I. THis John Bale was a great Schollar, and a Doctor of Divinity in the University of Oxford, in the time of King Edward the sixth, and he himself wrote a Book, (which the Right Worshipful, and my much honoured Friend, Sir James Ware lent me) wherein he setteth down, the vocation, persecution, and deliverance of himself: and out of that Book I have drawn this Abstract of his life and persecution, and expulsion from that very house from whence I was also expulsed, and for which I am still op­pressed and troubled.

1. His Vocation was by the meer good will, without any solli­citation of any other, of that good King Edwards, when he saw him in South-hampton, he sent unto him by divers of his Nobi­lity, to bid him prepare himself to go to be the Bishop of Ossory, which he obediently did, and transported himself and his Fa­mily into Ireland, and being consecrated at Dublin, though with some opposition, by reason of the Popish inclination of the Ca­tholick Clergy, he presently went to Kilkenny; where

2. His Persecution did begin, for he no sooner began to preach the Gospel of Jesus Christ, which he incessantly did, but the most part of his Prebends and the Popish party opposed and contradicted him; and within a very little while, after the death of King Edw. 6. he was exceedingly persecuted by Barnaby Bol­ger, and the Popish Priests, and others, that sought his death in his house, this Bishops Court, alias Holms Court,Rich. Foster a Deacon, Rich. Headly, John Cage, and the Maid. where he saw five of his houshold Servants, four men and a maid, of sixteen years of age, killed, before his face, and so had he been slain al­so, had he not shut the Iron Grate of his Castle, and kept the [Page 2] Kearnes out, until the good suffereige of Kilkenny, with a hun­dred horsemen, and three hundred footmen, brought him away in the night time, and so delivered him out of their hands, and forthwith sent him to Dublin, from whence, his life being there likewise hunted after, he was conveyed away in a Marriners apparel, and in his passage to Zealand was cruelly tossed by tem­pests, and was taken at sea, and carried to St. Ives in Cornwall, where a wicked fellow named Walter accused our Bishop Bale of High Treason before the Justices there, yet being not able to prove any thing against him, the good God delivered him out of their hands.

And yet not long after one Martin an English Pirate did most falsly accuse him of many hainous crimes, as the putting down of the Mass in England, caused Doctor Gardiner Bishop of Winchester to be imprisoned, and poysoned the King, and ma­ny other hainous things, which brought him abundance of trou­bles and vexations with the Captain of the ship wherein he pas­sed towards Holland, as himself relateth at large, from fol. 38. of his Book of his persecution unto fol. 42.

And because they are so fully exemplified and expressed by himself there, together with the rest of his troubles and perse­cutions which he had in Ossory, in Dublin, and in his passage by Sea towards Germany, in the Book that himself printed, of his Vocation to the Bishoprick of Ossory, and his persecution in the same, I will set no more down here, but refer my Reader to that Book.

II. GRiffith Williams, born at Carnarvon, at fourteen years old was sent to Oxford, from whence by reason of the hard usage of him Junonis ob iram; by an angry Juno, that was his Unckles virago, he was fain to betake himself, within two years after, alienas visere terras, and failing to pass into France, where he intended, he was forced to retire into Cam­bridge, where having no friends, nor money, a Country Gentle­man of Harleton, named Mr. Line, having but one little Son, about eight years old, took affection unto me, and entertained me into his house, and table, to tutor and teach that young Child, and being there, I got my self admitted into Jesus Col­ledge; where, as it came to my course, I kept my Exercise, and within two years after, (having gotten a Certificate from Christ-Church in Oxford, of my study and good carriage there, for two years before, I had my degree Bachelour of Arts, and within three years after, I took my degree Master of Arts, at 21 years of age, and, being admitted into the holy Orders of a Deacon by the Reverend Bishop of Rochester, and of Priesthood by the Bi­shop of Ely, after I had been a while Rector of Foscot in Buck­ingham-shire, I became a Preacher and Lectorer in St. Peters the Proud in Cheapside, and in the Cathedral Church of S. Paul, For I found it so. And then prin­ted my first Book, intitu­led, The resolu­tion of Pilate; and my second Book intituled, The delights of the Saints. for the full space of five years; I Lectored upon St. Pauls Epistle to the Romans, and then began my persecution by the Puritans, as they were then called, and Fanaticks of those daies, (saving a little opposition that I formerly had by the same generation, while I was Curate of Hanwel in Middlesex) for now, the more pains I took to study, and to preach the truth boldly unto them, as I ever did without fear, the more mad they were against me, and so mad, that not only forty, as they were against St. Paul, but I be­lieve [Page 4] above twice forty conspired together to work my death, and most falsly accused me, of such things as I never knew, never did, and never said, yet they prosecuted the same so ma­liciously that I was bound over (and they did their very best to hinder me to get any bayl) to answer for my life, at the Sessions house upon the Goal delivery of Newgate, where, I might de­mand, tantenae animis terrestribus irae? But he that dwelleth in the Heavens, and knew mine Innocency, and the cause of their malice, laughed them to scorn, and became to me, as he is alwaies to them that fear him, Deus in opportunitatibus, a present help in trouble,Who seeing that they would prefer no Bill against me, quitted me, and said they had forfeited, and should pay their Recogni­zance, as they well deserved, to the King. See the Epistle to the Reader before the se­ven Golden Candlesticks. and delivered me with credit and honour out of the mouth of those Lions, that were exceedingly blamed and checked by that worthy Judge, that afterwards came to be Lord Chan­cellour Coventrie: Sic me servavit Apollo; So that Jehova saved me to whom I have committed my self ever since, and vowed, I would praise him, and thank him, and do him the best service that I could, while I lived, as I shewed in an Epistle before the seven golden Candlesticks. Then immediately after this, being then about twenty seven years old, I went to Cambridge, and, though my former troubles wasted my means, (being, by reason of the former accusations of mine enemies, suspended by the Bishop of London, and driven to be released by an appeal to the Prerogative Court) yet I took my degree Bachelour of Divinity, and returning to London, I presently petitioned to my Lord of Canterbury, Abbats, (whom ever after I found, my very graci­ous Lord) and to my Lord Chancellour Egerton, (whom I found so likewise) and shewed them the great wrongs and abuses, to my utter ruine, that I had suffered from the Bishop of London, and those bloudy persecutors, without any shadow or colour of truth in any of all their Accusations; and they presently pitying my case gave me the Parsonage of Llan-Llechyd, worth to me a 100 li. per annum, a better Rectory, than that which mine ene­mies caused the Bishop of London to take from me, that was rightly presented to it by the Earl of South-hampton. But sicut unda sequitur undam, so one affliction comes in the neck of ano­ther; for I was no sooner arrived in Llan-Llechyd, but the Bi­shop of Bangor, because I refused to take another living for this [Page 5] that he saw was so commodious for him, began to persecute me afresh, and devised certain Articles, which ex officio he prose­cuted against me, and I was fain again to appeal unto the Ar­ches, and my Lord of Bangor being in London, my Lord of Can­terbury sent for him and me, and checked him exceedingly for his prosecution, and gave me a Licence to preach throughout divers Diocesses of his Province, and a Protection from being molested by my Lord of Bangor; yet still I found that busie Bi­shop would not be quiet, but as the Poet saith, Manet alta mente repostum, judicium paridis, so my complaint against him to my Lord of Canterbury stuck in his mind, as I had but a little respect or joy in his Diocess, especially from his Lordship; therefore, after I had continued there four years, about 32 years old I went to Cambridge again, and took my degree Doctor of Divinity; and then, returning to London, I became a domestical Chaplain to the Earl of Montgomery, afterwards Earl of Pembroke, and Lord Chamberlain to his Majesty, to whom I had been Chap­lain at large for many years before. And then blessed be God, I had a little rest from my persecution, and began to study hard, to Print Books, of no small Volumes, nor of mean Subjects, as the seven Golden Candlesticks, and many other Sermons, now termed, The best Religion, and The true Church: divided in six several Books. And to be promoted, to some eminent places, to be his Majesties Chaplain, a Prebend of Westminster, and Dean of Ban­gor, and before I was full forty years old, in Election and very like to have been made Bishop of St. Asaph.

But, when the Sun shineth brightest it continueth not long without Clouds, and often times follow stormes and tempest; so after I had spent these halsion daies, and lived many years in the Kings Court, I found some rubs and obstacles of my desires by reason of some discontent and difference betwixt me and the then Archbish. of Canterbury About my seeking to be Bishop of S. Asaph., that clouded the brightness of my hopes for some while; yet at last, when the Long Parliament began to struggle, and not only to chop off the head of the wise and stout Earl of Strafford, but also to clap up the Bishop of Canterbury in Prison, and to clip the wings of all the rest of the Bishops, his Majesty, of his own gracious mind and accord, with­out [Page 6] any motion of any man made unto him, when the Lord Pri­mate of Ireland delivered him a Petition from the Bishops of Ireland, to desire his Majesty to nominate a very worthy man, Doctor Sybthorp, that was Bishop of the poor Bishoprick of Kilfanora, unto the Bishoprick of Ossory, answered the Primate, that he had reserved the same for Doctor Williams, Dean of Bangor: To whom the Primate replied, Your Majesty bids him to his loss, (to use the Primates own words, as he told me,) and his Majesty answered, He could make him a saver, and therefore let him have the refusal of it; and when I heard of this passage from my Lord Primate, I thought I were a very unworthy man if I refused so gracious an offer of so gracious a Master; and consi­dering that, as my Predecessor, and a man of my spirit, Bishop Bale, was called by the sole free motion of that pious King, Edw. 6. so I was called by the sole free motion of the most religi­ous King Charles I. I thought my self rightly called by God unto it, and I accepted the same, and yielded unto the divine calling, with all thankefulness unto his gracious Majesty. And now the storms and tempest begin to darken the Sunshine of my pro­sperity; for I was no sooner arrived in Ireland, seen Kilkenny, and preached once in that Cathedral, and consecrated in Dublin about Michaelmas, but the Rebellion there brake out the October following, after I had spent well-nigh 300 li. and had received not one penny; then was I forced to fly towards his Majesty, and the next Summer after having occasion to go to Dublin, after I had setled my Wife and Family in a house that I had by Toce­ster, and the first night that I came to my house, after my return from Ireland, the Rebels in North-hampton, having heard how zealously I had preached for his Majesty, and that now I was re­turned to my house by Tocester again, sent a Troope of horse un­der the command of Captain Flaxon, and so he carried me a pri­soner to North-hampton, where at my first entrance into the Town, I saw a whole troop of Boys and Girls, and other Ap­prentices, that expected my coming, and as the boys cried to Elizeus, come up thou bald pate, come up, so they cried along the street, a Bishop, a Bishop, and with this Io paean was I carried to the Commissioners Lodging, where I was clapt up close in a [Page 7] Chamber, and one of the Commissioners, Sir John North, I be­lieve the civillest of them all, came to me with a Satchel of Wri­tings, that Captain Flaxon found in my house, and opening the same, the first writings that came into his hand was the Treatise that I had written, and had intituled it, The Grand Rebellion, and had written those words on the outward leaf thereof; and as soon as ever he took it out of the bag, I made bold, And if I had not done so, I had been un­done. before he had cast his eye upon the Title, to take it out of his hands, and said, this is a Sermon that I carried with me to preach where I should rest on the Lords day, but that the Letters, that were to the King, and to the Bishop of York, and others, were in the Satchel, and he for haste to see the Letters, suffered me to put my Sermon and the Grand Rebellion into my Pocket, which I feared would have been my death or utter ruine, if the Com­missioners had seen it. Then Sir John, having taken out the Let­ters, asked me, how I durst at those times carry Letters unto the King? I answered, they were Letters from those poor Bi­shops, that therein shewed to his Majesty how they were pilla­ged and persecuted by the Popish Irish Rebels, and I knew, and had a Copy of what was in them before I would carry them; then Sir John said, I did wisely to do so: and so he went in unto the rest of the Commissioners, and left me, lockt in the room, yet very joyful for having gotten my Grand Rebellion out of his hands: but behold still the malice of Satan and the subtilty of his Instru­ments, while I was walking up and down the room, and had torn the worst case that I had writ against the Parliament, and chewed it in my mouth and threw it away, an arrand knave was peeping at the key hole, and went unto the Commissioners and told them that I had some desperate or treacherous Papers, which he saw me tear; then Sir John North comes to me again and aked, what Papers those were that I was seen tearing? I smi­lingly answered, Alas Sir, ever since I came from Sea, I was troubled with a looseness, and having by chance a loose leaf in my Pocket, I pluckt it out, and said, this is the Paper, that I had in my hand, to go to the house of office, and he looking upon it, and finding it of no effect, said, Is this all? And went his waies: and then I remembred what our Saviour said, When you are brought [Page 8] before Rulers, Mark 13.11. take no thought what you shall speak, for it shall be given you, in illa hora, in that very hour, what to answer; and God also wrought in the Commissioners such thoughts of me, and my sufferings by the Irish, that they gave me a Pass to go home, and delivered me my horses, which Captain Flaxon hoped to have had for his reward, and the forty pounds, which he found in my house, and which I told the Commissioners was all that I had to keep me and my Family: So graciously did God help me, that I went home with joy, contrary to the expectation of my Neighbours, that informed the Rebels of my return to those parts.

And within a few daies after was the Battel at Edge-hill, at which time, I went to his Majesty, and waited on him untill he came to Oxford, And here in Oxford I prin­ted first my Grand Rebelli­on, and after­wards, my dis­covery of my­steries, and last of all, The rights of Kings. where immediately I printed my Grand Re­bellion; and finding how well and how graciously his Majesty accepted of my endeavours therein, I went to Wales and studied my discovery of mysteries, or the plots of the Parliament, to over­throw both Church and State, and by the next Winter I came to Oxford to Print it, and being printed, Secretary Faukeland mis­liking a passage, that I had set down of the Episcopal power in causa sanguinis, would have had it called in, but his Majesty would not suffer it to be supprest; therefore I resolved, by the next Winter, to publish (as I did) my Book of the Rights of Kings both in Church and Commonwealth, and the wickedness of the pretended Parliament; and in the interim I was perswa­ded to go to London, to see what I could work upon my Lord of Pembroke, whom I had served so many years, and tutored all his Children, whereof two were now with his Majesty; and when I came to London I took the opportunity to go unto him,For I concei­ved that time to be the safest time. while he was in bed, and after much conference with him, about the dif­ferences betwixt the King and his Parliament, and their disloyalty to his Majesty, and that I saw he began to be offended and very angry, for fear he should deliver me to the Parliament, that for­merly had caused all that they found of my Grand Rebellion to be burnt, I took my leave of him, and presently highed me to go out of Town; but was denied to pass, untill I used my wit to the Maior of London, to get a Pass, by telling him, that I was a [Page 9] poor pillaged Preacher of Ireland, that came to London to see my friends, and now having some other friends in North-hampton and thereabout,And I have his Pass by me to this very day. I humbly desired his Pass to go to see them, and he pitying my case, called for a cup of Wine, and com­manded his Clerk to write me a Pass without a Fee.

And then, after I had passed a good way towards North-hampton, I turned to Oxford: and from thence within a while to Wales, and from thence to Ireland; and after Nasby fight, being bound with my L. Taafe in a thousand Marks a peece unto his Majesty, for the appearance of Collonel Vangary, (that re­turned at Edge-hill fight from the Parliament unto the King with Sir Faithful Fortescue) at Beaumares Sizes, for taking away a Drove of Cattle from the Drovers of Anglesey, and he not appearing, our Recognizans were forfeited, and I was fain to re­turn to his Majesty, with Letters from my Lord of Ormond, that Van-garie could not come out of Ireland, and therefore his Ma­jesty was humbly desired to remit the forfeiture of our Recogni­zance, which his Majesty, by his Letters to the Justices of Peace of Anglesey, very graciously did, and sent another Letter by me again to my Lord of Ormond: but in my passage to his Majesty, I was like to be carried to the Parliament, by a knave, that about ten miles from Aberystwith began to examine me, and said that I was a Spy for the King, and therefore I must be carried before some of the Parliament Officers, to be examined; and I had no other shift but to commend him for his care, and to tell him, that there were too many Spies abroad, and I was but a poor pilla­ged man in Ireland, that would very willingly go before any man, and I still called for drink, until he was perswaded that I was a very honest man, and so he let me go in peace. And before I could pass into Dublin, General Mitton with his Army, had entred in­to our Country, and I, preaching that Sunday, that he came, at Rhudhland, had an Alarm about midnight, and was fain to flee to Carnarvon shire, and when he came to Carnarvon shire, to flee too Anglesey. And because Anglesey was an Island, and could not be won if the Inhabitants would be true among them­selves, we that were true Royalists, summoned the chiefest Gen­try of the Country, Clergy and Laity, to meet on a certain day [Page 10] in Llan-geuenie, to consider what we should best do for the de­fence of our Country; and though that Doctor White, and my self, Mr. Jo. Gruff. and Mr. Morgan, and Mr. Michael Evans, drew an Oath of our faithfulness and Allegiance to his Majesty, and the defence of our Country to the uttermost hazard of our lives and fortunes, against the rebellious Parliament so full and so well as our Wits and Learning could devise, and all that were there, excepting Mr. O. Wood of Llan Gwyven, took it without any scruple, yet, before any one drop of bloud was spilt, or many daies were past, the Gentry Articled with General Mitton, to yield up that Island into his hands, and he did set Garrisons where he pleased: then I, conscious of what I had done, alwaies and every where against the Rebels, durst not trust to the mer­cy and truth of the Parliament, but gave ten pounds to Captain Roberts, that Mr. O. Wood had appointed over the Garrison in Holy Head, to suffer me to pass in a Parliament Ship, (for the King had none in those parts) into Dublin, and the Master of the Ship, that carried me, said, he durst not set me on shore any where, but bring me to Captain Wood, that was then Vice-Admi­ral to the Parliament in the Bay before Dublin; yet I thought it was better for me to trust, that God would deliver me from that wood, than to stay among the bryars of the Long Parliament; so when we came to the Bay, and neer the Vice-Admirals Frigot, it being late in the Evening, I told the Master that I was very ill, as I was indeed, and I gave him a 20 s. piece of Gold for carrying me over, and desired that I might stay in my Cabin there, till next morning, which he readily yielded.

And early the next morning, when I thought all the Seamen in Captain Woods Ship, excepting the Sentinel that kept the Watch, were asleep, lest any of them should know me, I desired to be sent to the Vice-Admiral; and so I was. And when I came there, I gave 2 s. 6 d. in silver to the Sentinel, to tell Cap­tain Wood, that here was a Kinsman of my Lord of Yorke, (whom I knew was respected by all the Parliamenteers, because he had besieged the Castle of Conway for the Parliament, and was the chief man that called Mitten into the Country, and the only instrument to bring Anglesey to submit unto him) and he had a [Page 11] Pass from Holy Head to go, to do a little business in Dublin, and when he had finished his business, to return with as much speed as he could unto my Lord of York again, and I thought this was a fair tale; and indeed, I thank God, it took effect; for Captain Wood came to me, and after he had examined me about divers things, and I had answered him as warily as I could, he searched me, and, though I had in my Pocket a Letter from his Majesty in my behalf to my Lord of Ormond, yet, because I had so artificially set it on the backside of a Pocket-glass and Comb-case, betwixt the leather and the glass, he suspected no such thing, though he beheld his own face in the glass, and so conceiving no ill thought of me, but that I was a very good friend of the Parlia­ment, being a Kinsman of my Lord of Yorke, and of his name too, he called for a good Glass of Clarret-wine and drank to me and to my Lord of York, and I drunk it off every drop; and put on a bold face, as I was wont to do every where, knowing that degeneros animos timor arguit.

And then he sent me to shore towards Hoeth, and before we came to Land we should see three or four Souldiers, runnagadoes, that were desirous to go to the Parliament ship, but I gave five shillings to the Rowers to put me to land a pretty way from them, and when I was set on land, the boat-men turned away presently and would not receive the Souldiers into their boat, which the Souldiers seeing, called unto me to come to them, or to stay for them, but I would not tarry,How I escaped the runnagado Souldiers. but went away as fast as I could; and they seeing that presented their Guns, as if they would shoot at me; yet I still ventured to go on, knowing, that be­ing no standing mark, it was but a chance to hit me, if their pieces were charged, and they shot at me, and when they saw their vain threatning did not frighten me, they began to run after me, as fast as ever they could, and I began to run from them, as fast as ever I could, and being a pretty way before them, and seeing some Irish men reaping, not far off, I made towards them, and thought I could get to them before they could overtake me, and so I did: yet running so fast, and so far, I was all of a sweat be­fore I came unto the Reapers, who kept off the Souldiers that they durst not come near me. Thus was I saved from those, that I [Page 12] assured my self would have robbed me, if not kill me.

Then I went to Dublin, and stayed there, and preached often, untill Ireland was surrendred upon Articles unto the Parlia­ment; and I being by name to have the benefit of those Articles, and having received a very fair and considerable sum of money, by the hands of Sir George Lane, from my Lord of Ormond, that had alwaies shewed himself a most honourable friend, and a boun­tiful helper and benefactor to me; I resolved to live upon that small temporal means which I had, about twenty pounds a year, in Wales: But, after I put my Books, and Cloaths, and houshold-stuff,How I was ta­ken prisoner and robbed by Captain Beech. And nothing troubled me so much as the loss of a paper Book which I had written, full of Ser­mons, which vexeth me to this very day. and all the Money I had, and my self into the Packet-boat, to pass to Holy Head, our ship was taken, about the middle way, by Captain Beeche, and I was robbed of all that I had in it, Cloaths, Books, Money, and Houshold stuff, and, with a great deal of in­treaty and favour, I prevailed with Captain Beeche, to cast us all, his Prisoners, upon a little Island, called, Irelands eye, and ma­king there a fire that we brought with us from the Ship, we had a boat that carried us into Hoath, and from thence we went all to Dublin, where Doctor Loftus very friendly gave me as much money as carrried me to London; and there I petitioned to the Committee for Sequestred men, to be restored according to the Articles of Anglesey and of Ireland, to my means; and one of them, named Scot, that since hath been hanged, demanded, if I had not written the Grand Rebellion? and I answered, I did: then said he, and do you come for performance of Articles, that deserve rather to have your head cut off; No, no, said Corbet and the Chair-man, let us go to another matter; and I, lest I should be clapt by the heels,And after the Committee read the Let­ters I got them from them to shew them to other Com­mittee men, and I keep them with me to this very day. stunk away from those Wolves, as fast as I could.

Yet I was loath, so, desistere caeptis, but I would try movere omnem lapidem, and seeing hac non successit alia aggrediar via, and, having procured a little money, I went to Sir Thomas, now Lord Fairfax, and giving his Secretary some pieces of Gold, he got me my Lord Fairfax his Letters to the Committee of North-hampton and of Anglesey to restore me to my temporal means, and they not sitting together, I was fain, in a very cold and snowy weather to walk on foot (for I had no horse, nor money to [Page 13] buy one) from one to one of the Committee, to get their hands to restore me, and so I had them, and I thank God I was resto­red; then after I had been in London, and had the favour to go with my Lord of Ormond in his Coach from Kingston to Hamp­ton Court, to wait upon his Majesty, a little before he went to the Isle of Wight, I went, as soon as ever I heard the King was gone, to live privately and poorly in mine own house in Wales, and there fell hard to my study to finish my Great Antichrist, and to preach as occasion offered it self; and so I continued for a long time in a very poor condition, so poor, that when three or four of the Parliament Souldiers were sent to quarter at my house, and there, finding neither Servants to attend them, nor Beer to drink, nor other provision, but some barly bread, and a little glas-doore, I got a good dinner with them, of that provi­sion which they brought, and they presently went to their Cap­tain, and told him, my house had nothing for them, and they must have a better quarter, and so before night they were remo­ved to a far better accommodation, and my mean condition pre­served me ever after from the quartering of any Souldiers, while I lived there. So poverty was to me an advantage; and so I al­waies thought and believed, that God would work together all things for the best for them that love him, as the Apostle saith, and therefore this made me, when my Lord of Pembroke (whom I had for so many Lustras of years served) offered in this my poor estate, to procure me a living, then void in Lancashire, from the Parliament, worth four hundred pound per annum, so I would be ruled and submit my self to the Parliament, to thank his Lordship for his Honourable favour,When all the rest of the Bi­shops accepted of 100 li. a piece from Hen. Crumwel, I refused the same. but to re­fuse the Living, for which he several times called me fool for my pains; and so likewise when Mr. Henry Crumwel heard of my often preaching in Dublin, and was desirous to hear me in his own house, and when I had ended my Sermon bad me dine with him, and as he allowed the rest of the Bishops 100 li. a piece per annum to maintain them, so a friend of mine told me from his Lordship, he was favourably pleased to do the like to me; to whom I answered, that I was infinitely obliged to him for his favour, but that I was resolved to live contented with that [Page 14] small means that I had of mine own. I was so fully perswaded to retain mine integrity and faithfulness to my King, and assu­red my self of that change and revolution, which I so speedily ex­pected to come to pass.

And so I continued there in Llanlechyd in that poor condition until his Majesty, that now is, was upon his march towards Worcester; at which time Sir Gruffith Williams, my very good friend and Landlord, being Sheriff, desired me to preach at the Assizes in Conwey before the Judges; and the whole Country knows how boldly and freely I shewed them their duty, now to manifest their Loyalty and love to his Majesty, whom God had thus graciously brought unto their dores; so that Courtney the then Governour of Beaumaresh, coming to Town after Sermon, and hearing what I had preached, did exceedingly fret, and chafe, and chide with the Judges, because that they would hear such a man, as was so well known to be such a grand enemy unto the Parliament, and concluded with the now Sir John Carter, the then Governour of Conwey, (that told me as soon as I had done my Sermon, but that he would not seem uncivil, he would have pluckt me by the ears out of the Pulpit, a fine sight) that they should clap me up in Prison; but I hearing of it, did immediat­ly, as fast as ever I could get my horse, and posted away, as it were upon Pegasus, to hide my self from those then tyrannous whelps of Cerberus; the same Carter, being the man, that (when I was preaching at Llan Sannam, and another whelp of the same litter, rose up, and contradicted all that I had said, and caused me to be pluckt out of the Pulpit, and such a tumult to arise, that I feared much slaughter would be committed, and that I should be torn all to pieces; and when some of the Gentlemen of the Parish, at the Quarter Sessions in Ruthen, would have indicted the fellow that disturbed me in my Sermon) said, they should rather indict me for preaching contrary to the order now set forth, than him that had so justly hindered me; so I was only blamed, and he acquitted by the justice of Sir John Carter.

After this I continued in my poor house untill I had finished my Great Antichrist, and then I shewed it to very many of my friends, whom I durst trust, both in Ireland and Wales, and told [Page 15] them when (according to the Prophesies of the Scripture, that I had collected and was fully perswaded of the truth thereof) his now Majesty should be restored, and I carried it to London to be printed, and left it with my old friend, that had printed my Best Religion, Mr Stevens, and he shewing it to some of his friends, Presbyterians I conceive, to have their opinion of it, and some of them answered it somewhat large, and Mr. Stevens de­livered the same to me, and the conclusion was,The answer and the answe­rers opinion of the printing of it, I have by me to this day. the printing of it is like to be much to the damage of the Printer, and the ruin of the Author, (if he be found out) and little credit, in my opinion, is so like to gain thereby. So Mr. Stevens durst not venter to print it by any means; yet, if I could have had any other to print it, I would have done it, and resolved to have fled into the Low Countries when it had been done; but it could not be, that any Stationer would venture to do it; so I went to Wales.

But when I heard that Sir George Booth was risen in Cheshire; and was so near the time that I expected and foreshewed his Ma­jesties restauration, I took a young Philly that I had of three years old, and in a very cold snow and frost in January, I went soft and fair towards London, hoping that now, so many men looking after the coming in of our King, and Collonel Monk expected to as­sist him, I should have my Great Antichrist published; yet still the Rump was so strong, that it could not be: therefore I was fain to retire towards Wales again; and going from my house by Tocester, where I had left my Mare, some ten miles, in a frosty morning, a foot, I afterwards went a horse-back, but had not rid one quarter of a mile, but my Mare, whom all my Neighbours there said she was great with foal, lay down under me; and I, fearing she would cast her Foale, and so perhaps lose my Mare, or forced to leave her behind me, was resolved to lead her in my hand; and so I did from that place, which was Daintry, to my house in Wales, about seven score miles, the way being somewhat fair in the latter end of March.

Then, having some occasions to go to Ireland, being at Holy Head, I had notice with the Post, from London, that the Parliament, according as I found in Scripture, had voted the coming in of the King, and I, landing in Dublin about seven [Page 16] of the Clock the next morning, being Sunday, preached at St. Brides, and publickly prayed for the King, I am sure the first man in the Kingdom of Ireland, and the next morning went towards Kilkenny, and going to Donmore, to present my service to my Lady of Ormond, I found her, as she was ever, the most honourable of all the Ladies that ever I knew, and taking me aside, informed me of the state of Kilkenny, and of all things thereabouts; so I went to Kilkenny and preached there, and publickly prayed for his Majesty, the next Sunday after I had done the like at Dublin, and then hasted back to Dublin, and from thence, without stay, to Holy Head, and resting but one night in mine own house, I rode as fast as I could to London, and ha­ving left all the Lands that I had in Ireland, in pawn for 100 li. which mine own self carried to London, I agreed for the Print­ing of my Great Antichrist, and immediately after his Majesties happy arrival in London, having the same printed in three Print­ing-houses, and my self paying for the printing of it with ready money, I got it presently done, and presented it to his Majesty, who very graciously accepted thereof.

But one of my Countrymen had begg'd of his Majesty the Deanery of Bangor; yet, when I informed his Majesty, that my good King and gracious Master, his Father, had conferred it up­on me, to hold it in commendum, so firm as Law could make it; his Majesty was most graciously pleased presently to send to Sir Edward Nicholas to recall the Grant that he had made to Mr. Lloyd, but the same being past to the Great Seal, my Lord Chancellour, to whom I ever was very much obliged, knowing my Faithfulness to my late King and best Master, and my sufferings for him, did most honourably stop it, before I could come unto his Lordship; and so by his Majesty and my Lord Chancellours goodness, I still enjoyed my Masters favour.

Then, things being somewhat setled, I went to live upon my Bishoprick, in Kilkenny, where I found the Cathedral Church and the Bishops house all ruined, and nothing standing but the bare walls, without Roofs, without Windows, but the holes, and without doors; yet I resolved presently to mend and repair one Room, and to live in the Bishops house, and as I had vowed, that [Page 17] if I should ever come to my Bishoprick, I should wholly and ful­ly bestow the first years profit for the reparation of the Church, so my witness is in heaven, that I have done it; and have since bestowed more, as forty pound the last Summer for repairing the Steeple of the Cathedral,And this Summer six score pounds for to make a Bell, worth they say 200 l. and yet a thousand pounds more will not sufficiently repair that Church, which I vowed to bestow, If I recover the Bishops house, and live to it; and a great deal of cost more I laid out upon the Bishops house. Yet now began my Oppression, which grieves me much more than my Per­secution, because my persecution was personal, and concerned my self alone: but mine Oppression doth now reach to the disho­nour of God, and the robbing of Jesus Christ of his service, and the destruction of his Servants; when as the Church of Christ cannot be ruled without Governours, nor instructed without Teachers, and neither of them can subsist without mainte­nance.

And yet now Noblemen and Gentlemen, Souldiers and Citi­zens and all, think no Bread so sweet, no Wine so pleasant as that which they snatch from the Altar, and no Land so fertile as that which they hold from the Church, and keep it by force from the Church-men; and to give you a taste of this truth, I have printed a Narrative and a true Relation of a Law proceed­ing, betwixt my self and Sir George Ayskue, a civil Gentleman, I confess, and one that hath been Vice-Admiral to the Long Par­liament, but now is very faithful to our present King, and sorry for what he hath been, as I verily believe, and is a man of a very fair carriage, and of very good parts; yet bewitched with the disguised spirit of Sacriledge, to hold fast in his hands the Lands of the Church, and not only he, but many others are sick of the same disease, as appeareth by the subsequent of this relation.

THat the Lordship of Bishops Court, alias upper Court, be­longs to the Bishop of Ossory: And as I am informed, Jo. Bale Bishop of Ossory dwelt in the Mannor house thereof, and was from thence driven by the Tories in Queen Maries daies, to flee to Geneva to save his life; when he, looking out at his Window, saw his Steward, that was, with his Hay-ma­kers, killed before his face; and he being fled to Geneva, Jo. Tonery was made Bishop of Ossory, and he made away divers Lordships, and among the rest, this Bishops Court in Fee-farm, as they pre end, to one Rich. Shea, Bishop Bale being yet alive, and lived in Queen Elizabeths daies; after, Tonery came Bishop Gafney, and Bishop Bale still alive; and after Gafney, came Bi­shop Walsh, and he finding the invalidity of the Fee-farmes made by the Popish Bishops, while the right Bishop was alive, petitioneth to Queen Elizabeth, and had her Letters to the Lord Lieutenant and Council, to hear the Cause, and to relieve the Bishop according as they found the equity of his Cause, but before he could have any redress, he was killed by some Irish man (to prevent the recovery of the said Lordship, as it is con­ceived) in his own house; After that, came Bishop Deane, and he vigorously prosecutes the recovery of the said Lordship, and he had not done much more then begun, but he dieth: Then came Bishop Wheeler, and he petitioneth to my Lord of Strafford for the said Lordship of Bishops Court, and by the great care and desire of the now most Reverend Primate of all Ire­land, to benefit the Church of Christ, Bishop Wheeler had the Lordship of Frenis-Town, (that was one of the pretended Fee-farms made by Tonery, and formerly yielded the Bishop but 4 li. yearly, and doth now yield 50 li. every year) yielded up [Page 19] unto him; so that Shea might still continue in the Bishops Court; and when Wheeler died, my gracious King, and good Master, Charles the First, commended me to the Bishoprick of Ossory, then came the Rebellion, and I was driven to flee before I had received one Penny from my Bishoprick, or had continued two Moneths therein; but blessed be God for it, I was restored by our now most gracious King; and having an Order from the most Honourable House of Lords, to be put into the possession of all the Houses and Lands of the Bishop of Ossory, that the last Bishop died seized of, the Sheriffe of the County of Kilkenny did put me, among divers other places, into the possession of the said Bishops Court, and the Tenants attourned Tenants unto me, and continued from the [...] day of April until the 8th. day of October following, 1662. at which time, one Captain Burges, and divers others, Anabaptists and Sectaries, the Te­nants of Sir George Ayskue, that never come into the Church, yet came into the Bishops House, and thence expelled the Bi­shop and his Tenants, from his possession. And I, the Bishop hearing of it, went thither my self, with two men and my Chap­lain Mr. Thomas Bulkley; and finding the door open, I and my Chaplain went in, and one of them, that kept the possession, affronted and justled me at the door of the Loft, to hinder my entrance in, and yet I got in; and then more and more came into the Room, to the number of 9 or 10 persons: And some of them, especially Captain Burges, vilified and threatned me to the fear of my Life, and some did shut the Iron Grate, and locked it, as I conceived, to keep me there for their Prisoner, and to hinder my two servants, that I had sent with my horses to Freshfoord, to come in; and when they demanded if they meant to murder their Lord, and desired to come in, one of them, that had a Cudgel in his hand, said, that if he offered to come in there, he would knock him in the head; and my man answered him with the like menaces, and I, hearing of their high threats, and fearing what mischief might fall out there, sent a peremptory command to my men, to go home, and let what death soever pleased God, come to me; but, after that I got liberty to go unto mine own house, I called a private [Page 20] Sessions, and Indicted Will. Portis, Tho. Collins, Jo. Rayman, Josias Scot, Will. Burges, for their forcible entry; but the In­dictment, being removed by a Certiorari to the Kings Bench, though I had retained two Counsellors, and gave them twenty shillings for their Fee, to do things right, and according to Law, yet through the errour of the Clerke, there were some faults found in the Indictment, and so the same was quasht by the Judges of the Kings Bench: Then I got the best Attourney that I thought was in Dublin, and is so reputed by all my friends, to draw me another Indictment against the foresaid forcible enter­ers; and being drawn, I carried it to Sir William Donvil, the Kings Atturney, and gave him his Fee to review it, and mend it, if any thing was amiss in it, and make it so, as it might stand good in Law, the which thing, he very carefully did, and amended some things with his own hands: And I knew not what I could or should do more, to draw a good Indictment.

Then I desired the Justices of the Peace, to send a precipe, to the Sheriffe to summon a Jury to examine the force, which they did, upon the said place, where the force was committed.

And, though Sir George Ayskue had for his Atturney, Mr. Smith, the now High Sheriffe of the County of the City of Kilkenny, and Mr. Johnson, the Recorder of the City of Kilken­ny for his Counsellour, to plead against the finding of the In­dictment true, as much as ever they could, and another Coun­sellour stood against it, as much, or more than either of them both; and I had neither Atturney nor Counsellour to say any thing for it, but what the Witnesses proved; yet the Jury did presently find it Billa Vera.

Then I desired the Justices of the Peace to restore me to my Possession, but to prevent the same, Mr. Smith, Sir George Ayskues Atturney, having a Certiorari ready in his Pocket, did immediately, as soon as ever the Jury had brought in their Ver­dict, deliver the same into the hands of the Justices of the Peace, and they delivered it to the Clerk of the Peace, and the Justices said, that now they could not restore me to my Possessi­on, because that their hands were stopt, and all the proceedings must be transmitted to the Kings Bench, by Octab. Hillarii.

And when I came to Kilkenny, I went to the Clerk of the Peace, and examined the same Indictment, which the Jury found (and which I had done before) ad amussim, very dili­gently, with that Copy, which the Kings Atturney had amended, and averred to be sufficient; and I prayed the Clerke of the Peace, to give me a Copy of that Indictment, which the Jury found, the which he did under his hand, and I examined all again, and found them in all things to be verbatim, word for word agreeable one to another.

Then by Octab. Hillarii, the time set, to return the proceed­ings to the Kings Bench, I went to Dublin: But there was no Indictment returned; still I expected, but still in vain; At last I complained to the Lords Justices; but they answered, that they could not help it, for they knew not, whether the Certi­orari was delivered or not: At last, seeing it was neither return­ed, nor like to be returned, I was advised to make Affidavit, that I had seen it delivered into the hands of the Justices of the Peace, and that I heard it read, and then saw it delivered to the Clerke of the Peace; and then upon the reading of my Affida­vit, and a motion made by my Counsel thereupon; there was an Order set down, that there should be 20 li. fine set upon the Clerke of the Peace, if the proceedings and the Indictment came not in by such a day; So, at last, it came in, but it was the last day of the Term that it came into the Court; and then the Kings Sergeant moved for my possession; but the Counsel, on the other side, pleaded, that there was an errour in the said In­dictment; and being somewhat long in alledging the Cases of A. and B. and of John an Oakes and John a Stile, the Lord Chief Justice told him, it was the last day of the Term, and Motions were to be heard: Therefore seeing they could not hear out the Matter now, they should shew cause by the second day of the next Term why possession should not be restored.

Then I thought this was to keep me long enough out of my Possession, and to let Sir George Ayskue have one half years rent more, to the two half years Rent that he had already, since I was driven out of my Possession, and to let his Counsel have time e ough added, to what they had already, to pick as many [Page 22] holes as they could find, or could make in mine Indictment, but, considering that, as the Poet saith, Levius fit patientia quicquid corrigere est nefas, I went away, and said nothing.

But upon the second day of the next Term, which was ap­pointed for the hearing of it, the Kings Atturney moved for pos­session, and the Counsel of the other side began to plead the er­rours of the Indictment, but the pleading was presently put off, and it was prosecuted the next day: The Kings Atturney being not there; and the main errour, that was of any moment, and which was neither seen nor toucht the Term before by Sir George his Counsel; (for all other things alledged, as my Counsel said, were but trifles, & could easily be answered) was, that in the Indictment it was said, Per Sacramentum quindecem virorum, whereas it should be Per Sacramentum proborum & legalium ho­minum comitatus Kilken-predict. extitit. presentat. which words were all left out of the Indictment, and the other words put in the room of them; Then I stood up and said, I was certain, the words quindecim virorum were not in the Indictment that was found by the Jury, and that all the other words were in it; because that my self had examined it, and read it, and had likewise a Co­py of it, under the hand of the Clerk of the Peace, which was examined with the Original by my self: And I offered in open Court to make Oath of all this; but the Lords Justices answe­red, that they could not proceed but according to the Record, that was returned to the Court, which they must conceive to be the true Record; And I answered, That I hoped they would not judge according to that Record, which I would swear was false and corrupted, and not the true Record, nor according to the Record that was found by the Jury; yet I could not prevail to have the Clerke of the Peace sent for, and to bring the original Record to be shewed in the Court, therefore by the next day I brought this Affidavit in writing:

And then my Counsel moved, that it might be read, and so it was: And I shewed to their Lordships what great wrong and abuse this was to me, and an injury to his Majesty, to have the Record falsified and corrupted, and protested in the open Court, that, so long as I could either speak or go, I would not suffer this abuse to pass unexamined, and at last, with much ado, I got the Lords Justices, to grant their Writ, to enjoyn the Clerke of the Peace, to appear upon the Saturday following, to answer such things as should be objected against him sub poena c. librarum, at which time he came; and I went with him to my Lord Chief Justice his house, to shew him the original Record, and how it was falsely transcribed, and not according to that, which was brought [Page 24] into the Court; but my Lord Chief Justice seeming, as I concei­ved, somewhat angry, said, he would hear nothing, nor, see any thing, but what should be shewed in Court; and then the Clerke of the Peace came with me to the Court, and when he was called, he confessed the truth, that the Record transmitted to the Court, was not according to the original Record, but w s falsely written by his Clerke, that he trusted to write it, altogether unknown to him; then my Counsel moved, that the Record might be amen­ded according to the original Record; but the Lords Justices an­swered, that they could not alter the Record brought into the Court: And the Kings Sollicitor, Mr. Temple, very honestly re­plied, they might, if they pleased, have it amended, for that, in such a case, some errour or mistake was found in an Indictment in the time of one Clerke of the Peace, and it was ordered to be amended pro rege in the time of another Clerke of the Peace; the Lord Chief Justice answered, this Indictment was brought into the Court the last Term, and therefore it could not be amended this Term. Then I replied, It should have been brought in in the beginning of the last Term, but it was concealed till the last day of the last Term, and this errour then was neither seen nor spoken of; and how could we move then, to have it amended, be­fore we knew the falshood and corrupting of it, which was no waies perceived till this time? Yet, for all that I could say or do, I could not prevail to have the Record amended, according to the original Record. And when I saw that, I desired my Counsel, to desire their Lordships, either to grant that it might be amended, or to quash it out of hand, that I should not spend my self in Dublin, but go to begin a fresh, and to indict them again; and then my Lord Chief Justice answered, seeing we desired to quash it, let it be quasht; which, in respect of the Kings fine, I concei­ved, should not be done, if the original Indictment, found by the Jury, was good. Then I got the Kings Sollicitor, Mr. Temple, and the Kings Sergeant, Sergeant Griffith, and Mr. Darcy, to draw me an Indictment, that would stand good in Law; and pre­sently I went to Kilkenny, and required the Justices of the peace to send their precipe, to the Sheriff, to summon 24 men to ap­pear at Freshfoord the 23 of the instant, which they did accord­ingly; [Page 25] and the Deputy Sheriff appointed these Gentlemen to be summoned,

• John Grace of Courtstowne, Esq;
• John Wheeler, Gent.
• Rich Donvil, Gent.
• William Davies, Gent.
• Walter Bushop, Gent.
• Walter Nosse, Gent.
• John Pursel, Gent.
• William Pay, Gent.
• William White, Gent.
• Ralph Hale. Gent.
• Lewis Mathews, Gent.
• Robert Grace, Gent.
• George Lodge, Gent.
• Edmund Butler, Gent.
• Matthew White, Gent.
• William Hunter, Gent.
• Thomas Green, Gent.
• Vincent Knatchbul, Gent.
• Ric. Comerford of Degenmore, G.
• Tho. Bowers of Knoctopher, G.
• Emanuel Palmer, Gent.
• Mathias Reilegh, Gent.
• Chri. Auetstone of Thomastone.
• Tho. Hussie of Gowrom, Gent.
• Toby Boyle of Condonstown, Gent.
• Tho. Tomlins of Lyniate Abby.
• Joseph Wheeler of Killrush.
• George Barton of Gostingstown, G.

But before the Bayliffs were gone to summon them, the High Sheriff was come to the Town, and seeing the List of the Subscribed, and having conferred with Sir George Ayscue, that lay in the next Room where the Sheriff lay, he said those men should not serve in the Jury, but he would choose a Jury for this business, and he nominated such men: Anabaptists, Presbyterians, and others of the most rigid Sectaries, that were in all the whole County: Yet because I knew two or three of them to be very ho­nest men, I was very well contented with them. But as soon as ever I was gone from the Sheriff, those men were put by, and other Sectaries put into the List in their steadA Jury as my friends, that knew them, said would hang all the Bishops in Ire­land, if they were their Ju­ry to try them.. And the Bailiff coming to me for more money then I had given him, for summon­ing those that the Deputy Sheriff had appointed, because now, the High Sheriff had appointed men, that he had picked out over all the County of Kilkenny: Then I suspected some evil determi­ned against me, and I desired the Bayliff, to shew me the List of those, that he was to summon, and when I saw those honest men that I knew, put out, and others put in their room, I put the [Page 26] Warrant in my Pocket, and bad the Bayliff tell the Sheriff, that my Witnesses for the King were not ready; and after he told this to the Sheriff, he came to me again weeping and crying, and desi­red me for Gods sake to give him his Warrant: For the Sheriff was very angry with him, and he was utterly undone, for shew­ing me the Warrant, but I kept it still in my Pocket.

And thus was I served, with a great deal of travel and charge above 60 li. in seeking to recover the Church Lands, which I resolved and vowed if I could recover it, to bestow it wholly for the repairing and re-edifying of the flat-fallen Church of Kil­kenny: And now, let the Judge of all the World, and let all just and honest men judge, whether this be a fair and just proceed­ing.

But quorsum haec? To what purpose is all this pains of this Re­lation? Is it to taxe and charge the Reverend Judges either of in­justice or partiality? No, By no means: I taxe no man; but I set down rem gestam the whole matter a capite ad calcem; and they, the Judges and Counsellours, being great Lawyers may find all this to be just; and especially, to make it seem so to be; and though for all cheating Pettifoggers and covetous Counsellours, that against the dictate of their own consciences, and against their King and against the Church of God, will, for a Fee, sell their souls unto the devil; I hate their doings that are Sicut atri janua ditis: Yet I do from my heart honour and reverence all the grave and just Judges, and Learned Lawyers, without whose help and Counsel and Judgment, we could not live in this Common­wealth. And though I failed at the Kings Bench, to prevail to procure those Fines unto the King, which I conceived should be imposed upon those five that I indicted, (whereof the chief of them, that is, Captain Burges is now sent Prisoner to Dublin, by my Lord of Ossory, which may be a just Judgement, that he should be committed by my Lord of Ossory for his abuse done to the Bishop of Ossory,) yet I have had very fair Justice done me, by the Judges of the Court of Claim, and I am confident, to find the like from them again, and to be righted by the Judges of the Court of Exchequer And so like­wise from the Kings Bench and Common Pleas. for the wrongs and damages that I sustai­ned by those that forcibly entered upon my Possessions, and do [Page 27] still detain it from me, when I shall bring the cause before them. Therefore I have no reason for the biting of a mad Dog, to hang all the good Dogs in the Countrey, or for the abuse or injustice done me by some one man or few Lawyers, to exclaim against all others, when as the Poet adviseth us, Parcere paucorum diffun­dere crimen in omnes. But I do exceedingly tax my self, and mine own understanding, that understanding both Greek and Latine, and having read what Lambert, Bolton and Dalton have written of Forcible Entries, I should be such a Dolt, as not to under­stand this Proceeding of mine, about the Indictment of those Forcible Enterers to be a just and a fair Proceed­ing.

Therefore mine apprehension conceiving such proceedings to be foul, and very much amiss, and that the justice which I had, upon the whole matter, had not what Pindarus saith Justice useth to have, that is, [...], I thought good, to set down the same, not to accuse, and complain against any one for being unjust, or to seek any redress unto my self; for I have born, and can be contented still to bear, more wrongs than this: But I do it for these ends.

1. To let poor men see, how they may be wronged and op­pressed, and have their Land and Possessions taken from them by great and powerful men, and what they are best to do in such a case; and my counsel is, to be patient, because as I said before, Levius fit patientia quicquid corrigere est nefas, and as our Saviour saith, If any man sue thee for thy Coat, let him have thy Cloak al­so; So I say, if any great man, that hath a great Place, or great Friends, take away thy Lands, let him take away thy House al­so, rather then spend thy Money, and lose that with thy Lands; for as Christ saith, If these things be done to the green tree, what shall be done to the dry? So if these Proceedings pass against me, that can both speak and follow my businesse to the uttermost, and, I thank God have ability to go through with it, what shall become of thee, and thy Cause, that art a poor man, when thou swimmest against the stream, and kickest against the pricks?

Therefore I advise thee, rather in such a case, to cry to God, than complain to any Judge, lest that as the Poet saith, Exces­sit [Page 28] medicina modum, thy remedy will prove worse than thy dis­ease. For thou seest how I am served, put out of my House, and spend above 60 li. and have no redress.

2. If this proceeding and dealing with me, be, as I conceive it, not so fair and so just as it should be, both for the King and my self, that am ejected out of my House and Lands; then I conceive, His Majesty and the Parliament should, to prevent the like Oppression and wrongs to poor men, provide an easier and plainer way to relieve the oppressed, and to set down an usual Form of Indictment, or to cause that the Indictments should not be so easily and so frequently, upon every Lawyers motion, quasht, as they are reported to be: Especially when the mat­ter of Force is plain and evidently proved. And this redress of Injuries I petition and move for, for these four special rea­sons.

1. Because the difficulty of framing the Indictments so, that a cunning Lawyer cannot easily find a fault, and a flaw in it, and then the frequent quashing of such Indictments, as are found faulty, is a great wrong to his Majesty, in depriving him of those Fines that otherwise are due, and should be rendered unto him.

2. It is a great Abuse and injury unto the poor Subject, that shall be driven out of his Possession, and, for want of a sufficient Clerke or Counsellour to draw the right form of his Indictment, (which as I see few can do) he shall both spend his Money, and lose his labour; and perhaps, he is not able to do as I did, three or four times to draw Indictments, till he finds one that may stand good.

3. This frequent quashing of Indictments is a great encourage­ment for Oppressors, and wicked men to wrong their neighbours more and more; for say they, I will enter upon him and thrust him out, and if he doth indite me, I will remove it to the Kings Bench, and I shall find a Lawyer that will quash his Indictment by and by.

4. This very practise and proceeding may be feared to prove the very bane and destruction of whole Nations and Kingdoms: For if Righteousness exalteth a Nation, and a Kingdom is tran­slated [Page 29] from one Nation to another People, because of unrighte­ousness, as Solomon saith, and as we may read it in all Histories. Then you may see how requisite it is, for Kings and Princes, to look to those things, and not to suffer unrighteous Judges, either for favour to one, or hatred to another, to do what they list, and to make their Laws like a Nose of Wax, to bend which way they please, or like a Spiders Web, that catcheth the small Flies, but is broken, by the great humble Bees, all to pieces; but to be like the Chancellour Steel, that although he hated my person, yet, he said, though I deserved it not, I should have Justice, and so he did me Justice presently, and I love to do right to my Ad­versary, and to say the truth of mine enemy.

But for my self, I thank God for it, as I lived many years ve­ry quietly and contentedly with far less means then 20 li. a year, and with far less pains and troubles then I have now, so I doubt not, but I could live so still; and I resolved and vowed, as I have attested in my Epistle to his Majesty, that, if I should re­cover this Bishops Court unto the Church, I would wholly and fully bestow the same for the repairing of the Cathedral Church of Kilkenny: So that recovering it, I should not be one Penny the richer, or not recovering it, not a Penny the poorer; and so the wrong done by this Proceeding, whosoever did it, is, as I conceive, more against the King and the Church than against my self. And if the Proviso for Sir George Ayskue carrieth this Bishops Court to him from the Church, which in my understand­ing is clean contrary to the very words of the Act, pag. 72. Let him pray that he hath it not with that Sauce which God prescri­beth in Psal. 83. And so I end, and so be it, as God pleaseth, Amen.

And after I had delivered this same Relation unto his Majesty, and shewed the Effect and sum thereof, by the next day I gave him this Petition.

And my Lords Grace of Canterbury very graciously, and like a most Religious Father and Countenancer of the Fathers of the Church, going with me to deliver it to his Majesty, and to let him understand the substance of it, said, here is the good Bishop of Ossory (so his Grace was pleased beyond my Desarts, to stile me) that hath a very reasonable Petition to your Majesty, and telling him the sum of it, his Majesty, like a most Pious King, most graciously answered, I will do it with all my heart: and my Lords Grace sent for Secretary Benet, and he drew me this his Majesties Answer the next day.

I know not what more I could have desired; his Majesty here­in doing more then I desired: And when I was very willing to have given 5 l. in Gold for Sir Henry Bennets Fee, that most Courteous Gentleman, Mr. Quod-dolphin, said, I should not pay one penny, but Sir Henry would lay that upon the Church, and my Lord of Canterburies score: So fairly, and so friendly was I used at his Majesties Court: The Lord bless them, and reward them for it; and grant them alwaies the like Favour as I found with them.

And when I came with his Majesties Reference to my Lord Duke of Ormond, I found his Grace, as honourable, and very gracious in his Answer and Direction to me; but, when his Grace referred the Petition (that I drew to his Grace, to do as his Majesty directed) and his Majesties Reference, to the Coun­cil-Table, I must acknowledge, that I feared the success, and so it happened according to my fear; for when I was called be­fore the Council, his Grace said, he was no Lawyer, but he left the Matter to them, to inform me, what was to be done accor­ding to Law; and my Lord Chancellour said, that both my self, in my Relation, and my Lawyers and Counsel confest, that the Judges did act, and their Proceedings were according to Law; and therefore I must even begin again, and it was my best course to proceed according to Law; and I answered, if all this in my Proceedings were Law, I pray God send us a better Law; for I shewed the whole Proceedings to his Majesty, and to divers of the Judges of England, and they said, this was a fair proceed­ing indeed, to set up a man of straw, and then shoot at him, to [Page 32] bring a false Indictment to the Court, and then quash it; for I proved it in the open Court (by the Confession of the Clerke of the Peace, that brought the true Indictment with him to the Court, and acknowledged that the other was falsified, ei­ther by the Clerke that he trusted to write it, or by some other, he knew not who:) that the Indictment brought to the Court, was not the true Indictment, that was found by the Jury; and so without any more words, my Lords Grace seemed to me very graciously to smile, and so I was dismist.

But I fear that the favour which Sir Geo. Ayskue finds in every place against me, may produce no good effect.And then I called to mind the cause that moved me to fear the success I should have at the Council-Table, not Injustice, that I mean not. I know that they are just, but that the Justice I should have, would not be to my advantage, and the favour that I desired: For when I still indited the forcible Enterers, and still proceeded against Sir George Ayskues Tenants, he pre­ferred a Petition to the Council-Table, about this Lordship of Bishops Court; and I hearing of it, conceived that before any thing should be done thereupon, I should have the favour to be made acquainted with the same Petition, that I might answer it, but I could hear nothing of it, until a little while after, some of the Bishops, by reason of the power to my L. Lieutenant and Counsel given by the last Proviso in the Act of settlement, fear­ing that they would alter and retrench some of his Majesties Fa­vours and Additionals granted unto them, by the said Act, petitioned that they would not do so, but leave all things that concerned the Bishops, statu quo, as they are expressed in the Act, without Alteration or retrenchment; and my Lord Lieu­tenant and Counsel granted their Petition; but with this only Proviso, that Sir George Ayskues right might be preserved, that is, as I conceive, against all the Bishops, for that none is named; and this Proviso, of all the men in Ireland, is but only for Sir George Ayskue, and of all the Bishops in Ireland, it seems by all likelihood, only prejudicial to the Bishop of Ossory: Which notwithstanding, if the last Proviso in the Act of Settlement, be well understood and rightly followed, can be no prejudice to him at all, as I conceive it; for that the Power given to my Lord Lieutenant and Counsel by that Proviso, is as I understand [Page 33] it, a power to alter and retrench any thing, in part or in whole, which they shall find either contrary to his Majesties Declarati­on, or inconsistent with,Which are the very words in the Proviso. or to the general settlement of the King­dom; and I conceive, that the suffering of the Bishop of Osso­ry, to enjoy his own House and Lands, where the Bishops used to live and reside, cannot be contrary to his Majesties De­claration, not inconsistent with the general settlement of the Kingdom. And therefore I humbly conceive, that my Lord Lieutenant and Counsel have no power by that Proviso granted unto them, to take away his Majesties Grant and Favour to the Bishop of Ossory, and to settle the same upon Sir George Ays­kue; especially if his Majesty was deceived in his Grant to Sir George Ayskue, as I verily believe he was; for his Majesty grants him the Lands setled upon him for his Service in Ireland; and I have searched and examined the Matter as much as ever I could, and yet could never find nor understand what Service he had done in Ireland, that deserved to carry away the House and Lands of the Bishop of Ossory, or indeed of any Service, that he did in Ireland at all, either for King or Parlia­ment.

And if for all this, he carries the Bishops House away, I will sing, Mopso Nisa datur: and seeing how many of the Bishops Houses and Lands, that were by an Order of the House of Lords, delivered to my possession by the Sheriffe of the County, and were peaceably in my Tenants possession, and paid me Rent ever since his Majesties happy coming in, were given away, while I was in London, Petitioning about this Cause, and could not be at Dublin, to answer them that sued for them, nor dreamed of any Suites against me, and being not able in mine old Age (especially seeing what Pains, Charge, and Success I have hitherto had with Sir Geo. Ayskue) to follow so many Suits, against so many men, so powerful as they are, in the Courts of Justice, at the Council-Table, and in all places, I will like Ba­laams Asse, so unjustly beaten, lie down under my burden, too heavy for me to bear, and call and cry to God to arise and main­tain his own Cause, and the Cause of his own Son Jesus Christ.

Yet in this Suit, betwixt me and Sir Geo. Ayskue, because I have taken so much paines, and spent so much Money, (and speci­ally because I do hate and abhor, that any manI mean not Sir G. Ayskue, but whosoever he be., which hath fought under the Standard of the Beast and Long Parliament, against that Most Pious King, and my Most Gracious Master, Charles the First, should carry away the Houses and Lands, that Religious Princes have dedicated for the Honour and Ser­vice of Jesus Christ, for the Reward of that wickedness) I re­solved once more to enter into the List, to follow my alwaies ve­ry honourable Friend, my Lord Chancellours Advice, and try the Success with him, by the Verdict of an honest Jury, and I indi­ted 6 of the Tenants and Servants of Sir Geo. Ayskue, for a for­cible Entry, and 5 of them now, the third time; and I had six Counsellours help, to draw and compose the Indictment, and so to review it, and correct it, if any thing was amiss therein, that, being found Billa Vera by the Jury, it might so stand good, and not be quashed, as my two former Indictments were, by the Judges of the Kings Bench.

And the 6 forcible Enterers being indited, for fear lest the Record should be falsified, and corrupted, as the former indite­ment of them had been, I got the Clerke of the Peace, to send it inclosed in a Letter sealed up, by my man, to his Agent in Dublin, to be delivered into the Office, which mine Adversa­ries presently told to my Lord of Santree, and was objected as a Piaculum; Meaning, as I conceived, by the Relation that I had printed of the former Pro­ceedings. and when the Record came to the Court, my Lord Chief Justice said upon the Bench, that my Lord Bishop had abused the Court, to whom I replied, that I had not abused the Court, for that I had set down nothing but the Truth, and was as loath as any man, to offer the least Abuse to any of his Majesties Courts, or Judges of his Courts; And after my Lord Chief Justice and my self had conferred together, I found him my very honourable Friend, and I retained three of the Kings Counsel to follow the said Cause for his Majesty, and the Counsellours of the Fanaticks failing to quash the Indictment, my Lord Chief Justice told them, they must either submit, or be bound to prosecute their Traverse; and they became bound in 200 l, to prosecute the same upon the 10th. day of [Page 35] Easter Term, which was the sixth day of May. And when, up­on that day the Jury were sworn,That their children and their childrens children may understand from what (I will not say Ca­naanites, but Catharists) they are sprung. Who and what my Witnesses proved, viz. William Baker of Ballyto­bin, John Pursel of Lismore, William Baxter of Earlstown, Isaac Jackson of Kilamery, John Jones of Ri [...] Robert How­ford of Ballyneboly, Nicholas Pharoe, Thomas Tomlins of Lismo­teag, Chrystopher Render of Fadenarah, John Nixon of Brawnebarn, William Cheshire of [...] and Thomas Huswife of Gowran; good men and true, or neither good men nor true.

1. I brought in evidence, Mr. Sheriff Reigly (who was the Sheriff that gave me possession) and Mr. Connel (and Hugh Linon, that was thought needless) to prove my possession given by the Sheriffe of the County of Kilkenny, by vertue of an Order of the House of Lords, of this Lordship of Bish. Court & the Lands there­to belonging, and of the Tenements in Freshfoord, as it was ex­pressed in a Shedule annexed to the Order of the Lords, upon the 29th day of April, 1662. and that the Tenants did atturne Tenants, and gave pieces of money in earnest of their rents, and promised to keep the possession, and to continue Tenants unto me during my pleasure.

2. Mr. Thomas Bulkley, Mr. William Williams, Thomas Da­vies, and my self proved the multitude of persons, to the num­ber of ten or twelve, that upon the 8th day of October, 1662. were entred into the said Bishops Court, and there forcibly kept the possession against the Bishop, and some (one with a sword by his side, and a staff or Cane in his hand, and another with a long staff in his hand) threatned that they would make him repent his doings and coming there, and that Sir George Ayskue would spend 500 li. before he would leese this Bishops Court, and that Captain Burges said, he would keep and uphold the possession for Sir George Ayskue with his life and fortune; and others, having shut the Iron Grate, to hinder the Bishop to go out or his Servants to come in, when his Servants demanded, what they meant, to murder their Lord? And desired to come in, to wait upon their Master, they threatned them, and said, that if they of­fered to come in there, they would beat them down, and knock out their Brains.

3. Mr. Richard Marshal, Mr. George Farre, Mr. John Mur­phey, and Ed. Dalton, (that proved how he was thrust out of the house by head and shoulders) proved the forcible entry, with arms and weapons, a Gun, and a Pike, and Staves, into some of the Tenements in Freshford; and that for nine daies, they kept the same with such a company of Fanaticks, Anabaptists, and other Sectaries, that they seemed rather to be a Garrison, than the keeping of the possession of any house.

And after nine daies they bound George Farre and others in a bond of a thousand pounds that they should continue true Te­nants to Sir George Ayskue, and keep the possession for him against the Bishop of Ossory.

And because the said George Farre proved this point so fully and so plain, that nothing could be said against it; one of the Fanaticks Counsellours said, what I conceive was very unfit to be spoken, in so publick a place, and before such honourable Judges of any of the Kings Witnesses, that this man, the principal of the Witnesses, was a parricide, which I dare justifie to be most untrue.

4. For impounding the Cattle, and beating and wounding them that sought to hinder it, the said George Farre proved the same so fully, and that one of the women, that was beaten, lay long sick after her beating, that Sir Audley Mervin and Serjeant Gruffith would not suffer three other Witnesses, that I had there at the Bar, that is, John Duran, Barbara Marshal, and another Wench, to be sworn and examined, and so to trouble the Court any further; because said they, you see the Lords Justices, and the whole Court, are sufficiently satisfied, that I had more than abundantly proved the forcible entry, and detaining of this Bi­shops Court, but they gave way, to six of the Intruders Coun­sel, to say what they could for their Clients.

And when each one of them had made his Oration, and spent much time, and my Lord Chief Justice heard them, with a great deal of patience, to prove what I never denied, but was ready to confess all that they said, touching the large Writings and Evi­dences, that they produced, to prove the Title and Interest of Mr. Robert Shea to this Bishops Court, which at this time, when [Page 37] the question was only of the forcible entry, I had no reason to con­tradict, and which perhaps might be good (and perhaps not) before he forfeited the same unto his Majesty.

But for Sir George Ayskue, that for his Service,How S. George Ayskue came to have this Bishops Court. you know to whom, (which makes me believe it will never prosper with him) had a Commission from the Usurper Crumwel, that for 200 li. which was due unto him for some Service that he had done, as I am informed, the Commissioners should allot him so much Lands, as they thought worth 200 li. and they out of favour to him, and getting Lands so cheap as they did, gave him this Bishops Court, and so much more other Lands, as are now far better worth than 200 li. per annum; his Counsel said never a word touching his Title and Interest; for he injoyed it not peaceably and quietly, but only during the time of the Rebellion, and Usurpation, (which I conceive to be no true Possession,) for as soon as ever his Ma­jesty was so happily restored before one year had gone about, I sent to enter upon it, and to distrain for my Rent, and Captain Burges, Sir George Ayskues prime Tenant, gave me a Writing, which I have to shew, under his hand, to become answerable un­to me for the whole Rent of this Bishops Court and Freshfoord, when I should be peaceably setled in it.

So when these six Counsellours had spent their spirits in ty­ring the worthy Judges, and beating the soft air, to no purpose, but only (like those Fanatick Preachers, that read their Text, and never touch it after) to amaze the simple and — Jury which I may justly term — for that I am confident, the most of them were resolved what to do before ever they heard the Evidence: My Counsel, that were Sir William Dunvil, the Kings Atturney, Sir Audley Mervin The Speaker of the House of Commons., Sir John Temple, the Kings Sollicitor, Sergeant Gruffith, and Mr. Rian, all very worthy men, and worthy to be named, thinking it no wisdom in them, as one of themselves told me, nor any waies beneficial, either to the King for his Fine, or to me for the Possession, to follow those extravagant Counsellours in their devious waies, and to answer their needless discourses, so far from the point in question, as be­ing only about Sheas Title, and no waies touching nor contra­dicting the forcible entry, were very silent, and said never a word [Page 38] to all that the adverse Counsellours had said, but left the Evi­dence to be explained to the Jury by the Judges, who had so ex­actly examined them, and so patiently heard what both sides could say: for which, some of the adverse Counsellours, and some of my friends blamed them very much, for making no manner of replication at all to Sir George Ayskues Counsel. But truly I do conceive, that digitus dei erat hic, that as he openeth the mouth of babes and sucklings to shew forth his praise, so he shuts the mouths of the Wise and Learned, when it pleaseth him, as here he did, for the trial of this Jury, whether they would be true and honest, that, being foundLike Belshaz­zar, weighed in the balance and found too light. as I conceive they are, they might be made an example (which he knew I would do, to the uttermost of my power) for all other Juries, to terrifie them from falshood and wrong, to the great benefit of the whole Kingdom, which, without some se­vere censures upon such high Offenders, would rather prove to be a Den of thieves than a seat of safety for honest men, that were best (if — Juries may still do what they list) to obey the voice, which cried in the air, at the Siege of Hierusalem, Mi­gremus hinc.

Then my Lord of Santry, that is, my Lord Chief Justice, see­ing my Counsel silent, began most nobly, rightly, and truly, as a most upright Judge, and like himself in all his judgements, told the Jury, that for the title and matter of Law, and the Interest of either in this Bishops Court, it was not in their charge to inquire of it, but they, that were the Judges of the Law, and of the right interest were to do it, and would do the same, when my Counsel should move for the possession, but they were, for the King, to enquire only of the matter of fact and force; whether after pos­session was given to the Bishop by the Sheriff, by vertue of an Order of the house of Lords, and the Bishop continued his pos­session from April to the eighth of October, The which said he, a Dis­seisor should not forcibly be put out. though he should be a Disseisor, yet was he not forcibly put out, and kept out of the same? This was their only charge, to inquire after: and for this, said my Lord Chief Justice, you see what is proved; a multitude of persons, ten or twelve at the least, when as one may make a forcible entry; you heard also, said he, what weapons they had, Gun, Pike, Sword, and Staves; and you heard what threatning [Page 39] words they used, that they would make the Bishop to repent his coming there; that they would knock down his Servants and beat out their brains if they attempted to come in; and you heard likewise how they had beaten and wounded those Servants, that sought to hinder them to impound their Cattle; and all this, said my Lord Chief Justice, makes the forcible entry plain, so that you need not stand upon it. So justly and so fairly did my Lord of Santry deal herein, without either fearing or favour­ing the one or the other.

So the Jury was dismist; and all that heard the evidence, Sure, if I had not been a Bi­shop they would never have given such a Verdict. and what my Lord Chief Justice said, would have laid, some twenty to one, some forty to one, and some a hundred to one, that the Jury would not stand upon it, but presently find the Verdict for the King. Yet they brought their Verdict for the Defen­dants.

And as I am informed, all the Grave and Reverend Judges wondred, and were discontented at their Verdict;And who will prosecute for the King if Ju­ries be suffered to do thus? and whereas some would have the Jury fined, and imprisoned for the wrong they had done to the King; my Lord Chief Justice answered, there was a fitter place to punish them: meaning, as I conceive, the Star-Chamber.

And if such men, that formerly most of them were against their King, be thus permitted, to drive men out of house and home, and forcibly to enter into their possession, though they should be Peeres of the Realm, which is a violence offered unto the Law, and a petty Rebellion, the next degree, and fore-runner of rebellion against their King himself; and when any oppres­sed and expulsed man shall with a great deal of pains and la­bour, and with a vast expence of money, and an indictment upon indictment, thrice over, bring the same to a travers, and they, the Jury, without any Conscience, contrary to all justice, and contrary to all their evidence, and the plain Declaration and Judgement of the Lords the Judges of the Court, and of the whole Court, shall do what they please, and say, Quod volumus, id sanctum est, what we do is Law, without any speedy remedy against them, to the utter undoing of many poor oppressed men, who had better suffer any, the greatest wrong, than seek [Page 40] to be relieved,And as the Poet saith, Ex­cessit medicina modum. by such a way, whereby usura superat sortem, and the seeking of a Remedy shall so far exceed the Disease, I know not with what safety, either of Life, State, or Fortune, (which are all in the power of the Juries, to determine of them) any man can live in this Kingdom.

For here, (especially in the County of Kilkenny,) where that perfidious Rebell and Traytor Axtell planted his Colony, such a multitude of Anabaptists, Quakers, and other worser Sectaries,What I say against these, I say not against the worthy Gen­tlemen and good Prote­stants, that are also very many, and my very good Friends in these parts: Neither do I say it against those wel-bred Gentlemen that were Officers, and Commanders in the Army, but of the genera­lity of the Common Souldiers, and some of the meaner Officers, that for their small Arrears got large Territories, and are now great Free-holders, and the chiefest Jury-men and Judges of our Lives, Lands, and Fortunes. that in the beginning of the English Rebellion, were broken Citizens and Tradesmen, Taylers and Tinkers, Shoomakers and Coblers, Plow-men, and others, the like, men of no fortune, thought to raise themselves by the Irish Wars, and having some Arrears of Pay due unto them, got Orders to set out Lands unto them for the same, and the King­dom being depopulated and wasted, and made a Wilderness with­out Inhabitants, the Lands were of nothing worth, and they had what Lands they pleased, and as much as they pleased, for their Arrears; for ten pounds as much as is now worth a hundred pounds a year; and for a hundred pounds as much as I will give a hundred pounds per annum.

These men, that followed Axtells Religion, and were of his Plantation, being mounted up on Cock-horse, to be such great Freeholders, (the Irish Proprietors being, for the most part, dri­ven away, and the Church Lands also taken into these Souldiers hands,) they must now be, for the most part, the principal Ju­ry men and so the Judges of our Lives, Lands, and For­tunes.

And they, considering their own interest to be alike, in the Lands, both of the Church, of the Irish, and of all, from whomsoever they hold it, do stick and cling together, like sworn brethren, or rather like forsworn wretches, to defend and maintain each others Title and Interest in the Lands, that each [Page 41] one holdeth, both against Clergy and Laity, God or the King, be the same right or wrong, they will not lose their lands.

And they do incourage each other thus to continue in their wickedness, saying, that they got their Lands with the loss of their bloud, and the hazard of their lives; and therefore, to get the King some small fine, whereof he shall have but the least part of it, and be but very little the better for it, and to dispossess their own fanatick Party, and give the Lands unto their Enemies, especially unto the Bishops, whom of all others they hate most of all, and Bishop Williams above all the rest, as he that hates their former Rebellions, and their now practices, more than any man else, they will never do it: though they hazard the loss, both of body and soul.

Indeed, for the Bishop of Ossory he understands their malice towards him, well enough, (I pray God forgive them) so great, that, were it not for some honest, and truly religious Irish Gen­tlemen, and some of the Catholick Religion, I profess that I durst not live amongst these, that formerly warred against their King, and if the truth were known, do as I believe, as little love their present King, as they do much hate our Church, and the Bi­shops of our Church: when as they that hate their Bishops, cannot be said to honour their King, as I have most fully shewed in my Grand Rebellion.

And therefore I went unto his grace, my Lord Lieutenant, and related to his Grace the Verdict of the Jury, plain contrary to their evidence and the Declaration of my Lord Chief Justice, and the Judgement of the whole Court; and therefore did most humbly desire his Grace, to give me leave to go for England, to dispatch some necessary occasions, and to signifie unto his Maje­sty, that, if there were no Court of Star-Chamber here, nor any other provision made, to punish all perjured Juries, and all high Transgressors of the Laws and hainous offendors, that de­prive his Majesty of the fines, justly due unto him, and his Sub­jects of their right, we, the true Protestants, and his Majesties loyal Subjects, were not in safety, nor able to live among such Confederates of wickedness; but must, as King Boco said to the Senate of Rome, depart thence, lest the ire of the Gods, [Page 42] or the rage and injustice of such men do utterly destroy us. And his Grace very mildly and graciously answered, my Lord, the Bill for a Star-Chamber is already drawn, and sent to his Majesty to be signed, and will speedily come down, to pass the Houses, and then such Malefactors may be fully punished ac­cording to their offence.

And I protested, and do protest, that I would be with the first, that would do my uttermost endeavour, to punish this Jury, and all false and forsworn perjured Juries, and the like high Transgressours, that concern me whatsoever. For,

It is most certain, that Impunitas peccati invitat homines ad malignandum; And therefore I do believe, that I am as equally bound in conscience, to punish this Jury, as I am to recover the Lands of the Church. and as Solomon saith, because the punishment is deferred, the hearts of the children of men are altogether set, to do evil; and my Divinity assureth me, that to punish a perjured person, and a transcendent Transgressour of the Law, is as acceptable unto God, as the relieving of the Oppressed; because that hereby we do our best that those, which will not be perswaded by good Counsel to be honest, and vertuous, may be forced with stripes, to do their duties, or at least terrified from being so vicious, for that as St. Bernard saith, Qui non vult duci debet trahi.

And therefore, with what means that God hath given me, I will with his assistance, do my best, to repair Gods House, to relieve the Distressed, and to punish the Perjured, and the Oppressors of Gods People; and the rather, because that here, in the parts, where I live, I have seen, in three or four years, more forcible Entries, Riots and Oppressions than I have seen in England, or Wales, that might be thought a little more wild than England in all my life, so that a Stranger, might rather think it a Country of Robbers, Tyrants, and Oppressours, much like unto Albion, when Brutus entred it, than a Country where with safety he might dwell amongst them; for I do pro­fess, were it not for some honest Irish, that are not all of my Re­ligion, nor I of theirs, that do further me, incourage me, and protect me, in Gods service, and the advancement of Gods Church, I had rather live a poor Curate in my own Country, than a Bishop among such a company of Crumwellian Anabaptists, [Page 43] Quakers, and other worser Sectaries, that do live in these parts, and the wind of his Majesties happy Government, and the pru­dent care of my Lord Lieutenant, hath driven them, like the Church Papists in Queen Elizabeths daies,As by their actions and hatred I do perfectly dis­cern them. to come within the Pales of our Church; and yet are as false-hearted, if the same might be seen, both to the King and the Church of Christ, as ever they were in Crumwells daies; as I conceive it to appear, by the oath of one of my Witnesses, that swore he heard the Captain of these forcible Enterers, that I indicted, incouraging his followers, to keep the possession for Sir George Ayskue, and to assure themselves, things should never be quiet untill they returned and come again as they were before; which was a strange saying, as I understood it.

Yet I would not have my Reader here to think, but that as the Scripture distinguisheth betwixt the seed of the woman and the seed of the Serpent, the Children of God and the Sons of Beli­al, so I do here in no waies prejudice, nor think the least evil of the true-hearted English and true Protestants, the worthy Gen­tlemen, the Officers, Captains and Commanders of the Army, that are likewise many in these parts; but I make a great deal of difference betwixt them, so much, as that I do as much love and honour the one, as I do hate and abhor the doings and wicked­ness of the other.

So you may see, what it is to live in Ireland, For here now the Poet may well say, that Terras Astraea reliquit. among Anabap­tists and other Sectaries, worse than Pagans; and how it is my Fortune to feel the brunt, and taste the poyson of their Malice, to publish the same to all posterities: God deliver his Servants from them. Amen.

ANd now, untill I shall see whether the Star-Chamber will think it Justice, as I do, that this — Jury should bear all the damage that I sustain by their Verdict, and which I should have recovered upon the forcible Enterers, if they had gone according to their Evidence, I thought good to prefer this Peti­tion to His Majesty.

THE Church of Ireland in former times was very famous and glorious for many things especially for Piety, and neigh­bourly Charity, and bounty of the people one towards another, as it appeareth by the rare and many many Edifices of Churches and Monasteries, endowed with ample means and revenues, dedicated for the honour of God, and the service of Jesus Christ; all to be seen at this very day: for which cause it was wont to be admi­red and applauded, and by the bordering Nations, that obser­ved their sedulity in pious works, and neglect of worldly pomp, when, as the holy Patriarchs lived in Tents, so most of them were contented to lie in Booths, and poor earthly Cabins, or houses made of Earth, that they might build to God houses of Marble, most sumptuous and glorious; and that they might be the better able, to bestow the more, to adorn and beautifie the houses and Temples of God; it was called, and not amiss, Ecclesia Sanctorum, the glorious Church of holy Saints; that aimed only to go to heaven.

But now since the unhappy time of that potent K. H. 8. when Sacriledge, through his discontent with the Pope, about his di­vorce with Queen Katherine, Ut fama vagatur, began to get [Page 2] the upper hand, and to throw away Piety from the Church, and trample it under foot, and cover it over with the Cloak of hy­pocrisie, and the vain shadow of no Religion, instead of the true service of God, you may see reliquias danaum, the ruines of Troy, and in all places the carkass of Religion, lodged in the thrown-down walls of all the Abbies and Monasteries, and most of the Cathedrals, and the other Churches of Ireland, that are now, as the Prophet saith, defiled and made heaps of stones, Psal. 79.1.

For if you walk through Ireland, as I rode from Carlingford to Dublin, and from Dublin to Kilkenny, and in my Visitation thrice over the Diocess of Ossory; I believe that throughout all your travel, you shall find it as I found it, in all the waies that I went, scarce one Church standing, and sufficiently repai­red, for seven, I speak within compass, that are ruined, and have only walls, without ornaments, and most of them with­out roofs, without doors, without windows, but the holes to receive the winds to entertain the Congregation.

And what a lamentable thing, and a miserable sight is this? If you say, that in the time of blindness the people were over zealous in building too many Churches, and thinking to merit much thereby: I say, that now, in the fulness of knowledge, and the Sun-shine of the Gospel, they are too riotous to pull them down, and too negligent of Gods honour, and of the Peoples good, to waste and ruinate so many Churches, and to let the people want them to meet together, to serve God; which will merit a worse reward for them, than they shall have that built them.

You may remember, that when Moses was to erect the Ta­bernacle, in the wilderness, within a desart place, of no trade or traffick, and therefore not easie to get any wealth in it: Yet Moses requiring their aide and free will offering to do the same; they were ready, and so willing, every man, beyond his power, to bring in their oblation in such abundance, that Moses was fain to tell them, they had brought enough, and too much: and therefore forbade them to bring in any more; he like a good man and just, being not desirous to make any gain of their bounty.

And you may read in 1 Chron. 29.3.1 Chron. 29.3. when King David re­solved to have the Temple built, what great provision he left for the erecting of it; and how Solomon his Son did most glorious­ly finish the same in seven years,1 Reg. 6.37. and furnished the same with all things necessary for the service of God; and after that Ne­buchadnezzar had destroyed it, the Jews under Zorobabel did most readily, beyond the ability of captived men, newly re­leased, contribute, and offered their free-will offerings towards the re-edifying of the same, which they finished in the ninth year of Darius Histaspes, Joseph. lib. 11. c. 4. that made it to be forty six years in building, from the second year of Cyrus, who began it, accord­ing as the Jews say, to our Saviour Christ. And because these newly released Jews, that had scarce taken root in the Land of Jury, and were but scarce seated, and unsetled in Jerusalem, were not able to make this their Temple answerable in glory and sumptuousness, to that most rare and admirable Temple, which those two mighty Kings, and Kings of all Israel, David and Solomon, had joyned their wealth and strength together to make it a most glorious house, for the most glorious and Almighty God; therefore Herod, that was but an alien, an Idumean, knowing that great and glorious things are to be offered, ascri­bed, and dedicated to the great and glorious God, re-edified and finished the same most sumptuously in eight years,Joseph. l. 15. c. ult. as Josephus writeth; and he built the same so exceeding excellent, and more admirable than the Egyptian Pyramides, that Cheops builded of rare Theban Marble, so that for the rareness thereof, the Disciples shew it our Saviour Christ, saying, Master, see what manner of stones, Mar. 13.1. and what buildings are here.

And the Jews generally were so zealous of Gods service, and so ready to build and erect houses for his service, that, besides this glorious, great, and magnificent Temple, they had many Sy­nagogues, that is, other lesser houses, like unto our Parish Churches, dedicated and consecrated for the worship of God; and he was counted a very good man, and worthy of all love and respect, that had built one of these, as they tell Christ, that the Centuri­on was worthy to have that favour shewed him by Christ, as to [Page 4] heal his Daughter, Luk. 7.5. because he had loved their nation, and had built them a Synagogue, that is, a house for the people to meet in it, to pray, and to serve their God in it.

And it is most likely, they began to build these Synagogues when the Tribes were setled in the Land of Canaan; because the Ark, that remained in Shilo, and afterwards the Temple, that was erected in Jerusalem, Why the Sy­nagogues of the Jews were built. were so far distant from them that dwell in the remotest parts of the Land, that they could not come so often, as they would, unto it, therefore they built to themselves Synagogues, to pray to God, and to serve him in them, instead of the Temple: for so we read that Moses of old time, probable, I say, from their very first beginning of their set­tlement,Acts 15.21. had in every City them that preached him, being read in their Synagogues every Sabbath day: where, by the way, you may observe, that of old time, contrary to the conceit of our new Fanaticks, the reading of the holy Scriptures was accoun­ted the preaching of Gods word; though I deny not, but after it be read and so preached, Luk. 4.18. it may be further explained, as Christ did that place of Isa. 61.1.

And you see they had these Synagogues in every City, so they must have as many Synagogues as there were Cities in all their Land;The number of their Syna­gogues. and Sigonius writeth, that there were four hundred and eighty of these Synagogues in Jerusalem; and the Scripture sheweth that in other Cities and Provinces there were many other Synagogues, as in Galile, in Damascus, in Salamis, and in Antiochia: and Maymonides, one of their prime Doctors, saith, the tradition of their Elders was, that wheresoever ten Families of Israel were, they ought to build them a Syna­gogue.

And shall the Jews, that were under the Law, and burdened with such infinite Taxes and Ceremonies of their Religion, as were more than they were able to bear, Acts 15.10. as the Apostle testifieth, be so zealous, so religious, and so ready to part with their wealth and the best things they had to build so sumptuous, and so glori­ous a Temple, and so many Synagogues, to perform those services that God required of them, which notwithstanding were but the types and shadows of that true Religion which we have, and [Page 5] do profess to embrace it; and shall we, that have the substance of those shadows, which they had, and the truth of the Gospel of Jesus Christ, which they never had, but in aenigmate, preached so clearly and so amply among us, and are freed from all the legal Ceremonies and Ordinances of the Law, be so cold and so careless as we are to repair the houses of Jesusr Christ? I fear then that these Jews shall rise in judgment against us.

Nay, more than this, if you look into the stories of the Gen­tiles, Grecians, or Barbarians, that knew not God, but knew that there is a God which all men ought to worship; you shall find how zealous they were to build Temples and Oracles to their unknown Gods, that were no other than the devils, as the Oracle of Delphos, Amphiaraus, Hamonium, Dodonaeum, the Temple of Diana, at Ephesus, of Vesta, Ceres, Minerva, and other Goddesses of the Gentiles, and the many many Temples, that the Romans and other Nations built, to Jupiter, Apollo, Mars, and the rest of their false and faigned Gods and Goddes­ses, that were indeed but very devils; Quia dii gen­tiim daemonia. and how sumptuously they erected and gloriously adorned and beautified those houses of these deceitful Oracles, and were so exceeding bountiful, almost beyond belief, in their oblations and donations, to these holy places, as they deemed them, as it appeareth in Herodotus, Herodotus l. 1. by the large gifts of inestimable value that Cresus sent to the Temple of Delphos, and other Temples of those Gentile gods.

And because they knew no otherwise, but that these infernal devils were Celestial Gods, and so worshipped them as gods, with Temples, Altars, Sacrifices, Prayers, and Oblations, dedi­cated unto them, which do only and properly belong to the true and eternal God: therefore Horace saith to them that neglected the erecting and beautifying of these Temples, that belonged to these no Gods.

The which Ode, that worthy and learned Imitator of this best Lyrick Poet thus excellently translateth, in this elegant Ly­rick Verse.

And if by the judgment of this learned man they shall suf­fer for all the sins and offences of their Fathers and Fore-fa­thers, untill they re-edifie the Temples, and raise the flat-fallen houses of these gods, and beautifie the defiled Monuments and Sepulchres of their Heroes, and other noble persons that were dead: What shame and what punishment do we deserve, for suffering the Tombs and Sepulchres of our heroick Fathers, and the Temples, Houses, and Altars of our good God and our Re­deemer Jesus Christ to lye so waste, so ruined, and so defiled as they are here in this Kingdom of Ireland; for I do believe that of about 100 Churches that our fore-fathers built and sufficiently endowed in the Diocess of Ossory, there are not 20 standing, nor 10 well repaired at this day.

Truly, I have done my best, beyond my ability, let Demas and the detractors say what they please, to repair the Quire of St. Kenny, and I have privately vowed, and publickly protested [Page 7] often, and engaged my self to God, to His Majesty, and to the People, and I am contented to be bound in a bond of one thousand pounds, that if the Bishops Court and Freshford, (that were given to the Church, and dedicated to God, for the service of Jesus Christ,) shall be restored to the Church, there shall not one penny, or penniworth, of all the rents, and profits thereof, be retained or transferred to me, or any of mine; but it shall wholly and fully be imployed and laid out for the raising and reparation of that Cathedral Church which the Lord hath now committed to my charge.

But if I shall still see, as I have seen hitherto, that Rebels and Traytors that have been, (if such as have fought under the Standard of the beast and Great Antichrist, against their own King, to bring him to be murdered, may be so stiled,) shall be countenanced, furthered, and upheld, to carry away, and enjoy the Lands and Houses of the Church, and so little regard had of that justice we owe to render unto God, what belongs to God, and less respect to the servants of Jesus Christ than to the fol­lowers of the Antichrist; then seeing, as the Prophet saith, in vacuum laboravi, I have laboured in vain; I have spent my strength, my time, my means, and my money for nought, in seek­ing to bring to God what is Gods, and to the Church what of right belongs unto the Church, Liberavi animam meam, and I hope I may freely turn the leaf, and as God said of the house of Eli, I said indeed that the house of Eli, 1 Sam. 2.30. and the house of his Fa­thers should walk before me for ever: but now, saith the Lord, be it far from me. And seeing they had so far dishonoured him, and so much prophaned his service, it was just with God so to do.

And so I said indeed, I would do my best, and I would be­stow as much as I was able, and perhaps more than many would imagine, to repair the Cathedral Church of St. Kenny; yet now being disappointed of my hope, and finding men preferring flesh and bloud before the dictate of the Spirit of God, favouring those, that have been rebels, before such as are religious. Seeing I cannot build the Church of Christ, I have resolved, to the uttermost of my power, to overthrow the Synagogue of Satan; [Page 8] that is, to punish perjurers, and such others, high transgres­sors of Gods Laws, and to leave the houses of God (as find­ing my self unable to prevail to do therein any good,) wasted and ruined as they are. And if this I cannot do, but that Scele­ra sceleribus tuebuntur, one false and perjured Jury shall be defended, and protected, and justified by another false Jury; and one wicked oppressor excused by another the like oppres­sor; or that the fear of great men will not suffer poor spirited Lawyers to afford us Law for any money: then ad te domine clamabo, that we can have neither truth nor justice in the earth.

But to proceed to shew the miseries of the Church of Ire­land, though it be a very lamentable thing, and an unanswerable argument of the decay of Piety, and of small Religion in the noblest persons, to suffer the houses of God to lie as they do, for hogs and other beasts to dig up the bones of holy Saints, it may be, the Fathers or Mothers of the now great Lords and La­dies of the Kingdom. Yet as the Lord said unto his Prophet Ezekiel, Turn thee yet again, and thou shalt see greater abomina­tions, Ezek. 8.6. so I say to my Reader: For,

2. The great want of able Ministers in this Kingdom, and why they are so scant.2. As God is without Churches for his people to meet in to serve him, so he is without servants, enabled to do him service, to praise his name, and to teach his people; and to have Churches and no Churchmen is to no purpose.

But why have we not such Churchmen as are able to instruct Gods people?

I say, it is easily answered; that it is not so easie to get able, worthy, and sufficient Churchmen, unless there were sufficient means and livings to maintain them: for as Seneca truly saith, Sublatis studiorum premiis ipsa studia pereunt, where there is no reward for learning, there will be want of learned men, as one demanding why there were no Physitians in Lacedemon, answer was made, because there was no stipend nor allowance set forth for the Professours of that faculty; but as Martial saith to Flaccus,

[Page 9] But here in Ireland since Hen. 8.Why we want learned and painful Prea­chers here in Ireland. overthrew the Abbies and Mo­nasteries that were as Universities to breed Schollars, and to send them forth to feed the flock of Christ, and gave the Revenues thereof, which were the Ecclesiastical Livings of the Church, unto his Nobility and lay Gentry, that spend the same, in many places, in hawking and hunting, and perhaps in some other wor­ser employments, the Church of Christ wanteth Schollars, and which is worse, wanteth means to maintain those Schollars, that otherwise would supply the defects of this Kingdom from other Ʋniversities, if they should have maintenance to support them, and to supply their necessities.

If you say, Queen Elizabeth to make up the breach which her Father made, caused the Colledge to be built by Dublin, to breed up Schollars, to instruct the Natives.

I wish the Natives were bred therein, according to the Sta­tutes and Institutions thereof; but the Natives say, I know not how true, that the English by friends do carry away the places, and the Irish, as they lost their Friends, and their Lands, and their strength, so they lose their right. But the truth is, that the whole Society of this Colledge cannot adequate, that number that the Priories and Monasteries formerly bred; or if they could, yet the means and maintenance being alienated the La­bourers cannot make up the full tale of bricks, when the straw is taken from them, and they must run over all the Land, like the Israelites, to gather stubble, and to use other labour to maintain themselves and their Families.

And to make this apparent unto my Readers, I have here set down all the Rectories and Vicaredges in my Diocess, and what Procurations, (besides their Subsidies and twentieth part, which they are, and ought, to pay unto his Majesty,It may be at some dear year they may be of more worth or that the cunning Far­mar may make more of them then the Mini­ster doth. and besides many other Taxes, that must lye upon them,) they are to pay every year, to the Archdeacon, to the Bishop, and to the Archbishop, every third year, and to the Primate, when he cometh to visit them: and I have in my last Visitation, with the help of my Archdeacon, Mr. Teat, and my Register Mr. Conell, and two or three more of my gravest Clergy men, searched, and inquired, as diligently as we could, what was the value, that every Living [Page 10] might be worth communibus annis: and accordingly I have here set them down; that my Readers may themselves judge, whether these many Livings, that each Clergy man holds, are more, or enough, Deductis deducendis, to make one competent Li­ving for a worthy and able man, that will constantly reside, and conscionably preach unto Gods people.