THere is, and hath al­wayes been, in the ge­nerality of mankind, an itching desire, and [...]ankering after the knowledge [Page 2] of future events, the Sonnes of Adam reaching out their hands to the forbidden tree, and catch­ing at the fruit of it; yea, this off-spring of Eve longing for the greenest apples, the precocious knowledge of Events, before they come to their just ripeness and maturity.

And to say truth, the Tree of knowledge is fair to the eye, and pleasant to the taste; for as all notional dainties are delight­ful, so especially these prenoti­ons and anticipations of things are the more sweet and delici­ous to the palates of men, be­cause most of their being is trea­sured up in their future conditi­on. They can find no satisfacti­on, no Sabbath, no quiet in their [Page 3] present state, and therefore they would fain know what the next day, what the next year, what the next age will bring forth; in the highest prosperity they fear a mutation, in the lowest adver­sity they are impatient for a change; and hence it comes to passe, that futurity is the mark at which all levell the arrows of their Counsels, their endea­vours, their hopes, their desires, and their prayers.

This hath caused them in all ages to have a sacred esteem of those who pretended skil in di­vination, as the honour confer­red upon Joseph by Pharaoh, and the advancement of Daniel by the Chaldean and Persian Mo­narchs recorded in sacred writ undoubtedly makesout, to let [Page 4] passe the honours which the Magi enjoyed among them, which are set down by those that wrote their histories.

Thus the Jews who had the Vrim and Thummim, and Pro­phets from God to enquire of, yet ranne a madding after wiz­zards, and such as had familiar spirits, had their false prophets by hundreds, yea, and sent to Baalzebub the God of Ekron, an oracle of the Devils, to enquire, as in the life of Ahaziah will ap­pear.

With how frequent, and cost­ly sacrifices did the Graecians a­dore their Oracle-giving Dei­ties, purchasing an answer with a Hecatomb, and with the bloud of a hundred dumb beasts con­juring their dumb devils, before [Page 5] the sullen fiends would vouch­safe to answer them? and of what esteem were the Sybills books among the Romans, who with all other heathens were so inquisitive after the future, that they left no stone unrol'd to at­tain the knowledge of their fates?

There could not a Bird chat­ter, but there was an Augur to comment on, and expound its language.

There could not a Bird flye, but there was an Auspex to watch it; nor light, but he was ready to observe, and by its motions in the ayr interpret the revoluti­ons of States and Persons.

There could not a sacrifice fall, but there was an Aruspex to behold the posture of it, and by [Page 6] the quietnesse or strugling of the sensitive creature, to foretell the facilities or reluctancies in the affairs of rational beings; and an Exspex to consult the en­trails, and by the colour of the inwards tell the complexion of outward affairs.

There could not a line seem to be scribled on the hand, but there was a Chiromancer to read them, and with his interlineary glosses expound them, giving a short Synopsis of the future passages of this present life out of that Enchiridion (as they would have it) of natures pen­ning.

The Interpreter of Dreames was set to judge in the horny and ivory gates of fancy, and as if the day were to receive light [Page 7] from the night, to regulate its walking motions, by th o­thers slumbring intimations.

To passe by those severall kinds of the same madnesse ex­pressed in Geomancy, by circles in the earth; Pyromancy, by fire; Hy­dromancy, by water; Necromancy, by the Ghosts of the dead, &c. of which the nations were ena­moured, the heaven it self could not escape them, but the Astrolo­ger with his key was to unlock the starry charracters, and out of them spell the fate of sublu­nary things.

And here let me not be mis­taken, for I am not of opinion that those glorious bodies were created only to twinckle in a clear night, I do believe them to have an influence on sublunary [Page 8] bodies, and see the Moon empire it over the waters, & the humors increase, and decrease, as it fills, or is in the wane, yet are they not, I conceiv, so easie to be read as some pretend, if certainly to be known by any; for I find the Prince of the power of the air himself at loss in his conjectures, which made him so cautelous in his oraculous responsals, as Plu­tarch in many places observes.

And Aquinas will have the crows, cranes, & swallows, those flying Almanacks, more happy and successeful in their predicti­ons, than our anni specula, which become often crack't & broken in their guessings at the weather and truly the giving such une­qual representations of things most obvious, is a very bad in­to [Page 9] create a belief of their ability to foretell things far more im­perceptible, and immaterial, that depend upon the will and de­crees of God, and upon the mo­tions of most free and indiffe­rent agents; yea, such as are con­fessed on all hands so able to op­pose, that they cannot be com­pelled, for Sapiens dominabitur astris, & it is related of Socrates, that of a crabbed and dissolute disposition by nature, he became the most accomplished in his time by Philosophy.

But I shall not set bounds to other mens knowledge, nor cir­cumscribe them within the cir­cle of my own ignorance, they may have dawnings where I perceive no star-light; yet take this along with you, that God [Page 10] often in text-hand declares his mind, in a Comet, a blazing-star, and other fiery apparitions, as he did before the last destructi­on of Jerusalem.

And as the Jews and Heathens, so many Christians have been tampering about futurities, how lawfully I cannot say, for I am persuaded we ought to acquiesc in Gods revealed will; God will have his children in some sense in diem vivere entertain fortune by the day, and he doth choose gradually and leasurely [...], to discover the thoughts he hath concerning them, that he might keep them in a waiting and obedient po­sture, in a posture of depen­dance, and expectation; not that I would have them with [Page 11] Anacreon cry out, [...], give me to day, let who will take care for to morrow; or with the Stoicks lazily expect the blind-stroak of a conceited unavoidable Fate; but using all lawful and probable means, en­deavour their countries, and in it their own future good.

I confesse with that kingly Prophet, that Gods wayes are unsearchable, and his paths past finding out, that is in the hidden and secret bringing of things about, yet in his out-go­ings he will be observed, that his glory, his power, his justice, and his mercy may be made ma­nifest unto the children of men; thus we find his mighty works of creation, and redemption, of [Page 12] preservation, and castigation, all along recorded in the sacred re­gisters of the old and new Tes­taments; and that for the com­fort as well as instruction of his people; in the writings of those glorious stars, the sacred Pen­men, may the Saints read their fortunes, and with comfort ap­ply unto themselves the divine dispensations of God to his people.

Hath God brought England through a red sea of war out of Egyptian bondage, and will he not perfect his work? is the mighty hand of omnipotencie shortned that it cannot save? or the loving kindnesse of the immutable Deity changed that he will not save? though the murmurers (those repiners at [Page 13] Gods hand, who would upon beds of down, with all ease and plenty be carried through the wildernesse) may be cut off, and those low soules whom the height of the sons of Anak hath caused to rebell against the most high be consumed; and who knows whether for their sakes he hath not deferred to settle us in the promised land? yet shal the Caleb's and Joshua's who have followed God fully be brought into it, and their seed shal possesse it; though God may defer his mercies because of some mens infidelity, yet in his good time he will accom­plish them, if his people walk worthy of them. Let us not then despair, nor be impatient, but endeavour to fit our selves to [Page 14] receive them; for the wise God, and our merciful Father knows better what is good for us than our selves, his time is best, but let us from the bottom of our hearts eccho to that petition in the Gospel, Thy will be done on earth as it is in beaven.

But I shal not insist further in applying Scripture, and I could wish some (I am persuaded Godly persons) had not been (I fear) to adventurous in misapplying it; for surely if we warily look into those Prophe­cies in Daniel, we shall hardly find them calculated for the Meridian of great Britain, and Ireland; were not some peremp­torily concerning the return of the Jews out of the Babylonish captivity, as in 9. chap. 24. verse! [Page 15] the comming of Christ, and the destruction of Jerusalem, as in 25, 26, 27. &c. verses others con­cerning the four Monarchies in 2. chap. the division of Alexanders Kingdome, in 8. chap. and the Empire of Rome, in the 11. chap.

So if we behold the book of the Apocalyps, it rather seems to hold forth the actions of a world than an Island, and the great concernments of the ra­tional species than of a few English Individuums.

I hope I shal be allowed li­berty of conscience in so intri­cate a case, especialy being no fundamental point of salvation, and if God shal be pleased to use England as the primary instru­ment in my dayes for the de­struction of that Romish King­dome [Page 16] of Antichrist, and the ex­altation of the Lord Jesus bles­sed for ever on the throne, I shal endeavor to praise him both in word and deed, and humbly to prostrate my life and fortunes at his feet, as ready to wait upon him in what part of that work he shall be pleased to make me though never so meanly instru­mental.

ANd now setting aside the before rehearsed follies of the besotted world, I shall at­tempt by a new way of conjec­ture to guesse at the fortune of [Page 17] the Common-wealth; reason shal be the Jacobs-staff by which I shall take its height, and in that true glasse shew you its futureface, that I may have few, and those inconsiderable opponents. I know that dis­course which is most filled with reason must needs be most vic­torious and triumphant, the weapons of it are general, and there is none of the sonnes of men able to oppose its force, the unjust Infidel must believe it, or deny his essence, and the Atheist must subscribe upon perill of his being, for the Creator, or as they, nature it self gave it an imprimatur & [...] the eter­nal Being graved it on immor­tal soules, as Philo very excel­lently declares, [...]. [Page 18] It is essential, & so must be uni­versal to the species of man­kind; and as Aristotle saith, [...], what soever is natural, is immovable, and per­petually in the same manner energetical; It constantly and continually commands obedi­ence, and none but a monster, an Heteroclite in nature, as the Philosopher speaks [...], will dare to resist it; but to our purpose.

There is not, I confesse, enough light in any c [...]eated rea­son to give a bright displaying of fate, nor is there vigour [Page 19] enough in any created eye to pierce into the marrow and pith, into the depth and secresie of the eternal decree; yet can it discover such objects as are within its own sphere with a sufficient certainty. The actings of Providence are so fairly prin­ted, and the letters of it so vi­sible, and capital, that we may read them, though some per­verse beings, unworthy the name of men, slight all its wor­kings, upon this account, that they are rolling, and fluctuating; who with the old Scepticks by a kind of strange hypocrisie, and in an unusual way of affectati­on, pretend to more ignorance than they have, nay than they are capable of, or with Socrates cry, Hoc tantum scire, se nihil [Page 20] scire; He only knows this, that he knoweth nothing; and with the Academicks [...]. I cannot comprehend.

But let me tel such dubious, if not lazy, Gentlemen, that it is an error very derogatory to the plenitude and exuberancy of the divine actings, which stream out in a clear cognoscibility, and no lesse injurious to their own natural capacities, which were not made so streight and narrow-mouth'd, as not to re­ceive those lessons that continu­ally drop from Providence up­on the world.

It is an unquestionable rule, Omne quod est, quando est, necesse est esse, a contingency, when 'tis extra suas causas, when it is actually produced, having a [Page 21] determinatum esse, it may then also have a determinate cogno­scibility; for entity is the root and bottome of intelligibility; a Common-wealth in its growth is uncertain, and the means whereby it shal acquire strength lie hid in the eternal decree, until by the working of Providence they are presented to publick view, and then we know how it attained to maturity,

NOw this ordinary work­ing of Providence hath so often shown it selfe in the ad­advancement [Page 22] of States, that with a little industry we may track it, and by its leadings may conjecture how good a progress such or such a State shall have; for matters in fact are as certain in being and reality, as demon­strations.

And this may be enlightned by a simile fetch't from Vegeta­bles, which we see thrive by the alternat help of heat and moi­sture, moderately and in their seasons shining, and showring down upon them; yet either of these in excesse, much enfeebles, or totally destroys them: hence without a witch wil your coun­trey man foretel plenty or scar­city, and indeed all such effects as lurk in probable causes, that seem to promise very fairly, [Page 23] may be known also in an an­swerable, and proportionable manner, by strong, and shrewd conjectures: thus the Physician knows the disease, the Mariner forsees a storm, & the Shepherd provides for the security of his flock.

Thus by an interming­led influence of Peace and War, Nations have grown renowned, whereas, either a­lone depresses or extinguishes them; and for this we can give good reason.

For Warre files off that rust that is apt to canker and eat in­to the bowels of States; it opens the veins, purifies the bloud, and makes it lively, and generous; it raiseth and quickneth the spirits, and makes the members [Page 24] active and prompt for the high­est and noblest atchievments.

And Peace it fills the barns, is the Nurse of Trade, from whence grow the golden sin­news that strengthen the arms, and makes them able to wield their weapons in the time of war; is the Patronesse of learn­ing, the Mistresse of Art, the Parent of good and wholesome Laws; needs then must that na­tion vigorously encrease, on which both these have a joynt and happy influence.

But if any should ask how it is possible to enjoy both? let them go and see how one spring is made happy by both show'rs and Sun-shine; nay they may be both at once, there may be a forein War, yet Peace at [Page 25] home, it may rain and shine, and that together.

Yet let the drums bellow too long, and people will eccho to them, and become brutish, sa­vage and barbarous; let war break in on all sides, and like a deluge it sweeps all before it, and if any thing be left, it is but mud and dirt.

Or let a long calm come what sloath, what luxury, what effe­minatness and cowardice doth it create? how doth it enervate the members, clog the spirits, cause the blood to putrifie, and corrupt, and beget that lazy and scurvy disease which makes the whole body to draw a faint, sickly, inglorious, yea, a noisom breath?

Thus we see the standing [Page 26] waters to corrupt, and naturall bodies craz'd, and resolv'd to their first earth, as much by plurisies as consumptions, by surfeits as famine; and soules as oft forced by a disease to take their flight, as a sword, and by an inward malady not sel­domer than an outward ene­mie compell'd to quit their be­loved mansions.

And as reason, so examples, and those in all ages, may be brought to back our assertions.

The Assyrian, Caldaean, and Persian Monarchies by arms got footing, and became powerfull, by a mixt peace, they grew into a form of government, & whilst these walked hand in hand, they continued both formida­ble, and lovely, and to use the [Page 27] Scripture expression, they were fair as the Moon, bright as the Sun, and terrible as an Army with Banners. This temperature of beauty and terror, order and strength, is the happy Crasis of a State; these in their true proportions make up the per­fect Symetry, and from these discords springs the sweetest harmony in State musick.

And now, when all their sayls were fill'd with the prosperous gales of fortune, and there was none but vail'd and stoopt unto them, on a sudden being be­calm'd, an effeminate Sardana­palus, a drunken Belshazzar, and a luxurious Darius, put a pe­riod to their greatnesss; so easie it is to tumble down hill.

Thus the Roman Monarchy [Page 28] fell to pieces, and became a prey to barbarous nations, yet out of its ashes arose a Phenix, a maiden Cōmon-wealth, which hath preserv'd her beauty as well as virginity for twelve hundred years without wrin­ckle or blemish, and hath so of­ten foild the Ottoman forces, to whom the Grecian Empire be­came a prey with little difficul­ty; so potent is vertue even in the least bodies, and of such ad­vantage is situation, and bad neighbours too sometimes which will not suffer her anti­ent vertue to be cankered, or ea­ten with rust.

Thus a few Fisher-Towns a­mong the Batavers became a Common-wealth in despight of Spain, and Flanders to boot, [Page 29] and from poor distressed States are grown Hogen-Mogens with the help of England, for which they have since well rewarded us. But let them take heed lest their High and Mightinesses be not brought as low as their si­tuation, being grown resty with their former little successes, Peace, and Plenty, and by their treacherous ingratitude made their best friend their enemy, to whom they are as much inferior in true valour, as they surpasse in Pride, Arrogancy, Trechery, and Cruelty.

Yea, to come home, how il­lustrious, and famous did this nation grow in the dayes of Queen Elizabeth? What noble Acts? What generous spirits did it bring forth? What supplies [Page 30] did it afford the Netherlands? What an help was it to France, and what a Scourge and terror to the usurping Spaniards? whose Armado stiled Invincible it not onely sent home wel bea­ten, but with fire and sword took revenge in their Ha­vens and on their Coasts; and yet into how contemptible a condition it did relapse by a long sloath, and how it hath been undervalued, our own eyes can witnesse unto us, if we look a little back, even to the sadning of our friends, and rejoycing of our enemies.

Thus the best made Clocks by long being unwound up ga­ther rust, and become unfit for the least motion.

And this that Politick Law­giver [Page 31] perceiving, gave it in command to the Spartans, not to wage war often with one and the same enemy; which when Agesilaus one of their Kings had neglected to their losse, and his own smart, He was flouted, returning wounded, by Antalcidas, with, The The­bans have well rewarded thee, O King, whom, unwilling and ig­norant, thou hast compeld and taught to conquer.

WHat then may we think of some lately appearing amongst us, who neither mind­ing [Page 32] their own good, not their masters businesse, have been bold in the sight of the sun to upbraid those in power with these latter wars, as fomented and raised for their lusts, and our pressure, which by the good hand of Providence hitherto have turned to our honour, and advantage, and it may be have been a means to prevent our ruin; the common Enemy kee­ping us from quarrelling a­mong our selves, and as it were binding up our hands from in­testine slaughter: for so many and so great divisions there were amongst us, such animosi­ties and heart-burnings in one party against the other, as in that unsetled estate we were in at first, In sua victrices verten­tes [Page 33] viscera dextras, might have turned our weapons into our own bowels, had not heaven in mercy cut out work for us else­where, until we were a little▪ better come to our selves What means then the bleatings, and lowings of these Cattel, which are driven like beasts to the slaughter? for alas fond youths, though your noddles are not full enough to render you suspected of design, yet un­doubtedly have you been set a going by some well practiz'd in the art of sedition, and whose concernments and inclinations prodigiously meet in that fatal point, to whom it may seem as natural to live in the fire of con­tention, as profitable to fish in troubled waters; consider [Page 34] but the bottom, and you will abhor the broachers of this de­sign, who under the pretence of crying down forein, would stir up a civill war; and of ad­vancing Peace, and Freedom, raise Rebellion and Confusi­on, which would inevitably ruin your Selves, Trades, and Countrey. Let not any of these flie Sinons make you break down your own walls, to bring in so fatal an Engine, a second Trojan-horse, which will powr­forth armed Tyrants in the dead of night upon you, whose understandings they have charmd asleep with their false & counterfeit pretences. Timete Danaos et dona ferentes: You cannot be too mistrustfull of your old Enemy, of whom this [Page 35] design smels rank; take heed, I say, you lose not your liberty in the noise you make for free­dom, and whil'st you crowd out Authority, you bring not Tyranny in on pick-back; which your enemies of them­selves despair ever to accom­plish.

Thus have I seen full-grown fruit which hath withstood the assaults of outward storms, rot with superfluity of innate moysture, and the double-ar­med nut resolv'd to dust by a worm bred in its own ker­nel.

Or what shall we say to a se­cond sort, those sons of sloath, those dregs of a lazy and luxuri­ous peace, who as if their souls lay in their bellies, find no con­tent [Page 36] but in ease and riot? whose whole note is, Where are those golden dayes we once had? Where are our Court-revellings and Masques? Where our Lord-Maiors Feasts and Shews, and all those joviall sports gone, in which England was wont to pride herself and triumph? not a Wake, not a morrice-Dance now to be feen, are these the effects of a Parliament? and is this that we have got by figh­ting? Alas poor souls! you dream't (I'le warrant) a Parlia­ment would have made the Thames flow Custard, and turn'd the pebbles on the shore into Garoway-Comfits; have cau­sed Bag-pudding to grow on e­very Bush, and each pond a­bound with beef and brewis; [Page 37] have commanded the conduits to run Sack and Clarret, and the Rivers and Brooks Ale and strong Beer; and welladay, your houses are not wall'd with Hasty Pudding, neither do Pigs ready roasted come and cry Come eat me; Lubberland is as far off now as ever, and you de­ceived of all your goodly ex­pectations; but peace, put fin­gers out of neyes, and I will tell you what; yea, what your Countrey, your Mammee (if she be not ashamed to own you) hath got; she hath gained her freedom, and regain'd her repu­tation; of a baffel'd, scorn'd, and despised Kingdom, she is become a victorious, dreadfull, and renowned Common-wealth; she that was contemned by [Page 38] Gales. Spain, cudgel'd by Ree. France, brav'd by the Downs. Holland, affronted byRebellion. Irelād, & baffe'ld byThe first Invasion. Scotla. hath made those with whom she hath grap­pell'd feel the force of her arms, and taught the rest to observe their due distance; yea she hath done more in four years, than your Monarchs could do in four hundred; having quell'd Ireland, subdued Scotland, cudgel'd Hol­land, and with a Navy of near two hundred sayl scoured her narrow seas, and swept her E­nemies Coasts, notwithstand­ing her strugglings at home with such undutifull sons as your selves, who have layd all the stumbling-blocks in her way they either could or durst.

[Page 39] But your Purses pay for this you cry, I warrant you, and so they did for the Puppets and Pageants, the hobby-horses and bells, and all the rest of the Trumperies your souls so much delighted in; as I conceive too you were wont to pay subsidies for your Charters, and your Petition of Right, which you hung by and gaz'd on with as much benefit to your selves then, as now on your Scotch Covenant; as also Ship-mony, Knighthood-mony, Coat and Conduct-mony, and now and then you received a Privy-seal; your Carts now and then did attend the Court, and your Oxen, Sheep, Horses, Hay, Straw, Oats, &c. were taken up at the Kings price, and that [Page 40] payd too, when you could get it; there were slavish tenures, and a Court of Wards, a Star-Chamber, and an High-Com­mission Court with its appurte­nances in each Diocesse; Justi­ces in Eire, and Forrest laws, &c. which cost you something; but you will be wiser upon se­cond thoughts, put on your considering caps than, for you know not what you may come too; what though you are out of hopes of being Courtiers you may be Patriots, and instead of being slaves to flattery, be­come Patrones of liberty; what though you cannot buy Knight­hoods, and Lordships, yet may you purchase never-dying ho­nour to your names by faithfully serving your God, and Coun­trey. [Page 41] Act then vertuously, and let posterity find your names in the Van of good Common­wealths-men, among the first Ranks of the Assertors of Liber­ty. Which of you, were you to choose, would not rather be read in history a Brutus, than a Tarquin; an Aristogiton, than a Pisistratus; a Pelopidas, than an Archas; a Timoleon, than a Dio­nysius? whether doth the name of Lancaster, or Gaveston, Here­ford, or Spencer, make the plea­singer found in English ears? and which were accounted Martyrs, which Traitor, in the thoughts of your generous An­cestors? and if all this will not prevail with you, if duty and honour appear small in your eyes, yet profit sure will do [Page 42] much; it is the way to thrive; for it is more than probable that the Common-wealth will survive its enemies, and there are certain symptomes of its welfare.

That Providence which hath hitherto brooded upon it, and hatcht it into this perfection, that hand of Omnipotency which hath given assured to­kens of assistance from heaven, hath in text-letters written its fortune on its forehead, so that the least read in Physiognomy may spell it out. The School­men observe, Divina voluntas, licet simpliciter libera sit ad extra, ex suppositione tamen unius actus liberi, potest necessitari ad alium. We shall not go so high, but this we shall say, that where [Page 43] God hath so visibly owned a nation, he will never draw back his hand unlesse upon some notorious provocation. Lift up your eyes then, Os ho­mini sublime dedit, coelumque vi­dere Jussit, & erectos ad sidera tollere vultus, which were gi­ven you to this end, and con­template the works of your gracious Creator, it is your duty so to do, and he expects it at your hands; be not rebels to nature, nor make frustrate the admirable frame of your creation, w^ch wil argue you not only ingrate, but worse than brutish, yea put you in the low­er form, to the beasts that pe­rish, for as the Heathen Satyrist,

But lest there should be some so ignorant that they can­not, others so lazy that they will not take the pains to read this hand-writing from heaven, I will endeavour so plainly to set it before them, that Fronaque si spectent animalia, if they look but downwards, will they, nill they, they shal perceive it, unles they blindfold themselves, and wink out of design; and for such Moles, let them enjoy their dark Caverns, and there delve and dig untill they have laid themselves as low as they [Page 45] desire, or deserve; let their affected shades envelope them, and not the smallest star disturb their Cimmaerian enjoyments; let the nights black Quiristers, Ravens and Scrich-Owls, sing Anthems and Requiems to their souls, and no sun arise to disturb the musick, and dissolve the lucky consort.

THe English Nation by a long and bloody civill War being awak't out of that sleep which had almost brought a Lethargy upon her, (like an [Page 46] angry Lion rows'd and enrag'd with the smart of his wounds) resolutely, and with a courage not unworthy the nobility of her Stock, sets upon the foe that had so gall'd her, and soon brought him under her feet; then disdaining to wear the fetters of a conquered enemy, assumes the power God then, and Nature at first had in­vested her with, and assumes her pristine freedom.

Thus Bellona was the Midwife which brought England to bed of the Common-wealth, which was no sooner born, but she swadled her in Ensigns torn from her proudest foes, and adorned her cradle with Tro­phies of victory! O sacred and happy birth! what Triumphs [Page 47] attend thy youth, and what Lawrells shall encircle thy man­ly front? Thou that hast strang­led serpents in thy cradle, givest us hopes, that the seaven-headed Hydra shall fall by thee when thou hast attained thy full strength; and who hast made it as it were thy sport to pull down petty Tyrants, wilt make it thy businesse to destroy the grand Impostor; that as with thy fist thou hast given him a box on the ear, so with thy sword thou wilt divide his head from his shoulders; For what lesse than a Triple Crown can attend thy Chariot, whose go-cart is lackied on by Crowns in cou­ples? for great, even for so great things sure hath Providence re­serv'd thee, whom she hath so [Page 48] carefully tended in thy infancy; for though she hath suffered thine enemies to rise against thee, yet so tender a regard hath she had of thy youth, that she put hooks as it were in their nostrils, and restrained them from uniting, whom single she knew thee able to grapple with; so that their malice hath aug­mented thy glory, and by their endeavouring to ruin thee, they have encreased thy power, ma­king themselves but Touch­stones to convince the world of the purity of thy metal, and on their own shoulders advancing thee above an ordinary height, that the World might take no­tice of thy growth, and stature; and as with thee, so hath she done with others, even with all [Page 49] all those whom she intended to advance; examples of which, both divine, and humane histo­ries abundantly offer to our veiw. Thus was it with Israel in their conquering the promi­sed land, Sihon king of the A­morites first sets upon them, then Og king of Baashan came out a­gainst them, &c. thus we find it with divers others in other Authors, which to avoid pro­lixity I shall passe by, instancing in one and that so well known, that few, if any therebe, but have heard thereof, and that the Common-wealth of Rome, which from a small beginning grew up into so vast a body, that her Eagles-wings spread o­ver the greatest part of the then known world.

THis City, or rather Town of Rome, being founded by Romulus, and inhabitants gathe­red together from divers places, was no sooner built, but it was threatned with ruin in its very infancy, and the best it could expect was but an ages durati­on; for the greatest part of the inhabitants being single, all hope of issue was cut off, which onely could afford it a longer life: Wives thus wanting, and none to be obtained by consent, [Page 51] so contemptible were they in the eyes of their neighbours, they attempt what craft and force would do; and their Plot succeeded to their minds; for ha­ving proclaimed publick plays, and invited their neighbours, they suddenly provided them­selves wives of the Sabine Vir­gins, which came with their Parents to be spectators.

Yet this remedy seemed as dangerous as the disease; for the Sabines were a great and war-like nation, and a Colony of the Spartans, after whose manner they lived in Towns without walls, reputing themselves safe in their own valour, and the Romans could not but expect they would resent the affront. But see how fortune (which we [Page 52] Christians truly tearm Provi­dence) gave them assistance, by giving let to the conjunction of their enemies, though of one na­tion, and alike interessed in the quarrell.

First, the Caeninenses come a­gainst them, whose King being slain by Romulus in fight hand to hand, and their Army defeated, were compelled to leave their old habitations, and go and dwell at Rome by the Conqueror, who by this means encreased his strength as well as reputation, and became the bet­ter able to deal with the rest.

This war done, the Fidenates, Crustimini and Antenates begin another, and run the same for­tune, and likewise being incor­porated with the Victors still [Page 53] encrease the Roman Stock.

The rest grown wise by these examples unite, and put the Romans to such a plunge, that it was easie to conjecture what have would have been the issue, had they taken this course at first; but by the intercession of the women running in be­tween the armies, a peace was made, and both Nations joy­ned in one, the City keeping its old name of Rome from Ro­mulus, the people being called Quirites from the chief Tribe of the Sabines, the Roman and Sabine Kings jointly reigning.

Now could the wisest among the sons of mē have judged that a rape should have begot an uni­on? but there is an hand above disposes of things above our [Page 54] suppositions, which continued its favour till Rome grew of per­fect strength. This was he that withdrew Porsenna, and chan­ged his enmity into love, and admiration; that restrained any warlike Marcian or Lucan, any Mulius, Silo, or Telesinus with the joint forces of Italy from fal­ling upon her, untill she was a­ble to bear the storm; that out supplies off from Hannibal when he had almost born down all before him, and made the envy of his own Citizens instrumen­tal to their own ruin; that made Antiochus sit still until Philip was brought under, and Tigra­nes look on until Mithridates was beaten out of his kingdom, yea that provided work by the Sarmatians for Mithridates till [Page 55] the Marsian war was over; that divided the Cimbri and Teutones so, that Marius when he had o­verthrown one party, had time to joyn with the other Consull to help destroy the other, and suffered not three hundred thousand fighting men in one body to attempt Italy; and in like manner the slaves, and fen­cers, giving Crassus opportu­nity to defeat them, who had ranged Italy, and oft put the Roman Armies to rout; that by a few Geese saved the Capi­tol, and caused the unjust ba­nishment of Camillus to be a means to preserve Rome.

ANd hath not Providence in the same manner dealt with this Common-wealth? which was no sooner established in England, but it was threatned from Ireland, where Dublin, Derry, and a few forces under Generall Monk were onely left us, two being besieged, and the third in an incapacity to afford them relief; when things were thus desperate, God divided the Rebels, and made O Neal in­strumental in the relief of Derry, neither could they be pieced un­till Ormond was totally broke, [Page 57] and the other party under the Popish Bishop of Clogher, fought and routed.

The Irish cloud almost dis­solved, a Scotch storm threatens us, which yet came not on so suddenly, but that we had time to provide shelter, (Providence causing them to trifle away much time in their treaties, and other mockeries) insomuch that the greatest part of it fell in their own Nation, the tayl on­ly besprinkling some parts of this, where it totally vani­shed.

And here we can never suffi­ciently admire Gods goodnesse to this Common-wealth, who when the enemy had given our Army the slip, and left them so far behind them, suffered them [Page 58] not to march up to Lon­don, but to empound themselves at Worcester, and so over-ruled the hearts of this Nation, that notwithstanding the malice and hatred of many to the present Government, yet not any considerable person, or number, joyned with the enemy, even marching through the most discontented and disaffec­ted Counties.

The North being cleared, the Dutch jealous of our encrease, who have found the sweetnesse of a State Government, endea­vour to clip our wings, and to usurp our long held soveraignty of the seas, having undermined our Trading a long while be­fore; but they may put what they have got by it in their eyes [Page 59] without any danger, unlesse of making themselves weep, not­withstanding their treacherous and base attempt upon a small squadron with one of our Gene­rals in the time of Ttreaty, and before denouncing a war, and that even upon our own coast; whilst we besides the honour, and repute gained abroad, are grown more potent at sea in one year, than we had like to have been in many ages, had they let us been at quiet; and even thus the Car haginians compell'd the Romans to become Masters at sea, by their injuries provoking that stout nation to adventure a sea fight, though so ignorant, that the Consull taught them to row by sitting, and beating poles on the sand; and truely [Page 60] little better sea-men were our Redcoats at first.

ANd sure now no Christian but will acknowledge a di­vine hand over-ruling in these actings for Englands preservati­on, which even the Heathen ob­serv'd by their dim light, in Romes advancement.

Thus we find that ingenuous moralist Plutarch affirming, that though there hath been a great and continual war, and feud be­tween Fortune and Vertue, yet it [Page 61] is probable, they made a truce, and united their forces for Romes assistance.

Again, as they report Venus passing over the River Eurotas laid aside her looking-glasse, attire, and girdle, and took a spear and a shield to accompa­ny Lyeurgus; so Fortune having deserted the Assyrians, and Persi­ans, hovered over Macedon, sud­denly shook off Alexander, view'd Egypt and Syria, seeming­ly advanc'd Carthage, at last past Tiber, laid aside her wings, and set up her residence in the Capi­tol.

And as He, so the Romans themselves were sensible of this divine aid, as the multitude of Temples dedicated to Fortune may demonstrate; there was [Page 62] the Temple of Fortunae virilis: Fortunae muliebris: Fortunae pri­mogeniae & obsequentis: For­tunae privatae & Viscatri­cis: Fortunae virginis: For­tunae bonae spei: Fortunae masculae: Fortis Fortunae, &c.

Yet did they not attribute all to Fortune, and neglect Vertue, of which they were as great ad­mirers, and honourers, as they were adorers of the other; and Plutarch gives it a due place: Rome was (saith he) conducted and encompassed with whole troops of Citizens, brandishing bloody weapons, enobled with scars received before, bedewed with blood and sweat, and lea­ning on half-broken Trophies, such as her Fabricii, Cimilli, Cin­cinnati, Fabii, Aemillii, Marcelli, Scipiones, &c.

[Page 63] And let us but consider, and we shall see that Providence works by instruments, and God expects the use of means; we cannot suppose a victory with­out a fight; lying still, and wish­ing will do nothing, D [...]i mune­rasua laboribus vendunt, it was not hid from the Heathen, that the active onely were to expect a blessing; the hand of the di­ligent makes rich, and vertuous actions advance States and Per­sons to honour and dignity. For though scientia Dei, the knowledg of God be the Cause of things, yet being but the Re­mote cause it takes not away Contingency: God himself perceives that some things will evenire contingenter, for he doth not onely cognoscere res, [Page 64] sed ordinem et modum rerum, know things, but the order and manner how they shall come to passe; He knows there are causae intermediae, which are impedibiles et defectibiles (as the Schoolmen say) and from the wavering of these Second causes the whole rise of Contingency flowes; thus in a Syllogism, let the Major be Necessary, if the Minor be Contingent, the Con­clusion will be so too; though the First cause be certain, yet if there be obstructions in the Se­cond, no man can assure him­self what will be the effect; though the spring of motion cannot fail, yet if the wheels break, the progresse will be very uncertain to all but God, who knows whether they will break [Page 65] or no; He knows whether such a Nation will use the means or no; whether it will improve his blessings, or abuse them; whe­ther it will imploy the Peace, Plenty, Wealth, Power, and Strength it hath received for his glory, and the common good, or for Pride, Luxury, and riot: so that we only are in the dark; yet not altogether are we blind, but where we see Vertue on the throne in a Nation, there we may foretel a blessing to that people, and where Vice predo­minant, that its attendant Ruin is not far off; and for this the before-mentioned Common-wealth of Rome affords us an example in both kinds; which as it grew up by Vertue to an unparallel'd height, so by Vice [Page 66] was its strength broken, and its renown turned into shame, that Dalilah betraying this mighty Sampson into the hands of his enemies, who have fettered him, and pulled out his eyes: It will not therefore I suppose be a work unworthy our labour to take a veiw of those vertues, by which, that, as other Nations have become renowned, and set them for our example; for though Heathens, they attai­ned to a great height of morali­ty, yea such an one as may put most that wear the stile of Chri­stians to the blush.

ANd first let us behold their Piety, which is not onely the cheif, but the file-leader, and indeed the ground of all the rest; this is that which bridles the most unruly, and strikes an aw where reason cannot per­suade; let this be taken away, and with it all fidelity, justice, purity vanish, yea humane society cannot subsist without it, as Cicero observes in his first Book de Nat. Deor.

Never did they begin any [Page 68] businesse without frequent sup­plications. Civitas religiosa in principiis maximè novornm bello­rum, supplicationibus habitis, & obsecratione circa omnia pulvina­ria facta, Ludos Jovi, donumqui vovere Consulem jussit. Livie dec. 4. l. 1. Supplicatio▪ à Consulibus in triduum ex Senatus-consulto in­dicta est, obsecratique circa omnia pulvinaria Dii, quod bellum popu­lus jussisset, id bene, ac foeliciter evi­niret. Idem in eodem.

Never did they obtain a vic­tory, or receive a deliverance, but publick thanksgivings were decreed, and those for one, three, or more dayes, according to the greatnesse of the benefit; Magna victoria loetitiaque Romae fuit literis allatis, supplicatio in triduum decreta est, & 40. majo­res [Page 69] hostiae immiolari juss [...]. Livy. Thus when Hannibal was for­ced to leave Italy after sixteen years war, they no sooner heard of it, but they ordered solemn and publick thanks. Decretum ut quinque dies circa omnia pulvi­naria supplicaretur, victimaeque majores immolarentur centum & viginti.

Never shall we find them mocking heaven, giving thanks for a victory, when they had received a losse. A practice so su­perlatively impious, that any lesse than an Atheist must trem­ble but to think on; for what is this but to abuse God, that man may be deceived, making the divine power (may it be spoken with reverence) as it were a stalking-horse to drive [Page 70] the befool'd people into their nets? What is this other than a profest Declaration that their sole confidence is in the arm of flesh, not caring how they un­dervalew Gods glory, so they may maintain their own repu­tation, how they provoke him, so they may but keep up the spirits of theit own party? Flectere si nequeunt superos Ache­ronta monebunt, Sith God hath forsaken them, they will try what the Devill will do; sith Heaven refuses, they will try what help Hel will afford them; poor wretches, not at all consi­dering, that whilst they endea­vour to rally, and patch toge­ther a poor, routed and broken party of frail men, they make omnipotency their foe, defying [Page 71] the Almighty himself in so publick a manner, that he is engaged by that which is most dear to him, his own glory, to revenge the affront; It is evi­dent then how good a match they are like to have of it. Nei­ther doth their wickednesse stop here; tis not against God only they sin, but men also; they are not only Traytours against the Majesty of Heaven, but their trust on earth, betraying their own poor people which repose their confidence in them, by rendring them obstinate and proud upon hopes of false suc­cesse, which knew they but the truth, and their own weakness, might make their peace to the preservation of many of their lives, and much of their for­tunes; [Page 72] and drawing the blood and miseries of their neigh­bour-nations upon their own heads, falsely seduced to em­barque with them in their ill-thriving quarrel, wherein una­wares they often are opprest when they foolishly supposed all cock-sure.

Yet hath this impious and treacherous piece of policy been acted again and again in our eyes, with horrour and amaze­ment may we speak it, even by those who would be thought Christians: yea may not this clothe many of the Oxford-thanksgiving dayes in red, and put our Dutch foes, if they have any ingenuity, to the blush, who not coutent by their emis­saries abroad to abuse all [Page 73] Europe with brags and lyes, have of late ordered a day of Publick Thanksgiving at home to gull their own people into conceit of victory, not without a Piaculum, which may cost them dear before it be expiated. For he that is High and Migh­ty indeed, neither can be decei­ved, nor will be out-faced by any impudency whatsoever, and they had best consider whe­ther they are able to engage with him too, whom they dare affront in the sight of An­gels and Men.

Courage then brave English­men, you see what shifts your e­nemies are put to, you have bea­ten them out of their confi­dence in the rock of ages, and forced them to make lyes their [Page 74] refuge, a wretched defence, and such as cannot long protect thē; behold what low-spirited foes you have to deal with, even such as dare not take notice of a losse; alas how far short come these of the Roman Fortitude as well as Piety, whom you shall see according to that of their own Virgil, Tu ne cede malis, sed contrà audentior ito, so far from being basely dejected by losses, though comming one on the back of another, that their cou­rage rather encreased, being prick't on with shame and a de­sire to regain their lost honour, which stil buoied them up when in greatest danger of sinking? this is that true sober valour grounded on a right sense of ho­nour, and due love to the pub­lick, [Page 75] which needed neither gun­powder nor brand-wine to make them fight lustick; this is that which rendred them victo­rious and triumphant, and which will enable, you if you imbrace it. But we shall have occasion to speak of this more hereafter; let us return therfore to our generous Romans, whom we find (I say) so far from this impious mocking of Hea­ven,

That on the contrary, upon the least sense or apprehension of their Gods displeasure, They sought by all humble and Pub­lick addresses to pacifie and ap­pease their incensed Dieties: for this we may see their frequent lustrations and deprecations, the first to purge and cleanse [Page 76] themselves, the second to avert and turn away their Gods an­ger. Horum Prodigiorum causa decemviri libris adire jussi, et novē ­diale sacrum factum, & supplica­tio indicta est, atque urbs lustrata. Liv. Dec. 4. l. 6.

Lastly, besieging an enemies City, they would invoke the Gods of that place, imploring their aid, and deprecating their anger, by inviting them to go with them to Rome with the promise of more magnificent Temples, and a more splendid adoration: so great a care had they not to provoke Heaven, and so fearfull were they to engage against it.

ANd here by the way may be observed, that Piety and Valour are not inconsistent, and that Religion maketh not men Cowards. What Nation ever was more valiant, and what more religious than the Roman? who were so strict in their di­vine worship, that they would choose rather to lay themselves open to their enemies arms, than by omitting the least part of it, to their Gods displea­sure: an eminent example of [Page 78] which we have in that war of the Gauls which succeeded the first Punick, in which when Flaminius and Furius the Con­suls were gone against the Ene­my with great Forces, the Au­gurs having found that some things were omitted in their election, They were comman­ded by letters from the Senate to return presently and abjure their offices, which Letters Fla­minius not opening until he had fought and routed the Enemy, and made a memorable invasi­on of their Countrey, though he returned crowned with victo­ry, and laden with spoil, not one went out to meet him, nay he had much ado to obtain a Triumph, (which was no soo­ner past, but both He and his [Page 79] Collegue were constrained to lay aside their Consulships) be­cause he seemed to have con­temned & made slight of their holy Rites; they esteeming it more conducing to the com­mon safety that their Gods should be observed, than their Enemies overcome, and rather choosing to leave their Armies without Commanders, though in a war reputed so dangerous as that of the Gauls, in which their Priests were not exemp­ted from bearing Arms, than omit the least Punctilio in their worship, so zealous and tender were they in matters concerning their Religion. Thus when they were besieged by the Gauls in the Capitol, and the day approached wherein [Page 80] their solemn Sacrifice was to be performed in Colle Quirinali, the Hill so called, rather than to omit their duty to Heaven, they ventured through the very midst of their Enemies Camp, and having performed their Rites, returned with safety, their Enemies either being a­mazed at the boldnesse of the Attempt, or mooved with re­spect to Religion, which present death could not deter them from performing.

And though their Religion were idolatrous, yet according to their light being zealous they reaped the reward of a tempo­ral prosperity: which some a­mong them despising, smarted for to the purpose, in their own ruin reaping the reward of [Page 81] their Impiety and contempt of Religion: Thus we shall see Crassus who slighting the Cur­ses and Execrations of the Tri­bune Ateius, would make war upon the Parthians, where he lost his own and his sons life, with most of his Army, the poor remainder escaping by a disho­nourable flight: and thus Pom­pey the great, who would, not­withstanding the intreaties and diswafions of the High-Priest, enter the Holy of Holies in the Temple of Jerusalem, in his comming out fell down, and never after prospered, but being overthrown by Caesar, and fly­ing into Aegypt, lost his head, his body being left unburied on the sands: and though he were no Jew, yet being a Roman by [Page 82] Religion he was bound to reve­rence all Deities, as the [...] the Temple of all the Gods at Rome may demonstrate.

Neither need we wonder to see even a superstitious and ido­latrous worship in the Hea­thens who knew no better, re­warded with outward blessings: Sith whatsoever is lovely in Nature is acceptable even to God himself, for 'tis a print of Himself, and He doth propor­tion some temporal rewards unto it; the courage of Romulus, the devotion of Numa, the inte­grity of Fabritius, the tempe­rance, and justice, and pub­lick spiritednesse of the rest, had all some rewards scatter'd a­mongst them, and can we think their Piety had no share? [Page 83] which is so agreeable to nature, and so deeply imprinted by it on mans heart, that man, even the stubbornest, and most un­willing otherwise to submit, yet will fall down and worship a Stock or Stone rather than be without a Deity, will devise a Religion rather than be with­out one; but more of this in the next.

VVE hear the Philoso­pher thus reasoning, Do not the imperfect serve the more perfect, as the Elements [Page 84] mixt bodies, mixt bodies plants, plants living creatures, living creatures and all the rest man, nay hath not the soul a master like rule over the body, and the un­derstanding an empire over the appetite, [...], and now when by nature it is thought convenient for the inferiour to serve the superiour, ought not man to judge it best for him to serve the most wise and good God?

Cicero saith we cannot be just, unlesse we be religious, Fietas justitia quaedam est adversus deos, lib. 1. de nat. Deor.

Epictetus, if I were a Nightin­gale, I would do as a Nightin­gale, but being a man what shall [Page 85] I do? I will praise God; and that without ceasing.

Nay Epicurus himself though he taught that God [...]; neither did a­ny thing himself, nor comman­ded others to do, yet affirmed that his nature was so excellent and glorious, that it alone was sufficient to allure a wiseman to adore him.

Could the Heathen grope thus far, and shall we that have the name to be Christians lagge behind them, could they per­ceive thus much by the glimme­ring light of nature, and shall we be blind in the glorious sun­shine of the Gospel? for shame let us open our eyes, lest they rise in judgement, and condemn us, and it be more tollerable [Page 86] for them than us in that great day, when the Lord shall appear with thousands and ten thou­sands of Saints and Angels. Be­hold O England to be religious is the way to thrive, Godlinesse will be thy gain both here and hereafter.

NOw that we may be so, we are to use all means God hath appointed for the obtain­ing the true knowledge of him, and his will, which is the [Page 87] ground of Religion; for as our knowledge is true or false, so will our Religion be too; and the ordinary means are the reading and hearing of the sa­cred Scriptures, for faith comes by hearing, and how shall we hear unlesse we are taught, and how shall we be taught without a Teacher? In the first place therefore as we ought to have a holy esteem of his word, so ought we to have a reverent esteem of the faithfull and able dispencers of it, giving them all due incouragement and mainte­nance, that they may be the better enabled cheerfully to follow that work whereunto they are called, of winning souls unto Christ.

And this is a duty incumbent on [Page 88] the Christian Magistrate, who is to use all lawful means to pro­mote Religion, and to restrain prophanesse, for he beareth not the sword in vain, but for ter­rour of evill doers, and encou­ragement of those that do well. And here let me not be mistaken, for though I believe it is their duty to punish those grand Traytours against the majesty of Heaven, blasphemers I mean, and all other publick disturbers of the civill peace and quiet of the nation; yet on the otherside to force all men to submit to one form, or to be of such or such a general received opinion in every tittle, under penalty of Censures civil and ecclesiasti­cal, I conceive a Tyranny as lit­tle to be suffered by the Magi­strate, [Page 89] as it had been for Saul to have suffered Nahash the Ammo­nite to put out the right eyes of the Gilcadites, for indeed this were to put out both our eyes.

For it is God and none but God that can assure us of his own mind, though he do reveal his mind by a creature, there wil be some tremblings, and wa­verings in the soul, unlesse he doth withall satisfie the soul that such a creature doth com­municate his mind truely and really as it is, so that ultimately the certainty is resolved into the voice of God, who is onely to rule his Church [...], by a determining and legislative power; Men that are fitted by God are to [Page 90] guide and direct [...], in way of subservien­cy to him, and by an explicati­on of his mind, yet so that every one may judge of this [...], by acts of their own understanding illuminated by the Spirit of God, for there are no Representatives in spiritu­als, men may represent the bo­dies of others in civil and tem­poral affairs, and thus a bodily obedience is due to a just au­thority, but there is none can al­wayes represent the mind and judgement of another in the vi­tals and inwards of religion; for as a late Bishop of our own, ad nudam praescriptionem, aut deter­minationem alterius sine lumine privati judicii nemo est qui credere potest etiamsi cupiat maximè; No [Page 91] man let him desire it never so much can believe the bare de­termination of another unlesse his own judgement concur; a truth that condemns the anti­christian practices of the rest that were of that order, and Mi­randula gives the reason of it, for says he, Nemo credit aliquid verum praecisè quia vult credere illud esse verum, non est enim in potentia ho­minis facere aliquid apparere intel­lectui suo verum, quando ipse vo­luerit: No man believes a thing because he will believe it, for it is not in the power of man to make a thing appear what he wil to his understanding; and in­deed, before there can be faith there must not only be a know­ledg of the thing to be believed; but an inclination also of the [Page 92] understanding to assent to it when known; should we not judge that man a Tyrant that should command us to re­nounce our sense, to believe that to be white that we see to be black, to believe that to be sweeter than honey, that we taste to be bitterer than gaul? what are those then that would force us to disclaim our under­standings, and make us believe that to be true, w^ch we conceive or know to be false? and yet what cruelty in this kind hath been practized by the Papists? What by the Prelates? What by some that succeeded them, and yet de-cryed it in them? yea what by some of those who will cry out for Liberty of conscience too?

IF any shall but question in the least, these mens jus divinum, presently they are Hereticks, Schismaticks, Sectaries, &c.

If any man shall not have the same whirligiggs in their pates as the other, or will not assent in an instant to what ever Chy­maera their rambling fancies produce, let them be what they will, Parliament or City, Magi­strates or private persons, Tea­chers or Hearers, presently pray them down, purge them, they [Page 94] are self-seekers, Tyrants, Ene­mies to the Saints, Antichristi­an, and Baals Priests, and what not, yea such as are to be de­stroyed.

Yet by yout leave furious Saint, you must excuse our dif­fidence of your tenents, yea and of your Saint-ship too, until we perceive more ground for thē, and find a better temper in you; our Lord and Master I am sure hath given us ground to doubt you, and I hope the servant is not above the Lord, it will be best for us then to observe him, When his disciples would have had fire commanded from hea­ven, He tels them, ye know not what manner of Spirit you are of, for the Son of Man is not come to destroy souls but to [Page 95] save them; we know who is Abaddon, [...], the Destroyer, and it is his badg to be spitting of fire; why is it not as lawfull for us to question an opinion though it have your stamp and superscription upon it, as it was for the Bereans to bring even Apostolical words to the touch-stone? Yet were they re­warded by Saint Paul with the title of [...], more noble, an Epithite we canot find in your Catalogue. But you will say, they believed, they did indeed, but not hand over head, and so may we when we find the same Spirit bearing witnesse to your doctrine which did to the Apo­stles.

But through all your canting­language we do discover your [Page 96] aimes, indeed out of the abun­dance of the heart your tongues tell us, you would be popular, great and powerfull, and in­joy the fat things of the earth, these only belong to you and your tribe, you are to rule the Nations, to bind their kings in chains, and their nobles with fetters of iron; the old itch of temporal Lordship is wretched­ly broke out upon you, your hands are the hands of Esau, though your voice be the voice of Jacob, your practices are un­christian, though yout professi­on be sanctity; Christ he promi­ses to make his disciples fishers of men, but you fish for honour, worldly power, and riches for your followers, a bewitching bait to catch poor mortals: we [Page 97] read of the devil tempting our head with the kingdoms of the world, and the glory of them, but from whom have you Commission thus to tempt his members? Who gave you au­thority to dispose of worldly powers? Is your Masters king­dom of this world? If it be, we must rank you with those anti­christian usurpers, who arro­gate to themselves a power a­bove all that is called God: What more doth that man of Rome? whom we find bestow­ing the kingdoms of the world on those that will bow down and worship him, but cursing, deposing, and turning out of office all that refuse to subscribe to his fopperies. Thus we see Mahomet not with this load­stone [Page 98] drawing men, but with his Sword conquering them, he drawes his Sword, bids them deliver up their Souls, and up­on this condition he will spare their lives: Signailla quae Tyran­nis et latronibus non desunt, what more do Tyrants and Thieves? But sure the Christian Religion stands not in need of such helps, whose principles in themselves are attractive and magnetical, enamouring souls, and leading them captive in the silken bonds of love with the cords of a man.

ANother sort there is wrig­gled in amongst us, who e­ven in print and pulpits pub­lickly bray against learning, en­deavouring to seduce people in­to a belief that humane learning as they call it, is in no measure to be tolerated in a Gospel-Tea­cher, most wretchedly wrest­ing Scripture to apply those texts against preaching them­selves to overthrow it; a falla­cie so base that they had need to cry up ignorance lest the cheat [Page 100] should be descried: as if learn­ing and preaching themselves were termini convertibiles, the one necessarily implying the o­ther; whereas it is commonly quite contrary; it is your Scio­list, your fellow that hath scarce wet his lips in that sacred fountain, who will be dabling and patching that he may be thought a Scholer, when as the most learned men, who are con­scious of their own sufficiency, seldome or never, unless upon just, and necessary occasions make the least shew of it in their publick teaching. The truth of this is verified dayly in our eyes by the continual practice of ma­ny learned men amongst us. Where shall we find more pow­erfull plainness, than in the [Page 101] works of the learned Bolton, to omit the names of the rest, which are so well known to all? thus shall we see your coward, the common Braggadochio, and those the greatest boasters who have the least in them; for such being conscious off their own baseness, endeavour to make others believe them to be brave Fellows, which they know them­selves not to be, and to make up in shew what they want in real­ity; whereas your valiant man is still silent, and lets his acts speak for him, knowing accor­ding to the proverb, that Good Wine needs no Bush, and that worth will be taken notice of without proclaiming it at the Market Cross.

2. But the Apostles were poor [Page 102] Fishrmen, and the like, altoge­ther unlearned, and therefore the Gospel Ministers ought to be so too. O Horrid, Jesuitical, nay Diabolical Sophistry! We acknowledge that the only wise God in the carrying on of his great and glorious works usually makes use of such instruments, as seem despicable, and contemp­tible in the eyes of men, yea such as are altogether unable and unfit to hatch and carry on de­figns of their own, the more to manifest that it is his work, and to shew his strength in their weakness, which, unless suppor­ted by Omnipotency, would sink under it, as also to leave the ob­stinate without excuse: but though these may seem weak, yet are they made mighty [Page 103] through the power of God that strengthens them, and are abun­dantly supplyed from above with what gifts and graces soever are necessary for them: Thus the Apostles being poor un­learned Fishermen, and the like, once called, and invested with the Apostleship, were endued from above, had the gift of Tongues, immediately were taught by the Holy Ghost: and who dares affirm them unlearned then? or deny skill in the tongues necessary for the office of a Tea­cher, which God, who doth nothing in vain, by Miracle be­stowed upon them? And what now though they wanted ac­quired Learning, so they had it infused? and God was pleased in that extraordinary time, in an [Page 104] extraordinary manner to endow them, must we therefore now neglect the ordinary means, and tempt God to work a Mira­cle to be able to answer a Gain­sayer? but let us but consider how faithful an handmaid lear­ning hath been to religion; how the Armor-bearer hath helped Jonathan to destroy the Phili­stimes; how necessary it hath been to maintain Religion, and oppose Idolatry; by the help of Learning have the Ministery of England been enabled to defend the truth, and oppose errour, to ward off, and put by the blowes and thrusts of their Anti­christian adversaries, and to strike with the edge, and give them the true point, to the wounding & destroying of their [Page 105] superstitious tenents. Thus we see the learned Whitacre disarm their Goliah, confute their Bel­larmine, foyl their chosen Cham­pion, unwind the subtil Jesuite, trace him through all his Maean­ders, meet him at every turn, beat him from outwork to out­work, from sconce to sconce, till he hath driven him out of all his strengths, and left him not a lurking hole to hide his head in; when the most that we could expect from a Dean of Dunstable could be Bellarmine thou lyest, neither shewing sense or reason, but his say so. But it may be said, thank a good cause: yet may the best cause be spoiled by an evil mannaging, and the most bright and shining truths be obscured in a dark Lanthorn, [Page 106] yea let them be whiter than Snow, they may be sullied by dir­ty fingers, and more transparent than glass, yet may be cracked when clumsie fists shall come to handle them. This the Jesuites know, which hath been the cause of this strange attempt, for it is most plain by the poyson now vomited, that some of those Serpents are wriggled in a­mongst us; they have tryed our weapons, and to their smart know the sharpness of them, no marvel then they endeavour to disarm us; Learning hath kept them out, no wonder then they attempt to introduce ignorance the Mother, which could they effect, they are assured Popish De­votion the Daughter would not be long kept out.

[Page 107] Neither can this seem strange unto us, if we but consider their practice in the Lutheran Church, where it hath been usual with the Iesuites to seem to become Proselites, to heighten and con­tinue the division between them and the Calvinists; or what a late Author of our own, who seems not to be unacquainted of their practices, writes of them, The Jesuit reckons it in the number of his merits, if he may by any sini­ster wayes ruffle and disorder Here­tical Kingdomes (so he calls them) encourage weak and unstable minds to slight Magistracy, irritate di­visions, tumults, rebellions, ab­solve from oaths, and all sacred tyes; so that its hard to find any tragical scene, or bloody theatre, into which the Jesuite hath not [Page 108] intruded, and been as busie as Davus in the Comedy, contributing in a very high measure to every fanatick insolence, justifying the old lemma of Loyola's picture, Cavete vobis principes: these are the firebrands of Europe, the forge, and bellows of Sedition, in­fernal Emissaries, the pests of the age, men that live as if huge sins would merit heaven by an antipe­ristasis. Concutiunt populos, vexant regna, solicitant bella, diruunt Ecclesias.

And it is for certain written from beyond the Seas, that the English Colleges are emptyed, and all those Emissaries sent a­broad, whither, unless amongst [...]s?

ANd the same Author goes on, Nor is any nation with­out some turbulent spirits of its own, the dishonour of the gown, and pulpit, the shame, and some­times ruin of their Countrey; one of which hath late started this question, Whether or not all that much magnifyed natural reason (which we think dignifieth us a­bove, and distinguisheth us from Brutes) and all that humane lear­ning (which we conceive exalts and rectifyeth reason) be the fruit of [Page 110] the forbidden tree, and is a spurious and adventious faculty, which man wanted in his innocency, and was instilled into him by Satan in the fall?

A quaery Satan himself might blush to put, and yet the Book stuffed with this and the like doctrine, is cloathed with the specious title of the Saints Guide; the Wolf adorns himself with the Lambs skinne, the Fiend transforms himself into an An­gel of light: it is not amisse to mark the phrase he reproaches learning in, then how he couch­eth his doctrine, lastly his Di­vinity in these words, which man wanted in his innocency. Indeed the old Serpent told Eve that the fruit of the forbidden tree would encrease their Knowledge, but [Page 111] except him, and this Disciple of his, I never found any affirm­ing that man wanted any thing in his Innocency: but suppose this diabolical doctrine true, if man wanted Learning before, he much more wāts it since the fall; the Author of such stuff may well cry out against reason and Learning.

But to the question, That Reason was depraved and dark­ned by the fall, we allow, and that by the help of learning it is in some measure restored, we affirm, and so consequently that there had been no need of acqui­red learning had man stood, no more would there of repentance: but doth it follow therefore, that now vve are fallen, vve should not labour for repentance? [Page 112] Let this fellow go and try whe­ther he can perswade a man that is fallen into a pit not to endea­vour to get out, because getting out is a fruit, and effect of his falling in. Truly such arguing is instilled by Satan, and such Sophistry is a bastardly faculty which ingenuity, much more innocency, is so far from want­ing, that it abhors and detests it. The Fellow seems to be a Scho­ler, I shall ask him therefore one question. Is not reason the specifical difference of a man from a Beast? and was man di­stinguished from a Beast by the fall, or the Creation? Did the Devil or God make him a ratio­nal creature? Behold then the horrid blasphemy couched in this query, which would insinuate [Page 113] the rational soul to be the product of the Devil; if this be not a doctrine of Devils I know not what is.

Then for his Parenthesis, (which we think dignifieth us a­bove, and distinguisheth us from Brutes) if Reason doth not, what doth? shape cannot, for so one Beast differs from another: neither is it Grace, for then all but Beasts must have Grace: And for his other (which we conceive exalts, and rectifies reason) hath not learning exalted and rectified his reason so far as to enable him from such and such Premisses to draw such a and such a Conclusion, to frame his Syllogisms, to write and ut­ter these words, positions, con­sectaries, quaeries, responsions, [Page 114] cognition, which his illiterate auditors and readers understand no more, than they do him and his drifts? what but learning hath set his understanding a­bove theirs, and enabled him to talk at a rate his ignorant fol­lowers onely can admire? Behold then you misled wretches what a Guide you have got, who when all his Sophistry, and abuse of his own reason and learning, all his Logick and Syllogisms are un­able to overthrow reason and learning, goes about by his que­ries to undermine them; who, when all his impudency dares not affirm, and all his ability can­not prove, endeavors by way off doubt to instill his poison, upon hopes that you will swal­low & take sor granted whatever [Page 115] drops from him: what is it you admire in this Fellow, is it his railing against learning in o­thers? doth he not make use of it himself? he disputes Syllogisti­cally, he is frequent in division, abounds in subtill and sophisti­cal distinctions, talks hard words, rattles out Latine, nay there is not one Arrow in his quiver but is feathered with feathers pluck­ed from learnings wing, nor is he able to speak or write, or you to read or understand one sylla­ble, word or sentence against Learning, but by its assistance. Could you have read, could you have wrote, could you have understood one word had you not been taught? why these are degrees of learning; awake and behold the cheat, which would [Page 116] make you enemies even to that image of God which is imprinted on you, level you with Brutes nay make you such: you see it is reason that distinguisheth a man from a Beast, it is learning that improves reason, be not a­fraid of being rational; this Caytiff would deprive you of your humanity, that he might the easier destroy your Christi­anity; rob you of your reason, to bob you of your religion: For if he be not a very Jesuite, yet is he the likest one that ever I met with; if the tree may be judg­ed by the fruits, his acts will a loud proclaim him a notorious juggler: and first behold how he cheats you in stating the que­stion, for it is not whether by the help of humane learning a [Page 117] man may attain a saving know­ledge to himself, whether he can save his own soul; but whe­ther he may not attain to such a knowledge as may enable him to hold out the way of Salvation unto others: and that a man may do this, not only too too frequent examples do make out, but the Apostle himself tells us in the 1 Cor. 9. 27. But I keep un­der my body, and keep it in subjecti­on; lest that by any means, when I have preached unto others, I my self should be a cast away; a man may preach to others, and yet be himself a cast away: for this wretch dares not affirm that the Apostle inspired by the Spirit of God would suppose an impos­sibility: and the example of Iu­das clearly shewes that a man [Page 118] may have an outward call to teach, and yet be a reprobate; was not he one of the twelve that was sent to preach the Kingdome of God, and to heal the sick? Luk. 9. 1, 2. also the Apostle in the 2 Tim. 3. 5. speaks of some, ha­ving a form of Godliness, creeping into houses, leading captive silly wo­men laden with infirmities: These Hypocrites by the help of learning and parts could pray as devout­ly, talk as holily, wrest the Scriptures as dexterously, cog­ging the dy, making the word speak what they list, craftily ap­plying it, having all the arts and methodes of consenage, even as he himself; yet were they not taught of God; it is cleer ther­fore that learning and parts perse ex propria natura can understand [Page 119] and so apprehend the mystery of the Gospel, as to hold it out so to others, that the hearers cannot discern by the teaching an Hypo­crite from a true Believer, not­withstanding all his Positions. You may behold also how finely the holy text is wrested by him to no purpose in his following Arguments, for unless he prove that a man by the help of learn­ing cannot attain to such a Knowledge as to be able to make an outward profession, he proves nothing.

And that this Sophistry is malicious, not ignorant, his an­swering two objections will ful­ly clear.

Object. 1. That though hu­mane learning be an enemy to the law of God while it is in an unsan­ctified [Page 120] heart, yet when the heart is truly turned to God, then it be­comes a sanctifyed instrument, and a good hundmaid to Theo­logy.

Solution. To this he an­swers, That though the heart be truly sanctified, in which humane learning doth inhere as in its sub­ject, yet doth it not follow that learning it self is, no more than sin can be said to be sanctified, though the heart of a sinful man may be truly said to be sanctifyed: for acquired learning of it self, and of its own nature, is nothing else but sin, and therefore remains so still, and cannot be truly nor pro­perly said to be sanctifyed, no more than sin. But if by being sancti­fied, they mean that the provi­dential wisdome of God doth order [Page 121] it, or make use of it for the good of his people, I oppose it not, so that it be understood, that that good flowes not srom the nature of acqui­red knowledge it self, but from the wisdome and goodness of the Spirit of God, who maketh all things work together for the benefit of those that love him, who are cal­led according to his purpose, and so no more can properly in this re­spect be predicated of it than of sin it self, which in that case (though not as an entity, for non entia ad modum entium concipiuntur) is said also to work for the good of Gods Saints.

First to this we say, that the habit of sin is destroyed, there is a mortification of sin, as well as a vivification of grace, as Rom. 6. 2. How shall we that are dead to [Page 122] sin, live any longer therein? and Ephes. 2. 1. You hath he quickned who were dead in trespasses and sins. Now the habit of learning is not in the least diminished, much less destroyed.

Secondly, That the whole man with all his endowments is sanctified, as 1 Thes. 5. 23, 24. And the very God of peace sanctify you wholly, and I pray God your whole spirit, and soul, and body, be preserved blameless unto the com­ming of our Lord Jesus Christ. Faithful is he that calleth you, who also will do it. Now then, either learning must be sanctified, or something remains unsanctifi­ed.

Thirdly, That acquired lear­ning, of it self, and of its own nature is not sin, for sin is a [Page 123] transgression of the Law, 1 Iohn 3. 4. verse, For sin is the trans­gression of the Law, [...]. Now what Law forbiddeth learning? where is it written Thou shalt not be learned? and sure were learning either in it self sin, or left unsanctified in a sanctified heart, we should not find the [...]stle Paul giving thanks for it in 1 Cor. 14. 18. I thank my God I speak with tongues more than you all: and the holy Ghost describing Apollos leaves him upon record to be an elo­quent man [...], the word usually is taken for a learned man; and see what followes, He helped them much which believ­ed, for he mightily convinced the Iewes, [...], which the learn­ed Beza in his Annotations ren­ders, [Page 124] Magna cum contentione, and he gives the reason of it, Vti volui hac perphrasi ut Graeci voca­buli emphasin servarem, quo signi­ficatur eloquentem hunc hominem omnes (quod aiunt) nervos revin­cendis Iudaeis contendisse, I have used this periphrasis, that I might preserve the emphasis of the Greek word, by [...]ich is signi­fied that this eloquent man em­ployed the utmost of his abili­ties to convince the Jews. Be­hold then what Divinity your Doctor teaches, who is not onely content to bely learning, but sanctification, making the holy Spirit work by halves; and as he plaies the Knave here, so in the latter part he plaies the Fool, fighting with his own shadow, and keeping a coil about no­thing, [Page 125] for the very objection, as he himself hath put it, asserts the good to flow from the san­ctification of learning, not from its own nature, it makes it a hand­maid, and so does he; untill he comes to his Conclusion, which how true it is, as it sufficiently appears by what is said, yet will be more manifest if we consider learning in it self to be indifferent either good or evil, according as it is used or abused, now is sin so? Suppose a man shall make the glory of God his onely end in his attaining learning, that thereby he may be better ena­bled to read, converse, dispute, and speak concerning the myste­ries of Salvation (for could he have written or spoken as he doth without it, unless by help [Page 126] of a miracle?) will he affirm this learning to be sin? is the Physical act sinful, or doth the moral cir­cumstance cloath it with good or evil? Something more then may be predicated of learning than of sinne, which cannot be conceived in any other notion than of sin.

Object. 2. Again, if it be objected, that though learning be not effectual to the understanding of the mystery of the Gospel, yet it is prealent to the compleating of the literal and historical knowledge thereof: Take this here, that these objections are of his own cloathing, the terms are his own.

Solution. To this he an­swers. Though it may conduce to the gaining of literal, and histori­call [Page 127] knowledge, yet this is not ad idem, because it profiteth nothing; For truth it self bears record, It is the Spirit that quickneth, the flesh profitteth nothing; and men are made able Ministers of the New Testament, not of the Letter, but of the Spirit; For the letter killeth, but the Spirit giveth life. So that all literal and historical knowledge gained by mans power, is but like the principle from whence it slowed, fleshly, earthly, deadly, and destru­ctive.

To this we say, that what he saith here against learning, may as well be said against reading, teaching, and hearing, there must be fit and outward Organs, there must be eyes, a tongue, and eares, and these must have a body to subsist; is all reading, hearing, [Page 128] and teaching therefore like the principle from whence they flow, fleshly, earthly, deadly, and de­structive? Behold then whether these Scriptures are wrested or no? do you think they are to be understood to condemn all outward means, or onely to shew that outward means with­out the inward assistance and o­peration of the Spirit cooperating with them were unable to beget saving grace in a soul? do you conceive the Spirit of God in them disallowes all reading, tea­ching, hearing, or only forbid to put such a confidence in them as to esteem them able in them­selves to confer eternal life upon us? Besides, i that place in the Corinths, the letter signifies the Law, of which Moses was a [Page 129] Minister, the Spirit the Gospell, which Christ brought and deli­vered to his Apostles and Mini­sters; for look but into the chap­ter and you shall see the scope of the Apostle is to advance the Ministery of the Gospel above the Ministery of the Law: was not this rightly applied then against learning? can you imagine he himself can th [...]k them to mean what he puts upon them? but I leave him, and so I hope will you; yet I could wish some able pen would take him task, and [...] the Impostor.

But as this fellow cries down, so are there others which too much cry up learning, who will entail the [...]ift of teaching upon it, and allow none to teach but an Vniversity Graduate; which is no other than put bounds to God, to limit the ho­ly Spirit, hither and no farther shalt thou go; but because these men idolize it, must we exe­crate and abhor it? because the Persians adored the Sun, must we Christians refuse the comfort of its light and heat? in thus do­ing [Page 131] we run as far out of the way on the one hand, as they do on the other.

Let them consider how many under the light of the Gospel fur­nish'd with the helps of humane learning are strangely unac­quainted with the knowledg of Christ crucified; a plain expe­rienced Christian (notwithstan­ding their Auxiliary forces) on­ly by the help of a Bible, will put a whole Army to flight; Surgunt indocti et rapiunt coelum, when they in the mean time do but, as he speaks, ornare Diabolum; they become learned spoiles, Sapien­ter descendunt in infernum, they go cunningly to Hell. And then on the other side let not us be so silly and malicious as to put the fault in learning, whereas [Page 132] there is no greater vicinity than between truth and goodness; hea­ven is full of knowledge, as it is of holiness; and it is brimfull of both: if some will not make a right use, or will abuse their learning, must learning suffer? can there be a more gross abuse than, as, Isocrates speaks, [...], to lay the blame on the thing, not the man? some men with weapons commit murders and outrages, shall not others therefore have any for their own necessary and just defence? some make them­selves drunk, may not others therefore drink to maintain life, and to comfort and chear the heart? Noah was drunk with wine, shall not Timothy therefore [Page 133] drink a little for his stomachs sake, and his often infirmities? 1 Tim. 5. 23. a subtil Jesuiticall Knave wrests Scripture, may not a Minister of the Gospel therefore quote it? The first abuses his learning to pervert, and destroy, shall not the second make use of his to instruct, and edifie? Up­on this account all things might be condemned, even profession it self, and all religious duties, which have been by some abu­sed, and prophaned.

THese things thus weighed, will not the improvement of nature beautified & adorned with supernatural grace make men more serviceable, and in­strumental for Gods glory? when the strength of learning, and the power of Godliness unite and concentricate their forces, will they not make up the finest and purest complexion, the soun­dest and bravest constitution, like a sparkling and vigorous soul, quickning and informing a beautiful body? can Religion desire to shine with greater gloss [Page 135] and lustre, can it desire to ride among men in greater pomp and solemnity, in a more try­umphant Charriot than in a soul of vast intellectualls? let us but consider our poor ignorant and unlearned Ancestors, with yel­lings, and howlings, with the horrid noise of brazen and cop­per pans and bazons hammered on and beaten, endeavouring to help the Moon in the ec­clipse, whom they thought they did great service to; and whence proceeded this but from igno­rance of the natural cause? what prayers, what sacrifices did an ecclipse of the Sun produce? all presently supposing he hid his face for anger, as the Poets re­port he did at Atreus his ban­quet, —Verterit cursus licet sibi [Page 136] ipse Titan, obvium ducens iter, tene­brisque facinus obruit tetrum novis, nox missa ab ort u tempore alieno gravis. Seneca, Thyestes, and they in danger of an eternal night, and not only be, as one speaks no­tably of the Suns adorers, [...], without their God by night, but for ever: and indeed what advantage did the Devill make of ignorance in the time of Popery? What a quarter did he keep with his Hobgob­lins, and Fairies? O, darkness is his delight in the understand­ing as well as in the air, and doth it not lay men more open to his temptations? what a tryumph would the Prince of darkness lead could he get us all into his livery? This Plutarch an heathen could perceive, [Page 137] Knowledge, saith he, frees men from that superstition, which frights, disturbs, and entangles with sinister conceits of the Dei­ty, others, who are ignorant of the natural causes of things, and in its place induces a secure pie­ty, and holy confidence in the Divine power; and he instan­ces in the head of a Ram with one horn growing in the midst of the front brought to Pericles, which when the Southsayers converted to an Omen, Anaxa­goras the Philosopher dissecting the scull shewed it empty on the sides, and the brains lying in the midst in an oval form just where the horn took root, cleer­ly convincing them of the natu­ral cause.

[Page 138] Let us consider how a poor Bishop was degraded by a whole Council, and the Popes infal­lible Worship too boot, for wri­ting and maintaining that there were Antipodes, people inhabiting the other side of the Worldly Globe, a thing known to every ship-boy in Wapping: and what will nothign serve our turns but a herd of such Tea­chers? a drove of such Doctors that may bring us in one age to a degree above bleating to be as far from understanding, as they from being able to speak sense? when a Dutch Sophister with this doughty fallacy, The Scripture commands us to reve­rence and obey our Elders, but the Dutch State is the elder State, therefore the Scripture commands [Page 139] the English State to reverence and obey the Dutch; Or, Asses have eares, Englishmen have eares, therefore Englishmen are Asses, shall puzzle our whole nation, and none be able to answer him, unless by down-right telling him he lyes, & so instead of con­futing, confirm him in his wild assertions.

Lastly, Let us consider with what impatience we would hear a man that went about to perswade us to burn our ships, break our Guns, destroy all our Arms and Weapons, and lay our selves naked to the invasion and rapine of any forein enemy; and shall we not with the same disdain and abhorrency behold these pedling Truckers under Satan, who would disarm our [Page 140] souls, prostitute our understan­dings to the lust of every subtill Sophister, make us like to the Horse and Mule which want un­derstanding, ready to take the Bit into our mouths to be rid by each deceiver, and to crowch down under the burdens which every sly and cunning Knave shall please to load us with? do we so much detest the slavery of our bodies, and shall we not abhor to see our souls led cap­tive, our understandings drawn in shackles after the triumphant Chariot of every Impostor? our Lord and Savior teaches us, that though a man both strong and armed keep the house, yet if a stronger than he come, he will enter and take possession; these Imps of the Destroyer suggest, [Page 141] that the Lame and Blind are only fit Garrison Souldiers for the strong holds of the New Jeru­salem, as if Religion were the Capitol that onely Geese must defend; alas, had there not been a Manlius and other valiant and armed Romans, the Gauls could not have been kept out by their cackling. Thus much for lear­ning, as it is useful in religion, what advantage it is of to the Civil State shall be discoursed of hereafter in its proper place.

BEfore we proceed further, it will not be amiss to consi­der Moral vertue in the general, as of good conducement to our better understanding of the par­ticular vertues which follow in order to be treated of in our sub­sequent discourse, and to our ea­sier attaining and imbracing them in our future practice.

And first of the Name; the Greeks according to some deno­minated it [...], from Mars their God of War, be­cause in War the efficacy of ver­tue seemed most perspicuous. O­thers [Page 143] fetch its derivation [...], from choosing, because vertue is above all things to be chosen. The Latines called it virtus a vir which antiently was solie applyed to a valiant man; thus Cicero in offic. Nomen virtu­tis, inquit, antiquitus solius fuit fortitudinis, Vertue, saith he, was the badge heretofore onely of Fortitude. But since experience teaching that man was not only to strive with man, to combate the Common enemy, but also with his own disorderly affecti­ons easily misled by the allure­ments of riches, delights, and preferment, it became the try­umphant Ornament of those that were victorious over themselves and these temptations, which indeed is the more noble con­quest, [Page 144] and most manly, as perfor­med by the force of reason, the weapon only man can use. Lastly there are some, who not unplea­santly alluding will have it tear­med virtus, quasi viri artus, as it were the joints and lineaments of the mind.

Now, as the name hath been diversly derived, so hath the Thing been variously applyed.

As first, to signify in general the power and perfection of any thing, hence we often meet with these and the like phrases in English, By vertue of Gods pow­er, wisdome, omniscience; by vertue of the Soul, of the Heavens, of the Elements, of such or such a plant, mineral, or living crea­ture.

Secondly, to denote promis­cuously [Page 145] all habits as well infused as acquired, thus we say by ver­tue of Grace, faith, &c.

Thirdly, it is taken for a na­tural inclination or disposition: thus Aristotle in 6 Ethic. cap. ult. we possess vertue by nature, and by nature we are temperate and valiant. Lastly, it is most pro­perly taken for an habit of the mind, acquired by use and fre­quent exercise, and thus we are to accept it as an habit ruling the will and appetite of man, and conforming and composing his manners for the help and ornament of humane society.

And now having viewed it in the gross, let us a little de­scend to take it in pieces, wher­by the true nature of it will be more plainly understood. The [Page 146] nus is an habit, and we prove its lineage by its Coat Armour. Plutarch de virtut. moral. [...]. There are, saith he, three things in the mind, the faculty, the affection, and the habit; the faculty is the principle and matter of the af­fection; the affection is a cer­tain motion of the faculty: but the habit is the strength and conformity of the faculty gotten by custome. Now vertue being to be reduced under one of these heads, we must examin to which it doth conform it self. By vertue men are accounted good, as by vice bad; but by th [...] [Page 147] faculties which are natural and bear themselves in an indiffe­rent posture to this or that; and by the affections by which we are only mo­ved, and become not, neither are accounted such or such, we can neither be termed good or bad; it remains then that the habit gives the denomination, and that vertue is an habit, and so Aristotle l. 2. ethic. cap. 6. de­fines it to be [...].

The difference must be fetch­ed from the matter and form; now the matter is the subject and object, for no other▪ matter can be attributed to Accidents; the subject is the will and appe­tite, the internal object, are the [Page 148] affections, and actions spring­ing from those affections; the external objects are the persons toward which, and the things in which vertue is exercised. The form is a Mediocrity or mean to be observed in all our affections and actions which exces renders violent, defect lame and imper­fect.

Now vertue consists in indivi­sibili medio, in an individual mediocrity; [...]. for there is but one path leads to vertue, but to vice many. [...] For Good is single, evill of many shapes; yet is this in­divisibility not to be taken in a Mathematical, but a Moral con­struction, which admits of [Page 149] some Latitude, for its the pru­dent admonition of some emi­nent Moralists, Parum deflecte­re à medio in excedendo, vel defi­ciendo, non est vitium semper exi­stimandum; cum medii quaedam sit latitudo, intra quamse conti­nentes bene agunt, a small de­clining from the mean either on the right or left is not al­waies to be accounted vice, sith there is a certain latitude in mediocritie, within the li­mits of which, men containing themselves act well. Thus a valiant man by the smart and sight of his wounds may be transported with anger and thirst of revenge, yet it being in the lawfull and just defence of himself and Countrey, a re­solute and eager charge will be [Page 150] no excess from true fortitude, and for the other extreme we have a noble example in the Roman Consul Catulus, who when he could not perswade the greatest part of his Army to a­bide in their Camp, being terri­fied with the approach of the Cimbrians, commanded the Eagle, the Roman Standart, to be advanced, and marcht away himself in the head of them, that they might appear rather to follow than desert their Ge­neral. Here he forsook his Camp, and those resolute Soul­diers that staid to defend it, for fear lest the body of his Army who would go should be utter­ly disheartned, and being pub­lickly branded with deserting the Consul, might set light by [Page 151] their fame already blasted, and so the Commonwealth then threatned might be greatly en­dangered by the loss of such an Army, which would either have disbanded, or fought untow­ardly.

And to come closer, vertue is not [...], an absolute calm without the least pertur­bation, but [...], a Sym­metry of the affections regula­ted by measure, squared by the golden rule of Mediocrity.

And as there is a latiude to be considered, so is the propor­tion which is Geometrical, not Arithmetical; it is medium rati­onis, non rei: for vertue doth not equally differ from its ex­tremes, as six doth from two and ten, as for example, Libera­lity [Page 152] comes nearer to prodigality than covetousness.

Yet the attaining this medi­ocrity being a thing of the grea­test difficulty, for as it is easie to be angry, so is it hard to be angry with these necessary cir­cumstances, with whom, how far, when, wherefore, and in what manner we ought, it will much avail us to take these helps, laid down by all or the most experi­enced Moralists.

First, let us endeavour to shun that extreme which seems most contrary to vertue; yet here must be care taken lest by endeavouring to avoid one we run into the other extremity ac­cording to that,

Dum vitant stulti vitia in con­traria currunt.

[Page 153] And, Incidit in Scyllam cupiens vitare Charybdim.

Thus as the Nymph Calypso in­structs Vlisses being to sail be­tween Scylla and Charybdis, two dangerous rocks in the Sicilian Sea, rather to avoid Charybdis as the more dangerous, but yet still to have an eye to Scylla: Homer 12. Odyss. So we must a­void that extreme which is most opposit to vertue as more de­structive, yet with care of the other too: Superstition is liker Piety than Atheism, we had bet­ter therefore be a little too ten­der, than to make no scruple, a little too formal, than open­ly prophane, here the excess is less contrary; but here again the defect, for abstemionsness al­together to forbear wine is more [Page 154] like Temperance then drunkennes, and this our Reason will instruct us to judge of. Yet the Pru­dent perswade for the most part to avoid the excess, as of more difficulty to be shaken off: and indeed it would be more facile to bring an abstemious person to a moderate use of Wine for his health sake, than to dis­swade a drunkard from his tipple though his health, nay life lay at stake; and of this opinion is Cicero in I▪ de Orat Suus cuique mo­dus est, inquit, tamen magis offen­dit nimium, quam parum. There is a measure to be had in every thing, saith he, yet excess is the greater offender of the two: and where we find one volun­tarily starving himself, we shall meet with thousands destroyed [Page 155] by surfetting.

Secondly, Let us strive to a­void that extreme which we are most enclined to by our natu­ral Temper; as if we are cove­tously enclind, let us endea­vour rather to be a little too profuse, and so by degrees we may become liberal. [...]. This Aristotle illustrates by an apt simile of streightning a stick: for he that will make a stick streight must do it by bending it to the contrary side.

Thirdly, we must in every action be very suspicious of that which seems to entice with the alluring bait of pleasure, and this Aristotle confirms by an ar­gument drawn from the perni­cious [Page 156] effect of pleasure. And thus Cicero in Catone. Impedit consilium volupt as rationi inimica et mentis oculos perstringit. Plea­sure, saith he, that foe to reason, lays a bar in judgements way, and dazzles the eye of the un­derstanding: And again in 2. lib. offic. Voluptates blandissimae dominae saepe majores partes ani­mae à virtute detorquent; Those flattering Mistresses, Pleasures, do often enveagle and draw the nobler parts of the soul from the practise of vertue, and Se­neca in Epist. 28. Quis Hostis in quenquam ita contumeliosus fuit, quam in quosdam voluptates suae? No professed enemy hath been so injurious and spitefull, hath wrought a man so much dis­grace, as their own pleasures, [Page 157] their bosom delights have done too many, one Dalilah hath been more powerful to capti­vate a Sampson, than all the Lords, than all the thousands among the Philistimes.

And as a help we shall adde this, That proposing the most sublime, and heroical Patterns of vertue for our imitation, we shall the less square our actions by the crooked and deceitful rule of Pleasure.

He that shall make Cicero his example shall never become a Cataline: nor shall the admirer of a studious and contempla­tive Athenian, of a couragious and active Lacaedemonian, incur the infamy and effeminacie of a delicate Sybarite, or a dissol­ved Persian: thus when the glo­ry [Page 158] of Miltiades once disturbed the sleep of Themistocles, when his victory at Marathon had made a conquest also over the others debauchery at Athens; you see how soon he broke those silken cords of pleasure, wherein he was noos'd, and the sense of honour having set an edge upon his affections, he soon cut that Gordion knot, whereby he became first victorious over himself, and after over Asia; I mean the numerous Persian with the strength of Asia then inva­ding Greece, and of a dissolute young man, became the most fa­mous Captain in his time Greece could boast of; of such efficacy is a noble example. Whereas on the contrary, as Cicero in Lae­lio, Nihilaltum, nihil magni­ficum, [Page 159] nihil divinum suscipere possunt, qui suas cogitationes ab­jecerunt in rem humilem et abject­am. The latter phrase is very emphatical; he that trifles away his thoughts in a low, and ab­ject contemplation, shall never come to be fit for any high, a­ny noble, any heroick under­taking. Thus the muck worm that pores upon the ground continually will never arrive to the liberal science of Astro­nomy; and we cannot but sup­pose that he shall shoot neerer Heaven who takes his aim at a star, than he that levels at a Gloworm.

The efficient cause of vertue is custome; which is the genuine Parent of an habit; thus when we see a man wallow in vice, we [Page 160] say he is habituated to it, yet have there been some who have endeavoured to alter this Pede­gree, aud to engraft this excel­lent Cien on another stock.

Gallen a Physician, would bring it under his cure, and place it within the verge of his art, and could he do it, it would be no smal addition to his calling, both in respect of honour, and profit; which would abound in admirers, and never want patients: how ne­cessary would the Physician be to the Body Politick as well as na­tural, could he rectify and purge the manners, as well as the humours, and not only help men to live, but to live well? O the sacred power of that Physick, which could purge [Page 161] out vice, and be a cordiall to vertue! thou hast a fragrancy beyond the ointment of the A­pothecary; whose shop alas can­not be the cradle of vertue, nei­ther can all his compounds compose the affections, all his distillations instill vertue, all his essences and spirits quicken that noble heat in the soul, it is beyond the power of Chymistry to extract this habit, or to re­solve corrupted nature into its first principle of purity. Shew me that Doctor that can by his Physiek make the cholerike man meek, the Coward, valiant, or the corrupt, Just; and let him enjoy the deity of Aescula­pius, and his ruined Shrines be repaired for his service. I confess they can make the Miser open [Page 162] his fist, and scatter his Angells, when he is terrifyed with the dreadful apparition of death. This wretch, contrary to all o­thers, who hold fastest when in danger of drowning, unclut­ching his gripe when he is sink­ing into the grave, and part­ing with his Mammon, his be­loved Deity so long adored by him, when the Devil appears ready to ceize him. But this is but like the Cowards winking and laying about him when there is no remedy but fight or dy, like Damaetas in the noble and ingenuous Sydney, who when the Sea would let him run no further, turnd, & had the hap to have his adversary cry quarter first; and the one is as far from being liberal, as the other valiant.

[Page 163] Thus it seems, making for his profession, Gallen attempts to cry up his own Diana, and on Nature beget a Sire for ver­tue, for he will have it spring from a Temperament of the Body; but though this may encline, yet doth it not necessarily draw men to vertue.

1. For we often see manners changed, the temperament re­maining the same, as in the ex­ample of Themistocles; and the temper changed, the manners continuing, for in the life of Marius we read, that though he was both old, gross, and cor­pulent, yet did he daily in pub­lick exercise himself in arms a­mong the young men, endeavo­ring to make his body active and nimble whether nature [Page 164] would or no: yea so fiery and young was his ambition that the chill froast of age which had made his head hoary could not nip it, and such a thirst after honour burned within him, that six Consulships adorn'd with the most-splendid tryumphs could not quench it, but his as­piring soul would have drawn his unweldie body craz'd with age, and loaden with honour, after it into Pontus, whether he eagerly sought to be sent Commander in chief against Mithridates; yea upon his death bed when he was light headed, fancying he was warring against Mithridates, he would often use such postures, and motions of the body, as became a Gene­ral, backed with a loud, and [Page 165] military clamour: Alas poor man! as if one sprig of Laurel could have given thee content, which in a whole Grove thou couldst not find, though springing from thine own con­quests.

2. Again the temper is not in our power, manners are, for if they were not, to what pur­pose would deliberation, coun­sel, exhortation, praise, re­proof, laws, rewards, punish­ments be? it is evident then that the Temperament is not the proximate and chief cause of vertue.

Secondly, And as Gallen, so the Stoicks make Nature the cause of vertue, which they hold born with man, but vice con­trary to Nature and acquired by [Page 166] evil custom. So that they them­selves will have custome the cause of the acquired habit of vice, which grants our Tenent, for having proved vertue to be a habit acquired, not an innate fa­culty, it must be the product of custome. Besides, whatever is natural is immoveable, but man­ners are mutable, as in the be­fore recited example of Themi­stocles, and how often have our eyes seen young men of ve­ry promising beginnings de­bauched by evil company, to fall from that bright Orb of ver­tue, in which had they been placed by nature they would have been fixed stars?

Thirdly, Some there are that ascribe vertues original to education, and breeding, and in­deed [Page 167] this is very much condu­cing to beget the first acts of vertue, and to put youth in the right road to come to it, but it is not of force to creat the ha­bit: for how many do we be­hold excellently initiated in this sacred mystery by a good Tutorage, which when they come to have the reigns layd in their necks, gallop down hill, and break the neck of all those goodly expectations? for the best instilled precepts though they may sometimes check, yet are they not of force to stop the carreer of the headstrong affections, and ma­ny are there, who can give good counsel to others, which they cannot or will not follow them­selves. But let me not be mis­understood, [Page 168] for though we do not allow education to be the proximate and adaequate, yet shall we not deny it to be a re­mote cause, which by entering men in vertues path, which gon on in will bring to the habit, may be said to lay the founda­tion to this glorious Fabrick. And thus though we cannot in justice conferre the Crown as to have reached the Goal, yet let it carry the prize for the first start; though we must deny it the tryumph due to an absolute vi­ctory, yet shall we put the mu­rall Crown on its head, for ha­ving first mounted the Wall, and first erected vertues Ensign upon the Battlements. Let it then not be neglected, but of all re­ceive its due esteem, as the most [Page 169] excellent Trayner up of youth, the most noble File-leader, who well followed conducts to vi­ctory, that happy victory which will render us invincible, place us above the reach of any enemy, carry us out of Fortunes gun-shot.

Now the rest enjoying what is their own, let us give Custom its due, which is to be the effi­cient cause of vertue, enabling men by an often repetition of such or such a vertuous acti­on, to a ready and unperturb­ed performing it upon occasion; for to descend a little in a simile, how come your Artificers to be­come excellent, unless by often practice, or your Souldier to be expert, but by exercise? and it is a maxim amongst military men, that a man never so well [Page 170] versed in speculation, who hath all the arts and stratagems of the most renowned Captains at his fingers ends, yet at the first skirmish will be to seek; and can we think the repugnancies within are less disturbing than enemies without, and require not a mind as well experienced to resist and quell them? To sum up all the Etymon of the word [...] Moral, [...], derived from the word which signifieth custome, may confirm us that it hath its original from the thing from whose name it derives its denomination. For it would be no more a Soloecism in speech to call the Son of Van Trump an English man, than that moral or customary vertue, which is sprung from the loins of Tempe­rament, [Page 171] Nature or Education.

But now to prescribe a set number, to tell how many acts go to the making up an habit, is impossible; for 1. fewer or more are requisite, accordingly as the mind is less or more enclin'd to vertue. 2. Some acts are more powerful, others less valid. 3. Attention makes large amends for number, whose worth, by way of exchange, may viewith hundreds, and, when put in the scale, far outweigh them. Nei­ther let any of us fear to overdo, to act vertuously too often.

The external causes of vertue are the examples of others, as in the before-named example of Miltiades and Themistocles; and rewards and punishments, as we shall shew more fully in their [Page 172] proper-place.

The end of vertue, is bonum civile, the common good, the general interest of mankind, and this must needs be lovely in all our eyes, [...], saith the Philosopher, it is honourable to do good to one, to a nation heroical; it is neer of kin to divinity for a man to be able to contribute towards the welfare of his whole species: and Magistrates, men in publick place, of whom it is spoken, I have said ye are Gods, are placed by God for the common good; those that are set to rule, like the Sun should be full of light, and heat, visible in example, and pow­erful influence.

THe external object, as it re­lates to the Persons to­wards whom vertue bends its eie, delivers it Janus-like, looking forward by Piety upon God, backward by Probity upon man, providing a well-being both for Soul and body, and directing us for the benefit of our selves and others.

Of the first, Piety, we have a­ready spoken, the other, Probi­ty, is therefore that which re­mains for the subject of our per­sent discourse, and this meets [Page 174] us well accompanyed, noblie followed, as having all those vertues in her train, which are necessary to enable us in perfor­ming our duties as we stand in all relations. For its denomina­tion, we find it termed by the Greeks [...], and by the Latines Honestas, from honos honour; so ingenuously provi­dent were the Antients that it might not be so much as menti­oned without its due, honour. And indeed it is the very ab­stract of the other vertues; it is the ci [...]cle from whence those no­ble lines are drawn, and the center in which they meet; it is the salt that seasons them, and the soul that informs them, that bestowes their glorious being. Without this, Prudence would be [Page 175] but cunning. Justice, in execu­tion, but a more specious and re­served kind of revenge; in distri­bution, but a keeping of credit to maintain our trade; in reward­ing, but a bribery to gain affecti­on, and encrease our dependan­cies. Fortitude, but a brutish audacity, and daring rashness to render our selves terrible, and gain Domination. Temperance, but a kind of senslesnes and stu­pidity, a Stoical piece of tyranny over our bodies.

Hence grew its esteem among the Moralists, which generally make the other vertues spring from the pregnant womb of Probitie; and hence came it to be honored among the Romans, which they beheld blessed with so glorious and numerous a pro­geny, [Page 176] attended by so beautifull a company of Daughters.

This was it set Numa on the Throne, and made them with one consent call him from a pri­vate Country life to govern Rome, passing by the most noble among both Romans and Sa­bines. It was this fetched Ser­ranus from the Plough, and a­dorned him with the absolute & uncontrollable power of Dicta­tor. This encouraged them to elect Cato to be Censor, and pass by the noblest Competitors, when instead of courting the people, he seemed to threaten them, proclaming, that by choosing him and Valerius Flac­cus, whom they also made his Collegue, the City might be pur­ged of its new corruptions, and [Page 177] antient probity of manners re­stored. This made Fabritius, when the Physician sent him word, that if he pleased he would poison Pyrrhus, return the Letter to Pyrrhus with this exprobration, That he was most unfortunate in his choice of friends, as well as enemies; which when Pyrrhus had recei­ved, and hanging his Physician, returned the Roman Captives without ransom, Fabritius sent as many captives of his with this admonition, that he disco­vered the Treason not for any fa­vour or respect he bore to him, but to let him know that the Romans abhorred by treachery to destroy their enemies. Pyrrhus had then invaded Italy, had o­verthrown the Consul Laevinus, [Page 178] and was grown numerous by the revolt of many of the peo­ple of Italy who lackied to his Fortune; his Physician unsought to, even of his own accord, of­fers to rid them of this danger, yet so great was their love to honesty, they chose to undergo any hazard, rather than to con­nive at a dishonest act, or in the least to bear with it though in a Stranger.

Behold O Matchivilian, this is that which truly establishes a State, when thy unworthy po­licies, though they may be pro­sperous for a while, are never long-lived, and thy rotten props will in the close fail thee, and bury thee in the ruins of that thou buildest upon them. Produce me an example, where [Page 179] although Prosperity might lead the Van, reproach and ruine did not bring up the Rear? where thy villanies flourishing for a day, were not frost-nipt at night? where though they might bud in the morning, and blow at noon, they were not blasted in the evening, and their purple changed into sa­bles, their rosie-tinctured man­tles into nights black livery, double dy'd in Infamy and Hor­ror? whereas vertuous Honesty renders States and Persons stable like it self, whose glorious edi­fices in the roughest and most boysterous storms stand unsha­ken like their foundation: yea and alwaies cloathes them with the tryumphant roabs of suc­cess, who in its armour of proof [Page 180] have combated their Foes. This was it set Rome aloft in spight of all opposition, and raised her on her feet, when ready to be trampled on by her fiercest foes. This was it upheld her courage in the midst of the greatest losses, and made her enemies tremble in the height of their victories, as accounting her invincible in her vertue, which would make all force stoop and vaile bonnet in the end. Thus may we see Pyrrhus even reeking with a bloody victory, dispatch away his Ambassadour, and stretch out his victorious arms to implore a peace, whilest the beaten Roman disdains to treat, and can hardly be brought to give any terms to the Conqueror▪ rejecting his profered Friend­ship, [Page 181] as much as his Gold and bribes. For his Ambassadour could not fasten the least gift on any private person, nor obtain any other answer from the Se­nate, than a command to leave Italy, and that the Consul was comming, and in the head of the Roman Legions should deli­ver their Terms. This made Fabritius contemn his profered Gold, deride his stratagem of the Elephant, which was sud­denly brought upon him to try if they could terrifie him; re­fuse his profer of being next the King▪ if he would continue with him; and return this brief answer, I am no more moved at your Beast, than I was with your Gold, and for me to live with thee would be perillous, [Page 182] O King, for should thy Subjects once come to know me, they would choose rather to serve me than thee; account Fabriti­us more worthy of the Throne, than Pyrrhus. This was it car­ried Cato the elder through the greatest oppositions of the Ro­man Nobility, and set him a­bove the reach of their envy and malice: this gave him the Suffrages from all his Competitors, the antient and noblest Roman bloud backt with all its factions and dependancies being unable to stand in competition with a Plebeian Probitie, or the whole Patrician Order to put stop to his being chosen Censor, yea and whom he pleased to be joined with him. This was it, not affection or money, yea that in [Page 183] despight of Favour and Bribery brought him off in all his accu­sations; so that he never was once condemned though fifty times impeached, but in every action had the day; yea this gave him the confidence to de­mand his greatest adversary to be Judge at his last tryal, who also gave sentence for him. So potent is Honesty, that Malice it self cannot but yield, and ei­ther openly acknowledge, or tacitly confess, that her roughest and best-edg'd files can't touch it. Who would not then im­brace this so potent, and excel­len vertue? which even wrests Encomiums out of the mouths of enemies: which could make Pyrrhus with admiration cry out, That it was easier to turn the [Page 184] Sun from its course, than Fabri­tius from his integrity. And his Ambassadour Cyneas return this answer, when askt what he though of Rome. That it was a City of Kings, and a Senate of Gods; Every private person vertuously commanding his af­fections, and the Magistrates divinely influential for the pub­like honor and safety.

And now comming to handle the particular vertues, we shall follow Cicero l. 1. offic. in his di­vision of them into Prudence, Ju­stice, Portitude, and Tempe­rance, under which all necessary honest actions may be reduced; and these are commonly called the Cardinal vertues. Prudence that directs our reason, the other govern our appetites, as Forti­tude [Page 185] and Temperance in adverse and prosperous affairs concern­ing our selves, Justice in that which pertains to others.

THis vertue is called by the Greeks [...], from the mind, whose chief ornament it is: By the Latines Prudentia, quasi providentia à pro­videndo, it foreseeing what is to be avoided, what to be cho­sen, as most apposit for the wel­being of our selves and others, it being also its special employ­ment to provide for the future, and we are only to look upon it [Page 186] in its politick capacity, as it is reduced under Moral Philosophy: for though it may be account­ed an intellectual vertue in regard of its subject and efficient cause, as having its dependancy on the understanding and judgement: yet in respect of its object and end it becomes also moral, as which leads not only to contemplative but practical felicity, and be­holds civil good as its most love­ly object.

And indeed prudence is [...] the Master Workman, the principal Agent in the raising and composing of the noble frame of vertue, [...]: For as this directs, so do the vertues, and vertuous men act: This draws the lines of Election, [Page 187] in whose rectitude the main force of vertue lies; this squares and contrives by deliberation, making the timbers fit, and the whole structure decent and use­full: yea so necessary an ingre­dient is it in morality, that Ari­stotle and with him all the Mo­ralists have concluded,

First, That a man cannot be vertuous, unless he be prudent; [...]: For vertue is not only an habit consonant to, but joined with right reason.

Secondly, That a man can­not be prudent, unless he be vertuous: for he must have a right end in all his actions, which is inconsistent with croo­ked manners. Qualis vita, finis [Page 188] ita, may be well enough apply'd here; besides, vice perverts the judgement, [...], and like a chea­ting Trades-man shews colors by a false light. It is therefore af­firmed on all hands, [...], That by prudence and vertue, every work is made absolute, Vertue setting up a right end, and prudence making choice of apt means to bring us to that end.

Prudence thus comming within our verge, let us inquire what it is: And first we find Cicero in l. [...]. de invent. thus tel­ling us, That Prudence is an exact knowledge of what is both good and evill, Prudentia est rerum bonarum, malarum, [Page 189] utrarumque peritia. And Lipsi­us makes it, notitia rerum even­tuumque, et judicium in iis rectum, An ability in knowing, and judging a right of things and e­vents. Aristotle defines it, l. 6. eth. c. 5. [...], An habit conjoined with right reason, conversant and opera­tive in those things which bring good or evil unto man.

And now having viewed its essence, let us a little consider its operation, and we find its em­ployment to consist in a solid deliberation of those things which are good and profitable, not particularly onely to health & strength, but which generally conduce to a vertuous and hap­py life, lib. 6. ethic. e. 5. and this [Page 190] not by deliberating of the ge­neral precepts, and lawes of living, which are certainly de­fined, but by consulting how to square each single act by the streight rule of vertue; for in the variety of circumstances up­on which the rectitude or pra­vity of action depends consists the obscurity, and in this consul­tation is solely requisite: And now counsel being taken, pru­dence decrees that good is to be chosen before evil, the greater good before the lesser, and the lesser evil before the greater; yet this onely in malo tristi, non tur­pi; for the prudent man alwaies shuns the least baseness; there­fore the Philosopher tells us that there are some things which are to be abhorr'd above [Page 191] torments, or death it self; thus Pericles being intreated by a friend to give a false testimony, returned this answer, [...], I'm only to help my friends in such things as offend not the Gods; and the French History affords a memorable example of this in the Prince of Conde, who being trecherously surprised by Charles the 9th. and word sent him that he must choose either to go to Mass, to dy, or to be perpetually imprisoned, nobly answered, For the first, by Gods assistance, I will never do it, for the other two let the King do as he please, yet I doubt not but God by his Fatherly providence will turn all to the best: He refuses the crime, neither would be choose [Page 192] the punishment, lest he might seem to disavow his own inno­cency: Whereas David, con­vinced of his guilt in numbering the people, by choosing the Pe­stilence, before Sword or Fa­mine, as a more mild and fa­therly punishment, acted the part of a prudent man, 2 Sam. 24.

THe chief causes of Prudence may be reduced under three heads, Nature, Vse, Learning.

[Page 193] First, there must be some foundation in nature, some ground whereon to build, ex quovis ligno non fit Mercurius, every block will not make a Mercury, it is in vain to wash an Aethiopian, and though a fool be brayed in a Morter he will never become wise: there­fore the Moralists generally hold these three things requisite to the acquiring of Prudence, [...], a cleer judge­ment, a quick Apprehension, and a strong Memory; The two first being necessary to a right judging, and readily ap­plying apt means for gaining our end. Thus Thucydides in lib. 1. gives us an eminent ex­ample in the person of Themisto­cles, who without long warn­ing [Page 194] or tedious consultation, by the very acuteness of his under­standing gave the best counsel: in future things he could exact­ly conjecture what would hap­pen; in present affairs he was quick of dispatch; he was most dexterous at discovery in un­known, and in obscure things above all men could foresee what might be for the better, and what for the worse: to sum up all, what by the strength of nature, and help of deliberation, he became so exact, as he sel­dome or never missed his mark. And Livie in 4. dec. lib. 9. shews another in Cato Major, In hoc viro tanta vis animi, ingeniique fuit, ut quocunque loco natus esset, fortunam sibi ipse facturus fuisse videretur: nulla ars neque priva­tae, [Page 195] neque publicae rei gerendae ei defuit, urbanas, rusticasque res pariter callebat: ad summos hono­res alios Scientia juris, alios elo­quentia, alios gloria militaris provexit; huic versatile ingenium sic pariter ad omnia fuit, ut natum ad id unum diceres, quodcunque ageret. The last which is Me­morie furnishes us with exam­ples and presidents by which we are taught both by other mens losses or advantages, what course, and how we should steer in all our affairs. Thus the Philosopher in his little book of the Vertues stiles Memory the cause, and that known verse, usus me genuit, mater pepe­rit memoria, makes Vse the Fa­ther, and Memory the Mother of Prudence. Demosthenes saith [Page 196] it is required in a prudent man to remember what is past, to dispatch and mind whats pre­sent, and to provide for what may happen. And Isocrates gives this rule, That when we deliberate, we ought to consi­der of past examples, for by calling to mind things that are gone, we shall be better ena­bled to make provision for things that are to come. We shall sum up this with that of Strada in his prolus. academ. Qui memoria prae aliis valet, glorietur tanquam excellenti vitae bono, tan­quam thesauro, et penu discipli­narum, germana literaturae, musa­rum Parente, altrice sapientiae, in­signi demum argumento divinita­tis; as was observably eminent in those prudent men Homer, [Page 197] Aristotle, Seneca, and especially Julius Caesar, who is reported never to have forgotten any thing, but an injury.

The second help is use or expe­rience, which furnish us with an insight in single actions, which are most necessary the prudent mans knowledge; na­tural abilities, and learning do often make men opiniative, and to presume themselves knowing and wise: but it is experience that brings solidity. The greatest Clerks are not al­waies the wisest men; Therfore Theognis concludes [...], O­pinion to be of evil conse­quence, but use of the best con­cernment; to which Lipsius as­sents, especially in those that are [Page 198] are to sit at the helm in a State: indeed this is it which in every art makes a man his Crafts-Ma­ster; and there is both a civill and Military art requisite to the well-governing of a State: therefore your experienced Soldier is chosen to command, and men most versed in State affairs held fittest for counsel, and government. Suppose we were to perform a far voyage, or to enter an unknown and dangerous harbour, would we not choose him for a Pilot who had oftenest steered it, who was best acquainted with the passage? truly let us consider and we shall find a Common-Wealth may properly enough be likened to a Ship, and the mannagement of affairs to [Page 199] steerage; thus Horace Ode 14. O navis, referent in mare te novi fluctus: And the ingenuous and learned Johnson in his Cati­line brings Cato thus speaking to the then chosen Consul Ci­cero.

Thus the prudent man must not onely be well acquainted with his own strengths, the ability of the means he hath chosen as fit to bring him to his proposed end, but with the vigor and force of whatsoever is likely to oppose him: He must provide for open assaults, and countermine against under­hand practices, for should he depend onely upon his own power, he will be at loss upon every opposition; he will bowl short of his Mark, unless he allow for rubs, which may be [Page 201] in the way. And hence it is that the Moralists generally ex­clude young men as incapable of Prudence, who by the natu­ral heat and vigor of youth are too fiery, apt to presume and run headlong into action with­out any deliberation; whereas grave men, through use, and ex­perience are made wary and provident; They will look before they leap, consider whe­ther they shall be able to carry on such or such a design, mau­gre all opposition, before they imbark themselves in it: there­fore Homer being to present a prudent Counseller under the person of Nestor, makes him 300 years of age; a man of the greatest experience, who had waded through the employ­ments [Page 202] of three ages.

The third help is Learning; for there being so great a vari­ety, such nooks, and corners in action, that light is necessa­ry on all sides to further us in our search, it will be need full for us that would be prudent to fly to Learning for aid, which can afford us noble and copious assistance.

As first History, which is as it were another use, but of a more vigorous capacity. Man clog'd with matter can move but slowly, and by his birth and outward concernments is commonly circumscribed with­in some narrow nook or angle of the World, where he is con­strain'd to spend that shorttime of life which nature allowes: so [Page 203] that let him employ his utmost diligence in observation, and most strictly take notes, his knowledge can arrive but to the half of one ages experience, and that too but of a few Nations actions; whereas History layes before us all mankind in all ages acting in whatever as yet hath happened, and providing for▪ and against whatever could fall under humane consideration, so that we shall not meet with any affair which may not be paralleld, and which we may not find mannaged by others, even to our hands, in the large Volume of History. This is that which can make a young man prudent, and exalt his ex­perience above the oldest he that shall stand on tip to upon [Page 204] his own observation: this is that upon whose Shoulders a Dwarf in years setting his feet, shall see further than a Nestor, than the tallest Gyant standing on the ground of his own expe­rience. This is that, which not only enriches the memory with variety and plenty of actions and examples, but also enobles the mind with excellent and choise precepts, with good and wholsome admonitions; for wise and prudent men generally being the Penmen to History, have flourished her about, and embroidered the edges of her Garments with rich and preci­ous maxims, costly and curious observations of their own. We will conclude Histories chara­cter with Heinsius, Est certissi­ma [Page 205] divinae erga Homines benigni­tatis obses, veritatis mater, vitae norma, actionum propagatrix ve­ra, Prudentiae (ut quidam apud Graecos loquitur) metropolis. Haec aetatem nostram cum aetate aequat universi; haec imaginem, non cor­poris, sed vitae, sed consiliorum, sed animi ad posteros transfundit, et expressam non in aere, aut ferro, non picturae beneficio aut plasticae, immortali rerum ac verborum co­pia delineatam omnibus spectan­dam exhibet.

And it is reported of Lucius Lucullus, who conquered two great Kings, Mithridates and Ti­granes, that by History he was trayned up to that skill in Mar­tial affairs, which rendred him both an able and victorious General, one who with 12000 [Page 206] foot, and 3000 horse, besieged the great City Tigranocerta, and beat Tigranes comming to re­lieve it with 20000 darts and slings, 150000 foot, and 55000 horse, 17000 of which were ar­med cappa [...]pe.

Secondly, As History, so Phi­losophy, as first Moral, confers much help in attaining of Pru­dence.

As 1. in teaching those pecu­liar rules of life, and Canons, according to which the prudent man governs his counsels▪ and actions; besides, it is generally held that a man cannot be pru­dent unless he be vertuous, now the readiest way to become so is to know what vertue is, and wherein it consists, which Moral Philosophy teaches, together [Page 207] with the means to attain it. To sum up all, prudence it self, with all its precepts, and rules, is here handled; whether then should we go for water but to the Fountain, where it is most pleasant, Dulcius ex ipso fonte bibuntur aquae, most abundant, and most easie to come by?

Secondly, Speculative Philo­sophy is a great help; this con­fers Sapience, a dear friend, and support to Prudence, upon whose precepts Prudence builds, and laies the foundation of its rules; as for example, upon the do­ctrine of the rational soul, the doctrine of the will, and of the affections: neither can any man be prudent, unless he be able to discern those various circum­stances of persons, places, and [Page 208] times, all which are distinctly handled in Speculative Philoso­phy. Thus Aristotle affirms Sa­pience to be marvellously profi­table for the solid understand­ing of humane felicity, (which is the end prudence proposes) both because the operations of the will have their dependency upon the operations of the un­derstanding, for we will after the same rate as we understand; as also because many arguments may be drawn from Speculative Philosophy which may much conduce to the exercise of ver­tue; as an insight into the tem­per of our bodies may perswade us to Temperance. And Lipsius commends both Moral and Spe­culative Philosophy; Duae istae par­tes formant hominis animum, vel [Page 209] ad virtutis amorem, & pretium, vel ad notitiam Caelestium, & Ter­restrium, è quibus magnitudo a­nimi oritur, & simul modestia, collatione utrorumque, because both of them create in the mind of man as well a love and esteem of vertue, as a knowledge of the nature of Caelestial and earthly things, from which springs magnanimity, and mo­desty too by comparing each with other. To sum up all with that known saying of Divine Plato, Then Commonwealths shall become happy, when Phi­losophers are made Magistrates, or Magistrates addict themselves to the study of Philosophy.

Thirdly, Philology, a skill in Languages is of much impor­tance to a prudent man, by which [Page 210] he is made able not onely to converse with, but to dive into the actions of Foreiners; indeed all commerce, all correspon­dences, all leagues are behold­ing to this, without which na­tion could not discourse with nation but by signs, by mop­ping and mowing as Monkies do: and it would be as possible for us to understand the Cats waw­ling in our gutters, as an Am­bassadour, or Merchant which could not speak English.

Lastly, Both Geometry, and Geography are of no small use to advance Prudence; and Aristo­tle is bold to affirm it impossible for a young man to be prudent without skill in the Mathema­tikes, 6. Eth. 8. c.

But to these three, to wit, [Page 211] Natural parts, Vse, Learning, we may adde as instrumental causes both a careful observati­on of examples, and also Tra­vail; thus we shall find Demost­henes affirming [...]: and Terence, Hoc vero est sapere, in aliorum vitam tanquam in speculum intueri, et ex illis exemplum capere tibi quod ex usu siet. The wise man dresses himself in the glass of other mens actions, in which he may discover what is comely and fit for him: and Homer gives tra­vail for a chief cause of prudence in his Vlysses, [...]. And now I shall sum up all with a few ex­amples, which are held by many more prevalent in perswasion [Page 212] than advice or instruction. And first, Solon the Athenian Law-ma­ker was not onely endowed with parts, exercised in affairs, improved by travail, but ex­cellently learned, as many of his writings testify; yea so desirous was he of knowledge, that up­on his death-bed being visited by some friends, he lifted up his head, and listned to their discourse, and when asked for what end he was so attentive, returned this answer, that know­ing this, I may dy more learned. Thus Epimanondas, the glory of Thebes, is reported by Thucydi­des to have studied much, but [...], without effemina­cy. Thus Philip, thus Alex­ander, thus Philopomen, Cato the younger, Julius and Augustus [Page 213] Caesar were learned, the latter of which discharged a Consular Legat, as rude, unlearned, and unfit for imployment, because he had writen ixi for ipsi. Thus Marcus Antonius the good Em­peror was called the Philosopher, and that famous Lady Isabella of Spain, and the incomparable Elizabeth of England were stu­dious and learned.

THis victorious and fortu­nate Common-wealth was so sensible of the necessity of this vertue to the wel-being of a State, that they took the [Page 214] greatest care to provide that able and prudent persons should only be admitted to the man­nagement of affairs: as for ex­ample, they had their Lex anna­lis, the Law that provided, that none should bear office be­fore such and such an age, be­cause they would not have un­experienced, rash and impru­dent young men trusted at the helm of State. Thus Latinus Pacatus in Laudat. Theodosii. An­norum, inquit, ita cura fuit ma­joribus, ut non solum in amplissi­mis Magistratibus adipiscendis, sed in Praeturis quo (que) aut Aedilita­tibus capessendis aetas sit spectanda petitorum; neque quisquam tantum valuerit nobilitate, vel gratia, qui annos comitiali lege praescriptos, festinatis honoribus occuparit. [Page 215] Thus Cicero Philip. 5. Legibus an­nalibus cum grandiorem aetatem ad Consulatam constituebant, te­meritatem adolescentiae vereban­tur.

Thus Ovid 5. Fast.

—Finitaque certis Legibus est aetas, unde petatur honos.

And we find that those that set the fewest will have 25 years of age the time wherin the first of­fice to wit of Quaestor could be born; for that of Aedilis, and Tri­bune 27 or 28. for Praetor 35. for Consul 42, or 43. as Cicero plainly tells us in Phil. 5. Quid Alexander Macedo, qui cum ab ineunte aetate res maximas gerère caepisset, tri­gesimo tertio anno mortem obiit? quae aetas nostris legibus decem an­nis minor quam Consularis. And [Page 216] though this Law might now and then be dispensed with in some extraordinary danger, and for some more than ordinary worth and vertue in some single person, as Scipio Africanus, Sci­pio Aemilianus, and Pompeius Mag­nus: as there can be no general rule but may admit of some exception, especially where the reason of the Law pleads against the Letter, which taken strictly would deprive the State of the service of such eminent Citizens when her dangers would admit of no delay: yet for the general it was inviolably observed until the unruly and tyrannous Monarchs turned this topsie turvy, together with all other their most sacred Laws and Liberties. Thus also we shall [Page 217] find Lycurgus that wise Lawgi­ver among the Spartans, (who so long as they observed his rules were the most eminent State among the Greeks) would admit none into the Senate, unless he were sixty years of age.

But we shall conclude this with some few examples which may convince us throughly of the benefit of Prudence. Cato the elder being Consul, had Spain alotted for his Province, which was then near to a total revolt; coming thither the Celtiberians, a warlike and populous nation, offered to aid him for 2000 talents; this proposition was generally disliked by the Romans, as a thing unworthy the Roman magnaminity, by [Page 218] money to buy aid or friendship, until the Consul convinc'd them how small a thing the Celtiberi­ans demanded, without whose aid there was no hopes of victo­ry; For should we overcome by their assistance, we will pay them out of the enemies spoils, said he, but should we and they be beaten, neither will they be alive to de­mand, nor shall we be left to pay. Scipio Africanus, being about to invade Afrike, and carry the war to the gates of Carthage, prudently seeing that a State which warred by Mercinaries, would be weakest at home, selected 300 able and resolute young men out of the Roman Legions, whom he kept about him, none knowing to what end, and being arrived in Si­cily, [Page 219] he commanded 300 of the noblest and wealthiest Sicilian young Gentlemen to appear such a day with their horse and arms. The time being come, he de­manded whether they were willing to go with him, or no? for he had rather they should now tell the truth, than after­wards be unprofitable, and un­active, as such would be. Wher­upon one of them answered, that if he were put to his choice he should rather stay at home; Scipio commending him for his ingenuity, and calling one of the 300 hundred Roman young men, this youth, saith he, shall serve in your stead upon condi­tion you will furnish him with horse and arms, and take him home, and exercise and teach [Page 220] him; which he joyfully con­senting to, all the rest presently desired a dismission upon the same terms: Thus raised he a gallant Troop, which did him great service, without charge to the Common-wealth, whose treasury was emptyed by a long and chargeable war: and obliged the Sicilians and their friends, by dismissing their persons from a dangerous war upon so small and inconsiderable a condition as that seemed to them, who would have given far more had they been put to their own choice. And indeed it is not so much the tax, as the man­ner of laying and levying it, that begets distastes, tumults, insurrections, and revolts. [Page 221] Had Scipio laid this charge of providing horse and arms, &c. upon these Sicilian Gentlemen, without any other circum­stance, what mutterings would there have been? why should we above all others be thus u­sed? and what hatred would it have procured him? whereas doing as he did, first he seem'd to have a great confidence in their worth and valour, to choose them out of the thou­sands of Sicily; then a great re­gard of and civility to their per­sons, by enquiring whether they were willing to serve or no; Lastly a greater respect to their contentment than his own, by so gentle and easie a dismission of them whom he had honoured above others, and [Page 222] who by refusing to engage with him, disappointed his hopes, & made void the great expectati­ons he had of them: and so by this means imposed an obliga­tion upon them, who in ano­ther way would have looked on it as a great discourtesie. And as we find the benefit of Pru­dence in these, so may we see the mischiefs which impro­vident rashness wrought in o­ther examples. As in Coriola­nus, who by his stubborn and harsh carriage brought banish­ment on himself, a miserable war and disgrace upon his Countrey, which at last caused his death. Thus Terentius Varro by rashness and imprudency had almost ruined his Country in that fatal and bloody battail [Page 223] at Cannae. And multitudes of other examples we shall meet with in all Histories, yea and in our own dayly experience and observation.

IT would be a thing of the smallest concernment both to know and choose what is good and to accomodate our actions to the exact circumstances of place, time, and persons, unless we should acknowledge our selves obliged to vertuous acti­ons, and to a total obedience of all her lawes, which is Ju­stices [Page 224] part to teach, whose praise were more proper for a prolix Oration than the narrow limits of our discourse. Aristotle in brief calls it, [...], the best of the vertues, And Plato [...], that neither the mor­ning nor evening Star are so admirable. Cicero in l. 3. offic. Justitia est virtus excellentissima, & splendidissima, omnium vir­tutum regina, ac domina. And Scalig. Exercit. 307. Sect. 3. Justitia est conservatrix conjunctionis hu­manae, quae conjunctio ad beatitu­dinem magna v [...]a est. Indeed it is the use of other vertues to­wards others; [...]. For as the Philosopher, there are ma­ny [Page 225] that can be vertuous for their own concernment, who in other mens will faulter. Therefore as Cicero, Justitia foras spectat, totamque se ad alienas utilitates porrigit▪ atque explicat. Justice will teach them to act vertuously towards others. It is [...], a good to o­thers, and indeed the most beautiful, perfect, and best vertue. For he is the most ver­tuous [...], who is good to others; here lies the point; hic labor hoc opus est, To make profit, pleasure, re­venge, &c. give the way to vertue, to right and equity.

It is called by the Greeks [...], by the Latines Justitia, and it is either general which [Page 226] consists in a vertuous obedienee of all lawes tending to the preserva­tion of humane society, and this is [...] an universall vertue, according to that of the Pro­verb, ‘— [...]’ Or particular, which is a keeping a mean and aequality in all those things in which adversity or pro­sperity hath to do, or wherein for­tune rules; to give the definition of both according to Aristotle, [...], it is an habit apting men to just actions, whereby they are enabled to do, and will just things.

Nowfor to handle this at large, I suppose would be to little purpose, there being none that [Page 227] perceive not that it is the chief duty, as being of general con­cernment, of the Magistrate to look well to the exercise of this vertue: I shall onely therefore hint in some cases which are essentiall to the welbeing of a State.

As first in cases of publick danger, the particular mem­bers of a State are bound in ju­stice to help the publick with their private stocks, thus we shall find in the Roman State▪ Liv. dec. 3. l. 6. They brought in all their Gold, Silver, and coined Brass, reserving only enough for an Ornament of distinction, and for the publick service of their Gods, into the Common treasury, and you shall have a motive, Respublicaincolumis & [Page 228] privatas res facile salvas praestet: publica prodendo tua nequicquam serves.

Secondly, the Magistrate, after the danger is past, is in Justice bound to see these publick debts sati [...]fyed, there being no­thing more to be preserved in­violable than the publick faith: Besides Prudence teaches this, for if the people perceive them negligent in their publick trust, it will make them refractory, and careless in their private du­ties. We shall instance no fur­ther than in trading, a man once breaking his word, will never be trusted upon his bond, and it would be a sad plunge to put a State to get another State to be bound for them, and an im­possibilty to find any private [Page 229] security for such large sums.

The third thing required by Justice is, That the Magistrate ought not in the least to incroach upon the right of particular per­sons, further than the common necessity or good requires: thus in the beforementioned place we shall find, that first the Consuls, then the Senate, then the Roman Knights brought in their Gold, &c. They were examples to the people, not exactors upon them. And to say the truth, the Magistrate is intrusted for the publick good, and it is not in his power to do a private in­jury, they are Gods Substitutes, whose glorious attribute it is, That he cannot do injustice and the Peoples Trustees, to rule for their good: now grant that [Page 230] they may extrajudicially take away one mans right, and it will follow that they may take away any mans, and all mens.

The fourth thing is, Invio­lably to observe all Leagues, Trea­ties, and Publick promises with Foreiners: This will make them be believ'd, lov'd, and hono­red abroad. Thus we shall see that the Romans in defence of, and revenge for their Allyes of Saguntum, undertook that long, bloody, and almost fatal second Punick war; nay and when Hannibal was in the heart of I­taly, yet sent they Armies in­to Spain, and upon the first opportunity restored that City, gathered the scattered Inhabi­tants, bought those that were slaves, and took a sharp revenge [Page 231] upō their borderers, even to the final ruin of the Nation which had been instrumental in their miseries. Thus shall we see them restore the Kingdom of Egypt to Ptolomy their Ally, when driven out by a popular insurrection, nay and preserve it in his sons, whom he by Will left to their protection, in spight of the force and ambition of the great Antiochus. Thus made them ho­nourable, and procured them fast Friends, and so it will any State that practises after their Copy.

The fifth thing is, To have a sacred respect to the Persons of Ambassadours, and Agents; who are indeed the Ministers of peace; and indeed there can be nothing more brutish, and [Page 232] lesse manly, than to affront and violate these Doves which bring Olive branches in their mouthes, whom the Law of Nations gives protection to: thus shall we find the Romans taking no where so sharp a re­venge as upon Corinth, which had abused their Ambassadors: and when they for respect to Ambustius (who being an Am­bassador to the Gauls, had con­trary to the Law of Nations taken arms and fought against them) denyed to deliver him up as the Faeciales their Heralds a arms had counsel'd, in the sack of their City they paid the reward of slighting this sacred Law, and had neer lost all by the unjust endeavoring to preserve one offender from Justice.

[Page 233] The sixth thing is, To en­deavour first by fair means for sa­tisfaction, and if these will not prevail, then to send them a pub­lick Defiance: This the Romans constantly practised, as to in­stance once for all, Liv. d. 4. l. 6. Consul deinde M. Acilius ex S. c. ad collegium Faecialium retulit, ipsine utique regi Antiocho indiceretur bellum? an satis esset ad praesidi­um aliquod ejus nunciare? et num Aetolis quoque separatim indici juberunt bellum? et num prius societas eis et amicitia renun­cianda esset, quam bellum indi­cendum? Faeciales responderunt, jam ante sese, cum de Philippo Consulerentur, decrevisse nihil referre ipsi coram an ad praesidi­um nunciaretur, amicitiam re­nunciatam videri, cum legatis to­ties [Page 234] repetentibus res, nec reddi, nec satisfieri aequum censuissent; Ae­tolos ultro sibi bellum indixisse, cum Demetriadem sociorum urbem per vim occupassent, &c.

The seventh is, Honourably to reward their own Citizens who deserve well. And there can be [...]o greater spur to vertue, nor a better way to propagate and increase it. Thus we shall see what Tryumphs, what Ovati­ons, what Crowns were con­ferred on victorious Generalls, and valiant Souldiers; as he that preserved the life of a Ci­tizen had an Oaken Crown, and he that first gain'd the top of the wall, a Mural one, by the Roman State.

The eight is, Duly and justly to pay those that serve them. And [Page 235] this will render them well-be­loved, and well followed; and though they make use onely of their own Citizens, yet ought these to be well paid who gal­lantly venture their lives; shall they be liberal of their blood, and shall others be niggardly of their purses? besides, they leave their callings, and all other means of providing mainte­nance. Thus was their a constant provision of lands among the Romans for those that had ful­filled their time of warfare, nei­ther shall we ever find a mutiny for want of pay; and our Savi­our tells us, No man goeth to a warfare on his own charge.

The ninth is, To have a tender regard of their Widdowes and Or­phans, who have nobly lost their [Page 236] lives in their Countrey's defence. Shall we enjoy rest, and abun­dance, & see theirs perishing for want by whose valour we have been preserved? besides, it is a great discouragement to others to venture their lives for us, when they shall see such a cala­mity in their deaths ready to cease the dearest pledges of their souls. Thus the Romans pro­vided them portions out of the publick Stock.

The tenth is, To have the like regard of such men and their families, who have liberally layd out their own estates in the publick service, or have been so publickly minded, as that they have not re­garded their private benefit. Thus did the Romans often bury great and noble Captains, who [Page 237] di'd poor, on the public charge, and bestow their Daughters according to their qualities.

The eleventh is, To Crown the Memories of those who had done publick service, with Statues, and tryumphant Arches, which was every where to be seen in that noble and grateful City of Rome. And as these are just, necessary, of good concern­ment for the nourishing of no­ble spirits, and producing brave actions, so on the other side it will be the same.

Twelfly, Severely to punish all incendaries, seditious, trayte­rous, and cowardly persons, and that first to amend such, se­condly to keep the publick au­thority from contempt, third­ly to terrifie others by their ex­amples. [Page 238] Thus Seneca, Ni mia enim licentia adversus malos, cru­delitas est adversus bonos. And Cicero, Quare ita probanda est mansuetudo, ut adhibeatur Rei­publicae causa severitas, sine qua administrari civitas non potest. And indeed obsta principiis, to nip such practices in the bud, is the safest way, which by connivency may grow to such an height as it will be hard to resist: a small spark unregarded may kindle a flame that shall burn a City: and the Romans were so careful in this, that the greatest services, and noblest extraction could not turn the Scale of Justice, as in Manlius Capitolinus, Saturninus, Tiberius and Caius Gracchus, Catiline, Lentulus, Cethegus, &c.

[Page 239] Lastly, To take an exact account of those that shall embeazle or purloin the Publick treasure; tyrannize and oppresse the people under their charge. For connivency in such cases will be of very bad consequence, both in keeping the publick poor and behind-hand, in making Officers Knaves, and wicked, and in undoing, disheartning and enraging the people: therefore we shall find the Romans very strict in this point, often calling to account and condemning, even some very eminent for other deserts, as in Scipio Asiaticus, Marcellus, and those noble Orations of Tully against Verres. And indeed this is the onely means to preserve peace and plenty; for [Page 240] a poor people will be alwaies busling, and an oppressed careless to gather, or play the good husbands, not knowing how long they shall enjoy their own. Therefore Boaetius excellently saies, Annuum bonum, non tam de magnis fructibus, quam de juste regnantibus existimandum, the one will quickly be devoured without the other.

IT followes now therefore, offenders being to be restrain­ed, to shew what that is which must do it, and that is [Page 241] Law, which is the proper me­dicine for a Commonwealth in time of peace, in war there must be a sharper and quicker course taken: and indeed this is so necessary, that as Livy saith, Multitudo coalescere in vuius populi corpus, nulla re, quam legi­bus, potest, There can be no communion, no society with­out Laws; these preserve pro­perty, and encourage industry, whereas should men be left at uncertainties, they would like wild and ravenous Beasts, wan­der, ceasing upon their prey where they met with any weak­er than themselves: but this general assertion is taken for granted on all hands, we shall only therefore endeavor to give our thoughts in some paticu­lars, [Page 242] which seem to concern the Laws of England.

As first that our Generous and knowing Ancestors plainly per­ceiving that there could be no Liberty where there was no Law, were very careful to bring all things to a certainty, so that the very Judges are obliged to take notice of it as well as the peo­ple, and are bound up to observe the Law as much as Plantiff or Defendant: and this, because to set up Arbitrary Courts or Judges were to leave the people to their will, and in a mist to grope after surmizes what such or such persons would determine; and indeed until men were om­niscient, or could prophetically foretel the imaginations of the Rulers or Judges hearts, it were [Page 243] the highest piece of injustice to call men to account for a thing committed against no law, and a thing not to be named to con­demn them. What could a man call his own, unless there were tenures warranted and con­firmed by Law? and to bring a criminal process for a thing no where declared a crime, would be a Tyranny our Monarchs in the worst ages would have blusht at.

But it may be said, What need there so many? these engender but strife and vexation; truly for strife its the effect of peoples perverseness, not the law: and should those actions of Battery, actions upon the case for words, and actions of trespass be taken away, we should quickly see [Page 244] the people make themselves Judges, and by revenging them­selves fall together by the ears: our wise Ancestors being aware of such a mischief thought it better to let them vent their petty animosities in a sute where some small matter of money might be thrown away, and spend their spleen in opening each others purse, than to fall into deadly fewds, wherein kinred on both fides would en­gage, and so print their reven­ges in murder and ruin, as we have heard practised in the Northern parts of this Island, and our forefathers saw, and provided against. For let us assure our selves, to provide no remedy by law against these [Page 245] injuries, which are the main be­ginnings of all quarrels, would not only make mem more ready to provoke, but others as apt to revenge themselves being provoked, and of what con­sequence this will be to the en­dangering the civil peace, good, and quiet of a Nation, I leave to the world to judge.

To conclude, as the Law of England gives rules, and tea­ches men their duties, so is it the most careful and provident for their tryals; it so abhors arbi­trariness (as the enemy of liberty, and father of injustice) that it will not trust the matter of Fact, and of Law in one hand, but sets twelve men of the neigh­bourhood to give their verdict for fact; against whom it al­lowes [Page 246] an attaint, and being found guilty inflicts on them a dreadful punishment; so care­ful is it of the lives and liberties of particular persons, and so provident that Justice should be impartially administred; And now if any by his living in Turky is become enamoured of slavery, let him choose arbi­trary Courts, for my part I desire a rule to teach me what may be an offence, and Iudges who are bound by oath to ob­serve that rule to give sentence, and twelve of the neighbour­hood to enquire of the fact, and against whom their lies an at­taint, and upon eviction a dreadful punishment, before an arbitrary Court, though never so carefully picked, and [Page 247] so I am sure do all understand­ing English men, who any whit prize and value their liber­ties.

Another objection there is against the Iudges, That they are for life; and that such a conti­nuance may make them remiss and sloathful, and that by a continual use they become less reverent of Justice, as a work which dayly use makes tedious and clogging: not omitting that it may create faction and combination, as Livy notes of the Carthaginians, qui unum e­jus ordinis, idem adversos omnes habebat; as lastly that it may be­get corruption by taking away fear of calling to account: and therefore the Romans Decurias Iudicum scribebant, ex honestis­simis, [Page 248] & ex censu (ne paupertas ad culpam impelleret): sed non eas omnes assidue judicare vole bant, duntaxat quotannis certum & necessarium numerum sorte lege­bant, reliquis tunc feriatis. All this we allow in arbitrary Jud­ges, who cannot be too short a time limitted; but where there are lawes according to which they are to judge, there they ought to have experience and knowledge, which must of necessity encrease by practice and continuance. Thus the Romans whilest they were poor and in continual war, there was no great cause of strife, wealth being wanting, and the war employing them and keep­ing them busie, so that they had little leisure for private [Page 249] brawls: but when they began to enjoy peace and plenty, they had their Decemviri, which were of continuance, and still provided by new Lawes to bri­dle new enormities. So that take away law and continuance will be as dangerous, as the loss of liberty and right will be inevitable; for we must hold all at will, and have no rule to call Judges to account by, whose will must be our final determi­nation, and as they think so must the Bell tink.

THis vertue by the Greeks is stiled [...], from a man, because it is peculiar to that sex, and is seldome found in women, and that in regard of the tempera­ment, which must be hot and dry, and in a heart which is well compact, solid, and full of spirit: Therefore Cicero 2. Tuscul. Viri propria maximè est fortitudo, cujus munera duo sunt, nempe mortis & doloris contemp­tio.

We find it defined by the [Page 251] Philosopher, [...], to be a vertue keeping a mean in fear and confidence. And it is divided into publick and private.

Private is a noble and pati­ent undergoing of adversity, as Cicero 4. Tuscul. Fortitudo est sci­entia perferendarum rerum, vel affectio animi in patiendo, et feren­do, summae legi parens sine timore: Et in l. 1. offic. Fortis & constan­tis animi est, non perturbari in rebus asperis, nec tumultuantem dejici de gradu, ut dicitur, sed praesenti animo uti, et nec à consi­lio, nec à ratione discedere; And Horace l. 2. od. 10.

Publick is a fearless under [Page 252] taking, and constant wading through such perils, wherein our deeds and examples may bring benefit to our Countrey, and honour and renown to our selves; and this where, when, and how we ought, as l. 3 eth. c. 7.

By this then we may behold, First▪ that Self murder is no For­titude, for as Curtius saith, Non fortium virorum est odisse vitam, sed contemnere mortem, but ra­ther a cowardice that makes them fling themselves into the arms of death to avoid some more threatning evil. Besides, they are injurious to the Com­mon wealth, which they deprive of a member; yet here for a Sea Captain to blow up his Ship ra­ther than let her be taken by the enemy, is no point of self-murder; [Page 253] for the aiming at his Countreys good, and her ene­mies loss and ruine, acts the part of a valiant and faithful Citizen. Secondly, that Duels are no effect of true valour, they being injurious to the Common wealth. Thirdly, Sturdy Theeves or Robbers, which are not only injurious, and mis­chievous, but such as fight di­rectly against the laws of hu­mane society▪ and they are so far from being truly valiant, that they are wicked and im­pudent: and therefore we shall find some of the Antients define fortitude [...]; fear of reproof▪ and dread of infamy; and it is commonly seen that those that most dread the lawes, least fear the enemy, [Page 254] and who are most quiet in peace, are most valiant in war, as Plutarch in the life of Agis, [...]. They are least fearful of suffer­ing, who stand most in aw of doing evil. Much more might be said of this manly vertue, which for brevity we omit, and shall refer those that desire fur­ther information, to that mas­culine discourse of Aristotle in l. 3. eth. cap. 6.

For the Roman practice of this vertue, it is so obvious in their histories, as we shall hardly find the least foot-step of cowardice in that gallant and victorious Commonwealth, whose noble Citizens in all occasions were most ready to devote their [Page 255] lives for their Countrie, and sacrifise their rags of mortality, to immortal fame and renown.

And indeed the love of our Countrey, and noble thirst af­ter honour, are the great agents in this glorious production: for what man that is fully per­swaded of his duty to the first, and the reward he shall receive from the last, can be faint-heart­ed or cowardly?

—Fax mentis honestae Gloria, saith the Poet, and as Velleius, Nec potest quidquam abjectum, & humile cogitare, qui scit de se semper loquendum, A man will hardly be brought to act basely, who shall consider he shall stand on record, either infamous or renowned; Yea such a record, as time every day more and [Page 256] more publishes, as Lipsius, Vt sol in aurora tenuior, assurgit, & inclarescit; sic ex virtute, & me­ritis fama cum aevo ipso augetur, & crescit. What man in flight comming to a bridge, and re­membring Horatius Cocles, would not make a noble stand, and either live with him, or dy­ing live his equal in History? I shall sum up all with that of Po­lybius, [...], Riches are common, but bravery of mind, and the glory and renown that springs from it, is peculiar to the Gods, or such men as come neer them.

THis vertue by the Greeks is called [...], quasi [...], as it were the preserver of Prudence: for pleasure and grief cor­rupt [...], those faculties which are to consider of action: and a mind taken up with either of these cannot well intend the end for which [...], all things ought to be chosen or dore. Now Temperance mo­derating these passions keeps the mind undisturbed, and de­servedly [Page 258] is stiled, The Conser­vatrix of Prudence.

We shall define it, A vertue preserving a just decorum in the desiring and enjoying sensual delights: for grief, which comes within its verge, that only arises from want of fruition. It is therefore the duty of a tempe­rat man to abhor dishonest, mo­derately to desire, and enjoy lawful pleasures, and not im­moderately to grieve when de­prived of them. Now lawful-pleasures are such as first [...], conduce to bodily health, or as [...], exceed not our estates, and misbecom the rank and quality we live in.

And of what avail this vertue is to the preservation and [Page 259] growth of a State, History and observation every where, and every day, may clearly make out unto us. This was it set Rome upon her legs; This is it that made her Citizens able of body, both to fight, and endure the field; This made her Cap­tains contemn bribes; and her Generals in the height of, mili­tary heat, and success, slight pleasure, and constantly keep the publick good, and their own honour in their eye. Thus shall we see the noble Curius, when the conquered Samnites profe­red him Gold, shew them his Dinner (for he was at their co­ming cooking it himself) which was a few rape roots in a pipkin, telling them there was no great need of gold to furnish his table, [Page 260] and that he had rather com­mand over such as had Gold, than possess it himself. And when some complained that he had assigned too little of the conquered Lands to private men, and too much to the Pub­lick, He told them, He hoped that there was never a Roman Citizen which would count that land too little which was sufficient to maintain him. Thus shall we see Scipio Africanus, when the Souldiers brought him a most beautiful Damosel, taken in the sack of New Carthage in Spain, and hearing she was betroathed to Allucius a young Prince of the Celtiberians, he sent for him, and not only be­stowed on him his beautiful Bride, but a great sum of Gold [Page 261] as her portion, which her pa­rents brought for her ransome. Let us behold the event, this young Prince goes home rapt with joy, filling every place with the praise and merit of Scipio, telling his Countrymen, Venisse Diis simillimum juvenem, vincentem omnia cum armis, tum benignitate, ac beneficiis, There was a Godlike young man ar­rived, conquering all both by force and bounty: and within a few daies returned with 1400 horse to Scipio's Camp. Thus by his temperance he advanced the Roman cause, which he prefer'd above all private pleasure, and gave Carthage a greater blow in this victory over himself, than in that other of taking their City, though the most considerable [Page 262] they had in Spain▪ I shall con­clude all with that speech of Asdruball surnamed the Kid, the Carthaginian Legat to the Ro­man Senate, Raro simul homini­bus bonam fortunam, bonamque mentem dari: populum Romanum eo invictum esse quod in secundis rebus sapere, & consulere memi­nerit: & hercle mirandum fuisse, si aliter facerent: ex insolentia, quibus nova bona fortuna sit, impo­tentes laetitiae insauire: populo Ro­mano usitate, ac prope jam obso­leta ex victoria gaudia esse, ac plus pene parcendo victis, quam vincen­do imperium auxisse. God hath given England her share of suc­cess, we have not of late known what it is to be conquered, but as if we had been the adopted sons of victory, she hath perch'd [Page 263] upon our conquering ensigns, and pitch'd her pavilion among our tents. O let us then endea­vour not to be transported with any unbecoming passions, which may force this glorious Virgin to blush, to hide her head, and be ashamed to keep us company any further; but as we increase in power, let us grow in vertue; thus shall we be established, and to our wreaths of Palm and Laurel shall the Olive chaplet be added, and we enjoy the pleasant fruits of Peace at home as well as honourable esteem of valour abroad.