DOminion and Soveraigni­ties, the highest trust, and most illustrious gift thatQuid ma­jus in­ter homi­nes quam unum pra­esse pluribus? leges & jussa ponere? maria terras. Pacem & bella mode­rari? I. Lips. ad Reges imperat. Principes, Epist. dedica. Polit. God bestoweth on his creature man, for what degree can be more sublime then for one to [Page 2]be supream; and to command ma­ny thousands: to make lawes, and to impose decrees that shall force o­bedience. And having an influence on mens lives, liberties, and for­tunes; to hold the raines of govern­ment in all affaires, both by sea and land, and by the rights of an unlimi­ted just prerogative to have power to regulate and moderate the vicissi­tudes of Peace and War: and by grant and Commission from Hea­ven^b to superintend, and to exer­cise an imperial and soveraign pow­er in all concernments;1 Cor. 3.5. whether Ecclesiastical, Civil or Martial: this dignity only suites and seemes fit for some terrestrial diety, [...]. Psal, 82.6. Dixi dii estis. Proverb. 8.15. Per me Re­ges regnant. and therefore may justly expect and challenge a Person of Greatest worth and most compleat capacities; & the rather be­cause the state ofK Iames duty of a. K. in his Royal office. p. 2. Monarchy is the supreamest thing upon earth. And Kings are not only Gods Lievte­nants upon earth, but by God himself [Page 3]they are called Gods, whom they much resemble in several Attributes, of Wisdome, Power, justice, Mer­cy and the like. Thus Kings as mor­tal Gods create or destroy; make or unmake at pleasure, give life or send death to their subjects, are judges o­ver all, & owe accompt to none but God, they humble or advance them at their pleasure; and as Arithmeti­cians placing their figures, cause their subjects (at their pleasure) to signifie a greater or smaller number, or to be as meer cyphers, that shall be utterly uselesse and insignificant. To this supream order of mortals, to Kings and soveraign Princes, is due the affection of the Soul and the service of the body from all their subjects. And from this principle and root of obedience springs up the branches of fidelity, Allegiance and Loyalty; which is to be paid and performed to lawful Kings and Princes, from all their subjects; none [Page 4]but seditious and traiterous spirits dare assert the contrary; and this la­ter Age hath too much been poyson­ed with such distillations and dange­rous untruths: which, though they produced many horrid mischiefs and monsters, (the ugly common births of Rebellion and Treason,) are now unmasked and more clear­ly discerned, by the beames of ex­perience; and a more perspicuous light which hath in a great propor­tion dispersed those mists and foggs that engendred and begat so many prodigious and horrid effects to a graciousK. Charles the first the royal martyr. King, and a most unhap­py and miserable People.A Civil war and confusion and di­stractions of almost twenty yeares. So then there needs no dispute nor directi­on of the Subjects to there duty; seeing all are involved to the rules of obedience, by the lawes of God and man, but it may be of some concernment to many, who love the company and comfort of a good conscience as Christians, and [Page 5]to others, who thirst after nothing more, then true honour and Re­putation, as men or subjects, to make a privy search into their own soules, and so to bring there actions words and affections to the touch­stone of truth, whereby they may finde there failings from, or their performance in, their loyal duties to wards their Soveraign; and so a­bandoning all excuses, and wave­ing all unjust pretences, make out a happy satisfaction to themselves: though not to others, who either too supercilious, as Cato, Cato uti­censis stoica disciplina severus; nudis in­terdum pe­dibus, bre­vique toga in Publi­cum prodi­bat. Plut. Timon A­theniensis temporibus Peloponia ci belli, in humanus, ab Atheni­ensibus [...], appellatus quasi genus hominum infensum fuerit. Caro. Stepha. or to rigid as Timon the Athenian, undiscreetly or uncharitably censure all mens actions but their own, in this scruti­niny, that so neerly concerns ho­nour and conscience: the proceed­ings ought to be impartial, and the examination strickt, because the concernment is so considerable, and [Page 6]in this particular, neither politick rules, great and more eminent ex­amples, nor glorious and advanta­gious successes, are to guide or gra­tifie affections, or to blindfold and captivete reason; but an untainted judgement, setled and fixed on true principles of honour and Christian sincerity, is the truest light in such a dark and dangerous path; where self interest, flattery, opinion, hope, fear, and many such inherent compa­nions are industrious to divert good inclinations, and to exchange them from the love of virtue and truth. As to the rules of humain politicks (as mush-rooms in a night) they are conceived in secrecy of Councels; and have their birth and appear in the day: and those maximes are as alterable as the wind, which in an instant moveth from one point to another of the card or compass. As to examples, though never so great or numerous they are not to sway, [Page 7]a noble minde from what is truly honorable, nor a good Christian from any point or tenet that is reli­gious and just; and as to successes, though never so prosperous, they ought not to move or prevail with a generous and pious spirit, to make him vicious, hyprocritical or false. For if honour be rather in the opi­nions or estimations of others, then in our selves rather in merit & truth, then titles and forced Ceremonies; and victory unjustly or more cun­ningly and obscurely gotten, brings less of true renown: how ingrate must successes to riches, and ad­vancement to great places be with­out an honourable atchievement, & just acquisition. These considerati­ons stated, a loyal person may more easily sift himself, and after so many difficulties and tryals of a civil war, enter more securely into the secrets of his own soul; and their removing all scruples, may more cleerly dis­cerne [Page 8]how faithfully and sincerely he hath adhered too, or how per­fidiously and falsly he hath apostated and fallen from his duty to God and to his King. It is true the world is too full of excuses and apologies, each person (clad with the resolutions of self interest, either too much magnifying his owne merits, or too much extenu­ating his own crimes and errors) is sick of self love. And as Minerva blowing a Flagellet or pipe puffed up her cheeks though to a deformi­ty: many swell and grow big with the breath of self opinion, and though their wayes & workes have been never so dissonant or opposite to honour, reason or truth; Yet in a Thrasonical humour, or Pharisai­cal pride, they cry up and justifie all their own proceedings, with all the circumstances of their dictates and designes, and at the same time are ready to decry and detract from [Page 9]others: though never so square in their actions and sincere and candid in all their resolutions. Seeing then that Philautia, self love and adulati­on so easily, suddenly, and pleasing­ly surpriseth mens phansies, cor­rupteth their judgements, captiva­teth reason: and in fine enslaveth the soul, it may well become all who are truely enamored with virtue, honour, justice and the hopes of a good report, or (to mount a step higher) to love the peace and tran­quility of a calm and unspotted con­science, in this nice point, care­fully to submit there senses to rea­son, and the strength of reason, to the force and power of godlinesse, which is the best preservative of the soul in all trials and more re­fined probations.

And it is Piety that is the touch­stone that discovereth the mettall whether it be true or false; It is the scale that ballanceth every word [Page 10]and action, and determineth them either weighty or light. This as the rudder of the Ship governeth, as the anchor it holdeth, as the Pilot it directeth, and as the keile swim­ming in the bottom of the angry waves, it secureth and supporteth all the superstructure of the float­ing artificial Castle, that overgli­deth and surmounteth the lofty billowes of the Ocean. Consci­ence is the daughter of Piety, which (grounded on the principles of truth, and a good cause,) encoura­geth men to be divinely affected to­wards God, and loyally resolved to­wards their Prince. It is probable in this great revolution and stupen­dious vicissitude of government, the streames of the subjects affecti­ons, returning passionately to their King, and to monarchy, that all, or at least the greatest number of the people of the three King­domes may pleade a co-operati­on [Page 11]or a concurrency in this miraculous change. And as the la­bourers in the vineyard to boast and proclaim, that they have not only suffered and sweat, but even born the brunt and bickerment of the day: others may perhaps challenge to themselves the merit, not only of pardon and amnesty, but of thanks, grace and favour; because they ap­peared serviceable at the last hour: and doubtless royal bounty will not deny them the wages of their loy­alty, if their return to their Prince be cordial and sincere. But the case of Hushai the Archite stated rightly, may like a bright Beacon set on fire, and (flaming on some high Mountain,) give an Alarum, and luster, to the amazement of all spectators. In this president of Hushai, a loyal subject may see the warrant, the reasons, the matter, the manner, and the truths of his duty, being such an example in the King, [Page 12]who imployed him in the person, who was commanded and trusted, and for the eminency and concern­ment of the service, wherein he was employed, that hardly and humain or holy history can parallel the like, and all these circumstances conduce much to guide the Prince to his royal care, whom to trust or em­ploy, and as equally concerns the the subjects and people how to dis­pose of themselves even in their greatest dangers of their lives and fortunes, towards their King and So­veraign. This hath been the con­dition of many gallant and loyal soules, who not only in their per­sonal valour, but in all their con­trivances, and councels, have made it their choicest interest, as equally near as the saving of their soules, to hold up the honour of the crown withall its just rites and preroga­tives, ever since the first commo­tions, and troubles of the late war, [Page 13]or that the late formidable re­bellion had so intoxicated and be­witched the giddy humours of the People of his Majesties three king­domes; and as persons of these affections, resolutions and princi­ples were led and fixed to their Prince, so, a zealous duty to the Church of England their mother, wrought their perswasions, to a careful preservation of that truth and religion; which the most learn­ed and most judicious sober Christi­ans hold fourth, for, both doctrine and discipline to be the purest pro­fession, the best form of serving God; and to come nearest to the pious practise of the primitive Christians: and though in the three Kingdomes, it was forced like a Dove to the clefts of the Rocks, to fly into upper chambers, private Clo­sets, or secret corners, yet the ho­nour of God, the saving of Soules, the beauty of Sion, was (ever du­ring [Page 14]the violence of the persecution) so precious, that the Church of England found dutiful children, and couragious Sons and Daugh­ters in her blackest Afflictions. And as the Ark had the protection of a Royal Patron and nursing Father abroad for many years,K. Charles the 2. so it was sup­ported and preserved by the duti­ful hands and hearts of many thou­sands of the three Kingdomes, whose very soules did pray and long for nothing more then his Majesties joyful Restoration, and that the Ark might return happily with him. And now (not to loose the argu­ment) a review may be more Ge­nuinely taken, and a stricter exami­nation made in Hushai the Archites great and wise undertakings, and his happy and high performances and successes, both to the Church, the Crown and the Kingdome of Judah and Israel, for all, who made bonefires, caused Bells to ring, and [Page 15]with other external circumstances made Heaven and Earth to rejoice with chearful and loud acclamati­ons: were not Israelites indeed, like Nathaniel, or wise and couragious and loyal Hushai: it may be believed that many who had wide throats and made loud vociferations at his Majesties return, had but narrow affections; and tis possible, that guilt or fear, or danger, may force a compliancy, where the stream was so strangely turned, and ran as a mighty Tide or torrent with such irresistable violence. Therefore Hushai's wisdome and loyalty, and the conduct of his affaires (in so dan­gerous a Crysis and juncture of ex­tremities,) may prove a more happy Patern for all ages, and like Ariad­nes clue of Silk, direct all worthy subjects, like Theseus, more prospe­rously to encounter the minotaure or monster of Rebellion; and having slain that bloudy and savage beast [Page 16]more securely to return out of the labyrinth and interrigues of such Hellish delusion; in the company of true honour, triumph and victo­ry: It is not to be doubted but ma­ny pretend to this noble Israelites worth and merits, who if rightly reflected on; know well (as con­scious to themselves) that either they have forfeited their Faith and Allegiance ever since the original commencement of the late civil warrs, or in an over activity in their Rebellious endeavours, have done most horrid injuries to their King and Country, or in a tepid fit of Newtrality, have been luke­warm; and basely complacent to both parties, or else in a degree yet more ignoble and fordid, having (animas venales) vendible and mer­cenary spirits, have entertained the wages of iniquity, and under the guise and pretence of loyal subjects and faithful Patriots have betrayed [Page 17]and destroyed the Prince and his People, or (if there can be any thing worse) there is a brood and genera­tion of pretenders, to the best and most loyal services, because they at­tended in the Navie, that wafted & refluctuated the King into England; that they had adventured to Bre­da, to Brussels to Holland, to France, to Germany, that they had been active at home, and dutiful abroad, and had contrived and contributed most, both in their persons and purses, to­wards his Majesties Restauration.

And it were an unkindnesse, if not a crime to derogate from such pretensive merits: but the sting that causeth a sore swelling, is that these new brooms (returned to loyalty,) sweep all so clean, that they leave no work, not the least Atome of ho­nour in this high concern to those nobler spirits, who never forfeited their fidelity to their King; but as Hushai ever walked by the influence [Page 18]of his Majesties commission or commands, and in all conditi­ons, whether active or passive, in the concerns of their Faith and Allegi­ance, never swerved, nor so much as warped from their Native obe­dience, or from the rules and dictates of Honour and a good Conscience. This great Hero and exemplar of his fidelity to his Prince, is recorded in the Sacred book of God, and thence recommended to all subjects, of all ages, & of all Kingdomes, as a lively pattern to direct them in their duty and service towards their Soveraign; and in many excellencies he is hard­ly imitable, for the holy Historian tells the world,2 Sam. 15. that this loyal Israelite, unsummon'd, unsent for, no sooner heard the news of the Kings sad condition, that Absolon was unnaturally turn'd Traitor against his Father. and the people in Rebel­lion against their King, but instantly this great worthy marcheth after his [Page 19]Prince, and finding him on the top of the Mount, where he worshiped God, he attended his Soveraign Lord with diligence and haste, though his sad posture presented the Afflicti­on and sorrow of his soul, (for his coat was rent, and his head was co­vered with earth,) and what posture could better become a loyal heart, then what cleerly expressed grief, or indignation, to see or hear of a dis­obedient Son persecuting a loving Father, or a stubborn deluded peo­ple infatuated into a high and hor­rid Rebellion: but Hushai was nei­ther startled at his Princes dangerous condition, nor consulted for his own safety, nor was catched with flattery and the large promises of the Trai­tors oyle and smooth tongue, nor did he dread or stand amazed, at the oraculous Counsells of Achitophel, (the grand politician,) but his Native duty conducts him speedily to wait on his Prince; and true and unspot­ed [Page 20]loyallty & allegiance directing him in his march, without any doubts or disputes, laying his life at his Masters feet; he in an instant bespeaks himself a perfect Royalist, and so with his life, friends, and fortune ready to obey whatever commands the King thinks fit to impose upon him. Some noble Heathens have left to the world famous examples of their love and loyalty to their Princes: and to the shame and dishonour of many infamous Christians, have exceeded them for their fidelity and true allegiance. Plu­tarch Hephaestion unut ex Alex. mag­ni ducibus; quem ille cum Crate­ro ita conte­rebaiut hunc quidem [...]Hepha­stionem vero [...]appellaret Plutarch. in vita Alexandri. hath recorded Hephaestion, (to the memory of his immortal honour,) that he passionately loved and esteemed the person of Alexan­der the great, and in his discourse with Craterus, the Conquerour told him that Hephaestion did not only love him as a King, but did most affectionately honour him as Alex­ander. And it was a royal mark and [Page 21]distinction of Alexanders own creat­ing, to stile Craterus a lover of the King, but Hephaeston a lover and ad­mirer of Alexander, and it seems his duty to his Prince, as it received bounty from his Soveraign whiles he lived, was rewarded with high honour when he was dead, for the same Author affirmes, that this no­ble Emperour, in a grateful memory to so faithful a subject, and so cour­agious a commander, magnificently expended more then twelve thou­sand Talents upon his exequies and Funerals. There is such ano­ther passage of Clitus Clitus in­ter pracipu­os Alexan. Maced. familiares eidemque charissi­mus quod filius esset­nutricis illi us, tum quod ab illo in vitae discrimine fuisset servatus: hunc in convivio liberius in Persicos mores invectum, Rex temulentus spiculo trajecit, cujus facti postridie tanta cepit paenitentia discussa jam ebrietate ut totum triduum à cibo abstinue­rit, decreveritque omuino inedia sibi mortem concissere ac amicum optime de se meritum ad inferos persequi & sumptuoso cumfunere sepelivit. Plutarc. in vita Alexandri. who having been Alexanders nurcesson, and in his person and Relations most serviceable to the King in many of his greatest dangers. The Empe­rour advanced him to great favours [Page 22]and enriched him with Princely mu­nificency: and when a Persian intem­perate excesse and debauchery had drown'd the Kings reason, and had raised a tempest in his passions; so that in his fury with a javelin he had slain his favourite: yet this sad acci­dent so deeply affected the Empe­rour, when he had recovered his confounded reason, that he appeared to be overwhelmed in a gulf of shame and sorrow, and so giving rules for his own pennance, obliged himself to a hard duty; hence de­termining and decreeing, that his in­temperance should be rewarded with penury, and that he who had so ignobly abused plenty, and in such extravagant luxury slain his friend, should justly dye and perish for want of food: hereby the King proposed a more speedy death to himself, that he might more suddenly follow the Ghost of Clytus to the imagined shades below. Such a character of [Page 23]true worth and loyalty, Darius gave of his dear Zophyrus, who waging warr and besieging the vast City of Babylon, (but without successe or victory,) trusted the possibilities of the effecting of that design to the fidelity, courage and wisdome of faithfull Zophyrus, who the better to disguise himself and to ac­complish the conquest with grea­ter safety to his person, and more secure successe to his So­veraign, disfigured his face to a high deformity, and having permit­ted his ears, hisNobilis Persa ipse sibi nasum, aures & la­bia amputa­vit & ita Babylonas, quasi trans­fuga se con­tulit con­querens de crudelitate sui Regis; receptus e­gitur a Ba­byloniis & dux belli constitutus, urbem Dario tradidit, unde Darius solebat di­cere; se Zophyrum malle integrum quam viginti capere Babylonas, Herod. lib. 4. lips, and his nose to be cut off (as pretended by a Persi­an barbarous cruelty,) in this po­sture he adressed to the Babylonians, as an abused and tortured Persian fu­gitive, where being received and advanced to great trust and com­mand as a General of their Army, [Page 24]by his prudence and valour subdued Babylon, and delivered the City to his own Master and Lord; for which signal service, Darius was wont to say familiarly, that he did owe so much true honour and respect to his dear Zophyrus, that he would ra­ther have received him from Baby­lon, without any blemish or mutila­tion then to have twenty Cities such as Babylon subdued to his imperial Scepter. Menelaus, Agamemnon, and Vlisses had great service effected by the fidelity, ingenuity and cour­age of Sinon Virgil 2. Aeneidos., who like a stout da­ring and subtil Greek, insinuated and insnared the Trojans to their ruine, and so effected a happy successe, at­tended with much honour and re­nown to the Greeks in their long siege to Troy. Marcus Antonius was a true, faithful and loyal friend to Caesar, and when he could do him no longer service in the Imperours life, being slain by the conspirators, [Page 25]he took his royal Robe stained with blood, stabbed, cut and mang­led, and making his funeral Orations to the people, fill'd their eyes with tears, their souls with sorrow, and by degrees, drew them to vindica­tive resolutions to revenge Caesars death;Plutarch' in vita Bruti. which caused Cymber and Brutus and the chief conspirators to fly for fear of popular insurrection & fury against the Traitors: the light of these Pagan & Heathen examples, is not so dim, but that it may serve to guide this present age into the paths of virtue, & resolutions of loy­alty: nay, it may serve as a help to detect and discover the falshood, treachery, cowardise, and ignoble disloyalty of many, whom neither the laws of God, nor of the Land, have been strong enough to oblige them to the duty and Allegiance they owe and ought ever to pay to their Soveraign. But these, and all other morall examples of this kind, [Page 26]come infinitely short of that tran­scendent worth, that appeared so glorious in this noble Israelite; for their grounds were at best, but Ho­nour, Emulation or Interest, and though founded on the basis of virtue, friendship, or fortitude, yet their chiefest Actions and endea­vours were accompnied with vain­glory and arrogancy, if not tainte and stained with revenge, proud am­bition, or sordid avarice. But Hushai was led to his duty by the light of grace, by the gratitude of a noble mind, by the laws of God which commandethPsal 105. Touchnott mine Anointed, because as the wisemanWis. 6.3. Data est à Domino po­testas regi­bus, & vir­tus ab al­tissimo. assureth power is given to Kings from the Lord, and Soveraignty from the Highest. St. Paul, there­fore writing to the Roman Christi­ans, directs in the Apostolical Ca­nonRom. 13.1. Rom. 13.4. Non tan­tum summo magistratui sed infimis quibusvis magistratus potestate fuugenti­bus de­betur obe­dientia. Theod. Beza. Annota. Let every Soul be subject to the higher powers. And this is backt with many reasons, because Kings [Page 27]receive their sword from God, be­cause they are his ministers, because they are impowered to protect and punish, and from this principle and fountain of evangelical truth, it Na­turally flows and follows, that Kings in their persons, and in their lawful heirs and successours, and in all their just rights and commands are to be observed and obeyed. Hence it is, that Iews and Christians, Greeks and Barbarians, all persons of all sorts, are commanded, to render to every man what is due, whether it be Tri­bute, fear or honour; and that duty is to be performed not only for wrath, but for conscience sake. non prop­ter iram sed propter con­scientiam. Rom. 13. [...]Rom. 13.2. The rule seemes positive and infallible: that whosoever resisteth the power, re­sisteth the ordinance of God, and they that resist shall receive to them­selves damnation: St. Peter was as highly concern'd in this point with the Iews, as St. Paul with the Gen­tiles, and therefore they are directed [Page 28]and taught to submit themselves to every Ordinance of man for the Lords sake, 1 Pet. 2.13. p. 17. whether it be to King as supream, or unto Governours, as unto them that are sent by him: this command is redoubled again by the same Apo­stle, Fear God, honour the King. So then the duty of loyalty and allegi­ance to Princes is not only ground­ed on legal but evangelical princi­ples, and hath not only Prophetical but Apostolical foundations to war­rant and support this truth: and as the primitive and best Christians, both in their active and passive obe­dience, gave testimony of this truth even to Heathen and Pagan Princes, and Emperours; so Christ, who is the way, the truth and the life, preached this doctrine and commanded to give unto Caesar, what was Caesars, & to God what was Gods. This day spring from an high probably did influence and enlighten Hushai the Archites noble and loy­al [Page 29]Soul, who seasonably and succes­fully encountred the greatest danger, disappointed the deepest policy, and dissolved and dispersed the most un­natural Treason that the age had hatched or produced, wherein King David lived; and it is a just obligati­on that lyeth strictly on the resoluti­on and affections of all subjects to the utmost of their reason and pow­er, to imitate, if not exceed the great worth and virtue of this no­ble Archite in their duty and de­voirs towards their Soveraign, who being a Christian Monarch of a lawful Royal line, for the succession of many hundred years, may expect and require most justly the most ex­act performance of loyalty and true Allegiance: and that not only be­cause prescription, custom, reason, & laws, but sacred oaths, which are the highest bonds; and call God him­self to witnesse, oblige and conjure the subjects to their fidelity and duty; [Page 30]and this was performed punctually and compleatly by Hushai to King David, who being one of the sons of Iesse, was the first of his family who sate on the throne, and succeed­ed with as much conflict as honour, his unhappy predecessor Saul: yet this noble person, though the Mo­narchy was but a later foundation, & translated from the house of Saul to the house of David; yet he did neither boggle nor startle, & though Absalon by his flattery of reforma­tion insnared and infatuated the po­pular multitudes, pretending justice when he traiterously invaded the person of the King, and the prero­gatives of the Crown, yet none of these circumstances, nor, that the head-piece and politician Achito­phel, was in the conspiracy, could de­ter Hushai from his duty, but that he would adventure his life, fortune and all that was dear to him in the Kings cause, and so just a necessity: [Page 31]he resolved that his courage, his wisdome and his fidelity could ne­ver be more serviceable, and there­fore this loyal subject is more active and diligent to preserve King Davids rights, and to immortallize his own honour, in this unfortunate juncture of extremities: many thousands loy­al subjects of his Majesties three Kingdomes, had Hushaies resoluti­ons and affections in the late barba­rous and unnatural wars; some roy­alists by virtue of their Soveraignes commission raised troops of Horse and foot, fortyfied Townes and Castles, equipped ships, and using the utmost of their endeavours, hazarded their lives, relations and fortunes, and to render a full assurance of their loyalty to their Prince were not daunted with fire or sword, nor discouraged with imprisonment, banishment, or any degree of the most tormenting cru­cruelties, nay death, in so just a cause [Page 32]leading and laying them in a bed of honour; they feared neither the losse of limbs or lives in their service of their King and Country: and when (after many tedious years) their forces, subdued by ex­cessive power, or betrayed by cun­ning Treachery, did fail, the Kings party cherished loyalty in their hearts, and though they were plun­dred unmercifully, sequestred and decimated illegally, and forced to slavish compositions, and harased with cruel asperities and ignominies, as bitter as death; yet assoon as their Hair, as Sampsons, did begin to spring, after so many sharp raisors and sha­vings, and their strength began to come to them, they were active in their designs and in their contrivan­ces, ever attempting some noble en­terprise, that might recover their King to his Throne, and themselves to the liberty and priviledge of free born subjects, some in their capaci­ties [Page 33]attended his Majestie, and the royal branches in their perigrination abroad: others as laborious Bees toiled and worked (if the day was fair and secure) in their several sta­tions or circuits of their interests, in their own Countryes. And (up­on occasion) saluting or tasting the inclination of every flour they met with, they make it their only business to convey the thyme and hony of true loyalty to the Royal Hive: some are very active in their purses, others turned the cock to the streams of o­ther mens plenty, others in their prayers: some did use their most refi­ned abilities, to distract the Coun­sels of the many headed monster the long (at last,) Rumping Parli­ament: some noble spirits (who dearly paid for their Testimony of Loyalty) designed the death of the grand Imposture and Usurper, Crom­wel, whose Son like an Ignis Fatuus quickly vanished: some gave with [Page 34]daring ingenuity, and occasion of great distraction in the Army, and rais'd jealousies, and distrust amongst the Officers and soldiers: some, for many years discreetly acted their parts and very prosperously, amongst the Aldermen, Common Councel, and more Eminent stickling Citizens, who being easily perswaded, that Trade generally decayed, that their ships were taken dayly by the men of war at sea, and that a pinching Poverty was ready to seaze on them, armed themselves privately, and as some of the gallant Senators stoutly (on several occasions) told the Relicks of the long Parliament, the Committy of Safety, and Offi­cers of the Army, that The Treasure of the City was exhausted, trade ut­terly lost, and many thousand fami­lies impoverished.

So neither could nor would they advance any monies any further, to maintain that disorderly and illegal [Page 35]rabble of Ianizaries and Soldiers, who as they had a long time inter, rupted the prosperity and com­merce in the Citty, and over the whole land. So they now resolved to defend their Liberties, Rights and Properties, as carefully as their lives, and being threatned with terrour and menaces of Plundering, impri­sonment, and other hostile and hor­rid injuries by fire and sword, they very gallantly replyed, that they would unanimously stand on their guards, to defend themselves, maugre all opposition, as they had prosperously in such cases of dang­er, when they suspected a tumultua­ry rising of the rabble in the reigns of King Richard the third, when he marched against Henry the seventh to the battaile at Bosworth-field: as they had in King Henry the eights reign when he went to Bullen in France: as they had equipaged them­selves in Queen Elizabeths reign An. [Page 36]Dom. 1588. And according to se­veral presidents of this kind; for which services the City received so­lemn thanks from the Crown, for their great care of themselves and the Royal City, as it appears in their City records and transactions of their political affaires: they then thus provoked, thus disposed, quick­ly resolved to hold fast their purses, though they could neither their tongues nor their hands; monyes (the nerves of the monstruous body, sud­denly shrinking,) the Officers of the Army fell into distraction, and the private souldiers wanting pay, quick­ly began to raile and revile, to kick and to cut, and to scorne & cashiere their Officers, & in a few dayes both became as odious as ridiculous, to the generality of the people of the three Kingdomes, who resolving to shake of their Iron yoke of vassa­lage, comforted themselves in their hopefull possibilities. And as lines [Page 37]running most naturally to the cen­ter, began to fix their thoughts and hopes in their Soveraignes Restau­ration. The hearts of men waxing warm with these desires, and possi­bilities, they began to talk freely and plainly that neither City nor Coun­try could be happy until the King should be restored, that the whole Land was in a sad confusion and horrid distress; and the City and Common Councel discerning a happy conjunction of affection and assistance from all parts, sent stout answers (on several occasions) to the tedious long Parliament, to the Officers of the Army, to Fleet wood, and his Walling for dians at the Com­mittee of safety; that the City was for want of Trade and through the losse of many hundred ships so im­poverished, and reduced to such ex­tremities, that they neither could nor would advance any further summers of monyes. These unex­pecte [Page 38]Resolutions and assurances, caused the Enemies of Monarchy

First, to shiver and splinter into distraction, and then to fall into despaire, and each Brother growing jealous of his Fellow Traitor, guilt of horrid Crimes: in securing their condition, the better to avoide po­pular fury, they think of addresses to the clemency of their Prince, which in such high offences, is ever the happiest refuge and Asylum, whiles the simptomes of the new modeld Anarchy thus fully appeare. And the frame of the monstrous and tottering Government was thus sha­ken: many noble Hushaies, and true Royallists, The Duke of Albe­marle, the Earl of Bath, took fast hold on these encouraging opportunities, and most successfully, proved most wise conducters of Affairs, mightily tend­ing to the Restauration of the King, and with his Majesty;The Lord Bishop of Hereford. the recovery of our Religion, liberties and laws, which without his presence and [Page 39]protection seemed much like to a consumptive dying patient, ready at the last gasp to give up the Ghost.

But whiles these unspotted Roy­allists for almost twenty years conti­nuance in a confused Government, and the outrages of a Civil war, were constantly Active or Passive in their duty for the Crown. Another party (either conscious of their er­rour, or convinced in their judge­ment, or at least concerned in their respective interest,) shewed them­selves like brothers of the half bloud, to have a deep resentment of the great injuries, perpetrated against an imperial Crown, and to own their fellow subjects for Auxiliaries and Coadjutors in the publick concern­ment of their King and Country, which like a violent torrent, or o­verflowing inundation, carrying all before it, circled the Presbyterians in the same interest: and as Iews, Turks, Pagans, and Christians, in [Page 40]a storm or tempest at Sea, exercise their wits, pour our their prayers, imploy their hands to save the ship, that after the storm, all Passengers may arrive safe on shoar: (for so did Ionah with the Mariners, Ionah 1.2. Act. 27.17. and St. Paul with the Souldiers.) So all par­ties of the three Kingdomes, seeing the Royal Soveraign sailing with so prosperous a Gale, and that the pro­vidence of Heaven had so ordered, that the King inevitably should be restored, they put on the loyal dress, and if not to serve their King, yet to preserve themselves, appear on the suddain courtly converts and perfect royalists, and as every good subject is obliged to rejoice at the Kings restauration to the Crown, so is he to congratulate the conversion of his Enemies to those principles which cannot but confirm and justi­fie his resolutions to loyalty for ever.

But this latter or second sort of [Page 41]converted subjects come somwhat short of the excellency and worth of those nobler minds, which were never stayned with Apostacy or de­fection from the crown, and they are more deeply obliged to duty and fidelity, to loyalty and gratitude to their Prince, because they are not only secured by his clemencie and pardon, but likewise have liberally tasted of his bounty and favours, and though the royal party, like the poor Israelites in AEgypt endured much bondage, and yoaks, hard task­masters, trod clay, and made brick; and in the savage wildernesse of horrid confusion, were pinched with cold and nakednesse, and had there souls filled with scorn and re­proach: yet they are not envious at their reconciled Brethrens happi­nesse, nor troubled that they have portions and dividents in the land of Canaan, and share with them in the blessings of his Majesties restau­ration [Page 42]submissively recommending all such comfortable possibilities to the providence of God, and to the goodness, bounty, wisdome and justice of their Prince; who can­not but out of so many sad afflicti­ons gain much knowledge, and by such an universal experience of the humours and tempers of his sub­jects, discern more clearly, whom to employ or trust, and whom to pro­mote, passe by, or punish: all this while, theres no pretence for ex­cuse, much less of merit, in recon­ciled and converted Enemies. First, for excuse or apologies, the most in­nocent can hardly plead any thing above a simplicity of their hearts, as those silly sheep who hearkned too much to Absolons flattery: and though liberty of conscience, a through Reformation of Religion, and the laws, the hopes of more clear Gospel truths, and a more ex­act and perfect way to Heaven, and [Page 43]many such canting, cunning, and jugling pretences, were, as more pleasant baits whispered in the ear, swelled from the Press, and thundred cheatingly from the Pulpits: yet the the late Royal Martyr in his prophe­tical spirit and golden pen, found out the malice, treason, fraud & maligni­ty of those intoxicating and vene­mous delusions, advising his dear Son the Prince, with his own obser­vation,Kings book Εικον Βασιλικε pag. 235. that the Devil of Rebelli­on doth commonly turn himself in­to an Angel of Reformation, & the old Serpent can pretend new lights: when some mens consciences ac­cuse them for sedition and faction, they stop its mouth with the name and noise of Religion, when Piety pleads for Peace and Patience, they cry out zeal; so the worst of men, lurk under the pretensions of Re­formation of Religion, and auspi­cious beginnings have often the worst designs. In the judgement [Page 44]and Counsel then of this sacred O­rator, there can be no excuse for traiterous errors and such disloyal deviations. King Iames of ever bless­ed memory, gave the like advice to Prince Henry his Son, commanding him as a Father and a King. Take heed therefore my Son to such Pu­ritans, very pests in the Church and Common-weale, whom no deserts can oblige, neither oathes nor pro­mises binde, breathing nothing but sedition and calumnies, aspiring without measure,K. Iames in the du­ty of a King p. 9. railing without reason, and making their own ima­ginations (without any warrant of the word) the square of their consci­ences: from these words the King raiseth his resentment of injured Majestie, saying. I protest before the great God, and since I am here upon my testament, it is no place for me to ly in, that ye shall never find with any highland or border Thieves, greater ingratitude, and more lyes [Page 45]and vile perjuries then with these Phanatick spirits; and suffer not the principles of them to brook your land, if you like to sit at rest. These two royal Princes had much judge­ment and wisdome, great learning and experience. The one tels the world that these virulent Phana­ticks did persecute him before he was born, being not at rest in his Royal mothers womb, and the o­ther having suffered many injuries in his life, was sooner hurryed to an ignoble and untimely death. As to excuses and apologies, it was the an­cient satanical devise, which having first ruined Adam and Eve, delu­ded them to extenuate their infideli­ty, disobedience and crime, with a second kind of errour, pleading e­ven before God himself, as Adam, Gen. 3.12.13. Vnde tibi hoc accidit? quis te in tantam in­duxit alte­rationem St. Chrys. in Genes. It was not I but the Woman, and so Eve, it was not I but the Serpent; but an ingenuous confession is the best and surest remedy in the case of de­linquency, [Page 46]and Repentance proves the best cordial in such a fowl and loathsome dangerous disease: it is not then a way to impunity or par­don to plead, I was misguided or mistaken, transported with zeal, or catched by the ears by the insinua­tion of deluding Hypocrites: these and such thin fig-leaves, are not competent or comly veiles to cover or excuse sins of such a scarlet com­plexion, nor jealousies and fears, which have blown up some, into tumultuous and rebellious resoluti­ons, an ingenious acknowledgment of crimes and errous committed, with the promise and practise of loyalty and true obedience, is a more exact and ready path to safety and satisfaction: and as for apologies and excuses, none may (in the least degree pretend to them,) who have been such lavish prodigals of the King and Kingdomes bloud and Treasure, and as there is no place [Page 47]for apologies or excuses, so much less for merit or deserts, for though many did grow weary of usurpation, Tyranny and injuries towards their King and the loyal party, or rather (disappointed of those ends of pow­er and command, which they phan­cied and proposed to themselves,) began to totter, and turn from those possibilities to which they had leaned so long, yet by assed by a different faction and Interest, they reflect on the Crown, with a loyal aspect, and in this second choice engage their persons and party, and run many dangers and hazards of life and for­tune to make themselves considera­ble, and this service or alteration, (though from a discontented party, or reconciled enemy) in policy, was not to be refused or unacceptable, for though it might not much strengthen the King, yet in some proportion, it did debilitate and weaken the enemy, and it might be [Page 48]probably hoped, that as some bran­ches had fallen from the Rebellious body; others might follow their ex­ample, or at least learn from them, that an Army or party, like a house or Kingdome divided within it self, hath no long duration and cannot stand, this declension from evil prin­ciples, as it was an external testimo­ny of repentance and grace, so it must be acknowledged to be good service, and a fair praeludium to future good effects: but duty and endeavour of this Nature may rather and more fitly be reputed expiations for for­mer crimes, then pretensions to re­ward and merit, which ever (as the acute School men testify)Moritum importat aqualitatem justitiae Aquin. 3. quas. 19. imply­eth and importeth an equality of justice and right: and justice doth not beg but boldly plead for desert and merit, and to have and receive its rights, not out of bounty or fa­vour, but as its due and debt: a sove­raign Throne cannot endure such [Page 49]petulant and bold pleaders. This temper were rather tolerable in e­quals, (and Kings know none) then inferiours, and might better sute with commanders, (and soveraign Kings acknowledge none but God,Rex a Deo primus nulli secundus.) then with those who have been offenders: and in the highest privi­ledges ought to attend as humble petitioners. So then, though the ser­vice be never so infinite, yet rising from the art and power of those who have so deeply offended: there can be no pretences to merit, which in a second reveiw, is not to be granted, or admitted without a lessoning & diminution to the pre­rogatives of soveraignty which is so absolute, that it cannot endure any intimation of command.Meritum est actio qua justum est ut agen­ti aliquid­detur. Aquin. 3.49. c. 6. Now merit (as the Schools teach) is an action whereby, it is not only might but necessary, that reward and recompence be payed as a debt, to [Page 50]him who hath acted: now when the Actions and prevarications of those who have so highy injured, and deeply wounded soveraignty, and disturbed the peace and prosperity of three Kingdomes, are ballanc­ed and put into the Scales with their good works of loyalty, (though never so weighty) they will be found utterly too light for reward or merit, and rather justly prove ob­jects of their Princes grace and cle­mency: and in case their soveraign, like Ahasuerus, have inclined his royal Scepter towards them, and thereby testified his bounty and goodnesse, and so capacitated them with royal favour, trust and honour, these obligations as they magnifie the virtue of the Prince, so they are as so many stronger chains, to bind those who are obliged by them, to greater perfection of loyalty, and more exact and vigilant perform­ances of their duty, or else those fa­vours [Page 51]will prove as so many witnesses to evidence against them, and to accuse them of odious and monstruous ingratitude.Meritum congrui &, condigni Aquin. l. 2. q. I 14. c. 6. And as to the medium or modification of the School distinction of condignity or is not to be admitted in this case for that of condignity or adequate me­rit is absolutely taken away, and that of congruity, or rather conveniency is totally and intirely to be recom­mended to the Princes Will, Grace, Wisdome and Iudgement, who as he pleaseth, may promote or punish as well as pardon, by act of indemni­ty or amnesty, as to royal pleasure, shall seem expedient. Apologies and excuses in delinquents thus explo­ded, and all pretences to merit in those who have legally forfeited their lives, liberties and estates, by the laws of the land, utterly abroga­ted, what refuge can such offenders fly and address to, as cordials to pre­serve their honour, or their consci­ences, [Page 52]perhaps some may plead, their promise, their vow, their protestati­on their engagement, or the cove­nant, or their abjuration: these were, (if righty judged & exammined,) cunning, subtile, and sinful designs in the projectors and contrivers, who framed them, were Trumpets of Rebellion: Sedition and faction: sounded and blown up by those who promoted them, and proved as snares to their Souls, who either weakly submitted, or with tempo­rizing appetites did greedily swallow them, and these cobweb lines (spun out of the body & womb of a veni­mous spider,) are not strong enough to hold a subjects hand or heart from his duty of faith & allegiance to­wards his Soveraign; and each one of these feeble and subsequent obliga­tions being sifted by truth and reason, as well as laws and justice will crumble to nothing, before the oathes of allegiance and supremacy, [Page 53]and the light of that duty, that by municipal decrees, by the laws of na­ture, & birth-right, every subject ow­eth to his Prince, being born under his prerogative and power, & in any of his Kingdomes or Dominions.

First as to promisesPro­missio est actus iatio­nis, quia est enuntiatio & ordina­tio alicujus. T. Aquin. 22. quae. 88. a. 1. (which are the suddain, and usually most tran­sient verbal obligations, and ought to be effected of all persons of un­derstanding, Religion and Honour) they ought ever to be acts of sound reason and judgement, raised on good foundations, and duly consi­dered, before they come to be pub­lished and proclaimed by the tongue or signed by the hand, and even the strictest promises or paroles, do not oblige the Faith or Honour of him thatPromissa non debent securari, si estillicitum quod pro­mittiur: vel si sint muta­tae conditio­nis persona­rum, vel negotiorum. Ad hoc er­go quod ho­mo debeat servare quod pro­miserat oportet ut sit licitum quod pro­mittitur, & quod omnia immutata permaneant Aquin. 22 ae. quest. 110. a. 35. promiseth, if what be promised be illicit, or unlawful, or if the conditions of Persons or affairs be changed and altered. These es­sentials rightly considered, what e­ver promises have been made by [Page 54]subjects against the soveraignty of their Princes liberties, of their Country & laws of the land, do fall to the Ground, & dissolve of them­selves, because of their illicit & un­unlawful foundation, And as to the mutation of persons or affaires, sub­jects are not to make new promises of combination or conspiracy, a­gainst the true old principles of faith, and true allegiance to their Kings, for whether they sit gloriously and puissantly on their thrones, or by any black misfortune, are reduced to a low degree, their character is in­delible, and being Gods vice-gerent: in all conditions, their subjects owe them reverence and true allegiance. The first scruple thus easily blown over, the second may prove of lesser difficulty: some more zealous then judicious, proceed further, and plead they have not only promised, but vowed; now a vow seems to be a cord of stronger twisting, the ra­ther [Page 55]because an act of more serious consultation, and of more sacred restriction:Votum à voluntate dictum quasi delibe­ratione & propositio profectum Buca in­stit Theo. l. 45. promises, are common­ly made to men, but [...]: sic Eustath. Vowes seem to mount a step higher, and being offered to the Deity, are observed with a more divine and dreadfull attestation of God; and to violate vowes is much more dangerous, the votaries may plead, but in this point it will appear, that an unlawful vow is as easily and justly to be broken, as a rash and undiscreet or disloyal promise, the rather because a vow properly is anVotum est actus latriae & Religionis Tho. Aqui. 22 ae q 88. a 5. Votum pro­missio Deo facta de meliori bo­no. idem, Votum testi­ficatio quae­dam pro­missionis spontanea qua debet fieri Deo, de iis quae Dei sunt. Aqui. 22ae. quest. 88. Ad Votum tria requirunt, deliberatio, Propositum, & promissio. idem. act of religious worship. It is a promise to God of the intention & resolution to some bet­ter good, because it is a solemn testi­fication of a deliberated voluntary promise made and offered unto God, to perfect and compleat which, are [Page 56]a resolute purpose and a certain or constant promise. Now these cir­cumstances and requisites are such, as the votary need nor err, unless he will be affectely ignorant, or rashly and willfully sinful. Now for a subject to vow to that which is unlawful, to signe to that which is sinful, to offer such a sacrifice to God, which is odious and unaccep­table, is an aggravation of the crime: and therefore not to be kept, but to be broken off, with more bitter re­penrance and more zealous detestation [...] Votum te­merarium & illegi­timum; quod de re­bus illcitis; malo fine ae personis etiam non ui juris suscipitur Bucan. The. Instit. I. 45. quest. 4. And if every perty sin be offensive before the eternal God, how abominable must those sins appear, which like scarlet and crim­son are of a double dye, aggravated with sollemn vows and promisses, and yet so much the more sinful be­cause attempted and perpetrated, by those, who in the case of loyalty, as subjects, cannot be absolved from their oaths of allegiance to their [Page 57]King: and so not being sui juris, at liberty, have no power to make illicit, vows of this kind, and are not to give so much as consent to their illegallity. The subjects in This case of allegiance being as strictly restrained, and durifully ob­liged to their Prince in his power and pleasure, and the justnesse of the laws, as children under the pow­er of their Parents, as a Wife du­ring the life of her Husband, as ser­vants are obliged to their Masters until they are at libertyNum 30.4.5.7. Votum ani­mae vincu­lum. Vota eorum infringi poterant.: If a vow (though lawful) were by Gods word thus stated in the power of the Pa­rent, the Husband, the Master, a mi­nore ad majus: much more are illicit vows to be abrogated and broken, in subjects vowing, not only against their Princes consent, but against the houour and safety of their sacred persons, and their royal Crown and dignity, by these arguments, it plain­ly appears that neither rash and un­vised [Page 58]advised promises, nor serious sinful, and deliberated vows are to be kept or observed no more then that A­nathema, under which some despe­rate zealous bloudy Iews bound themselves neither to eat, nor drink, till they had slain St. Paul. Act. 23.12.14. Stulto zelo correpti mentiri & occidere quidvis denique tibi licere arbi­trabantur T. Beza in loc.

There is a third bond or obligati­on, that some tender curiosities lay hold on,The 3. protestati­on. and that is the protestation, which (though never formed nor forced into the nature of a munici­pal and binding law) yet was cun­ningly devised by some state politi­cians, and sent and dispersed over the Kingdomes, to taste the inclina­tions of the people, or at least as Shiboleth, to distinguish who were really and truly Royalists, and who were not, which form of obliging a party (very probably) took its ex­ample from Germany, where the Lutherans solemnly protested a­gainst some doctrinal and practical, proceeding of the Church of Rome, [Page 59]And from this root sprang the di­straction that those reformed Chri­stians, who deserted the communi­on of the Roman Church, were commonly called Protestants: but the protestation of a later and par­liamentary conception and birth, was not so much to distinguish Chri­stians of several Churches, as to discern persons how they stood affected to the King, or to his great Councel, whether they would as loyal subjects adhere to the Sove­raignty of their Prince, or (in case his Majesty dissented from his two houses) whether they would ad­venture all, and to live and dye with a Parliamentary party of their fel­low subjects, and be subservient to their ends and interests, this protesta­tion was an early cunning bait, and like Manna it pleased most pallats, because it contained in it a variety of lawful good things, and what could be more acceptable to a true [Page 60]Son of the Church of England, then to defend her doctrine? what duty more agreeable to a subject then to defend the prerogatives of his Sove­raigns crown, and what endeavour more honourable then to preserve the priviledges of Parliament, and the laws of the land? These four dishes seasonably served might re­lish well, and find a good digestion being duties in themselves, rightly understood, fit for a good resoluti­tion in any subject, who honoured his King, loved his Country, or had a care of his soul, yet the branches of that protestation, did spread into so great a latitude, in respect of the variety of the definitive points of the doctrine of the Church, the unli­mitted prerogatives of the Crown, undetermined priviledges of Par­liament, and the difficulty of understanding the multitude, and body of the learned laws, that after the protestation was licked in­to [Page 61]a form, & as a golden pill quickly swallowed by about t weny mem­bers of the Commons House. The pill being tasted by a more judicious pallate, was disrelished, and had stopt there, if these words, viz. (as far as lawfully I may) had not as a more safe ingredient been added to it, & there (as if a warrantable dispensation had been given to every mans conscien­ce, sense and reason,) it was clearly swallowed without chawing, or the least dispute.

The protestation, then was (at most) but a conditional asseverati­on, stuffed with great variety of di­ficulties and obscurityes. And though the doctrine of the Church of England, the Kings prerogative and the laws of the land had elbow-room in those few lines, yet the pri­viledges of that Parliament, which in time, destroyed the King, the Church and the laws, (under a speci­ous name,) deluded the bewitched people into a horrid rebellion which [Page 62]caused great misery & devastation to three flourishing Kingdomes, & now when those, who took the protesta­tion, have considered of the contri­vances, intrigues, & interests of that cunning trap and popular bait, they ought to retreat from the danger of those snares: & now having recove­red their sense and reason by repent­ance and a better consultation, may better know how to perform their duty to God in his Church, and to their King and Country.

The mask of the protestation thus pul'd off, and the curtaines drawn, the face of loyalty is more clear and visible: yet there is another brood, and sort of persons, who cry out of their peirced and wounded consciences, and tell the world they have with hearts and hands lifted up to heaven, taken the national and general covenant, and they cannot quit fairly with this delight and darling of their soules. This, as Dia­na [Page 63]from Iupiter (they urge) fell from Heaven, and though the Covenant was the contrivance of a few con­federated seditious heads, yet the co­venanters hold themselves obliged to keep it as stirctly, as if it had been the breath, motion and dictates of the sacred spirit of God, and many suppose that having lifted up their hands in a pious delusion, they can­not nor must not let them fall in a re­pentant and humble submission to their Soveraign, and the laws of their Country: but such infatuated Zelots are much deceived, and ought to see more clearly, the scales of their delusion being taken from their eyes, but if an irrational sturdy obstinacy still possess their resolutions, willfulnesse, blind's rea­son, and obduration cauterize their consciences: their best cure may be procured by advising with the incomparable reasons of the U­niversity of Oxford against the co­venant: [Page 64]& if those reasons, prove not a welcome soveraign cordial, let such passionate Zelots apply them­selves to their Princes remedy, and Probatum, or for ever hold them­selves in their Honour, Souls and Consciences to be incurable. And the late blessed Royal Martyr, ^t doth most pathetically and pow­erfully advise and argue.Εικον Βασιλικε chap. 14. of the covenant pag. 110. The en­joynings of Oathes upon people must needs, in things doubtfull, be dangerous, as in things unlawfull, damnnable, & no lesse superfluous, where former religious & legall En­gagements, bound men sufficiently to all necessary duties: nor can I see how they will reconcile such an in­novating Oath and Covenant, with that former protestation, which was so lately taken to maintain the Reli­gion established in the Church of England, since they count discipline so great a part of Religion. And in the the next page the King saith (in [Page 65]the candor and kindness of his spi­rit) I am prone to believe and hope that many who take the covenant, are yet firm to this judgement, that such later vows, oathes or leagues can never blot out those former gravings and characters, which by just and lawful Oathes were made upon their Souls. And again, the blessed King urgeth the third time, that which makes such confederati­ons by way of Solemn Leagues and covenants, more to be suspected, is, that they are the common road in all factions and powerful perturbati­ons of State or Church, where for­malities of extraordinary zeal and piety, are ever more studied and elaborate, then, when Politicians most agitate desperate designs, a­gainst all that is setled or Sacred in Religion and Laws; which by such service, are cunningly yet forcibly wrested by secret steps, and less sensible degrees, from their known [Page 66]rule and wonted practise to comply with the humour of those men, who aime to subdue all to their own will and power, under the disguises of holy combinations. These were the counsels and command of a dying King, who sealed these truths with his royal bloud, and they may serve as cautions or preventive physick, not to be refused; as cor­dials, to comfort languishing and fainting spirits, as soveraign reme­dyes, to recover relapsed patients, to a sound and heathful disposition of both Soul and body, and they are not to be neglected or despised by any rational subjects, but who doom themselves to discontent, or will­fully are dementated to a self perdi­tion.

When the protestation and the covenant,3. Engage­ment. like old and useless Alma­nacks were laid aside, a successive jugling, prevailing party found out vicious matter, to compose new [Page 67]bird lime, and shuffling the cards, and then cutting and dealing cun­ingly, devised by an Engagement to catch some credulous and timorous complying inclinations, or at least, utterly to pack the Presbyterian out of the stock of power and interest. This obortive Embrìo and Precoci­ous birth was quickly tumbled out of the body of the bear, and by some smooth bloudy tongues licked into a form, or rather confusion of words; which reduced to neither mood or figure, were so illogical, that the Engagement was looked on as a factious seditious snare, and not strong enough to hold the foot of the lightest Larke. The weakest person that complyed to be entang­led in it, as to the form (if any) it was a subscribed promise, before an illegal Magistrate. And as to the matter, it was a fancy or dream like that of Vtopia, of a common wealth which was no where in England, un­less [Page 68]in some mens brains, who were sick of ambition, and pride, and long'd for Government. This repub­lick they stiled, setled, when the world saw the-three Kingdomes in disorder and confusion, and the Au­thours and Abettors of this Ridi­culous monster, panting, quaking, and sculking under continual suspi­tions, and the pinching torments of fears and jealousies: but that which occasioned greatest scorn and laugh­ter of this seditious bug-bear, was, that it was covetously contrived, to be a vendible commodity, and so easily gain'd from the justice of Peace or his Clark, for half a Crown; and in a short time it prov'd a more common contemptible drug, and was familiarly bought for twelve pence, until at last, it was not valu­able. On which devise, all judicious and sober Persons did look as a state cheat, or a meer moral promise to things imaginary, irrational and [Page 69]impossible under the pressure of tyrannical usurpers, and in it self no way legal or binding, being like tow in an instant set on fire by some sulphurous sparks, and flaming for a moment, dyed and was suddenly extinguished.

Vsus juran­di ducit ho­minem ad perjurium. D Ber. ser. 32. de per­jurio.A fourth, but more black, traite­rous and odious obligation and oath, was that of the abjuration, which most horridly did conjure the perjured swearers, to re­nounce their lawful King, and his royal line, and the successors of that imperial and renowned family.

Sicut men­tiri non po­test qui non loquitur, sic pejerare non poterit qui jurare non appetit. D. Bernard ser. 32. de perjurio.And this potion though dange­rous and damnable like viper wine, went pleasantly down with two ma­ny, who if not soundly purged with true repentance, may feel the acerbity of this venemous compo­sition attended with pangs and tor­ments, in their gauled consciences for ever. This was a treason of the highest degree, a fin of a great mag­nitude, [Page 70]a daring crime, aiming pro­digiously to destroy the roots, and branches of the royal stemm: and though it was hatcht and contriv'd by a cunning hypocritical Crocodile and his bloudy Sycophants;Cromwel. yet as if Heaven and Earth, God and man did abhor such an odious oath and combination, how suddenly did it please God, that his arme of provi­dence should appear and incline the hearts, not only of his loyal subjects but even of those who had been bitter Enemies to the royal throne, to endeavour and cooperate for his Majesties restauration. And now all these Withes and new Cords being broken by a Samsonian strength and influence from true Soveraignty, are untwisted and unravel'd to an odi­um and a scorn. And the Parlia­ment hath judiciously and nobly de­termined and damn'd the covenant, the Engagement and the oath of Abjuration to be illegal, factious [Page 71]and seditious papers, and all ratio­nal subjects may securely acquiess in their judgement and determina­tion.Malum quod jura­mus facere, non debe­mus impl [...] D. Ber. de perjur. ser. 32.

If this Collyrium clear not the eyes of all Protesters, Covenanters, Engagers and abjurators, nor all these reasons reduce the phanati­cally deluded to their fidelity and allegiance to their King: let them beware least the judgement, as well as the sins of detestable perjury follow, or fall upon them. This is a horrid crime, which the School­men lay open to the world in this dress, thatPerjuri­um est mon­dacium ju­ramento. firmatum. Aurey, Thes. Eccles. lib. 4. dist. 39. perjury is a ly confirm'd and ratified by an oath, and this is a most fearful aggravation. And it is St. Hieroms resolutionIus ju­randum tres habet comites ve­ritatem ju­dicium & justitiam. Hieron. super Hieremi. 22. q. 2. that no oath is lawful, unless it be attended, with three indispensable concomi­tants. viz. Truth, Iudgement and Righteousnesse, and where all or a­ny of these three faile, an oath is perjury, St. Austin is more strict, [Page 72]claring plainlyCum sit vel putat falsum esse & tamen pro vero jurat D. Aug. de ver. Apost. ser. 28. that he is perjured, that sweareth voluntarily, what he knoweth to be false, with a deceit­ful design, or if he perfectly know it not, thinketh it to be false. The Fathers make an out-cry, and de­claim severely against this crime, and call it Bellua detestanda, a most detestable beast, and filthy sin. The schoolmen seem yet more severe then the FathersIurans rerum, quod putat esse falsum, vel jurans fal­sum quod putat esse verum, est perjurus T. Aquin. 22. ae. q. 98, 1.3. & Aquinas deter­mins that he who sweareth the truth which he thinketh to be false, or swearing that which is false thinketh it to be truth, is a perjured person. Where the sin is so notori­ous, the infamy and obloquies so odious, and the judgements of the Eternal revenger, so terrible and dangerous against perjured persons; how careful should subjects be to recover themselves to the duty of loyalty, and thereby to repair their credit and to vindicate themselves from eternal plagues and infamy.

The clouds thus dispersed by the beams of truth, and rational argu­ments. It is most evident that those subjects who started from their alle­giance & loyalty, can neither plead ex­cuse or merit, for their tergiversati­on & Apostacy, & as to any unlawful oaths wherewith their soules were insnared or intangled, they are by the supream laws of God & the laws of men discharghed & absolved from them, unless hardned with obstina­cy, they will as 'tis in the Greek proverb [...] i. e. malum ma­lo meditatur sophocles & Aeneas Platonicus. ad sin unto sin, force one nail with driving another, and to perjury adde wilful impenitency, but better things may be hoped from all subjects, who as men look on them­selves, as born for rational society or as Christians professing the truths of sacred religion, and not longer adhering to self opinion, or sediti­ous faction, be perfectly converted to be true cordial royalists: remem­bring the caution and counsel the [Page 74]late royalΕικον Βασιλικε cont. 19. pag. 174. Martyr gave, not to pre­tend a reformation, and to force a rebellion, nor to hearken or give credit to those parasitick preachers who dared to call those Martyrs, who dyed fighting against their King the laws, their oathes and the religi­on established. But sober Christians know that glorious title of Martyrs can with truth be applied to those, who sincerely preferred Gods truth and their duty in all particulars be­fore their lives, and all that was dear to them in this world, who where religiously sensible of those tyes to God, the Church and the King, which lay on their souls, both for obedience and just assistance. By this time apostatiz'd and deluded subjects (their eyes being as well opened with sad experience, as bright beames of reason and truth) may cleerly see their errours and more securely avoid their dangers. But least as those who behold their [Page 75]faces in a glass, they may upon are­moval utterly forget their features or complexions. It may not prove improper to set before us those pure Christals of Piety, Wisdome, Re­ligion, Honour and Government, which the customes and laws of former ages have conveyed to this present generation, engaging both the King and people to their re­spective dutyes, whereby the sove­raign and all his subjects are com­prehended under [...]mental obligati­onds.Fidelis sermo reti­net locum sacramenti Iuramento non egit veritas D. Ber. Serm. 32. This difference and distincti­on only admitted that glorious Princes of the imperial Crown of England, have in their royal grace, and voluntary condescention ac­customed themselves to solemn oathes at their coronation: but the Kings subjects are obliged by oaths setled, formed and confirmed by laws to exhibit and perform their homage, Fealty, allegiance and Fi­delity to their Kings as Gods an­nointed [Page 76]and in these high privi­ledges and prerogatives, the Kings of England seem to have a more le­gal tye and soveraignty, over their subjects, then either the Crown of France or Spain, whose subjects are commanded in greater vassalage, and as brighter and leading stars, that sacred oathes & obligations are here presented, which pious Kings and Queens have accustomed to take at their coronation, when they sealed to their sacred vows, in the communion and sacrament of the body and bloud of Christ; and then as better fitted, have laid their hands on the blessed Evangelists, bowing their heads have kissed the book, (the best eternal evidence of the affection of the heart) and thus prepared, they have usually received the Imperial Crown and Scepter; with other Regalia and Emblems of royal Majestie from Gods altar, as holding all their power and sove­raignty [Page 77]from the King of Kings, and Lord of Lords, that God, An­gels, and Men, Heaven and Earth, and the whole world, and all ages to come, may behold the pious in­tegrity of Sacred Princes.

Having now set fourth the sacred ☜ Oaths and obligations of the Kings and Queens of England, and of some of the cheif Officers and Mi­nisters of State, together with the Homage of the Ecclesiastical Hirarchy, and temporal Nobility, and of the three great Officers of Court: the Lord high Steward, the Master of the Horse, and the Lord Chamberlain, by their Oathes as privy counsellors under, whose im­mediate [Page 102]command and power, all servants at Court, are sworn to fide­lity and obedience, in their re­spective relations, and ranks of or­der, degrees and subordinations. It is plain and easie to every rational subject to discern and see the most excellent form of Government that the prudence and piety of for­mer ages hath conveyed to the En­glish to this present time: and we cannot do less then admire and magnifie the gracious providence, and riches of Gods favours to the Kingdome of England, who hath with the golden chain of harmo­nious Government so lincked Kings and Queens to himself, and all their subjects and people to their sove­raign Princes, that no Kingdome under the canopy of Heaven, hath a better frame of Government, either for Church or State, or the transaction of Ecclesiastick or civil concernments and affaires, in which [Page 103]there is such an incementing con­catenation by wholesome laws, and customes, for justice, and the happy preservation of all the peo­ples Rights, that as the King may sit as happily and securely on his Throne as any Monarch on earth, so his people may as prosperously thrive under his gracious Govern­ment, and reposing themselves un­der their own vines and figtrees; as cheerfully enjoy the inestimable blessings of their own just rights, and labours, Milk and Hony, with the overflowing favours of Peace and Plenty. How great a crime must it then be, to wrest or break one of the invaluable lincks of this golden concatenation, which So­veraign Princes graciously please to strengthen and consolidate (if possible) by their sacred Oathes to God, which cannot but indear and more oblige ingenuous subjects to greater exactness of duty and fide­lity, [Page 104]considering that these pious proceeding, are more acts of Grace and voluntary and Princely con­descentions flowing from the foun­taines of their own royal goodness, being methods of high degrees of kindness and love; where words or promises, and those at their roy­al wills and pleasure, are to be look­ed on, not only as certainties and assurances, but as deeds and com­pleat performances. The civil Law expecteth as much from No­ble men, and Persons of Honour, that there words be equally esteem­ed as their deeds,Promissa nobilinm pro factis habentur. And Iser. c. 1. Tantum fi­dei & lega­litatis pre­sumitur in Nobilibus ut si quic­quam pro­miserint id per equesit certum ac indubita­tum ac si jam factum esset. And Iser. c, 1. thus Homer ho­norably mentions Agamemnon [...]. Homer. Iliad. 18. the word was no sooner out of that great worthies mouth, but it was his act and deed, but Princes are of more sublime and higher qualities as being earthly Gods, their words are more Sacred and Soveraign. Thus Pylat though an inferiour Potentate, toul'd the [Page 105]Jews, quod scripsi, scripsi. And Ser­vius commenting on those words of the PoetVirgil. lib. 12. Aeneid. Do, quod vis, bene in­quit, presenti usus est tempore: nam promissio in Diis pro facto est. I give what thou wilt, the God did well to use the present tense, as if the will and words of Princes were very Acts and Deeds, but if any knot can binde faster then words or pro­mises, see the gracious dispositions and customes of the Kings of Eng­land, offering up (as in the beauty of holiness,) the sacrifice of pious resolutions to God Almighty, in sacred oathes for their most Prince­ly government.

And as Kings thus unite them­selves. by these most Sacred bonds to the King of Kings, so their Offi­cers and Ministers of State, and servants of their Courts, are engaged by special Oathes of Obedience and Fidelity, and all their subjects are obliged by a national Law, to swear [Page 107]to the Oathes of Allegiance and Supremacy, no rank being to be excused (at the age of Eighteen) from these just and rational obliga­tions, unless the Lords and Peers of the Realm, whose refined Honour being as equivalent, if not more superlative, doth as powerfully in­dear them to loyalty and true alle­giance to their Princes; it cannot then but be justly censured a crime of the highest nature to violate sa­cred bonds with treachery and in­fidelity; and yet that soul sin may be presented more ugly, when any in greater and neerer trust about the King, (as a Minister of his roy­al affairs, or a sworn servant of his Court) shall perfidiously or timo­rously forfeit his Faith, which by duplicated Oathes being sealed on his Soul, as a door more secure un­der a double lock ought to be more firm, and not to be forced by any Art or Engine: and if single per­jury [Page 108]be so notorious a crime, how horrid and hellish will it appear in the multiplication of false illegal & perjurous and damnable Oathes.

The link and jonts of govern­ment, thus reaching from Heaven to Eatth, from God to Man, and from the King of Kings to Kings and Princes on earth, they thence graciously descend from royal thrones, to the meanest and lowest of all their people: who in a com­munity participate of the blessings of Monarchy, under the protection and Grace of their Prince, and the benefit and provision of most ex­cellent and wholesom laws, against whose sacred Person (as being Gods annointed) or rules of go­vernment, if any should be so trait­terous or seditious, as to dare to contrive or conspire, they merit the severest degrees of punishment, and though they be as near to the Crown in blood as Absalon to [Page 108]King David, or as near in trust and Counsels, as the grand oraculous politician Achitophel, yet no rela­tion or employment can so palliat the blaknesse of their offences, but that all good subjects are obliged as Hushai the Archite, to preserve their Prince in his royal Crown and dignity, and to detect and dis­cover, dissipate and destroy all treacherous conspiraces, and re­bellious Treasons against their Prince. This was the resolution and adventure of Noble Hushai, who commanded by King David obeyed his royal pleasure, and leaving the King in a deplorable sad condition, addressed to the usurper and traitor Absalon, and seemingly confederated with that unnatural Arch Traitor, and Achitophel and his complices; but God had so ap­pointed that this loyal subject, by his wisdom and fidelity intrapped Absalon to his merited ruine, and so [Page 109]infatuated the Councels of Achito­phel, that the despairing Traitor (hanging himself,) became his own executioner, and the rebellious ar­my being routed, and totally defeat­ed, and Absalon hanged by the head in a tree, King David was gloriously restored to the royal City of Hieru­salem.

But least any presume to be loy­all Hushites, who cannot reasonably merit the opinion or Name of true Royalists, and so not prove King Davids friends. It is necessary that some characters and distinctions be intermitted for cleerer truth, and plainer perspicuiry of what is dross, what is sophisticated false and fain­ed mettal, and what (in this point) by the impartial touch stone is judg­ed pure and perfect gold.

The story of this concernment is a sacred record, written by the holy Prophet Samuel, 2 Sam. 15. which describes King Davids danger and delive­rance, [Page 110]his enemies and his friends, presents to the world the undutiful­ness of an unnatural Son, and the rebellious attempts of ambitious and traiterous subjects, Absalon was the Arch traitor, and Achitophel the cheif Counselour in this foul con­spiracy and black Treason, and the Prophet (as if to forewarn the world from future delusion and in­fatuation of that kind) describes the Traitors and Conspirators.Traiterous crimes or marks, 1. defamati­on or detracti­on. First, defaming and dishonoring the Kings government, sowing sedition, and disgracing the royal Courts of Iustice, saying, 2 Sam. 15.3. See, saith Absolon, thy matters be good and right, but there is no man deputed of the King to hear thee. This de­sign was countenanced with the pompe and pride of a popular train. 2 Sam. 15.1. to amaze or allure the vulgar,2 Popular pompe & pride. Absolon prepared Char­riots and Horses, and fifty men to run before him. A great pretence to [Page 111]execute judgement,3 A pre­tence to do justice and execute judge­ment. and do justice, promoted this rebellion, so the grand Impostor made way to ad­vance his rebellion saying 2 Sam. 15.4. O that I were made Iudge in the land, that every man that hath any suite or cause might come unto me, (as the Supream Magistrate and cheif Iustice) And I would do him justice, 4 Restless watching day and night. vigilancy, diligence and indefatiga­ble industry and attendance; to ca­ress and court the people, were active practises of this popular po­litician so Samuel sets forth the traitour in the 2 Sam. 15.2. Abso­lon rose up early and stood beside the way of the Gate, 5 Flattery and adulation. and when any man that had a controvercy came to the King for judgement, then Absolon called unto him, and with oily court­ship quickly deluded common ca­pacities, and simple credulity: this venemous and traiterous infatua­tion, that so swelled the people with avarice and ambition, was as [Page 112]epidemick and national, as infecti­ous and insnaring,6 Traite­rous in­fection is usually epidmical For, on this man­ner did Absolon to all Israel that came to the King for judgement. 2 Sam. 15.6. Traitors usually pules every vain, try all tempers, and in­cline all humours to augment and corroberate their party, and to effectuate their evil contrivances and machinations,

7 Traitors are most courty crafty and fullest of dissimula­tion.And as traitors lay their plots and designs, for general advantages, so they bend and humble themselves to court and catch all capacities. Thus Cataline caressed the lowest of the Romans as he passed in the streets. And it is remarkable in Abso­lon, how like a Serpent he insinua­ted, creeping and cringing, bend­ing and bowing to the earth; so the Prophet observes him in his cariage to the meanest Israelite, 1 Sam. 15.5. And it was so that when any man came nigh to him, to do him obey­sance, he put forth his hand and took [Page 113]him and kissed him. But that which was the cheifest cheat,8 Hypo­crisie or the holy cheat and both deluded King David and his subjects, was cunning hypocrisy, or (in the abused canting phraise of these jugling times) Liberty of consci­ence, and a pretence to holinesse, or performance of religious vows; so the Prophet describes the decei­ver. 2 Sam. 15.7.8, And it came to passe after forty years that Absolon said unto the King, I pray thee let me go and pay my vow, which I have vowed unto the Lord in He­bron, for thy servant vowed a vow while I abode at Geshur in Syria, say­ing if the Lord shall bring me again indeed to Ierusalem, then I will serve the Lord. And as this arch conspi­rator Absolon, so his councellor A­chitophel seemd to be very zealous, and religious: so the Prophet taketh notice that Achitophel being sent for by Absolon, He was it his City of Giloh where he was raising rebel­lion [Page 114]when offering sacrifices. 2 Sam. 15.12, There were many thou­sands engaged and envolved in the ☞ conspiracy, and some few hundred more innocent, or rather less mali­cious Traitors: and the Prophet to their comfort recordeth both their number and their qualities, 2 Sam. 15.11. And with Absolon went two hundred men out of Ierusalem, that were called, and they went in their simplicity, and they knew not a­ny thing. 9 Traitors are false and most persidi­ous. There is yet one atten­dant more, that is concomitant and adherent to traiterous dispositi­ons, which are for the most part, very false and horridly perfidious; thus Absolon had no sooner leave to go in peace to Hebron, but imme­diately he sent his spies through all the tribes of Israel, saying, as soon as ye hear the sound of the Trumpet, then ye shall say Absolon reigneth in He­bron, 2 Sam. 15.10. These nine characters whiles they conti­nue [Page 115]engraven on traiterous subjects hearts; they cannot be permitted to the reputation of true royalists, as Hushai the Archite, that noble Israe­lite, who was not tainted with any of these defiling qualities, but po­sitively and in the affirmative was richly endued with many heroick virtues, which did highly capacitate his noble soul, for the service of his God the God of Israel, and for Da­vid the King the Lords annointed, and for the Peace, Liberty and Ha­piness of the Kingdome and Coun­try, where he was an honourable Courtier, a prudent Counsellour, a loyal subject, and faithful Patriot; and the holy pen of that sacred wri­ter, who did set forth & character Absolon, Achitophel and their traiterous confederates, doth de­lineate and portray in most (lively colours) the most incomparable and supereminent virtues of the true and perfect royalist in the great [Page 116]abilities and worth of Hushai the Archite, who (saith the Prophet) was in zealous passion,Characters of true royalists. 1 Holy indignati­on, for their King in a sad conditon. 2 Sam. 15.32. or holy indigna­tion, to see his King in a sad condi­tion, his people in rebellion, and the whole Kingdome in such a wild confusion and distraction, Ecce oc­currit ei Chusai Arachites, scissâ veste & terrâ pleno capite. Behold Hushai the Archite came to meet the King with his coat rent, and earth upon his head. Good subjects they neither value liberty,2 Attend there Prince in greatest danger. life or limb, riches or fortune, nor any personal concern­ment; but when their King and his Crown is in danger, and his royal Person in the field, they hazard and adventure all; as loyal subjects in their Princes service, and they are not only to attend, but to be active, quick and lively in the concern­ment of a Crown: this great worthy is a noble example of diligence and activeness in his swift endeavours, to advance his princes cause, their [Page 117]is no mention made of declaration or proclamation, of the call of a drum or sound of trumpet, but as soon as the royal Standaris mount­ed,3 True royalists ought to be quick and active for their King in danger. and it is but whispered, or at least but rumourd that King David was in danger, and his people in rebel­lion, Hushai speedily posteth and addresseth to the royal camp, so the Prophet expresseth, Chushai Arachi­tes occurrit, ran (as with all haste) to meet the King, impatient until he came to his Princes aid and assi­stance. This worthy Israelite was neither timorously or cowardly in­clind, as ignoble Poultrones, nor treacherously affected as Laodicean newters, nor shackled and impri­soned with the fetters of base and filthy lusts, as lacivious and lu xuri­ous epicures, but, as on a suddain a­bandoning and quitting all delights prophits and concernments; as swift as lightning, he flyeth to attend his Prince in his dangerous extremities, [Page 118]as Hushai was quick and active for the preservation of his King:4 The best royalists the most religious. [...] Plato in Apol. 2 Sam. 15.32. Ista ingeni­orum scabi­es ut omnes disputare malint quam vive­ve. Seneca epist. 2.5. so he appeares (which was his greater honour and commendation,) re­ligious, and rightly setled for his principles in Gods worship and ser­vice; he was no black soul'd Atheist, whose devotion intirely attends his interest, nor factious Schismatick, hypocritical separatist, or brain sick Phanatick, but a true Israelite in­deed; and so it appears, by the double circumstances of the manner and time of his attendance; for the man­ner it was in a Iewish mode and dress, his cloathes rent, and his head covered with earth, emblems of sorrow and indignation, and a reli­gious condolement and compassi­on. And as to the time of his ad­dress, it proved either by design or providence to be at that instant, When the King was come to the top of the Mount, where he worshipped God, behold Hushai the Archite came [Page 119]to meet him. Even then when the King was at his prayers and earnest­ly said,2 Sam. 15.31. O Lord I pray thee turn the Counsel of Achitophel into foolish­nesse. 5 Fortitude requisie in true royaliste. Then as joyning in holy de­votion, did Hushai most happily at­tend his Kings commands. To these excellent capacities and fitness, King David found Hushai a man of cour­age & magnanimity, neither fearing the Enemies power, nor distrusting the Kings more weak and sad con­dition, not of a low and pusillani­mous spirit, nor of a ranting and va­poring humour, who like some squibs and crackers will thunder and roare like lyons, (and though the cause be never so good) in an instant change their notes, and like timorus Hares betake themselves to there heels. This Israelite was a per­son of honour and courage, truly valiant,6 Tempe­rance requisite in all royalists, and therefore more proper for service of highest trust, and as this bright shining virtue did shew it [Page 120]self in Hushai; so temperance (doubt­lesse) kept him company, without whose influence understanding, sence and reason, or what can be thought honorable to a Prince, will suddenly be drowned and over­whelmed in the stinking puddles of gluttony, drunkennesse, ryot, lux­ury, or detestable debaucheries. Temperance and valour, loves to keep company with justice; And 'tis very probable that this golden rule of doing right, and giving to every man his due, was a chief mo­tive to King David to employ one of so just and righteous resolutions,7 Iustice and up­right dealing. who so dutifully paying his loyalty to his Prince as so cheerfully to ha­zard and adventure his life, might (possibly) be more succesful in so near a concernment as the preserv­ing of a King on his Throne, and the appeasing and extinguishing of the flames of so formidable a trea­son. These three fair Ladies are [Page 121]never without the society and counsel of Prudence,8 Pru­dence, and in this pe­rillous juncture she might be more highly useful, because as Plato, she is the cheifest guide that best advi­seth humain actions.Pruden­tia sola prae­it & ducit ad recte faciendum. Plato in menae. Aristotle is more plain urgingFieri non potest ut quisquam vere probus sine pruden­tia audiat. Arist. & hic. that no man can be justly stiled good or honest, who is not prudent, as necessary to true Policy and Government, as the line and plummet to the skilful Ar­chitect Vt Ar­chitectis nullum e­pus recte processcrit sine libella & I. Lips,. This as the rudder turnes the Ship and best steers the course when she is under saile: the King experiencing a quick and lively spi­rit, a great judgement and more so­lid understanding in his loyal subject the Archite, resolved to make choice of his faithful abilities, when his Crown and life and all that was soveraign and truly royal, seemed to be in an ambiguous and dange­rous state. To all these the con­stancy, the fidelity, the secresie, the extraordinary friendship, passionate [Page 122]love and amity, that King David had for Hushai, or that Hushai had for the person and high calling of the King: these happy experiences might rationally incline King Da­vids confidence,9 Con­stancy, Fidelity, Secresy are requisite in true loyalists. to recommend and commissionate his faithful sub­ject to manage and conduct this weighty business. These are lively marks of true loyalists, and well worthy and becoming the imitation of all who pretend to be loyal sub­jects; yet this case of Hushai seems to be of a most remarkable and ex­traordinary quality, both in respect of King David and in relation to Hushai. First, in regard of the King, who (surprised with a rebelli­on, under a pretence of Religion, and a vow to be performed at He­bron) was forced to a suddain ne­cessity, to use his greatest Art and Policy to disperse and dissolve that growing traiterous cloud which be­gan to spread, and to look so formi­dable. [Page 123]Thus a great Critick ad­ventures to comment on the text,Non dese­rebant Da­videm in tantis ma­lis suae Ar­tes, sed ubi Leonina non prode­rat, assumit vulpinam. H. Grotius in 2 Sam. 1 [...]. and saith David as a great comman­der and experienced general, wan­ted neither wit nor arts, and marti­al designs, to crush in peices, and counterplot Absolons ambitious aimes, others conjecture that this extraordinary command and com­mission, was given to Hushai from David as his King, who having a soveraign power over all his sub­jects might exact obedience, ha­ving a superlative Authority, in so great a peril to circumstance his roy­al pleasure in this service: as the King should please to judge fit for persons, time and place, and this seems very probable from the Pro­phet Samuel 2 Sam. 15.33.34. Si veneris mecum eris mihi oneri. who thus records the dialogue betwixt the King and Hushai, If thou passest on with me, thou shalt be a burden to me, but if thou return into the City thou maist defeat the Counsel of Achitophel. [Page 124]And Vatablus Videsne tu? valesne tu in conci­lio, quod si vales con­cilio rever­tere, plus enim mihi profueris redeundo quam ma­nendo Va­tablus in loc. 2. Sam. 1 [...]. seemeth to encline much to this purpose, as if the King had reasonedNonne videns es? nonne Pro­pheta es? si dominus responderit tibi redeun­dum in ur­bem redito, Chal. Paraph. the case and debated with Hushai, thus; saying, thou art a subject of great experience, as sharp-sighted as an Eagle in popular com­motions, strong in judgement, pru­dent in Counsels, Eloquent and powerful in perswasion, a Lion for courage, and a Lamb for courtship: civility and curtesie, go thou into the City Hierusalem, and if possible defeat Achitophels counsel; there is a third conjecture, which seems to carry with it the clearest truth, and that is in this unexemplary com­mand and service, King David as a Prophet, and the Lords annointed, by a divine direction or infusion from above in this sea of troubles, guided more especially by the dictates of Gods holy spirit, found out this happy expedient to avoide his Enemies, and to destroy their traiterous combinations, this seem [Page 125]to be genuinly derived from the sa­cred history,2 Sam. 15.31. which relates that King David worshipping God, fell to his prayers and said2 Sam. 15.34. Dixeris Absolom servus tuus sum Rex; Patere me vivere. O Lord I pray thee turn the counsel of Achito­phel into foolishnesse, and the King had no sooner ended his prayers, and was come to the top of the mount where he worshipped God but Hushai came to meet him, and the King (as directed by the spirit of God) immediately commandeth Hushai instructing him with the mat­ter and a form of such words, as seemed to be sutable only for such a service, as he was employed in, and as sent from Heaven to save a King from perishing, and to preserve a Kingdome a Say (Hushai) unto Ab­solon I will be thy servant O King, as I have been thy Fathers servant hitherto, so will I now be thy servant also. This commission was only sutable to such a soveraign Prince, whose divine spirit, was directed [Page 126]from above and it is very colligi­ble from the context of this story: that King David had for the trans­action of this high concern (where­in a King, a Church and Kingdome were all in such eminent danger) an extraordinary and prophetical spi­rit, and that will plainly manifest it­self, when it is observed and scanned how Hushai comported himself in this royal trust wherein the King em­ployed him, which was so succesful; that (by Gods assistance) it caused the ruine of the traitors and that high rebellion. The Prophet menti­ons Hushai's insinuation into Abso­lons presence, and into his Coun­sels, wherein as he shewed his obe­dience to his Prince and his own matchless wisdome, and invincible courage, who was neither catched with Absolons flattery, nor danted with the oraculous policy of per­fidious Achitophel. Hushai made his way as King David commanded [Page 127]him, saying, to Absolon 2 Sam. 16.16. Salve Rex. Salve Rex. God save the King, God save the King: and now having by fair speeches justly insnared the flatterer, and gained ac­ceptance and credulity, Hushai at­tendeth his opportunity, to annihi­late and destroy the traytors and their treason, which he brought to good effect: first, by opposing and decrying the counsels of Achito­phel, which being refused, the de­spairing Statist, went forth and hanged himself. 2 Sam. 17.25. It cannot but be perti­nent to observe how justly the judgements of God found out this prodigious matchiavil; who sowed the tares of dissention betwixt a Fa­ther and his Son: and cherished the seeds of Rebellion in the subjects against their Liege Lord and King: the horror of his crimes, (as yet more odious and abominable in the eyes of God and men) are re­corded to his lasting infamie in the sacred History, where the diversity [Page 128]of Achitophels and Hushai's coun­sels are set forth at large, with the successe of both. First, Absolon cal­leth for Achitophel 2 Sam. 16.20. and said give me counsel, what we shall do, and as he presently venteth the poyson of his soul, damnably advising Absolon to go into his Fathers Concubines, which he hath left to keep the house, and all Israel shal hear that thou art abhorred of thy Father, then shall all the hands that are with thee be strong. This evil counsel was to well entertained and practised, and prosecuted with as much impudency as impiety, So they spread Absolon a Tent upon the top of the House, and 2 Sam. 16.22. Absolon went into his Fathers Concubines in the sight of all Israel. As this foul sin was prepared to make not only a breach, but an abhorrency betwixt the Father and the Son, so the Gi­beonite proceeded in his dangerous and destructive counsels perswading Absolon, that he might have the [Page 129]choice of twelve thousand men, that he might arise and pursue after Da­vid in the night, and saith he I will come upon him while he is weary and weakhanded, and will make him a­fraid, and all the people that are with him shall flee, and I will smite the King only. Sam. 17.1.2. Herein was much mischief contayned as the force of a considerable Army, the terrour of a pursuit in the night, and bloud thirsty cruelty threatning, to chase or sur­prise a feeble and fainty marching Army; and most maliciously to smite and murder the King only, but God prevented the mischiefs of this bad counsel and fowl design. For it pleased the providence of Heaven, to order that Absolon should call likewise Hushai the Archite and to hear what he said and he (obe­dient to King Davids instructions, and guided by the breathings of the holy spirit gave counsel) of another complexion, saying boldly and [Page 130]faithfully2 Sam. 17.7. That the counsel that A­chitophel hath given is not good at this time for (said Hushai) thou knowest that thy Father and his men be mighty men, and they be chafed in their minds Bitter of Soul. as a bear that is robbed of her whelps in the field, and thy Fa­ther is a man of war and will not lodge with the people behold he is now hid in some pit, 2 Sam. 17.7.8.9.10.11. or in some other place: And it will come to pass when some of them be overthrown at the first, that whosoever heareth it, will say, there is a slaughter among the people that fol­low Absolon. And he also that is valiant and his heart as the heart of a Lyon shall utterly melt: for all Israel know that thy Father is a mighty man and that they that be with him be va­lient men. Therefore I counsel that all Israel be gathered generally to ga­ther from Dan even to Beersheba, as the sand that is by the sea for multi­tude, and that thou go to battaile in thy own person, so shall we come upon [Page 131]him in some place where he shall be found, and we will light upon him as the dew that falleth uppon the ground, and of him and of all the men that are with him, there shall not be left so much as one. Moreover if he be gotten into a City, then shall all Is­rael bring ropes unto that City and we will draw it into the River, until there be not on small stone to be found there.

This counsel was clean contra­ry to Achitophels presenting King David and his Army not feeble but formidable, and admitted not of Achitophels but of Absolons own advancing with his Army of Re­bels, and as God had appointed and ordered, even so it came to pass.2 Sam. 17.14. And Absolon and all the men of Israel said, the counsel of Hushai the Archite is better then the counsel of Achitophel. This endeavour suc­ceeding prosperously, it was to be hoped that the traitors being distra­cted in their counsels, might not [Page 132]prosper in their black design which fell out accordingly. God and the King having instructed Hushai, the work went on the better and the holy record beareth witnesse of the truth. For the Lord had 2 Sam. 17.14. appointed Nutu do­mini the original beares had com­manded to defeat the good counsel of Achito­phel: Vt induceret Dominus malum, super Absolon; to the intent that the Lord might bring evil uppon Abso­lon. These great transactions, thus wisely & faithfully managed; Hushai (according to the Kings command) imparted the secrets and results of the counsels to Zadock and Abia­thar the Priests, saying, thus and thus did Achitophel counsel Absolon and the Elders of Israel, and thus and thus have I counselled, now therefore send quickly 2 Sam. 17.15.16. and tell David, saying, lodge not this night in the plaines of the wilderness, but speedily pass over, least the King be swallowed up, and all the people that are with him. Now Ionathan and Ahimaaz stayed by En­rogel [Page 133](for they might not be seen within the City) and a wench went and told them, Vers. 22. and they went and told King David and he arose upon this intelligence, and all the people that were with him and passed over Jordan by the morning light, there lacked not one of them that was not gone over Iordan. The King thus advised of the Enemies designes, advanced to Mahonaim and taking a view of his forces, divided his Ar­my into three Brigades, and set one third part under the command of his General Joab, King Da­vids gene­rals Ioab Aibshai Ittai. 2 Sam. 18.2.6.7. another third part under the command Abishai the Son of Zerviah, and a third patt un­der the hand of Ittai the Gittite; the Army then and thus advancing, the battel was in the wood of Ephraim where the people of Israel were slain before the servants of David, and there was a slaughter that day of twenty thousand men, and Absolon (as neither worthy of favour from [Page 134]Heaven or Earth) riding on a mule his head was caught hold on by the thick boughes of the Oak, and the Mule, (the very beast whereon he rode) forsook him and went away and left him to be pierced through with the darts of vengance, and the weapons of death. The Traitors thus dispersed and routed, good news of a happy victory,2 Sam. 18.31. and ti­dings of Salvation was posted to King David in the mouth of Chushi ⁿ so the Prophet Samuel relates that Chushi came, and Chushi said, tidings my Lord the King, for the Lord hath avenged thee this day on all those that rose up a­gainst thee. The Enemies discom­fited and the victory proclaimed Israel as well as Iudah fell into a zealous emulation and contention for loyalty, and King Davids Ene­mies strive to manifest themselves chearsul and obedient subjects: this is evident in the sacred passages of [Page 135]this royal story, Israel fled every man to his tent, and as at an instant in the next verse saith the Prophet and all the people were at strife, through all the tribes of Israel saying, The King saved us out of the hands of our Enemies, 2 Sam. 19.6. and he delivered us out of the Philistines, and now he is fled out of the Land, for Absolon, and Absolon whom we have anointed over us is dead in battel. Now therefore why speak ye not a word of bringing the King back. Thus the Kings greatest Enemies in his suddain prosperity became his friends, but as for Iudah his loyal party, the King (returning towards Hierusalem in triumph) had an eye principally on them. And King David sent to Zadock and to Abiathar, saying, speak unto the Elders of Judah saying, why are ye the last to bring back the King to his house, 2 Sam. 19.10.11. seeing the speech of all Israel is come to the King even to his house, ye are my brethren, ye are my bones, and ye are my flesh, wherefore then are ye the last to bring back the King. Thus at King Davids return and [Page 136]restauration towards Hierusalem Iudah and Israel, 2 Sam. 19.15. friends and foes all being King Davids subjects,1 Vnanimi consensu Tremel in loc uni­ted their acclamations in this happy occasion of solemn joy:2 Sam 19.41.42 43. and as ri­vals seemed to contend whether Tribes should appear more abso­lute and perfect royalists, the Pro­phets expressions are most emphati­cal. And behold all the men of Israel came to the King, Tribules Iehudae & qui pro Davide mi­litarant qui­bus copiis freti auda­ciores erant in sua responsione Iunius and said unto the King, why have our brethren the men of Iudah stolen thee away, and brought the King and his houshould & all Davids men with him over Jordan? And all the men of Judah answered the men of Israel, because the King is near of kin to us, Wherefore then be ye angry for this matter? have we eaten at all of the Kings cost? Refellendo rationes Israelitarū & ludifi­can do co insolentius adhuc locu­ti sunt, quam Is­raelitae. Tremel, in loc. or hath he given us any gift? And the men of Israel answered the men of Judah, and said, we have ten parts in the King, & we have also more right in David then ye, why then did ye despise us, that our advice should not be first had in bringing back our King? and the words of the men of Judath were fiercer then the words of the men of Israel. [Page 137]as justly despising their pretences to merits and thanks who had so lately co-assisted in such a bloody rebelli­on. The storm thus over of King Davids troubles, and the confusi­ons so calmed and allayed by the Kings incomparable wisdome, his Generals courage and conduct in the Army, and the unparaleld coun­sel and fidelity of Hushai, the King was gloriously restored to his throne, the Priests admitted peace­ably to attend at the Altar, and all the subjects, both Iudah and Israel contended for more exact prece­dency in the duty of loyalty and allegiance. These were the e­ffects of these noble endeavours conferring much advantage to the King and Kingdomes happinesse, & these examples of Fidelity and Loy­alty may direct all subjects of fu­ture ages to intimate (to their ut­most power) the sincere and faith­ful Israelite, and that none may [Page 138]over admire, or too much flatter themselves or services,Observa­tions on Hnshai, Obs. I it may prove pertinent and to the purpose to re­member that Hushai was (first) passionately afflicted, when he heard of the Kings distresse and danger, and dutifully attended his royal person and commands: (se­condly) he sturred not from the King until David commanded him. Ob. II (thirdly) Ob. III that he waited on Abso­lon in his counsels, but not without the Kings privity and instruction: (fourthly) Ob. IV that he exceeded not his commission, but from point to point obeyed the Kings pleasure: (fiftly) Ob. V that his confidence and the persons to whom he was recom­mended (for the more happy trans­actions of the great trust reposed in him) were Zadock and Abiathar the Priests and their two sons Iona­than and Ahimaaz men of piety, fidelity and sobernesse: (sixtly) Ob. VI that Hushai was so high in esteem [Page 139]with King David that he was both by the King and his Enemies, owned as King Davids friend, (seventhly) Ob. VII that the hand of God did signally appear (at this time) in the Kings great deliverance and readvance­ment to his Throne, for God had appointed, and Commanded it should be so: These circumstances premised. It will be the safest way and most honourable: for all subjects who; (as deluded Israelites have offended their Soveraign, and yield­ed either to Absolons flattery or Achitophels Counsels, and so de­filed their souls with Treason and Rebellion:) to become cordial and true converts to their Prince; and laying fast hold on his mercy and clemency to repent them truly for their crimes and errours. For this is the plain Path to true Content, and high way, and passage to Heaven.

BEfore I shall receive your Oath of Fidelity, which I may justly demand, and you ought dutifully to take, I shall let you know you have recalled (this day) a Prince (who during his Exile) had nothing else to doe, but to study how to Rule and Reign; and hereby I shall en­force you to believe that you shall not be able to make a Royal Throne a passage into my Fathers prison: And after you have pre­sented me with a Crown, to dare to wish me so much ill, as once to think of Chains and Irons. I know [Page 144]well, that this discourse will surprise you, and that you did not believe when you presented me with a Scepter, that I should not rather have received it with Thanks, then Reprehensions; but this act is extra­ordinary in its commencement, in its progress and in its conclusion; and it is just that all circumstances should be proportionable. Let it then suffice you onely to know, that if I be ignorant to what point Sub­jects are to pay their obeisance, yet I am not ignorant to what degree Soveraigns may extend their cle­mency: Notwithstanding there is this difference betwixt them, that the Subjects have no limits for the first, but Soveraigns have for the lat­ter. The People are obliged to the Prin­ces wills, both by their Births & their Lawes. They owe them their goods, their lives and their liberties; and their Princes owe them nothing but Iustice, which can hardly pardon [Page 145]Traytors. If these Truths & Maximes had been equally understood, and followed by the late King my So­veraign, and you his People, affairs had not been in that sad condition as they now are. The State had not been reduc'd to such confusion; the Provinces had not been Cantonized; Germany had not been so full of Fa­ctions; Italy had not been so di­vided; all the Cities of the Kingdom had not had so many kings as they now have Governours; you had not been guilty of the crime of Treason, in elevating an Usurper to the Throne, the King my Father might still have Reigned, or (at least) I might have received the Crown from his hands, and not from yours; his Tomb might have been bedewed with my tears, his Scepter had not been prophaned, his Hearse might have been covered with Trophies, & not with Chains. [Page 146]you might have been happy and in­nocent. But as his Clemency, and your Rebellion were the sole causers of all these evils, so your Obedience, and my Iustice, are the only means to make reparation. Consider a little (I pray you) (that you fall not back in the same estate wherein you were,) in what Relation you now stand; and in what condition I am. First, you have violated all sorts of Rights in the person of your King, you have raised a War against him; you have assaulted him, and after­wards poysoned him; you have abused the confidence he had in you, you have detained him pri­soner with as great Treason as Inju­stice, with as great insolency as cruel­ty: an injury which was never of­fered (hardly) to the person of an ordinary Herald. Thus you have violated, and impudently abused your King; you have detained him prisoner during a Treatie of Peace, [Page 147]for five years together led him from prison to prison; you have forced him not only to set by his Militia and to depose his Crown; but you have constrain'd him with violence to transfer it into other hands then to mine. To conclude, you put him to death, and you have reduced my self to a strict necessitie, to search my safetie in my flight, and to go and shew my miserie beyond the Seas. Yet this is not all, you have done one thing which never any did before, it hath been seen some­times that the Grandees of a King­dom have interposed themselves a­gainst a Tyranny, and have destroyed it; but 'twas never seen that they themselves elevated a Tyrant to the Throne as you have done: In these kind of crimes the Abettors may be said to be more criminal then he who hath received all the fruit: For if each one of you in particular had aspired to set the Crown upon his [Page 148]own head, you might have been more excusable, then to have snatcht it from your lawfull Prince to place it on the head of an Vsurper. But you'l say to me, the Prince that bore it was not able to support it. To that I shall answer, As I have the honour to be his Son, and was his Subject, it belongeth not to me to determine what he could, or what he could not: seeing he was my Fa­ther, I ought not to presume to be his judge, and seeing he was my King, I ought not to be so impudent to censure, much lesse to condemn his actions, he being not obliged to render an account to any, But God alone. Believe then, the same respect I have for his memorie, you ought to have had for his person, he was your King as well as mine: seeing then that Kings are called the Fa­thers of the people. Their Subjects are obliged to have for them a true resentment of a respect, which their [Page 149]very birth may infuse into them: Besides, as Soveraigns are the true Images of God, and that the splendor of their puissance is abeam and ray of his power; Subjects ought to have an equal submission to their Sove­raigns will. When you see a Comet appear, the Sun eclipsed, the Thun­der bolt fall on innocent heads, when you see Floods drown whole Towns, by their inundation, and the Sea (passing his bounds, and swal­lowing whole Provinces in the bot­tome of the deep) devour them up: When you see an Earthquake make Kingdoms tremble, and cause horrid devastations of whole Countries, then (I say) it is permitted to the People to murmure? Do you not discern the contrarie, how in these occurrences they redouble their vowes and prayers, and that they are never more obedient to God, then at such a time, as if God had forsaken his providence of the Uni­verse? [Page 150]and when it shall so happen, that Heaven (for the punishment of your sins) gives you a Prince under whose Reign policy and prudence are not well observed, during whose Government Forraign and Civil Wars devour all with cruell ravages: it belongeth not then to you to reprehend and condemn your Soveraign; for is he feeble? then you ought to sustain him: is he un­fortunate? you ought to bemoan him: is he wicked? you ought to look upon him as a scourge and chastisement sent from Heaven, and to wait with Patience for a remedie from that hand, which hath caused your evil. For when a Prince com­mands an Armie, and gives Battail; if it so happen that the Souldiers per­form not their devoirs and dutie, that his squadrons yield, the main body be broken, and (in the end after he hath done even miracles in his person, he be yet constrained to [Page 151]quit the field, and to retreat from his Enemies? is it not the Prince that loseth the Battail? Is it not the Prince that suffers the disgrace? Is it not the Prince that is reputed van­quisht? And that bears the loss and infamie of the day? Notwithstand­ing, that by his own particular a­ctions he hath merited to be con­queror? seeing it is thus, why will not you (in such conjunctions) bear with the infirmities, & misfortunes of your Princes, as well as they do with yours? Or (to speak something yet nearer to the quick) why doe you not repair these disorders by your own more exact obedience? The Prince alone is obvious in a Battail to the infamie, Cowardise and misfortune of his whole Army, and you are thousands, who are ob­liged to strengthen the Authoritie and honour of your King, which he cannot support with his single va­lour. Believe me, if all Subjects [Page 152]would be loyal, no Kingdome could be miserable: and if all Princes thought more of severity then of Clemencie, there would not be so many Subjects; Rebels. Moreover, if it were permit­ted to the Capritious people to take and give Crowns, when they fan­cied a change: I conceive there is not a Shepheard but might hope to be a King, and not a King but might be reduced to be a Shepheard; so unruly and uncertain are their floating judgements. But (to speak the truth to you) these things ought not thus to pass: we are your Ma­sters, and you ought not to become ours. It is not that I am ignorant that God disposeth of Scepters and Crowns, as he pleases, and gives them as he lists, and bestowes them on, or takes them from whom he will, and what he alwayes doth is without all injustice; sometimes permitting that the people shall elevate to the Throne, those who never pretended to such a [Page 153]high degree. But when such an acci­dent happeneth, it is usually in favour to those extraordinary persons in whom Virtue hath imprest a Royal Character so visible, that it were almost injustice not to admit them Kings. To conclude, that which precedes, and that which follows, ought to be sufficient to justifie the effect, and it became Charles, Martel, Pepin, and Charlemain puissantly to erect a Throne, which was not founded upon a line of right succession, yet even in this re-encounter you will see the event to this present hath not authorized your design; The Engine of this enterprize hath been slain in battail: The Arch-Bishop of Rhemes preserved not his life, but three dayes after he had anointed the Usurper. But it is not seasonable (to day) to exaggerate the injustice of your proceedings; I am not wil­ling to particularize other things, and I shall satisfie my self with telling [Page 154]you, in general, that Kings ought not to lose their Crowns, but with their lives, and that nothing can dispense Subjects from the respect, and loyalty, which they owe to their Soveraigns, nor any pretence (whatsoever) Autho­rize Treason and Rebellion. If sacred persons may not enjoy their particu­lar priviledge, (which is derived from none but God) they shall be ex­posed, more then others, to all sorts of miseries; Their guards will ap­pear to them instead of enemies, their Thrones will rather seem a direful precipice then a place of ho­nour, and safety; a King (of this kind) is no better then an illustrious slave, when he shall have as many Masters as Subjects. This first disorder will quickly cause a second, for when the Nobles of a Kingdom fail in their duty to their Prince, their own Vassals, and Tenants will forfeit their fealtie to them, and then Rebellion communicated from the Grandees [Page 155]to the Commons, and so descending from one Soul to another, an uni­versal confusion swells and devours all. Every one will command, and no person obey, (and in this resentment of Levelling equality) each person proves a slave to his own ambition, & no one, either rationally Commands himself or others. In effect, this is the most sad condition that a Kingdom can fall into, when there is no sub­jection, and where (for their punish­ment) the Prince hath not force to reduce the people to their obe­dience. For mine own part, when I consider my self to be the Son of a King, the successour of so many Kings, and yet, notwithstanding that I immediately succeed not my Fa­ther: This Idea imprints in me, a strange confusion as towards you, and an extream grief as towards my self: for when I reflect how the same Subjects who inchained Charles in Fetters, and gave the Crown to Ro­bert, [Page 156]placed Lewis on the Throne, the malice which they bore to the Father, may it not easily fall upon the Son? and may not they fear that the Son will revenge the outrages committed against the Father? but yet (may some one say,) those who have searcht after you, and pass'd the Seas to present you with a Scepter, they need not fear that the memory of their ancient injustice will ob­liege you to punish them: They have reason rather to believe, that this submission should blot out the memory of the first disservice: It is certain, in the exact Rule of justice, no noble Action ought to pass without his recompence: and it is really as true, That no crime ought to escape without his punishment. After all these rea­sons, what ought you not to fear? and what not to hope? you have re­called me to the Throne, 'tis true, but if you had not, had you not been as Criminal against Lewis, as [Page 157]you had been against Charles? he who gives to another, that which he hath taken from him, restores with­out doubt that which he hath taken, but his restoration is not a free pre­sent, and he ought not to expect thanks for an Action of that nature. No, it sufficeth of one punish not the first, without intending any re­compence for the second. I may say also, that you understand not right­ly all my present concernments; for why? because you have not left me still in exile, because you have ren­dred what justly appertained to me, Because you understood that I came to re-demand mine own, not with a powerful Army: and (being tired with your crimes and miseries) you believe you may probably disarm the furie of Heaven, by this Act of justice: No, no, confide not in any of these pretences, for if I had not stronger considerations then these, I should commence my Reign with [Page 158]the punishment of your treasons, I should send them to prison, who re­strained the person of my Father, & expose them to the most cruel tor­tures, who contrived and caused his death, with the greatness of his mis­fortunes. Those black crimes are such which nothing can extermi­nate; Repentance and tears from com­mon errours, where humane frailty may plead excuse, and not for Traitors and Rebels, nor for those, who have destroyed Thrones and Scepters, in­chaind Kings, created and protected Tyrants. Think not then, that by taking an Oath of fidelity (which is your dutie) that I am thereby inga­ged not to doe what becomes a King. No, I scorn a Throne where I should be a slave, and I had rather be obscured in prison, as my Father was, then not to Reign as Sove­raign. Those people with whom Loyal­ty is elective forbear not to make their Kings absolute, because they could [Page 159]have no pretence of Iustice to do other­wise: judge then, if those who hold their Crowns from Heaven ought to acknowledge their subjects for their Masters, & whether they ought not rather to punish, or pardon, as best agreeth with their pleasure. In a word, I find it far more glorious to be a loyal Subject, then to be a King disobeyed. Prepare then your selves to render me all that obedience which you owe me, and (without farther informing you, whether you are to hope more for Clemency or Iustice) resolve your selves to an ab­solute submission, I know well some peevish Polititians will censure, that I act not as I ought in this conjun­cture, and that I should reflect on former passages with some sweet­ness, and gratifie you with Presents, to encourage you with future hopes, but I presume my Policy is more generous, and more secure then theirs; for if I had so perswaded [Page 160]you, perhaps you would have be­lieved me to have been more fit to wear my Fathers Irons then his Crown; and would have more suspected me of weakness and dissi­mulation, this excessive indulgence would give you more of fear, and me less of honour and estimation: I (being then so far from following such Maximes) tell you once more, that I declare my self to be your King. And (without farther capitu­lation with you) I ascend the Throne by the steps of mine own Authority as Soveraignly, as if not recalled by you at all. Hitherto I have let you know I am not igno­rant how far the duty of Subjects ought to bend: But moreover, I judge it fit to acquaint you to what degree Soveraign Clemency may extend it self; to this end, that by that resentment, you may reasona­bly know what to fear, and what to hope. Know then, that although a [Page 161]Prince may justly punish Traytors, he may likewise pardon penitent offen­ders, principally then, when he dis­cerns his pardon shall reclaim insolen­cy to obedience, and fidelity: For, seeing Kings are the Fathers of the people, they ought not alwayes to be too severe in justice; and seeing that a Prince may afford grace and pardon to his enemies, he may with­out doubt shew pity and mercy to his own Subjects: He cannot well pu­nish them all, but must (in part) enfeeble himself; nor sluce out their blood without emptying his own veins; wherefore he ought to spare as far as Reason and Iustice can make the way passable. When then a particular accident grows up a­gainst a Prince, or State, it may suf­fice that the heads of some chief offendors be sacrificed to a repara­tion, and that by some severe exam­ples, others may be instructed with exemplary terrour. But seeing that [Page 162]the number of the offendors may prove infinite, and if all should be punish't, a desolation of entire Pro­vinces might succeed, and conse­quently more men be lost then 15. main Battails could devour, so that the piles of dead corps should make mountains, and severe execution of revenge cause Rivers of bloud: in such considerations (I say) It may be better to use a great example of Clemencie, then of Iustice, and ha­zard something, rather then to loose the lives of so many miserable souls: and there cannot be a greater Victory then to vanquish ones own passion in such dangerous conjun­ctures. Fear not then that I shall abuse my Authority, since if I should punish all who have offended, I should reduce my Kingdom to a forlorn Desart: For who is there among you that hath not failed of his duty? Some have done mischief, others have desired it, or at least per­mitted [Page 163]it to be acted: some have assisted Robert, others have directly fought against their King: some have most perfidiously laid their hands upon their Anointed Lord, & committed a sâcred person into pri­son, and others have (at least) for­saken him. The publick good is pre­text of all things, but Rebellion alone is the mother of that horrid Monster. The Nobles agitated (as they did) for their own interest, and the peo­ple by their madness, and unavised­ness, seconded their fury, and put in execution the intention of the Parricides: Your wives and your children are not exempt from these crimes, seeing (without doubt) they made vowes for their Parents offending, and prayers against their Prince. Whereas then I cannot pu­nish you all, but that I must utterly exterminate you; it resteth at my choice, whether I would become a King without Subjects, or to par­don [Page 164]you out of pure grace and bounty, and not by Obligations. It may be that during your lives you may repent you of your ancient crimes, and become as faithful as you have been disobedient. But (perhaps you will tell me) as to our selves, we have repented formerly before we sent to you to come, and receive the Scepter which belongs to you. 'Tis true, it may be as you have said, and that I have consi­dered your Addresses to me were to make reparation of what formerly passed, and that with those hands you would advance to the Throne his Son whose Father you had bar­barously removed. But (after all) whosoever can abandon the path of Virtue to make choice of that Vice, can again embrace that occasion if presented. Wherefore you owe greater obligation to me then I can confidence to you; for had I not resolved to shew Grace and Par­don, [Page 165]the great number of Nobles which the King of England, my Uncle, hath presented to me to at­tend my person, had not come with­out Souldiers; each one of these who incircle me have troops at their command: and I would not have received my Fathers Crown but in the head of a victorious Ar­my, in the midst of a Field covered with dead, and dying men; bedewed with the blood of ten thousand Re­bels: I would have been the Con­querour of my Kingdom, and not have mounted unto the Throne supported by the same hands who snatcht it from my Fathers head. But I call to mind I am your King, as you are also my Subjects, and in this relation I can love you yet, as guilty as you are: I can have pitty for your errors, and kindness for your obsti­nacy; and I will not put my self into a condition of sadness after the Vi­ctory: I am then come to you with­out [Page 166]an Army, to receive what is mine. This Action (without doubt) is hardy, bold, and well deserveth glory; and is sufficiently obliging to demerit your acknowledgement in all degrees of fidelity. Before that you were criminous, the Divine & humane right conjured you notto forsake your Prince, but this day a new obligation chaineth you to more strict obedience. It is not e­nough alone to be faithful, so to sa­tisfie your dutie; but it is your part to blot out the memorie of what is past, and to justifie what is present; you ought not to look on me meer­ly as your King, but as a King of your own choice, as a King who hath pardoned you, as a King who confideth in you, who now is com­mending his person into your hands, and commits the very care of his life to your protection, next to Heaven: Studie then to gratifie such pressing endearments, and pro­voke [Page 167]not the wrath of Heaven up­pon your heads by new rebellions. Those who have examined your by past actions, approve not (doubt­less) that resolution that I have ta­ken to return into France as I have done; for (they will tell me) what confidence can you have in those who had no regard to their lawfull Sovereign? They pretend much to desire your presence, but their fears exceed their desires: And it is rather to secure your person, then to ad­vance your Scepter, that though you are this day recalled, yet as long as your youth continu'd, they suf­fer'd you to live in exile, & obeyed Robert; but he being dead (at pre­sent) and they seeing that you were in a condition to obtain by force that which they now offer, they seem to repent, not so much regard­ing your loss, as themselves. Behold the reasons which have here con­tested with my resolution, which [Page 168](seeing they are not without some rational ground) I have not desisted to perswade my self, and that in double choice, whether to make a War with you, or confide in you, I have chose the latter as more glo­rious, and I love rather to hazard my person then the destruction of all my Kingdoms. Those who taught me the art to Reign have well fore-seen the Exigencies to which I am now reduced, and therefore without doubt they took so much care to advise me what to do in justice, and what I might be allowed to doe in Clemencie: These two Virtues ap­pear as contraries, but are not; they accord easily in the heart of a Prince. They mutually give place each one to the other in the Empire of his Soul, according to the divers occasions which are presented, for he ought alwayes to abound in Cle­mencie, and he ought not likewise to be ever too severe with the strict [Page 169]measure of justice. Mercy and justice are two excellent Virtues, but Pru­dence ought to imploy them both: And the Princes sole Will, ought to be the only rule to guide them. Having then conjured you to an equal confi­dence in me, as I have in you, let an Act of Oblivion pass, and let us re­member no more former crimes, un­less it be to prevent relapses. Let us not look on the Tomb of Charles, but meerly to bedew it with the tears of tender Repentance: Not to make it an Altar whereupon to sa­crifice his Enemies; let us Raze to the ground those horrid Cells which served for his Imprisonments, thereby (if possible) to destroy the memory, and not to leave a mark or point to posterity of those black crimes; let us ascend the Throne with as much splendor as if it had never been prophaned, and let us Reign (if possible) with more ho­nour [Page 170]King my Soveraign did. But do not think I shall be able to effect it with­out the aid and succours of my Sub­jects; deceive not your selves, the valour and prudence of the Prince are not sufficient of themselves to make a Kingdom happy: The Subjects ought to contribute their proportions. The Nobles are to offer their loyal Obedience, and the people to fol­low their good example, and both degrees ought to be united in vir­tue: for otherwise he who giveth Victory and Masters Fortune, will approve the virtue of the Prince in punishing the vice of the Subjects. Those who are valiant, do not alwayes gain the Battail; and those who are wise, are not alwayes fortunate: How­ever let us place our selves in such a capacity, that we may be success­full, though we cannot merit it. See here what your Prince hath said un­to you, who in Lieu of punishing you, hath pardoned you; instead of [Page 171]fighting with you, prepares to de­fend you; instead of being your Enemy, becomes your Conserva­tor, and who by his own birth and your choice, is now your Lord, your Master, and your King. These two qualities permit me not to Capitu­late farther with you: It sufficeth that I onely adde this; That I admit you to hope for clemencie, whilest I Reign, as I wish you to fear al­wayes my justice, and beware that you put not your selves in a condi­tion to make tryal of the second, or of loosing the former.

C. Iulius Caesar did in his youthC. Iulius Caesar quam Syl­lam fuge­ret etiam­num ado­lescens in­cidit in Piratas Cilices: de­risit praedo­nes vilut quē ignaros cepissent; seque du­plum dare pollicitus est; impera­vit illis ut silerent nec sibi dor­mienti ob streperent. Stupidos ac barbaros appellabat, cumque risu minitabatur se illos acturum in crucem, quod & perfecit. sparkle and radiat forth, the beams of Ma­jesty: who, avoiding the rage of Sylla, and then falling into the hands of the Cilician Pyrats; contemn'd those barbarous Sea-Rovers: who asking a poor sum for Caesars Ransome, francly pro­mised twice as much as they de­manded, and being detained until his Ransome was paid; boldly com­manded the slaves to silence: and [Page 173]not to dare to interrupt their Pri­soners rest with noise. When they vilifyed verses and orations of Cae­sars own Composure, he called them dull and stupid barbarians; and was so incensed & highly displeased, that he did threaten the villains with the Gallows, which decree and reso­lution, was in a short time, most puissantly effected. And as Caesar; so Alexander did suffer no thought to rise from his magnanimous soul; but what was truly Great and No­blePlutarch. An non hie statimagne­scis indo­lem A­lexandri Magni? cui nihil mediocre satis esse posset? idem in vitâ. It is from the stemm, and Root of Royalty, that Princely Actions bud and Germinate; and such an action and endeavour, became Lewis, (at this juncture and glorious opportunity,) which did carry with it, much of generosity, as well as prudence, and did not so much sa­vour of fierceness and the impetuo­sity of youth: as of the sage and no­ble Conduct of a truly Generous and magnanimous Prince. Yet [Page 174]some may object, and politickly urge, what state, prudence, coun­selled this young Monarch to speak to his Subjects so high, when he was so low? and having scarce got well on horsback, thus to salute his Subjects; who had there Arms in their hands? Rebels, Subjects, who had lately tumbled his Father from the Throne, who had torn the Crown from of his Sacred Head, changed his Scepter into chains, and his Pallace into a prison? might not this bold entrance to the Throne have rather provoked them to desperation then obedience? and raised a new tempest, which could not be appeased without much dif­ficulty? might not this noise have served to awaken them to fresh jea­lousies and fears, which their own prudence should have taught them? Certainly this objection (at the first view) seems invincible, that Lewis did not appear so discreet and judi­cious [Page 175]as his condition required, notwithstanding he failed not in his kingly craft, for whosoever shall examine this great Action from the bottom, and weigh the arguments maturely, will be convinced of this opinion, and neither con­demn the Generosity, nor the reso­lution of Lewis in this eminent action. The Counsels of prudence prove different, according to seve­ral conjunctures of occasions, and ought to change their counte­nances according to the present di­versities, and important alterations of affairs. And, as hardy and bold resolutions are not alwayes seasona­ble, so neither are timorous and fearfull proceedings ever wise and safe: that Polititian who trembles, and is not confident, who dares do nothing generously and stoutly, for fear he may prove too rash and in­considerate, shall be seldome fortu­nate, he is too speculative a Contem­plator, [Page 176]and proves rarely quick, and active. And whiles he amuseth him­self with curious Considerations, whether he should, or should not undertake the enterprise, whether he should speak or be silent; be an industrious actor, or a dull flegma­tick spectator, the opportunity (by this time) may be well lost, the stars change their situations; Aspects alter, & so the fatal moment, where­on depended the good or ill success of a grand design, slip clean away without advantage. The Philoso­pher (whom some censured over­wise) found that his tedious doating on too much consideration brought forth no fruit but folly, and that his most subtile conclusions were no better then fancies and dreams, of one newly awaked out of sleep, The Augurs telling an old Captain that the pullets would not eat; he quickly discern'd the mystery, and answered, if they would not eat ex­cept [Page 177]they drank, they should have their fill, and so caused them to be flung into the Sea; at which sum­mons he gave battail to his enemies and gain'd the day, An old souldier told his General, that their enemies were twenty times more then they; but he replyed gallantly, and for how many then dost thou account me? Another told his General that the enemies darted Arrowes like showres of hail; he replyed instant­ly, 'tis so much the better for us, we shall fight against empty quivers, and but shadows of men. The Poli­cyCaesar quum ma­ximi Ponti­ficis ambi­ret digni­tatem (com­petitore Qu. Catis­lo.) ô mater aut inquit, Pontificen [...] habebis filium; aut exulem: ex­celsa indo­les omnis que repulse impatiens. Erasmus Apo de Casare. Plutarch, in vita I. Caesar. of high born Heroes, and low­hearted peasants is not the same. The mariners dispute in one fashion aboard their ships, and the Com­manders and souldiers after another in their Trenches. And as these per­sons are very distinct, and different in their qualities, so are they in their [Page 178]Counsels, and agitations. Those who walk in dangerous precipices ought to march boldly, if they in­tend to pass securely. And in those attempts, he who stayes to measure the depth of peril in his way, either will prove so fearful as not to ad­venture, or else will be in great dan­ger of a ruinous fall. To judge then of the Action of Lewis the fourth, a man ought to consider, what this Prince preponderated, how his Fathers gentleness and civility was his ruine, that he spoke to the same Rebels, who had ravisht his Fathers Crown from his head, and deptiv'd his person of his liberty: And that by the same capricious humour they recall'd the Son: who had de­stroyed the father, and lest that sore might ranckle and swell again, and so infect and destroy the Son as it had the Father, it concerned him to let them know, that he came now to inherit his Fathers Kingdom, and [Page 179]not his infirmities: That, though first impressions may exchange, or obliterate ill humours, yet it is with great hazard and difficulty. Where­fore it was more important to his purpose to strike deeper at the root at first, to gain advantages. If Lewis his feet had been seen to tremble, when he was to ascend the Throne, he must have then discovered a ca­pacity to fall again. If he had re­ceived the Crown with a dull and phlegmatick deportment, he had been rather made a King by his Lords and Masters then his Sub­jects, and he would have unfolded to his people the passion of coward­ly fear, rather then have procured due regard from them. We may conclude then, that this Prince was wise, in being stout and Gallant in this occasion, that his Policy was not indiscreet, and (coping with souldiers, and men of armes and valour) his discourse was not im­proper, [Page 180]as containing nothing that might give the shock to Soveraign prudence: but rather, on the contra­ry; what well became the Grandeur, and Majesty of a King.