LUES ƲENEREA.

WHEREIN The Names, Nature, Sub­ject, Causes, Signes, and Cure, are Handled.

Mistakes in these discovered Rectified; Doubts and Questions Succinctly Resolved.

BY JOHN WYNELL. M.D.

Desidia & Luxuria, haec duo priùs in Graecia corpora vitiârunt, deinde apud nos afflixerunt— [...]um reclè cura­turum esse dicunt, quem prima origo causae non fefellerir— Alii putant interesse, non quid morbum faciat, sed quid tol­lat. Celsus.

LONDON, Printed by W.W. for the Author, and are to be sold by H. Herringman, in the lower Walk in the new Exchange. 1660.

To my deservedly honoured Friend, James Boevey, of Upper-Chelsey, Esq;.

SIR,

IT is the Sanction of long-liv'd Custom, that no one appear to publick view, with­out Dedication to some conside­rable Friend. And while others affect to chuse Nobles by Nativi­ty, and mutable Titles; I, one Noble by Nature, and a better portion of her endowments, the most primary, true and immuta­ble dignity; which is not, in ho­norante, nor in the power of Men or Laws, to give or take away; but immures it self in your Prin­ciples, [Page]and sheds its beams of love and favour on all ingenious men (known) of what faculty so­ever. Sir, Bountifull Nature (to give an instance of what she can do) hath bestow'd on you (not lavish'd) much more than a child's part, (the lesse she hath for some others, for her store is not infi­nite.) I write not this to make you known, whom all Europe knows already: Much lesse would I offer dirty Wits an occasion to slurre you, by this Dedication, as if the Argument ensuing spake your disease, and therefore fittest for your view, study, and coun­tenance. No, Eagles are not wont to prey on carrion. Great minds, sublime fancies, (furnished with [Page]Arts, Tongues, enriched with the advantages of Travell, kept in busiest speculative employments) I say, Great Souls, (whose acti­vity the locall world is too nar­row to circumscribe) are above these carnall inescations, & leave them condemn'd to those, whose souls dwell in their senses. This Treatise hath lien in broken pa­pers some years past, (penned for private use) and had never seen more light, but by your encou­ragement. And now, being got abroad, first offers self to you, to pay its birth duty and respects for publick freedom. It lies in a small bulk, and without Rheto­ricall ornament, for, it intends the diseased, to make them known [Page]to themselves; appales to abide the narrow scan of your curious fancy, which knows neither bonds nor rest, (the more's your danger.) For, let me tell you, Sir, you have a mind, (whom to supply with necessary animal-spi­rits) is able to depauperate the most just and equilibrious Tem­per. And provident Nature will store her Head-quarters, and not fail to send enough to her Court and University, though the lower Towns and Villages of the Mi­crocosm fail and pine for it. For the animal spirits luminous and aetherial, (fit to irradiate the soul's commands through the im­perforate Nerves) are raised out of the Vitall (in the Plexus Cho­roides) [Page]by further elaboration; whence Nature amaunds the more foeculent part to the sewers of the Brain, and the residue by the veines to the Heart, for fur­ther concoction. Hence, the weak and depopulate bodies of busiest minds. Hence, those trou­blesome floods of rheums and de­stillations in them, whose nature delights to dwell largely in the Animals, (especially, quibus natura mater, fortuna noverca.) And such would be your condition, did not Fortune and Prudence conspire, to prompt you a more elegant and defoecated diet to prevent it. But what do I, setting up my Candle to your Torch, casting my Mite of advice into the Trea­sury [Page]of your prudentiall Rules? Your Tongue and Pen drop little else, and your loving Soul can do no lesse, than to publish and en­large the stock of Learning, with your methodicall Digests.

All the divertisement that I shall further give your serious em­ployment, is, to signifie and as­sure you, that I am,

SIR,
Your affectionate Servant, JOHN WYNELL.

To the Reader.

Reader,

BEfore thou enter the Treatise follow­ing, peruse well this Epistle directed unto thee; wherein thou hast, 1 The Occa­sion, that induced the penning and publi­shing of it. 2 My Scope, or End therein. 3 The advanragious Use that thou maist make thereof.

1. The Occasion was made up of these Observations following. 1 Of the stupen­dious grouth and spreading of two depopu­lating diseases, the Venercous, and the Scurvy: And (enquiring thereupon into their effects, in the yearly Bills of Mortali­ty) I found them so benign, that it gave me occasion to admire the mystery of conceal­ment. I observed the Consumption (in this sulphury aire) to have slain its thou­sands; and the Venereous disease scarce its hundreds. I concluded thereupon, that, [Page] Latet dolus in generalibus, Consumpti­on's back is broad enough to bear such mocks. I perceived also, that the Scurvy had scarce a constant name in the killing Catalogue, (though it destroy more than any ten of its fellowes) but the Dropsie, Feavours of ma­ny kinds, &c. have great numbers dead at their feet. I concluded thence, that, Filiae devorârunt matrem. 2, I observed the mortality and pining of great, noble, and generous Families, their generations gasping, and soon run out, one treading on the heels of another, which gave me to en­quire what should be the occasion. And guid­ing my thoughts by that rule, Causa & Ef­fectus sunt simul; I accused their pam­pering diet, effeminate education, praema­ture marriage, indiscreet covetousnesse, in taking a weak, crooked, rickety woman, (for her Portion) to be mater familiâs. But my thoughts (reasoning against the sufficiency of this enumeration, as not of sufficient con­sideration) carried me with greatest reason to their diseases. And finding the Venereous disease amongst them, (as in its head-quar­ters) I was strong in my conjecture, that [Page]this (traduced in the seed of parents, and mi1k of nurses, hindring nature in accom­plishing her intention of perfection) hath brought this calamity on great Families, Haeret semini lethalis arundo. 3, I ob­served further, that hereby, one principall end of Marriage, (to propagate a strong, healthy, and numerous posterity, fit to tra­duce the being, name, and memory of pa­rents, to such an eternity, as their mortall condition is capable of) was much made void. For (in this wanton, painting, patching, perfuming Issuing age) a man knows not whom or what he, takes, to himself or his son, in marriage, a blessing, or a curse. Whereby not onely our own bodies are endangered, damnified; but posterity, primarily, founda­mentally, corrupted, extirpated; hearts of yoke-fellowes alienated, iealousie let in (of non-faithfulnsse after, having lost their girdle before:) and indeed, an uncomforta­ble life together, because they cannot asun­der, (like two dogs in a chain, ever snar­ing) and all because abusefull deceit in the marriage, Manet altâ mente repô­stum. And now, no securing evidence from [Page]the Hymen (as amongst the Jews antiently) being found; Nature now in formation, rarely plating any such transverse mem­brane; the weeping breach whereof may as­sure the husband, he is not deceived in his choice. 4. I observed also, that all preten­ders to Physick, gave out a more than or­dinary skill in the Venereous Cure; yet, scarce one patient of ten went off from them sound, (as by relapse it too ordinarily ap­pears.) I was therefore led to believe, that either the ignorance of the disease, or shame­fac'dnesse to discover it, made them carry it about them too long; or the ignorance of such as they applyed unto, or the impatience of Patients to bear a cure, gave the disease this advantage. For, though by palliation, the dolorous symptoms w [...]re baffled; yet, the vi­rulent cause was left in the dark, (deep in their spirits and bones, and made future work for the Physitian. Hereby their Patients are deceived, who (not being able to judge) think better of their recovery than is meet and safe; and find by sad experience, that (the next evoking season) the disease (get­ting strength, by lying in trenches) breaks [Page]forth more dangerously, than was its first onset.

2. My scope therefore in publishing this little Treatise, is, to present a good office to my Nation, by entring the lists with this Champion; who (by trampling on such eminent members of it) abates its grandure, and bids defiance to all the boast of Remedies in the Common-wealth of Physick. There­fore, since publicos in hostes quilibet homo miles; I sent out my Scouts, that I might acquaint my selfe with the enemy in all his motions. I enquired after an, Army that would not run, untill they had broken his pride. I considered, how I might cut off provisions, supplies, r [...]cruits; and finally, how I might engage the Enemie's whole body, untill I had cleared him of all the coasis and quarters of the Microcosm. Whereby I conceived, I should deserve well of my suffe­ring Country-men; by, not. suffering the grandure of the Nation to lie trodden un­der the foot of a proud stranger, and I stand by as an idle spectator. And since this Ene­my plaies small game also, and is come down so low as on the Spinster; I have therefore [Page]made him speak plain english, (not without due respect to modesty, and better understan­dings) that ordinary capacities may be able to judge of their owne condition by their owne light; and in season look out for re­liefe, before captivity, and the further ener­vation of a valiant Nation.

3. The advantagious use of these pa­pers, either respects all, that, having been in unknown Hypocausts, have any reason, from perusing this Treatise, to suspect their bodily condition) to deal prudently for them­selves, by seeking reliefe in season. Or es­pecially, such as intend marriage, and the blessings of it; that they get them bodies made fit for marriage. For though they know their owne personall integrity, yet what lurks in their humors from parent's seed, or nurses milk [...], they are ignorant of. And, however no present symptoms thereof disco­ver it to themselves, much lesse to others; yet the fomes of it, (oft and long lying ob­scure) doth traduce a present defilement in generation to posterity. And (by marriage­duty) that latent disposition is urged to break forth the sooner, (and will without [Page]such stimulation make it self known in time.) And though the pursuance of this Advice may question their Honour, yet it provides for their owne, and posteritie's safety, which all wise men highly value.

I have read many Authors on this argu­ment, and found satisfaction in none, (or this Treatise had been silenc'd.) I perceive, that on this (as on other Subjects) they too much tread in the steps of their Ancestors, and rest in their dictates without further en­quiry; (swelling their volumes with trans­scriptions into their owne methods) which serves to fill Libraries with much paper, yet few Bòcks. But every man's breath will smell somewhat of his diet, and after-ages can but inventis addere; which hath been my endeavour throughout. And though I write in English, that all may know their condition of body, (as is fit) yet have I not set bogglers at work on the Therapeutick part, of which they are uncapable. If in this service I am accepted; then maist thou, ere long, expect another Treatise, Of the Scurvy, (if an abler Pen (which were ve­ry [Page]acceptable) or want of leisure prevent m [...] not.) Wherein the Presse hath failed, thou maist excuse: but wherein I have erred, or come short, (if the more learned shall can­didly correct or supply) it (tending to the advancement of health, and of the Common­wealth of Learning) shall be friendly taken by,

Thine health-Servant, J. W.

LUES VENEREA. Wherein its Names, Na­ture, Subject, Causes, Signs, and Cure, are handled. The mistakes in these, discover'd, rectified; and many Doubts and Questions, succinctly resolved.

CHAP. I. The Praeface.

THat Africk is never without some new Monster, nor Eng­land without some new Disease, as strange & mon­strous, is a truth that needs no proof. But the proper reasons hereof are hard to find, and doe lesse [Page 2]appeare. Some send as far as the Starrs, and accuse the inclemency of their influences; Others go no farther then the Kitchen, and accuse our diet of too much variety and change from the plainenesse of the Antient healthier times, & our new inventions of Sperm­firing Cookery. But a Christian looks yet higher, to the displeasure of God, at the new and horrid sins of man acted by the body, chastised and marked out by new and unheard-of diseases, of which this is one.

Before the yeare 1493. this disease never gave a visit to Europe, kept its own region in the then unknown Western world, where it was Endemical. Thence (as 'tis storied) the followers of Chr. Columbus returning brought it, and gave it to the Ital [...]an women, and they to the French Souldiers at the siege of Naples, Sua simul pudenda et pudendum morbum communicàrunt. After that siege, the French returning, brought it to those [...]hat were or should be their wives from whom they received a malevo­lent [Page 3]benevolence. And when it was come so near us, we (that delight to imitate the French) tooke their faults and their fashions together. And this disease (liking this fertile Soyle) amongst us brought forth a dreadfull encrease. Brassavolus ob­served long since 234 severall diffe­rences (accidental he meanes); and, amongst us, scarce in two severall bodies hath it the same face and phae­noms, so strangely, (in the effects and symptoms) did it soon appear, and therein the wrath of God. And that this is to be looked on as the most considerable cause of its grouth in France, and Italy, and plentifull spreading amongst us, we shall easi­der, that (when first this Pest began to break out there, and became more spreading of late here) the wickednesse of man encreased. Great warrs, and of long continuance, were moved by mighty Nimrods, heat [Page 4]of blood, brought forth heat of lust, the insatiability whereof was puni­shed by this new Pest.

But not to stay the reader on the provoking cause (or the avenging hand) I shall next lead him to the best Definition of this disease that I can finde, that it may appear by its Essence, after I have given it its name.

CHAP. II. The Names.

WEE commonly (knowing whence we had it) call it the French Pox. They for the same reason (for none take pleasure to owne it) intitle it the Neapolitan, Italian, or Spanish. They again whip the vagarant, give it a passe-port and send it to the place of its birth, cal­ling it the Indian disease. Some a­gain, (observing how ill it is taken by [Page 5]each Nation, (that it should take the name of its Sire from their Country) have found or made a name for it, (from its first quarters commonly) and will have it called Pudendagra. But (what word bearing no modest English Translation) we, without slurring any other Nation, as making them reputed fathers of the common Bastard, (and knowing our selves) do choose rather to call it the Venereous disease; or, (in con­tradistinction to the Variolae) the Grea [...] Pox.

And there is no lesse dissent and clashing, amongst Authors of the first note, in defining its nature, than in assigning its name; which comes to passe, by the deep silence and darkness of the Antients, in that they had no light from the Fathers of Physick, to slay and be a Basis to their thoughts. And therefore I shall take my liberty also, and give you its nature and beeing, thus.

CHAP. III. The Definition.

THe Venereous disease is, A praeternaturall Affect or Dispositi­on of man's body, primarily, and of it self, hurting or offending the Naturall Operations (and thence the Vital and Animal) from a cause or reason occult or unknown.

I call it an Affect or Disposition, not in a strict sense, as opposed to Habit, (as if I thought it easily re­moved) but in a large and genrall sense, such as may imply Habit as well as Disposition. For this Dis­ease in weaker and more depravable constitutions, becomes so rooted, and hath committed such waste in the Vital and Animal spirits, and induced such an Atony on the whole Microcosm, as may admit Palliation, but not Cure. I call it [Page 7] Praeternaturall, in opposition to na­turall, ordinate, and preserving dis­positions. And, Of man's body; for there is no disease of man's body, (this excepted) but is common to them with beasts; but this befalls mankind onely, (more lustfully in­satiate than the beasts themselves). I say farther, That it hurts and offends the naturall operations; it being pro­per to such as labour under this dis­ease, that some naturall operation be offended. And I call them Natu­rall, (retaining the old received di­stinction) in opposition to Vital and Animal, as arising from the Vegeta­ble faculty, (which the Stoicks called Nature) amongst whom, Nutrition, Augmentation, and Generation, are contained, and such other ope­rations as arise from, and are sub­servient to them. Now, there is a three-fold hurt or offence done to any operation, viz. Abolition, Di­minution, and Depravation. And, [Page 8]in this disease, the operations are evidently depraved: I do not say, they are not diminished, but they are alwaies depraved; and as far as they are diminished, it comes on them by depravation. Then I say, Primarily, and of it self; because, though the Vital and Animal ope­rations be also (and speedily) offen­ded; yet it is Secondarily, and by reason that the naturall operations were first offended; and so, not as Animals and Vitals, but as Natu­ral bodies, have they their first in­jury. Lastly, I say, For, or from a cause or reason, occult and unknown. To distinguish this from other dis­eases, concerning whom, it appears, whence, how, and when, the ope­rations are iujured, either by disso­lution, or corruption, or some other manifest way. But, how this disease wounds the operations, is very ob­scure, and we hardly find words to expresse, what we conceive of it. [Page 9]And though in the disease, ulcers, and gummy tumors do appear, and other loathsome symptoms, (as in the Chapter of Signs more at large); yet these are not the disease it self, much lesse the causes, but the ef­fects. I deny not, that the effects do appear, and oft do, where the true nature, reason, and causes thereof, lie in the dark. If I should call these ulcers and tumors, the disease, by a Metonymy; yet even in them is found, that which reason but imperfectly, much lesse sense, can know: For we do not find them cu­red by such remedies, as give the effect by their first or manifest qua­lities, or by any remedies, taught by the Antients; but by other re­medies, and such as are new, and were unknown unto them. Neither let this seem strange, to affirm, that there are diseases, whose nature, cause, and formall reasons, lye ob­scure; for the evidence of this is [Page 10]prepared, and plainly made out to our hands, by learned Fernelius, De abditis rerum causts, from the Monu­ments of the Antients. And thus much for the description of the Disease Venereal.

If any object, that I have penned a Treatise, to make a disease better known to my Countrymen, labou­ring under it, or in danger of it; and that I do in the issue resolve all, in rationes incognitas, occult operati­ons, which are ignorantiae asyla. I answer, That of many things we know the quod sit, not the cur sit. When the Objectors can give me the reason of the strength of the Neather-jaw; of the Load-stone's work and impotency; of the Com­passe, its variation and stupor; of the motion of the Sea and Winds; of the production of the Stone and Worms; of the forms, and their transmuta­tions in bodies mixt; of the causes and reasons of operations in pesti­lent [Page 11]diseases; By that time, I shall further satisfie them. Qui nil dubi­tat, nil didicit: & maxima pars eorum quae scimus, est minima pars eorum quae nescimus. Shall the learned'st Lights of the Apollinaean Art, (called to set forth the causes and reasons, of the Stone and Worms, in the severall parts, ventricles, and cavities of the body; and being urged by stresse of argument) fly (to defend their opi­nions) to Spiritus lapidescens & lum­brificans, as the Essicient cause; and Materia lapidescibilis & lumbrisica­bilis, as the Materiall? Shall those Heroes (in shewing the reason of pestilent and malignant cacoethicall diseases) fly to a cause, quae agit tota substantia, the Asylum ignorantiae? Then, what excuse or plea could my ignorance and madnesse have, if in so learned an age, I should tell the world in print, that I knew any thing so comprehensively, as that I were ignorant of it in nothing; [Page 12]Whereas, there are more depths of nature in a little Gnat, then the learning of the World shall ever attain in this mortall state. And he hath gone far in knowledge, that knowes his owne ignorance; And hee's unworthy to know more, that is ashamed to consesse it. And so much, by digression. From the Defi­nition, I shall come to the Subject of this disease, and then more di­stinctly to the Effect it self; which, (though they have been touched in the Definition,) yet being most con­siderable parts, require a particular hand.

CHAP. IIII. The Subject of the Venereous Disease.

AND that I take to be the hu­mors (and spirits) primarily, [Page 13]and (by their circulation [...], and dis­persing themselves throughout the body) there is no part secure from being, secondarily, the seat and Sub­ject of it. Why the whole body is not alwayes afflicted of this disease, but the Members of generation, the mouth, and instruments of sense and motion; no greater reason can be given, then the tendernesse of those parts, their impotency to resist such an enemy, and their exquisite sense. That the humors first, and next the spirits, are the chief seat, this a­mounts to a reason undeniable; that the disease so speedily spreads the whole body. Besides, the spirits ha­ving their chief residence in those parts, (the genitalls, and seminary vesse [...]ls for generation,) the Liver, (according to old opinion) and the Veines, heart and masse of blood, (according to the new) and in the head for sense and motion; these parts must needs be first, and more [Page 14]taken of this disease, then the out­ward parts, which with their nou­rishment must of necessity, after­wards, successively have this defile­ment conveyed unto them also. Neither may any one think, that the humors and spirits are no living bo­dies, and therefore, not the subject of this disease; Though I could grant the consequence, yet the Antece­dent can never be made good. For can they be the first receivers, instru­ments, and conveyers of Life unto the other parts, and yet have no life in themselves? Are they nourished, augmented, diminished, (which are properties of living bodies) and yet be no living bodies? We conclude then, the humors and spirits to be the subjects of this disease; For they have the requisite conditions of a true subject, which are these: That primarily, and of themselves, and not by the intervention of any other, and alwayes, while the disease a­bides [Page 15]in the body, it is seated in them, though not alwayes in them onely. The truth of this opinion, you will the more rest in, and with the greater evidence; if I avoid the pretended claime, that other parts of the body are supposed to have, to be the seats of this disease. There be three options only, amongst ma­ny others, which are worthy to be taken into this contest.

For some have seated this disease in them members of generation; others in the Liver▪ and a third sort in the Head. First, R [...]son and experience both, will discharge the Genitalls, from being the subject of this dis­ease. Reason, For then there were no such disease in the body, but of necessity they must be offended, and injured: but we often find men strongly taken of this disease, with­out Ulcer, Tumor, or any other signe of wrong to the proper actions of those parts. Besides, if they were [Page 16]the subject, and the diseases lodged in them, then (supposing them to be amputed) the disease were cured, and the body rendred uncapable of it, (which cannot be granted.) For many receive this disease by inhe­ritance, in the seed of their parents, one or both; and give it to their Nurses. Many receive it from the venereous milk of their nurses; the genitalls of both which, for a long while remain sound. So that the members of generation are dischar­ged.

Next to quit the Liver's claim, to be the seat of this disease, (which hath been the opinion of many Phy­sitians of note) against whom, I ar­gue thus. That part which is primò, and per se offended, is the subject of that offence, or disease injuring; but that's not the Liver: for Ulcers and Tumors arise in the genitalls, from this disease, (and that sometimes ve­ry speedily) which if by seasonable [Page 17]and fit remedies they were Cured, the Liver and whole body would re­main sound. If any doubt, whether these Ulcers and Tumors be effects, and do shew the presence of this dis­ease; let them enquire, How their bodies were contaminated, and by what Contact; also by what speci­ficall remedies they were cured, and they will cease to doubt. If then these effects discover the disease pre­sent, then that disease (being an ac­cident) must have a subject proper to it, which, we have proved the ge­nitalls themselves, (though offen­ded) cannot be; much lesse the Li­ver, which for a time remains un­touch't, (the disease being as yet not propagated so farre.) There­fore, either the accident must be without a subject, or there is some other; for the Liver must cease its claime. Besides, it is well known, that the disease is propagated by Contact, and contact is not of the [Page 18]Liver, which is far distant. Now, if the disease enter the body by Con­tact, it is then immediately, in its proper subject, or not; If not, then the disease passeth from subject to subject, and so hath no proper sub­ject. Further, If the Liver were the proper subject, then (to speak in their language) the sanguifying fa­culty must necessarily be presently vitiated, as soon as the disease en­ters. For, if a bowell be vitiated, its proper faculty and work must ne­cessarily be forthwith vitiated. Ga­len will tell you, that where san­guification is vitiated, Fiunt fluxus sanguinei, aut vitiatus color. The body nourished by virulent blood, the whole habit of it becomes virulent. For, as is the blood, so is the flesh, and consequently the colour of the same, throughout the whole body. But that dark, squalid, fuscous, dull, flowerlesse colour, that usual­ly accompanieth and discovereth [Page 19]this disease (grown,) appeareth not of a long time, in many infected, in whom the disease lurks, as curbed and corrected by stronger spirits and bowells; and is in its progress resisted, (Nature endeavouring her own prefervation, and to keep her quarters secure.)

Now for the third opinion, of those that make the Head the seat and subject of this disease. If not the Liver or Genitals, much lesse the Head can be: for many have the disease grown (as appears by af­flicting-symptoms;) and yet find no sensible injury thereby, in their heads. Again, The Head is never primarily and immediately affected, but because some other parts of the body have been first taken with this disease; and, therefore, not the Sub­ject. Besides, the effects of this dis­ease have often been removed from the Head, and yet this Pest remain­ed in other parts of the body, (which [Page 20]sufficiently evinceth the opinion as­serted, and confuteth the contrary.) Now, though grievous symptoms, as flames, pustules, hard tumors, ringing in the ears, dimnesse of sight, falling away of the hair; and many other effects of this disease appear in the head: Yet these are caused by the contagion, carried along in the humours and vitall spirits, which are distributed through the whole body; who (especially moving towards the head, and having this disease lodged in them) produce these effects there. For the spirits being light substances, thin, and passable, do naturally move upwards, and, by their tenui­ty, do pierce and passe through all the parts of the head; yet, the dis­ease hath not its seat there, (for the reason in the former Section deli­vered): For the proper and princi­pall operations of the animal fa­culty, are not offended by it, as [Page 21]Imagination, Reason, Memory. And if the sensory parts be offen­ded, vitiated, and weakened by the disease, it is rather, by reason that they are naturall bodies, (nouri­shed by such blood and spirits) than that they are the instruments of, and belonging to, the animal and rational faculty. And there­fore I conclude, Not the Genitals, not the Liver, not the Head, but the Humours and Spirits, are the true and proper subjects of this disease; of which, I had not so much enlarged, but for that it is importantly necessary to be known, to direct, how the Cure is to be specified and determined.

CHAP. V. What the Affect is, which is sea­ted in the Humours, &c.

IF you enquire what that Affect is, which is seated in the Hu­mours and Spirits, I say, it is no other than a distemper. If, What distemper? a hot, cold, moist, or dry? I say, it may accompany any one, every one of them, and yet be another thing different from them. For the character of this disease is a certain degree and manner of distemper, which we have not words to expresse. Neither there­fore must we flye to a fourth kind or species of diseases, (amongst whom, to place this) to the Antients unknown, who have left us the acknowledgment but of three kinds, (though they knew a kind of dis­eases [Page 23]that offend after a secret man­ner) for they knew the biting of a mad Dog, of which they could give no sufficient reason, and yet they did not constitute another kind, be­sides the three, usually received; for Modus aut gradus non variat speciem.

That there is in this Disease a de­gree and manner of distemper, above that which is Elementary, appears in this; that there are certain effects and impressions of it, that cannot be reduced to any manifest Distemper. The operations arise from the Tem­per, and they are injured or offended by Distemper. As therefore, perfect operations proceed from a like de­gree of Temper; so also, operations eminently offended, are thus offen­ded by a like degree of Distemper. Also we find, that this Disease is cu­red by remedies, that do not cure manifest Distempers: yet, if they restore the operations, it is necessary, that they restore the Temper. But [Page 24]seeing they do not, (as curing this Disease) restore the manifest Tem­per; it followes, that they restore a degree of Temper, that we cannot expresse; and that they take away a like degree of Distemper, super­induced by this Disease. This also is to be considered; that this Disease may lodge in every Distemper: for in practice we find, that men of cold Distemper, as well as hot, and some of dry, and marasmodicall bodies, as well as the moist, and succulent, are taken with this Disease. So that this Distemper may joyne with any, with every Distemper. It is evident therefore, that the Character of this Disease, is another degree, and manner of Distemper, super-induced besides that of their owne formerly introduced.

And this consideration also in of great moment; that in receiving this disease by Contact, (as in the next Chapter at large) this degree and [Page 25]manner of distemper, wherein it consisteth, is introduced after the manifest distemper is induced; yet so, as that there is no great space of time, (rather a priority of nature then time,) between the degree im­pressed, and the distemper: which though at the beginning it may be disjunct from all proper matter, yet most commonly it is joyned to, and conveyed with, and in matter. And if not alwayes so, yet while it cor­rupts the humours and spirits, bow­els and members; it becomes the cause of begetting this corrupt and depraved matter, tough and viscous sanies, which is by degrees propa­gated in the humors and spirits, throughout all the bowels and mem­bers. And this is the manner of pro­ducing, and deriving the Venereous disease, which the next Chapter will more fully clear.

CHAP. VI. Of the Causes of the Venereous Disease.

NOw we shall enquire into the Causes, producing this Disease, which are either Externall, or Inter­nall. The Externall are all compre­hended under Contagion, and that is either Immediate, or Mediate. Im­mediate contagion is, when there is an immediate Contact between the bodies infecting, and infected. Me­diate, when some other body com­eth between, which receiveth the infective vapour, and conveyeth it to the body, that is to be infected, (as the aire;) Either the common aire, or that portion of it, that by the infector is breathed out, and by the infected, is received in. Now that this disease cannot be contract­ed [Page 27]by the medium of common or outward air, is evident; for then, multitudes that dwell in places and neighbourhoods of venereous per­sons, (as it falls out in times of pesti­lent contagion) would daily be in­fected, (especially they that dome­sticaly cohabit, and kindreds most­ly, would be much endangered) which experience doth not confirm. So that this good hath the Venere­ous plague beyond the other, that it keeps more at home, and doth not cast forth so strong a seminary of contagion, (though Fracastorus, an Author of no mean rank, thinketh otherwise.) Neither is it conveyed by aire, breathed out, and received in; for then, they that talk mouth to mouth with the Venereous, (and especially such as apply remedies to the ulcers of their mouth) must needs be infected; which is not found. It is true, the Tabes of the lungs communicateth a seminary of [Page 28]to the aire breathed out, so that they which are apt to receive that disease (drawing it in) are en­dangered. But not for it self, but as accompanied with an Hectick Fea­ver. But of this disease, it is not observed. So that, all mediate con­tact being rejected, it followes, that onely by immediate and corporeall contact, this disease is conveyed. And hereby I understand, carnall use of a venereous person, sucking venereous milk, or herditary dispo­sition from the seed of venereous parents, (which Plautus in Amphi­ter, calls Contagio.) The true man­ner then how this disease is con­tracted, is no other but this, (as hath even now bin shewed) either by generation, lactation, or mutuall attrition of bodies; whereby defiled spirits (mixed with the pure) com­municate a degree and manner of distemper, together with a prava proluvies, (induced or produced) [Page 29]which running up and down the body, infecteth the bowells onely in some, and in others the members also; but in some, not, (being resist­ed) as in Answer to the Questions shall be made appear.

The Internall cause of this dis­ease is no other, but, Ichor & sanies quaedam prava, (having their proper leaven in them) communicated, and tenaciously adhering to the hu­mours and spirits. Why this Sanies is propagated, sometimes, and in some, sooner; in others, later; many causes may be alledged: 1. The la­titude or straitnesse of the seminall passages; for, in wider pores and passages, this Illuvies is more easi­ly drunk in. Where the way is strair, the disease doth seldomer, and more hardly propagate it self. 2. A greater, or lesse plenty of humours, as in bodies more or lesse moist-3. Greater or lesse disposednesse of the bowells and members, to re­ceive [Page 30]or resist the contagion. And hence is it, that they which have loose flesh, and abounding with hu­mours, (their vessells being large and open-mouth'd) are soonest tainted, (first, the humours; then, the ge­nitalls; next, the mouth) for these causes, and other reasons before expressed.

You may observe, that men of dryer, harder, and colder bodies, are lesse subject to this disease, (as labouring men, poor men, old men). I have read it observed, that the Turks are not easily infected here­with, though they have alwaies amongst them venereous captives, of both sexes; and the reason suggest­ed, is, for that their bodies are more hard and drie, and consequently their genitalls. And thus much for the causes, whereby you may per­ceive, how this disease deriveth, in­sinuateth, and propagateth it self. Now, (forasmuch as no Argument [Page 31]can be set forth so clearly, as to leave no darknesse or doubts in the mind of the Reader, especially in this branch of it, touching the Causes.) I shall therefore farther endeavour his satisfaction, by solving such Questions and Doubts, as may yet beclowd him.

CHAP. VII. Doubts and Questions Resolved, touching the Causes especially.

1. QUest. Why may not Venereous contagion be conveyed medi­ately by the aire, (since we find asserted before, touching the Tabes of the lungs; and, by venerable Authors, of the Oph­thalmia, that it sends out spirits in­fecting the air; which the same air re­taining, (for a certain time and distance) communicateth by contagion to the eyes of others)? And if it be so in these cases, [Page 32]why may not, from the ulcers in the mouths of the Venereous, infecting-va­pours be sent out into the aire, and that again infect others, as well as in the Opthalmia and Tabes?

Answ. This disease lyeth prima­rily in the humours and naturall spirits, (for so I may call them) and they are more grosse, and lesse move­able, & cannot be emitted or darted out of the body, or, (if they should) would take weak impression upon the aire. The vitall spirits indeed are more subtile, and may passe fur­ther; and therefore diseases, prima­rily in them, have a more flagrant seminary, to impoison the air. Yet, if this disease be accompanied with a feavour, (as, in time and grouth, it will) that may put stings into it, and render it mediately contagious.

Quest. 2. May not the contagion be conveyed by Garments, as some have thought?

Answ. No; for if the aire cannot [Page 33]receive it, so as to convey it from person to person, much lesse other externall bodies, which should re­ceive it from the air. For, qualities communicated to the aire, are alte­red and changed by further mix­ture, and change of fleeting aire; and so lose their morbifick force.

Quest. 3. May not kissing the Vene­rous, pledging them out of the same cup, sitting next after them on the same stool, close-stool; lying after them on the same bed, bed-cloaths, convey the infection?

Answ. The contrary hath been proved, that no mediate contact, can, of it self, convey it; for, if the air or garments cannot, (for reasons ex­pressed) much lesse solider bodies, as close-stools, and cups, leight con­tact of lips, &c. And if they should, then would this disease be much more spreading; and cohabitants with the Venereous, unavoidably be infected: so that Pest-houses were as necessary for these, as for the Le­prous antiently, and of late for the [Page 34]visited with the plague of Pestilence. And although this diseased (usually) be a gentleman, yet common safety were preponderous to any man's private quality.

Quest. 4. May a woman bring this Disease upon her selfe, by prostituting her body to many clean and uninfected men?

Ans. To affirm this, doth sup­pose brothelry, debauched brothel­ry, to be of late edition in the World; or at least in those places, or regions, where not withstanding the Venere­ous Disease, never had a footing.

Quest. 5. May sperm, oft injected by coition, with the same, or severall clean Persons, (clogging the expulsive faculty of the Womb) cause such a pu­trefaction, as that her Humors become venereously corrupted, and so the disease be produced?

Ans. No, for if clean seed extra­vasate, by not being expelled the Womb, should cause such a putre­faction, as to render the person Ve­nereous; [Page 35]then seed long detained and kept in the seminary vessels, and there corrupting and putrifying, (the cause of the most leonine Hi­stericall fits, as is commonly asser­ted) should have much more causa­lity to produce this disease. But this cannot be granted, and there­fore not the former.

Quest. 6. What is the reason, that this Disease, which in some persons, for some years lurketh in the body, so, as no signe of it appears; yet that at length, it should discover it selfe, and break forth in great rage?

Ans. The venome of the biting of a mad Dog, lieth for some years in the body of some man, without any signe discovering it, (which all Physitians after Hippocra [...]s acknow­ledge) and yet neither he, nor any of the Ancients understood the dis­ease; So may this Lues. But the manner How, and reason Why, is most worthy to come under Conside­ration. I said before, that this prolu­vies [Page 36]is viscous, and therefore, tena­ciously adheres to the bowels, and is mingled with the humors and spirits; but because, evidence of its presence cannot clearly, and by manisest ef­fects, be shewed but on solid bodies; which this venereous Illuvies doth find bowels so strongly spirited, as that they make great resistance, and refuse it, and obtrude it into the by­cavities of the body, (where it lies fermenting) the disease resideth es­pecially in this Venereous Illuvies, and is not communicated to the out­wards parts. So that, when, how, and where this disease begins, acts, and creeps on, is not perceived. There are workings and alterations, and morbifick sensations in the body, which are not (at all in strong con­stitutions, and in others not) percei­ved by their proper causes, and are of tentimes attributed to other, than their owne. So that, if you put to­gether the time, wherein the bowels resist the Venereous poison, and the [Page 37]time wherein it worketh insensibly, together with the time of the bodies state neutral; it may amount to a year, many years, before the effects, symptoms, and evidences, undoub­tedly discover the disease present.

Quest. 7. How comes it to passe, that sometimes, and to some, at one coition with the Venereous, this disease is con­tracted; yet others can scarce be infected at many?

Ans. This must be ascribed to ma­ny causes.

1. To the various dispositions of bodies; for some are more prone to this, or that disease, and therefore take it sooner: for nature makes lesse resistance. Which also is the reason, that they which have any weak part of their bodies, do receive a disease sooner in that part. For example, let a man that hath the gowt, be taken Venereously, and he shall find it more to prevaile, and afflict him in his feet. So on him that hath weak eyes, if this disease supervene; his [Page 38]eyes are sooner, and more afflicted, than other parts.

2. Carelesnesse, sordidness in ne­glecting their own bodies, is ano­ther cause. For they that rightly and rationally cleanse themselves after coition, are scarcely, and sel­domer, taken of this disease. But they that (having no care of them­selves) do suffer the Illuvies to cleave unto them, are sooner, and more fiercely, taken of it.

3. Long stay in carnall coition, makes much to infection; for they that welter in unclean bodies, (and, through the ecstasy of lust, much inflame themselves after saciety) are speedily, and at one coition in­fected: But they that soon with­draw, and are lesse inflamed, are not so easily stung.

4. They are soonest infected that most burn in lust, and are (with the horse) more violently carried to coition, by a sperm-fire. And hence it is, that so many of the younger [Page 39]sort are so soon infected. For when heat of youth, and heat of lust, (more turgent, by spermatick and too liberall diet) meet together, there is a great flame, which makes them fearlesse of a worse, and greater. The like may be said of them, qui rarò venere fruuntur; for when they obtain their desires, they go on vio­lently, and so are the sooner infe­cted. The reason is, because a great conflux of stimulating spirits fall in­to the genitalls, by whose heat and rage, the spermatick waies are much dilated, and so set the more open to the poyson.

Quest. 8. Some move the Question, Whether a woman, carnally known by a venereous man, and rem [...]ining her self (as to sense, at least) uninfected; may yet infect him that next approacheth her?

Answ. Some hold the Negative, because, Nemo dat quod non habet; and therefore it hardly finds credit, that a person uninfected, should yet in­fect [Page 40]another. But to hold the Affir­mative, is to maintain that, which is neither impossible nor irrationall. It is evidenced already, that this Lues may lurk in the body many years, (in the humours and cavities) and therefore let it not seem strange, if, in coition, it defile others. We have the story in Avicen, of a young woman, nourished up with poyso­nous diet, who was never poysoned her self, and yet poisoned all that had carnall use of her. You have an­other president (in plague-times) of cats and dogs, who (not being infe­cted themselves) carry the infection to others. So that the Affirmative is no absurd assertion.

Quest. 9. whence comes it to passe, that at the beginning, when this disease came newly into Europe, it was so for­midably raging; but now is became much more mild, and lesse destructive?

Answ. There were many causes conspiring, that at first made this disease more fierce, which at this [Page 41]time ceasing, (or abating their acti­vity) it is reasonable, the disease should remit. The causes that made the disease so formidable at first, were, 1. Affrighting novelty, new and fierce symptoms, whereof they neither understood whence they arose, nor to what degree of af­flicting they might ascend. So that men being terrified by this novelty, and ignorant of the power of their enemy, became spirit-faln; and their bodies (not having the benefit of the counsell and courage of their minds) were delivered up captive to the disease, to do what it could on them. And this was one reason, why it be­came so formidable. For, as in times of Pestilence, that disease affrights most at first; so, they are in most danger, which are most cast down and trampled on by their own fears. Whereas the more careless and con­fident (having all the help, strength, and defence, of courage and resolu­tion, that the generous governing [Page 42]mind can give) are so much the more secure. So is it in this case. And this also is the reason, why the body, in sleep, is more subject to the inclemency of the aire; for (not be­ing governed by the mind) it is wholly delivered up to the piercing aire, (it being of it self able to make no resistance) and therefore men are then most subject (as we phrase it) to take cold, (which let them ob­serve, who sleep in their day-cloaths, without superstrate coverings.) 2. At the first breaking in of this dis­ease, apt remedies were not found out, to arm men against the rage of it. The vertues of those Indian-Sim­ples (whence the disease came) were not known; and when they were found, it was looked upon as a bles­sing dropt down from heaven, and the Inventors blessed. 3. When apt Simples were found, they were used (by most in practise) without weigh­ty reason; so that for want of me­thod to direct their use, those reme­dies [Page 43]not onely proved fruitlesse to some, but to others hurtfull. Bodies ill handled with acute medecines, become more defiled. 4. All enemies in their avaunt, shew themselves most formidable. Time was, when the Yex, or Hicket, produced dread­full effects; the Neezing (which we look upon as a remedy) was once a disease so deplorate, that by-standers (terrified with it) brought in that custom of praying over them, Christ help, &c. which custom prevailes to this day. So we read of the Mentagra and Gemursa, diseases, at their en­trance, fierce, which afterwards became more remisse. And this leads me to the next Question.

Quest. 10. What the reason should be, that though this disease be generally milder, yet, on some, it appears very cruell?

Answ. Hereof may be assigned ma­ny reasons: 1. Either the disease finds weak bodies, full of corrupt humours, bodies passively disposed; [Page 44]and hereby it becomes the more ty­rannous. 2. Or the disease is a re­lapse, and finds nature yielding; and renued and ingeminated diseases e­ver appear worst. 3. Or other diseases fallen in, are joyned with it, (one disease drawing on another his con­generate); and diseases the more complicate, the worse. 4. Besides, the new disease falls in, when na­ture is weak, low, and languishing; so that its expulsive ability cannot keep out, or drive off the diseases, new nor old.

Quest. 11. Whence comes it to passe, that this disease falls most, sometimes on the hairs, sometimes the nerves, some­times the bones, sometimes the fleshy parts?

Answ. Because they are more dis­posed and propense to receive it; or, because they do lesse repell it. Hence it is, that when and where the flesh is weak, and doth lesse resist, (which ariseth of many causes) then it falls on fleshy or musculous parts. And [Page 45]the like may be said of all the rest. That which Physitians say of the Feavour-heat, (that sometimes it falls on the humours, sometimes on the spirits, and sometimes on the so­lid parts, as they are more disposed to inflammation, or do lesse resist that flame) may as truly be affirmed of this disease.

Quest. 12. Some move the question, Whether there be any region or people, amongst whom this disease is more sprea­ding? And the reason, why, they move, it, is, because it is observed of old, that there are diseases which have spread some Countries, for speciall reasons, and apt­nesses in the natives: as the Elephan­tiasis in Egypt, the gout in Attica, the Dracunculi in Arabia, the Aphthae in Syria. In Aethiopia, was a disease that sent out of their bodies winged lice, and out of the same perforations grew a strange scab, which held them till death.

Ans. To give resolution to this question, know; That all diseases, [Page 46](which distinctly befall some Coun­tries more than other) do arise; ei­ther, from their diet, or from some evill conjunction of humors in, and thereby, inclinations of that people; or, from some winds, that bring con­tagious vapours, by inspiration as­saulting them; or, from the temper of the aire, impressed by Influences. The scab of Aethiopia, the Dracun­culi of Arabia, (which the Ancients mention) came on them by their ex­cesse in diet; (for they were a vora­cious people) and especially, from their feeding on Locusts, which de­praved their constitutions. The gowt of Attica, arose from their full and delicious diet, and much venery. We read also of Winds, which brought the causes of sicknesses, (as the south Wind from Africk to Eu­rope) and some Winds barrennesse to Women. So that all Endemicall diseases, proper to regions arise; ei­ther, from a corrupt usage of those Countries, or from the temper of the [Page 47]aire. But this disease hath no such rise (adjuvant causes, I deny not) so that it cannot be peculiar to any region: but seeing it is gotten by contact, (especially, that of coition) I say, it is most peculiar to those Countries, Cities, Families, Persons that are most addicted to Venery. And so I come from the Causes, and such doubts as arise thereupon, unto the, Signes.

CHAP. VIII. Of the Signes, Diagnostick.

THe signes of this disease, are either Diagnostick, or Progno­stick: Diagnostick, or such as discover the disease present, (besides those which have been scattered in the precedent Chapters) may from the accidentall differences of this dis­ease, (the essence being alwayes the same) be rallied in this order: as [Page 48]they flow, 1. From the rise, that one is haereditary and native, another accidentary; as by a soul bed, a vene­reous Child to the Nurse, or a vene­reous Nurse to the Child. 2. From the age of it; that one is begun, ano­ther growing, a third consummate. 3. From the symptoms; that one is more vehement, another milder, 4. From the sex. 5. From the age of the pati­ent. 6. From the constitution. 7. From the usages.

1. From the rise: for if the Coun­tenance do not plainly speak the dis­ease, (as by paint, it may be much silenced) yet it will give occasion to enquire, whether they have not been carnally joyned to the venereous; whether they have not been infor­med, or had reason to believe, that they descended of venereous parents, one or both; or had a venereous Nurse; or she a venereous Child. These may make the matter proba­ble, and prevent, or strengthen other enquiries. Otherwise, the signes [Page 49]discovering, are not certain, and infalli­ble; but suspitious, and conjecturall.

2. Signes from the age of the disease, fall under three Heads; either as it is,

1. Begun, for at entrance they are all obscure, and general, and much common with other diseases: as wearinesse, (without labour) overthe whole body, moveable pains in the head and body, heavinesse or sloathfulnesse of all instru­ments of motion, unlustfulnesse after sleep, the colour of the face changing, and growing darker. If it entred by a defiled bed; heat and sharpnesse of u­rine, smart in the genitals, heat in the reins, dulnesse, sadnesse.

2. Growing on: virulent running of the reins, (green, yellow, or towards black) pains, swellings, soft tumors of of the privities, (one or all) with in­creasing anguish. Sometimes a little feavour, (without any great signes of putrefaction) akeing of the periostia, or by the bone; pains increasing in the e­vening, and later part of the night, and enraged by the heat of the bed; a little [Page 50]cough, urine becomn sabulous, pale, smelling strong and rancid, spermaticall matter floating on it; ordure foeculent, of various forms and colours, (towards green, yellow, black) not onely in di­vers, but in the same stool.

3. Consummate and Confirmed, are, coldnesse of nature, desirous of the fire, a continued and setled pain of the head, in some part of it; tumors, ulcers a­bout the head; flaccidity, loosnesse of flesh, and rottennesse of the privities; tumours, ulcers (or both) of the mouth, (which are sometimes crusty, some­times, purulent, sometimes callous); whorsenesse of voice, speaking through the palate or roof of the mouth, and nose; not opening their mouths wide to speak as formerly, and finding it pain­full so to do; falling down of the nose, and a stinking breath, from the cariosity thereof; falling of the hairs, especially of the eye brows; sometimes a painfull flying humour, from the brain, to the haemorhoid-veins, and thence a recur­rence to the brain; hard knots in the [Page 51]legs, arms, neck, or all; rottennesse of the periostia and bones; tumours, and sharp pains about the cheek-bones, ringing of the ears, clefts of the hands & feet; and grievous tormenting pains throughout the whole body; which becommeth emaciate, (appetite being decayed, and concoction much weak­ned); dimnesse of sight, the colour of the eyes changed, (having lost their bright­nesse and agility) become slow of motion; stinking, loathsome, slimy sweats; to­phous knots, (like those of the gout) the colour of the skin becomming still more darksome, squallid, and like the countenance in a black Jaundies; Bu­boes swelling out in the Inguina, and sometimes falling in, (flying from place to place, especially of the Emun­ctories). Most commonly it appears in this order. First, by acrimony, and sharpnesse of urine, virulent running of the reins, (and sometimes not, which is seldom.) This flowing, women oft mi­stake for the Whites, whereby the dis­ease is let grow on unperceived. Then, [Page 52]pustules appear, (arising first about the genitalls;) next, swelling gums, knots. Thence crusty sores, white in the midst, and red round about, which being bro­ken give case.) Then pains of the Head, in the evening increasing. After that, buboes about the Inguina, growing as big as Eggs. Then Tophous knots. At length, Ulcers of the Nose, palate, and cruell pains.

3. Signes from the symptoms; which ever at beginning are milder, and after­wards more fierce. This is the reason, why the patient neglects the best season of Cure, governing the care of his health, by sense of pain; which (creep­ing on insensibly) makes him think the distemper will spend it self, and so wear away.

4. Signes from the sex; for the wea­ker sex have some benefit above the stronger, (to abate the disease by Child­bed, and monthly clensings) but a grea­ter mischief, by the passive and recep­tive formation of their bodies, (lodging virulent sperme) and (being of more [Page 53]soft and spungy bodies) are more apt to receive contagion, and have weaker hu­mors, and spirits to resist, and repell the same. And hence it is, that the signes and symptoms, before mentioned on them [...], do become more fierce and dolo­rous.

5. Signes from the age of the Patient: As more years are an advantage against infection, (old men do not so easily re­ceive it, and the signes and symptoms do not appear so fierce) so have they thereby a greater disadvantage, for if they are once seized, it seldome departs but with Life.

6. Signes from the constitution, and temperament. The Cholerick are soo­nest tanged, the Melancholly most af­flicted, the sanguine make best resist­ance to infection, and are best Cured; the Phlegmatick have it lying longest in their humors, (all which must be ta­ken into Consideration, when you exa­mine upon the signs before mentioned.)

Lastly, From the Usages. The tender and idle take it soonest, are most afflict­ed, [Page 54]and with greatest difficulty Cured: Contrarily, laborious and dry bodies. And thus you have a Catalogue of the signes, (not all, for that were endlesse): about which, three things are to be ob­served.

1. That all these, at the entrance of the disease are lesse visible, and more mild; but as the disease growes on, do more appear and rage.

2. That as it is not necessary, that all these signes concurr where ever the dis­ease is; so it is hard to find a venere­ous body, on which one of these ap­pears alone, (for if there befalling of the hairs, there are also Ulcers, Tumors, and manifold Pains; and so of all the rest.) For you shall never find one la­bouring under this disease (growen) but many of these signes conspire to blab, and discover it; and the reason is, (because the fomes of this disease is sea­ted in the humors, (as is before said) which are dispersed throughout the bo­dy, from which each bowell and mem­ber with its nourishment, having its de­filement) [Page 55]filement) so that it cannot be, the dis­ease should have but one window to look out at.

3. That most of these signs are pro­duced by other diseases; yet, in two things they differ: One is, The contu­macy or stubbornnesse of this disease, and its accidents, beyond those of other diseases. The other is, The disobedience and opposition, that this disease makes to all ordinary remedies. When you find a disease (seeming another) throughout not obedient to the reme­dies, left us by the Antients, you may vehemently suspect to be Venereous.

CHAP. IX. Of the Signes Prognostick, or disco­vering the Event of this Disease.

THis disease of it self is seldom and slowly mortall. I say, Of it self; for it may, and oft doth, beget, or is ac­companied with another, more nimbly [Page 56]mortall, (for diseases seldom go alone.) Unlesse it fall on a flaming constitution. It is no acute, but chronick dis­ease, and therefore worst in old men. (Hippocrates gives the reason, 2 Aph. Old men are lesse subject to sicknesse than the younger; but their diseases are wont to be long, and accompany them till death.) Again, This disease contracted by co­ition onely, is easiest cured; next, when brought on by the brest; and hardest, when inherited. Besides, they that purge well by childbed, termes, or flowing haemorrhoides, are lesse subject to, or afflicted by this disease; and on them it is more easily cured, (they ha­ving many ordinary Sewers for corrup­tion.) Likewise, if there be a falling a­way of hairs, a pronenesse to sweat, the disease is the safer; (for when it falls outward, and the skin open) it appears the sooner to be removed; but the dee­per the disease lodgeth, the harder the cure. Also, if the disease be joyned with a feaver, the more considerable the feavour, the harder the cure. For the [Page 57]remedies which remove the venereous disease, (being hot and dry) encrease the feaver. Lastly, diseases, by relapse, the oftner, the worse. For, if rationall means could not remove the bodie's dis­position to this disease, it becommeth still more prone and succumbent to it; therefore in such cases, the patient needs a more prudent and well-furni­shed Artist. And so much for the signes. Before I enter upon the Cure, it will be necessary to remove some doubts, which tend to the clearing of what hath been delivered, and make way to the Cure.

CHAP. X. Doubts and Questions Resolved.

1. QUest. Why doth this disease (which hath such cruell symptoms, and sometimes such as are commensurate with life it self) ordinarily kill so slowly?

Answ. Death comes not, but when the heart is vehemently injured; and Nature ever (what it can) preserves [Page 58]and defends that fortresse, especially against this disease. Besides, this disease of it self begets no feaver, but by acci­dent. In this disease, Respiration is not changed, but rarely, and at last extre­mity. The Pulse is not altered, for there are no diagnostick signes from thence of this disease, (a good evidence, that Nature defends the Heart.) But, de Mo­do quaeritur, which take thus. The vital spirits are the most mighty instruments of Nature, to secure themselves and her. Their fire is ever in opposition to, and depuration of, and from, what is heterogenious, (and, against what is most opposite, most active.) And the oftner they passe the elaboration of the heart, the more strong they become. That which Aristotle saith of Choler, (how truly, I do not affirm) Quarto de part. Animal. [That the heart will not suf­fer choler to come near it, because choler is a great enemy to the heart] the like do I say of this venereous poison, The heart will not suffer it to come near it, but ever, by the vital spirits, oppugns it, be­cause [Page 59]it is a great enemy unto it; and the heat of the heart is ever in depuration of them. As impure gold is (by the fire­heat, and separating ability) illustra­ted, purified, perfected; so, the hu­mours and spirits (venereously defiled) by the hearts heat, are purified and pre­served, the lesse and more slowly cor­rupted.

Quest. 2. Whether this disease be cura­ble? Whether it be true, (which some affirm) that it never makes peace, but truce onely?

Answ. Experience evidenceth the contrary. It is true, that unlesse this dis­ease be seasonably set on, and restrain­ed, it takes deeper roots; and though at beginning it hath secret and under­ground workings, and do lesse, or not at all appear, (for reasons formerly shewed) yet, with time, it takes en­crease, and discovereth it self. Now, one reason why this disease is so seldom cured, ariseth from the Patient, who being (by the industry of the Physiti­an) once delivered from fierce symp­toms, and sense of pain, too hastily be­commeth [Page 60]confident of being cured; de­clines obedience to further indeavours: so that the disease-still lurks in the hu­mors, (and with them imbibed by the bowels and members) and breaks forth again. Hence hath risen that proverbi­all speech, that it admits a truce, not a peace.

Quest. 3. Whether, as time was, when this disease was not, (for it is a stranger un­to us, not endemicall) so time shall be, when it shall cease? Whether it shall have but a season onely; as the Mentagra, and Gemur­sa in Italy, and the Sweating sickness in England?

Ans. It is propable that it shall be so, and this I am induced to think from these conjectures. 1, Because, other dis­eases formerly not known, (nor being) had but their seasons, and now are anti­quated and extinct, (as is instanced in the question.) 2, Because, since this dis­ease began in Europe, it is much abated of its rage: and that which may abate, may abolish. If you ask me, how this should come to passe? I answer, many [Page 61]wayes, 1. By diet, and manner of li­ving, men will become more choise and frugall, 2. They have, and will learn more prudence in coition; and as time teacheth men discretion, so will they more avoid this contagion, 3. Cleanli­nesse about the body, will do much to effect this, (as in answer to the seventh question.) I shall further give probabi­lity to this opinion, by answer to ano­ther Question, thus. Why was the plague of Pestilence, and Leprosie so frequent formerly, and now so rare? (Or, if the Pestilence break forth, is oft so soon quelled?) No reason, (as to men) can be given, but, that men have more care of their diet, skill to manage preservatives, are more diligent in clen­sing their Cities, and Habitations, have more care of their persons in avoiding contagion: The same may be said of this disease. It raged formerly, because men were more negligent of them­selves: but time and experience teach them more prudence.

Quest. 4. Doth not the supervention of [Page 62]this disease, cure and remove the falling-sicknesse, Asthma, or other mortall disease.

Ans. I know, it is affirmed by some, and they give this reason; because, by this disease, there is a totall change wrought upon nature: so that it should easily come to passe, that those almost naturall diseases (mentioned) should hereby be removed. But these are fal­lacies; for, grant that by this disease, a great change is made on nature; yet it is a change to the worse. Therefore, how can it be, that those diseases, which (in a body otherwise sound) are of themselves difficult, should (being coupled with a more depraved disease) become more easily cured?

Quest. 5. Doth the Pox keep out the Plague?

Ans. I know it hath been vulgarly asserted, that the venereous are secure against Pestilent contagion: and they give this reason, because another kind of distemper prevaileth in the venere­ous, distinct from that which is apt to produce pestilent diseases. They argue [Page 63]also from experience, that venereous houses and persons, are seldom visited with pestilent diseases. But these are trifles; for the character of the pestilence is Putrefaction, (whether occult or not) venenous putrefaction. And who can deny putrefaction in this disease? and that the humours, spirits, bowels, and members, (depraved by it) are apt further to beget it? So that it cannot be hoped, that one kind of putrefaction should secure against another. Onely thus far it is true, that (if any venere­ous person hath been lately and per­fectly cured) he is the lesse subject to pestilent infection; and the reason is, because the Fomes of putrefaction is taken away in the venereous cure. But, that one plague keeps out another, is a pleasant dream, and were a madnesse to affirm.

Quest. 6. Whether there be any Anti­dote, any true and certain means of avoid­ing contagion; so as, that a man may use a venereous woman, and yet not be infected by her?

Answ. I know there are those, who promise great matters this way; and (that they may feed their own cove­tousnesse, and others lust, and factor for the devill) do boast of their secrets in this kind, as if they were skild beyond others, to give an Antidote, that should secure against such venereous contagi­on. But I look upon these pleasant and wicked fales, as cheats, and methods of base gain. For we know, that in co­ition, there is a mutuall attrition of genitals, a mixture of humours and spirits; (for the pores, by such flames, are set open) so that it cannot be, but that infected spirits should be mixed with the pure, in those pores, and they so become defiled. 'Tis true, such pro­phylactick medecines may do two things: 1. They may, densare poros ge­nitalium, so that the passages of the hu­mours and spirits may be lesse patent. 2. They may corroborate and confirm the spirits, that they may the more strongly repell the infection, (as Trea­cles do against poyson.) But there is a [Page 65]different reason between poisons that are taken inwardly, and this disease, which is contracted by Contact; for poisons do not alwaies and presently mingle themselves, with the humors and spirits, as this doth. Besides, poi­sons first enter the stomack, (which presently repells them, as appeareth in dogs vomitings) then are dispersed through the vessells, and contaminate the spirirs: but this Pest presently enters the inward parts, by defiling the hu­mours and spirits. Lastly, such things as preserve from poison, are taken inward­ly, that they may be diffused throughout the whole body, and so confirm the spi­rits and bowels. But the medecines (to which these attribute so great vertue) are outward things, which cannot dif­fuse their efficacy through the inward parts. Again, if there be any medecines to be given, which shall preserve from this infection, it must be those Antidotes which cure the disease, (as Treacles cure the poisoned, they also preserve from poison.) But the Indian Woods, [Page 66]which (though more flowly) do at length cure this disease, cannot pre­serve, but that they which use them, may at the same time be infected; much less can other remedies. But you will object, that many go in to the Venre­ous, and yet find, by experience, that they are not infected (which yet is more than they can be assured of:) And then; that which Nature doth for some, Why may not Art do for others? I answer, Art cannot impresse upon the spirits such a faculty of refisting, as Nature can. Yet, I do not deny, but that Anti­dotes may be found, which may work, in tantum, that men may not so easily be taken of this disease; but, that they may promise them safety, I utterly deny. Therefore let none suffer themselves to be deluded; for, to avoid this danger, they have onely these three remedies: To maintain Chastity, To live Conti­nently, and, To avoid the Venereous.

Questt. 7. Is the venereous cure to be at­tempted, as soon as the disease, by any signe or just suspition, discovereth it self?

Answ. I know, some are for the Ne­gative, and they tell us of their experi­ence, That they have found the disease thereby exasperated. Also they argue further, that the disease may be cured and expelled at first by Nature it self; but (when provoked by Medecines) it further spreads throughout the body. But this opinion is not more false than pernicious; for, all men rest in that ge­nerall rule, Principiis obsta; and (from Hippoc. de locis in hom. & de sacro morbo) that a disease must be withstood at the beginning; and that great care is to be used, that young diseases be forthwith extinguished. Now, as this is a good rule in the curing of all diseases, so espe­cially of this; for at first, this disease (when taken by impure coition) lodgeth in the out-parts, and needs not medi­cines that work by alteration, but ex­pulsion. And who doubts of the truth of that, Turpiùs ejicitur, &c? that venom is more easily driven out of the porch, than turned out of the house; when it enters by the genitalls, than when it [Page 68]hath taken its walk through the hu­mours and bowels? And so I come to the cure in the next Chapter.

CHAP. XI. Of the Cure in Common.

THe Cure hath two branches, ei­ther as common to other diseases, in the use of Ʋniv rsals; or, as Speciall and proper to this, Antivenereal. And this again; either the cure of the disease it seif, or of the symptoms, which are many and fierce. And though some go off, or abate, with the disease; yet o­thers require speciall cure, (which is done by Chirurgicall applications, whereof I need not further trouble the Reader.) Now the cure in common, consists in the right use of Catharicks, Phlebotomy, Diaphoreticks; for if this Pest be to be thrown out, all passages are to be set open, that way may be made for the speciall cure. A method is to be ta­ken [Page 69]from this distemper, and all com­plications, (for it rarely goes alone) and all other indications. The fix things cal­led not-naturall, must be rightly orde­red. Venery, for a season, banished, that so the Vires may be kept strong, to expell a disease of long cure, and short diet; and lest, by inflaming-motion of the body in coition, the disease entred in one part be diffused. Phlebotomy is (in case of Plethory, or fierce accidents) to be used, and not (as is the manner of some) in all venereous cures, to breathe a vein presently. Diaphoreticks in growen diseases are of great moment, and require due management.

CHAP. XII. Of the Cure in Speciall.

AS there are many methods of Speci­all Cures, so they may all be redu­ced to these two heads, Reproved, or Approved. Methods Reproved are,

1. By remedies common, and not Spe­cificall, which find no obedience here; or, not without a greater mischief, than benefit to Nature.

2. The good cheap poor whore cure, by Fontanels, taken up from the practice of the poorer Spaniards, (amongst whom it is in common use) whereby Nature findeth some ease, (disburthe­ning part of the purulent matter), but the fomes is left within, to render their condition deplorate. I am no friend to continued Issues, which prevailed not in practise, untill this disease brake in­to to Europe.

3. By Mercuriall Unguent, which may serve for Carriers and Porters, ro­bustious bodies; and yet, even in them, the consequents render it perilous, if not pernitious. I know, some are so ig­norant and audacious, that they make it their ordinary Champion, setting up­on every venereous patient with this dreadfull remedy, as if no cure could be dispatched without it; the effects of whose boldnesse, many have mourn­fully [Page 71]carried to their graves. What this Unguent is, I need not expresse; its composition is well known, better than trusted to, or delighted in by Artists. For, this Unguent, rubb'd on the palms and plants of hands and feet, is speedily carried to the head, (as appears by the floods of salivation that follow the use of it.) For its Mercury (being an aerial & spirituous body compacted as appeareth by its orbicular & trembling motion) as soon as it is attenuated, and resolved by naturall heat, breaks out of its compa­cture, as fired powder out of a gun, and (naturally flying upwards) is carried through veins and arteries to the brain, with many vapours accompanying it; which Vapours and Mercury (there condensing) are attenuated, eliquated, as a cloud for rain; and, through the palate are cast down to the mouth or stomack, in salivation. The truth of this appears to them, (who, in salivati­on, hold a piece of gold in their mouthes) who find the spirits and va­pours of the Mercury (concreating) [Page 72]hang about it; as it doth about other solid bodies: for its subtile flying spi­rits passe through the whole body, and fix about the bones also, who receive on themselves the substance and colour of the Mercury, (as in the mouth about the gold.)

4. By Mercuriall Cinnaber-fume, which is yet more formidable; and (to such as have pectorall diseases, short breath, ill affected lungs, are troubled with distillations, weak bowells, chol­lick pains, dysenteries) pernicious; use what care you can, Mercuriall aire will get in. There being safe methods of cure, let these be laid aside: for scarce to any person are they used, without the manifest offence and detriment of some bowell. And though great pretenders may promise security in its use, yet it is no wisdome to adventure your person upon every one's, bold rash, and igno­rant confidence; Melius est non pro­desse, quàm obesse, Fierce accidents will all in. Bold Empericks will promise much, and perform little; and will [Page 73]adventure upon what they cannot go­vern: and therefore must needs abuse themselves, and their patients. I do not decry the right use of Mercury; for, take away Mercury, Antimony, and Vitriol, you leave the Armory of Phy­sick, reproachfully weak.

The Methods of cure approved, are

1. That by Treacles and Indian Alexipharmaca, which in time, and right use, will take effect: but this way is long and tedious.

2. That by Antivenereall Magnets; which is noble, and to be rested in; sure, potent, and effectuall to draw out the venereous matter: which let none despise, because they do not understand by such hints. Dii laboribus omnia vendunt.

The Last is, that by Sympatheticall ap­plication; which saveth the patients much trouble, and useth nature in her most sublime, and noblest activities. (These two last Methods of cure, let the weaker sex especially take notice of whose more tender bodies, and feeble spirits, render them more unable to bea [Page 74]the more rough and difficult wayes of cure.) These are methods, which ma­ny men, of great attainments otherwise, (through pride and unthankfullnesse) have rendred themselves uncapable of. What the Magneticks are, how applied, and by what causality they operate; what the Sympatheticks to be chosen are, and by what symmetry, oneness, and community of spirit, they have their ef­fect, or whereby their causality is hin­dred, or set on motion, longa dies docuit; every one is not fit to receive it, nor would understand if they were told, nor could apply if they understood. The learned unprejudiced, may inform them­selves. If any one find a new spring issu­ing out of Parnassus, reason will, that he first drink the waters thereof. The ef­fect will best commend the work, and the patients Euge's the cure: and that's enough to secure against the mad tooth of detraction, and silence the charge of Novelty, (the strength whereof others, (famous in their generation) have bro­ken to my hands.) For who knowes [Page 75]not, that the opinion of the Circulation of the blood is new, and thereupon the doctrine of Feavers fundamentally new, the way of the Chyle new, the sangui­fication of the heart, veins, masse of blood it selfe new, the proper work of the Liver new, the Chymicall anatomy of all mixt bodies new, the whole frame and face of naturall Philosophy new: and yet the Assertors of these not despi­sed by any, but proud Stoicks, whom no reason can perswade that they are men. Physick came in at first Empiri­cally, (though it stood not so) and by induction of manifold experience it was brought into Precepts and Princi­ples: And had the way of improving experience, been longer stood on, and Physick too soon not taught to systema­tize it had better improved, and fewer breaches been made on its doctrine; to the greater honour of the Art, and its Professors, and benefit of Patients. But this practicall Art must be like specula­tive Sciences, and take a body of gene­rall Principles before they be found side [Page 76]digna, & sufficient causes of Conclusion. But had they been such; the Fabrick had been firmer. It is true, and cannot be denyed, that naked Experience, (not supported by weighty Reason) is but a dwarf, and can do little; nay, is often mischievous: but they that joyne both together, will find them a fortresse strong enough to abide the battery of calumny. If (in these methods of cure) I walk in paths lesse trodden, yet (since my foundation is purest Philosophy) I shall say for my selfe, Salve amicum lumen! I will not, with some others, contra rationem insanire. All the satis­faction, I shall in conclusion give the Reader, (and that will satisfie the sober and modest) is, to remit him to that of Seueca.

Multi ad sapientiam pervenire potuis­sent nisi putassent se pervenisse — Mul­tum egerunt qui ante nos fuerunt, sed non peregerunt. Multum adhuc restat operae, multumque restabit; neque ulli nato post mille secula praecidetur occasio aliquid adhuc adjiciendi.

THE CONTENTS.

  • Chap I. THE Preface. Pag. 1
  • Chap II. The Names. Pag. 2
  • Chap III. The Definition. Pag. 6
  • Chap IV. The Subject. Pag. 12
  • Chap V. The Affect it self. Pag. 22
  • Chap VI. The Causes. Pag. 26
  • Chap VII. Doubts and Questions resolved touch­ing the Causes, viz. Pag. 31
    • 1. Whether the disease may be conveyed by the air? ibid.
    • 2. Whether by garments? Pag. 32
    • 3. Whether by drinking after the Venereous of the same cup, sitting after on the same stool, lying next af er on the same bed? Pag. 33
    • 4. Whether a woman, by much prostitution to clean men, may contract it? Pag. 34
    • 5. Whether by extinguishing the expulsive faculty of the womb? ibid.
    • 6. Why the disease oft lurks in the body, &c? Pag. 35
    • 7. Whence it is, that some are infected sooner than others? Pag. 37
    • [Page]8. Whether a woman, having coition with a venereous man, may remain uninfected, and yet she infect others? Pag. 39
    • 9. Whence it is, that this disease at first en­entrance into Europe, was so formidable, but now is more milde? Pag. 40
    • 10 Whence it is, that though the disease be generally milder, yet it is cruel on some? Pag. 43
    • 11. Why the disease falls mostly, in some, on the Hairs; in others, on the Nerves, Bones, &c? Pag. 44
    • 12. Whether this disease be proper to any Country, and to what, &c? Pag. 45
  • Chap VIII. The Signes Diagnostick. Pag. 47
  • Chap IX. The signes Prognostick. Pag. 55
  • Chap X. Questions leading to the cure, viz. Pag. 57
    • 1. Why this disease kills so slowly? ib.
    • 2. Whether this disease be curable? Pag. 59
    • 3. Whether (as time was, when the disease was not) it will in time cease to be? Pag. 60
    • 4. Whether the supervention of this disease doth cure the Falling-sicknesse, &c. or other mortall diseases? Pag. 61
    • 5. Whether the Pox keep out the Plague? Pag. 62
    • [Page]6. Whether there be any Antidote to keep a man (using a venereous wonan) from be­ing infected? Pag. 63
    • 7. Whether Cure be to be endeavoured at first entrance of the disease? Pag. 66
  • Chap. XI. Of the Cure in Common. Pag. 68
  • Chap. XII. Of the Cure in Speciall. Pag. 69
  • Some Methods Approved, others Re­proved. Pag. 70
FINIS.

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