] Controversies to the bloody decision of Battels; tho they foresaw the death of so many thou­sands must needs have followed, or at least be hazarded to follow. Even Columb-Cille him­self, so religious a Monk, Priest, Abbot, so much a man of God, was nevertheless the ve­ry Author, Adviser, Procurer of fighting three several Battels, namely those of Cuile-Dreimbne, Cuile-Rathan, and Cuile Feadha. The first on this occasion. At a Parliament held at Taragh by the Monarch Diardmuid mhic Fer­gusse Ceirrbheoil, it happened that contrary to the most sacred and severe Laws of that pri­viledg'd place, one Cuornane mhac Aodh had kill'd a Gentleman: and that this Cuorn [...]ne flying away presently to shelter himself under the wings of Domhnal and Ferghusse, the Sons of Muirchiortach mhac Earcha, two powerful men in their own Territory: and they, for his better assurance, recommending him to Co­lumb-Cille's protection: the Monarch never­theless lighting on him, put him to death for his unpardonable crime at Taragh. Which Columb-Cille resented so grievously, that he persuaded such Families of the Neales as inha­bited the North (who, by way of distinction from those other Neales living in the South of Ireland, were called Clanna Neill in Tuaisg [...]art, as the said other were Clanna Neill in Disgc [...]art) to fight the Monarch, while himself pray'd to [Page 101] God for their good success. And it seems God was pleased to hear his prayer for hum­bling the Monarch. For the issue of the Battel fought so by those Neales at Cuile Druimhne was, that Diarmuid not only saw himself rout­ed, but almost his whole Army kill'd in that very Field. The second on this occasion. Dal-Narruidh and other Ʋltonians had in a diffe­rence twixt Columb-Cille and Comghall shewed themselves unjustly partial against Columb, as he thought. And therefore he had the Battel of Cuile Rathan fought against them. Who this Comghall was, I cannot certainly tell▪ tho I think he might be the great Comghall, alias Congellus, Founder and Abbot of Beannchuir, of whom so much has been said before. I am sure he and Colum-Cille were contemporaries, and of the same Province of Ʋlster. But for being Author of the third Battel, Columb-Cille had a much more specious cause (it I may pre­sume to interpose my simple judgment) than either of the two former. Baodhan mhac Niue­adha, who had been Monarch but one whole year, being in some extraordinary danger from his Enemies, Columb-Cille pass'd his word in the nature of a Sanctuary to him, to keep him safe in that extremity. Which Col­mane mhac Colmain not regarding, he had him set upon and murder'd by the two Cummins (viz. Cummin mhac Colmain Bhig, and Cummin [Page 102] in hac Libhrein) at Carrig Leime in Eich, or the Horse-leap in Jomairge. And this was the cause that moved Columb-Cille to persuade and be Author of the Battel of Cuile Feadha, fought against Colmane mhac Diarmuda.

It is true, That whatever, or how just soever the causes of each, or all those three Battels had seem'd to Columb-Cille; yet the holy Bishop Molaisse was so far from approving any of them, that for engaging in them any way, he not only most severely reproved Columb-Cille, but enjoyn'd him the grievous pennance of departing presently out of Ireland, and never more during life to see it. It is also true, that Columb-Cille with all humility and readiness obeying this injunction departed forthwith to Scotland: where the power of God was with him so eminently in converting such vast num­bers of Infidels to Christ, as if God himself from all eternity had preordained those three Battels to be the occasion of saving the Picts. And no less true it is, That when the great Parliament of Ireland was summon'd by the Monarch Aodh mhac Ainmhirogh to assemble at Drom Ceatha, as they did, and sate there thirteen months, without intermission or Pro­rogation, debating principally those three things which he proposed to them. 1. That of Banishing for ever all the Poets out of the Kingdom, by reason of their being an ex­cessive, [Page 103] intolerable burden to the People. Where­of you may see strange particulars, in the fol­lowing account.

‘This was the fourth time the Poets (whom the Irish in their Language call Ollamhs) were by a general Decree all of them condemn'd to Banish­ment into Dal-Riada in Scotland, by reason of their insolency, excessive number, and burthen to the People. For 1. They beg'd all what-ever seem'd to be most valued by the Noble-men; who out of a foolish custom that prevail'd too long, could deny them nothing. And therefore they had the impudence to beg of this very Monarch Aodh mhac Ainmhiriogh the richest and most precious Jewel in all his Treasury, and had it. 2. Their number was near a third part of the People of Ireland. So says Keting, if my Copy of his work be right. There was a thousand of them that kept Trains of Ʋnderlings waiting on them continually where-ever they went. The chiefest of all had 30 men, for his own particular train. The next to him 15. and so forth descend­ing; every one of them had some number in his own proper retinue, to the very last of 1000 leading Poets. 3. They were all of 'em, with all their numerous trains, yearly cess'd on the o­ther Inhabitants of the Kingdom from All­hallows-day till May-day, even six entire months of the year. And these I think were sufficient reasons to Banish them, as I have said they were [Page 104] three several times before this Parliament of Drom-Ceatha had been chiefly called for the same end. For you are to understand, that after each of their former Banishments they were still harbour'd in the North until they procur'd licence to return to all the other Provinces. The first time, being a thousand in number, at the intercession of Columb-Cille, who went in behalf of Conchabhar King of Ulster, to meet and invite them, they were staid, received and maintain'd by him and his Nobles of that Province till seven years were over. The second time by Fiachna mhac Baodhaine King of Ulster, but for one year only, their number be­ing seven hundred. The third time by Maob­choba King of Ulster; likewise one whole year, when their number was full 1200. But this fourth time, at the Parliament at Drom-Ceatha, tho Colum-Cille had interposed for them all he could, yet being convinc'd by the Monarch's rea­sons he acquiesed at last in what was decreed there, not only for the suppression of their multitudes, and reformation of their abuses, and ease of the People; but even for preservation of their own Language, Laws, Poetry, History, Genealogy, and Chronology, arts both useful and delightful to all ingenious Men, and civil Nations. As 1. That the Mo­narch, Provincial, and other lesser Kings, and every Lord of a Cantred (or Barony) should each of them entertain a Poet of his own; bestow on him and his Posterity for ever, a competent Estate [Page 105] in Lands, to live upon; and that both his Person, Lands, and other Goods should be exempt from all publick duties. 2. That for preserving the sciences they profess'd, there should be some pub­lick Free Schools both appointed and endowed with Lands by the Estates of the Kingdom in ge­neral. And pursuant to this Decree those two in Breithfne, the one at Rath-Ceanaidh, the o­other at Magh-Sleacht, were establish'd. 3. That the Monarch's Poet or Ollamh, should be the Ard-Ollamh, that is Arch-Poet and Arch-Pro­fessor of their knowledge: and that he should have the appointment of, and a superintendency too over the rest. 4. And lastly none otherwise, or above this number to be allow'd.’

2. That of deposing Scanlane Mor mhac Ceanfoaladh, King of Ossory, who was then his Prisoner, and committed even by Authority of that Parliament, for his refusing to pay the said Monarch a certain annual rent challeng'd as due from him. 3. That of invading Scot­land with a Royal Army to force the payment of Chiefry, Tributes, and other Duties for­merly paid thence to his Predecessors. And when Columb-Cille was persuaded to go thither out of Scotland, of purpose to intercede for the Poets, interpose for his devoted Friend the said Scanlane Mor King of Ossory, and to divert the Monarch from his resolution of invading Scotland: nevertheless he was so rigorously, and [Page 106] even so literally observant of that pennance en­joyn'd him by Molaisse, that he had continu­ally during the whole time of going thither, staying there, and returning back, a Sear­cloath in such manner hanging down before his eyes, that he never saw light all the while, nor did at any time after during life, as neither before since the command laid upon him by Molaisse, any part or foot of Irelands ground.

Which admirable instance of the most per­fect resignation of his will, judgment, soul, to the greatest exactness of Christian discipline, together with the prodigious austerity of his life, and mortification of his body, by watching and fasting to such a degree, that he seem'd a very Skeleton alive: even all his ribs, and other bones of that side whereon he lay on the sandy ground, which was his ordinary bed in his little Cell, being perfectly countable in the print of them remaining there, when he rose up from it I say that all this together duly con­sidered, besides his continual prayer and con­templation, makes me not wonder at all that he should have both converted Nations, and wrought so many stupendious miracles above all the power of Nature by invoking God, as are reported of him in his life. Nor conse­quently that in this very Parliament of Drom­ [...]eath, upon denial of his two last requests, the [Page 107] one for setting at liberty the foresaid King of Ossory, the other for not making War on Dal-Rheuda in Scotland, or requiring Chiefry or other duties of them any more, he should, as he was departing and taking his leave of them, so confidently have prayed to God, and withal prophetically told the Monarch there in pub­lick. 1. That Scanlane Mor should be freed that very night by God himself, and be with him wherever he should chance to be that same night before he went to midnight Prayers. 2. That Scotland should never more pay tri­bute, chief rent, or other duty of subjection to Ireland. Both which predictions were to a tittle accomplish'd. But these matters, either of his austerity, or sanctity, or miraculous power, and prophetical spirit are foreign to this place.

And therefore I return to tell you, that I had no other design in relating those three Bat­tels fought by his authority, than to let you see by such convincing proofs the native genius of that People, even in those early days of Ghri­stianity flourishing among them in all its glory. A fatal genius indeed, to put their controver­sies to the decisive judgment of the God of Hosts in Battel, without regard either of any other way of arbitration of man, or of so many thousand of unfortunate men that perish'd still by this bloody Test, or even of the consequen­tial [Page 108] weakning of their Country by it; and this to such a degree as must have expos'd them all at last an easie prey to Foreigners. Yet such their genius was, and so it continued still. Neither Monarchs, nor Provincial Kings, nor other Princes or Leaders among them seem'd to be at all moved by the holy injunction of Molaisse, or penitential divine observation of it by Columb-Cille all his life after, in expiating his former zeal. They, notwithstanding all their Christianity, went on all of them gene­rally in the old beaten road, either of Battels, (or which was worse) of Murders, even from this very Monarch Aodh Aimmhiriogh for 300 years more. That is, just as their Predecessors had done before in the very first century of that holy religion among them. For it was within this earliest and holiest Age of all, that we read of six of their first Christian Sove­raigns of Ireland downright murdered by their own Subjects at home, besides one more kill'd in Battel by them: Baodhan mhac Nineadha, by the two Cummins: Ainmhire mhac Seadna, by Ferghussa mhac Neill: Diarmuid mhac Ferg­hussa Ceirbheoil by Aodh Dubh mhac Suibhne: the two Brothers who joyntly ruled, Eochae and Baodhan, by Cronan mhac Tighernaigh King of Cionachta Ghlinne Geimhion: Tuathal Maolg­harubh, by Maolmortha at a place called Grealla Eillte: and Oilloll Molt the first of them all, [Page 109] in the Battel of Ocha, by Lugha mhac Laoghaire, who thereupon immediatly succeeded him in the Soveraignty: S. Patrick himself their great Apostle being yet alive among them.

22. To this unhappy Unchristian genius of the Princes and Nobles among that People for righting themselves, or deciding their quarrels whether right or wrong, by their own swords either in Battel, or the baser way of surprizal and murder, you may add, as no less worthy of special remark, the highest injustice of too many of their Monarchs both Heathen and Christian, in punishing the personal crime of one man by laying intolerable Fines on whole Provinces at their pleasures, and exacting them by Military execution, if otherwise not pre­cisely paid. For example, Aongus Ainchille King of Leinster, having in the time of Paga­nism Married Dairin one of the two only Daughters of Tuathal Teachtuar the 101. Mo­narch of Ireland, and within a little time after visited his Father in Law at Tarach, and made him believe that Dairin was dead, and then prayed that for the greater strengthning of their Friendship he might have his other Daughter and her Sister (by name Fithir) to Wife, and by earnest suit obtained her: She was no sooner brought home by him to his own House, than seeing her Sister alive, and thereby finding her self abused, not only she, [Page 110] through extremity of shame seizing her, pre­sently fell down dead in the place, but Dairin likewise through excess of grief breath'd out her last upon her Sisters Corps in the very same place, and almost same moment of time, ac­companying so her Ghost to the other life with her own. Which coming to the Monarch, their Fathers knowledge, did so enrage him, that entring Leinster with a mighty Force to destroy all the People of that whole Province indistinctly with Fire and Sword, though they knew nothing at all of the crime; he could not be otherwise appeas'd or withdrawn from this resolution, than by their universal sub­mission for themselves and Posterity after them to a Fine (Eirick they call it) of 6000 Beeves, 6000 Muttons, 6000 fat Hogs, 6000 Mantles, 6000 Cauldrons or Pots of [...]ass, and 6000 ounces of Silver, to be every second year paid by them to him, and all future Kings of Ireland for ever. A Fine indeed both heavy, unjust, tyrannical, and which added so mightily to their former feuds, that upon the sole account of it divers Battels have been fought; and much even Christian blood in after-Ages spilt. For one third of it was for the Conacians, ano­ther to the Oirghillians or Methians, and ano­ther to the Clanna Neills of the North: as who had all of 'em assisted that Monarch Tuathal Teachtvar with their Forces to impose it. And [Page 111] fourty Monarchs in a continual succession after him, did even by Fire land word exact the payment of it when refused, until at last Fio­nachtae Fleadhach the four or five and twen­tieth Christian Monarch, did about the year of Christ 922. at the intercession of S. Moling, set Leinster free by remitting and abolishing it for ever after.

Another example here of, might be the for­mer Fine laid (about 160 years before Tuat­hal Teachtuar▪ time) on the same Province of Leinster, by the Monarch Conaire Mor Mhac Eidrisg [...]oil, for the death of his said Father Eidrisg [...]oil, who was likewise Monarch of Ireland before him, but after six years Reign was murder'd in Leinster, at Allmhain, (we now call it Allon) by Nuadhath Neacht, who thereupon succeeded him in the Soveraignty, though he held it only for half a year. For at the expiration of so little a time of his Reign, he also was kill'd by the foresaid Cona [...]re Mor. Now this C [...]naire having thus possess'd himself of the Soveraign power of all Ireland, and (whatever his end was at last) reigned pro­sperously many years (some say 30. others 70▪) did by his absolute authority, which had no controul▪ and for the said death of his Fa­ther Eidrisg [...]oile, lay upon Leinster a perpetual yearly Eiriook of 300 white Cows, 300 fat Hogs, 300 Vessels of Ale, and 300 Swords with golden [Page 112] handles. And withal, as part of their Eiriock, forc'd them to quit the whole Dominion of Ossory (which had a very large extent then, and they were three Countreys of that name joyn'd together) from Gawran to Greine Airbe, near the Moore call'd Main Eile, and give it up for ever to the Division or Province of Mounster; yea, and to confirm this surrender by invoking all the Planets to witness that they and as much as in them lay, their Posterity af­ter them, should stand to it irrevocably. All which taken together was peradventure a no less (if not much more) oppressive Eiriock, than the latter impos'd by Tuathal Teachtvar. Yet because I find not how far the Leinster men were, or were not guilty of Eidrisg [...]eoil▪ death, I say nothing positively of this matter▪ though Keting relates that six Provincial Kings of Mounster, viz. Oilioll Olum, Enghan mhae Oiliolla, Fiacha Muilleathan, Oilioll Flann, Beg, Lugha, his Son, and Gorck mhac Luighiodh, in a suc­cession Reigning there, had this Eiriock duly paid them, or at least forc'd it by arms from the Lagenians. By what right, other than that Conaire Mor, the foresaid Monarch that im­pos'd it, was himself a Mounster man born, and therefore perhaps assign'd it to that Province, I know not. But this I know, that Keting tells how by this time the Momonions, had got such footing in Leinster, that they possess'd all [Page 113] to Maisdion, a height now better known by the Irish compound name of Mullach-Maisdon, in the County of Kildare. And how notwith­standing they were much about the same time, that is, above 200. years after the imposition of this Fine, beaten out of all, and their Fine to boot, and Ossory recover'd from them by three several Fights, as they retired from Maisdion; the first at a place then call'd Truis­dion, now by us Athy, on the River Barrow; the second in Cadirthin Amhaigh Riada, which after was called Laoighis by the Natives, and from thence Lease by the English; the third at Slighe Dala, now the Beallach Mor in Ossory. And how this War and three Battels against the Mounster men, were manag'd by Cu-Chorb, King of Leinster, not only with the assistance of Eochae Fionn, second Son to the Monarch Felim-Reachtvor, and consequently Brother to Conn Ceadchathach, likewise Monarch in his time, but under the conduct of Laoighseach Ceannmhor (or Lewis of the Gread Head, who was Son to the famous Warrior and Champion Conall Cearnach) as General of the Field under Cu-Chorb. And finally how this Leinster King rewarded the said Eochae Fionn by giving him for ever the Countreys then call'd the seven Focharties; and the King of Ossory in like man­ner rewarded Laoighseach Ceannmhor with a grant of the seven Leases, besides many other [Page 114] Priviledges bestowed upon him by Cu-Chorb. All which may be read at large in Keting. For I speak of this matter but occasionally.

23. After the great injustice and bloody cousequences of those Tyrannical Eiriocks, what I purpos'd next to observe as most re­markable is the greatest cruelty, the strangest insulting carriage, and the most inhuman ri­gour of some other Monarchs, even towards the very Provincial Kings of their own Na­tion, when their Captives or at their mercy. To conclude this point, I give three instances; the first of a Pagan, and the other two of two Christian Monarchs.

First instance. Upon the death of the Mo­narch Criomthan mhac Fiodae, poyson▪d by his own Sister, and Niall Naoighiollach's succeeding him, but not yet possess'd of Taragh, the Royal Mansion of the Monarchs, Eochae King of Leinster, pretending some title to the Monar­chy, anticipates him, and possesses that place. But Nialls Magitian or chief Druid, by name Laighichin mhac Bairrchedha, dissuades him on the religious, or rather indeed superstitious ac­count, That none could succesfully possess Taragh, who had not been created a Niadh-Naisk, that is a Knight of the celebrated Chain, call'd in their Language Naisk. Which who­ever receiv▪d with due solemnity about their necks, were stiled Niadha-Naisk, importing [Page 115] in Irish the same with Milites Torquati in Latin. For this of the Chain was an Order, and the only Order of Knighthood among 'em. How­ever Eochae who had never been receiv'd into that Order, nor had that Chain about his neck, being thus dissuaded, and retiring pre­sently into Leinster, but in his way lodging unluckily a night in the said Magitians House, it happen'd that on some provoking Language given him by his Son, he kill'd him presently in the place. This with all vehemency is ex­aggerated to Niall by the old Magician, Father to him that was kill'd. And Niall thereupon egg'd on partly by Eochaes late attempt on Taragh, and partly by the extream incessant opportunity of Barrechedba to lay all Leinster in ashes for the death of his Son, enters that Pro­vince with so vast an Army that no power of the Lagenians was able to withstand him: and with such a revengeful bloody resolution too, that no prayers, no tears, no offers of the Leinster Nobility, though meeting him of pur­pose, and humbling themselves before him, could obtain any other answer from him, than that he was resolved without delay to ruin their whole Province with the utmost devasta­tion imaginable, unless they did forth with de­liver into his hands their King. Eochae seeing this desperate condition of his people, like a brave, just, and noble Prince, considering him­self [Page 116] to be the only Criminal, chooses rather to lose his own life, than they who were inno­cent, should theirs: and therefore delivers himself freely up. But the merciless Monarch, not moved either with his generosity or humi­lity, commands him to be tied presently and straightly about the middle with a strong iron Chain, to a huge stone like a Rock, which to this day stands an end on a Field that is on the West-side of the River Slaine, between Kilbride and Tullo-O-Feilimm, in the County of Cather­logh: both ends of the chain carried through a hole that ran from one side to another in the Stone, and then fastned in the backside with an Iron-bar put into both the extream links: and then nine bloody Fellows well arm▪d to attack him, and mangle him in pieces, while he had nothing at all, no kind of weapon to defend himself. Though God and Nature, and the horror of so base a death did help him so strangely, or rather miraculously indeed, that seeing himself in this case (for his back was to the Stone, and his face to the People:) and hearing at last the word given to his Exe­cutioners, who were yet at a little distance off: he thereupon roused up his spirits so wonder­fully, that by violent straining of himself, he tore in pieces the Chain before the Executio­ners were come so near as to reach him: and with part of those very pieces laid about him, [Page 117] so that some of the Villains lay dead at his feet, and he escaped the rest by running away.

Whereby it seems that God himself in his secret Counsels had design'd so strange a pre­servation of Eochae at this time, that he might be at another time in his own very person the punisher of that extraordinary cruel judgment given by Niall against him. For so in truth it happen'd at last in this manner following▪ Eochae, as now it has been related, having saved his life first by his valour, and then by his heels, to shun Nialls further cruelty, gets himself away, so soon as he could privatly, over into Scotland, where he is incognito receiv'd in­to the protection of Gabhran mhac Domhung­hoirt, King of Dal-Riadd there, and of all the Scots. And after some years more expired, when this Scottish King had by commands re­ceived from that (now mighty) Monarch Niall, with all the power he could make and spare out of Scotland, pass'd over to him in France (or Gaule, as it then was call'd) Eochae accompanies him still incognito: and so conceals himself, until at last he found his opportunity at the River Loyre: where, as you have it before, he treacherously slew (by the flight of an Arrow) in the very mid'st of his Royal conquering Army, this otherwise invincible, though cruel Prince. But these later passages of Eochaes preservation, and revenge (as nei­ther [Page 118] indeed any other of the evil consequences following, which were many and great) are to my purpose now. And therefore I proceed to the

Second instance. Which though it have not so much either effectual or intentional cruelty, yet peradventure it shews the strangest insult­ing carriage of one Christian Prince a Con­queror towards another, not taken in Battel, or otherwise, but freely coming in of himself, and submitting to his mercy, that ever has been delivered in writing. Diarmuid mhac Ferghussa, mhic Ceirrbheoil, of whom I have said before, that he was the Tenth Christian, and now say that he was not only a Christian, but perhaps of the very best Christian Monarchs of Ireland, being held for many respects a very good man, and very just King: so just, if not rather over just he was, that he put his own Son Breassal to death upon the complaint of an old Religious woman of Kill-Ealchruidh, That notwithstanding the immunity of that Sacred place, and her own right, he had forc'd from her a Cow, because it was extraordinary fat, or to his liking, for a Feast, though indeed he had first offered her seven Cows, and a Bull too in compensation: this very Diarmuid, I say, in the seventh year of his Reign, and upon the like complaint of another Nun called Sinioch Chro, about one single Cow taken from her, [Page 119] having made a sharp War on Guaire mhac Col­main, Provincial King of Connaght, by over­throwing him in a great Battel: and there­upon this Guaire, who was no less held as good a King as ever Connaght had, hospitable to ad­miration, bountiful without compare, so libe­ral to the Poor, that he never denied a conside­rable Alms to any such person craving it in the name of Christ; insomuch, that when at any time he wanted money about him, he strip'd himself, and gave his very Cloaths off his back to help them: I say this Guaire, so good a man and King too, after his said de­feat, rallying his Troops again the next day, and then consulting the Chief among 'em, whether he should venture another Fight, or go freely of himself and submit to Diarmuids mercy: and by their advice choosing the latter, and therefore going presently to the Victors Camp, entring his Tent, and laying himself in an humble posture on his knees before him, begging pardon: Diarmuid nevertheless, with­out any regard either of the inconstancy of Fortune, or of Guaire ▪s voluntary submission, or penitent posture, or of his regal dignity, or of his renowned vertues, without other cere­mony or more adoe, commands him to lie down on his back, while himself standing up, held one foot on his breast, and the point of his Sword between his fore-teeth. 'Tis true, [Page 120] that after this trial made, he did Guaire no fur­ther hurt; yet that does not wipe off the ex­cessive pride and barbarity of the action or trial it self.

How ever, before I pass from this instance, it will not be amiss to let the Reader know, that notwithstanding all the praises given by Keting to this Connaught King Guaire, yet he was the very man (as even Keting himself elsewhere relates it) who had the Bishop Ceallach, Dis­ciple to St. Cieran of Cluan mhac Noise, and eldest Son to Eoghan Bell, the former King of Connacht, murdered by three of that Bishops own Servants: which happen'd in the Reign of the former Monarch Tuathal Maolgharbh. These Villains Guaire suborn'd to commit this horrid sacriledge: and this only on account or supposition of the said Bishops endeavouring to make friends for his own younger Brother to recover that Kingdom of Connaght, which his Father Eoghain Bell had some time be­fore enjoy'd, and held all along till death.

Third instance, and it is an instance, I think, of very inhuman rigour. Aodh Ainmhi­riogh, another Christian Monarch of this time (for he came to the Sovereignty within eight years after Diarmuids death; and we have spoken of him before, as who held the great Parliament for 13 months at Dromceatha) was so rigorous to Scanlane Mor mhac Cinfoale, King [Page 121] of Ossory being his Prisoner, that he command­ed him to be straightly bound in Prison with twelve chains of Iron loading him; fed only with salt Beef; allowed not a drop of any kind of liquor, no not so much as of water to drink; had all this rigour effectually put in execution against him, and rejected even Columb-Cille's Petition for his release, though come of pur­pose out of Scotland to obtain it.

And so I have done with my Instances, nor have I more to say in reference to them. Only that although I cannot tell what reasons either of these two Christian Monarchs had for such extream rigour towards Christian Princes of their own Nation, though their Prisoners, or at their mercy: nor can tell, as to particulars, how considerably this cruel usage did add unto, or inflame the former feuds: Yet this much I can tell, that neither of them had other than a violent death: the former murder'd by Aodh Dubh mhac Suibhne; the later kill'd in Battel by Brandubh King of Leinster, as I have said be­fore, upon another occasion. And so by con­sequence I have likewise done with all my spe­cial remarks on this large subject of the mani­fold bloody Feuds of that Nation, both in the time of their Paganism, and in that of their being under the Gospel of Christ: for I in­tended no more such heer than I have given.

Which is the reason, that now returning once more thither, where I was before, I con­clude at last this long Section with one general remark on that People, as they were under the Gospel in the more early Ages of it among them. viz. That from the killing of their fore­said Christian Monarch Aodh mhac Ainmhiriogh (the last we spake of here) the Fate not only of the Milesians, but other Gathelians what­soever in Ireland, and the Genius of their Kings, Princes, Nobles, and other Martial men, con­tinuing for 300 years after him, the very same it had been in the Age before him, car­ried them on perpetually, from time to time, fighting, and slaying, and murthering one another at home, until the four and twen­tieth of those Christian Monarchs of theirs, who died violent deaths by the hands of their own Irish Subjects within the first 400 years of Christian Religion generally planted among 'em, by name Aodh Ollann, had been slaughter'd in the Battel of Seir by Domhnal mhac Murchadha, that immediatly succeeded him. Nay until that in this Domhnals Reign, which continued 42 years, and the Reign of his Successor Niall Frassach, which lasted but four, besides Colman, the Bishop of Laosaine murdered by Ʋibh Tuirtre; the Battel of Beallach Cro, between Criomthan mhac Euno and Fionn mhac Airb, the Battel of Beallach Gawran, [Page 123] between Mac Conchearca King of Ossory, and Dunghall King of Ʋibh Cionsallach, kill▪d there­in; the Battel of Leagea, betwixt Ʋibh Mbruine and Ʋibh Mainne; the Battel of Corann betwixt Cinneal Gonnail and Cionneal Eoghuin; and fi­nally the killing of Combhasgach King of Ibh-Failghe by Maolduin mhac Aodha Beanainn King of Mounster. (whether in Battel, or out of Battel, I know not) had fill'd up at last brim full the measure of their domestick unnatural slaughters happening within that term of time, their first four Centuries of Christianity.

SECT. IV.

24. SUch were the National provocations of Heaven, peculiar to that People hitherto, i. e. for two and twenty hundred years (besides what we shall yet see did hap­pen after) above any other Nation of the whole Earth. Immortal Feuds of death, ty­rannical oppressions of the Subject, cruelty as well of justice as revenge, Treason, Conspi­racies, Rebellions, Murders even of their So­vereigns, effusion of human blood like water. And this without pity, without remorse, with­out any cause sometimes but very slight, and sometimes vain and ridiculous. An arbitration between two religious Monks in a difference, deciding against one of them, must engage [Page 126] Families and Countrys in Arms, to fight it out in Battel, and cut one another in pieces. A known Murtherer proscrib'd as unpardouable by their most sacred Laws, and therefore justly put to death by the Monarch, must neverthe­less, on pretence of his being seiz'd upon after he had been received into the protection of an Abbot, be a just cause of rebelling and fighting that very Monarch, and killing his whole Ar­my to boot. Nay, one single Beast, a Cow, at most but very little worth, taken away I know not how from the owner, was the only cause of a great Battel fought between the same Monarch and the Provincial King of Connaught, and a Battel wherein most of the Gentry of that Province and Mounster too were kill'd. As if nei­ther the Assailant nor Defendant, tho Christian Kings both, could find any other way to satisfie the poor Woman that was rob'd of that Cow: or rather indeed as if they had sported so with the lives not only of their Subjects, but of their Friends.

I say nothing of the Candle-snuff, or of its firing the Monarch Cormack Ʋlfada's beard at an entertainment given him in Maig-Breag by Giolla King of Ʋlster, who shuffing a Candle, instead of throwing it aside, threw it (whe­ther by chance, or of purpose) into Cormack's long beard, which presently catch'd and burn'd up to his tresses. Only I say, That however [Page 127] this ridiculous matter happen'd or pass'd at that time, it cost Ʋlster dear, long after Cor­mack's death. That Muireadhach Tiriogh, the great Grand-child of this Cormack; and sixth King of Ireland after him, took it for a pretence to pour an Army of one and twenty thousand men under the command of the three Collaes into Ʋlster, to destroy it, and conquer as much Land for themselves in it as they could. That in pursuance of this Order, they made so sharp War on Ferghus Fogha King of Eumhna there, that in seven several Fights against him, fought seven days consequently, without the inter­position of one free day, they had the killing and taking of all the Ʋlster Forces: having as they beat 'em, still pursued them all along from Cearnagha to Gleann Ruigh. That be­ing Masters of the Field, they returned back to Eumhna, spoil'd it, burn'd it, and destroy'd it so, that never after any King resided there. Finally, that by this expedition they con­quer'd for themselves the large Territories of Modharnaigh, Vibh Criomthaine, and Ʋibh mhic Vaise, which their Posterities after them did hold, while the Milesian Kingdom stood in Ireland.

But I pass over these matters depending on Cormack's beard: not because he and the rest mention'd in this story were Pagans (for I shall have occasion yet to speak somewhat, tho [Page 128] but little, of as great Pagans as they:) but be­cause peradventure the cause it self was not slight. Tho however I must acknowledg the punishment was too severe and unjust: as nei­ther inflicted on the Criminals, nor on any that ought in such a distance of time to suffer for them; much less after legal summons, or any respit given them, to make reparation un­der peril of abiding the justice of Arms. But leaving this to the Readers judgment,

I return back to the Christian Princes, where I was before animadverting the sport they made, on the sligtest causes that well might be, of the lives of so many thousands of other Christians, their own faithful Friends and Sub­jects. Yet what I am to consider now, is ano­ther thing. It is, That all this while nor they nor their Successors after 'em for 300 years more, seem'd any way sensible that the All-avenging God began already to warn them. For so in truth he did, and that not once nor twice, but much oftner, within that very term of time, even while they were in their full career persecuting one another at home, with the greatest violence of deadly Foes. In which respect he dealt far otherwise, that is much more kindly and mercifully with them, than he had done with their Pagan Fore-fathers in that very Land; upon whom, about a hundred years after their conquering it, with­out [Page 129] any such gracious Fatherly warnings given them (for ought we find in History) he laid on a sudden the whole weight of his heavy hand in a most prodigious manner, at two se­veral times. For what could be more dread­fully prodigious than that which I have re­lated before, and you may remember here, three parts of four of all the people of Ireland, toge­ther with their Monarch Tighernmhuir (who was the tenth from Heber) slain in one only night upon Maigh-Sleacht, by invisible De­mons, the Executioners of Gods fury enrag'd against them? Or what, next to that, could be more prodigiously terrible than a rich Plain of forty miles long, and fourteen, fifteen, six­teen miles broad, in most places, throughly planted, and thick of Inhabitants, in Ʋlster, to be on a sudden over-flown, cover'd over with a deluge of waters, burst out of its own in­trels, and neither Man, nor Woman, nor Child, nor Beast, nor other goods of so large a tract of ground to be saved, but all in one hour perish'd under this Flood of God's a­venging irresistible wrath?

How-ever, because their heinous Idolatry, i. e. their universal adoration and prostration of themselves before their grand Idol Crom Chruoigh, which by all circumstances, was the sin that brought upon 'em the former of those two stupendious Judgments, though it was [Page 130] national, yet it was not peculiar to their Na­tion only: and because the most beastly of sins (whence it has its proper name of Bestiality) which brought the latter of the same Judg­ments on those bestial Wretches that so asto­nishingly perish'd for it, was peculiar only to that tract of ground, or rather indeed to them who were Inhabitants of it, and no way Na­tional, or involving or affecting so much as any one other part of Ireland: therefore I pass over these punishments, as not inflicted (either of them) upon the Irish Nation, for those enor­mities which I have said before, were both National and peculiar to Cambden's Ireland, in the County of Ferma­nagh, pag. 106. them. Besides Cambden himself declares in parti­cular, as to the latter of the said Judgments, how the Irish Annals de­ny those bestial Inhabitants of the destroyed Valley to have been other than certain Islanders out of the Hebrides, who being fled out of their own Country, lurked there, and consequently de­ny them to have been at all of the Irish Na­tion, much more deny 'em to have been either of the Milesian or Gathelian Race. Then Keting, tho he tells us particu­larly Keting. (in the Reign of the foresaid Tighernmhuir) of the breaking out of that In­undation of Water, the great Lough Earn, which it presently made, and so continues ever [Page 131] since; yet has not a word of the horrible sin of Bestiality, as neither indeed of any other sin or cause whatsoever thereof on the part of the Inhabitants. And last­ly Cambrensis, who is the Girald. Cambr. Topog. Hib. dist. 11. cap. 9. first Author of this rela­lation, brings no o­ther warrant for it but hear-say.

Yet be it, or be the original of Lough Earn (so famous ever since for Fishing) what you please: what I would be at to tell you here, is, That after that prodigious eruption of Wa­ter in the North, and the no less. (if not far more [...]) prodigious slaughter on Maghsleacha (we may call it in English the Field of Adora­tion) in Letrim; both which happen'd in the Reign of the self-same King, and near the same time, about 2900 years ago: We do not find in the Irish Chronicles, that God had once in any special or visible manner concern'd himself either in warning or punishing that People (at least otherwise than by themselves) until they became Christians; but let them go on securely without controul from him in those National peculiar enormities of their own: I mean their immortal Feuds, and prodigal effu­sion of human blood, even that of their own Country-men and Kinsmen, on every little oc­casion. That nevertheless he continued still their Victories and Dominions abroad unto [Page 132] them, and gave them the spoils of Forein Kingdoms to enrich their own at home: and all this for causes known to his unsearchable Wisdom, but wholly unknown to us: at least otherwise than by conjecture, that he had per­adventure so long contain'd hi [...] Wrath in his mercy, for the sake of those vast numbers of holy Men and Women, those great Saints who were in after Ages to issue from their Loyns, and to carry his glorious Name far and near by Preaching the Gospel, and converting so ma­ny incredulous Nations to him, as they did. That after they were become Christians, and yet nevertheless pursued the bloody courses of their Pagan Ancestors, and not only pursued but exceeded them, as being wholly intent up­on destroying one another at home: he thought it now high time to warn them as his Children. And that he did so both early and loudly, and often, by laying his hand upon them w [...]th smart enough, though not to their extermination or destruction as yet.

25. It was within the first Century of Chri­stian Religion among them, he warn'd 'em with the loss of all their Dominions abroad, The Orcades, and the Hebrides, and all the Islands, not Mannuinn [...]or Isle of Man) it self excepted; nay, the Terra Firma of Scot­land, and all their Conquests and Plantations there, both ancient and late, those very De­scendants [Page 133] of their own loyns, renounced ut­terly in that very Age any further payment of Tribute, or Chiefry, or other duty of Allegi­ance or subjection to them. And I think any in­different looker on would esteem so great a loss then, both an early and loud warning indeed given them to amend. But they did not re­gard it, as not touching them yet in their sen­sible Being at home. And therefore God pro­ceeds thenceforwards by other (i. e. by nearer and keener) methods, touching 'em to the quick, where they should have more feeling. Such undoubtedly were those two dreadful Plagues; the one in the Reign of Diarmuid mhic Ferghussa mhic Ceirrbheoil, which they call'd Crom-Choinnioll (in English the Fading or Falling Candle,) that swept away infinit num­bers of them; yea, very many of their most admired Saints, and among others Mac Dail the Patron of Kilcullin: the other call'd by them an Bhuidh Choinnioll, or the Yellow Candle, no less contagiously mortal; whereof, even their very Sovereigns, in whose Reigns it hap­pen'd, the two Brothers Blaithmhac and Diar­muid Ruannigh died. Such also were those three or four several Invasions and inroads made into their Country by the Saxons and Brittons, either in conjunction or apart, close one after another. The first of them in the joynt Sovereignty of the foresaid two Bro­thers: [Page 134] when the Irish, who had so long and so unnaturally fought one another, were now constrain'd to fight a forein and common E­nemy at their own doors at home, and give them Battel at a place call'd Pancti. The se­cond in the Reign of Fionachta Fleadhach, when Egfrid King of Northumberland sent an Army under the conduct of one Brit or Berthus, to Invade 'em. Who, as Venerable Beda Anno Dominicae In­carnationis, 684. Eg­fridus Rex Northanhym­brorum misso in Hiber­niam [Scotorum Insu­lam] cum exercitu Duce Bertho, vastauit misere Gentem innoxiam, & Nationi Anglorum sem­per amicissimam; ita ut nec Ecclesiis quidem aut Monasteriis manus par­ceret hostilis. l. 4. c. 26. re­lates it, in the year of Christ, 684. so miserably wasted the Irish Nation, though a Nation most harmless to others, and always most friendly in particular to the English, that he spared neither Church nor Chappel, nor Monastery. His Army (says Ke [...]ing in the Reign of the foresaid Fir­nachta) spoil'd and burn'd all the Sea-coasts of Leinster, without any difference put between sacred and profane. And either a little before or after this devastation it was that in the same Reign they, or some other Forces Landing out of Great Britain, fought the Irish in the Battel named Cath Rath Moire in Moghlinne; where besides a great many of the latter, Comhusgach a Pictish King was lost. Lastly, in the Reign [Page 135] of Loinnsioch mhic Aonghussa, the Brittons prey'd, harras'd, ransack'd the whole Country call'd Magh-Mhuir Theimhne, until the fortune of a Battel, I mean that of Cullinn, or Muigh Cullinn, which the Ʋltonians were compell'd to at last, made them retire.

Besides these several Inroads touching them pretty near the quick at home, in divers parts of their Country, the mercy of God, seeing not their amendment yet, was pleas'd in this very Loinnsioch's Reign to try other means more general to the whole Nation of Ireland, by afflicting them all with such a Mortality of their Kine, and Famin thence ensuing and continuing for three years, in such extremity, that men ate one another, as Keting writes. But neither was this kind of warning any whit more effectual to work a Reformation. For Loinnsioch himself, their Monarch, was kill'd in Battel by Ceallach King of Connaght. And, af­ter his immediate Successor Conghall Kinn, who most sacrilegiously rob'd and burn'd as well all the Churches and Sanctuaries, as all the rest of the Town of Kildare, before he was seiz'd upon by a sudden death; the just re­ward of his Sacriledge, as all men thought in those days: the very next three Monarchs, Fearrghall, Foghartach, and Kionaoth, were all of 'em, one after another, kill'd in three Battels fought by their own Coutrey-men and Sub­jects [Page 136] against them. And though Flaithiortoch, immediate Successor to the last of these three, escaped violent death by making himself the only happy man of all the Irish Monarchs (at least of all until his time, except Maolchoba) in putting off voluntarily his Royal Robe, changing it for a Religious Weed, and both living and dying in peace, a profess'd Monk in the Monastery of Ardmagh; yet he that suc­ceeded him next in the Sovereignty, Aodh Ollan was kill'd in Battel by Domhnal mhac Murchadha, as we have seen before.

All which notwithstanding, the patience and goodness of God to them still was such, that he would warn them yet, and warn 'em indeed now even by prodigies and wonders, both in Heaven above, and in the Earth be­low. In the Reign of this Domhnal mhac Mar­chadha, who both kill'd and succeeded Aodh Ollan, the form of a hideous horrible Serpent appear'd a long time, moving over their heads in the Firmament. And in his next Successor, Niall Frassach's Reign, the Earth under 'em throughout Ireland shut up her fruitful Womb in such extraordinary manner, that she deign'd them no return at all of their Seed; but instead thereof, brought upon them a second, and it a most cruel, most universal Famin through all their Quarters. Then follow'd in the Monarch Aodh Ordnighe's Reign that Prodigious Thun­der [Page 137] and Lightning, which in one little nook of the Land, between Corca Bhaisgin and the Sea, kill'd in a trice a thousand and seven per­sons dead. What shall I say of that wonder­ful threefold, and peradventure greatest pro­digy of all, pour'd down from Heaven in a tripartite division, at the Birth of the foresaid Niall Frassach? I mean those three stupendious showers fallen at that time on three several Fields in Ireland: the one of Honey, on Fothan­beg; the other of Silver, on Fothain mhor, and the third of blood, on Maigh-Laightonn. In­deed according to Keting, they fell in the Reign of the above Fearrghall, the seventh Monarch in order ascending up from this Niall, sur­named Frassach in Irish, (in Latin Nimbosus or Imbricus) from those wonderful showers happening at his Nativity. And though I am no Diviner to interpret what they portended for certain; yet taking the shower of blood in conjunction with those other Prodigies that one after another so closely follow'd in so small a tract of time and circumstances of Ireland; I think he would not judge amiss that took it for one of the very last warnings from Heaven to this Nation, that the Anger of God was now on the point of overcoming all his patience; and his rage and fury at hand, [Page 138] since nothing else would do And indeed it ought the rather to be taken so, because that much contrary to Ketings re­lation, so good an Au­thor as Tigernacus ma­ny hundred years before his time has told us, that the shower of Blood fell in the Reign of this Niall; and that the three showers fallen at his Birth, were one of Honey, one of Silver, and one of Wheat.. Certainly the se­quel did soon evince it to have been so.

26. For not long after that Prodigious Thunder and Lightning which hapned in the Reign of Aodh Ordnigh, the patience of God being wearied, and his justice inrag'd by the unreclaimable contumacy of that People, he call'd out of their Northern Enclosures his ex­terminating Angels, the Heathen Danes, Nor­vegians, and other Easternlings, and in the same Reign of Aodh Ordnigh, pour'd them in on Ireland, to execute on the Christian Irish those very heaviest of Judgments that either such former Warnings would have prevented, or such later Prodigies had predicted, or that any People in the World for so many years after did suffer. Except only those, if any such have been whom God design'd to extinguish totally root and branch: or the incredulous Jews that must be still preserv'd, though still dispers'd among all Nations, to be a living Monument of Gods Vengeance on the unpar­donable sin of their Ancestors. But the sin of [Page 139] the Irish, how heinous soever, was not of that kind: nor was it the design of God to extin­guish or extirpate them yet. And yet this first War of the Danes upon them, besides its having fully paid all their old scores to God, that is, abundantly punish'd them for above 40 years at least, in the very same methods they had offended him, and therefore covered all their Provinces with blood and ashes, and horrors of death, without any discrimination of People, or Professions, or Parties, it reduced them at last to a bondage and slavery far sur­passing the Egyptian, Circassian, or any other I have read of any where on earth.

For to pass over the life worse than death, that those of their Church-men that escaped the Sword were forc'd unto: and in particular how Foranan, with a few more of the Clergy of Ardmagh Gracianus Lucius, p. 328. relates this mat­ter otherwise. He says, that Turgesius having taken the City of Ard­magh, in the year 843. or 848. made Foranan, and all the Clergy and Religious men, and all the rest of the Students too of that University, Prisoners, and Ship'd them all for Limmeric, which his People held in their possession at that time. What became of them there, or any where else after that time, we have no account., having fled so far as Cashel first; and together with the Arch­bishop of that See, and his Clergy too, thence again to the horrible ha­bitation of Bogs, Woods, Rocks, and Subterranean Caves about, or not far [Page 140] off Jomlaigh Jobhair, must have been content to hide themselves there, and even to lu [...]k for several years like wild Beasts: But, I say, to pass over this condition of their Church-men only, wherever any of them did scape the Sword; who cannot but be astonisht at the particulars of their bondage in general?

These particulars I have omitted before: and therefore give them now for better satis­faction to the Reader. 1. Every Canthred, or Division of ground containing one of our Baronies, had a Danish King: every Tuath, or Seigniory, a Chieftain: every Church a Lay-Danish-Heathen Abbot: every Town a Serjeant: every House a Souldier Cess'd (the Irish call'd him a Sairioch, or Buanna:) all of 'em Danes; and each com­manding absolutely within his own Precinct, only subordinate respectively to the higher, till they came to the Supream, who was Turgesius him­self. 2. The very Buanna did so command the House wherein he was Cess'd, that not so much as an Egg, or cup of Milk could be disposed of till he had been serv'd; though in the mean time a Suck­ing Babe did perish for want of it. And if his Host had but one Cow in the World, he must have kill'd her upon demand to give him flesh. Or fail­ing therein, or in any other thing demanded of him, he was presently taken and lead away Prisoner to the next Danish Rath, where he was sure to be detain'd in Fetters till he had fully satisfied all the [Page 141] Buanna's demands either of Victuals, Money, or any thing else whatever. 3. Every House-keeper must have yearly paid into the Treasury an ounce of Gold (the Irish call'd it Vinghe Oir:) and failing, have his Nose cut off: which made them call this kind of Tax Nose-rent. 4. Neither Lord nor Lady, much less an inferior person suffer'd to wear new Cloaths; but only the Cast-cloaths of the Danes. 5. None to keep School, or be taught any kind of Learning, not even in their own Houses. 6. None to enter any Monastery, Church, or Chappel: for they were all possess'd by the Danes. 7. None to have either Clergy-man, or any other Learned man, Philosopher, Poet, Lawyer, or other Artist, whom they call Sruithe. 8. None suffer'd to have any kind of Book; but all Books the Danes could light upon, either burn'd or taken away by them. 9. Neither Lords nor Princes, nor even Kings Daughters permitted to embroider in Gold or Silver, or so much as work in any kind of Silk. 10. Nor even Kings Sons to learn or use any feats of activity. 11. None of what quality soever permitted to give or take any kind of entertainment, not even from or with his private Familiars; but all of 'em must e' [...] have contented themselves with the Leavings of the Danes.

I say nothing of that other barbarous Im­position forc'd on every Brid [...]; at her first Marriage to lye the first night with the Danish Captain of the Precinct, before she had Bedded [Page 142] her Husband, if the Captain desired it; but if he did not, or dislik'd her, in either case to pay him a certain Tax in Money. How much this Money was, I cannot say. Tho I have known a custom derived thence, to have been continued in my own time by a Christian Landlord of English extraction, one Mr. Scur­log (who was commonly call'd Scurlog the Poet) a Gentleman of two or three hundred a year in the County of Wexford. To whom every Maid living upon his Land, when she was Married, was bound to pay, and according­ly did pay half a Crown English money, if he did not remit it. However, I pass over that Heathen Danish Original of this Un-christian custom, because I find nothing of it in Doctor Keting.

Those other manifold particulars of the Irish bondage undoubtedly true, besides all their riches lost, and all their best blood spill'd, and all their Provinces and Countries laid in Ashes, during this first Danish War, before they were totally subdued, give us to understand sufficiently, to what degree their everlasting feuds and obstinacy had incensed Heaven. An obstinacy it was indeed so strangely, so inveterately and unreclaimably fix'd, that not even all the present terrors of so many mighty Fleets of those Heathenish cruel Barbarians, pouring in Armies and new Supplies conti­nually [Page 143] for so many years together from all the four winds, into all their Provinces, could re­move it, or make them relent.

For 1. Aodh Ordnighe himself, the Monarch in whose Reign the Danes begun their first In­vasion of Ireland, after he had twice in one month prey'd and spoil'd Leinster, was by one Maolcannaid, in the Battel of Fearta, fighting against his own Rebellious Irish Subjects, kill'd. 2. The next succeeding him, namely Con­chabhar mhac Donchadha, who Reigned 14. years, though he had the fortune to die in his Bed, and (for ought I can find) never once in his life to have fought the Danes, notwith­standing their sore incursions often made upon his Subjects within that extent of time: yet he had the good leisure, and took the oppor­tunity of giving Battel to the Galleanguibh, his own Country-men, at the Fair of Tailtean. 3. Again, his immediate Successor Niall Caille (who was sur-named Caille from his being drown'd in the River of Callon; but drown'd as he was attempting to perform a very chari­table deed. For being to pass this River, and seeing it high, and therefore having com­manded a young man to try it: and then ob­serving this youth presently in danger, and all others refusing to hazard themselves to re­scue him from the violence of the flood; he spur'd on his own Horse to do it himself. But [Page 144] it pleas'd God that the bank breaking under the fore-feet of the Horse, he tumbled down, and so was lost.) This Niall Caille, I say, Reigning likewise 14 years more, and conse­quently in the very mightiest heat of this for­mer Danish War: and therefore (a man would think) having need enough to employ all his power that way; as he did indeed when he gave the Danes Battel at Magh-Ith, and worsted 'em too: yet withal was so unfortunate, as to have (whether justly or unjustly, I know not) at two several times during his Reign, and the last of them but a little before that Battel, made War on his own Country-men: that is, with a great Army wasted Leath Cuinn, first from Biorrha to Teambhuir, and then again Fercaill and Deallbhna Ethra.

So that, I think, by these Instances of the only three Monarchs that Reign'd while the first Danish War continued, it appears how little Reformation of their bloody Feuds, all the terrors of so many mighty Fleets pouring in foreign Enemies continually, had wrought in that People, at least in their Princes, Nobles, and other Men of War. Which undoubtedly we may justly think to have been it, or at least a most extreamly provoking addition to it, that by this time exasperated Heaven, and even forc'd the Almighty to pour without further delay the very utmost of those evils design'd [Page 145] either by his justice or mercy to punish them. For now, that is, upon the death of Niall Caille, in the River of Callainn, their Monarchy, King­dom, Dominion ceased e'en as intirely at home, as it had long before abroad. There was no more Monarch in Ireland now; but the saddest Interregnum that ever Christian People had, or Heathen Enemies could wish 'em: None, I am sure, either of the Milesian, or other Gathelian Race. No more King henceforth over that People, but that barba­rous Heathen Tungesius, who assumed that title to himself till the days of their bondage which I have before, tho only in part describ'd. No more now the Island of Saints, nor the Mart of Literature in Ireland. No more Beann­chuir to be seen, but in Ashes now a second time, and all the Learned holy Monks thereof Murder'd by those cruel Danes, and buried un­der its rubbish. No more the Monastery of Fionbhar at Corck, which had 700 Conventual Monks, and together with them 17 Bishops at one time wholly devoting themselves to a contemplative life. No more now the most wonderful Cloister of all for Angelical Visions and Communications under S. Mochada, at Ratha first, and then at Lismore, containing no fewer hundreds of the most stupendious Monks for Sanctity that everhave been in any [Page 146] Age or Nation. No more the celebrated Cells of Magh-Bile, or any at all of so many other holy places ecchoing forth continually the praises of God. No more the renowned Schools of Dun-da-Leathghlaiss, Ardmagh, Lismore, or Cashell. No more University, nor Academy, nor Colledge of Learning in all the Land: nor Foregners coming to admire and study in them: nor so much as the Natives to enter them, but only to stand aloof, and weep over their ruins, as the Jews did over Jerusalem in the Emperor Adrians time.

This was the deplorable condition of the Gathelian off-spring in Ireland, which the hey­nous enormity of their no less National than peculiar sins, and among the rest their strange contempt of so many fair warnings from God given them continually from time to time a­bove 300 years, brought them to at last, and kept them in until his Justice was in some mea­sure satisfied. For so long he continued the Interregnum of their Monarchs, and slavery of all their People under that Heathen Tyrant Turgesius.

And though I cannot exactly tell, at least be positive in it, how many years in all this miserable condition of theirs lasted, I mean as to the general Bondage of the whole Nation universally in every Province and Part: be­cause we do not certainly know in what year [Page 147] of Aodh Ordnighs Reign the Danes first entr'd: yet I can say out of Keting, that under other Commanders they Warred 12 years on the Irish before Turghesius Landed in Ireland out of Norway with a much mightier Fleet than any of the former. That he continued his joynt endeavours with the rest of the Heathen Inva­ders in carrying on, and prosecuting the most cruel War could be against the Natives for 17 years more, before he was chosen Captain Ge­neral of all the Invaders, both White Danes & Black Danes So the Irish distin­guish 'em, calling the Norvegians the White Danes, and those ar­rived from Denmark it self the Black Danes. though in their own Language the general or common name they give them, and the Easter­lings too is Loghlon­nuidh, which says Ke­ting, imports Great Ro­bustious Scourers of the [...]ea. For Lon in old Irish is a strong man, and Loch the Seas and Easterlings; which consequently he was in the 29th. year of this former Danish War. That now he went on furiously, spoiling, ran­sacking, destroying all before him every where; but particularly with se­veral [...]leets of small Ves­sels and Boats all the Islands in Loch Neachach, Loch Erna, Loch Riogh, and other great Lakes of Ireland. And that being at last wholly Master of the Field, and taking advantage of the Interregnum after Nial Caille's death (for none of the whole Irish Nation had [Page 148] the ambition, or lust, or heart, or valour now to entitle himself to that Soveraignty which had cost their Fore-fathers so many hundred Battels, and such Rivers of blood to conquer it from one another) he now usurps the title, as he had before the power of King of Ireland; though not acknowledged for such by the Irish, at least not otherwise than by the meer­est Galley-slaves their cruel unjust tormentors may be. In fine, that how long, or how short soever it continued after this, although it was indeed unsupportable to any human Creatures not wholly devoid of sense or feeling: never­theless it was no other than the most eminently prophetical Saints of that Nation, Columb-Cille and Berchane, observing even in their own time the detestable Pride, Ambition, Injustice, Violence, Licentiousness, Ave [...]sation from all good Government, so common and so ingraf­ted in their great Lords and Chieftains, had 200 years before it happen'd, fore-told should happen as a just judgment from God upon so sinful a Generation of men. And, which is very remarkable, that Columb-Cille particu­ly foretold how, in that very Monastery which in his time had been founded at Ardmacha, such a Heathen powerful Stranger from beyond Seas, and such in all respects as Turgheis was, should make himself Abbot of it; as verily he did, upon his chasing away Foranan the Christian [Page 149] Abbot, long before he had assum'd the Title of King of Ireland. Yea, and (which I am sure is no less, if not more remarkable yet) that Berchan in express terms prophesied how un­der such a Forreign Tyrant every Church or Cili in Ireland should be possess'd by an Abbot of his Gang.

27. Besides, I can inform you, that altho, in regard of the extraordinary mortifications offered, and prayers incessantly pour'd out to God by the small remainder of the Irish Clergy, who had hitherto saved themselves in uncouth horrid Wildernesses, he was merci­fully pleas'd, as Keting says, about this time, i. e. after some few years of the universal Bon­dage, to inspire that counsel to Maolseachluinn mhac Mhaolruanuidh, the Irish King of Meath, which as we have related before, destroy'd both the Tyrant himself, and all his Armies, and Fortifications too on a sudden, and conse­quently set all the Irish Nation free; being now restored every private person to his for­mer possessions, as the Lords and Princes, and Provincial Kings were each of them to his own respective jurisdiction at large; and the said Maolseachluinn, by common consent made Mo­narch; and so their Policy and power of Do­minion at home fully recovered: Yet so were not their Riches, their Treasures, their Gold, Silver, and Jewels, those former spoils of so [Page 150] many forreign Provinces, & for so many hun­dred years gathered home to Ireland by their Pagan Predecessors. During so many strong impressions of the late conquering Heathen Foe into the very heart and all the most secret recesses of Ireland, all were taken by them, and carried away by their several Fleets, some to Norway, some to Denmark, and the rest to other Eastern Borderers on the German or Bal­tick Sea. And which was a greater loss to the Learned, their Libraries, their Books were ne­ver recover'd. Only the few Religious men that preserv'd themselves, preserved also a few of their Books. But the greatest loss of all was not only of Learning in the Mart of Litterature, but of Sanctity in the Island of Saints. Nei­ther the one nor the other was ever at any time after this restor'd in Ireland, at least not near the former degree of eminence. The only thing, the only virtue indeed, that after so many great losses, revived illustriously, and continued eminently conspicuous in that People, was their Military prowess, their Va­lour, Bravery, Fortitude in the second Danish War; to say nothing more of their destroying Turgesius, and all his Forces, by help of that stratagem which ended the first. And yet I must confess that all their Martial spirit in that very second War did exert it self in, was only in defending themselves at home, without any [Page 151] design or thought (for ought appears to us) of imitating those former Heroes among their Ancestors, that carried the terror of their Arms both far and near abroad.

The truth is, they were no sooner enfran­chiz'd from the Tyranny of Turgesius, than they resign'd themselves wholly to ease and rest, and a life of extream, unworthy, un­masculin laziness. Insomuch that they not only neglected all kind of Navigation, and provision for it: tho they might have con­sidered that the like neglect formerly since they became Christians, had been at least one of their greatest banes, and that which gave their Invaders the opportunity of attacking them without fear on every Quarter of their Island, whether with great or small inconsi­derable Fleets: but were so far besides blinded, that having slighted all the Danish Fortifica­cations throughout the Land, they made none at all in their stead, nor indeed in any place, not even on the Sea Ports, for their own defence from abroad. And which was yet more strange, would not themselves be at the trouble of guarding so much as any one of all those very Ports, but entertain'd in pay some of those very Forreigners (their late vanquisht enemies) for that employment of greatest trust▪ whom therefore, that is, from their being hired for pay, they call'd Buannacidhs. In a word, [Page 152] they gave themselves over to Luxury and full enjoyment of the good things of the Land; which naturally of it self, without much la­bour, was a Country flowing with Milk and Honey, and all things else necessary both for life and pleasure.

But the greatest of Curses expecting them was, that by the time (and it was but a very short time when) they had surfeired on plenty and wantonness, they presently (says Keting) return'd to their old vomit again. They re­new'd their fatal Feuds, divided, were at cruel discord, fell a persecuting one another like mad, as in former times, with all kind of ho­stility. This kindled anew the wrath of God against the Nation in general to such an ex­tream, that notwithstanding his mercy pre­vail'd with him still so far as not to bereave them of their Martial Fortitude, tho they had so long and so often, and so freshly now again abus'd it so might [...]ly, but to expect for a much longer time, even two or three Ages yet, their amendment and repentance before he would utterly destroy them: nevertheless he did without delay permit his justice to set open once more the Flood-gates of the North, to pour in the second time upon them those Mi­nisters of his Vengeance, the Norvegians, Danes, and their other barbarous Heathen Associats known to us only by the name of Oostmans, [Page 153] or Easterlings; and to continue their [...]unda­tions in Ireland, to Plague a Rebellious un­grateful Generation of Christians, and plague 'em now for a hundred and fifty years more compleat. For, as I have already noted else­where, so long at least did this second Danish War continue heavy upon 'em, only some few lucid intervals it had excepted. And yet nei­ther in the beginning, nor progress, nor issue of it, did they amend. So that Almighty God, the great Justicier, the great Striker of them from above, might justly say to them at this time, what he had formerly said to the Jews by the mouth of his Pro­phet Jeremy. In vain have Frustra percussi filios vestros; disciplina [...] non receperunt. Jerem. 2. 30. I stricken your children they received no correction. And the pious Observer of this continual recidiva­tion, this fatal contumacy of theirs, Dr. Keting might have no less truly either complain'd or acknowledg'd it of them to God, than Jeremy did the like of his own People. Lord, thine Eyes Domine oculi tui respi­ciunt fidem: Percussisti eos & non doluerunt: attrivisti eos, & renue­runt accipere discipli­nam: induraverunt fa­cies suas supra petram▪ & noluerunt reverti. 5. 3. are upon the truth: Thou hast stricken them, but they have not grieved; thou hast consumed them, but they have refus'd to receive cor­rection. They have made their faces harder than a Rock: they have refus'd to return.

To satisfie the Reader that I speak not hy­perbolically, or at random in this matter; I give here in short a sufficient number of in­stances that may serve for proofs thereof, as I find them in Ketings History. Indeed they are there (I confess as little intentionally for this purpose, as much more to his purpose) dispersedly given as they happen'd. That is, the former part of them in the several Reigns of eight of those eleven Monarchs, that by the unanimous consent of the Irish Annals and Historians, were undoubtedly such over all Ireland, from Maolseachluinn 1. in whose Reign the second Danish War begun, to Maol­seachluinn II. being the second time elected or submitted to as the Monarch, some few years before this long War ended▪ and the latter part of them likewise in the several Reigns of those other six that pretended to be such after this Maolseachluinn II. whereof Ruaruidh O Con­chabhar was the last, and consequently of all the Irish that were any way such. But for saving you a labour, I have collected all those instances together, and so give 'em now: that if you please, you may read 'em over in a con­tinual series, without interposition of any thing else. Where, I doubt not, you will admire how notwithstanding all the heavy pressures in every Province of Ireland, by so many power­ful foreign Enemies, and so many Battels [Page 155] fought, and so much blood lost in the same War by the Irish defending their Countrey against those Pagans, they could nevertheless have time, and men, and blood to spare for so mis­chievous a work as the fighting and destroying one another so cruelly. And yet it seems they wanted none of all, not even so early as the third Battel fought by them against the Danes in this very second War.

For Maolseachluinn I. who had so Victori­ously fought the first of these Battels, being dead in the 16th. year of his Reign; and Aodh Fionnleath, who had no less bravely fought the second of them, departing this life within or immediatly after the next 16 years: Flann mhac Sionnadh, who then succeeded in the Monarchy, and Reigned 38 years, gave the fatal beginning to that new series of intestine Broils, Depredations, Battels, Slaughters, Mur­ders, among the Natives themselves, that fol­low'd. Certainly the very first Act of this Monarch, I mean the first recorded of him in his Reign by Keting, is that he enter'd in ho­stile manner, Plunder'd, Ransack'd, Preyd the whole Province of Mounster, and brought a­way Captives and Pledges thence. And after this, though I cannot say how long after, the great Battel of Beallach Muidh Mughna was fought between him and holy Cormock, the good King of Mounster, and Archbishop of [Page 156] Cashel. For this vertuous Prince, who was both King and Priest together, though much contrary to his own judgment and inclination, yet by the great importunity of his Mounster Noble-men, but chiefly by the advice of Flaithbhiortach mhac Jo [...]haincine, Abbot of Inche-Cathaigh, march'd with an Army to­wards Leinster, pretending that this Province ow'd him chiefry, as being lawful King of Leath-Mogh. But in his entring it, he was met and fought, and defeated, and kill'd, both himself and seven lesser Kings with him; be­sides other Nobles, by the said Monarch, who had of the other side in his Army Cearrbhall mhac Muirregin, King of Leinster, and ten petty Kings more. Besides, in this Monarch's Reign Aidheith mhac Laighnigh, King of Ʋlster, was murder'd by his own Associates.

And tho in the Reign of Niall Gluindubh, who after the said Flann was the next Monarch for three years only, there be nothing recorded of action among the Irish themselves; but all against the Danes: and this Monarch Niall to have bravely in his own person fought 'em twice; though he was kill'd in the second Fight, and together with him Donchubhar mhac Maolseachluinn (called Riogh Damhna, or Tanist to the Monarch of Ireland) Aodh mhac Eoghagain King of Ʋlster, Maolmhithe mhac Flannegain King of Breag, and Maolchraoib [...]e O [Page 157] Duibh seanaigh King of Oirghiall, besides others of chief note and estimation: we shall find it otherwise in all and every one of the succeed­ing Reigns, at least, until this Danish War is wholly over.

Donachadh mhac Floinn, immediat Successor to Niall, for twenty years more in the Sove­raignty, enter'd as an Enemy the Countries about Athlone, where many of his Army were kill'd, and among others, the petty King of Ibh Failghe. In his Reign Fearrghraidh, suc­ceeding Ceallaghan for two years in the King­dom of Mounster, was treacherously murder'd by his own followers. And in the same Reign Mathgamhain mhac Kinedy, Successor to Fearghraidh, and a brave, constant, successful Warrier against the Danes, was betrayed in his own House by one Donomhan; thence con­vey'd to Mac Brain King of Eoghanach, a Con­federate of the Danes; shut up in Prison by him, and there soon after murder'd by his People.

Conghallach mhac Mhaolmhithe, the next Mo­narch, notwithstanding his bravery against the Danes, invaded Mounster with a main Army against his own Countrey-men; upon what quarrel I know not. Though I find special notice taken of his killing in that expedition the two Sons of Kinede mhac Lorcaine. In his Reign also Damhnal Claon King of Leinster, [Page 158] and Domhnal O Faolain King of the Desies in Mounster, joynd with the Danes. From which conjunction follow'd not only many bloody Battels between them and Brien mhac Kinede (after surnam'd Boraimh) younger Brother and Successor in the Kingdom of Mounster to the foresaid Mathgamhain; but the destroying of this Monarch Conghallach himself in the Town of Ardmagh; where he was by an Army composed partly of Danes, and partly of Leinster-men, set upon, fought, defeated, kill'd; ending so his ten years troublesome vexatious Reign.

Domhnal mhac Mairchiortae, succeeding him for ten years more in this fatal Soveraignty, could be at leisure to make War on Fearrghal­lach O Ruairck King of Connaght, prey all that Province, and bring away thence a great number of Captives. And so could one Conghallach some time after this, but in the same Monarch's Reign, make it either his in­terest or his revenge to murder that very same Connaght King. Besides it was against this Monarch Domhnal mhac Muirchiortac, that a­nother Domhnal, the Son of Conghallach, had the prefidious, hard, unnatural heart to joyn with the Danes of Dublin, and fight him in the great Battel, which the Irish call in their Language Cath Chille Monae: wherein Ardg­hall mhac Madagain, King of Oirghillac, and [Page 159] many other illustrious persons of the Mo­narch▪s side were lost; although himself after this, and many other Battels fought in his Reign, had the good luck to die a natural death at Ardmagh.

Maolseachluinn the II. who appears next, for 20 years, as Monarch on the stage of Ireland, notwithstanding that he had known very well how one Gluneran had lately assum'd the Title of King of the Danes in Ireland: that he had fought them victoriously in the Battle of Taragh: that he had from thence directly march'd to Dublin, forc'd it, enter'd it, en­rich'd himself with all the spoils of that City: and that he could not but see work enough remaining still among so many several sorts of Enemies, Danes, Normans, Easterlings, and their Irish Confederates: yet he found leasure and pick'd some quarrel to march his Army to Mounster against Dal-Gheass and prey and spoil them too; albeit they were the bravest Warriours there against the common Ene­my. In his Reign the three sons of Gearb­heoill mhac Lorcain sacrilegiously spoil'd the Sanctuary of Glean-da-Logh. For which im­piety they were all three kill'd the very next following night. And in his Reign Muirchi­ortach va Conghalla, heading, or at least assisting the Danes of Dublin, plunder'd the Sanctuary of Domhnach-Padruig though to all their cost, for [Page 160] they all every one died within a month after this wickedness committed by them.

Now Brien mhac Kinede, surnam'd Boraimh, succeeding his murder'd Brother in the King­dom of Mounster (which happen'd in the fourth year of the Monarch Conghallach mhic Mhaolmhithe) after he had in the second year of his reign over that Province only, and in revenge of his foresaid Brother's most bar­barous death, challeng'd Maolmodh mhac Brain King of Eonachta to a set Battel: sought it accordingly at Bealach Leachta: kill'd the greater part of Mac Brains Army, and taken all the rest prisoners; an Army consisting of a numerous Body of Irish, and 1500 Danes that join'd them: and when this Battel was over, upon intelligence brought him that, du­ring his diversion by it, Domhnal O Faolan King of the Desies over-ran the greatest part of Mounster, preying and spoiling all before him: after Brien hereupon had immediately march'd towards him, overtaken him, fought him at a place called Fane mhich Conrach, routed him, pursued him, kill'd him in his flight, and together with him the most part of the Danes of Waterford that join'd with him; then forc'd that Town, plunder'd it, burn'd it, and enrich'd his Army the brave Dal-Gheass with the spoils of it, and preys of all the parts about it: after that within the [Page 161] 8th year of his reign over Mounster, he had brought the whole Division of Leathmogh to acknowledg his Sovereignty with perfect obe­dience: and that nevertheless upon the death of Domhnal Claon King of Leinster, which soon follow'd, that Province withdrawing their obedience, and joyning anew with the Danes, he had with the whole power of Mounster enter'd it, and given both the Lein­ster-men and their Danish Confederats, join'd together, the memorable overthrow at Gleann­mhama, killing 4000 of them in that place: I say that after all these, and many other bloudy Fights against the Danes only, fought by him during his Reign over the Provinces of Mounster and Leath-Mogh, under the succes­sive Reigns of three Monarchs or Kings of Ireland, Conghallach mhac Mhaolmhthe, Domh­nal mhac Mairchiortae, and Maolseachluinn the Second: yet when he was chosen by the far greater part of Ireland, in the 23d year of this Maolseachluinn, to be Monarch, he was nevertheless necessitated to make that choice good, and establish himself by fighting on still against some other Irish Lords that opposed him, till he had subdued all at last by main force and dint of Sword. For to this end it was, That with the flower of his Army he march'd to Cineall Laigthagh, prey'd it, spoil'd it, and brought thence 300 Hostages. That [Page 162] in like manner he enter'd the Countrey call'd Magh Coruinn seiz'd there Maolruanuidh King of Cineal Gonuill, and brought him prisoner along with himself to Ceann Chorah in Tuath Mhumhan. In fine, That Leinster was wholly over-run and burn'd by him, even to the Val­ley of Gleann-da-Logh, and from thence again cross to Cill-Mhuighnionn (we call it now Killmainam) within a small English mile of the walls of Dublin, Westward. And yet that also may be true which Keting here observes, viz. that Brien was mightily moved to this destructi­on of Leinster, because they were Leinster-men that join'd with the Danes in [...]ansacking, spoil­ing and leading away a great number of Cap tives from the Sanctuary of Termon Feichin in Meath. I say nothing more of any part of those 21 Battels in all, fought (as you have elsewhere seen) by this Brian Boraimh, a great part of them while he was only King of Mounster, and the rest after he was Monarch: only that in 'em all, taking one with another, especially counting among 'em, as I should, the greatest & last Battel of them, which was that of Clantarff, I doubt not, there was much more Irish bloud spilt by the Irish themselves on both sides, than there was of Danish or by the Danes on either.

Besides I observe it, as worthy of special remark here, That immediately after this Battel of Clantarff had been over, and the [Page 163] Victorious Army of Brian Boraimh had buried their dead (especially this Monarch himself and Murchoe the Prince his oldest Son, with the rest of greatest quality of their side that were lost in the Battel) and interr'd 'em all at Cill-mhuinionn: after those funeral rites per­form'd by the whole Army before they separa­ted: after the Conacians had then parted, and re­turn'd the shortest way home to their own Countrey of Connaght; and the Momonians like­wise in one body taking another as the nearest way to Mounster: these being in all but 4000 men, and marching through an Enemies Coun­try, were no sooner come to Mullach Mastion, a­bout some 20 miles from Dublin in their way to Mounster, than those of them who were of West-Mounster, and they were three parts of the whole (i. e. 3000 men) withdrew themselves muti­nously apart from the rest who were only a thousand North Mounster men, but Dal-Gheass, the survivors of those other brave Dal Gheass their Companions that with the loss of their own lives made all their Army Victorious. That the Westmounster men being so withdrawn a little distance of ground, immediatey sent defi­ance to Donochadh, the Leader till then of both parties, as being one of the sons of Brien Boraimh, and heading still and remaining with the Dal-Gheass; but a conditional defiance it was, requi­ring Donochadh to send them Hostages for his [Page 164] acknowledging one of their own West-Mounster Tribe as rightful King of all Mounster, by vertue of the ancient disposition made (some 800 years before) by Oillioll Ollum the first Provincial King of both Mounsters to his second Son Cormock Caisse, and his Grandchild or his eldest Son Eoghun Mor's child (by name Fiochae Muilleathan.) That Donogh relying on his valiant Dal-Gheass though but so few, and a great many of them very grievously wound­ed, gave the Messenger nothing to hope, but return'd him with an answer of disdain and scorn; bidding him tell those who had sent him, that his Father came to the Sovereignty of that Kingdom, not by vertue of any such or other ancient disposition, but by his Sword: and that he would endeavour to keep in the same manner what his descent from such a Father had entitled him to. That pursuant to this answer, preparing to fight, when he had put into the Danish Rath which re­mains to this day on that Height of Maistion all his wounded men, and appointed a third part of the rest to defend them: not only those very wounded men, understanding the cause, and thereupon seeing their wounds to open and bleed afresh, fill'd them with green Moss, call'd for their Arms, took 'em, march'd forth, and embodied with their Companions, resolv'd to live or die with them in fighting; [Page 165] but the Mutineers, observing (for they saw all) their desperate resolutions, thought bet­ter of it; and whether out of compassion, or cowardize, or some other motive, I know not, march'd off presently their own way home to West Mounster; leaving Donochadh with his few Dal-Gheass to fight theirs out in passing on towards Tomond, through a greater Army of profess'd enemies that expected to re­ceive them near Athy; where they were to pass the River Barrow, some four or five miles from Maistion. That Donochadh mhac Brien Boraimh was no sooner come so far and encamped close by that River, then Donochadh mhac Gil­la-Phadruig King of Ossory, that with an Army rais'd out of all parts of Leinster ten times the number of Dal-Gheass, lay not far off on the other side of the same River, at a place called Magh Cloinne Keallnigh, sent him a He­rald requiring him forthwith to deliver consi­derable Hostages, or fight his way: though Mac Gilla-Phadruig's quarrel was no other, nor otherwise grounded than upon his Fathers imprisonment for twelve months by Brian Bo­raimh some time past. That a much more scorn­ful answer than the former being made to his Messenger, and Donochadh mhac Brien Boraimh, in the same manner he had so lately at Mastion, preparing now the second time to fight: his wounded men would not be excused, but fil­ling [Page 166] again their wounds with green Moss, and taking to their Arms, they prevail'd with the Prince to have great Piles or Posts of wood fastned deep in the ground where they were to stand, with two of their unwounded friends, one on each side of each of them: and then themselves tied to those Piles at their backs to keep them from falling while their hands were at work against their Assailants. That the sight (for now the Enemy was so near that they had a full sight) of this unu­sual preparation of men so strangely devoting themselves to death, did so abate the courage of Mac Gille-Phadruig's Army, that notwith­standing all his eagerness, and all his anger, and even his upbraiding them with the great­ness of their number of one side, and the paucity of Dal Gheass on the other, which, says he, is such that if they were meat, you are enough to devour 'em up in one meal, yet he could not prevail with them to make the Onset, or do other than stand still. That Donogh O Brian see­ing now at last there was no further hope of Battel, broke up his little Camp, and march'd on the best he could, very slowly indeed (for how could it be otherwise?) being forc'd to skirmish almost continually in the Rear, and sometimes in the Front and sides too, for several days, and forty or fifty long miles, un­til at length, having lost in all a hundred and [Page 167] fifty of his wearied men, he got clear of this hard hearted Foe and his cowardly Forces that pursued him so far and in such manner attacking him.

28. Maolseachluin the II. that was formerly depos'd to give place to Brian Boraimh, is now again immediately after the Battel of Clan­tarff, the second time Monarch of Ireland▪ In this second Reign of his, after he had, as you have seen before, kill'd in Dublin the whole remainder of the Danes fled thither from the Battel of Clantarff, then with­out delay he march'd with all his Forces against his own Countreymen. And first against those of Cionsallach (we call it now the County of Wexford,) where he turn'd all into ashes, and slaughter'd a great many of the Inhabitants. N [...]xt in like Hostile man­ner against those of Ʋlster; whence he re­turn'd with a great number of Hostages. About this time it was that Donochadh mhac Gille Phadruig, in the head of his own Troops, in the streets of Leith-Ghlinn (alias Laghlin) kill'd Donochan King of Leinster and Teadhg O Ryan King of Idrona, with many more of their followers. Nor was it long after, that Maolseachluin himself, the Monarch enter'd Ossory, kill'd Dunchall mhac Donochadh, then (after his Fathers death) King of that Coun­trey, slaughter'd a great number of his ad­herents, [Page 168] and for the future fidelity of the rest led away as many Hostages as he pleased. Lastly in this second Reign of Maolseachluinn it was that Dunn Sleibhe mhac Mhaoilmhorda mhac Muirreigheine burn'd the King of Leinster Ʋghaire mhac Tuathail mhac Duinlingine, mhac Ʋghaire, mhac Oiliola mhac Duinling, in his dwelling house at Dubh-Loch Easa-Chaille, even that brave Ʋghaire, that fought the very last Battel in Ireland against the Danes, and de­feated them so mightily that they never after could any where make head against the Irish.

And now both the second War of the the Danes, and second reign of Maolseachluinn the II. ending here; I also end the former part of my Instances. In which, if I be not much deceiv'd, you may observe a wilful, obstinate, furious Nation, maugre all their Christianity, maugre the hand of God him­self so heavy on 'em, proceeding still from worse to worse. For in the former Danish War, notwithstanding they had most enor­mously transgressed at several times, by turn­ing the edg of their Swords against one a­nother; yet all that while none of them ar­riv'd to the impiety of leaguing or joyning with the common barbarous Heathen Foe against any Soul whatsoever, or upon any terms at all. But in the later we have seen a very great part of 'em do so, and do it even [Page 169] all along from the very beginning to the end. At least I am sure they did so full 55 years compleat from time to time, before the Battel of Clantarff had broke all the hearts, and hopes, and Leagues together of those that did it. Though after all, the goodness of God put off a little further still that heaviest of his judgments on the Nation in general, which they (whether by relapsing again the third time into their accursed Feuds, or whether by continuing in 'em at all times, and parti­cularly at this of their last delivery from all forein Enemies) brought on themselves not only at last, but ere very long. And yet I must confess it was no sooner than 127 years more were over. For so long still, even after the second Danish War of a hundred and fifty years continuance had been wholly ended by the destruction of all their Northern and Eastern Invaders whatsoever, did the wonderful mercy of God to them expect their amendment: certainly a longer period of time than he expected the repentance of the old World, when he had warn'd them to it by the building of the Ark. At present he was content only to add to the former losses of this Nation that which really was the last disposition to that heaviest doom expect­ing them: as it was indeed the very last sym­ptom of their dying Commonwealth. He [Page 170] removed their Candlestick; that is, he sub­verted their ancient Monarchical Govern­ment. The power and majesty of which, as it had been for so many long Ages their only firm prop: so it was the only National glory they had left after the destruction made (by 200 years continual War with Foreiners) of all whatsoever else had been great or illustri­ous in their Nation. But this is now departed like all the rest.

For, after this Maolseachluinn the II. had by death ended his second Reign of nine years continuance, there was never more in Ireland any Monarch truly such; never any at all (I mean) universally either obey'd, or acknow­ledg'd, or accounted such by the Irish in ge­neral, at least till Henry the II. nay, I might say, till James I. of glorious memory reign'd over 'em. Yet because, I must confess, there have been six more in Title and pretension such, that succeeded this Maolseachluinn, in their several periods of time, for a hundred and twenty seven years in all: and because the later part of my Instances are delivered in their Reigns, I give them also now in or­order.

29. Donochadh mhac Brien Boraimh succeeded next to Malseachluinn II. for two and fifty years, says Keting, and was acknowledg'd by Leath Mogh and the greater part of Ireland. [Page 171] In his reign Art Cuilioch O Ruairck King of Breithfne, violated, spoil'd, plunder'd the San­ctuary of Cluain Fearta Breanuinn; but on the same day, after he had committed this horrible sacrilegious villany, was met, and fought, and defeated by the Monarch. In his reign (be­sides the sacking of Waterford by Diarmuid Mhaoil-na-mbho King of Leinster; which I pass over, because they were, at least most of them were Danes that lived there at that time) the other famed Sanctuary of Cluan mhic-Noise was in the like impious manner spoil'd by those Irish called the Comhacnuibh; though ere long severely punish'd (says Keting) by a general mortality sweeping both themselves and their Cattel away. In his reign Carthach mhae Saoirbhreathaigh, King of Eoghanachta Casshell, and a great many other Gentlemen of Note were burn'd together in a Thatch­house by Mac Longhargain mhac Dunn Chuan. And after all, this Monarch himself, Dononachadh mhac Brian Boraimh, was not only depriv'd of his Kingdom, but glad to save his life by flying away, and going a poor Pilgrim to Rome, where he died in St. Stephen's Abbey.

Which in short being the whole account, we find in Keting, of what happen'd, to our pur­pose here, in the long reign of this Dononachadh: what follows now is out of the Gratianus Lu­cius, p. 81. Author of Cambrensis Euersus. For [Page 172] this accurate Writer, tho he delivers many excellent things of this Donogh; yet he tells us, That he was an Usurper on the rights of his elder Brother Teadhg (the undoubted Heir of the Crown, say the Annals of Innis-Faile:) and put him into the hands of those Ely-O-Carrol-Men who treacherously mur­der'd him. That in the year 1027. which was the next after Maolseachluinn's death, he prey'd all Meath, Fingall, Leinster, Ossory: and camp'd for two days near the Walls of Dub­lin, without any opposition. That An. 1036. with only one Vessel he fought, sunk and took 14 Breithfne Ships; and sufficiently re­veng'd on 'em their plundering of Cluan Feart. That in the year 1050, the Ossorians and La­genians rebelling, he broke again their Stub­bornness: and in the year 1060. having enter ed Connaght with a good Army, he compell'd Ruadhruigh the King of that Proviuce to give him Hostages. So much indeed Gratianus Lu­cius tells us consequently (in the first place) of this Donochadh mhic Brien Boraimhe. But then going on he relates (in the next) of Diarmuid mhic Donochadh, surnam'd Maol-na-Moa, King of Leinster, Nephew to this very Donochadh O Brian the Mounster King, by Dearbhrogil his Daughter, That, he taking into his care and espousing against this Usur­ping Uncle the quarrel of young Toirrghial­lach, [Page 173] who was the Son and Heir of the mur­dered Teidhg, and consequently his own Cousin German, to the end this injured youth might be restored to his right, made sharp War on the said Uncle, Keting's pretended Monarch of Ireland. That, to the end, he begun with Waterford in the year 1037. took, sack'd, and burnt it. In this year 1048. he set upon Glanuson, turn'd it to ashes, kill'd a hundred of its defenders, and brought away 400 more Captives. In the same year he wasted all the Desies, and return'd with an infinite num­ber of their Cattel and very many Prisoners. In the year 1058. he burnt Limmerick, plun­der'd Inis-Ceath, fought Donochadh at the Mountain Croth, and routed his whole Army. In the year 1061. he made a miserable slaugh­ter of the Momonians at Cuamchoill, wasted their Countrey, and put all both Houses, Stacks, and standing Corn into a light flame of fire. Anno 1063. he burnt Limmerick the second time, forc'd the Momonians to give him Hostages out of all parts of their Coun­trey; nay soon after upon a new rebellion or insurrection of theirs plagued them again and compell'd 'em to new submissions and Ho­stages; which Hostages he delivered all every one to the foresaid Toirrghiallach. The next year, which was 1064. he beat Donochadh out of all his Kingdom, made him fly beyond [Page 174] Seas, plac'd Tourrghiallach in his Throne, at least of Mounster: and in the following 1065. upon intelligence of Donochadh's son Murchadh ▪s setting up for himself, he march'd the last time into Mounster, suppressed that Insurrection, chas'd Murchadh into Connaght, receiv'd the third time Hostages from all Mounster, and, as he had done before, put them into the hands of Tourrghiallach now King after his Uncle. Moreover this Author writes of the same Diar­muid King of Leinster; that, besides his pul­ling down and setting up so whom he pleased in that Province of Mounster, he made Con­naght also yield, having marcht into it with a smart Army, harrass'd it, and reduced Aodh O Conchabhar, the King of it, to such streights, that in the year 1061. he was e'en forc'd at last to buy his peace by coming to his House in Leinster and submitting to his pleasure. That before this, in the year 1048. at three several times he wasted Meath so cruelly, so without any discrimination or distinction made 'twixt sacred and profane, that he de­stroy'd with fire even most of the very Churches there: and in the year 1053. en­tring it the fourth time, he led away both a very great number of Captives, and innu­merable preys. That for the Danes or Ea­sterlings of Dublin, who (it seems) stood upon terms of Contest with him, he in the year [Page 175] 1052. plagued them so mightily by burning not only Fingall, but all other Territories round about them on every side, and then fighting and worsting and slaughtering a great num­ber of them hard by their own Walls, that they were glad at last to proclaim him their King also, and wholly submit to his will. That notwithstanding all his former Victories, he was in the year of Christ 1072, on the 17th of February, being Tuesday, fought, defeated, kill'd in the Battel of Odhbhen by Conchabhar O Maolseachluinn King of Meath. And lastly this Author tells us, That among all the Irish Antiquaries only Keting places Donochadh O Brien, only Sir James Ware, Diarmuid mhac Mhaoil-na-Moa in the Catalogue of Irish Mo­narchs. So that all the rest of the Irish Wri­ters, it seems, account neither of them, and consequently none at all in their days to have been King of Ireland, but hold a meer In­terregnum then of the Monarchy. But be it so, or no, it matters not to my purpose; being the Instances brought all along in that very long Reign of Donochadh, at least over Moun­ster, are true; whether Donochadh or Diarmuid, or any other Irish Prince in their time was more than a Provincial King, or less than a Monarch of the whole Island.

Toirrghiallach mhae Teidhg, mhic Brien Boraimb (that is in our Language, Terence, the Son [Page 176] of Teig, the Son of Brien Boraimh) is now Successor to Donachadh, as in the Kingdom of Mounster and Leath mogh, so in the Title of Monarch, says Keting. Nor do I find that any other opposed this Title of his. But one reason hereof might be his ruling peaceably, troubling no man, nor forcing any thing from either Province or man, And there­fore they took no exception against the Title whether assum'd by himself or given him by others during his short Reign, which was but of twelve years only, as most Antiquaries say; though some extend it to 22 years: the oc­casion of their difference being, that the for­mer count the beginning of his Reign from the death of Diarmuid Mhaoil-na-moa in the Battel of Odhbhen; the later take it from the death of Donochadh O Brien at Rome, or at least from his deposition and flight. However, this is unanimously confess'd, that as he lived quietly for his own part during his Reign, so he died naturally in the 77 year of his Age, being the year of Christ 1086. But so did not under his Reign Conchabhor O Maolseachluinn King of Meath For this but lately Victori­ous Prince was treacherously murthered by his own Nephew Murcho' mhac Floinn: and his head, after burial of it at Cluain-mhac-Noise, carried to the Monarch then residing at Coann-Chora. Who desired to see it, because [Page 177] he bore this Methian King no good will, for having kill'd (though in Battel) his dear Cousin, his Patron, his supporter and Pro­tector Diarmuid mhac Donochadh, surna­med Maol-na-moa, King of Leinster, as we have seen before. But his curiosity cost him dear. For the head being brought him on good Friday; as he was viewing it, a little Mouse slipt out of it into his Bosom, which so affrighted him, especially when he under­stood how next Sunday the same head was miraculously return'd back to Cluain-mhac-Noise with a gold Ring upon it, that he fell presently into a languishing Disease, that held him after in cruel pain for several years, and ne­ver was perfectly over till he died. So writes the Author of Cambrensis Euersus. And now

Muirchiortach mhac Toirrghialbhaigh mhac Teaidhg, the great Grandchild of Brien Boraimh, and Son to the foresaid Toirrgheallach, suc­ceeded his Father in the Sovereignty at least of Mounster, Leath Mogh, and greater part of Ireland for 20 years, says Keting. In which Reign, though he record nothing proper to our purpose in this place (and somewhat extraordinary that very same is) yet Gratia­nus Lucius has enough. This Author, page 82. and 84. gives a very particular account of the great combustions in it. He tells us how upon the death of Toirrghiallach O Brien the [Page 178] last Monarch, not only this Muirchiortach his Son, but Domhnall, the Son of Ardghar, the Son of Lochlen, King of Tir-Conel contended to some purpose for the Sovereignty of Ire­land. How the former by fight and spoil sub­dued the Lagenians, and the later in the same manner the Methians. How Dombnal had in the year 1088. got the start of Muirchiortach by forcing the King and Kingdom of Con­naght to give him Hostages for their future fidelity: and then immediatly enter'd Moun­ster, burnt Limmerick, demolish'd Ceann-Chora the chief Royal Seat ever since Brien Boraimh's time, wasted the whole Countrey thereabouts with Fire and Sword, and brought away thence besides an infinite number of Horses and all sorts of Cattel, vast Treasures of Gold, Silver and Plate. How, on the other side, Muirchiortach, besides forcing Dublin three several times, banishing Godred the Da­nish King, being there himself proclaim'd King at each time, marcht into Ʋlster with the Forces of Mounster, Connaght, Leinster and Meath: harrass'd it most wofully: burnt the Royal Seat of Domhnall there: and was thus reveng'd not once but often on that [...]ro­vince; marching into it every time with main Forces, and scouring all the Coasts of the whole Island with a very numerous well provided Navy. How Domhnall had withal [Page 179] so many rebellions of his own Subjects against himself in the very North, nay within Tirc [...]n­nel it self, that, having as often overcome them all, he put out the eyes of some of their petty Kings, and others to death. How after all the foresaid Muirchiortach King of Cashel, or (which is here the same thing) of Moun­ster, and together with him Flann O Maol­seachluinn King of Meath, and Ruidhruigh O Conchabhar King of Connaght found them­selves necessitated not only to give Domhnall a meeting, but even to deliver him Hostages, in the year of Christ 1090. How in the year 1104. Domhnal turn'd to ashes that Countrey in Meath called then Ibh Laoghaire: and in the year 1112, broke into Fingall, prey'd it, plunder'd it all over, and carried away thence, besides their Cattel, a very great deal of costly Rayments; (magnam boum pretiosissimarumque vestium vim illinc retulit, says my Author) How, after so many devasta­tions of the poor Countrey and much blood spilt betwixt these two Contenders: and af­ter frequent annual Cessations between 'em, procured by the Primats of Ireland even then when both their Armies stood ready in the Field to fall on: they came at last to the old Division of Leath Cuinn and Leath Mogh: that is, Domhnall to govern absolutely in all the North side of Eisker-Riada, and Muirchi­ortach [Page 180] in all the South of it; each stiling him­self King of Ireland. How, this agreement made, Muirchiortach falling into a heavy Dis­ease that continued five years, his own Bro­ther Diarmuid O Brien seiz'd the Kingdom of Mounster: and both he and other Provincial Kings divided among them all Muirchiortach's wealth and possessions while he was yet alive, tho extreamly sick: but he afterwards unex­pectedly recovering, made so sharp a War on them all, that they were forc'd to quit and restore whatsoever they had so unjustly got. In fine, how piously both Muirchiortach and Diarmuid ended their days, notwith­standing their almost continual Wars during life and health: the former at Lismore in the 20th year of his Reign, and of Christ 1119. but having first devested himself of all world­ly power and care by turning Clerk in that holy place: and the later, being 73 years old, in the Menastery of Columb-cille at Doire (now by us called London-derry) 27 of his Reign, which was of Christ 1121. For so many years I find given him by Colganus in this Elogy of him: Donaldus Loghleni ex Ardgaro filio nepos, Rex Hiberniae, Hibernorumque ex­cellentissimus formae praestantia, generis nobili­tate, animi indole & in rebus agendis prosperitate postquam multa munera egenis clementer, & potentibus liberaliter elargitus fuerat, in Robo­reto [Page 181] Divi Columbae (hoc est in Dorensi Monaste­rio) decessit anno aetatis suae 73. & principatus in Hibernia 27. Christi nati 1121.

Where I must occasionally reflect on my own mistake, in the foregoing 75 page of this little Book, and desire the Reader to account it such. Indeed there I suppos'd that that Dearmach, where Beda says, Columbe-Cille had built his famous Irish Monastery, was the same with Ardmach. But now I see by Colgan's explication of Roboretum D. Columbae that without question that Dear-mach (in Latin Roboretum or Campus Roborum, for Dair or Doir signifies an Oak in the Irish, and Mach or Magh a Field) which Beda meant, was at the place ever since called by the Irish Doire Columb-Cille, as it is of late by the English London-derry, and by no means at Ardmagh. But to pass over as well that errour of my own, as the brief account, immediately be­fore this reflection on it, given of the pious end those two great Contenders made: for peradventure you will say, and I confess it freely, that neither the one nor the other is to my main purpose here: and therefore to return, and prosecute only that which is my Province: I will now let you see all the glory of the Monarchical (or at least pre­tended Monarchical) Power of Ireland (which never lasted long, not even from Heber's days, [Page 182] in any one Family or Sept) removing from Mounster to Cannaght; and from the O Brians there to the O Connors here. Yet leaving still, for my part, the Question undetermined, whether the same Monarchy did not continue for two years longer in Tirconel, after it had ended in Tomond, and so pass'd immediatly not from Muirchiortach O Brian, but from Dombnall mhac Ardghar mhac Loghlin. However, that was,

Toirrghiallach mor mhac Ruidhruigh vibh Chonchabhair (i. e. Terence the Great, Son of Roderick descended of Connor) King of Connaght, is now possess'd of the Sove­reignty of Leath-Cuinn and greater part of Ire­land, and thereby of the Title of Monarch for 20 years more, says Keting. For so at least his his own Subjects and followers call'd him. I am sure his Reign has furnish'd History with Instances enough on the Subject I treat of. At three several times he enter'd the Pro­vince [...] Mounster with a great and Hostile power of men: though the first time having prey'd and spoil'd not only Ard-feanan but Cashel, he was set upon in the Rear by part of the Mounster Army, and lost Aodh O Hei­din King of Biorradh, and Muirriadhach O Flacthiorta King of Lower Connaght, with a great number of other prime Gentlemen. The second time he invaded it both by Land and Sea: himself marching by Land in the [Page 183] head of a strong Army, and laying all waste about him till he came to Cork; where a goodly Fleet (says Keting) well provided of Seamen and Souldiers, which he had sent about to destroy all the Coasts, having done their work, met him. And now this impe­rious Monarch Toirrghiallach mor O Conchab­hair, glutted with revenge, divides Mounster in two equal parts, the Southern and Northern Mounster, so called. Whereof he commits the Southern to Donochadh mhac Cartha's govern­ment; the Northern to Conchabbar O Brien: and so returns home triumphantly to Con­naght, with 30 Hostages of the best in Moun­ster. But soon after, Cormock mhac Cartha, King of West-mounster, being treacherously kill'd by Toirrghiallach O Brien, his own Son­in-law and Gossip: and the whole Province of Mounster, that is all the parts and power and Title too of it, seiz'd by him as the lawful King of it: Toirrghiallach mor O Concbabhar the pretended Monarch draws together all the Forces of Connaght, Breithfne, Meath and Leinster; puts himself in the head of them: and marches now again the third time into Mounster. Where, being advanced in so far as Gleann Mhachair, and to a place there called Moinmhoir (in English the Great Moor) Toir­rghiallach O Brien, the new Mounster King, in the head of 9000 men, the flower of all that [Page 184] Province, meets him, and fights him; but is so intirely and mightily defeated, that Dal-Gheass, the chief strength of his Army, never before nor after had the like overthrow, as being for the matter all destroyed therein. And the issue was, the banishment of this new unfortunate King to Tir-Eoghuin in Ʋl­ster; and the division of Mounster the se­cond time, between Diarmuid mhac Cormuick mhic Cartha and Teadhg O Brien, by the Mo­narch.

Such is the account of this Monarch, and no more, I mean, of his Warlike Actions and Exploits, delivered by Keting, in his Reign. But Gratianus Lucius, in his Cambrensis Euersus says further of him, that he prey'd all the Provinces of Ireland, every one. That he made his own Son Conchabhar actually and really King of the Dublinians, Lagenians and Methians. That with his Land Army he de­stroy'd Tirconel, and with his Navy consisting of 190 Ships wasted Tir-Oen, and with both reduced both these warlike Countreys of the North. That nevertheless, before the end of his Reign, his Glory was obscur'd and power humbled by him who came next to succeed in the Monarchy, and who begun early (it seems) to lay the foundation of his own fu­ture greatness by making War on this very Toirrghiallach mor O Conchabhar himself, the [Page 185] Monarch, and forcing Hostages from him in the year of Christ 1150. that is full six years before this Monarch's death. And that, how­ever, he continued in the whole his Reign over Connaght 50 years, and according to all the Irish Annals and Historians, over Ireland 20. Though (says Gratianus) according to a more exact severe discussion of the truth, if the date of his Monarchy be taken from the death of his Predecessor Mairchiortach O Brien to his own, he must have reigned over Ireland 34 years in all: or at least 28, if it be continued only till the foresaid Hostages were forc'd from him. But I range again. For as well this cal­culation of his years or Reign, as his religious preparation for death, and his burial, and rest, close by the high Altar of St. Cieran in the Ca­thedral Church of Cluan-mhac-Noise is forein to my purpose here. And therefore I return again.

Muirchiortach, commonly call'd Mac Logh­lenn, (but immediate Son to Niall, and by him Nephew to that Domhnal whom we have so lately seen to have so long contended for the Sovereignty of Ireland, and therefore sti­l [...]d by Colganus King of Ireland) upon the death of Toirghiallach mor O Conchabhar assumes that Title of the Irish Monarchy, which he had so venturously and early prepar'd for while Toir­rghiallach was yet alive, and in health. Of him, at least of any warlike action either of [Page 186] his, or indeed of any others in his Reign, tho Keting has not a word, save only those very few that on an other occasion I have given before, page 73. viz. that Mairchiortach mhac Neill the Monarch (that succeeded Toirghial­lach mor O Conchabhar) was in the 18th year of his Reign, kill'd by Fearnibh, Fearrmhaighe and O Brian: yet the diligence and accurateness of Gra­tianus Lucius makes abundant compensation. For this Author p. 86. says of the present Muir­chiartach, first in general, That his humour having been wholly Martial, and his fortune answerable, he over-run all the Provinces of Ireland in a continual course of Victories, ob­tained partly by Battels, and partly by the sole terrour of his Name. That he subdued them all, and forced them every one to give him Hostages. That therefore at least He, without any contradiction, may be admitted next after Maolseachluinn II. for the undoubt­ed King of all Ireland. And then, after let­ting us know that this Prince's great Vertues were much eclipsed by the Precipitancy of his anger: and that whom prosperity had rais'd to such a heighth, adversity at last did throw down as low even to the very earth: he particularly recounts how Eochadh King of Ʋlster, not only refus'd to pay any more Tri­bute or other dues to him, but even without any other provocation made War upon him. [Page 187] That he being thereupon enraged enters the Territories of Eochadh, routs his Forces, burns his Lands, takes his Vassals, and puts them in Fetters; Eochadh himself by good luck escaping. That after this, yea notwithstand­ing a reconciliation made between them by the intercession, and upon the Engagement of the Primat of Ardmagh and Donochadh King of Oirghllae for performance of Cove­nants on both sides, and Eochadh's conse­quential pardon and reception to grace; which to assure him Muirchiortach took the most solemn Oath he could (for such it was ac­counted then in that Kingdom) on the Staff of Jesus (what this was, S. Bernard tells in the Life of Malachias:) yet ere long, whether out of the former cause, or any other new one en­raging him, he had Eochadh's eyes pull'd out of his head: and three of his Nobles (duos Olingsios, & Cathasachi O Flahry nepotem) most cruelly put to death; without any re­gard to the engagement of the Sureties. And, to conclude, that Donochadh O Cearrbhaoil the foresaid King of Oirghillae, one of the Sure­ties, taking to heart so heinous a breach of Faith, Oath, Covenants, and assurance given by himself; and therefore resolving to be re­veng'd, draws to his association the People of Vibhruinne and Comhaicne; marches with an Army of 9000 men into Cineal-Eoghain (o­therwise [Page 188] call'd by them Tir-Eoghain, but by us Tir-oen) where the Monarch then resided; surprizes him unprovided; fights the few tu­multuary Forces led forth by him, routs them, and kills him in that Field, a man ever before Victorious in all his Encounters whatsoever. Yet such was his end in the 10th of his reign, Anno Christi 1166, says Gratianus Lucius; though Keting says he was kill'd in the eigh­teenth of his Reign, by Fearrnibh Fearr­mhaighe and O Brien, as I have noted before. But as their difference in computing the years of the Reign is not material; the one begin­ning it when this Muirchiortach mhac Neill had forc'd his predecessor Toirrghiallach mor O Conchabhar to give him Hostages, and the other when Toirrghiallach died: so neither is it material to know whether any such persons call'd Fearrnibh Fearrmhaighe and O Brien were, or were not in that Battel to kill him. What is to our present purpose, you have it very particularly delivered by the one, and not gainsaid by the other.

And yet upon reflection I must confess I find that I have not delivered all the mate­rial things written by Gratianus Lucius in this Reign of Muirchiortach mhac Neill. He fur­ther writes (page 87.) that in the Year 1156. even the very first year of it, presently after Toirrghiallach mor O Conchabhar's death, [Page 189] his Son and Heir and King of Connaght Ruidh­ruigh O Conchabhar did receive twelve Hosta­ges from Muirchiortach O Brien; even that very Mounster King so lately before deprived and banish'd to Tir-Eoghain by the said Toirrghial­lach (Father to this Ruidhruigh) as we have seen already. That in the Year 1157. he rush'd into Muirchiortach mhac Neill the Mo­narch's own peculiar Countrey Tir-Eoghain, burnt the fruitful Peninsula there, call'd Inis-Eoghain, destroy'd all the delicate Gardens, Or­chards, Plantations; wasted the whole Region to Cianachty. That after this he turn'd his Arms on Mounster; Where having first setled the foresaid Muirchiortach O Brien in possession of North-Mounster, he forc'd Hostages from Diarmuid mhac Cormuic mhic Cartha King of South-Mounster, to remain with him till Muir­chiortach mhac Neill the Monarch did relieve the said Diarmuid. That Anno 1158. he en­ter'd Leinster in like hostile manner with great Force: marcht through it to Leiglin: being encamp'd there had Hostages brought him from Ossory and Luighis: and, in the close of all, loaded Mac Craih O Morrdha the little King of Luighis with Irons. That in the next place he made Inroads into Teabhan, driving away thence from the Kerins an ex­ceeding great prey of Cows: and with his Fleet afflicted all the Coasts of Tir-Eoghain mightily. [Page 190] That in the Year 1161. falling violently on Meath, he both compelled the Countreys call'd Vibh Falain and Vibh Faoilghe to give him pledges, and then plac'd Governours in them, viz. Faolan O Faoelain in the one, and Mlaghlin O Conchabhair in the other. That after all, he made his Conditions of peace with the Mo­narch, deliver'd him four Hostages; receiv'd from him in gift the entire Province of Con­naght, with the one half of Meath, and from Diarmuid O Maolseachluinn a hundred ounces of Gold for that half. So that by this time, I think the Reader has no reason to complain of want of Instances to purpose out of this Reign of Muirchiortach mhac Neill: Who, as we have seen, was the saddest of them all himself, as having by his own Vassals been set upon unprovided, fought, overcome, and kill'd,.

In the last place Ruaruidh O Conchabhar King of Connaght, e'n that very same Rua­ruidh, who contended for so many years be­fore with Muirchiortach mhac Neill, and sub­mitted to him at last, appears now his Suc­cessor on this long tottering Theatre of Irish Monarchs. Keting delivers a very imperfect account of him, saying, That besides Can­naght he had only the Kings of Breithfne and Oirghillac to acknowledg his Sovereignty; and giving scarce any thing else happen'd in his Reign, but what relates to Diarmuid na Ngall [Page 191] the Leinster Kings Rape, and to the Brittons invited in by this Diarmuid; nothing I am sure of those warlike Actions and great Contests of this Monarch with other Irish Princes. But this defect in Keting is else­where abundantly supply'd, I mean by Gra­tianus Lucius in his Cambrensis Eversus. In this Author, grounding himself on the Annals of Inis Faile, you may read that this Ruaruidh not only bore the Title of King of Ireland, but was so indeed. But, without any perad­venture the Relation given by him, shews this last Irish Monarch's fatal Reign to have been fruitful enough of those (and they the very last of those) Instances I purpos'd to recount.

Immediately on the death of his Predecessor (kill'd by Eochadh) he march'd his Connaght Army to Assa Ruah, subdued all Tirconel, and received their Hostages. From thence both with his own Connacians, and the Legions of Breithfne, Teamhfna, and Meath, led on by Ti­ghernan O Ruairk King of Breithfne and Diar­muid O Maolseachluinn King of Meath, he march'd to Dublin, enter'd it, was entertain'd in it by the Danes, Easterlings, and other the Inhabitants of that City and Territories be­longing to it, with all demonstrations of ho­nour: was proclaim'd their King: and they presented by him according to the custom then with a royal Gift of 4000 Beeves. From [Page 192] hence, but joyning first all the Militia of those Citizens to his former Legions, he goes directly so accompanied to Droghedagh (the Irish call it Droighid Ath) is received there by Donochad O Cearbheoil King of Oirghiallae, has Hostages whom he pleas'd of that Coun­trey put into his power, and then causes a present of 2000 Beeves more to be in his name given that King. From thence return­ing back to Leinster, he advances to Findorf, gives Battel there to Mac Murcho King of Leinster, defcats him, pursues him, forces him at last to submit and give Hostages, then a­bridges him of his jurisdiction, leaves him only Cionsallach, and bids him be content with that, or he should lose that too. From thence he made his progress to Mac Gille Phadruic, the King of Ossory; who delivering Pledges was royally treated and presented by him. And now he enters Mounster; has the submissions of all the Province: bestows North-Mounster on Muirchiortach O Brien, his own Bro­ther by a Mother: commands pledges from Di­armuid mhac Cartha King of South-mounster: and so passes on in triumph to Connaght his own home, having well nigh surrounded the whole Island in this very first year of his Reign. After which circuit (and either in the same year of our Lord 1166, as Gratianus insinuates it to have been: or, at furthest in the next, as the Annals of Ireland in Cambden expresly say) it [Page 193] was, that Diamuid mhac Mhurrchadh, (alias Mhurchu, and Diarmuid na Nghall) having committed the famous Rape (if it was a Rape) on Tighernan O Roirk King of Breithfn's Wife, the same Tighernan to be reveng'd on Diar­muid, by the Monarch's Authority head­ing both his own Breithne Forces with those of Meath, and most of Leinster too, march'd into Ibh-Cionsallach; made Diarmuid fly beyond Seas; destroy'd his Castle at Ferns; divided his said Countrey of Cionsallach between Mac Gille Phadrick King of Ossory and one Mur­chadh the Son of Murchadh; and then re­turn'd with seventeen Hostages for the Mo­narch. And now this revenge or justice on Diarmuid being executed, the Monarch him­self An. 1167. attended on by all the Kings and Nobles of Mounster, Leinster, Meath, Breithsne, Comhaicne, Orghiall, and Ʋlidia, or Ʋlla (which I take to have been then but a part of the now large Province of Ʋlster) with all their Troops, consisting of Nine and thirty thousand Foot, and one and twenty thousand Horse, march'd to Ardmach. From thence, of one side with those great Land Forces, and from Doire (now by us call'd London-derry) on the other, where his Fleet of a hundred and ninety Sail had landed, he attacks Tir-Eoghain so furiously on every side, that after the stubborn Forces of that Coun­trey, [Page 194] being first retired into their Woody Fast­nesses, had not only in vain attempted to fall by Night on his Royal Camp, but in­stead thereof by a great mistake had fallen fouly on one another in the dark, they found it necessary on the fourth day to submit and deliver him Hostages. This Expedition being ended so, he breaks up his Camp, dismisses his great Army, the several Troops and Le­gions to their respective Countreys, returns himself by the way of Assa Ruagh to Con­naght with the two Mounster Kings in his Company, entertains them nobly at his own Palace there, and at their departure presents them richly. But he had not rested above one week at home, when he had intelligence brought him of Diarmuid mhac Mhurchadh the Leinster King's being landed in Cionnsallach with forein Auxiliarics, possess'd already of Wexford, Master besides of a great part of Leinster, and a terrour to all the rest. Those call'd the Annals of Ireland, in Cambden, which yet began no earlier than four years before this Monarch Ruiruidgs O Cenchabhar's Reign, say these forein Aaxiliaries landed An 1168. But the right Irish Annals that record their landing in the former year 1167. are sol­lowed by Gratianus Lucius, and him I follow. However presently on the news, Ruaruidh O Conchabhar the Monarch heading his Conacian [Page 195] Troops, and joyning in his way the Militia of Meath and Dublin, marches to Findorch, finds out, fights and defeats Diarmuid. An atonement between them follows; Diarmuid giving the Monarch seven Hostages for his future fidelity, and paying a hundred ounces in Gold to Tighernan O Ruairck for the injury done him by the Rape. And yet Diarmuid by new Tumults the very next Year giving new jealousies, the Monarch marches against him the second time, and fights and foils him again. Though after all he was wrought upon to accept this second time of Diar­muid's submission, promises, and base Son (for Diarmuid had none at this time re­maining that was Legitimat) as a new ad­dition to the former Hostages. In the same Year 1 [...]68. Ludos Taltinos dedit, says Lucius. That is, he gave and held with great so­lemnity the publick famous ancient Games at Tailtean. What these were, and who or­dain'd them first, and upon what occasion you may peradventure know in the next Section. At present it may suffice to know they were much like the Olympick Games of Greece. But whatever this Aonach of Tail­teann, as the Irish call it, be thought to have been, Lucius proceeds and tells us, that in the same Year also Muirchiortach O Brien King of North-mounster was murder'd by the South-mounster [Page 196] men. That the Monarch made his Brother Domhnal O Brien King to succeed him: put him in full possession: fined the Desmonians in 3120 Beeves for killing his Brother: and made them effectually pay this Fine. The same year likewise he fined the Methians in 800 Beeves, and the men of De­alfna heavily, for the killing of O Finolan one of their Lords. In the Year 1169. Domhnal Breagach, for being Author of Diarmuid the Prince of Meath's death, he punish'd with the loss of that Estate which the said Domhnal by so wicked an Act of murder aim'd to inherit. But this Monarch did confiscate it so, as he reserv'd West-meath to himself and the Co­nacians; bestowing at the same time East­meath on the foresaid Tighernan O Ruairk and his people of Breithfne. Anno 1175. Domh­nal O Brien King of North-mounster, pull'd out the eyes both of Diarmuid mhic Teaidhg, and Mahoom mhic Toirrgiallaidgh vihh Bhrian, yea and murder'd the Son of Conchabhar O Brien of Corcumruadh. To punish this Tyranny, Rotherick or Roderick (for so the English Wri­ters name this Ruadhruigh the present Mo­narch) enters Tomond, makes Domhnal fly, and because he could not find him, lays his whole Countrey waste. In the same Year 1175. he defeated in Ormund (the Irish call it Ir-mhoun, that is, East Mounster) both the [Page 197] Welsh, English, and Irish Troops led by Stroug­bow; kill'd 1700 of them in the place, and forc'd that Earl (how valiant and fortunate soever till then) to give over his present de­sign, and retire in great disorder to Waten­ford.

After this, but yet in the same Year still, Ruadhruigh considering not only the defection of many of the Princes from him, but their variance among themselves, and (which was most dangerous of all) his own Sons turn'd unruly and rebellious: and therefore consider­ing also that himself alone was not able any longer to bear up against so many Enemies both Domestick and Foreign, Irish and Brittish, well nigh already environing him round: he now at last descends to Capitulations of Peaco with the King of England. The sum of them, says Lucius, the Irish Annals deliver in words importing mostly this sense: ‘that Cathal (alias Catholicus) O Dubhay Archbishop of Tuam return'd out of England with the Peace concluded by him there with Henry II. on these conditions, viz. That Rotherick should enjoy still the authority and Title of King over the Irish; and the Provincial Kings their respective dignities and power, but with their former dependance on and subje­ction to him the said Ruadruigh O. Rotherick.’ But whatever those Capitulations were, which [Page 198] you may see more particularly and fully in Roger Hoveden (ad An. 1175. pag. 312.) the troubles of Ruadhruidh were but little abated by them. In the Year 1177. one of his own Sons, by name Murchadh, out of some unreasonable pique turn'd most unna­turally Traytor to him: sided with the com­mon Enemy: and was the very Guide to Miles Cogan and his English Troops in their entring Connaght, or at least from their com­ing to Roscommon till they were soon after fought, and beat, and forc'd back out of that whole Province by Ruaruidh himself. Who thereupon seiz'd the said Murchadh; and though his own Son put out his eyes for his rebellious unnatural Treachery (and justly enough without any peradventure:) as at the same time, for some other heinous transgres­sion he confin'd prisoner to the small Island in Loch-Cuam his own other (yea his eldest) Son Conchabhar; whom notwithstanding O Flatherty and other Favourers of this young Prince, rescued by plain force within a twelve­month from that restraint, and set at liberty. To conclude, partly the forein Invaders, but chiefly his own Children brought this last Irish Monarch's hoary hairs with grief to the Grave. Even his own eldest Son, the fore­said Conchabhar in the year 1186. first de­priv'd him of his very Kingdom of Connaght: [Page 199] then by sundry other indignities forc'd him to fly away to Mounster: and last of all, after he had been recall'd by the Connaght Nobili­ty, compell'd him again to seek refuge in Tir-Chonaill. And here it was that this now af­flicted man indeed, though in his youth and manly years too for some time the Darling of Fortune, found his long wish'd-for death among the Chanon Regulars in the Year of Christ 1198. having first by habit and pro­fession made himself a member of that Reli­gious Order. He continued seventeen years possess'd, at least in part and in Title, of his Monarchy over the Irish. For so many years their Antiquaries allow his Reign over Ireland: though from the beginning of it to his death, were efflux'd full two and forty years.

Thus you have in substance the account (and a very particular full one indeed it is) given by Gratianus Lucius of this very last Mi­lesian Monarch and his Reign over Ireland. Wherein, if I be not extreamly mistaken, you have withal (though among other mat­ters, which I have for some use that may be made of them hereafter mentioned) Instan­ces enough answerable both in quality and number to those alledged before out of any of the former Reigns of Irish Monarchs since Maolseachluinn II. for demonstrating what I intended by them all. Certainly these and [Page 200] those jointly taken are sufficient demonstra­tions, that the Monarchs, Princes and other great ones of that Nation receiv'd no corre­ction from the great Hand that from above scourg'd them so grievously, so often, and so long. Nor can it be denied, that the later part of the same Instances, (I mean that large part of them which hap'ned between Maol­seachluinn II. Reign, and Ruadhruigh O Con­chabhair's death) are most evident convicti­ons of the little, nay the evil use, in order to any reformation of their fatal Feuds, they made of the hundred and thirty years free­dom from foreign Enemies after the last ex­pulsion or subjection of the Danes; though a large term of time questionless allow'd them by the extraordinary mercy of God to con­sider, at least then, more wisely of the matter, and not only relent from their former unnatural courses of persecuting and spoiling, and killing, and murdering one another, but heartily repent what themselves and their Parents and their Grandsires had done in that kind, exaspera­ting him continually to hasten on 'em that final doom of theirs which he had so long suspended. Neither is it any further to be doubted, that both the former and later part equally of the same Instances are sufficient proofs that those passages of Jeremy the Pro­phet, which I have given before, (page 153.) [Page 201] however in his time, and as spoken by him, describing only the stubbornness of his own Jewish Countrymen, might nevertheless be most justly applied by Keting (the pious Re­flecter on these matters) to the Milesian race in Ireland at this time of theirs, after that nothing at all, neither adversity nor prospe­rity, nor war nor peace, nor bondage nor li­berty could reclaim them. Verily to me those Instances are more than sufficient proofs, That this wilful Generation of Christians did at this time in the language of the holy Pro­phet, harden their faces harder than a Rock, and, e'en refuse to return. Nay whatever any body else may think, certainly it seems further to me, that such was the Judgment God himself gave of them. For (if I may be allowed once more to speak my sense in a symbolical or Metaphorical Scripture phrase, and apply to them what another Prophet said many Ages before on another Subject and of another Kingdom, but is applicable enough to them) at this very time, The Watchman and holy one from Heaven (Dan. 4.) pronounced the long suspended Sentence, the fatal Decree, the final Doom, here on Earth, against this lofty-headed large-spread Tree of the Mile­sian Stock in Ireland. At this time he com­manded this Eternal Decree to be forthwith put in execution. At this time he call'd up­on [Page 202] the new Ministers of his Wrath, and bid 'em to cut down this Tree, chop off its boughs, shake off all its leaves, disperse its fruit, make the beasts fly that were under it, and the birds of the air from perching any more on its branches; though withal bidding them to leave the spring of the roots thereof still in the ground. And I am sure, that to speak plain without Simili­tude or Metaphor, what happened since the sixth year of Ruadhruigh O Conchabhar's Mo­narchical Reign hath manifestly shewn that from thence, i. e. from that year, which was of Christ's Incarnation 1172. We must date the last and heaviest doom of Heaven de­clared against that People as to their Being in this World; Never more to have a King or State of their own; Never more to be a Free People on Earth, so as not to be under a fo­rein Yoke. And I believe you will think the same when you consider that since that Epocha or Date they and their posterity after them have already seen five hundred Years and Eight of this their heavy Doom continued. Tho after all, upon after-thoughts, I think it more wise to suspend than be positive in any judgment of the future; especially considering the example of Spain, recovered after seven hundred years subjection to the Moors.

SECT. V.

30. BUT before I enter on this great Con­version of the State of Ireland, several matters yet remaining of another nature than those discours'd of lately must interpose.

The first is, That by any thing said in ei­ther of the two last Sections, my meaning was not to make those bloody Feuds, or consequents of them, so peculiar to the Mile­sian Race or Irish Nation, as if no other People or Nation esteem'd either Christian or Civil had been at any time so guilty in that kind [Page 205] as they. I was far from any such thought. And indeed how could I be otherwise? For, without any stress laid upon the Poets Ex­pression,

‘Ad generum Cereris sine caede & sanguine pauci Descendunt Reges.’

Nay without any assistance from either Pa­gan Thebe, or Christian Bizantium, or any other Countrey so remote: the Histo­ries of all Nations much nearer us, particu­larly those of Rome, Germany, Italy, Florence, Spain, France, and very singularly those of the Saxon Heptarchy and Barons Wars, and Lan­caster and York Divisions here at home in Eng­land, must evince the contrary. Even for that very chief Mistriss of Civility first, and then Chistianity, at least in most parts of Europe, that seven hill'd Rome, that eternal City in Va­lentinian's language, without any peradven­venture, the Foundation of Her cemented by Romulus with the blood of his Brother Re­mus: the Rebellion against Tarquin: the Fa­ctions of the Plebeians: the oppressions by and killing of the Decemviri: the Tyranny of Tri­buns: the Tables of Sylla and Marius: with the Rivers of blood flowing from their Swords: the Conspiracy of Catilin: the Civil Wars of Caesar and Pompey following: and [Page 206] then the total change of their Commonwealth into a Principacity, compass'd not only by plain lawless rebellious Force, but by destru­ction of so many Myriads of men: and now thirty Emperors murdered at several times: and now also at one time, that is under Gallienus, at least Nine and Twenty Tyrants in several parts of the Empire set up for themselves, must evince the contrary. And so for Ger­many in later times the bloody contentions there so long continued, until at last they re­solv'd into the prudent means of declaring an Heir apparent Successour and Caesar in the Emperors Life-time: and the violent deaths of Rudolphus, Albertus, Henry VII. Frede­rick III. Lewis of Bavier, Charles, Nephew to the said Henry, Gunther, every one of them dispatch'd, as Bodin Method. Histor. pag. 450. says) either by Conspiracy or Poison, must evince the contrary. So for Italy the Guelphs and Gibellins, and (besides many o­ther Instances) the prodigiously bloody re­volutions of the Florentin Republic for 331 years, till after the slaughter, extermination and total extinction of one of the sides, it was in the memory of our Fathers, at least of our Grandfathers, by the prudence of Cosmus Me­dices reduced under the authority of a single Person, must evince the same truth. So [Page 207] for Spain, Alphonsus III. by putting out the eyes of all his Brethren, save one that was kill'd. Alfonsus IV. with the like cruelty us'd by his own Brother [...]aymirus: Peter the Legitimat Son of Alphonsus XI. depos'd and kill'd by his Bastard Brother Henry: Garzias by Sanctius: then Sanctius by Vellidus: and, after so many retaliations, all Spain under King Roderic betray'd to the Moors by a natu­ral Spaniard, a Subject to that King, Count Julian (Prince of Celtiberia, as Bodin calls him) yea seven hundred thousand Spaniards kill'd in the short space of fourteen months next following that hideous treachery, must evince mightily the self-same truth. So for France, those horrible Feuds, Combustions, Devasta­tions, cruelties, inhumanities, barbarous sa­criledges of the late Civil Wars there, conti­nued 40 years against four Kings (whereof you may read at large in D'Avila) and the Holy Ligue, and both Henry III. and Henry IV. one after another, so vilely murder'd by those devoted Assassins of Hell, Jacques Clement and Ravilliac, evince it still. Lastly, and to come nearer home, tho in an earlier time, even so for England, 1. Those eight and twenty Saxon Kings of the Heptarchy, part by one another kill'd, part by their own Subjects murder'd, besides many other depos'd, and forc'd to fly away for their lives. For, as Matthew of [Page 208] Westminster (l. 1. c. 3.) writes, of the very Northumbrian Kings alone, four were mur­der'd, and three more deposed, within the little time of one and forty years only. And there­fore it was, that Charles the Great of France, when the news of the last of them, by name Ethelbert, being murdered, came to his hear­ing, not only resolv'd to stop the presents he was before on sending to England, nor only to do the English in lieu of sending them gifts all the mischiefs he could; but said to Alcuinus an English man (his own Instructor in Rhe­torick, Logick and Astronomy) that indeed That was a perfidious and perverse Nation, a murderer of their Lords, and worse than Pagans. Nay therefore also it was, that many of the Bishops and Nobles fled out of this Northum­brian Kingdom, and no man dared for 30 years next following venture on being their King; but all men declined it, and so left them a prey to the Irish, Sc [...]ts and Danes, who by the just judgment of God over-run them and destroy'd them at last, on that very oc­casion principally. 2. Since the Norman Con­quest, besides the horrible rebellion of Henry the 2d's own Children against him, and many other particulars which I pass over, not only all the calamities, miseries, cruelties, un­speakable evils of the Barons Wars on both sides, under King John, Henry III. and Ed­ward [Page 209] II. nor only the deposition and murder too of this poor Edward, even his own Wife Queen Eleanor, and his own very So [...]th [...]e Prince of Wales having both of them con­curr'd in the deposing him and usurping his Crown: but the most prodigiously mortal dis­sentions of Lancaster and York began with the rebellion against, deposition and murder of Richard the II. and so bloodily prosecuted for thirty years under Henry VI. and Edw. IV. that besides eleven main Battels fought with infinite slaughter of English men on ei­ther side; nay even twenty thousand men kill'd (besides the wounded) in one of them, which Polydore calls the Battel of Touton, a Vil­lage of Yorkshire: the excellent Historian Phi­lip Comines tells us of 80 of the Blood Royal destroyed in them: and among this number Henry VI. a most vertuous, innocent, holy King most barbarously murder'd. To say nothing of Richard the Third, that Usurping Tyrant, so justly dispatch'd in the Battel of Bosworth, by the Earl of Richmond, who there­upon succeeded King, by the name of Hen­ry VII. and by marrying the Daughter of Ed­ward IV. and thereby most happily uniting in himself and his Queen and Issue the right of the two Houses, ended those fatal dissentions of Lancaster and York. Dissentions indeed so fa­tal to England, that besides all her best blood [Page 210] at home, as we have seen, by their long con­tinuance from the year of Christ 1393. to the year 1486. lost Her not only the Kingdom of France, but even the more ancient Inheritance of our Kings in the Dukedoms of Normandy, Aquitane, and whatever else belong'd to the English Crown on that side of the Sea; only the Town of Calais, with its little Appen­dages excepted.

Were it necessary, Buchanan could furnish, out of the neighbouring Kingdom of Scot­land, a very large addition of more examples to the purpose of this place. But more than enough has been already said to conclude that notwithstanding any thing or expression in either of the two former Sections, my mean­ing could not be to make those bloody Feuds in Ireland, or consequents of them, so pecu­liar to the Milesian Race or Irish Nation, as if no other People on Earth had been at any time guilty of the like or as horrid. The truth is, I mean'd only to say, That in re­spect of their long duration & perpetual return from time to time for almost five and twenty hundred years compleat, and their excessive degree at very many times within that long Succession of Ages, especially considering the small extent of Ireland, those cruel bloody Feuds were both National and peculiar to that People only. Which, I think, is true, [Page 211] notwithstanding that other Nations, either much greater, or much lesser, might have been in some few Instances of time as high, nay peradventure much more horrible trans­gressors in the very same kind than those an­tient Milesians were at any one time since their Conquest of Ireland from Tuath-Dee-Danan.

33. The second point is, to do those ancient Milesians the right, as to acknowledg (what their Histories have at large) That amidst all the Feuds and fury of their Arms, how bloody or how lasting soever, they had several both Monarchs, and (after the Pentarchy was set up) lesser Kings, yea some of those too in their time of Paganism, and many more as well of those as these after Christianity esta­blish'd, that were of great renown among them for other excellent Qualifications be­coming their dignity, than those only of Mar­tial Vertue and Fortitude.

In time of Paganism, they had their (XXII) Monarch Ollamh Fodhla, so called from his great Knowledg: that very name given him importing in Irish (as Gratianus Lu­cius hath observ'd) a great master in Sciences, and Teacher of all Knowledg to his People. It was he that divided the Lands of Ireland into Hundreds, call'd by them Triochae-chead; and placed a Lord over each Hundred, and over each Town of the Hundred a Bai­liff, [Page 212] an Applotter of Duties, and receiver of Strangers, to provide Entertainment for them. They had their (XCI) Monarch Conair mor mhac Eidirsgceoil, so great a Justiciar, so zea­lous a Prosecutor of all Malefactors, that al­though with great pains, industry, hazard to himself; yet he forc'd at last all kind of Rob­bers, Thieves, Vagabonds and Idlers to fly the whole Kingdom: and after this, during his Reign, the Cattel throughout all parts and Provinces wandred safely in the Fields with­out any Keeper. Besides, the magnificent Hospitality of this Monarch is wonderfully celebrated in that Nation. Add hereunto this farther happiness of his Reign, That in it the weather was so mild from mid-harvest to mid­spring, that both Kine and Sheep and other Beasts lay continually abroad in the open air without feeling one sharp breath of wind; the Sea covered the very shores at Imbher­cholptha (then so called; after Droichid ath; by us now corruptly Droghedae or Tredath) with a most prodigious ejection of all sorts of Fish: and the fruit-bearing Trees were so la­den that they hung down their branches to the very earth.

They had their (CIV) Monarch Conn, surnamed Ceadchatach, whose Reign, not­withstanding that prodigious number of Bat­tels sought by him, as we have seen before, [Page 213] was so wonderfully abounding in all earthly blessings throughout Ireland, that when the Writers of after-Ages were minded to express any time of extraordinary abundance or plenty, they said it was the Reign of Conn Ceadchatach, or Conair Mor, return'd again on Earth. Now doubtless, it could not be o­therwise than morally impossible, that, con­sidering all his Battels, there should be so much plenty in every part of the Kingdom, had not he, as well as Conair Mor before him, been as good a Governour as he was a great Warrior. And yet, on this occasion, let me tell you, that neither the one nor other excellency could save him from being murther'd. Where­of, because of the extraordinary contrivance and manner of it, I take that notice here, which I find in Gratianus Lucius; though o­therwise it may seem forein to this place; and Keting has not a syllable how, or where, or whether at all this Monarch died either of a natural or violent death, But thus in short it happen'd. In the 35th year of his Reign, which was of Christ 157. being retired, with­out Guards, or much attendance; at a place then called Tuaiham [...]rois, the King of Ʋlster, by name Tibraid Tirigh, employed 50 young striplings, clad like Maiden Ladies, to dispatch him: and they did it, says Lucius. For it is only to him we are beholden as for many o­ther [Page 214] particulars, so for this very singular one indeed. And, if I may conjecture, it was, or at least might well be thought the pattern, whence Maolseachluinn I. when he was yet but King of Meath, derived his own stratagem whereby he destroyed the Danish Tyrant Tur­ghesius.

They had their (IVC) Monarch Fear­rhadhach Fachiuach, a Prince of so much Truth in h [...]s words, and such integrity in his Life and Actions, that from thence he was sur­named Fachtuach, signifying in Irish Truth and Integrit [...], says the same Author Lucius. And it is observable, what both he and Keting write of one Moran, chief Justice under this King, that he had a ring or hoop of such Ver­tue, that when it was put about the Neck of any Judg or any Witness whatsoever, at the time the one was to give Sentence, or the other to depose upon Oath, if either did swerve a title from the right, then presently it clasp'd, and pinch'd and wrung them so close, that to avoid present death by strang­ling, they retracted openly before all the Spe­ctators what they had so wickedly done a­miss. Whence proceeded that Proverbial wish among the Irish, O That he had Moran's Ring about his Neck! when they suspect the truth or integrity of any person. But to proceed with their Kings.

They had their (CII) Monarch Felim surnamed Rachtmhor from his being a Great Maker of excellent wholsome Laws, Among which he establish'd with all firmness that of Retaliation: kept to it most inviolably; and by that means preserv'd the people in peace, quiet, plenty, and security during his Time.

They had their (CIX) Monarch Cormock mhac Airt, who (says Lucius) in making good Laws for the Commonwealth, and ob­serving them, exceeded by much all his Pre­decessors. He wrote a Book of the Institution of a Prince to his Son Cairbre. He had the Psalter of Taragh composed. In this he gives an account at large, 1. of all the noble Irish Families, their propagation, and relation by blood one to another. 2. Of the limits not only of every Province of Ireland, but of every Countrey both great and small in each of them. 3. Of the Duties, Rents, Tributes paid usually out of each Province to the Monarch or King of Ireland. 4. Of the Duties paid unto the Provincial Kings by the Lords their Vassals. 5. And finally of the Rents accrewing to every such Lord from his Tenants any where in the Kingdom.

The Book also which they call in Irish Sa­nasan Chormaic (and we in English may call the Etymological Dictionary of Cormock) is by most ascribed to him; though by some to [Page 216] Cormock O Cuillenan the holy King and Arch­shop of Mounster. I pass over his Martial Spi­rit, his Fortune and success in Arms. Tho it was he, that when by the surprisal, force and rebellious usurpation of Ferghussa Dubh­deadach King of Ʋlster, he had been first dis­possess'd of his Royal Mansion of Teamhuir (alias Tarach) and then affronted with the burning of his Beard, as well by the com­mand or direction, as by the servant of the same Ʋlster King Fearghussa (for so Gratianus Lucius calls this Northern King; tho Keting names him Giolla, as I have done before:) and then after this affront, had been banish'd into Connaght; yet within a twelve month, ac­companied with 30 great Lords, 50 other Chieftains, and fifty thousand men, gave Bat­tel at Criombreag to this Usurper, kill'd him, destroy'd his Army, and for the rest of his Ʋlster adherents, banish'd them for ever to the Isle of Man. Yea it was he, that after this Field, was further yet Conqueror of all his other Enemies in 36 Battels more: and there­by gave perfect peace to the whole Kingdom for the remainder of his long reign, which last­ed in the whole forty years. And further also, it was he that with the Sword of Justice took revenge on the more than savage cruelty of Dunling (the Son of Eudeus) that murdered those 30 celebrated Virgins living collegial­ly [Page 217] as in the Temple of Vesta at Cluain-fear [...] in Teamhuir; all of them of such Royal ex­traction and quality, that each had 30 Vir­gins more in retinue; which made in all Nine Hundred. For that unparallel'd Savageness of Dunling, this Monarch destroy'd the twelve Tyrants of Leinster, who either by approba­tion of it, or defence of him, were guilty of it. Lastly, It was he, that (whether on this occasion or no, I know not. But this I know that Lucius writes, how it was he, that) even to a farthing's worth made the Province of Leinster pay the old Boarian Fine impos'd upon them by Tuathal Teach [...]mhor. Which this Author says consisted (not of 3000, but) of 15000 Cows, and so many Hogs, Mantles, Silver Chains, Cauldrons of Brass, or Coppers, that is 15000 of each, and each Cauldron as large as that in the Monarch's Kitchin at Tarach, which boil'd together at one boyling twelve Beeves and twelve Hogs. Add further yet, as part of this heavy Leinster Fine, says Lucius, 30 either white or red Cows, with their Calves of the same colour; 30 brass Collars for those Cows to keep them quiet in their stabling, and 30 other brazen ties for their feet also to keep them gentle at their milking. Where nevertheless I must take notice, that Lucius in this Account does much vary from Keting: and that, whatever may be thought [Page 218] of all other particulars of it, surely the num­ber of 15000 Cauldrons (or Coppers, as we call them now) of that capacity, seems to me somewhat incredible. But leaving this to the Readers indifferency: what is more proper here may be read in the same Author Lucius, where he tells us next of this Mo­narchs port and magnificence in House-keep­ing: which, though very great indeed, is however (I think) credible enough. He had eleven hundred and fifty Waiters that serv'd him ordinarily at Table in his great Hall at Tarach. And this Hall was by himself built of purpose to answer in its capacity the entertainment and attendance of a great King. It was 300 Foot long, 30 Cubits high, and 50 Cubits broad, with fourteen Doors opening into it. And the daily service of Plate, the Flagous and Cups of Gold, Sil­ver, and precious stone, at his Table there, consisted of a hundred and fifty pieces in all.

What is besides delivered of this Monarch is, That (which among the truly wise must be more valuable than any worldly magnifi­cence or secular glory whatsoever.) He was to all mankind very just: and in his later days through the mercy of God, very pious also & religious towards him. That so strange­ly powerful on a sudden were his inward [Page 219] illuminations, That in plain terms he now refus'd his Druids any more to wor­ship their Idol Gods. That soon after he o­penly professed he would no more worship any but the only true God of the Universe, the Immortal and Invisible King of Ages, as the great Apostle calls him. And finally that those Priests of the Devil, by their Necromantical adjurations and ministery of damned Spirits raised from Hell, God permitting it, wrought his destruction by choaking him, as I have said before. For in such manner and for such a cause died this great and happy King of Ire­land, An. Christi 266. But whether he may, or may not therefore, be rank'd among the true Christian Martyrs? I leave others to judge.

And the same question might peradventure be rationally put (though not, I confess, with the same advantage of the circumstance of violence from an external cause) con­cerning Connor the first Provincial King of Ʋlster, made by the Monarch Eochuidh Fei­lioch himself the Author of the Pentarchy, a­bout 400 years before the Birth of Christ. This Connor's Druyd, or Magitian, which you please to call him, having it seems the spirit of Prophecy (as you see in the Book of Judges that Baldam, though otherwise a Hea­then wicked Idolater, had the like) on a day [Page 220] speaking his Raptures to Connor, and among other things, delivering much of the Son of God that was to come down from Heaven to save mankind, and was nevertheless to suffer the most cruel death of the Cross, from his own beloved Countrymen the Jews whom he came to save before any others: Connor (says Ke­ting) on the hearing of all became so affected first with the stupendious mercy of God to Sinners: and then presently so transported against the ungrateful Jews, that, being in a great Wood at the time of this Discourse, he drew his Sword, fell a slashing and cutting the Trees about him on every side with the greatest fury could be: imagining he had be­fore him still those cruel men that put our Sa­viour to death: and continued so long in this passionate action of transport, till by over­heating himself and the opening thereby of some old wounds he had in his shull, he died.

What the Reader may answer to the fore­said Quere in relation to either of these two Kings, I know not. But think nevertheless what St. John Chrysostom would have answer'd it very consequently, at least in reference to the former, had the case been debated by him, when he wrote his Three Books de Pro­videntia Dei, to Stargirius, a holy Monk, that notwithstanding his holiness, was through the [Page 221] permission of God, either possess'd, or ob­sess'd, or both, by the power of the Devil.

It was also in the time of Ireland's Paga­nism, that Niall the Great, surnamed Naoi­ghiollach (in Latin Noui-obses, in English Niall of the Nine Hostages, because says Colgan, in his Trias Taumatorge, from Ʋlster, Connaght, Mounster, Leinster, the Britons, Picts, Dal-Rheu­dans, and Morini a People of France, in all nine Nations, he had Hostages) did reign the CXX. or CXIX. Monarch of the Irish. Of whose great cruelty in his judgment given against Eo­chuidh King of Leinster, because I have so par­ticularly spoken before: I will not conceal now what I have since observ'd in Gratianus Lucius of the extraordinary favour of God unto him. For such we must undoubtedly acknowledg it to have been: seeing it was no less than a heavenly illustration of his mind with the beams of Christianity to that de­gree, as turn'd him wholly to a new man of perfect holiness. Nor yet less than that a­bove a hundred years after his death, his Body on the opening of his Shrine, or Tomb (which I take to have been on Cruach Phadruig in Connaght, whither the Army brought his Body from France) was found entire without any corruption. Nay nor a jot less than that a Christian Bishop, namely St. Cernachus, infected with the Leprosie was per­fectly [Page 222] cured by visiting and lying down in that very Shrine of this Great Niall Naoighial­lach. So writeth Gratianus Lucius, quoting for his Author, Colgan. And so I have done with those few of the Kings of Ireland in the time of Paganism, that besides many more of that very time and their Catalogue, have been for several great Excellencies, other than those of warlike bravery or success, re­nown'd in that Nation.

34. But after Christianity had been among the people of Ireland universally preach'd and e­stablish'd, yea and all along from time to time in the succeeding Ages, not even those very Ages following the horrible desolations by the Danish Wars excepted, they had question­less (notwithstanding all their intestin Feuds) many more both Monarchs, Provincial Kings, and other lesser Kings too, famous in their ge­neration as well for other great Vertues, espe­cially those peculiar to Religion, as for those of Martial fortitude and Valour. Yet because I perceive this little Book to swell insensibly beyond my design: I pass over much of that which otherwise I would have willingly men­tion'd in this place. And therefore what I can briefly on the present Subject observe, is,

First in general, the wonderful Devotion, Zeal, Religious Liberality of the first Christian Monarchs, Provincial Kings, and other great [Page 223] Lords of Ireland, who upon their first conver­sion not only parted so readily with the whole Tenths of their Estates real and personal, nay and of their Subjects also, both men and women, by the dedication of all, in a pecu­liar way to God, as hath been said before, but were so fervently Zealous, even to a de­gree of excess, in this kind, that (as both Keting and Lucius relate it) if St. Patrick would have receiv'd what they offer'd more, their Successors should have scarce been left the grazing of four Beasts to bestow on the Church.

Secondly in particular, the great number of those Princes, one after another in the suc­cession of so many Ages, that notwithstand­ing all the bloody Feuds and warlike humor of their Nation, withdrew themselves in time from sin, yea from all the pleasures, vanity, pomp, earthly glory of their condition, and by contemning the world for the sake of God, made themselves greater than the World. A large list of them you may find partly in Keting, but more amply and exactly in Lucius. And they were those that stripping them­selves naked to follow Christ, and shutting themselves up in Cloysters made choice of the better part with Mary at the feet of out Lord.

Such were the Monarchs, 1. Ma [...]hoba, [Page 224] who by the prayers of Columbe-Cille reco­vering from death to life, thereupon without delay, Anno 610. renounc'd the World, en­ter'd a Monastery, profess'd himself a Monk, and was after, in regard of his holiness, made Bishop of Kildare. 2. Flaithiortach, who like­wise (though without any such inducement as Maolchoba had) in perfect health, vigour, streingth, deliberately chose to dispoil himself of all earthly greatness, Goods, Employments, and exchange them all for a poor monastick Weed in the Monastery of Ardmagh, for a penitential course of life within the walls of that enclosure; and for a Christian happy death, which he found in that same place, after nine years more had been over in his holy exercises there. 3. Niall Frassach, that not only quitted the Crown and Power, but the very, Soil of Ireland, by retiring to the Scottish Isle of Hy; and there in Columb Cille's Monastery, devoting himself wholly to works of Christian repentance, after eight years continual preparation by them for his passage to immortality, had it in the year 773. of our Saviour's Incarnation. 4. Muirchiortach (great Grandchild to Brion Buraimh, and one of Ketings Monarchs of Ireland) who, having resign'd his Royal Authority, and, together with it, whatever else he possess'd or loved on earth, put on the habit of a pooor religi­ous [Page 225] man at Lismore, where without looking back, he ended happily his days. 5. Domhnal mhac [...]rdghair, who (according to Colgan, as we have seen before) was also King of Ireland, though in his declining years, yet amidst his prosperity retiring to the Abbey of Doire Cholumb-Cilie; employing the re­mainder of his life there in exercises of piety; holiness, and mortification; and lamenting the sins of his former days; prepared for, encountred, and receiv'd death with a serene countenance, full of hopes of a glorious Im­mortality. But whether he took upon him the outward profession of a Monk in those exercises there, or did not, I can say nothing on either side. Nor is it very material to know: seeing the inward habit of his Soul yielded fruits worthy of true repentance and the severest outward profession of it. 6. Rua­ruidh O Conchabhair, the very last Irish Mo­narch, we have shewn likewise before, to have made a religious life, under the Habit and in a Cloister of Augustinian Chanon Re­gulars, his last refuge in this World from so many vicissitudes of Fortune. There it was he became so truly wise indeed as to prepare only for that other World; which, being planted far above all the glory of the Sun, and all the Circles of time, expects only Souls ei­ther never tainted with sin at any time, or [Page 226] by perfect repentance, at least before death throughly purified from its deadly sting. And such indeed, for making choice either sooner or later of the better part with Mary, were those now enumerated Monarchs of Ireland. And yet I know not why I might not add to their number Maolseachluinn I. and Brian Boraimh. For albeit they never had been ei­ther profess'd Monks, Anchorites, or Clerks, nor divested of their Authority Royal, nor at all outwardly retired from the cares of the Publick, or management of their own dome­stick affairs, or comfort of their Wives and Children: yet their piety of life was such as purchas'd for them after death the reputation of holy men. Yea S. Cairbre Bishop of Cluan­mhac-Noise, when the former died Anno 860. being in extasy, beheld his Soul ascending to glory, says Lucius. And the later has been inserted not only by John Wilson in his Mar­tyrologe, but by Henry Fitz, Simons in his Ca­talogue of the Saints of Ireland: both these Au­thors having in this particular followed Ma­rianus Scotus.

Of the Provincial Kings a far greater num­ber, and some of them very early, that is in their very youth, made the same prudential, wise, divine choice. Aillill Anmbanna King of Connaght led so wonderfully strict a life, according to the exactest Rules of Christiani­ty, [Page 227] that upon his death it pleased God to shew his Soul to Columb-Cille ascending to Heaven, Anno 544. Cormac King of South Leinster, about the Year of Christ 567. quit­ting voluntarily his Kingdom went to Beann­chuir, profess'd himself there a Monk, conti­nued in the same place leading a life truly answerable to his profession, till death trans­lated him to happiness Anno 567. which the Irish Church believing has placed him in her Calendar of Saints. Aodh Dubh King of Lein­ster, forsaking in the same manner both his Kingdom and whatever else he might enjoy on earth, took the Monastical habit and Vows upon him; lived accordingly some years in the Monastery of Kildare an under­ling; was after made Abbot, then Bishop of the same Cloister and See; deceased Anno Christi 638. and in fine was record­ed in the Register of Saints. Ceallach mhac Reghal, King of Connaght, made the like exchange of a Kingdom for a Cloister: died in the Year of our Lord 703. and is invoked particularly at Lochkinne as their tutelary Pa­tron. Ardghal mhac Cathail King of Con­naght, the very same; only that to be further off from all noise of the World, he retired out of Ireland to the Monastery of Columb-Cille in the Island of Hy: where, in the se­venth year of his peregrination, which [Page 228] was of Christ 786, he ended his mortal course. Before him a little, that is Anno Christi 739. flourished the good King of Ʋlster, Fiacha mhac Aodh Roin, surnamed In Droiched from his continual care of building Bridges every­where throughout his Kingdom to make the ways more passable: for Droiched in their Tongue signities a Bridge. He was even to ad­miration vertuously just and equitable to all persons whatsoever Only one Cow taken away by stealth within his Dominion, and because peradventure (says Gratianus Lucius) the Author of this stealth had not been with due severity punish'd, he inflicted the re­mainder on his own person, by going a Pil­grimage to Beannchuir. In his Reign and Year of Christ 743. (not as Cambrensis has it, bi [...]nnio an­te Topog. dist. 2. c. 10. adventum Anglorum, two Years only, but 424 Years before the first landing of Fitz Stephens in Ireland. So far is Cambrensis out in his rela­tion of the very time of this matter) it hap­pening that a prodigious Whale with three golden Teeth stianded at Carlingford, within his jurisdiction; each Tooth weighing fifty ounces of Gold: he gave one of them to the chief workman-builder of the foresaid Bridges; the other two he dedicated to the making of Shrines in the Monastery of Beannchuir for those [Page 229] holy relicks there, on which the Countrey people did use to take their most solemn Oaths for ending all Controversies arisen. Felim mhac Criomthain, alias in Latin Feidlimidius, that most famous King (though not of Ire­land, wherein also Cambrensis, as in most his other Relations concerning Ireland, has most grosly err'd, but) of Mounster, having pro­sperously reigned 27 years, and within that time what by harrassing, what by fighting Leath-Cuinn, humbled them mightily, at last resign'd his Crown: retired from all secular Employments, all earthly joys, pleasures, va­nities: withdrew to a Wilderness: turn'd a poor Hermit there: continued so the rest of his life, devoting himself wholly to God, till death call'd him away, under the Mo­narchy of Niall Caille, in the Year of Christ 845. For then it was that he depart­ed hence, with the Opinion both of a great Saint, and of as excellent a Writer too as that Age might have, says Lucius. The Irish Book, call'd an Leabhar Irsi (or, as Keting expounds it, the Book of their Annals) has in short this Elogy of him: Optimus, S [...]piens & Anachoreta Scotorum quievit. Con­temporary to him was Fionachta-Luibhne King of Connaght, who in the same manner exchang'd his Royal Robe for an Hermits [Page 230] Coat: and all the attendance, wealth, delights, pomp, gayety of a Palace, for the laonliness, poverty, silence, obscurity of an uncouth, naked solitude: to prepare himself for the last day of his life; which he ended there Anno 846. Next to this Fionachta, in or­der of time, the King of Leinster, Dunling mhac Muireadhach retired both from his King­dom and all worldly things else into the Mo­nastery of Kildare, professing Monk, and con­tinuing there in the exercises first of an Un­derling, then of an Abbot, till in the Year 867. he finish'd happily his course. And after him, Domhnal, son to the Monarch of Ireland Aodh Fionnliach, devoted himself to the service of God, in the habit and profes­sion of a most godly mortified Ecclesiastick. In which condition he received without any fear at all the King of terrours, Death, in the Year of our Saviour 911. Him, although at a great distance of time, followed Rua­ruidh O Conchabhair King of Connaght (I mean the Father of Toirghialiach mor O Con­chabhair Monarch of Ireland) who in the 20th year after that O Flaith [...]iortach had put out his eyes, enter'd the Order of Canon-Regulars, and among them rendred his Soul to his Redeemer An. 1118. And so did the King of the Dublinian Danes, and Leinster Irish, Domhnal O Brien, son to Muirchiortach O [Page 231] Brien King of Ireland, renounce his Kingdom, profess Clerk at Lismore, and accordingly there continue a life of pennance to his death, which happened Anno Dom. 1135. Lastly, the religious Devotion of Cathal Crud­dhearg King of Connaght (Lucius calls him in Latin Cathaldus à rubro Carpo) is very much celebrated amongst his Countrymen in all their Histories. He, after the death of his Wife, gave up his Kingdom, profess'd Cistercian Monk in the Monastery built by himself at a place in Connaght call'd the Hill of Victory, and in the Year of Christ 1224. breath'd out his last in the same religious Cloister. The great liberality of this Provin­cial King to the Church, and particularly the large extent of Lands bestowed for ever by him upon that Cistercian Abbey de Colle Victo­riae, when he built it, may perhaps be else­where in this Treatise reflected on. At pre­sent, and because I have now done with all the most singular patterns of Piety record­ed among the Provincial Kings of that Na­tion;

I proceed to those of the most celebrated memory, in that respect, among their Lesser Kings. Such were Damhin mhac Dambin­ghoirt, King of Orghillae, departed this life Anno Dom. 560. and Ferrhadhach mhac Duacha, parted in the Year 582. whose Souls are said [Page 232] by the Irish Writers to have been shew'd to Co­lumb-Cille ascending to Heaven absque poenis purgatoriis. Such was Brian Boraimh's Ancestor in the seventh degree of ascent, by name Toir­rghiallach, by Title or Dignity King of Dal-Gheass, or rather indeed (says Keting) of North-Mounster, who in the Year 690. or there­abouts, after he had bestow'd all the Islands in his Kingdom on poor strangers, to be inha­bit [...]d and cultivated by them, put on a Monks Cowl at Lismore: and for his daily employ­ment either polish'd stones for the building of Churches there, or mended High-ways. So that he was never idle, but discharging continually with his own hands the part some­time of a Stone-cutter: at other times that of a poor ordinary Mason, or meanest Day-la­bourer. Such Maol-bressal mhac Cearnaigh King of Mogh dornuigh; who, after quitting the World, professing Monk, and living in that profession many years like a Saint, was kill'd at last by the Danes, Anno 847. Such Maolduin King of Oiligh, son to Aodgh Ord­nigh the Monarch, that forsook all whatever was desireable on earth, took the same course of a profess'd religious Life in a Monastery for many years, never look'd back, never took his hand off the Plough till death seiz'd him in the Year of Christ 865. Such also were Maolbride King of Cineal-Gonail, and [Page 233] Domhnal King of Cineal-Laoghaire, who tram­pling underfoot all worldly temptations, as­sumed the Monastic habit, retired into Cloi­ster'd Cells, and for the remainder of their lives, which was of many years, continued their station there, practising only the methods of dying to themselves and living to Christ, till the blessed hour came when he call'd them to himself, the former Anno 897. the later Anno 882.

And after them Donochadh (the son of Ce­allach, and Son-in-law to Donochadh mhac Floinn the Monarch) King of Ossory is next recorded as a man of exceeding piety and godliness, though never so profess'd Monk, nor at all retir'd in outward appearance from the duties of his secular Employment. His care of the poor was such that in his time every house in Ossory had three several Bags for daily Collections of Victuals to feed them. One that receiv'd the tenth part of every persons meal: none at all of the Family, no not even of the servants, excepted. Another design'd for the portion of Saint Michael the Archangel, as they call'd it. And a third was under the peculiar charge of the good Wife, to see all the scraps gathered into it. Besides he was himself exceeding bountiful to them. And then his devotion at Church, frequenta­tion of the Sacrament, watch over his own senses, delight in all divine things, continual [Page 234] exercise in all good works, made his memory pleasant and fragrant, and sweet and precious after his death. The debt of Nature, that open'd for him the passage into a blessed immortality, he paid in his Father-in-law's Reign over Ireland, that is, between the Years 918. when this Monarch Donochadh mhac Floinn be gun his reign, and the year 942. when he ended it.

I might on this occasion peradventure call to mind what Keting has of Scanlan mor mhic Cinfoala, a former King of Ossory, his grateful devout liberality in applotting and enjoyning three pence a smoak throughout his Countrey, to be paid yearly for ever to Columb-Cille's Abbey there at a place call'd Durramh. And I might withal remember how great, how beneficial, yea how wonder­ful even to this very Scanlan himself the in­ducement he had to this Devotion was. For it was no less than his miraculous delivery from the very extreamest rigours of a most cruel imprisonment, and twelve chains of Iron loading him, and no drink at all al­low'd him to quench his thirst, when at Co­lum-Cille's instance for him in prayer to God, he was on a sudden by an Angel of glory from Heaven rescued, the Prison at midnight en­lightned, his chains unloosed, his Keepers thrown down, the Gates open'd, he led forth, and then presently as it were in another in­stant [Page 235] of time, both conducted and presented to his Wonder-working Patron Columb-Cille that expected him at that very hour. But as I have partly before touch'd upon the extra­ordinary Obligation laid by this miraculous favour on Scanlan: so let it suffice here to have only mention'd so much of his grateful acknowledgment thereof.

And yet perhaps it may not be amiss to let the Reader know, what Lucius on the fore­said occasion hath observ'd of the Kings of Ossory in general, or indeed rather of the Irish Historians in relation to them, viz. That these Writers do seem all of them to have some pe­culiar esteem for the Kings of Ossory above any other of the Lesser Kings of Ireland. For when they give a Catalogue of those Pro­vincial Kings of the Pentarchy, that is of those of South-Mounster, North-Mounster, Connaght, Leinster, and Ʋlster, that were contemporary to the Monarchs whose Reigns, Lives, Acts they principally write: it may be seen in all their Books that then also they give a parti­cular account of the Kings of Ossory; though on that occasion they take no kind of notice of any other of all the Lesser Kings of Ire­land. What the reason hereof may be, I can­not divine▪ if not that peradventure they va­lued (as Lucius says) these Ossory Kings not upon the extent of their Dominion, which [Page 236] yet was not contemptible, but on their bra­very and Martial courage like that of Eume­nes (in Plutarch) who when he had but one Castle remaining in his possession, would not otherwise capitulate with Antigonus but upon equal terms of honour: as not esteeming any man better than himself whiles he had a Wea­pon in his hand. But be this conjecture as you please,

I return back to the Subject I was on be­fore. I now give the only two remaining of those Lesser Kings, that are celebrated for their prudent piety in their abandoning all they had on earth, taking up their Cross and following Christ in the poverty, habit and mortifications of a religious Life. These were Maolmordha Huadomhnail King of Cionsallach, who paid his tribute to Nature Anno 1022. and Vadah O Conchanain King of Huadiarma­da, above a hundred years after; for he ended his days Anno 1167.

Nor have I any other to add to them, but only Conchabhar O Cealla, surnamed of the Battles, King of Mannech in Connaght: whose Christian vertues are wonderfully admired by all the Irish Historians. Though he was a man that not only till the last continued in his station of a Prince and Governour of his People, but a very notable Warriour too, as you see that surname of his imports, cui cog­nomento [Page 237] à Proeliis, says Lucius. In short, they write of him, 1. That he maintain'd in Clothes and Diet 3 [...]0 Clerks, Monks, and poor Women: founded twelve Churches in Moanmaigha, endow'd them with Lands, ren­der'd them exempt from all publick Duties: built the Cathedral Church of St. Brandan at Cluainfert, and the other of St. Kieran at Cluain-mhac-Noise; gave these two Cathedrals large possessions; furnish'd them with Eccle­siastical Books, Chalices, costly Palls, Vest­ments, and all other necessaries for the holy Ministery. 2. That he tyth'd his whole Estate three several times: bestowed the Tenth of it on the Churches; the Ninth on the poor, and the Eighth part on the Clerks and others that came for assistance and relief to his House. 3. That after all being warr'd upon by Con­chabhar Moinmhuigh (son to Ruaruidgh the last Irish Monarch) by the Mac Teigs also, and other great Lords associated against him: and an agreement made between both sides to put the quarrel to the issue of a pitch'd Battel, with this caution and mutual promise, that neither should come unto it nor fight in it with Armour, i. e. with breast, or back, or Ha­bergion, or any coat of Maile: and he for his part most religiously out of meer conscience of his word, keeping to that caution; but they on the other side, without any regard of theirs, [Page 238] having dealt perfidiously by covering them­selves with Armour under their Cassocks: the issue was the slaughtering of a great number of his Army, the routing of the rest, and kil­ling of him among others in the Field; which they call the Field or Battel of Srugheal, fought in the year of our Saviour Christ, 1180. 4. That upon the news, thosE 360 Pensioners above mention'd of his, though not living together in one place, but far and wide distant in their several Habitations, yet in all the hast they could, arriving all of them on the third day where his Body was; and there, upon the sight of it, first giving way to Nature by venting their extream grief in abundance of tears, groans, and lamentations for him, but more especially because he that maintain'd so many Ministers for God, had not so much as any one of them, or any other such to assoil him or comfort him in the last hour: then taking his head (for it was cut off) and sow­ing it to his body: and this done, laying themselves on their knees, they prai'd, &c. crying to God mightily, and with wonderful Faith beseech'd him to return back the Soul of their dear Benefactor into his Body, while he prepar'd himself by repentance and reconci­liation, and the Sacraments of Christ for a more quiet, and hopeful departure. 5. Lastly, That their prayers were so efficacious, and [Page 239] the mercy of God so extraordinarily propitious to Conchabhar, that he revived presently, con­fess'd his sins, received the holy Viaticum; but then, as he told them, chose rather to die than live any longer. Adding withal, that the true cause why God would have him defeated and kill'd in that Battle was, that he had not in­continently punish'd some wickedness com­mitted by his Brother. Which yet he had not forgiven, but only delai'd to judg: as having never once heard of it before that very morn­ing when he was preparing for Battel, and consequently his Soul taken up wholly with other cares. Whereby, says Gratianus Lucius, relating this matter at large, and quoting O Duvegan for it, we may guess at the condition of those Governors that wilfully and delibe­rately not only delay the punishment of so many horrible crimes they see daily commit­ted even against all Justice and Religion; but resolve never to punish them. Ne [...] enim injuria quis dixerit eum saevire in bonos qui parcit-malis.

But if you be of an other judgment, as to this Maxim I mean, That he is cruel to the good who spares the wicked: or if peradventure you boggle at the miraculous part either of this Relation of Conchabhar O Cealla's death, or of the former enumeration of such Irish Christian Monarchs, Provincial and other Lesser Kings who have been famous in their time for piety: [Page 240] you may pass it over, and leave it to the de­votion and credulity of other men that have not the same apprehensions, doubts or scru­ples, as they have not the same soul with you. I am sure that laying all such matters aside, there is among those great Examples of Vir­tue, enough still remaining to edifie any good Christian, or any sober man alive. Though I must tell you withal, that as no Writer holds himself accountable either for the verity or falsity of any other matters of Fact whatsoever written by him out of an­cient History: so much less for those of Mi­racles. And yet further I must acknowledg, that I know not whether any man writing purposely of a Nation or People that both firmly do believe such miraculous works to have been wrought by God among their Predecessors, and would perhaps hold it a very invidious malevolent diminution of their glory for such a man to pass them over wholly in silence, it were just or prudential in him to do so. However I have avoided the two extreams. I have not been wholly silent as to such matters: nor have I given but a very few of them. Besides, I do not interpose a syllable of my own judgment. Though I would nevertheless be as free either to assent or dissent, or even to suspend as any other upon sufficient ground. But enough of this: [Page 241] and, together with it, of all I intended to give in the second Point.

35. The third is an Appendix to what has been hitherto said of the personal piety of those Princes. For I am now to give in order what was done partly by some of the very same partly by other Irish Kings, Princes, Lords, as well to reform the Commonwealth, regulate the Church, restore Learning to the Nation, as to promote Christian religious piety among all their Subjects no less than in themselves. And all this, I mean acted by them after the ge­neral calamity of the Danish Wars: yea and acted by them notwithstanding their own so frequent relapses at this very time into their old Feuds again.

Brian Boraimh, so often mention'd, but never enough praised, must be the first Instance in this place. He set all men free from the exactions of the Danes. All the spoils gained by him from the Danes, he bestow'd on others. All the Lands and Territories of the Kingdom he restor'd to the ancient Proprietors and lawful Heirs; not retaining to himself or any Relations one foot of Land belonging to others. He conferr'd on each Temporal Lord great Priviledges and Immunities, according to his degree. He restored to each Bishop his own Diocess, to each Priest his Church throughout Ireland. He founded, built, endow'd many Churches, [Page 242] Schools, Colledges: and with Royal munifi­cence, care, solicitude gave a new beginning again to the destroy'd Universities. He be­stow'd on every person that would learn, money to bear his charges competently. He built at his own proper cost the Cathedral of Cill-da-Luagh, the Church of Inis Cealtrach, and re-edified the Steeple of Tuaim-Ghreine. He built many Bridges, made many Causeys, mended many High ways before not passable. He erected many new Forts, strengthened the old ones with new Bulwarks, and in parti­cular fortified Cashel the usual mansion of the Mounster Kings. He re-edified all the Royal Houses or Palaces in Mounster, that before his time had been either utterly ruin'd or wholly neglected, in particular thirteen of them. His Government was so rigid that under it a young Woman travail'd all alone from To­ruidh to Cliodhna, the length of Ireland, with a gold Ring hanging on the top of a Wand in her hand, without meeting any that at­tempted to rob or ravish her. Besides he en­ter'd not on the Sovereignty by murdering or killing his Predecessor, as so many others did, who nevertheless were not tax'd with Usurpation, because of their descent from the Royal Line: and yet Brian was undoubtedly of the Line from Heber. Moreover, he was gloriously magnificent in his Port. No man [Page 243] could carry Arms in his Court, where ever it chanc'd to be, except only Dal-Gheass that were his own peculiar Guards. All the Pro­vinces of Ireland every one, and some lesser Countreys too, besides the Danes inhabiting Dublin and Limmeric, lay under a considerable Boraimh, or Tax which they paid yearly for the maintenance of his House at Ceann-Chora, viz. Connaght 800 Beeves, and so many Hogs. Tirchonail 500 Mantles and 500 Beeves. Tir-Eoghuin 600 Beeves, 600 Hogs, and 60 Tun of Iron. Clanna Ruidhruidh in Ʋlster 150 Beeves, and so many Hogs. Oirghilluibh 800 Beeves. Leinster 300 Beeves, 300 Hogs, and 300 Tuns of Iron. Ossory 60 Beeves, 60 Hogs, and 60 Tuns of Iron. Danes of Dublin 300 Pipes or Buts of Wine. Danes of Limmerick a Tun of Claret for every day in the Year, (what Mounster paid, I do not find.) In short, his Hospitality at Ceann-Chora, in every degree was such, that excepting the Monarchs Cormock mhac Airt, and Conair mor mhac Ei­drisgceoil, no other King of Ireland ever did an near it.

Maolseachluinn II. in his Second Reign, e­specially towards the middle of it, when he gave himself to Devotion and thoughts of an other life, did as well in good Government and care of the Publick, as in Piety shew himself both a great and good King. He re­edified [Page 244] many Schools, repair'd many Churches, maintain'd 300 Scholars out of his own Re­venue, laid the foundation of S. Mary Abbey in Dublin, built and endow'd it, An. 1039. Ʋnderstand this according to Ketings Computa­tion, that gives Clantar Clantar [...] Battel, fought on the 16th of April 1036. but not according to Gratianus Lucius or others that deliver it fought earlier by 20 years, viz. Anno. 1014. the very first Abbey we read of built in Ireland since the universal destruction by the Danes.

For the Monarch Toirghiallach mhac Teaidhg mhic Brian Boraimh, that he was not only a good man, but excellent King you may read in Lucius very convincing Arguments: 1. That during his twelve years Reign, there was none oppos'd his person, nor any that call'd in que­stion his Title, none drew Sword nor lift up an armed Hand against him. 2. That he never enacted one farthing, never any kind of Boraimh or Tax of the Provinces, yet was abundantly furnish'd by them all along with all kind of necessaries to support his Regal dignity. 3. That he made very good, whol­some convenieent Laws for his People. 4. That Lanfrancus, then Arch-bishop of Canterbury, loved him entirely; remembred him still in his Prayers: did all the good Offices he could to his Friends: calls him tacitly a lover of [Page 245] Justice: and then expresly adds, Magnam mi­sericordiam populis Hiberniae tunc divinitus col­latam, quando omnipotens Deus Terdelacho mag­nifico Hiberniae Regi jus Regiae potestatis super illam terram concessit, That Almighty God had then shewed great mercy to the people of Ire­land when he gave the Royal power of that Land to the magnificent King Toirrghiallach. The Letters of Lanfrancus, containing these Elogies of him are quoted by Lucius, page 83.

Muirchiortach O Brien, son to the said Toir­rgiallach, made a much further progress in restoring the Commonwealth, and both en­dowing and reforming the Church. In the first year of his Reign, which was the year of Christ 1106. he alienated th City of Cashel from the Mounster Kings, and to the honour of God and of St. Patrick bestow'd it for ever (in puram eleemosynam) by way of pure Alms on the Bishops See there, says Ke­ting. In his Reign also, not only a Parliament of all the Estates in Ireland See Waraeus in his Commeut. de Praesul. Heb. p. 12. in Celsus. was held at Fiadh-mhac-Naoughussa, but (as Gratianus Lucius has it) even three several Sy­nods, representing the whole Clergy of that Nation were conven'd at three divers places. One of them at Ʋsneach in Meath, conven'd Anno 1106, as Lucius expresly says; telling [Page 246] us withal, that in this Council Gillaspuic (whom he calls in Latin Gilbertus▪) Abbot of Beannchuir, Bishop of Limmeric, and Legat for the Pope was President: and that in all, it consisted of fifty Bishops; whereof the said President was the first, Celsus (in Irish Ceal­lach) successor to St. Patrick at Ardmagh the second, and Maolmuire Huadanain Arch-bishop of Mounster the third: besides three hundred Priests and three thousand other Ecclesiasticks present. Another of them was held at the foresaid Fiadh-mhac Naonghussa, then (if I understand Keting aright) when all the Estates were assembled there. And though I cannot say for certain what Year that was, I may nevertheless Waraeus out of the Annals of Hi­ster says it was held, Anno 1111. assure you that Keting says the Representatives or Mem­bers of this Synod were only the successor of that Patrick at Ardmagh (for he does not otherwise name him) and Maolmuire O Dunain the Archbishop of Mounster, and eight Bishops more; besides 360 Priests, 140 Deacons, and other Mini­sters not numbred, that were present. But for the Acts of this Council we need not be inquisitive, since the same Keting has plainly told us they are lost. And so might Lucius, for ought I can see, have told us of those made at Ʋsneach: for it is he, and not Keting, that [Page 247] has observ'd that Synod. The third, which both of them equally mention, has been a me­morable one indeed, and the chief Acts of it, preserv'd to Posterity, are at large in Keting. It was held at Rath Bressail, Anno 1110. un­der the presidency of the foresaid Gillaspuic Bishop of Limmeric as the Pope's Legat. The number of Bishops conven'd, I do not find. But I see clearly enough, their main business was to reduce the number of Bishops in the whole Island: and to assign to each Bishop his own peculiar Diocess, with the meers and bounds thereof, partly (as I sup­pose) to prevent disputes about Jurisdiction, and partly that the Flock might be the more carefully observ'd. They did both successfully. And for the number they ordered it should be six and twenty in all: twelve of them in Leath Cuinn, and twelve in Leath Mogh, and two in Meath. Of the twelve in Leath-Cuinn, six, were in the Province of Ʋlster, and Ard­magh one of the six, the rest in Connaght: of the other twelve for Leath-Mogh, seven were appointed for the two divisions of Mounster, and five for Leinster. He of Dublin was not mention'd amongst them, nor indeed at all, as receiving then his consecration from Can­terbury. But Gleann-da Loch, now united to it, was one of the Five for Leinster. All the other Sees also they named; whereof some [Page 248] are different from those we know at present. And so did they name, in the very Acts of the same Council, the peculiar Meers of each Bi­shoprick, all round about every where through­out the whole Kingdom. The Annals of Inis Fail, as Lucius quotes 'em say this Synod (or rather perhaps the General As­sembly consisting as well of the Lay Estates, as of Ecclesiastical sitting in the same Place) made better Laws than Ireland ever had before at any time. Among which Keting sets down one special Act for the plenary Exemption of the Church for ever from all Taxes, Impositions, Burthens, Duties, &c. impos'd on 'em by the secular Power. Another also for every Bishop's consecrating at Easter, the Oyl of holy Ʋnction. After which concluding his whole account, of this National Synod, he adds how the Fa­thers assembled therein, had in the end of all their Acts, bless'd the Observers and curs'd the Transgressors of them, in this form: ‘The blessing of God Almighty, and of S. Peter, and S. Patrick, and of the Representer of S. Peter's Successor, the Legat Giolla-Aspuick Bishop of Limmerick, and of Ceallach S. Patrick's successor, Primat of Ireland, and of Maoil-Josa mhac Ain­mhire Arch-bishop of Cashel, and of all the Bi­shops, Gentry and Clergy in this holy Synod of Rath-Breassuill light and remain upon eve­ry one that shall approve, ratifie and observe [Page 249] these Ordinances. And, of the other side, their Curses on the Infringers of 'em.’

Gratianus Lucius (in his Cambr. Evers. page 83.) is of opinion, and his reasons for it can hardly be gainsay'd, that these, which are cal­led three National Synods, were but one and the self-same Council, continued from time to time, and finish'd in three several Sessions, and Places, viz. One Session at Visneach, another at Fiadha-mhac-Naonghussa, and the Last of 'em at Rath-Bressail. But if you enquire what should bring to this Council such a vast con­flux of Ecclesiasticks, as (besides all the Bi­shops, whose duty it was to be there) three hundred Priests and 3000 other Churchmen: I for my part, can guess at no other cause than one of Three, or all Three together. 1. The Novelty, or at least Rarity of a National Synod in that Kingdom. I am sure Keting in all his History has not any Instance of a National Sy­nod of the Irish Church not even from the be­ginning of it; before that of Fiadh-mhac-Na­onghussa. 2. The Fame of so great a Reforma­tion of the Sacerdotal Order and state Eccle­siastical, intended by the reducing the number of Bishops, and bounding their Diocesses, might have drawn many to come thither. 3. The Temporal Estates of the whole King­dom, sitting at the Place and Time, question­less occasion'd the coming of many more Ec­clesiasticks to that Council than perhaps o­therwise would have come.

What I would principally observe by oc­casion of that Synod at Rath-Bressail is, first, how short this number of 26 Bishops in all Ire­land comes of that other of 350 Bishops re­lated before page 56. out of Nennius and Jocelin to have been consecrated by St. Patrick in his time for that Countrey. But it may be said, that was a time of labouring in the conversion of every part of that Kingdom, and its Do­minions abroad in Scotland and other adja­cent Islands. To which purpose it was ex­pedient there should be a very great number of Bishops, according to the greatness of the Harvest, which was all (at least as to Ireland at home) made up in 35 years. Besides, that in 61 or 62 years, the long term of Saint Patrick's life after he had enter'd on that Har­vest, e'en so many hundred Bishops as are mention'd by the said Authors, might have died in Ireland and the adjacent Islands, tho never the fifth or sixth part of them had lived together in any one time. And yet I must confess, there was in later times, and even but a little before this Council, a most corrupt custom in Ireland, that multiplyed Bishops pro libitu Metropolitani, at the sole Metropoli­tans pleasure, as we shall see hereafter, and whence that corruption, with many other, proceeded. However, to return to my main purpose. Muirchiortach O Brien King of Ire­land [Page 251] (whether alone, or in association with Domhnal the son of Ardghal, enjoying that Title) was so happy as to have by his Royal Authority concurr▪d unto, compass'd, and confirm'd this material point of Reforma­tion and establishment of the State Ecclesia­stical.

H [...]s next Successor, Toirrghiallach Mor O Connor, notwithstanding all his Wars did ma­nifest his care of the Publick both in civil and Ecclesiastical affairs. He built the three chief Bridges of Connaght; among which that of Athlone was. He had the Cathedral of Tuam solemnly consecrated by a number of Bishops call'd thither of purpose. He built a Hospital in the same Town, and endow'd it with Lands. He setled a yearly Pension for a Divinity Professor at Ardmagh. He was so justly severe in punishing Criminals, that having imprison'd his own son for some great Offence, and rejected for a long time the intercession of several both Princes and Pre­lats, he could hardly at last be induced even by five hundred Priests and eleven Bishops together with the Archbishops of Ardmagh and Cashel appearing before him and inter­ceding for the Prisoner, to set him at liberty after a twelve months imprisonment. Of his piety, besides what I have said already, these are further proofs given by Lucius I. [Page 252] That he caus'd the Holy Cross to be carried about Ireland in great veneration. 2. That he bestowed great scopes of Land on the Clergy of Tuam: on the Successor of Saint Coman a Town: and on the Bishop of Cluain­mhac-Noise a number of Silver Crosses, Gob­lets, and Chalices. And 3. That by his last Will he bequeath'd to several Churches all the costly furniture of his Houses; all his Gold and silver Plate; all his Jewels; all his Horses and Arms, even his very Bow and Quiver; besides 540 ounces of Gold, and 40 marks of Silver.

His immediate Follower in the Sovereignty Muirchiortach mhac Neill was pleas'd himself in person, together with all the Kings and Nobles of the whole Kingdom to be present in the National Synod of that Church held at Ceannannais (we call it now Kells) in Meath, in the first year of his Reign, which was of Christ 1152. This Council begun the 7th of March, being Dominica Laetare Hierusalem, had members of it present seven and twenty Bishops, and as many more Abbots and Priors; the Archbishops of Ardmagh and Ca­shel, and the Bishop of Dublin, besides sive elect, being of the number of those 27 Bishops. It was in this Council that John Papiron, Cardinal of St. Laurence in Damasco, sent by Pope Eugenius III. presided. In this [Page 253] Council that he by the Authority of the A­postles Peter and Paul, and the Apostolical Lord Eugenius condemned Simony, execrated Usury, enjoyn'd the payment of Tithes. In this Council, besides that he deliver'd the 4 Palls to the 4 Archbishops, Ardmagh, Cashel, Tuam, Dublin. Moreover it was in this Coun­cil that he ordain'd, as it was fit, that Ard­magh should be Primat over all. And these things being done by him, without further delay he departed, and on the Ninth of the Ca­lends of May the same Year ship'd for beyond Seas. So Keting writes of him and this Council, out of the Annals of Cluain Eidh­nioch Fiontain in Lease: where he transcribes the very Latin words of those Annals. Tho according to an other account of his own, Giolla Criost (or Christianus) O Conneric Bi­shop of Lismore Provincial of all the Monks in Ireland, and Legat in ordinary from the Pope in that Kingdom presided in this Coun­cil jointly with the said Cardinal. But what is more observable in those Annals is, That as to the 4 Palls most of the Clergy in this Council, and especially those of Dun-da-Leath-Ghlass and Ardmach were dissenting: because they held it enough for Ireland to have two Archbishops, the one at Ardmach, the other in Mounster, as formerly. The rest concern­ing this Council, and particular names and [Page 254] surnames of those two and twenty Bishops that according to his account composed it (for he leaves out the five Elect, and all the Abbots and Priors) you may read in him. I think it needless to transcribe them here.

And yet I judg it not impertinent on this occasion to mind the Reader of Meredith Hanmer's gross mistake; where, in his History of Ireland, he says 1. That before this time or Council of Ceannannais, the Irish had ne­ver had any Archbishops. 2. That ever since Austin the Monks time (or his mission to England from Gregory the Great) the Irish Clergy till this time had been subject to the Archbishops of Canterbury. Whereas in truth they had all along from St. Patrick's time, and by his own special appointment too, even two Archbishops: the one stiled of Ardmach; the other of Mounster first, then of Cashel, after he came to have his fixed See there: the one for Leath-Cuinn, and the other of Leath-Mogha. Whereof you may see more at large in Keting; who in his Reign of Laogirius tells the very motive and chief inducement St. Patrick had for making the second chief Archiepiscopal See, and constituting it in Mounster. Nay I have my self read in some of the Saints of Irelands Lives (though I have not them by me now to quote them) mention made of the Archbishop of the Lagenians, and his See [Page 255] being sometimes Kildare, sometimes Ferns: and so I have of the Archbishop of the Cona­cians too, if my memory fail me not. But if it do, Sir James Ware in his Commentary de Praesulibus Hiberniae supplies it abundantly, page 174. concerning Mounster: and pag. 243. and 244. concerning Connaght. What Au­thority or Jurisdiction these Archbishops had in those days of old, is an other question: or whether they had any more than only to be Episcopi primae sedis in their Province? or prio­rity of place? I can say nothing to it. But in this I can be on rational grounds positive, That none of the Irish Clergy depended on the Archbishops of Canterbury, none of their Bishops received consecration from any of them, until Lanfraneus in William the Conque­rors time, was the Archbishop of that See. Nor then, nor after neither, but for some little time those only of Dublin, Wexford, Water­ford and Limmeric. And the reason why these in particular would or did so depend was, That their Townsmen and subordinate pe­culiar Governors were Danes or Easterlings, now turn'd Christians. And that they sus­pected the Irish Prelats would not favourably judg or determine of their Elections in be­half of their own Citizens, blood, or Coun­treymen to Ecclesiastical Offices; but by rea­son at least of the former Feuds, if not those [Page 256] present and remaining still would prefer Irish to them. And therefore, and further yet be­cause they expected in that behalf impartial dealing and justice, if not favour too, from the See of Canterbury, as being of late brought under the Norman Conquerors, originally their own Countreymen, they procured Li­cense from the Irish Kings to have their Bi­shops consecrated by the Archbishops of that See. whereby it happened, that so lately as the Reign of the Monarch Toirrghiallach, Grandchild to Brien Boraimh, in the Year of Christ 1098. the first Bishop of Waterford was consecrated by Anselmus of Canterbury. So says Keting; and much more Lucius; and most of all on this Subject the most eminently famous Primat Ʋsher, who was both con­cern'd for his own See of Ardmagh, and with­out question able enough to search into these matters. To him may be added Sir James Ware, pag. 102. 103, and 104. where he tells us of Patric, Donatus O Haingly, Samuel O Haingly and Gregory, four Bishops elected successively by the Oostmans of Dublin, and and consecrated for that See by the Arch­bishops of Canterbury, Lanfrancus, Anselmus, and Rudolphus; but no more: for the next Bishop of Dublin was consecrated by Ard­magh.

Having thus reflected on those Errors of Hanmer, I have no more to say in relation to the Council of Ceannannais, but that all the advantage, benefit, glory redounding from it to the Irish Church, ought questionless to be attributed chiefly to the foresaid King and Monarch of Ireland Muirchiortach mhac Neill, that rendred it both much more august by his own Royal presence, and much more effectual by his perfect submission to all its Decrees.

A further strong argument of great resolu­tions taken by many of the Kings, Princes, Nobles, Ecclesiasticks of Ireland to restore ci­vility, justice, learning; and, above all, Piety and holiness of Life, once more among their Countreymen, was the great number of Mo­nasteries built and endow'd by them within the very last eighty years of their Milesian Government before the final period of it. Yea and built by them, I mean, notwith­standing all the disadvantages of that time, especially of that part of it which was taken up by the extraordinary turbulencies hap­pen'd in Ruaruidh O Connor's Reign. Who, as we have seen before, succeeded this Muir­chiortach mhac Neill, and was himself never since by any of his Countrey or Nation suc­ceeded.

In the Province of Ʋlster, Anno 1106 the Monastery of Lisgoual near Loch Erne, and the Abbey of Carrig, whose first Abbot was St. Euodius, were founded by Mac-Noellus Mackenlef King of Ʋlster. Anno 1138. an other for the Canons Regular of St. Austin in Feramanach. The same Year, an other in Louth for the same order by Donogh mhac Ce­irrbheoil King of Orghillae. And by him, at the request of St. Malachias, the noble Abbey of Mellifont for the Cistercians Anno 1142. The Abbey of Jonmhair Chinne Traigh, alias Newry, by Malachias himself; besides the ce­lebrated Beannchuir restor'd by him. About this time also, the younger O Domlsn [...]l, as he is call'd, [...]rince of Tirconnel, at the request of St. Dominick by Letters to him, built for his Order a Monastery at Doire Cholum Cille, which had usually a hundred and fifty reli­gious men. In the Province of Mounster, not only the Abb [...]y of O Dorne, in the County of Kierry, the Abbey of Fermoigh in the Coun­ty of Cork, Anno 1140. and the Abbey of Neny or Magio Anno 1148 or 1151, all three for the Cistercian Order; but eighteen Monasteries founded by Domhnal O Brien the last King of North-Mounster. Among these were the famous Abbey of Holy Cross at Tip­perary, and St. Peters at Limmeric for the black Nuns of St. Austin, and the Monastery de [Page 259] Surio, and that call'd Killoulense, or de Albo campo, and the other Kilmoniense, or de Fur­gio, and lately the Cloister [...]f Corcam [...]ua, or of the fruitful Rock. In the Province of Lein­ster Diarmuid mhac Murcho, (surnamed Na Ngall) the last King of it, founded six Mo­nasteries: Two of them at Dublin; whereof one was for Nons of the Order (or rather Reformation) of Aroasia; the other for Chanons of Aroasia in an Abbey of Monks in Artois. St. Austin: a third in the County of Kilkenny at Kil­clehin, a fourth at Atoody in the County of Catherlach: the fifth being a great noble Abbey for the Cistercians (by them named de Valle Salutis) at Baltinglass in the County of Wicklo: and the sixth at Ferns in the County of Wexford. But Mona­ster-Euin, or de rubra Valle for the same Ci­stercian Order, was founded by Diarmuid O Daoimuse, alias Dempsy, Lord (or at least one of the Lords) of Ibh Failghe, Anno 1178. Jeripont Abby in the County of Kilkenny, Anno 1181. by Donald Fitz Patric King of Ossory. The Monastery of Lease, or de Lege Dei, An. 1183. by Cuchogrius O Moadhirra. The Monastery of Dune in the County of Wexford, even before the landing of Fitz Ste­phens there, by Diarmuid O Ryan by consent of the Leinster King, founded for the Chanons [Page 260] of St. Austin. In the Province of Connaght, be­fore it was conquered by the English; Cathal O Conchabhair, surnamed Crombhdhearg, founded the Monastery of Benedictin Nuns at Killcreu­nath, the Monastery of Cnockmoigh, or de Colle Victoriae, for the Cistercians; that of Ballin Tohair for the Chanons of St. Augustin: and not only endow'd but enrich'd them all with large possessions. Add the Monastery of Boyle, about the Year 1151, founded for the Cister­cian Order. Lastly, in Meath, the King or Prince of it, Murcho O Mleaghluinn founded the Monastery of Bectif (alias de Beatitu­dine) either Anno 1148. or 1151. for the Cistercians: likewise for the Votresses of Saint Augustin, or he or some other O Mlaghlin, King of that Countrey built the Cloister at Clonard. But the Cloister of Shrouil, in the County of Longford, ad Euium Fluvium, had its beginning, Anno 1152.

Such is the account I find mostly in Lucius, and for some part in Keting, of the endea­vours used in those later times by several Irish Princes and Prelats to repair in some degree the general destruction brought upon their Schools of Learning and Piety, and upon all that was excellent or civil in their Na­tion, by the long Danish Wars, and their own intestin broils immediately following. Que­stionless they reputed Monasteries as (and [Page 261] as indeed they were in that Age among them in Ireland) the best Schools of Learning and Religion: so the best means to civilize a Christian People much over-run with igno­rance, barbarism, and wildness, and fierceness too of Nature; which two or three hundred years continual War in the very entra [...]ls of their Countrey, for the most part with Hea­then Foreigners, and for the rest with the Natives themselves, one against another, must of necessity have brought with it.

The fourth Point is to let you know, that in this very decrepit Age and fin [...]l wane of the Irish Monarchy, Heaven was yet so pro­pitious to them, as to raise among them in the Ecclesiastical State some, (however few) even as wonderfully eminently Saints perad­venture as were in the primitive Ages of Christianity in that Kingdom. For to say nothing now of those other excellent Bishops of this time, Ceallach or Celsus of Ardmagh, Gillaspuick, alias Gilbertus of Limm [...]rick Mal­ [...]bus of Lismore, and Giolla-Criost (or Christia­nus) of Clocher, though St. Bernard himself besides what he has of the rest, especially of Malchus, calls this Christian, a good man, full of grace and vertue, inferiour indeed to his Bro­ther (he means Malachias) in celebrity of Fame, but peradventure not so in sanctity of Life and Zeal of Justice: however, to pass [Page 262] over I say, all these four excellent Prelats of this time: those I mean at present were e­specially two other holy Monks, and they extraordinary Bishops too, one after an o­ther.

The former of them was Malachias (in Irish Maolmo, says Keting) or at least my Copy of him, but Malmedoic O Morgain, says Waraeus) a burning and shining Light in­deed: as Saint Bernard applies to him what our Saviour Christ did say of Saint John Baptist. He was born an Ʋlster man of noble Parents, in the year of our Lord 1094. died in the 54 of his own Age, being the year of our Lord 1148. and therefore lived under some part of Donachadh mhac Brien Boraimh's reign, and the whole Reigns of his three Successors, even till the beginning of Muir­chiortach mhac Neill's reign, the last Irish Mo­narch saving one. That is, he lived in a great part of those very times when almost the whole face of the Irish Church was most wofully deformed, ulcer'd, horrible to be seen. In most places all kind of Ecclesiasti­cal Discipline, all the Canons of the Church trodden under foot: in many other all the very Sacraments of Christ not only neglect­ed, but of no use at all. Nor must we much wonder at it, if we consider that the very Head of the Ecclesiastical Order in Ireland, [Page 263] the See of Ardmagb had in those days been as a meer lay Fee or Temporal Inheritance possess'd by strong hand of one powerful Family, even for fifteen Generations succes­sively, i. e. ever since the expulsion of the Danes, almost two hundred years, out of that Province. That besides, although sometimes there was not one Clerk in this Family, yet they never wanted a Bishop. And thirdly, that before Ceallach (whom we call Celsus, the immediat, but virtuous good Predecessor of Malachias) eight married men, without any Orders, though not without Learning, had been the only Bishops of that Metropoli­tan See. Hence throughout all Ireland, that dis­solution of the Churches discipline, enervation of her Censures, evacuation of Religion, whereof we have spoken before, says the Mellifluous D. S. Bernard in the Life of Malachias cap. vii. For what has never been elsewhere, not even since the very beginning of Christianity heard, was now in Ireland to be seen. Bishops without Or­dination, without reason multiplied at the lust of the Metropolitan. Insomuch that one Bishop­rick was not content with one Bishop; but almost every Church in it had a peculiar Bishop. And indeed how was it likely to be otherwise? or that under so diseased, so corrupt a Head, the Members could be sound?

To reform these horrible corruptions of the Irish Church, God it seems had in his secret counsels design'd Malachias to be the man. First by his Birth of noble Parents hard by Ardmagh, and his being the only be­loved Son of such a Family. Then by his contemning in his tender years, even from his childhood at School in that City, what­ever seem'd worldly or vain: and his giving himself on all occasions, especially in all se­cret recesses, to prayer. Then by his ac­coasting, admiring, and delivering himself very early in his Youth to Imarius the holy Anchori [...]e, who had by his own choice many long years before been shut up perpetually, and as it were buried alive in a little Cell that join'd to the Wall of the Cathedral Church. Then by the multitude of other young delicate striplings, that surmounting all considerations of flesh, and bloud, and sense, and what ever seem'd gay or pleasant to the eye, soon after follow'd his example. Then by the holy Spirit's moving not only the good Archbishop Celsus, but Imarius also to force him in a manner to the Order of Dea­conship before he was 25 years old, and to that of Priesthood, so soon as he was 25 compleat: they (as they might well) supposing that the sanctity of his conversation did abun­dantly supply the defect of his Canonical Age [Page 265] for these Orders. Then by the further injun­ction laid upon him immediately by Celsus, making him notwithstanding his Youth, Vi­car General of the Diocess. Then by the tenour of his Life and power of his Word piercing like a two edged Sword the very entrails of all that heard him preach, and like a burning Torch enflaming them; as the Son of Syrach speaks of Elias the Prophet's Word. Then by his departing, but with the licence of Celsus and Imarius, for some years to Lismore in Mounster, and putting himself there in a Monastery under the discipline of Malchus the holy miraculous Bishop of that See, who had been himself, though an Irish man by birth, educated in the Abbey of Win­chester in England. Then by occasion of King Cormack's retirement from his Enemies to the said Monastery: where this afflicted Prince making it his choice to live in a poor narrow cell, feed on bread and a little salt, drink nothing but water, bath his body once every day in cold water to extinguish the re­bellion of his flesh; do all this by the dire­ction of Malachias, his only Instructor and comfort, yea and continue it until at last he rather suffer'd than desired himself to be re­stor'd, his Enemies flying away before his face every where: by this occasion I say the hidden things of Malachias, came to be known, [Page 266] and his name celebrated among all the Clergy and People and Princes of that Province too. Then by his returning back to his own Province of Ʋlster, upon the commands of Celsus and Imarius: and there presently re­pairing the old ruins of the famous Beann­chuir; which till this time lay in rubbish for so many years ever since the destruction of it by the Danes, though not without a Ti­tular Lay-Abbot (made still by Election of the Lay-Natives) who possess'd all the Re­venues; nor at this very time neither with-such an Incumbent, and he both a very powerful man, and Uncle also to Malachias himself; but, on the return of Malachias from Mounster, suddenly chang'd, and as it were by a powerful touch of the very finger of God himself so mightily chang'd, that without delay he resign'd both the place and whole Estate belonging to it, yea and his own per­son also to this holy Nephew's disposition. Then by his refusing the Estate, building nevertheless the place, planting it with some of his own blessed condisciples under Ima­rius, and in obedience to Celsus and Imarius both, taking upon him now as well the true Office as the title of Abbot of Beannchuir; imi­tating so in all respects the sanctity of his great Predecessor Congellus, though not e­qualling his number of Monks. Then by [Page 267] the glory of Miracles, beginning first to ap­pear wrought by him, to the astonishment of the beholders, as he was at work with his own hands among the Carpenters that were building this Monastery. Then by the Election made of him in the thirtieth year of his Age for the See of Conner, and his reluctance for a long time; and the perseve­rance of the other side, and his submission at last to the positive commands of Celsus and Imarius. Then by his entring upon his Epi­scopal Function there, but withal, his finding presently, as St. Bernard expresly writes, He was not sent to men, but Beasts. That he had never before, not even amongst the most barbarous any where, observ'd the like. No where the People so stubborn as to Manners, so bestial as to Rites, so impious as to Faith, so barbarous as to Laws, so headstrong as to Discipline, so filthy as to Life; Christians by Name, but in very deed Pagans: not paying Tithes, not offering First-fruits, not joyning in lawful Marriages, not con­fessing their sins. None among them found ei­ther to receive or to enjoin penance. The Mini­sters of the Altar few; and yet no work among the Laity for those same few: no opportunity given them to make use of their Ministery among a wicked generation of people: nor they endeavour­ing it much, if not rather scarce any way at all: for in their Churches the voice neither of a Preacher nor Singer was heard.

Then by his Divine Sermons, Exhortati­ons, Entreaties, Visits, Prayers, Tears, Mor­tification, austerity of Life both in publick and private, together with the assistance of his 150 Monks that were never from his side; overcoming though▪ with great labour, yet in a little time all opposition, and working so wonderful either a conversion or Reforma­tion (which you please to call it) of all that Diocess, that they are all now become a new people, i. e. the People of God now, who had been nothing less before: and every where now to be seen the repairing of Chur­ches, adorning of Altars; and Choires re­sounding now the praises of God: and wick­ed Laws abolish'd, and Christian Institutions receiv'd in their place: the Churches throng­ing from every side with people greedy of hearing the Word: and Sacraments frequent­ed, and confession of sins made, and Concu­binage yielding to lawful marriage.

Then by his necessary migration to Moun­ster, when the King of Ʋlster had on some pretence destroy'd the City of Conner: and by the reception he found there from his former Disciple King Cormac, who came to meet him now, and withal to entertain both him and his 150 Monks of Beannchuir, come along with him out of the North. Then by his building here in Mounster the Abbey of Ibrac (Mona­sterium [Page 269] Ibracense, St. Bernard calls it) King Cormac with Royal munificence abundantly furnishing Gold and Silver, and all other ne­cessaries both to finish the building and main­tain the Convent after. Then by his living there so exemplarily, mortifiedly, humbly among them, as he had elsewhere perpetually, even from the first day of his Episcopal Charge at Conner, done; taking his turn like an other Monk both in reading and serving in the Refectory at meals; yea in all the very meanest Offices of the Cloister; even that of Cook, to dress their meat in the Kitchin, not excepted.

Then by the last sickness of Celsus (who had successively ordain'd him Deacon, Priest, and Bishop) and by the choice made by him of Malachias for his Successor; and his Let­ters to all the Princes of the Kingdom, espe­cially the two Mounster Kings, Cormack was one of them, his Kingdom South-Mounster, his name and surname Cormack mhac Cartha; his end by a soul murther committed on him by his own Son in Law. All which, and the revenge of this murder you may see in the former [...]ection, page 183. to see after his death Malachias install'd in the Metropolitical See of Ardmagh. Which for the memory of their great Apo­stle St. Patrick, who living govern'd it, and dying chose it for his place of rest, was held in such veneration, that [Page 270] all the people of Ireland, Clergy and Laiety▪ Nobles, Bishops, Princes and Kings were subject in all obedience to the Metropolitan thereof. Then by the Vision about this time (but before any notice had of Ceallach's be­ing sick) the Vision I say of a Tall, ancient, venerable Woman appearing to Malachias: and, upon his demand what she was, answer­ing him, she was the Wife of Celsus; but withal delivering him a Pastoral Staff. Then by a real Messenger come from Celsus, as he was yet on his death bed alive, with his real Staff indeed, and by the real delivery thereof by him, as he was commanded by Celsus to this man of God. Then by the unanimous application of all the Kingdon, from all parts, made unto him to accept of this Election: and by his declining it nevertheless a very long time: alledging now his own unwor­thiness; now his poverty and meanness, and inability to contend with the powerful Fa­mily that hitherto well nigh two hundred years had possess'd that See; besides, that not even with the death of men their stub­bornness could be overcome; moreover that to see blood spilt in his behalf, or by his occasion did not become him, or his calling; finally that he was already join'd to an other Spouse, the Church of Conner.

Then (after three years continual relu­ctance) by the National Synods meeting on purpose, wherein the Pope's Legat Gillaspuic, alias Gilbertus, Bishop of Limmeric, and Mal­chus Bishop of Lismore were the chief; and by their laying their commands upon him, adding threats withal to excommunicate him, if he resisted any longer; and his own re­flecting at the same time on the Vision he had formerly had (in Mounster) of the grave Matron, &c. which frighted him above all other considerations: and by his yielding thereupon at last, but on this condition, that if, and whensoever by his means or Mini­stery, God were pleased to restore peace to that Metropolitan See, it should be lawful for him to ordain an other in it, and return to his former Spouse the poor Bishoprick of Conner.

Then by his not entring for the two next years either the Cathedral Church or City it self of Ardmagh, and not medling with the Revenue while the Usurper Mauritius lived; but officiating abroad, and discharging so his duty to the Diocess at large, without any bloodshed or quarrel. Then, upon the death of Mauritius, when the King and Nobles of the Province came to introduce him, and were to that purpose together with him as­sembled on a Hill near the City, but without [Page 272] any armed Troops, and intelligence was brought him, that hard by there lay in ambush a strong party of the malignant bloody Ge­neration ready to fall on and kill them all, not even him nor the King himself excepted: Then, I say, by his withdrawing into a little Church hard by; putting himself to prayer, and presently obtaining of Heaven such a formidable judgment as ended all the danger and all the controversie too in a trice, [...]ay all the hopes of that perverse Generation for ever after. Even on a sudden such a prodi­gious tempest of Rain, Wind, Lightning, Thunder, which as to the place and persons of the Conspirators, turn'd the day to night, commix'd all the Elements, struck dead their Captain with three other of his principal Associats, hung them up on the boughs of Trees (for so they were found next morning half burnt and stinking) dispers'd all the rest, save only three more left groveling on the ground, half burnt likewise, but some life remaining in them still: and yet no harm done by it, nor feeling of it by the King or of his company though they stood close by that very place, and saw the storm falling on it.

Then by his entring now into the Metro­politan Church, taking the possession of it delivered him by the King, Princes, and other [Page 273] Nobles of the Land: and after their depar­ture exposing himself to the continual danger both day and night impending over his head from that bloody sacrilegious Progeny, that breath'd no more now any thing less than mor­tal revenge in behalf of their Cousin Nigellus, that by usurpation and actual possession suc­ceeded Mauritius, till he was now compell'd to fly, but retaining nevertheless in his own possession still, by conveying them away in his flight, the chief holy Ensigns of that See, the Staff of Jesus, and Gospel of St. Patrick; which the common people held in such vene­ration, that the possessor of them, whoever he was, they esteemed the only true Bishop of Ardmagh. Then by his overcoming with the Arms of Faith, and a Christian resolu­tion to suffer Martyrdom, the arms of Flesh and fury and rage of a great man of the foresaid impious Tribe, who came of purpose to Ardmagh to murder him. For though the King, before his departure, had made this very man not only to give Hostages, but take his corporal Oath, that he would invio­lably be and keep at peace with Malachias; yet, without regard of either, he soon after in a consult of his own People determines the place, and time and manner to dispatch him: comes thereupon with his Assassines to Ardmagh: and after Evensong had been end­ed [Page 277] in the Church sends to Malachius, as desiring on pretence of peace and friendship to speak with him at his own Lodging. But the whole Clergy and People at Church entreat Mala­achias, beseech him, conjure him with tears and lamentations not to go to his death. And yet Malachias, after some other words of comfort and edification, telling them it became not the Disciple of Christ to fear death, immediately departs, accompanied only with three reli­gious men resolv'd to die with him: enters the House: sees the Assassins all together in the same Room with that great man their Leader; as they were prepared to assassinate him: and yet coming up a little nearer finds them all every one strangely seized as with some panick fear appalled, astonish'd, mute, as if they had been Planet-struck, as if they were unable to lift up an armed hand against him or any other. Nay their very Chief­tain, instead of giving them the word, sub­mitting himself in all humility and obedience: and promising to continue both (as he did sincerely) until his death.

Then by the submission likewise of Nigel­lus, the Pseudo-Bishop, and his yielding up to Malachias the sacred Ensigns, which he had hitherto so wrongfully detain'd; but now together with them delivering also himself in all humility to the disposal of Malachias. [Page 278] Then by the sudden ceasing of a pestilential Disease at Ardmagh, so soon as Malachias went about the Town in Procession, and pray'd God that in his mercy he would com­mand his exterminating Angel of Justice to put up his bloody Fauchion and spare the people thence forward. Then by the dreadful Judgments fallen upon the two remaining chiefest, boldest and most blasphemously vi­rulent detractors of his Name, a Man and Woman of the accursed Race: the man's tongue rotting in his mouth, spitting out Worms almost continually for seven days, and together with them at last his miserable Soul: the Woman turned frantick, crying out fre­quently that she was a strangling by Mala­chias, and in that wretched condition yielding up her ghost. Finally, by the universal ter­ror fallen upon all his Enemies, considering now at last so many Wonders wrought in his behalf; and therefore crying one to an other now, as the Canaanites did of old con­cerning Israel, Let us fly from the Face of Malachias, for God fighteth for him. Tho too late indeed for that adulterous generation of Vipers, who by this time were all of them every one perish'd: without leaving either Heir or other memory behind them, save only that of their having continued the sacrilegious possession, violation, pollution, destruction of [Page 276] the Sanctuary of God well nigh 200 years.

And such indeed were the means, and such the degrees and order of them, by which the Almighty himself fitted, prepared, carried on, placed at last his beloved Malachias in that full power, which he had from the be­ginning design'd for him; undoubtedly of purpose to repair those lamentable ruins, re­form those horible corruptions, enlighten that universal darkness, and breath new life again into the whole Body of the Irish Church, that really for so many Ages before did seem, at least for the greater part of it, utterly dead.

But that which appears to me most admi­rable in this holy man is, that having within three years of his acceptation of the Metro­political charge of Ardmagh, and but a twelve month after his instalment in the See or the Cathedral it self, humbled, nay brought to nothing all the proud Usurpers, restored the Church, extinguish'd Barbarism, reform d every where throughout the Diocess all de­grees of People by Christian Disciplin: seeing now all in peace, and remembring his own former purpose, he ordain'd another, by name Gilla-Josa, alias Gelasius, in his own stead Bishop of Ardmagh; gave him possession, and notwithstanding the reluctance of others, without further delay retired to his former Spouse the poor subordinat Church of Con­ner. [Page 277] That because he now understood this Bi­shoprick of Conner had, but in later times, an other Bishoprick, I mean that of Down, united to it; and because himself upon his transla­tion to Ardmagh had ordained a Bishop in Conner: he would neither intrude upon him, nor yet suffer any longer that Union made by covetousness to continue; but restoring the ancient division, assum'd to himself, i. e. to his own peculiar charge, the poorer and least reform'd of the two the Bishoprick of Down. That here again calling to his assi­stance and erecting a new Convent of Regu­lars, he devoted himself among them to his former course of Life, in all poverty and hu­mility, and rigours of cenobial Discipline, assiduity of Prayer and raptures of Contem­plation, spending all the time he could spare from his Pastoral charge.

What follows next is to let you know, that he was not suffered long the enjoyment of himself in those ascetick exercises. That ere long there was an universal conflux of all sorts of people to him, even from the highest to the very lowest of the Land. That therefore now he finds it necessary, like the Husbandmen in the Gospel, to go forth and sow his seed: and now he disposes with all Authority of all kind of Church affairs: and no man questions him, by what power he did [Page 278] so: all being persuaded by the signs and pro­digies wrought by him every where, that as he had the power, so he had the Spirit of God to direct all his actions. That never­theless himself after some time thought it [...]itting to take a journey to Rome and consult the See Apostolick, as Paul did the Apostles at Hierusalem, after his three years preaching of Christ in Arabia. Besides he considered that the See of Ardmagh had never at any time had the Metropolitical Ornament, which they call Pallium; a word that in the Eccle­siastical use of it imports the plenitude of ho­nour, says Bernard; but not the plenitude of power, as they speak at Rome in this Age. Moreover, that his late Predecessor in the Metropolitan Church, I mean Celsus, had by his own authority erected another Metropo­litical See else where in Ireland, though with dependence and subjection still to the See of Ardmagh as the only Primatial or Patriarchi­cal See of the Kingdom. That to obtain from the See Apostolick of Rome, as well the honour of the Pall for each of those two Irish Metropolitan Sees, as the confirmation of what Celsus had done in erecting the later of them, was another chief motive of his undertaking such a Journey. That having pass'd through Scotland and England, rested a few days with St. Bernard at Claravallis in [Page 279] France, arriv'd at Rome, continued there for a month visiting the holy places, and confer­ring much from time to time with his Holi­ness, who was very inquisitive of all the concerns of Ireland, the nature of the peo­ple, &c. and especially what Wonders God had lately done by his Ministery there: he obtain'd indeed the confirmation of that new Metropolitical See erected by Celsus; but was put off the present grant of those Palls desired by him. That the Pope told him, that by reason Gillaspuic (or Gilbertus) being now grown old and infirm, had signified so much, and his desire to he cased of the Legatin care, it was necessary he should undertake it, and in that quality return back and hold a gene­ral Synod of the whole Nation. Which when he had done, and by general consent and fitting messengers desired the Pallia, they should be granted. And therefore told him also in plain terms, he could by no means yield to his first and most earnest petition of all, though by so many tears solicited by him, viz. that it might be lawful for him to retire pre­sently to Claravallis, and live and die there with Bernard. That with this answer he is now dismiss'd by the Pope, but as with all delegable power, so with all imaginable kind­ness and respect, kissing him and putting his own Mitre on his head, his own stole about [Page 280] his neck, and his own maniple on his arm: which Malachias ever after used in officiating at the Altar. That having return'd by Cla­ravallis, left there four of his own disciples to be educated in the Monastic Life by Saint Bernard: from thence proceeded on in his Journey, and in his way through Scotland, at the instance of the good King David, by praying over the young Prince Robert his Son and Heir, recovered him instantly from the jaws of death; for he was quite given over by the Physitians: landed soon after at his beloved Beannchuir in the North of Ireland: he put himself immediately on the work of a true Legat indeed. And this for many years, without any intermission, going about all the Provinces, holding frequent Synods, in all the quarters of the Land; restoring vigour to the old Canons of the Church: adding new ones that were of use: reforming all the corruptions, both new and old: preaching e­very where like an other Helias, or some Angel of Heaven come down on Earth. No Age, no Sex, no condition, no profession could abscond from his Beams, or hinder the operation of them. Whatever Decrees he made, whatever Canons he publish'd were pre­sently accepted, submitted unto, obey'd, as Oracles without any contradiction at all. Nor had any person, Man or Woman, Prince or [Page 281] Prelat, or Peasant, or Monarch, the daring heart to resist him in any thing: because they daily saw before their eyes the signs wrought by him. You may read cap. 5. 8. 9. of his Life, written by St. Bernard, a good many of them; though few in respect of those he passes over, as the same holy Author St. Ber­nard says. And among them you may find the expulsion of Devils, and healing all Dis­eases, and reviving the Dead to Life, and the striking also of some impious wicked Blas­phemers with an exemplary death to terrifie others. And all these miraculous works above Nature, done by the God of Nature, at the sole invocation of his Name by Malachias, without any other application, without any charm used by him, than that sometimes of lifting up his eyes to Heaven or a short Prayer, sometimes of a longer continued with fasting and weeping on God twenty four hours to­gether. Unless peradventure his laying his hand on a desperate man, brought to him bound in cords, by reason of a furious frenzy that possess'd him: or his touching with his finger the tongue of a Young Girl that was mute: or his blessing a Cup of Drink, and sending it to a Woman so long past her Rec­koning, that all her Neighbours wondred she was not dead: or his sprinkling of water, hallowed by himself, upon a wicked Noble­man [Page 282] that lay long Bedrid: or his invoking the name of God on three Apples, and send­ing them to a Lady in the last agonies of death: be reputed a Diabolical Charm.

And yet after all I am of Bernard's opinion, that the first and greatest Miracle wrought by Malachias was himself. From the first day of his conversion to the last of his Life, sine proprio vixit, he lived without property in any kind of thing. Even when he was Bishop he had neither man-servant nor maid-ser­vant, nor Town, nor Village, nor Land nor one farthing either of Ecclesiastical or Tem­poral Revenue, no not for allowance to his Episcopal Table. He had not so much as a House of his own. He almost incessantly went about the Parishes preaching the Gospel, and living on the Gospel as our Lord had shew'd him the Example: save only that for most part he preach'd it without putting his Auditory to the charge of entertaining him; but maintain'd himself, and his Religious Train, by the labour of his own hands and theirs. When he found it necessary to take a little rest, he took it in some of the holy places founded by himself in all Countreys of the Kingdom. (For it was he that was the great Restorer of the Monastick Life and Cloi­sters in Ireland: where, for so many Ages be­fore, i. e. ever since the Universal desolation [Page 283] by the Danes, the people generally, though they had heard of the name, yet they never saw any such thing as a Monk, till he begun. A diebus antiquis Monachi quidem nomen audierunt, mona­chum non viderunt: says Malachias himself. Vit. cap. xi. And wheresoever he rested, how shor tor how long soever his abode was, he conform'd to all their observances, their Habit, their Table, their Diet. Insomuch, that as to the exte­riour man, he could not be discovered from the meanest Brother of the House. Lastly, in his going about the Parishes or Countreys either to preach or to visit, he never made use of Horse, or Coach or Waggon, he went a foot constantly, as likewise did all his Train, though now both Bishop and Legat. And was not all this, trow you, to be a true Heir indeed, a true Successor to the Apostles? or was it not in Malachias, to be himself the first and last and greatest of his Miracles? O virum Apostolicum, quem tot & talia nobilitant signa Apostolatus sui! Quid ergo mirum, si mira operatus est sic mirabilis ipso! Imo verò non ipse, sed Deus in ipso. Alioquin tu es Deus (inquit) qui facis mirabilia, says Bernard, exclaiming here with admiration of this wonderful man. However, this Life he led for about a dozen years, perpetually going about all the Pro­vinces, reforming all the abuses, doing good to all mortals, and working those other pro­digious [Page 284] signs every where that I have touch'd upon before.

At last understanding that Innocent II. was dead: and after him within sixteen months more Celestin II. and Luoius the second too: and that Eugenius III. a Disciple of Saint Bernards, being chosen to succeed them, was come so near as France: he calls a National Synod, holds it, dispatches in the three first days of it what was thought expedient as to Reformation: on the fourth proposes that of sending to the See Apostolick for the Archie­piscopal Ensigns called Pallia: offers himself to be the Solicitor of it in person: and tho with great difficulty to part with him at all for any time, yet obtains their consent, the rather that the Pope was so near. And now he takes his Journey again through Scotland: where being receiv▪d with all veneration by King David, he founds the last of his Mona­steries, at a place call'd (stagnum viride) the Green Lake; haviug to that purpose brought with him out of Ireland a sufficient number of Cistercian Monks. And then he goes forward the second time to Claravallis in France; taking that in his way to Rome, whi­ther the Pope before his arrival on that side of the Sea was returned. And finally now, and from hence, i. e. from Claravallis, but after a few days of sickness, and by a death [Page 285] answerable in all respects to his life, he is call'd to glory on that very day which himself had both desired and foretold, the day of the Commemoration of all faithful souls depart­ed; which, as I have noted before, was in the Year of Christ 1148.

More particulars, either of his life, or death, or miracles, whoever desires may find them at large in the funeral Sermon preach'd, and Life also most exactly and divinely written of him even by St. Bernard himself. Who, be­sides many other Abbots, and the whole Ci­stercian Convent of Claravallis, was present with him at his death; as they all ministred to him all along in his sickness. And it is even this very Bernard, that with his own Eyes beheld the great Miracle which he tells wrought on a Paralitick by touching the hand of Malachias, while after his death he was yet expos'd in publick before Burial.

But it is not for the sake of this or any other Miracle wrought by him, that I have dilated so much upon him; but to shew the state of the Church of Ireland in those days out of so good an Author as St. Bernard is. For in that Life of Malachias written by him (besides many other points relating directly to the most healthful use of Confession, salu­berrimum usum confessionis are Bernards own words, and the Sacrament of extream Uncti­on, [Page 286] and the real presence of Christ in the con­secrated Host, and Prayers for the Dead: all which I pass over as not to the purpose of this Historical Discourse:) it is very observable, That so blessed a Man as Ceallach was, even by the character of a Saint (Sanctus Celsus) given him by Colganus, and so learned withal, as Sir James Ware represents him to have been, did without consulting the See Aposto­lick of Rome, and did I say by his own au­thority alone as Primat of Ardmagh, erect a­nother Metropolitical See in Ireland. That, not even at any time from the beginning, the Irish Church, or Metropolitans thereof, until this time of Malachias either had, or (for ought we know) ever desired the Pallium; but without it exercis'd all plenitude of Ar­chiepiscopal and Primatial jurisdiction all over Ireland. Besides we may plainly see by whose solicitation at first the Court of Rome was moved in the concern of Palls of Ireland. And that Cardinal John Papiron's bringing them to Ireland, about four years after the death of Malachias, was undoubtedly an effect of those two Journeys made by him out of Ireland to obtain them. Albeit we know not certainly whether it was Malachias that de­sired so many as were brought by Papiron. Or whether, after his death others did sug­gest for the reasonableness and expediency [Page 287] of so many, that in Ireland were chiefly four Parti [...]ions, Governments or Provincial King­doms, of very different natures, manners, in­terests, Feuds, and Kings too, that would not yield any of them to the other willingly: and by consequence would not be govern'd, not even in Ecclesiastical affairs, but by some of their own, without dependance on any other, except only the Prelat of that See which from the beginning of Christianity had prescribed some right over them all.

But enough on this Subject relating to Malachias, the former of those two extraor­dinary Saints rais'd by God in the decrepit Age of the Irish Monarchy.

The later of them was a Leinster man of Noble Descent: his Irish name and sirname Laurace O Tuathil (in English, Laurence Tool:) his Father Muirchiortach O Tuathil, Lord of Imaile and peradventure some other small adjoyning Tracts in the County of Wick­loe: his Mother, Inghin J. Bhrian, i. e. one of O Brian's Daughters: and he the youngest of all their Children. But for the name of Laurence (a name so unusual in that Countrey then) 'twas given him on this oc­casion. Being born, his Father sent him to be Christened at Kildare by Donachadh Lord of that Countrey, of purpose to let him know by this Gossipred he was reconciled to him: [Page 288] for before they had been at some distance: and therefore those that carried the Child were commanded by the Father to Christen him Conchabhar; this being that Nobleman's sur­name who was to be Godfather. But a per­son, reputed in that Countrey then, such an other as Merlin had been of old among the Brittans, meeting them in the High-way, charg'd them to call him Laurence: assuring them he would himself that night excuse them to their Lord; and then adding pro­phetically in Irish Verse; This Child shall be great on Earth and glorious in Heaven: he shall command over great multitudes both of rich and poor, and Laurence shall be his name. When he was but ten years old, his Father delivered him an Hostage to Diarmuid the King of Lein­ster. In which condition, notwithstanding the innocency of his Age he suffer'd incre­dible miseries, even to extream want of Rai­ment and Food, in a desert place among barbarous people, where he had been for two years confined. At the expiration of which, being return'd back in exchange of other Prisoners, though not delivered to the Father himself, but to the Bishop of Gleann-da-Logh: and his Father coming on the twelfth day, not only to see him, but to desire the Bishop to learn of God by Lot which of his children he should dedicate to an Ecclesiastick Life; [Page 289] and he taking this opportunity and telling his Father, That with his leave he himself would be that Child: the Father surpriz'd with joy, takes him presently by the right hand; and offers him up perpetually to God in that holy place dedicated to St. Keuin, both Cathedral Church and Abbey, the one go­vern'd by a Bishop, the other by an Abbot. Where Laurence proves in a little time so singular a proficient in all Virtue, that the Abbot dying, the unanimous consent both of the Monks and Nobles of the Countrey Vo­ted him Abbot, and forc'd him to accept of it in the 25th year of his Age.

And now it begun to appear more emi­nently what spirit he was of. For the more he was honour'd, the more he abased him­self, the stricter guard he kept on all his senses, and the more intent he was upon his holy ascetick Exercises. Above all, that Vir­tue which is the bond of perfection; that Vir­tue which shall never be evacuated, but after Faith and Hope are ended shall remain; that Virtue which, by relieving the afflictions of other mortals, makes the Reliever a God to them, as Pliny speaks in his Panegyrick to Trajan; Charity, I mean, did at this time shew what power she had over the Soul of Laurence. He was no sooner made Abbot, than a general Famine oppressing all that [Page 290] Countrey four years continually, he no less continually employ'd himself in relieving all that were in want, especially the poorer sort, with corn and cattel, and all the Revenues of his Abbey: Revenues that were very great; yea far surpassing those of the Bishop­rick. Nor must we admire they should be so. It was one of the most famous ancient Mona­steries of the Kingdom, founded at first by St. Keuin (as we call him, but the Irish Ceaghin, the Latins Coenginus) a person though illu­strious for his Royal extraction, yet much more celebrated as well for the admirable austerity of his Life, as for his manifold pro­digious Miracles; which made him after his death be assumed Patron both of the Town, Abbey, Cathedral Church and whole Diocess of Gleann-da-Loch, where he lived and died. Besides none but Noblemen's children were elected Abbots: and the Noblemen them­selves of the whole Diocess had by ancient custom their Voices in the election of them as well as the Monks. However the large Revenues of the Abbey as they came short of the necessities of the poor in that long and general Famine: so they did of the charity of Laurence; as may be well concluded out of what follows hereafter.

Much about the time this Famine had ended; the Bishop of Gleann-da-Loch dying, [Page 291] he was chosen to succeed. But notwithstand­ing all the importunity of the Electors, he declined it, though pretending only his un-Canonical Age. Yet so he could not soon after the Archbishoprick of Dublin. For Gregory the First Archbishop of this See being dead, Laurence by the unanimous consent of the Clergy and People of Dub­lin, says Waraeus, was elected Commentar. de Praesul. Hiber. Archbishop: and, being at last by continual importuni­ties drawn to yield, was consecrated at Dub­lin by Gelasius Primat of Ardmagh and other Bishops, Anno 1162. just fourteen years after the death of Malachias in France. What more Waraeus thought fit to record of him is, That presently after consecration he changed the secular Canons of his Cathedral Church into Regular of the Order of Aroasia, whose habit and rule of Life himself also took upon him now. That about eleven years after he built the Choire and Steeple with an other addi­tion of three new Chappels to Trinity Church in that City. That in the Year 1179. he went to the General Council held then at Rome under Alexander III. That according to the Author of his Life, he was there made Legat of Ireland by that Pope: soon after return'd back, and exercis'd his Legatin Au­thority in Ireland. That Ge­rald L. 2. expugn. Hib. c. 23. Barry, commonly call'd [Page 292] Cambrensis, seems to intimate, he never had been permitted to return to Ireland; (sed ob privilegia aliqua zelo suae Gentis impetrata) but for some priviledges obtain'd from the Pope in that Council for his Countrey, pre­judicial to the Royal power of Henry II. was detained a long time partly in England, partly in France; until at last falling sick in his Jour­ney, he died at Auge in Normandy the 14th of Novemb. 1180. or as others have it 1181. Finally, that in the Year 1225. he was ca­nonized by Pope Honorius III. and his Re­licks translated to Trinity Church in Dublin. Which being the brief account given by Wa­raeus of this great Servant of God; he leaves us for the rest, that is, for the Virtues and Wonders of his Life to the Author of it, pub­lished by Surius.

Out of this nameless Author chiefly, though for some part also out of the Bull of his ca­nonization, I have selected these few particu­lars following, that give us a Scheme of the remainder of his Life after he was made Bi­shop. In which remainder, I must confess I know not what to admire least. I am sure there is enough that shew 1 Cor. 9. 26. him to have run his Race not as uncertainly; to have fought not as one that beateth the air; but like an other Paul, to have chastised his Body, and brought it [Page 293] to subjection, lest preaching to others he should himself be a Reprobat. E­nough that evince him to Gal. ver. 24. have crucified his flesh with all its vices and all its concupiscences. Enough that prove him to have truly imi­tated the good Shepherd of Joan. X. 1 [...]. the Gospel, by employing all his care, and Power, and Wealth, and Zeal, and Life also, to the very last, for preservation of the Sheep committed to his keeping. In a word, enough that demonstrate him to have been a familiar of Heaven while he was yet on Earth, and a most stupendious Saint of God both in his life and death, and after his death.

He was no sooner outwardly clad at his consecration with the glory of an Archbi­shops Vesture and the Pontifical habiliments, then he covered himself inwardly next his skin with the severity of a rough cilicium (a course Haircloth) reaching down from his neck to his heels, every-where sowed close to his Limbs, and never put off, never wash­ed, never chang [...]d, never open'd while the pieces of it could hold together; only one certain piece that was turn'd aside thrice a day while he received on his bare flesh the smarting strokes of a knotty disciplin. For so many times at least in twenty four hours, [Page 294] he was constantly disciplin'd (as they call it) by the hands of a familiar Friend, whom he trusted, after he had first enjoin'd him to se­crecy all his life.

He as soon begun his abstinence from all sorts of flesh throughout the whole Year; which he continued evermore to his death. On Fridays, when he ate, he ate only bread and water: for very often he took neither: and when he did, he commonly temper'd his bread with lye and ashes. In the forty days of Lent he tasted nothing at all but thrice a week the same hard fare of bread and water, and now and then a few Herbs. And all that Quadragesimal season, at the return of it every year, he retired into a most horrid, though holy, Wilderness, Saint Kevin's Rock three miles from Gleann-da loch. A Rock environ'd on every side with dark Woods, besides a deep Lake of one side, enclosing its perpendicular precipice of sixty Cubits high, whence there is not so much as any looking down without horror; and on the other side an other precipice too, though but of thirty Cubits in heighth, and by a Ladder ascendable. Within it is a little Plain, Ver­dure, Trees, and a Spring. In that side of it, which hangs over the Lake; there is a hollow made by St. Keuin's own hands (for so the Tradition of that Countrey says) that [Page 295] serv'd him both for an Oratory to pray in, and repository when he would sleep. How­ever in this hollow and on this Rock did Laurence all alone yearly spend those 40 days and 40 nights of Lent in spiritual Exercises conversing only with God: seeing no crea­ture but only thrice a weck; and then only his own Nephew Thomas Abbot of Gleann­da-loch, who alone brought him a meals meat of bread each time he came; for the Rock of it self afforded water, as we have seen al­ready. By this Nephew also he both re­ceiv'd the complaints or whatever affairs of the Diocess that needed his determination. And by him he answer'd all, unless the mat­ter was so extraordinary that it requir'd his own presence out of hand: for then he ap­pear'd; yet withall retiring presently when he had done, and so continuing his former station and exercises till Easter.

As for the rest of the Year when he had any vacation from the publick charge of his own Diocess, or others under him as Metropolitan, he lived with his Chanons in the same CloisterAlbertus Myrae­us in his Fasti Belg. & Eurgund. says this [...]l [...]ister was call [...]d the Mo­nastery of St. Pa­trick. built by himself, and annex'd to his Cathedral Church: ate as they did, and in the same Refectory and time with them: kept silence in the [Page 296] same places and hours they did: went to the same Choire with them at midnight, and sung Mattins as they did there; With this only difference, that after all was over, and the Canons return'd to repose in their Cham­bers, he singing to himself the whole Psalter of David, always continued alone in the Church at his private Devotions till break of day: sometime standing, sometime kneeling; but in either posture before the holy Rood, and not seldom breaking out into Raptures and Divine Colloquies with him that was crucifi­ed upon it, our Lord and Saviour Christ. For so it was observed very often by some of the Canons, that unknown to him remained like­wise in private prayer for some time after the Community was gone. But so soon as it was clear day, he went constantly forth to the Church-yard; where walking a good while▪ he sung to God the commendation of all faithful Souls departed.

And such indeed were the divine Exer­cises of Laurence, 1st, in his Anachoretical Solitude in the Rock of St. Keuin. 2dly, in his ordinary retirement to his own Aroasian Cloister of Dublin: in both as a private man, but familiar of God, cultivating his own Soul, and soaring to Heaven with many wings like a Cherub; especially those of prayer and con­templation, that seem'd to suspend him al­ready far above all sublunary things.

But as a Bishop, the Virtues peculiarly be­longing to the discharge of his Pastoral Duty could not be so easily conceal'd. They were a great many of them too illustrious and con­spicuous to the eyes of all men. As a Bishop he observ'd in a very excellent manner the Rule of the Apostle both to rich and poor. And first towards the Rich. For though he continued still so abstemious himself, though perpetually so severe a punisher of his own body with fasting and other mortifications too; yet as he was notwithstanding of a most comely personage and noble presence, so his reception of all persons of Quality and Gentle­men that came to his Episcopal Table was answerably graceful, liberal, splendid in all respects according to their degrees: variety of the best dishes, and choice withal of the most delicate Wines. Besides he sat down himself sometimes to entertain them; though feeding but very little, and that on some grosser Dish; or rather indeed commonly seeming only to feed, that nothing singular might appear in him. Which was the reason too, that although in very deed his drink at these entertainments was no other in sub­stance than water; yet his Cupbearer had or­ders to dash it lightly with red, that he might seem to drink Wine. Secondly towards the poor. He never missed a day without seeing [Page 298] now Threescore, now Forty, and never less than Thirty of them fed in his own pre­sence; Besides far greater numbers of them maintain'd out of his Revenue constantly for a long time, as we shall presently see.

As a Bishop he preach'd Repentance conti­nually to the people of that opulent City, who were prodigiously immers'd in drunken­ness, lust, contentions, rapin, blood-shed, and all kind of wickedness. Yea, and as a Prophet too he cea [...]d not with Tears to warn 'em of their general destruction at hand, if they did not speedily appease Heaven with unseign [...]d Repentance. As a Bishop, when this general calamity like the breaking in of the Sea came upon them suddenly in one day, in one hour; when the City was taken and sack'd and burn'd by Diarmuid na Ngall their incens'd King and his foreign Auxiliaries; when their str [...]ts were all covered with the bodies of the slaughter'd Citizens, and the Gutters ran with blood; when the very Clergy were plunder'd and Churches ri [...]led of all that was precious in them: as a good Bishop, I say, it was that Laurence at this time, first beholding with floods of Tears like an other Jeremy the slaughter of his people before his eyes; then taking courage like the good Pastor in the Gospel, thrnst himself upon the bloody swords of the Conquerors, hold­ing [Page 299] their Arms, praying their mercy, entreat­ing them for some, snatching others from their fury to Christian burial who had their Souls yet panting in their Bodies: and when no more could be done by him in any other kind, giving himself wholly now to that ge­nerous imitation of Tobias.

As a Bishop it was that although with great hazard still unto himself, yet he used that Episcopal freedom with the King and his insulting Commanders, that the Clergy were at last permitted their own Habitati­ons, and the Churches restor'd their Books and Ornaments. As a Bishop, he employ'd in the next place all his compassion and all his Revenue (I mean what was left thereof unseized by the Military men, or undestroy'd by fire) yea and all whatever he could pro­cure from others to relieve the few Survivors of the slaughter'd Citizens. His very Bowels did yearn over them; especially those whom he had so lately seen to flourish in all kind of Earthly happiness; and now saw without House to lie in, without Cloaths to cover their nakedness, without meat or drink to preserve life, without other comfort than that of miserable Captives under a most deadly Foe.

As a Bishop, when an other general Famin had in his days lien heavy on all the Land, [Page 300] he not only gave daily sustenance for three whole years to five hundred persons, reduced before to the worst of conditions, plain star­ving; but in several parts of his Diocess provided meat, and drink and cloaths, and all other necessaries for three hundred more. And in the same cruel season of scarcity it was that, Mothers reduced to extream want, laying their chrisom Babes in the night at his door, and in the day also where ever they saw he was to pass, he took care of them all, providing Nurses from them; and, though two hundred in number at one time, sent them to his own Stewards and Baylis [...]s to be kept on his own Land; and, when they were come to years of discretion and some abilities of Body, recommended them about all the Province with the badg of a wooden Cross in their hands.

As a Bishop, and a Legat too says the Au­thor of his Life, he conniv'd at no disorder in the Clergy, no vice, no sin, and least of all at the scandalous one of Incontinency whether in Priest, Deacon, or sub-Deacon. Which fleshly Vice he did so much abominate, especially in them, and found it so necessary to be proceeded against with vigour: that even so great a number as a hundred and forty Priests convict thereof he sent together at one time for Penance and Absolution to Rome; though [Page 301] he might otherwise have given them both at home by his own Authority.

As a Bishop, yea as a Father of his Coun­trey in general, he spent the little remainder as well of his Revenue as of his health and Life in crossing the Seas now again from Ire­land to England, from England to France, in both Countreys, following and solliciting peace from Henry II. to ease the common ca­lamities of his Nation at this time.

And now the dissolution of his earthly Ta­bernacle being at hand, how hecoming a most Christian Bishop, and a most holy Apo­stolical Legat indeed, not only his very last ex­emplary Ecclesiastical preparation for it, but his very last answer to the Abbot of Auge on that occasion was? For in his way through France to Normandy, having fallen sick of a Feaver at Ab­bevil Cambreu­sis. Vit. apud Sur.: gone forward ne­vertheless to Auge on the borders of Normandy: when at a distance he saw the Church of our Lady there, prophe­tically foretold his own departure in that place: then enter'd that Church: pray'd in it a little while: thence gone to his Lodging and Bed: sent for Osbert the religious Abbot of that Monastery: confess'd his sins to him, and receiv'd the holy Viaticum from him: then for prosecuting his business to Henry II. [Page 302] dispatch'd his Chaplain David, together with his own Nephew, to that King: on their return the fourth day with the joyful news of their success (i. e. of the Peace granted by the same Henry II. to Roderick the Irish King) seem'd transported with it for the sake of his Countrey, how low soever he knew himself brought by his sickness: upon the third day following desired of the said Abbot and his whole Monastery to be as a Member incorporated among them: and this accordingly done, then presently desired further and (pursuant to his desire) in all their pre­sence receiv'd the last Sacrament, which they call Extreme Ʋnction: having I say pass'd through all these steps, and very last Ecclesia­stical preparatories for death: when the good Abbot Osbertus, considering him an Archbi­shop, had according to custom, minded him of making his last Will and Testament: his Answer was in th [...]se few words [Novit Do­minus mihi ne nummum quidem sub sole relictum esse] The Lord knows that I have not a penny left me under the Sun.

Besides, how like the great Bishop of our Souls weeping over Hierusalem, this Bishop of Ireland remembring and lamenting (once more for all) the condition of his own Coun­trey, brake forth into these Expressions in his own mother Language? Ah foolish and sot­tish [Page 303] People! what will you do now? who will bring you back from your strayings? who will apply Balm to your wounds? who will cure you, or take care of you at all? And this Lamenta­tion which Nature express'd from him, ended, how then at last like an other Austin, he be­haved himself in the last moments of his Life. For then converting himself wholly and for himself only to God, he ceas'd not with tears, and sighs, and sobs too, repeating conti­nually while he could open his lips, that Verse of the Psalmist, Have mercy on me O God, have mercy on me, because my soul confideth in thee: until about midnight on the 13th of Novem­ber, Anno 1181. he breath'd out his last to his Redeemer.

Now that such a life, and such a death of a man so virtuous all along from his very Youth, whether he be considered either as a Clerk, or Monk, or Abbot of Gleann-da-Loch, or as Archbishop of Dublin, and Chanon of the Aroasian Institute, or as Legat of Ireland, or as a prosperous or afflicted man, should be attested as pleasing to God by prodigious Mi­racles both in his life and after his death, seems nothing strange to me. The Author of his Life recounts a good many of them wrought in the time of his Life. And the Bull of his canonization (dated at Reate III. Ides Decemb. by Honorius III. Ninth year of [Page 304] his Pontificat, which was of Christ 1225.) gives a brief sum of all (that had been wrought either in his Life or after his death) by telling us, That besides the Dumb, and Lame, and Lepers, and many others afflicted with sundry other maladies, cur'd of all their evils at the sole invocation of God by him, or in his name, and at his Tomb by others: he was, by the power of God, the wonderful raiser e'en from death to life of seven persons in particular, and among 'em of one who had been full three days dead. Nor can I well deny that this Bull ought to have by much the more credit with many who are not in other matters over-credulous, and ought so to have for these reasons: 1. Because it was pro­cured and the whole ceremony and process of this canonization sollicited, not only by the Letters of the Archbishop and Chapter of Roan, and of the Abbot and Convent of the foresaid Auge, where the body then rested within the Diocess of Roan, but by those also of many other Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots and religious men: all attesting the sanctity of his Life and glory of Miracles continually wrought after his death at his Tomb. 2. Be­cause the Inquisition was made partly in France by the Archbishop, Dean and Trea­surer of Roan, and for the rest in Ireland by the Bishop of Kildare and Prior of Trinity [Page 305] Church in Dublin. 3. Because within 45 years after his death all was finish'd, and this very Bull issued, and his Festivity with an Octave kept in the most solemn manner could be, both at Auge in France, and at Dublin and elsewhere in Ireland, while the people were yet alive, nay by a world of those very people of all degrees that knew and conversed with him familiarly, and yet invoked him now most devoutly and religiously as Coheir of Christ in glory, and their tutelary Patron un­der Christ with God the Father.

The fifth and last Point is, That notwith­standing all the sanctity and merits either of those two extraordinary Wonder-working Saints of God, Malachy and Laurence, or of any other holy men whatsoever, that in se­cret mourned for the iniquities of their People; that cried to God incessantly to spare them; and that in the Language of Ezechiel interpos'd them­selves Ezech. XXII. 30. a hedg between the wrath of Heaven and their Land, by fasting and praying, and afflicting their own Bodies for the sins of others, yet all would not do. It was now come to that pass with the People of Ireland in general, which had been with the People of Judaea, when God spake to Hie­remy the Prophet, (c. XV. v. 1.) first as­suring him, that although Samuel and Moses [Page 306] stood before his face to intercede for them, yet he would not listen to their prayer; because his soul was against that People: and then command­ing him to pronounce ejection from before his face, ex [...]crmination and flitting out of their Land against them. It was come to that very pass with the Irish now, in which it had been again with the same stubborn stiffnecked Israe­lites, when he declar'd to the Prophet Eze­chiel and sware unto him even by his own Life, That if those very three (most perfect servants of his in their generation) Moses, Daniel and Job lived among them: yet by their righteousness they should only save them­selves; not any other, no not so much as ei­ther Son or Daughter. For such indeed was the deplorable case of the ancient Milesians of Ireland at this time, the very last period of their Monarchy. And such it was notwith­standing so many just men, as in particular the Bishops Malchus, and Gilbertus, and Celsus, and Christianus and Gelasius, and Malachi and Laurence, that lived among them and inter­ceded for them continually to God. Yea, such it was notwithstanding all the Refor­mation so lately wrought by any of these holy men, among either Ecclesiasticks or Laics any where in the Nation, and all the Councils held, and all the Monasteries built, and Schools erected, and Churches endowed, and what­ever [Page 307] else at this time was practis'd to restore both civility and piety to some degree of the ancient Lustre. Nothing at all could any longer slow the execution of the final doom pronounced by the Watcher and holy one of Heaven against the lofty proud Milesian Tree. Nor must we wonder at it, if we reflect upon what is discours'd at large in the former Se­ction. The Kings, and Princes, and Nobles, and Men at Arms of Ireland, either all this while were not at all themselves reformed: or certainly, and that most frequently too, were again relapsed into their old accursed Feuds, their concussions, violences, rapin, op­pression, revenge, their spilling of one ano­thers blood to death: and this even all along, from time to time, until the Executioners of their final Sentence came to part them, and make them for ever slaves on every side to a forein People.

What other sins of the Irish Nation might (according to the judgment of man) have incensed God, after so long forbearance, to pour upon 'em so dreadful a judgment, I cannot say. And the reason is, because I find no specification of any other in those Hi­stories of theirs which I have read. Yet, I will not pass over in silence, what I find to this purpose in Girald of Wales (I mean Cambrensis.) This Author says, that upon [Page 308] the taking of Dublin, and harrasing of Meath by Diarmuid na-Ngall King of Leinster and his forein Auxiliaries: the Clergy of Ireland as­sembled in a National Synod at Ardmach, having debated the causes of this Invasion: and after full debate, resolved first in general, that the sins of their Nation had brought this calamity on them: Secondly, in particu­lar, That their evil custom of buying Christian English Youths, as well from Merchants as Pirats, and making them slaves for ever, had been a special Cause of it: Thirdly, That God was just in subjecting their People to the same condition of slavery under that very Nation which they had so unchristianly used: it was therefore in the last place unanimously decreed, That immediately all English slaves wheresoever throughout the whole Kingdom should be manumised, and set at full Liber­ty. So says Cambrensis, in his First Book de Expug. Hibern. c. 28. Where he further says, That the People of England, i. e. the Saxons, while their Kingdom flourish'd before the Norman Conquest, had this vitious custom among them generally, That rather than suf­fer any the least want, they set their children to publick sale, and sent both children and Cousins too over Seas to be sold in Ireland. And then he gives his own judgment on the whole, concluding, It may be probably be­lieved, [Page 309] That as God in his Justice had al­ready punish'd with servitude under a forein Yoak the Saxon Sellers, so the Irish Buyers were justly fallen at this time into the like severity of Gods avenging wrath.

But whether also that horrible violation of the Sanctuary of God for fifteen Genera­tions: and the most hideous corruption of Manners flowing thence, and overflowing well nigh the whole Kingdom: whereof we have seen before so much out of St. Bernard, might not be another special and peradven­ture more exasp [...]rating cause? Or whether the exemplary punishment fallen so suddenly under Malachias upon the whole Race of those nesarious men, that for so long were the chief Authors of that sacriledg and corruption, did, or did not satisfie the Justice of God as to that matter? And whether the Refor­mation wrought by Malachias in his own days, continued any while after his death? Nay whether so great a number of incontinent Priests, within so little a time of his death, and under the superintendency of so blessed a man as St. Laurence was, might not argue a third or fourth special motive? Or whether at least, it might not evince a very just ground to suspect e'en a very great Apostacy among the Clergy themselves in some places, and by consequence a much greater a-mong thepeople in the same places, from that holy Reform of them by [Page 310] Malachias? I must confess, I know not what to answer these Queres; as being for one part of them enveloped in the darkness of God's secret determinations: and for the rest, or matter of Fact, observable by man, past over without any mention of it in History. Only this I can with much probability aver, That they are much out, who, grounding themselves on that number of Priests convict of Inconti­nency by St. Laurence, would thence conclude, this of Incontinency to have been a general Vice infecting the Irish Clergy and People of Ireland at this time, and consequently one of the special causes that brought the heaviest of their judgments, The English Conquest, upon them. 1. Gratianus Lucius (p. 319.) tells us, ‘That Albinus O Moliny, Abbot first of Bal­tinglass, then Bishop of Ferns (under Hen­ry II. when Laurence was Archbishop of Dublin, and those Priests convict) in a Mid­lent Sermon of his, treating at large of the continency of Clerks, and inveighing bit­terly as to that point, against the wicked Example given by those Welsh and English Ecclesiasticks come to Ireland with Fitz-Steven, Strongbow, &c. declared in very ample manner how extraordinary pure the Cha­stity of the Irish Clergy had been before they mix'd with those Foreiners, and were cor­rupted by their Example.’ 2. Cambrensis [Page 311] himself, how unfavourable soever he be in other matters to that Nation, is (in his To­pography, dist. 3. c. xxvii.) a witness beyond exception, as of other great Virtues, so in particular of the Chastity of their Ecclesia­sticks. Est autem terrae istius Clerus satis Reli­gione commendabilis: & inter varias quibus pol­let virtutes, castitatis praerogativa praeeminet at­que praecellit. The Clergy of that Land, says he, as to Religion are commendable enough: and a­mong their many Virtues, Chastity has in an ex­cellent degree the prerogative of all. And then he goes on telling their assiduity in reading and praying, and singing Psalms, and keep­ing within the precincts of their Churches and Abbeys, and never tasting any thing all day until they had ended Completorium, or Complin, as they call it, the very last of the canonical Hours, in the dusk of the Evening. 'Tis true, he censures their indulging them­selves at night more freely both in meat and drink. But it is withal no less true, That therefore he wonders at their Chastity: hold­ing it for a Miracle that Wine and Venus should not meet.

And yet after all, I know not what to think of his charging them so grievously in these two particulars. 1. That (inter tot millia vix unum invenies, &c.) among so many Thousands, scarce one might be found that [Page 312] notwithstanding their continual instance in praying and fasting all day, did not at night enormously exceed in Wine and other drinks. 2d. That albeit their Bishops, as having been generally assumed out of Monasteries, per­form'd most diligently all the duties of Re­ligious Monks: for according to the ancient custom they even after their assumption to the Episcopal Order, continued still their a­bode within the precincts of their Abbeys, wholly given to Prayer and contemplation: yet withal they no less wholly neglected preaching to their people, or inveighing a­gainst their wickedness, or using the severity of Episcopal disciplin to extirpate their Vices, and plant those Virtues in their stead which became Christian Professors. And indeed, if Cambrensis, as he is often in other matters of Ireland, be not extreamly out, or extreamly byassed, in these particulars, especially the second of them: we may peradventure justly conceive, that here is an other special cause of that very heaviest of Gods judgments im­pending at this time over the Irish Nation.

But whatever may be thought to have ei­ther been or not been any of the special cau­ses: and although, as I ought so I do acknow­ledg, that not even my own supposition all along hitherto, viz. of their mortal Feuds and bloodshed among themselves to have been their [Page 313] greatest, most special and most peculiar provocation of Heaven, must be obtruded on the Reader as a certainty; but only represented to him as the most probable and pious conjecture that may be grounded as well on the Prophe­tical predictions of the Irish Saints, as upon the nature and merit of things in themselves, taken as they are recorded so fully and parti­cularly in Doctor Ketings History: yet I may confidently affirm, they were in general very great and very grievous and enormous sins, without question, either of the Clergy, or People, or their Bishops, or of their Kings, Princes, Nobles and other men of War, or of all together, that brought so heavy, so ever­lasting a judgment on that Nation as to their Being in this World. For although parti­cular persons have been sometimes grievously afflicted only for the trial of their Virtue; as Job and Tobias: sometimes only for the ma­nifestation of the Power and Works of God, without any demerit of theirs, or their Pa­rents either; as the Blind Man in the Gospel: never has a whole Nation or Kingdom been destroy'd but for the enormity of their sins. Whereof whoever pleases may see proofs at large in Fitz-Herberts Policy and Religion, Part 1. chap. 21. 22. 23, &c. yea Jesus, the son of Syrach, for he may be more easily consulted in every Bible at hand, may give to a sober [Page 314] man assurance enough, where he says, First (cap. 10. 8.) that the Kingdom is translated from Nation to Nation, because of unjust deal­ings, injuries, calumnies, and various deceits. Secondly, (c. 40. 10.) that death and blood­shed, strife, and the sword, oppression, famine, contrition and scourges, were all of them created for the wicked, and for them the deluge was made. Nay, if we consult the Books of Kings, read the Prophets, run over the Books of Josuah, Judges, Deuteronomy, Chronicles, and the rest of the old Testament, examine all the Histories of Christendom: we shall not find any whole Kingdom or Nation destroy'd but for grievous and horrible sins either of the Rulers, or People, or Priests, or all together. Yea, we shall commonly find the very qua­lity and species of those transgressions men­tioned that brought the vengeance on them. However, and notwithstanding that further yet we know, that bloodshed is one of those four sins that cry to Heaven Gen. X. 11. for vengeance: the Voice of thy brothers blood cries to me from the earth, said God himself to Cain: and that the very second of the Gen. IX. 6. Laws he gave to Noe was, that whosoever did shed the blood of man, his also should be shed: after all, I dare not affirm positively that either [Page 315] those very Feuds of the Irish, how unparal­lel'd soever in blood, or those other transgres­sions in specie, be they what you please, were the sins that moved God to pronounce this final doom against them; but only in gene­ral, That their great sins compell'd him to it. And how should I indeed? For, who was the Counsellor Esay XL. 13. Rom. XI. 39. of God? or who knows any thing of the secrets of his Providence, except only those to whom him­self was pleased to reveal them.

Nevertheless I dare acquaint the Reader, that although I give but little credit general­ly, and sometimes none at all, to the Rela­tions of Cambrensis, where he seems rather to vent his passion and write a Satyr against that People, than regard either Modesty or Truth; yet I will not call in question what he relates (l. 2. de Expug. Hib. c. 33.) of the Prophetical predictions, made so many Ages before, by the four Prophetical Saints of that Nation, Moling, Brachan, Patrick and Co­lumb-Cille, and written by themselves (says he) in their own Irish Books extant yet in Ireland, concerning the final Fate of their Countrey­men the old Milesian Race. viz. ‘That the people of Great Brittain shall not only invade them, but for many Ages continue a sharp, cruel, and yet doubtful War upon [Page 316] them at home in Ireland: sometimes the one, and sometimes the other side prevailing. That although those Invaders shall be often disturb'd, worsted, weakned, especially (and according to the prophecy of Brachan) by a certain King that shall come from the desert Mountains of Patrick, and on a Sun­day-night seize a Castle in the Woody parts of Ibh Faohlain, and besides force them al­most all away out of Ireland: yet they shall continually maintain the Eastern Sea-Coast in their possession. That, in fine, it will be no sooner than a little before the day of judgment, and then it will be, when they shall be throughly and universally victorious over all Ireland; erect Castles every where among the Irish; and reduce the whole Island from Sea to Sea under the English Yoak.’

And verily those Prophetical predictions, five hundred years since delivered us by Cam­brensis as he received 'em from the Irish themselves, are the more observable, That by consulting the History of after-Ages from Henry II. of England to the last of Queen Eli­zabeth, and first of King James, we may see them to a tittle accomplish'd. Unless perad­venture some will unreasonably boggle at the circumstance of time express'd in these words (Paulò ante diem Judicii) a little before the [Page 317] day of Judgment. Which yet no man has rea­son to do. Because we know not how near this great day, which shall end the World, may be to us at this very present. As for that King foretold as coming from the de­s [...]rt Mountains of Patric: there may be occa­sion and place enough to speak of him again, that is, hereafter, in the Second Part of this Treatise.

But whether from this Irish Prophesie, ei­ther had, as for the substance, not the exact words of it from Cambrensis, for he pretends not to give to us the exact words: or had perhaps, at least for some part of it, from the Irish themselves resorting to Rome in those days: the famous Italian Prophet of Calabria, Joachimus Abbot of Flore, did foretell in his time the utter destruction, and eternal desolation that Joachimus Ab. post Tract. super cap. X. Isaiae. Part 1. de Oneri­bus sexti Temporis. was to come upon the Irish Nation, I cannot say. This I know 1. That in all his predictions, all along in his several Commentaries on Jeremy, Esay, the Apocalyps, &c. he pretends to divine Reve­lation. 2. That he lived several years after the Writings of Cambrensis on Ireland had been publick. For Cambrensis dedicated one part of them to Henry II. himself, who died in the Year of Christ 1189. and the rest to his Son Richard when yet but Earl of Poicton. [Page 318] And Joachim was in Sicily with Richard now King of England, and Philip Polydore Virgil. in Ricardo primo. King of France, both win­tring there with their Fleets, An. 1190. in their way to the Invasion of the holy Land. Nay, I have my self read his submission of his Works to the See Apostolick, dated by himself ten years after; which was the Year 1200. of our Sa­viours Incarnation. 3. That being ask'd, what the success of this great expedition to the holy Land against Saladine should be? his Answer was, it should prove unsuccessful, and that the time of recovering Hierusalem was not yet come. 4. That this prediction of his was punctually true: as appear'd ere long. 5. That his Prophecy of the old Irish Nation is in these genuin words you read in the Mar­gin. Ex rigori­bus horribilis hye­mis, & glacialis flatibus Aquilonis, parit Hibernia Incolas furibundos. Sed si sequentium temporum terrores praenoscerent, & in­ternos impetus cogitarene: à facie spiritus Domini fer­reum pectus averterent, & se à sempiternis opprobriis li­berarent. Sed ex quo invicem vertitur furor aspideus, & involvit tam Clerum quam populum par insultus: non vi­deo quod superna Clementia ulterius differat, quin in [...]os exactissimum judicium acuat, & in stuporem perpetuae desolationis impellat.—Omnes istos populos Cathedra Dubliniensis astringit. Sed Darensium enormis iniquit as totum defaedat ordinem charitatis. Et ideo à planta in­quit pedis usque ad verticem capitis non est in eis sanitas (Isaiae 1.) temporalibus molestiis repercussis. Joachimus Ab. supra. which I English thus, [Page 319] as well I can, or can guess at their sense. Of the colds of horrible Winter, and winds of the icy North, Ireland brings forth outragious Inha­bitants. But if they had foreknown the terrors of following times, and thought of their intest in rage; they would turn away their iron breast from the face of Gods anger, and free themselves from everlasting reproaches. But since their fury of Asps is turn'd against one another, and the same violence involves as well the Clergy as the People: I do not see that the Clemency of Heaven may (or will) delay to sharpen the most rigorous judgment against them, and force them on to the astonishment of perpetual desolation. And this is all that Abbot Joachim prophesied of that People. Which indeed I had the curiosity to see in his own Works and words: because I heard it by chance some twenty years ago much spoken of by a Gentleman that read it. Nor has this Prophet a word more of Ire­land, but only those other few that in the same place immediately follow; which yet, I must confess, I do not understand; though perhaps I might afar off guess at their mean­ing, did not the Latin word defaedat, or Eng­lish of it, make no reasonable construction at all where it is placed. All these People (says he, speaking of Episcopal Diocesses) the See of Dublin joyns fast together. But the iniquity of the Kildarians (defaedat) makes clean the [Page 320] whole order of Charity. And therefore (says Esay) from the sole of the foot to the top of the head, there is no health in them, being struck anew with their temporal evils. 6. That albeit his Book asserting a Quaternity (a­gainst Petrus Lombardus the Master of the Sentences and Bishop of Paris, who taught the undivided Unity of one Thing or Essence in the Trinity of Persons) was condemned in the Council of Lateran under Innocent III. yet so was neither himself (as who had sub­mitted all his Doctrine to the Apostolick See) nor any part of his prophetical Books, wherein this Prophecy of Ireland is. 7. And lastly, That notwithstanding he be not so particular in many circumstances; as for Ex­ample in those either of the Nation of the Invaders, or of the Defence made by the In­vaded, or of that King foreseen coming from the Desert Mountains of Patrick, or of the time when the English should be throughly vi­ctorious, [Paulo ante diem Judicii] A little before the day of Judgment: yet, as to the main he is no less positive than the Irish pro­phetical Saints themselves were, by foretel­ling the eternal desolation of that People: and that with as much assurance as any could who by special Revelation had been made privy to the immutable Decree of the Watcher and Holy one of Heaven pronounc'd [Page 321] against them. Which Decree of Heaven (for such it was undoubtedly) on what occasion, by what means, degrees, methods, and for how many Ages it was a putting in execu­tion before the final accomplishment or final effect of it had been atchieved, will be the subject of the Second Part of this little Trea­tise; but after I have given here one Section more that relates wholly to that ancient People alone, as they were yet a free Nation.

SECT. VI.

FOR although, according to my first de­sign, and order of these Discourses, and sequel of things in them all along hitherto, I might now conveniently enough enter up­on that Second Part: yet, upon after­thoughts, I judg'd it not amiss to interpose here this one Section more, though it be no other than a Miscellany, partly of Reflecti­ons on some things touch'd before, and part­ly of Additions to them.

42. Wherefore to begin; and because I have in my very first entry on these Historical Dis­courses of Ireland, (pag. 5.) alledged Camb­den, acknowledging that the Irish fetch the [Page 324] beginning of their Histories from the most pro­found and remote Records of Antiquity; so that in comparison of them, the Ancientness of all other Nations is but Novelty, and as it were a mat­ter of yesterday: and also because in men­tioning (page 11) Clanna Gaodhel, or po­sterity of Gathelus, I have said that from him all the Clanna Mileadh, or children and posterity of Milesius descended long before either Milesius himself or his predecessors came into Spain: and further, because it may be of some use elsewhere in this very Se­ction: take here in short out of D. Keting, an account as well of some memorable passages of those most profound remote Records of Anti­quity concerning both Gathelus himself and his Father Niull, and the travels of their po­sterity for some Ages before any of them ar­rived in Spain: as of the descent of Milesius through twenty Generations from Gathelus, and 25 in all from Noe.

Viz. That Niull, a younger son to Fea­nusa Farsa King of Scythia, and a most learn­ed man, especially in all or most of the Lan­guages that not very many Ages before con­founded the Builders on the Plain of Sen­naar, having travail'd into Egypt, had for his admired Excellencies not only a large Coun­trey there, by name Capacyront bestow'd on him for ever by the Pharaoh that govern'd [Page 325] Egypt then (viz. Pharaoh surnamed Cingeris, from whose name all the following Kings of Egypt were call'd Pharaoh's, as the Empe­rours of Rome from Julius Cesar were call'd Cesars) but also one of this Pharaohs own Daughters to Wife, by name or rather surname Scota, because married to Niull a Scythian. That of this young Princess he begot a Son whom he named Gaodhel (the Latins call him Gathelus) and orhers surna­med Glas. That by that time Gaodhel Glas had come to be a man, the children▪ of Israel who had lived some Ages before in Egypt were grievously oppressed by the Egyptians, and therefore Moses the great Captain of the Isae­lites led them to the Banks of the red Sea to shun the power of Pharaoh surnamed Intius that pursued them. That their Camp in this place being near Capacyront, the Scythian Prince Niull thought himself concern'd to accoast Moyses, and learn of him the whole story of their Nati­on and cause of their Flight, and whither they tended, and what they expected, &c. That having received of Moyses very ample satisfa­ction to all his demands, he offered this great Captain of Gods Army whatever was in his power to serve him, but particularly great store of Provisions, Corn, Cattel, &c: and Moyses took this offer so well, that al­though he made no use of it, yet he invi­ted Niull to go along with him to the Wil­derness, [Page 326] promising him a plentiful share in the favours of God to his people, when they came to their journeys end. That upon Niulls demurr to this invitation, and going home to his own House, he found his Son Ga­thelus mortally stung in the Neck by a Serpent: and this made him return presently back with him to Moyses; who laying his Wonder work­ing Rod upon the wounded place cured him instantly, without any sign remaining but only a little greeness on the skin where the Serpent stung, &c. That as some of the Irish Chronicles tell, Geodhell had his surname of Glas from this green scar on his Neck, which perpetually re­mained of the same colour; Glas in Irish, accord­ing to one meaning of the word, importing green; tho, as others hold, he had it from the Chain of Honour bestowed upon him, and clasp'd and lock'd upon his Arm by Moyses at the same time; for by an other signification of that word Glas, it imports the very same with Flease, i. e. Chain, from which in that Language they call a Noble Chain-bearer Fleascgach Voas [...]l: or yet as some do say, he had it from his Har­ [...]oss and Armour that were all of greenish colour. That however or whatever the cause of this surname was, there is no debate, nor doubt nor question among the Irish Historians about the extraordinary blessing of Moyses given at the same time by him to Gathelus, viz. That [Page 327] where ever any of his posterity should settle, the Countrey should be free from all veno­mous creatures. Which says Keting is the rea­son that not only Ireland, but Creet also where some of his posterity did settle, is free from such creatures, and that the Relations in St. Patric's Life, of his banishing away out of Ireland all Serpents and other poisonous Ani­mals, must be understood not of those that were really but metaphorically such. He means evil Spirits, or Devils that till St. Pa­tric's time had in a special extraordinary manner poison'd and possefs;d that whole Countrey with Magick, Sorcery, Witchcraft, and all kind of Diabolical illusions,

But be this Opinion or metaphorical inter­pretation of Keting as he please, what I am to pursue here is matter of Fact and History out of him without any interpretation. And therefore I am to tell you now, that besides this extraordinary blessing to Gaodhel, Moyses had so much regard of Niull, that he sent a thousand men with him to seize Pharaohs Fleet, put him in possession thereof, and bid him stay a ship-board till he had seen what God would do suddenly to Pharaoh who pur­sued them. That after Niul had the very next day seen both Pharaoh and all his Egyp­tian Host of Horse and Foot covered under those Waves that immediately before afford­ed [Page 328] the Israelites a dry passage, his fear was over, and therefore he return'd home to his former dwelling in the same Countrey of Egypt: where he remain'd in peace till he died, and his posterity after him till the fourth Generation, i. e. till the days of Sruth his great Grandchild. For Sruth was the son of Easruth, and Easruth of Gaodhel, and Gaodhel of Niull; which in all make four Generations. That in this fourth Generation the Egyptians pick­ing several quarrels with them, forc'd them away out of Egypt. Which banish­ment of them, Walsingham in his Ypodigma Neu­striae ad an. 1185.—pag. 452. in giving an account of John, Third Son to Henry II. being sent by him to Ire­land, describes occasionally as you see in this pas­sage. Joannes si [...]ius Regis, a Patre militaribus armis ac­cinctus in Hiberniam est transmissus. Hibernia post Brit­tanniam omnium Insularum est optima. Quae quamvis Britanniae dviitiis cedat; latitudine, salubritate, serenitate praestat. Quae sicut versus Aquilonem brevior est, it a ver­sus meridiem trans illius fines protenditur. Haec autem proprie patria Scotorum est. Nam sicut legitur, Aegyptiis in mori Rub [...]o submersis, illi qui superfuerunt, expul [...]runt à se que [...]dam Nobilem Sciticum, qui degebat apud eos, ne dominium super eos invaderet. Expulsus ille cum fa­milia pervenit ad Hispaniam, ubi & habitavit per annos multos, & progenies ipsius fameliae suae multipli­cata est nimis. Inde venerunt Hiberniam post annos mille, duobus additis, à transitu filiorum Israel per mar [...] Rubrum. Et de Hibernia pars eorum egressa, tertiam in Britannia Brittonibus & Pictis gentem addiderunt. Pars eorum quae remansit in Hibernia Hiberni vocabantur, & adbuc eadem utuntur lingua.

That Sruth, the foresaid great Grand­child of Gaodhel, being their Leader, arrived with his banish'd Company in Creet, where he paid his last tribute to Nature, and some of his Company took up for themselves and Issue their Habitation. That Eibhir Scot, his eldest Son, leading the rest of them out of Creet, arriv'd ere long in Scythia, though not very welcom to the posterity of Neanuill son to Feanusa Farsa. That in the fifth Ge­neration of Eibher Scot, one of his descendants, Taith mhic Daghnon kill'd his own kinsman the King of that Countrey, by name Refloir, the son of Rifill, of the progeny of Neanuill: and thereupon he and the whole Race of Gaodhel Glas, as many as had come thither, or been born there, were forc'd to fly under the leading of Adhnon and Eibher the two sons of Adhnamhuin mhic Bedhanmhuin, mhic Eibher Scuit, mhic Sruth, m [...]ic Easruth, mhic Gaoidhel. That being come to the Caspian Sea, they shipp'd, but soon after landed in an Island there, tarried in it a whole year to refresh themselves, and in the mean time buried Adhnon one of their Leaders: and his Funeral being over and a twelvemonth of their abode in this place expired, they put again to Sea in three ships, each freighted with sixty persons, and a Woman for every third man (or rather perhaps for every [Page 330] three men.) That after some time being wea­ry of their Habitation a ship board, they land­ed again, and quitting their ships cross'd many Countreys by Land from this Caspian Sea to the Pontic. That here they shipp'd the third time, but ere long meeting with an Island by name Caronia, they put in and re­main'd in it fifteen months; where Eibher mhac Taith, and Lamghlas mhac Adhnoin died. That from hence departing under the Con­duct of four Chief [...]ins, whereof Caichair the Magician or Druyd was one, they arrived at the North end of the Riphean Mountains: where the same Caichear prophetically told them Hereby you are to correct what is otherwise said by a mistak [...] page 13. l. [...]. and 8. as if this prediction had been made by Cai­cheir to Milesius himself and but some years before; whereas indeed it was made to his Predecessors many Ag [...]s before he was born., that neither that place nor any other was design'd for their lasting abode or Habi­tation till they came to the Western Island which we now call Ireland: and that not themselves, but their posterity after them should come to it. That hence a­gain, but under the Com­mand of Eibher Gluinfhiann they removed to Gothia, where they conti­tinued a hundred and fifty years, even to the eighth Generation from Eibher, to Bra­tha, For Bratha, who led them hence first [Page 331] of all to Spain, was the son of Deaghatha, son of Earchadha, son of Elloit, son of Nu­adhath, son of Neinuill, son of Eibhric, son of Eibher Gluinfhionn, and consequently was the eighth Generation from this Eibher Gluinfhionn.

That all the Travels of the Progeny of Gaodhel were first from Egypt to Creet: from thence to Scythia: from thence to Gothia: from thence to South-Spain, whether the fore­said Bratha led them: and back again, in the person of Galamh (alias Mileadh Espain, or Milesius the Spaniard) great Grandchild of this Bratha, to Scythia (as before we have seen page 12.) and thence also again to E­gypt, and so to Thracia, and once more to Gothia, and thence to Spain, till at last the sons of this Galamh or Mileadh ventur'd for Ireland, where they set up their prophesied Rest and long abode ever since to this pre­sent day.

Finally, that Galamh, alias [...]ileadh, in Latin Milesius (who married the Daughter of Pharaoh Nectonibus king of Egypt, and her name also or at least surname Scota, for the same or like reason to that which gave so long before to their great Ancestor Niull's Wife Daughter to Pharaoh Cingeris the self­same denomination:) That I say this Ga­lamh, was the nineteenth Generation from [Page 332] Gaodhel Glas, and the four and Twentieth from Noah the Builder of the Ark: as ap­pears by his Pedigree thus: Mileadh son of Bile, son to Breoghuin, son to Bratha, son to Deagatha, son to Earchadha, son to Alloid, son to Nuadhadh, son to Neanuill, son to Eibhric or Eibherglas, son to Eibher Gluin­fhionn, son to Laimhfhionn, son to Adhnoin son to Taidh, son to Ogamhuin, son to Bea­omhuinn, son to Eibher Scot, son to Sruth, son to Easruth, son to Gaodhel Glas, son to Niull, son to Feianusa Farsa, son to Baath, son to Magog, son to Japhet, son to Noah, or (as the Irish call him) Naoih.

43. And this, in substance, is the account which Keting has of these matters. Though I confess there may be read in him a great deal more of that Scythian King Feinusa Far­sa (Father of Niull and Grandfather of Gaodhel Glas,) particularly of his great Learn­ing: and the most celebrated School kept in those days on the Plain of Sennaar: and of his having studied the Sciences and Lan­guages full twenty years in that place: and of his having then employ'd another most skilful man by name Gaodhel, (but his sur­name was Ethoir) to compose, or at least to refine, adorn, and render copious that Lan­guage which ever since from his name is call'd Gaodhelc, or Gaodhlec, I mean the Irish [Page 333] Language. And so likewise it may be found in D. Keting, how it was in remembrance and honour of this Gathelus or Gaothel E­thoir, the Author, or at least Refiner of the Irish Tongue; that Feinusa Farsa's fore­said Brother Niull in Egypt gave his first-born Child the self-same denomination or name of Gaodhel (alias Gathelus) tho sufficiently distinguish'd after by the addition of his sur­name Glas. But enough of these profound remote Antiquities, as Cambden calls 'em. And yet I am confident they may be far more easily believed by some and pass'd over by others, than oppos'd, at least disprov'd by any; yea notwithstanding the names of Ca­pacyront in Egypt, and Caronia in the Pontick Sea, and the Fleet of Pharaoh, in the red Sea, seized by a thousand of the unarmed Israelits, See Josephus 3. Book of An­tiqu. c. 6. Where he tells us expres­ly, that all the Is­raelites were dis­armed when Pharaoh pursued them; though after that his six hundred Chariots and fifty thousand Horse and two hundred thousand armed Faotmen were drown'd in the Red Sea, and the Tide had thrown up their Arms on the other Bank where the Israelites were sa [...]ely arrived, they armed themselves sufficiently. and put under the Com­mand of Niull. That I may say nothing at all, or scru­ple or boggle either at the [Page 334] two Scotas, Daughters to those two Kings of Aegypt, as already you have seen, or at the two Scythian Kings of the same name Refloir, and both kill'd by the Progeny of Gaodhel Glas; the first of them by Taith mhac Dagh­non; and the second, at least two hundred years after by Milesius himself, as may be re­membred out of the 12th page before. But leaving the judgment hereof to the Reader:

44. I proceed to my next Reflection, which must be on page 8 and 9. There you are told, ‘How the children or posterity of Ne­medus, (the Irish call'em Clanna Neimheadh) to avoid a dreadful and continual pestilence of many years, departing in a thousand Vessels, great and small, under the Con­duct of three Chieftains, Simeon Breac, Ib­aath, and Briotan, the other two sailing to Greece, Briotan with his adherents landed in the North of that Countrey, which we now call Scotland, and with his and their poste­rity remaining there, gave the denomination of Brittain to this whole Island (which is now called Great Brittain) as holy Cormac, the King of Mounster and Bishop of Cashel, in his Psalter of Cashael, together with all the Chronologers of Ireland affirm. You are also told that surely in this particular these Irish Chronologers have at least much more probability of their side, than any late Au­thors [Page 335] have, that derive that name (of Brit­tain) from Brutus, or his Romantick Hi­story in Galfridus, or in any other. Last­ly, you find this Question immediately fol­lows, For if from Brutus, besides other rea­sons, why not Brutannia rather than Bri­tannia.’

Though in this whole passage I follow'd my Author Keting; and particularly for this Question put in the last place, or at least for the reason involv'd therein, I might also have alledg'd Polydor. Histor. Ang. l. 1. Polydore Virgil, who makes use of the same reason a­gainst the derivation of Britannia from Bru­tus: yet having since consulted the learned Cambden's most accurat search into these mat­ters; though he has not a word of the Irish History of Briotan, nor seems ever to have heard thereof: I find nevertheless there may be very probable answers given out of him to that question put by me after Polydore and Keting. And therefore I now decline it, tho not the History it self of that Scythic Briotan's giving the denomination of Brittain to this whole Island, otherwise (and whether be­fore or after his time first of all, it matters not) called Albion. As for Abraham Wheloc's Sa­xon Annotations on Bedes Ecclesiastical Hi­story (l. [...]. c. 1. pag. 25.) where it is ob­served [Page 336] that this Island was called Brutaine and Brutannia from the name of Brutus: I am not moved thereby, because the Saxons had that name from the Britons themselves, and the Britons though they write it Bru­taine, with u, yet pronounce it Brittain with an i. as I am told, by men skilful in their Tongue, they commonly do in other words written with u. pronounce i. However I am content to acknowledg here, that in putting the foresaid question, I suppos'd more than I ought, and that I pass'd over in silence for a worse, the far better and more probable reasons, nay the convincing reasons indeed. What these are, you may see at large in Bu­chanan, and before him, sufficiently enough, for some part of them, in Polydore: who, both the one and the other, demonstrate the whole story of Brutus to be a meer Fiction; though Henry of Huntingdon, and the Au­thor of Polychronicon (otherwise reputed good Historians) thought fit to recommend to all posterity the Fable, out of G [...]ffrey of Mon­mouth, as an undoubted Truth. However we are told (I am sure by Geffrey, for I have him by me) That rutus was son to Silvius, the son of Ascanius, whom undoubted Mo­numents of Antiquity assure us to have been son to Aeneas, and Founder of Alba on Tiber, and Third King of the Latius. That this very Brutus at the Age of sixteen having by [Page 337] chance in hunting the Deer, kill'd his said Father King Ascanius, and being therefore banish'd Italy went to Greece. That here assembling together seven thousand Trojans descended from those who had been brought prisoners thither when Troy was burn'd, and heading them, he made War on Pandrasus, the King of Greece, defeated his Armies, forc'd his Towns and took himself Prisoner, and kept him so till by mutual agreement Ignoge the Princess, Daughter to this King, was given him to Wife, and for a Portion with her be­sides a great mass of Gold and Silver, a strong Fleet of three hundred and four and twenty sail, well provided of all kind of ne­cessaries. That now putting to Sea with his Trojans and so great a Fleet, to seek his For­tune elsewhere, and coming to a desert Island by name Largecia, the Oracle of Diana there admonish'd him to steer his course for Albion. That in his way thither besides destroying a Fleet of Pirats that set on him at Sea, and spoiling all Mauritania in Afric from end to end, landing in France, he first overthrew in Battel Groffarius the Pictish King of Aquitain, plunder'd his Towns, over-run his whole Countrey: and the [...] again in a second mighty Battel defeated both the same Groffa­rius and all the other eleven Kings of France with their Forces. That having perform'd [Page 338] these Wonders there, he set sail for Albion, which was inhabited then by Giants. [These were a prodigious Race of See Buchanan l. 2. page 43. (Im­pres. Amsterd, anno 1643.) where he gives an ac­count of this, no less ill-contrived than Monstrous Fable, added by some later Author than Geoffrey of Monmouth, as if Geoffrey himself had not store enough of indeed very stu­pendious Lyes. Monsters, some of them twelve Cubits high, and all of them, or at least their Predecessours before 'em, begot by Incubi, i. e. Fayery Devils, on the thirty Daugh­ters of Dioclesian King of Syria and his Wife Labana, who the first night of their marriage kill'd their thirty Husbands: and for that cause being forc'd to Sea by their said Father, in a ship with­out Mariners or Pilot, after long wandring and hovering, arrived at last in Albion, a meer Desart then. Where it seems notwithstanding they were provided for by those wicked Aery Daemons that lay with them and procreated of them this horrible Race of Giants.] That upon his landing here, at a place called Totnes, where all the Giants were in a body to hinder his descent, he fought them, overthrew them, pursued 'em all over the Island, destroyed them utterly every where. That having done so, he di­vided the whole Countrey among his Follow­ers; gave them the name of Britons, and to [Page 339] it that of Brittain, from his own name both: then begot Children, especially three, by name Locrinus, Albanactus, and Camber: then built the famous City of new Troy (since called London by corruption of the word Luds Town, be­cause one of his posterity, King Lud not only re­pair'd it but strengthened it with a Wall and Towers and Bulwarks:) and then, last of all, before his death, making three Royal Divi­sions of Brittain, and erecting each into a Kingdom, bestow'd the first of them, toge­ther with the supreme sovereignty of the o­ther two in some cases, on his eldest son Lo­crinus, called then from his name Loegria (by us now England:) the second on his second son Albanactus, from whose name 'twas cal­led Albania, though Scotland after: and on his third son Camber the third of those Divi­sions, termed likewise from his name Cam­bria, comprehending at that time not only the Countrey now called Wales, but whatever is on that side of the Severn. That by these brave Princes and their issue after 'em the Noble Cities of York, Edenburg, Carlisle, Can­terbury, Winchester, Shaftsbury, Bath, Leicester, the Tower of London, Westchester, and Caer-Leon upon Ʋsk, were from the foundations built and finish'd, and the Brittish Nation and Kingdom most gloriously maintained at home and enlarg'd abroad even in the very [Page 340] Continent, well-nigh all over Europe. That not only Ebrancus (the V. King of Great Brit­tain after Brutus, and Builder of York) with a numerous Fleet invaded France, ransack'd it all over, and return'd home triumphantly with the richest spoils thereof: nor only his twenty sons (which he had by twenty seve­ral Wives) conquer'd all Germany under the command of one of themselves called Assara­cus, and possess'd it a long time after: but Belinus and Brennus, sons to Dunvallo Mulmu­tius (the Nineteenth King, as Belinus him­self was the XX.) made an absolute Con­quest, first of all the Kingdom of Gaul, now called France, and soon after of all Italy; not Rome it self excepted, which they took and burnt to ashes. That Cassibellanus (the Lxv. of the Brittish Monarchs,) when Julius Caesar invaded them, at two several times, fought him, defeated him both times, and the se­cond time made him fly to France in such de­spair that he never more return'd. That in like manner Claudius the Roman Emperour, though come in person with a mighty power of Legions and Auxiliaries into Brittain, found it his safest way to run away in two great Battels, from the victorious Army of Guide­rius and Arviragus (the Lxvii. and Lxviii. Brittish Monarchs one after another): in so much that Claudius was content at last [Page 341] 'een fairly to capitulate for Peace with Arvira­gus, by sending to Rome for his own Daugh­ter Gennissa, and giving her in marriage to him, nay and leaving him too the Govern­ment wholly of all these Provincial Islands; for so Geoffrey calls them in this place. That Severus, how great soever both a Souldier and Emperour he was, found it a desperate busi­ness to fight in Great Brittain against the Brit­tons, when he saw himself receiving his death's wound from Fulgenius in that Battel, whence he was carried dead and buried in York. That under Vortigern their Lxxxvi. Monarch, Hengistus the Saxon, invited in by him, landed the second time in Great Brit­tain, with an Army of three hundred thou­sand Heathen Foreigners: and yet Aurelius Ambrosius (the next Brittish King after Vorti­gern) fought him in the head of all his for­midable Forces, and in a plain Field over­threw both him and them all, nay pursued them in their Flight till he reduced them to nothing, and the whole Island of Brittain to its native liberty from any Foreign Yoak. Nor had his Victories a period here, but o­ver-run Ireland also; where he took Priso­ner, in a great Battel, the Monarch of that Countrey, Gillomar; and then brought away Choream Gigantum, the Giants Monument of stones, from the Plains of Kildare in that [Page 342] Kingdom, which he set up on Salisbury Plains in England. That Arthur, who was likewise, save one, the next King of Great Brittain (for he was son to Ʋter Pendragon that Reign'd immediately before him) sub­dued all England, Scotland, Ireland▪ the Isles of Orkney, Denmark, Norway, Gothland, a­long to Livonia, France, and as many King­doms in all as made up XXX. Yea more­over, i. e. after so many great and mighty. Conquests, and besides the killing too of Monsters and Giants, fought even Flollo and Lucius the two Lieutenant Generals of the Roman Emperour Leo, kill'd them both in France, and the later of them (I mean Lu­cius) in the head of a dreadful Army con­sisting of four hundred thousand men; all which he overthrew and ruin'd. That al­though by occasion of some unhappy quar­rels among the Britons themselves under Ca­tericus their Lxxxxvi. King, a bad man, the Saxons to be reveng'd on them▪ wrought King Gurmundus the late African Conqueror of Ireland, to come from thence into Great Britain with an Army of a hundred sixty six thousand Heathen Africans, and burn, spoil and destroy the better parts thereof, and after put and leave the Saxons in possession of all he could; which was that whole Countrey then called Loegria, now England, as distin­guish'd [Page 343] both from Scotland and Wales: mean­ing by Wales the ancient Kingdom of Cam­bria which comprehended all beyond the Sa­vern: and that notwithstanding the Saxons had by such means got possession of all Loegria, and held it for several years, they were beat out again so soon as the Britons agreed a­mongst themselves, meeting at Westchester and chusing there Caduallo for their King; who bravely recovered the whole Island eve­ry way round even to the four Seas, and kept both Picts and Scots, and such of the Saxons as were left alive or permitted to stay in perfect obedience to the British Crown du­ring his own Reign, which lasted forty years in all: and that so did Cadwallador after him during his. In short, that as the progeny of Frute continued free, independent, successful, glorious in the first period of their Monarchy under sixty six Kings of their own, during at least a thousand years and forty, from the landing of Brute till the Invasion of Julius Caesar: and as for the next period, which took up five hundred and nine years more, till the landing of Hengistus the Saxon, albeit the Roman power and glory did sometimes lessen, sometime ecclipse theirs: yet they pre­served still their freedom, and Laws, and Government under twenty other Kings of their British Nation, successively reigning o­ver [Page 344] them, and paying only a slight acknow­ledgment of some little tribute to the Roman Emperours; nay and this same but now and then, very seldom: so in the third or last pe­riod of it; containing somewhat above two hundred and fifty years, from the said land­ing of Hengistus to the twelfth year of Cad­wallador, they upon the Romans quitting them, not only restor'd themselves, under Aurelius and Arthur, by their own sole valour, to the ancient glory of their Dominion; but, maugre all the opposition of the Confederated Saxons, Picts and Scots, now and then rebelling against them, enjoyed it under the succession of se­ven Brittish Kings more, from Arthur to Cad­wallador; yea Malgo▪ the fourth of this very last number, when the six foreign Provincial Countreys (as Geoffrey calls them) viz. Ire­land, Island, the Orcades, Norway, Denmark, and Gothia, had rebell'd anew, was so for­tunately brave, as by dint of Sword to have reduced them all again to their old subjection under Great Brittains Empire.