[Page] THE METHOD and ORDER OF READING Both Civil and Ecclesiastical HISTORIES. IN WHICH The most Excellent Historians are Reduced into the Order in which they are Successively to be Read; and the Judgments of Learned Men, concerning each of them, Subjoin'd.

By Degoraeus Wheare, Camden Reader of History in Oxford.

To which is Added, An APPENDIX concerning the Historians of Particular Nations, as well Ancient as Modern. By Nicholas Horseman.

Made English, and Enlarged, By EDMUND BOHUN, Esq Authour of the Address to the Freemen and Freeholders.

LONDON, Printed by M. Flesher, for Charles Brome, at the Gun at the West-end of St. Paul's Church yard. 1685.

THE PREFACE TO THE READER.

THE Great Number both of Greek and Latin Histori­ans, which have, within the course of a few years, been most ac­curately and elegantly turn'd into English, by Persons of great Lear­ning, and of, perhaps, as flourish­ing Styles, as any Age has produ­ced; may justly seem to claim a piece of the same Nature, with [Page] that I here present the Reader with; which, though it has been attempted by several in Latin, has not, to my knowledge, been done by any one pen in English.

And indeed, till that great num­ber of excellent Versions had made way for it, it would have been of no use; for those who could have then read the Authors, are here mentioned, would not have need­ed a Translation of this; and the rest would onely have been Tanta­lized by it; and a mighty thirst have been raised without any pos­sibility of satisfying it, in any tole­rable degree.

But now that so many of these ex­cellent Historians have been taught so rarely well to speak our Lan­guage, which is now too become so copious, elegant and smooth, that [Page] it is capable of expressing all the Treasures and Beauties, and al­most all the Idioms and Varieties of those too Rich and valued Lan­guages; What greater service can be done to our English Nobility and Gentry, than to shew them how to Marshal these Authours in­to their proper places in Ranks and Files, to extend or enlarge the History of any Age or People, as any Man's Leisure or Curiosity leads or invites him?

And as to those Historians which have not yet been published in our Language, the very representing them here, with all their beau­ties and rare perfections, may perhaps work upon some of our Great Men, and invite them to give incouragement to Learned Men to Translate them too; till [Page] our Language become as Rich in Books, as it is in Words and polite Expressions; and as this will en­crease at once their Knowledge and Delight, so it will contribute to their glories too; not onely in this Age and Nation, but in following times and Neighbour Countries, who will value our Tongue accor­ding to the number of those Ex­cellent Pieces they find in it. At least I am persuaded, nothing else has perpetuated to this day the Greek and Latin Tongues: now no Nation speaks either of them, but the great variety of Excellent Books, which were Originally writ­ten in, or Translated into those two Tongues. And I am confident the French Tongue is at this day as much esteem'd for the sake of their delicate Versions, as for any of their Original Pieces,

[Page] But I must not expect this will please all. There is a sort of Mo­rose Gentlemen in the World, who, having at the price of many a sore Lashment, possess'd themselves of the Greek and Latin Tongues, would now very fain Monopolize all the Learning in them: and except the Gentry and Nobility will run through all those difficul­ties and miseries they have done, though very much against their wills many times; as having been driven, or dragged up into the Ca­pitol, by a sort of Men, who were as terrible to them, as the Trium­phing Roman Generals were to the poor Chain'd-Captives, which follow'd their Chariots, to a cer­tain and inevitable death.

But however, being now as I said in possession, they are very [Page] much displeased to see their preti­ous treasures made cheap, and ex­posed to the eyes of all that can read English. And whoever contributes to this invasion of their Privileges (as they think them) is sure to be branded as an Enemy to Learn­ing and Learned Men, and a be­trayer of the Muses and Graces, and a thousand fine things, to the scorn of the vulgar. And some of them are wonderfully afraid, that so soon as ever all the good Books are Translated (which I dare as­sure them will not be in their times) then there will be no farther use of, or esteem for the Learned Tongues, and so consequently all Learning will perish out of the World.

But this is a mere fancy; for when all is done that can, Men of extraordinary industry and curiosi­ty, [Page] will be desirous to see these Au­thours in their Originals, and will be as little satisfied with the En­glish Translations of the Roman Authours, as they are with the La­tin of the Greek Authours, which have not been the less, but the more read (for being Translated in La­tin) even in their proper Lan­guage.

And, in the interim, Men of less industry or leisure, who could ne­ver have reaped any advantage from them in the Learned Tongues, will, by the means of these Versions, be improved; and as they become wiser and better, the affairs of our Countrey (which are for the most part managed by such Men) will become more happy and prosperous to our great and lasting good.

[Page] And accordingly there hath ever been some Men, who have been so far from valuing themselves, upon the reputation of having many Lan­guages, that they have generously and industriously put into the Lan­guages of their own Countries, what­ever they found excellent and use­full in any other. And by this means was the Graecian Library rais'd out of the Phoenician, Assyrian and Aegyptian, and the Roman out of the Graecian; and some of our Modern Scholars of these lat­ter Ages, have, in the same man­ner, enriched their several Coun­tries with the Spoils of Rome and Athens; but none more than the French, who, ever since the Reign of Francis the First (who was a great encourager of Learning and Learned Men) have employed [Page] some or others of their best Pens to go through with this laborious, and (as one styles it) inglorious drud­gery; till they have by degrees at­tain'd to so great a perfection in it, that they have equall'd, or per­haps sometimes excell'd their Ori­ginals, to their great glory.

Having premised this short Apo­logy for Versions in general, I come in the next place to that Piece I here present the Reader with, which I take to be the best, in its kind, that ever was yet Printed; because the Authour has not onely furnish­ed the Reader with an exact Se­ries and Method of Reading all the Greek and Latin Historians, whether Civil or Ecclesiastical, in their proper order and places (which has, in part, been done by Vossi­us, Lipsius, and some others) [Page] but has also taken a great deal of pains to invite the Reader to pe­ruse them too.

First, By giving short, but very beautifull Schemes, or Planes of all their several Works; which is the most winning way of engaging a Reader to undertake that task; such Planes being a kind of Pic­tures, or Landsckapes, to shew the Reader what pleasing objects he may expect to meet with, if he have the courage to proceed. And if the Reader please but to peruse the 8th Section of the First Part, where he gives an account of Herodotus his History; he will then be able to judge for himself, without ta­king my word for it.

Secondly, By informing his Reader where every History begins, and where it ends; which has been [Page] done by few others, and by no body with more exactness. This too is a great invitation to a Reader, to know, in what Age of the World he is, and how far his Authour will con­duct him, before he reads one word in him.

Thirdly, He has acquainted his Reader with how much remains now extant, and how much is lost of any History, which hath not come down perfect and intire to us, as very few of the more Ancient have done.

Fourthly, He has told us, when each Historian Wrote, or Lived; of what Countrey and Interest he was; which are things of great use, as to the advancing, or abating the Cre­dit of any Writer.

Fifthly, He has represented the Styles, Characters, Virtues and Vi­ces [Page] of each Historian, which are notices of the greatest use and ad­vantage to a Reader that is possi­ble, and of the greatest pleasure and delight.

Lastly, He has not given us his own thoughts in all these onely, but has taken the pains to search out and transcribe the very Words and Censures of the more ancient and latter Criticks of greatest fame and reputation, which was a Work of great labour and difficulty.

So that upon the whole matter, I am very much tempted to alter his Title, and to call this Piece, The History of the Greek and Latin Historians. For so the first part of it does well deserve to be call'd.

The Addition in the middle of the First Part, concerning the Hi­storians [Page] of particular Nations and Places, is a thing of great use and Learning, though not equal to the exact care and diligence of this Au­thour, as any Man that shall please to compare them together will soon find; which I suppose was owing rather to the Authour's great de­sire to be short, than his want of in­dustry or ability. In the Latin Co­py there is onely the two first Let­ters of his Name, N. H. but I History of Oxford, lib. 2. p. 98. have been informed by a person of great worth, who knew him, that his Name was Nicholas Horseman, and therefore I have put it so, that his Memory may be preserved to Posterity.

The Authour of this Piece has not onely taken great care and pains to direct and encourage his Reader to that noble and usefull study of [Page] History, by the best Method that ever was proposed in his First Part: but he hath also in the Second and Third Parts, taken an equal pains to fit and direct him how to reap the utmost advantage from his Readings, both as to himself and as to others. Which two Parts, as he has handled them, are not less usefull, or delightfull than the First; but they being both very short, the Reader may much better satisfie himself by a perusal of the whole, or of the Contents onely of the Chapters, than be here trou­bled with a long discourse of mine upon them.

As this Piece was thus drawn with a mighty care and labour, so it hath accordingly been valued in the World; for besides the first im­pression of it, which preceded this [Page] latter Twelve years, as he tells us in his Preliminary Oration; this has been Printed since the year 1637, three times; and if I be not misinformed, four times; and yet now it is a scarce Book.

Nor is this any great wonder, if we consider, that besides the usefulness of the Subject, the great Learning, Candor, Modesty and Industry of the Authour, he spent almost two whole years in impro­ving this small Discourse, after a whole Impression of it had been sold off. For his Preliminary Ora­tion was made the 17th day of October, 1635. and his Epistle Dedicatory to the University of Ox­ford, bears date the first of July, 1637.

I should have been much plea­sed if I could have given the Rea­der [Page] the Life of this Great Man, but that I cannot doe it, having never been written by any Man, to my knowledge; and he being ut­terly unknown to me, any otherwise than by this his Learned Work, which I have had a great esteem for ever since I first read it; which made me the willinger to run through the labour of Translating it, which was no very easie task; and also of adding some things to it, as necessity required.

In the History of the Universi­ty of Oxford, p. lib. 2. p. 98. and in other places, I find this short account given of him.

Degoreus Whear was born at Jacobstow, in the County of Corn­wall. He was call'd from Broad­gate Hall to Exon College, in the same University, to be made a Fel­low [Page] there, where he was afterwards examiner of the Lads, in the year MDCII. at which time he was Master of Arts. About six years after, desiring to Travel, he took his leave of the College; and, (spending some time beyond the Seas) returned into England with the Lord Chandois; and li­ved with him in great esteem: that Lord dying, he came with his Wife to Oxford, and took some Chambers in Glocester Hall, which were not then employed for want of Students. There he was not long before he became acquainted with one Mr. Thomas Allen; By whose Recommendation, the famous Mr. Camden (designing then to set­tle a Reader of History in that U­niversity) chose him the first Rea­der.

[Page] To this purpose this great Man gave to the University of Oxford, out of the Manor of Bexley, in the County of Kent, One hundred and Forty pounds per Annum. And after a certain term of years the Rents of that whole Manor; which when it comes, it will be worth about Four hundred pounds a year. The Charter of this noble Grant bears date the Fifth of March, 1621. The 17th of May, 1622, this Donation was publish­ed in the Convocation-House of that University. And the 16th of October of the same year, our Learned Authour was declared Reader by the Founder. And Brian Twyn, a very Learned Man, was declared his Successour, if he sur­vived him, being then a Batchel­lor of Divinity; but he died before Mr. Wheare.

[Page] It was a great Honour to him to be chosen by so great a Man as Mr. Camden, and preferred before Brian Twyn. And he soon made it appear, that he well deserved the Honour that was done him, in a ve­ry ingenuius Oration which he made in Latin in the Schools, when he entered upon his Lectureship; which is Printed in the end of this Piece: in which he complains much, That his long disuse of the Latin Tongue, during his Sixteen years absence from the University, had rendred him unable, or at least very unapt to Discourse, or Write that Lan­guage: But though his Modesty extorted this Complaint from him, the Reader will scarce find it in this Oration.

[Page] In the year 1625, he first pub­lished this Piece in Latin, which he reviewed and enlarged in the years 1635, and 1636; and Re­printed again in the year 1637.

He was admitted Principal of Glocester-Hall in the same Uni­versity, the fourth of April 1626, where he continued till the day of his death, which was the first of August 1647, and he was buried in the Chapel of that House. So many years he managed this place; whereas his Successour, Mr. Robert Waring, was chosen the 11th of August of that year, and turn'd out for his Loyalty the 14th of Sep­tember 1648, by the Parliamen­tary Visitors.

Besides this Piece, he writ in the year 1623, a Funeral Ora­tion, containing an Historical Ac­count [Page] of the Life and Death of Mr. Camden; and a Dedication of the Statue of that Great Man, in the History Schools there. And also a Collection of Gratulatory E­pistles: Which three last Pieces were Printed together at Oxford, in the year 1628. The Character given him by the Authour of the said History of Oxford is this; Vir fuit Urbanus, doctus & Pi­us: He was a Pleasant, Learned and Pious Man. To which give me leave to add, that he was a Man of great Industry and Mode­sty, as the Reader will see when he comes to read this Piece.

Nor is his Gratitude to the great Camden less vsible, both in his Oration which he made, when he entered upon the Reader's place; and also in the two others which [Page] were made and published after the death of his Benefactor.

Though it was his great cala­mity to live in times of Trouble and Confusion, yet God was plea­sed to let him depart in peace be­fore the execrable Murther of his Sovereign, and before the Rebels had purged that University of what­ever was Loyal and Constant. For though the Parliament had at­tempted this the June before he died, yet they could not then ef­fect their Ill Designs.

As to the Version, I have done the best I could to make it true and smooth, which was not so easie as at first I thought it would have been; by reason of the great num­ber of Quotations out of other Au­thours; many of which are so ve­ry short and dark in their expressi­ons, [Page] that I could scarce, if at all, tell how to find English words, that would represent their notions true­ly. And besides this, it is unea­sie for a Man to accommodate himself so suddenly to such a va­riety of Styles, as here occur in almost every Page; and therefore it is not improbable I may have committed many errours and mis­takes.

I have also presumed, in some places, to make Additions too, when I thought it necessary, but then I have given the Reader notice of them; that he may know what is Added, and what is the Authours.

A SHORT REPRESENTATION Of the several Lectures.
The Enterance.

THe Occasion of repeating these Lectures and Examples. The scope of them, and publick use. Which yet is not to be rashly published. The excessive confidence of the Writers of this Age. Modesty is recom­mended by the example of Pliny Secundus. The Ancient Custome of reciting very use­full. To be desired in this Age. No Ar­gument of Ostentation, but rather of Mo­desty. The convenience of a living voice. In what Hearing excell Reading. The de­finition, end, division, and several sorts of History.

Part the First. The Heads of the SECTIONS.
  • [Page]SECT. I. THree things are required to the Advan­tagious Reading of History. Upon occa­sion of which, the three parts of this Dis­course are propos'd.
  • SECT. II. What Order of Historians is to be observed; And how to be entered upon. Three Inter­vals of time to be observed. What an Epo­cha is, and of how many sorts. The several Flouds. In what times they happened. The Unwritten Interval. The Fabulous. The Olympiads. The Historical Interval.
  • SECT. III. The Series of the Great Monarchies, and their fatal Succession. That there was four E­minent Monarchies. That the Empire of the Medes and Persians was but one. That these Empires were foretold by the Pro­phets. The Name of Great Monarchies [Page] in vain quarrell'd by Bodinus. That that of the Romans was the Greatest.
  • SECT. IV. The Rise and Duration of the Assyrio-Chal­daean Empire; and also of the Medio Per­sian; then of the Grecian. The beginning of the Roman Empire before Julius Caesar. How many years interven'd betwixt him and Charles the Great; and betwixt the Latter and Charles the Fifth.
  • SECT. V. Why these Four Empires were, by way of E­minence, call'd the Four Monarchies.
  • SECT. VI. How the Reading of History is to be entered upon. Good Epitomes are not to be con­demn'd. Synopsis of Histories, Chronolo­gies. Some Compendiums are by name recommended. What Authours, concerning the Universal History, are to be consulted. Rauleigh is especially to be esteem'd. The History of the Bible is the most Ancient, and first to be Read.
  • SECT. VII. From whence the History of the Assyrio-Cal­dean Empire is to be derived. Of Berosus, [Page] Ctesias, Megasthenes, and their Counter­feited Writings. That in the defect of them, we must have recourse to Josephus. The great loss of Diodorus Siculus to be supplied from others. Especially from Jo­sephus, and the Prophetick Story. Dio­genes Laertius commended.
  • SECT. VIII. Herodotus, where he began his History, and where he ended. His Commendation. In what time he flourisht. The beginning of the Second General Monarchy. The Ar­guments of the several Books of Herodo­tus. Why the Names of the Muses were put before the several Books. In which Herodotus is excused against Lodovicus Vives. From what Authours this History may be enlarg'd and illustrated.
  • SECT. IX. Thucydides. His Elogie. From whence, and how far he deduces his History, which he contain'd in eight Books. Their Argu­ments shortly and distinctly laid down. And what Authours writ of the same Times and Wars with him.
  • SECT. X. Xenophon. His Commendation and Elogie. When, and in what order he is to be Read. [Page] That he writ the History of 48 years. Which again may be enlarged out of Plu­tarch, Justin, and Diodorus Siculus.
  • SECT. XI. Diodorus Siculus his beautifull Elogie. He travelled over several Countries before he writ his History. He continues Xeno­phon's Story in the end of his 15th Book. And in the 16th gives an Account of the Actions of Philip of Macedon. And so goes on to Alexander the Great, and de­scribes the Rise of the Third general Mo­narchy.
  • SECT. XII. Divers Authours have written the Action of Alexander the Great, Arrianus, Q. Curti­us. Their Elogies. In what times they lived. Diodorus Siculus prosecutes the History of the Successours of Alexander the Great. Other Authours afford usefull Ad­ditions.
  • SECT. XIII. Polybius, when to be read. Of what times he writ. How he applied his mind to Hi­story. How great a Man he was. How much admired. The greatest part of his History lost, or reduced to fragments. The Contents of the Existing Books.
  • [Page] SECT. XIV. Of the Fourth Monarchy the Roman. A Transition to its Story. The Praise of both; and the loss of its Historians deplo­red.
  • SECT. XV. Where the Course of the Roman Story is to be begun. Lucius A. Florus commended. The Judgments of Learned Men concern­ing him. That he is not the same with the Epitomizer of Livy. His Mistakes excu­sed; his Method of Writing. By what means, in probability, Errours crept in. The Consulary Fasts of Sigonius and Onu­phrius. Pighius his Annals commended.
  • SECT. XVI. In what order the Roman History is to be con­tinued. Dionysius Halycarnassaeus com­mended. How many years his History con­tains; the Reason given why he is Recom­mended, in the first place; and confirm'd from J. Bodinus.
  • SECT. XVII. T. Livius is much and de servedly admir'd; in what time he lived. How many Books he writ; by whom divided into Decads; [Page] In what order to be Read. How the Hi­story may be enlarged, or supplied. The Praise and Elogy of Plutarch.
  • SECT. XVIII. The second Decad of T. Livy, that is, from the Xth to the XXIth Book is lost. How and whence that loss may be supplied. Ap­pianus Alexandrinus. What opinion Lear­ned Men have of him.
  • SECT. XIX. When the remaining XXV. Books of Livy are to be read. What other Authours may con­firm, or illustrate the History of the same times. The Nine last Decads, and half the Tenth are lost. From whence they may be supply'd. The History of Salustius com­mended; and also Caesar's Commentaries; both by the Learned Men of the present and Ancient times.
  • SECT. XX. Of Dion Cassius, and his History. How many Books he writ. How many perished, and how great the loss. Vellejus Patercu­lus to be worthily ranked amongst the best Historians; and yet his faults are not dis­sembled. A Transition to the Writers of the Lives of the Caesars.
  • [Page] SECT. XXI. Suetonius and Tacitus are first to be read. The famous testimonies of the most Learned Men concerning them. The Judgments of the most eminent of the Criticks differ, that I may not say contest, each with other, con­cerning Tacitus. Light may be derived, both to Suetonius and Tacitus, from Di­on Cassius.
  • SECT. XXII. How to pass on to the other Writers of the Augustan Story, viz. Spartianus, Capi­tolinus, Volcatius, and the other Authours, which are not to be lightly esteemed. The Judgment of Justus Lipsius and Casau­bon concerning them. Herodian is to be read in his place with the rest. How far these go in the History. And that amongst them, Aurelius Victor, and Pomponius Laetus deserve to be admitted.
  • SECT. XXIII. After Constantius Chlorus, and a little before, the History is a little perplex'd, e­specially in the Latin Writers. Eusebius, Zozimus and Zonaras, will render it more easie. Of Zozimus and Zonaras, and their Writings' and also of Jornandes. Ammianus Marcellinus has his place here. [Page] The opinion of Lipsius and Balduinus the Civil Lawyer concerning the latter.
  • SECT. XXIV. Diaconus his Miscellane History; and that of Jornandes concerning the Goths; and of Procopius and Agathias, who may be placed here; or if you please, the Third Tome of Zonaras: who is followed by Ni­cetas Choniates, and then Nicephorus Gregoras; or if this seems too Prolix, af­ter Zozimus Blondius Forolivienfis may be read; or else after Vopiscus Sigonius his History of the Western Empire may be admitted: and from thence the Reader may pass to the Seventh or Eighth Book of the first Decad of Blondius.
  • SECT. XXV. Johannes Cuspinianus, Paulus Jovius, and Augustus Thuanus, will furnish the Rea­der with a shorter view of the History of the Roman Emperours, from the begin­ning of the Caesars to our own times.
  • SECT. XXVI. Some Writers of particular Histories, that best deserve to be read, are enumerated. Guic­ciardine, Paulus Aemilius, Philippus Commines, whose noble Elogies are re­membred. Meteranus, Chromerus and Bembus.
  • [Page] SECT. XXVII. A Transition to the British Story. How the Reader should prepare himself for the Rea­ding of it. In what order he should go on. Camden's Britannia; and Selden's Ana­lecta are first to be Read; and then George Lillies Chronicon. The Com­pendium of the British History.
  • SECT. XXVIII. Gulielmus Malmesburiensis, Sir Henry Savil's, and Camden's Judgment of him. Where he began and ended his History. Galfredus Monumethensis; why to be o­mitted. The Censures of Neubrigensis, John of Withamsted, Bales, and Jo. Twin; upon his History from all which Virunnius dissents. H. Huntingdonensis follows. Malmesburiensis and Hoveden him.
  • SECT. XXIX. The History of Asser Menivensis is commended; in what order to be read with the former; as also Eadmerus, Matheus Parisiensis, Ba­ronius his judgment of him. Thomas Walsingham his History. The Actions of King Stephen, by an unknown Pen. The Life of Edw. II. by Sir Thomas de la Moor, is to be taken in in due time.
  • SECT. XXX. Walsingham's Hypodigma Neustria, or History of Normandy, and the other Wri­ters [Page] not to be neglected; and amongst them Odoricus Vitalis of Principal note. Po­lidore Virgil has writ the History from Henry the IVth to Richard the IIId. con­cerning whom, the Censure of the most noble Sir H. Savil is observable. Richard thee IIId was written by Sir Tho. Moor, Kt. and Lord Chancellour of England. Henry the VIIth, by the Earl of St. Albans. Henry the VIIIth, Edward the VIth, Queen Mary, by Francis Godwin Bishop of Lan­daff, by way of Annals. As also that of Queen Elizabeth by William Camden.
  • SECT. XXXI. Though we have no intire body of our history in Latin, written according to the dignity of the subject; yet, in English, John Speed has writ an excellent Theatre of the British Empire, to be, in the first place, contempla­ted by the youth of this Nation, and espe­cially of those who design to travell.
    The Addition concerning the Histories of Particular Na­tions.
    • ARTICLE I. The design and order of this Appendix. In what order we should proceed in the Parti­cular histories. The principal historians of the [Page] several Nations are to be selected; and the historians of the latter times compared with the more ancient.
    • ARTICLE II. The historians of the Germans, and of all the People, from the Alpes to the Baltick Sea, and from the Rhine to the Vistula; to which the history of the Goths, Vandals, Huns, Heruls, Switzers, Longobards, Po­lonians, Muschovites, Danes and Swedes are to be added.
    • ARTICLE III. The Austrian historians.
    • ARTICLE IV. The historians of the Huns and Hungarians.
    • ARTICLE V. The historians of the Goths, Danes, Sclavo­nians and Swedes.
    • ARTICLE VI. The historians of the Longobards.
    • ARTICLE VII. The historians of the Borussians and Poles.
    • ARTICLE VIII. The historians of the Bohemians, Switzars and Saxons.
    • ARTICLE IX. The historians of Celts, or Galls and French, under which name we include all which are [Page] enclosed by the Rhine, Pyrenaean Hills, the Alpes, and the Ocean.
    • ARTICLE X. The historians of the Netherlands, Dutch and Flandrians.
    • ARTICLE XI. The Spanish historians.
    • ARTICLE XII. The historians of the Turks and Arabians, who heretofore had the Dominions of Syria, Persia, Africa and Spain, and were com­monly call'd Saracens.
    • ARTICLE XIII. The historians of Aethiopia, India, almost all Africa, and of the New World, or Ameri­ca.
    • ARTICLE XV. The historians of some great Cities.
  • SECT. XXXII. A Transition to the Church History. Who is best prepared to read it. Two intervals of time to be chiefly regarded. The History of the first is contain'd in the Holy Bible. And with them Josephus his Antiquities to be read. The Judgment of Learned [Page] Men concerning Josephus. The pretended Hegesippus not totally to be rejected. In what sense usefull and commendable. Sul­pitius Severus his Sacred Story is deser­vedly recommended here to the Reader.
  • SECT. XXXIII. The history of the second Period (or of the Christian Church) is, in the first place, to be drawn from the Evangelists, and other Authours of the New Testament, who saw the Cradle of the Church: But then of those that saw her Infancy with their eyes, there is scarce any Writers extant: some Books indeed are abroad in the world, which are said to be written by Men that lived in those days; in which are described the sufferings of the first Martyrs, but are esteemed coun­terfeits by Learned Men, because they are deformed with Fables. Baronius confes­seth, that some of the latter Writers were guilty of this fault. And the same com­plaint is made by Lodovicus Vives, and Melchior Canus, and some of the Ancients. Therefore the Ecclesiastical History is to be read with care. And yet too much incre­dulity is to be avoided. How we should be disposed in the Reading the Church Histo­ry; the first and most ancient to be pre­ferred before the latter.
  • SECT. XXXIV. At length, in the Third Century, the Church be­ginning to flourish, its History did so too. [Page] Eusebius Pamphili, the Prince of all Church Historians. He equalled or imitated Xe­nophon in his Books of the Life of Con­stantine. Many of his Books are lost. His Authority vindicated. How far the His­tory of Eusebius comes. Of Ruffinus, Sca­liger's opinion of him. The Tripartite Story. The Reading of Eusebius his Panegyrick recommended.
  • SECT. XXXV. Socrates, in what time he lived; from whence and how far he brought his History. Of Theodoret; what is contained in his books. The Censure of Photius upon him. Sozo­menus Salaminus. He continues the His­tory in Nine Books, to the year of Christ 423. A Place of St. Gregory against So­zomen considered, and answered. Sozo­men's Candor. The Testimony of Euagri­us concerning him. Euagrius follows, and continues the Tripartite History to the year of Christ 597. Theophilactus Simocatus continues it on to the year 601.
  • SECT. XXXVI. In the Seventh Century, and two or three more which follow, there is very few that have written the Church History well. An Oce­an of Legends of the Saints, of Miracles and Wonders. Times of swelling Words and Ignorance.
  • [Page] SECT. XXXVII. Nicephorus Constantinopolitanus may suc­ceed Simocatus. Nicephorus Calistius full of errors. Georgius Cedrenus. The opinion of Scaliger and Vossius concerning him.
  • SECT. XXXVIII. The Third Tome of Zonaras commended to the Reader. The History continued to the year 1118. by Anna Comnena's Alexiada. The transcendent praise of that excellent Lady.
  • SECT. XXXIX. Nicetas Achomiatus follows immediately af­ter Zonaras. Why put here. Lipsius his judgment of both of them. The faith of Nicetas call'd into question. Johannes Cantacuzanus is here recommended to the Reader by Vossius. After the former follows Laonicus Calcocondylas.
  • SECT. XL. Blondus Foroliviensis may supply the defect of the Eastern Writers, as to the Church Histo­ry. And amongst others, Sigebertus Gem­blacensis. The opinion of Cardinal Bellar­mine concerning him. Robertus Abbas continues Sigebertus to the year 1210. Chronicon Hirshavense to the year 1370. and the omitted passages of the last Chroni­con are supplied, and continued to the last Age by others. The Cosmodromus of Go­belinus Person, when to be read. The praise [Page] of it. In stead of the Cosmodromus may be read the Metropolis of Albertus Crant­zius; in which are many things which are taken out of the Cosmodromus, from the times of Charles the Great, to the year 1504. Nauclerus also may be made use of instead of the other two; and that the Reader may avoid repetitions, he may begin with the Middle Generations, in the second Tome. Johannes Sleidanus hath written Ecclesiastick Commentaries, from the year 1517, to the year 1556. which are continu­ed again by Caspar Lundorpius, to the year 1603.
  • SECT. XLI. Venerable Bede and Usuardus are not in the mean time to be neglected; nor the Writers of the Lives of the Popes of Rome. Ana­stasius Bibliothecarius, and Barthol. Pla­tina, their great Elogies. Onuphrius re­viewed Platina, and continued him to the year 1566. Sigonius also, in his Histo­ries, has interwoven the affairs of the Church; and in this place are the Elogies of Sigoni­us and Onuphrius to be taken in.
  • SECT. XLII. The Magdeburgian Centuriators put forth a most usefull Work of this nature. The Judgment of the Reverend Bishop of Chichester upon it. What is commenda­ble in it. The foundation of it well laid. Whence the matter for the building was collected. An excuse for the defects.
  • [Page] SECT. XLIII. The most Learned and Reverend Bishop of Chichester, proves, that the Centuriators have been obnoxious to many errours. Ca­saubon yields as much; and yet that Re­verend Bishop shews, that it is a most use­full work.
  • SECT. XLIV. Baronius his Annals equal to the Centuria­tors. A stupendious Work; Casaubon's Judgment of it: As also that of the said Re­verend Bishop of Chichester. Why those An­nals are to be read with great caution. Spon­danus the Jesuit the Epitomizer of them.
  • SECT. XLV. The first eight Magdeburgian Centuries redu­ced into a Compendium, by Lucas Osian­der, not unprofitably. He leaps from the VIIIth to the XVIth; the affairs of which he discourseth more at large. To this Cen­tury belongs the History of the Council of Trent. The Encomiums of that History and its Authour. Jac. Augustus Thua­nus has inserted the Church Affairs into his Accurate History, from the year 1546, to the year 1608. and it is now continued to the year 1618.
Part the Second.
  • SECT. I. Young Men, as they are not so well capacitated for Moral instructions; so neither are they to be [Page] esteemed the best qualified for the reading of History. What things are required to both: the end and scope of Reading. The different opinions of the Learned Vossius and Kecker­man about this question.
  • SECT. II. Keckerman's opinion defended. Tongues are scarce well Learned without Rules. There is a vast difference betwixt learning Lan­guages, and the Accounts of Actions. Moral Philosophy is as well required in a Reader as Writer of History. Ubertus Folietta, Sebastianus Foxius, and Viperanus, do all seem to be of this opinion. And the Lear­ned Vossius himself affords strong Argu­ments for it.
  • SECT. III. Vossius his third Argument against Kecker­man doth hardly seem to be strong. That a naked relation of an Affair doth not sa­tisfie a prudent Reader. Which is proved from Ludov. Vivis, Dion. Halicarnassae­us, and Vossius himself. That the Read­ing the same Histories by a Child, and by a Man of Learning, is very different.
  • SECT. IV. The Argument Borrowed from Quintilian consider'd, and an Answer made to it.
  • SECT. V. The Opinion of Simon Grynaeus on this account Approved; and it is more largely shewn who [Page] is a competent or well qualified Reader. It is at least requisite that the Reader have a taste of Moral Philosophy. And also of Chronology and Geography, which are the two Eyes of History. And some know­ledge of other Arts is also necessary.
Part the Third.
  • SECT. I. The last Head of what is to be handled proposed. The Council of Ludovicus Vivis concerning those things that are to be Noted in the Rea­ding of Histories. The Custome of Augus­tus Caesar in his Reading Histories. What things are found in Histories worth Noting, and of what Use they are.
  • SECT. II. Two sorts of Excerpts, or Collections, Philolo­gick and Philosophick; what species are con­tain'd under each of them: how each of them are to be disposed of, or ordered. What ad­vantage accrues thereby. Many have written the formes of Common-place Books.
  • SECT. III. A various Method of chusing and reserving for use the best things shewn out of Annaeus Seneca.
  • SECT. IV. The manner of Excerping illustrated by Ex­amples. And first as to Philological obser­vations out of Vell. Paterculus. The [Page] Births and Deaths of Great Men to be ob­served. A three-fold Elogie of Cato the Elder. His Death. A disagreement con­cerning his Age. His batred against Car­thage. The building of Corinth; its du­ration, and an Age fatal to Great Cities. The Reasons of Ancient Sir-names. The differences of the Roman Citizens. That critical observations ought to be entered under the Philological. That Scipio may be call'd, not onely a favourer, but an en­creaser of Learning; against the opinion of Lipsius in that point. His Praise. A two-fold Leisure. What Dispungere sig­nifies; and whence it is derived; and what things are said to be Expuncta. An ex­ample out of Tacitus. Primores Civita­tes; What. That the Optimates were the best of the Nobility. Who were call'd Principes, Consules, Exconsules, Ex­praetores, &c. The distinction of the Se­natours into Patricians, Conscripti and Pedarii; Whence they were so call'd.
  • SECT. V. What Method is to be observed in Philosophical Observations shewn out of Herodotus, Po­lybius, and other Historians. A twofold use of Examples. Justus Lipsius, Jo. à cho­kier and R. Dallington our Countreyman have excellently shewn the Uses of Histories and Examples. An Instance or two of which is here givn by us out of L. Florus, Justin and Herodotus. St. Augustine supposeth that the History of Romulus and Remus is [Page] true. What use may be made of it. The faith of Camillus and Fabricius, and the Axioms which spring from it. What the Prodigious Preparations of Xerxes, and the Event of his Expedition may teach us, which is again confirm'd by the Example of the last Darius. By the Examples of Caligula, Ne­ro and Valentinian, the Malignity of self-love, envy, and spite, and malice are shewn. Po­lybius frequently shews the Use of Histories.
  • SECT. VI. That Christians may receive usefull instructi­ons from the Examples of the Heathens; and thereby improve themselves not onely in Mo­ral Vertues, but also in the Acts of Piety and a Holy life. The same thing taught by St. Au­gustine, S. Hierome and others. The Precepts of such imitations fulfilled by the Heathens, which St. Ambrose elegantly expressed.
  • SECT. VII. That the Ecclesiastical History affords more and better fruits; That the good works of the Heathens were nothing but splendid Sins. The Ethnick History illustrates onely the second Table of the Decalogue, but the Church-History the whole Law. In the Prophane History there is nothing but coun­terfeit shapes of Vertues; but in this the true Vertues are shewn. In the first there are many things that are pleasant and usefull to be known; but in the second there are more things which are necessary: Upon which the Discourse is concluded, with an Exhortati­on to a diligent reading of the Church-history.

[Page 1]THE METHOD and ORDER OF Reading Histories.

The Antelogium; or, The Intro­ductory Oration, made by the Authour the 17th of October, 1635.

The occasion of Repeating these Lectures and Examples. The Scope publick Advantage, yet not to be rashly published. The Excessive Con­fidence of the Scriblers of this Age Reprehen­ded. Modesty recommended, by the Exam­ple of Pliny Secundus. The Ancient Custome of Repeating before publication very usefull. How much desireable in this Age, most ac­ceptable to Wise men. Rather an Argu­ment of Modesty than of Ostentation. A [Page 2] living Voice. In what Hearing has the ad­vantage of Reading. The definition of History. Its End, division, and various sorts or Species.

IT is now about ten years and some Months, if my Calculation deceive me not (Most Honourable Academicks,) since I made some Discourses in this very place, in the Presence of a great Assembly, concerning the Order and Method of Reading Histories. Whereupon some of my then Hearers prevail'd upon me by their impor­tunity so far as to Publish from the Press, and bring into the Light, those Meditati­ons, such as they were. Of late some of my Learned Friends, have solicited me with the same vigour and irresistible Earnestness, that I would bring these Lectures the second time to the Anvil, and still insist, urge and inculcate these reasons for it, that they may surmount my reluctance. The for­mer Impression is many years since sold off, and yet most eagerly sought after by many, that therefore a new Edition would be very acceptable, and very usefull too, to the younger Students without doubt. And there are some also of my present Hearers, whom I have heard wish, very passionately, that I would reade again upon that Subject, and afterwards (if I thought fit,) Commu­nicate my Lectures to the Learned, and publish them to the World. At length I yielded to the desires of both, as far as I [Page 3] am Capable: though at the same time I cannot with the same facility satisfie my own private humour by it, and much less my Judgment. My design then is (with the favourable assistence of God,) to repre­sent to you my Hearers, those former Me­ditations, with Additions and Amendments in some places, in my next Lectures: and that so carefully improved and Corrected, as none of you may justly retort upon me the Satyrist's Proverb,

Juv. Sat. 7.
Occidit miseros crambe repetita Magistros.
The oft repeated Crambe kills the wretched Master—

2. And yet whilst I well Consider you, what if I should onely repeat my former thoughts? for how few of you is there who now fill those Seats, who have either from my Mouth heard, or in Print read those former Discourses? it may be in truth none, or two or three at most, and even those a­mongst you, as I conjecture, who have ever heard of them are not much more Nume­rous. In short, I will grant they were here­tofore Printed, so I may obtain that at some times, in some places, they were in some Esteem and read by some with some advantage, and not thought unworthy of a light Commendation: why then should I be blam'd for repeating and retouching the same Readings to my New Hearers, who [Page 4] are for the most part now to begin the Stu­dy of Histories? to these they will seem new, though onely renew'd to others. Nor would I have you think I enter upon a new and unheard attempt by doing thus, I have the Example of Good men on my side, by Ter. Heaut. Liseng. Ap. in Can. which I am encouraged so to doe. It was an an­cient and commendable Custome heretofore, which is still in use, that in the delivery of Arts besides the daily Lectures, the Tutours should repeat some things over again more Ac­curately, by which the minds of their Pupils being as it were invigorated, they might be the more inticed to a diligent pursuit of their seve­ral professions. Thus in the days of our Fa­thers, Franciscus à Victoria had his reitera­ted Theological Lectures; Melchior Canus, his Scholar also had his, both Divines of great Note amongst the Roman Catholicks; and of later times Henningus Arnisaeus, a famous Philosopher and Physician, published his repea­ted Politick Lectures, and many other lear­ned men of different Professions have put out their repeated Lectures. But what need is there of so many Examples? when the thing is able to justifie it self, and affords me a ready defence? for whatever does once please, if we conceive that there was any solid Cause for it, we may well hope the re­petition of it will not be unacceptable. That which is Good is Gratefull the second and third time, was a Greek Proverb. And the Venusian tells us of a Good Poem,

Hor. de. Ar­te Poet.
Judicis argutum quae non formidat acumen,
Haec placuit semel, haec decies repetita plaecebit.
Which cannot fear the Criticks Eyes
These please but once, but those surprise
At the tenth reading o'er, him that is wise.

3. But that which Horace promised would be the effect of an excellent Poem is too Great, and Glorious for me to aspire to, and even above my wishes. For I am not so like Suffenus the bad but conceited Poet, or so self affected, that I should ever think these my rude and unpolish'd Lectures wor­thy of so strange a Fate. My Design and Scope has indeed ever been to seek the good, and promote the advantage of my Hearers, and yet I have not onely here in this Publick place, but every where sought carefully what might please you too, though to wise minds these two are inseparable, for it is but just and reasonable, that what does profit should please; and therefore whilst I consi­der these things seriously with my self, I see no cause to fear this my slight Work should be less gratefull or acceptable to my Hea­rers. Nor am I unwilling to comply with the desires of my Friends, (those I mean who as I said before desired these Meditati­ons might be reprinted, as having faln in­to the hands of very few men,) and the ra­ther because they so confidently aver, that it will be a very great Help to the Youth of [Page 6] the University, and to all other lovers of History. Whose Judgments though I do not totally suspect, as bribed by their af­fections to me, yet I think seriously and fre­quently with my self, (with Pliny Secundus an excellent Writer,) that it is a great thing Epist. 1. 7. Ep. 17. to put a Discourse into the hands of Men, nor can I (saith he) perswade my self, that what a man desires should please all and always, ought not to be often reviewed and by many. And for these causes, Gentlemen, I have not long since resolved diligently and ac­curately to revise those my former Medi­tations, and having so re-examin'd and en­larged them, then to recite them so im­proved to my Hearers, and yet not then Publish them to the Learned World, till they had been well approved by many and Learned men, who have great knowledge in History, as not wholly unworthy of the Light.

4. I think it is not unknown to many, and I have observed it too often my self; that too great a Self-love and Confidence, have insensibly stoln upon the Wits of this and former Ages. May I advise you (young men) to shun this, as the worst of Pests, let us banish it from us, and think meanly of our selves. Let us measure our selves and our Performances by our own Foot and Stan­dard, and not believe any thing that is Great of our selves, beyond what we are truly Conscious of to our selves. Modesty, Modesty is it which becomes every Age, and [Page 7] leads all that follow her in the Streight and right Path to solid Glory, without it we are Hurl'd down precipices, and instead of ac­quiring Honour become the Scorn of Men, and instead of a good Fame, we return loa­den with Ignominy and Contempt; but to return, have you ever read or heard that of the Comedian, He that can revere his own mind, knows how to begin Safely, or as o­thers Mimogra­phi. reade it, to attempt Safely? I doubt not but you have heard it: Believe this Speech which deserves Credit, and is an Admonition of the Greatest Value, especi­ally in War, and yet not of more use in the dangers of the Camp, than in the Hazards which attend the Gown and the School.

5. This was well understood by Pliny, whom I just now named, and therefore not trusting much to his own Judgment, he ve­ry often or rather always, desired the opi­nion and Council of others, when ever he Composed any thing which he intended to Publish, but hear him in his own words; Being to recite a small Oration which I intend l. 5. Ep. 13. to Publish, I call'd together some that I might fear them, but not many that I might know the truth; and in another place I omit (saith he) no sort of Emendation, for first I consider l. 7. Ep. 17. very diligently with my self what I have writ­ten, then I reade it to two or three, then I de­liver it to others to be Noted, and as to their Notes if I doubt, I consider of them with one or two more, and at last I recite it to many. [Page 8] I love, yea I venerate (O thou Polite Secun­dus) this thy Cautious modesty, thy pru­dent and wise distrust of thy own Ingenuity, how earnestly do I desire exactly to imitate thee, and I do with the greatest Confidence propose thee as an Example to others.

6. Nor do I onely recommend to you (my Hearers,) his great Modesty and almost single Humility, but in the very first place I commend that Custome of Reciting. O very excellent Usage, and to be infinitely desired in this our Scribling Age! Both the Learned and Unlearned Write on and on. And an Unrestrain'd Lust of Deflouring and defiling Paper Reigns every where, and this is the cause why so many, feeble, dry, jejune, undigested, begun rather than fi­nished Pieces, are so frequently thrust out into the World; O that therefore this An­cient Custome of reciting at least private­ly and to our Friends could be brought into use again! how usefull would it be to restrain Lip. Ep. 48. Cent. 2. ad Belg. the over hasty, and desolute Wits of some, and to direct others? How desirable and accep­table would it seem to wise men, to see the Writings of Learned men which were de­signed for the Press, submitted first to the Judgments and Senses of Wise and Good men. For you shall rarely find a man who is Amb. Ep. l. 6. Ep. 40. Ad Sabi­num. not deceived by his own Writings, (they are the words of St. Ambrose,) they pass by him with many faults unperceived, and as defor­med Children are yet dear to their own Parents, so undecent Discourses please their Writers. [Page 9] This Custome then without Question, of Pliny which I am now imitating, and not onely idlely Commending, would be very acceptable to all Wise men.

7. But it may be objected, this will look like Ostentation to many, and an Affectation of a little vain, empty Glory ambitiously Courted. I say it is nothing less, for it is rather Modesty, prudence, an humble esteem of a Man's self, and the avoiding boldness and boasting as detestable. For therefore does a man recite his Writings, or submit them to be read by others, that he may know their Judgments, and hear the truth concerning them, that if any thing has slip'd him he may amend it, if any thing be obscure, he may illustrate and clear it, if any thing is not true he may Correct it, according to the old Proverb, Recitations pro­duce Theo­phrast. Amendments. Will you therefore a while hear Pliny Discoursing at once the Causes and Advantages of Publick recitati­ons in his Epistle to Ariston, lib. 5. Ep. 3. I follow (saith he) these reasons for reciting: First, He that recites reflects somewhat more sharply upon his own Writings, out of Reve­rence to his Hearers. Secondly, That he may determine what he doubts of by their Advice and Counsell; And though he is not inform'd what they think of him, yet he may observe it by their Countenances, their Eyes, their Nods, their Whispers or Murmurs, their Silence, which by Notices that are not obscure discover Judgment from affection, and so it may happen [Page 10] if it be heeded, that I have changed some things upon the judgment of some who were present, who said nothing to me. You see (my Hearers) what were Pliny's causes for Reciting: and it is very apparent thereby, that there were many Advantages gain'd by it. Now if the Writers of our age would for the same reasons reduce it into use a­gain, who could blame them for it? who could accuse them of an Ambitious vanity? what if M. Cato's cavillers should infest him? who will allow nothing to be well done or said by others, which they will not presume to dress over again? what if they will not fear to spend freely their Conjectures? and to guess as readily as injuriously at the mea­ning of another? Wise men will without concern suffer their malignant rash con­jectures to run by them, and pleasantly ac­quiesce in the rewards of a good Conscience. And I will freely grant, that this usage has been taken up heretofore by some Ambitious Vainglorious men, who made the Noise of the Rabble the End of their Actions, and courted the Popular breath, Hunting after the great but indiscreet Acclamations of the Little Folk; O Wisly! Euge! Well! Pleasantly! and such like silly Exclamati­ons, by their Recitations. O silly, vain, foolish Fellows! O the miserable Slaves of Glory! I hope our times afford men of more Wit, and of more Generous minds, they know that it is the least part of a wise Man's care to Sail by the Card of Fame and [Page 11] Opinion. A wise man (saith a Noble Greek Authour,) neither Speaks nor Acts any thing for repute onely. Our desire then is, that he that recites any thing, or commits it to another to be perused, should propose to himself a better End, and a more Noble Design; that is, that whatever he intends to publish for the Advancement of Lear­ning, might by these means come forth the more Correct, polite and probable, for this was the end of the Great Secundus, not that he might hear his Works Applauded while he recited them, but that they might then be commended when they came to be read. And yet (nor will I dissemble it,) the Reply of the Satyrist does not displease us;

Pers. Sat. 1.
Non ego dum recito, si forte quid Aptius exit
Laudari metuam; nec enim mihi Cornea fibra est,
Sed recti finémque extremúm que esse recuso
Euge tuum & Bellé.
If whilst I reade some things seem to excell
I fear not praise; but rather like it well;
I have no senseless callous heart, and yet
I can not yield your Acclamations great
Enough to be the utmost bounding line
Of what is true, or my supreme design.

8. And now (my Hearers) as to what con­cerns my self, if I will Administer well the affairs of my own Province, if in it I seek to doe the greatest good I can,) as I profess that is my greatest wish,) who is there a­mongst you, (if he be not a mere Novice and [Page 12] utterly ignorant of these Studies,) who does not know that there lies upon me an indis­pensable obligation of reciting, and re­peating some things over and over again, as the occasions of my Auditory require, which daily changeth; and by new Succes­sions and Vicissitudes is every day renew'd? Especially when Hearers come who have great need, or rather are under an absolute necessity of having the things I have now in hand taught them.

9. Some other may possibly object it is in vain to delay us with a Recitation, if at last you intend to publish these Discourses, which every man may then reade with more Attention in the Quietness of retirement: but I reply (as I have said before,) that I re­cite them that they may come out the more perfect and Correct: And I have also a­nother Reason for it, and that of no less moment. The Rules of all Arts and Dis­ciplines, as all grant, are more happily in­still'd by the mouth of a Teacher than they are drawn out of Books: and why then should not we conceive the same may hold true concerning the Rules of Reading Hi­story? I am sure this was the opinion of the often cited Pliny, for writing to his Nephew, thus he tells him, You will say I have several not less Elegant discourses which Lib. 2. Ep. 3. I can reade; it may be so: But then you will never want an opportunity to reade them, but you may for hearing; besides as it is commonly said, the living Voice does most affect us, for [Page 13] though what a man reads he attends more Accu­rately to, yet those things we hear sink deeper, which the very Pronunciation, Countenance, Habit, and Carriage or Behaviour of the Speaker, Stamps and Prints upon our minds. And St. Hierome in an Epistle to Paulina, saith, The living Voice hath somewhat of a secret energy or power, and transfusing it self from the mouth of the Authour penetrates the Ears of the Disciple with a stronger sound. And therefore Fabius Quintilianus, one of the greatest Masters of the Art of Rheto­rick, gives this as a rule for the forming a good Oratour. Let the Master (saith he) Lib. 1. c. 2. every day speak himself something, yea many things, which the Scholars may repeat after him amongst themselves; for though he may supply them with examples enough out of Books, yet that (as it is call'd) Living Voice affords more Nourishment, and above all others the Masters, for whom the Scholars, if they be rightly disposed, must needs have a great both Love and Reverence. Nor was the great Oratour M. Tully of another opinion, for in his Perfect Oratour he thus plainly delivers himself; Books (saith he) seem to want that spirit and Life which makes things seem grea­ter when they are spoken, than when the same things are onely read, and from hence came that saying, in reading Demosthenes the grea­test Val. Max. Li. 8. c. 10. thing is wanting, the Oratour himself, be­ing read, and not heard, and with this that of Horace agrees where with great faceti­ousness and pleasantry he Ridicules the [Page 14] Epicurean who had improved Catius in the Kitchin Arts.

Lib. 2. Sat. 4. Transcribed from Mr. Creech his Elegant Version.
Learn'd Catius by the Gods I ask this Boon
Where e'er you go, Sir, I must have it done,
Pray bring me to this Copious Spring of Truth,
That I may hear it drop from his own mouth;
For though you talk, as if you understood
His Precepts well, and knew the rules for Food,
Yet from your Lips I'm sure they can't be known
So well as if I heard them from his own;
Besides to see the figure of the man
Would please me much, pray shew me if you can,
A Sweet with which blest you are almost Cloy'd,
And do not value, cause so oft enjoy'd:
But eager I to unknown Fountains press,
To draw from thence the Rules of Hap­piness.

10. Things standing thus (my Hearers,) what hinderance remains that we may not chearfully prepare ourselves for the designed Work? which having thus bespoke your affections, we will begin forthwith in the next Lecture, and in the mean time lest whilst we are to discourse concerning the Order and Method of Reading Histories, we should break the rules of Method, if our younger Hearers (for whose sake this Task [Page 15] is undertaken,) be not told what Histories we mean, we think it now worth our while to premise first the Definition, and then the Division of Histories, and then briefly to explain them, that by this means we may open a more clear passage to the bring­ing our designed undertaking to its End. The Definition then which we formerly made, and which I will still stand by is this. History is the Register and Explication of par­ticular The defini­tion of Hi­story. affairs, undertaken to the end that the memory of them may be preserved, and so U­niversals may be the more evidently Confirm'd, by which we may be instructed how to live well and Happily. I say first then, that it is a Re­gister and Explication, because we are to dis­course of it as it may be read, so that Re­cording and explaining are the Genus, for the Object or matter I put particular affairs, that is publick or private Actions worthy of the memory of men. I assign a manifold End, that the memory of particular Actions may be preserved, and also that out of Par­ticulars, general Precepts may be deduced, and Confirm'd: and lastly, that by these we may be the more instructed how to live well and happily, for this was the reason why M. Tully styl'd History the Mistress of Life, and to this relate those excellent words of Livy in the Preface to his History. This is the most Healthfull and Profitable atten­dant of the knowledge of History, that you may Contemplate the instructions of variety of Ex­amples united in one illustrious Monument, [Page 16] and from thence take out such things as are use­full to thee, or to they Countrey, and that thou mayst wisely consider that what has an ill beginning will have an ill end, and so avoid it.

11. According to this our Definition, we subjoyn our Divisions, which are not sub­tile and exquisite (for such would be of no use here,) but popular and common. I know that History has been divided both by the Ancients and some of the Modern Wri­ters into Divine, which treats of God and Divine things; Natural, which treats of Naturals and their causes, and Humane Hi­story, which relates the Actions of Man as living in Society; and our definition has respect onely to the latter; and this again we subdivide into Political or Civil and Ec­clesiastical History, and again both these into General and Particular Histories. The Political or Civil History is that which ex­plains the Rise or beginning, Constituti­ons, Increases, Changes and Affairs of Em­pires, Common-wealths and Cities. Ec­clesiastical History is that which principally describes the affairs of the Church, though at the same time the Transactions of Mo­narchs and Kingdoms are also inserted. Universal either Civil or Ecclesiastical Hi­story is that which contains the Actions of all, or at least many and those the most considerable People, Common-wealths or Churches, for many ages; the Particular Hi­story is that which comprehends the affairs [Page 17] of any one People, City or Common-wealth, or of one particular Church. This our Method is intended to describe the di­stinct The Scope. and regular way of Reading all these in their due Order. There is another divi­sion of History, which offers it self to our Consideration, and is especially worth the observation of Youths, which is taken from the Circumstances and Modes of Relating or Explaining things: as of Histories some are call'd Chronicles, which are those that chiefly take notice of the times in which Actions are done; others are call'd Lives, which describe the Persons of particular men, and their Actions and Manners; others are call'd Relations, or Narratives, whose chief business is to relate faithfully and clearly the memorable Actions of particular men, or any particular affairs of Commu­nities. As to the first of these heads, all Histories do or at least ought to note the times in which Actions happen, for every Relation is obscure, and like a Fable with­out the Addition of the time in which it falls, and yet all do not observe the same intervals of time, nor keep the same Or­der in Relating, and this produces variety of Chronicles, from whence has sprung the various denominations of Annals, Fasts, Ephemerides or Diaries, Menologies, Bimestri­as, Trimestrias, Semestrias, Decads and Centuries, of all which we have largely dis­coursed in our Preliminaries of History. The Writers of that sort of History we call [Page 18] Chronicles, are, Herodotus, Diodorus Siculus, Dionysius Halicarnassaeus, Justinus, T. Livius, Sabellicus, and the like. The Writers of Lives, as is said, propose to themselves the representation of the persons of single Men, and (which is worth your reflexion,) to this sort belong mixt Actions, publick, private, domestick and Civil, &c. in this Classis are Suetonius, Plutarch, Cor. Tacitus, Dion Cassius, Aemilius Probus, and others to be placed. The Writers of Relations or Narratives are Historians, who endea­vour to give full and Continued Accounts of memorable Transactions and affairs, such as Xenophon's Expedition of Cyrus, Sa­lustius his Conspiracy of Catilin, Halicar­nassaeus his Embassies, and the like. Concer­ning the reading of all which you shall be farther informed, with God's assistence, in the Ensuing discourse.

THE METHOD and ORDER OF Reading Histories. Part the First.

SECT. I.

Three things are required to the profitable reading Histories, whereupon the three parts of this discourse are propounded.

THat the Reading of History may be attended with the most Advan­tageous Consequences, and afford the Student a good reward for his labour, three things are insignally necessary. First, That the Order he observe be right and [Page 20] Constant, that he be not Confused, wan­dring, and desultory in his reading. Se­condly, That he have a clear and good judgment, that he may with dexterity Ap­prehend what he reads, and well discern what is to be selected. Thirdly, There ought to be employed a diligent and exact industry that gathering Stores of all sorts, they may be regularly disposed as it were in a Granary; we design therefore to di­vide this dissertation into three general Parts: the first of which shall contain the principal Authours which are to be read, and shall also shew the Order in which they are to be read; the second shall teach who is to be Esteem'd a Competent, well quali­fied reader of History; the third shall shew an Excellent way of gathering the fruits of History, and Explain the order and me­thod of disposing them into Cells or Store­houses.

SECT. II.

What Series of Histories is to be observed, and how to be ordered; the great intervals of time to be observed; an Epocha or Aera, what it is, how many there is; the Floods or inundations, in what times they happened; the Obscure, and Fabulous intervals or pe­riods of time, the Olympiads or Historical interval.

AS to the first of these, such a chain, Series or Succession of Authours is to be observed in reading, as may exactly imitate the intervals of times, and the great and general Monarchies. The intervals or Periods of times as they relate to History, and the memory of Affairs, as Censorinus De Natali die Varro. cap. 21. observes out of Varro, are three, the first from the beginning of mankind to the first Flood, which, saith he, for the ignorance of the things that were done in it is call'd the Obscure Period; the second is from the first Flood to the first Olympiad, in which because many things are fabulously related, it is call'd the Mythick or fabulous inter­val; the third is from the first Olympiad to our times, by which he means the times of the Caesars, which is call'd the Historick Aera, because the things which have been done in it are contained in true Histories. These great intervals (as you will see,) are divided or distinguished by several Epochas. Now an Epocha is some illustrious begin­ning [Page 22] in time from whence we number the following times, and we observe two sorts of Ephocas, the Ecclesiastical and the Civil; the first of these are used in the Sacred Scrip­tures and Church History, such as are these which follow, from the beginning of the World or the Creation, from the inunda­tion or Flood, from the building of the tower of Babel or the Confusion of Tongues, from the going out of Egypt, and the like: these that follow are frequently read in Prophane Histories or heathen Authours, from the destruction of Troy, from the first Olympiad, from the Expedition of Cyrus, from the passage of Xerxes, &c. So in this place of Censorinus, from the beginning of mankind or the Creation of the World to the Deluge, and it is remarkable he styles it the first Flood, for History preserves the memory of three great Floods or De­luges. The first was the Universal Deluge in the time of the Patriarch Noah, of which Moses Writes in the Holy Scriptures, which fell in the year of the World, 1656. The Oros. l. 1. c. 7. Second was that of Ogyges in Achaia, which destroyed almost all that Province, and be­cause it happen'd in the time Ogyges, (who was then the Founder and King of Elusina,) he gave name to the time and place of it. According to Orosius, this fell in the year of the World 2185, in the days of the Pa­triarch Jacob. The third was the Ducale­on Inundation, from him so call'd, in whose time an inundation (they are the words of [Page 23] Orosius,) of Waters Consum'd the greatest Lib. 1. c. 9. part of the People of Thessalia, very few Es­caping by the refuge of the Mountains, and Especially in Mount Parnassus, about which Ducaleon's Kingdom lay, who entertaining them that fled to him in Boats, preserved and fed them, upon the two heads of Parnassus, upon which account he is call'd the repai­rer of Mankind; this Deluge fell in the year of the World 2437, in the time of Aug. de C. D. 1. 18. c. 10. Justin. l. 2. c. 6. Cecrops King of the Athenians, and about 15 years before the going of the Children of Israel out of Egypt. I follow the Computation of Scaliger, which I desire the Reader would observe once for all.

2. That first Interval which to Varro (though a most Learned man) seem'd Ob­scure, all Night, to us Christians is full of Light, and by the Assistence of the Holy Scriptures, more bright than the Meridian Sun, and we know it contains 1656 years, the History of which we have delivered by Moses in a most brief Compendium, in the first six Chapters of Genesis, nor is there any thing to be found concerning those things that passed before the Deluge, in all the Monuments of Learning that are Extant, or can be found, but onely here.

3. The Second Interval from the Deluge to the first These Exercises were insti­tuted by Hercules, and re­vived by Iphitus, A. M. 3174, and from this year the Olympiads or Circle of 4 years are numbred. Olympiad, (that is to the first Exercise which every fourth year was Celebrated by the Grecians in honour of [Page 24] Jupiter Olympius, and falls in with the XXXIV or XXXV year of the Reign of Uzziah King of Judah, contains one thou­sand five hundred and eighteen years, that is from the year of the World 1656, to the year of the World 3174. And this is call'd by Varro, and not without just cause, the Mythick or fabulous interval, because to it belong almost all the Arguments or Subjects of the Poetick Fables. For al­though there are some relations Extant in the Greek Poems and Historians, which are a little more ancient than the first Olym­piad, such as the Trojan War, the Expedi­tion of the Argonauts, the Histories of Per­seus, Oedipus, Hercules, Theseus and some o­thers, which for the most part are compre­hended by Ovid in his Chronicle; yet in truth, as Africanus saith, all is full of Confusion, and disagreement, and wants the distincti­on of years, nor is there any thing worth the taking notice of, in all the Grecian Monuments, which happened in all that long interval, which passed betwixt the Trojan War, and the first Olympiad con­sisting of CCCC years, and much less is there any thing before the Trojan War worthy of Regard. Hence Justin Martyr in his Ora­tion to the Grecians thus bespeaks them, You ought to know that nothing is Exactly writ­ten by the Grecians before the first Olympiad, and Eusebius in his de praparatione Evan­gelii, Chapter the 10th, till the Olympiads, there is nothing of any certainty written by [Page 25] the Grecians, but every thing is confused, nor before that time do they at all agree amongst themselves. Yet nevertheless, we Christi­ans have a certain History of all this Fa­bulous interval, and (in what relates to the Church) large enough, and very clear, writ­ten by Moses and the Prophets, those Pen-men of the Holy Ghost, wherein many things are intermixt, concerning the Em­pires and Kingdoms of the Nations, and their Actions, by the Veracity of which those Accounts we met with in Prophane and fabulous Writers are to be Exami­ned.

4. To go on, the third Interval, (which Varro and Censorinus will allow to be the onely, sole, Historical Period,) from the first Olympiad, to the times of Censorinus, (who writ about the year of our Lord 240, from the building of Rome 991, as he saith himself, Chap. XXI,) comprehends above 1040, to which belongs the whole Series of ancient Prophane Story, which we have now Extant perfect, and distinguished by any certain Notation of times.

SECT. III.

The Series and Succession of the great Empires said to be fatal, it is proved there were E­minently four; that of the Medes and Per­sians asserted to be but one Empire. Every one of them foretold by the Prophets; the Appellation Great Monarchies cavilled at in vain, by Bodinus, the Roman the biggest Empire.

NOw since the 4 Great Monarchies or Empires, which (as much as may be known,) are the Greatest, and Successively followed each other, that ever were a­mongst men, do all fall in that period of times, which contains the Mythick and Historical intervals, which in their times Reigned over the greatest part of the Earth, and under which the far greatest part of what is contain'd in History was transacted. May I propose the Order and Succession of these great Empires? Aemilius Sura an un­known person to me shall doe it for me, who is by Vellejus Paterculus, Lib. 1. c. 6. thus represented, The Assyrians (saith he,) were the first of all Nations who attained a general Empire, then the Medes, and then the Persians, and then the Macedonians; af­ter which Philippus and Antiochus, 2 Kings descended from the Macedonians, not long af­ter the Ruine of Carthage, being Conquered, the great Empire or Monarchy, was trans­ferr'd [Page 27] to the People of Rome. This very Succession of the 4 Monarchies, seems as­serted by Arrianus Nicomedensis, to be by a fatal decree disposed in this Order; the Empire of Asia was (saith he,) to be taken Lib. 2. de Exp. Alex. from the Persians by the Macedonians, as the Persians had before Ravished it from the Medes, and the Medes from the Assyrians, and the same order is observed by Claudian the Poet,

De Laud. Stilic. l. 3.
—Sic Medus ademit
Assyrio, Medóque tulit moderamina Perses;
Subjecit Persen Macedo cessurus & ipse
Romanis, Haec Auguriis firmata Sibyllae.
So the Mede pluct from off his Ancient Throne
Th' Assyrian Prince at first, but left his own
At last to the fierce Persian, whose hard fate
It was to leave a Grecian Prince his State.
Proud Greece yields too to the Italick Swords.
Which changes verifi'd Sibylla's Words.

Dionysius Halicarnassaeus also in his prooem of the Roman Antiquities, observes the very self same Succession of the great Empires, where he compares them one with another, and does prefer the Roman Empire as very much above them all.

2. But here by the way, let us observe, that though Aemilius Sura, Arrianus, Di­onysius Halicarnassaus, and very many other [Page 28] Authours of Antiquity, do reckon the Em­pire of the Medes for one of the Monar­chies distinct from the rest; yet we are taught by the Scriptures, that the Em­pire of the Medes and Persians was but one: Especially when they had taken the Empire from the Assyrians. And therefore there was but four illustrious and very great Mo­narchies, which are commonly observed to have been the irreconcilable Enemies of the Ancient Church, which were represen­ted to Daniel the Prophet, in a Vision by four Beasts; to Zechary, by 4 Chariots, and to Nabuchodonosor, by a vast Image made up of four several sorts of Materials, as the Holy Scriptures testifie: for so the an­cient Fathers, and most of the later In­terpreters understand those Prophecies. Omitting then the Modern Expositours, three of the more ancient will be sufficient to prove, that heretofore for many Ages, it has been a received opinion, that the four great Monarchies were designed by the said three Visions. First, Isidorus Pelusio­ta, lib. 1. Ep. 218, above twelve Hundred years since, interpreted the Vision of the 4 Beasts thus. That Divine Person Daniel in the famous and celebrated Vision, compared the several Kingdoms of the Assyrians, Medes and Macedonians, as consisting of the same sort of men, and each of them of a distinct Nation, to a several Beast, that is one of them to a Bear, another to a Lioness, ano­ther to a Libard. But the 4th Vision, that [Page 29] is the terrible Beast, (which brought with it a vast Amazement,) having Iron Teeth, and being arm'd with Nails of Brass, devouring, grinding, and trampling under foot, not re­sembling any Animal, did perspicuously repre­sent the Roman Empire, as being compact or made up of all the Nations and Tribes, and in its self furnished with all strength and Glo­ry: Nor did the Propher think it fit to ex­press that Principality by one Name, which was to extend the Yoke of its power to all, and at the time of our Lord's Incarnation, was Arrived at an infinite Empire. Thus far the Pelusiot of the four Beasts; and St. Hierome who was a little more ancient than the Pelusiot applies the Vision of Zechary's four Chariots to the same pur­pose, In the first Chariot saith hewere Red Hor­ses, Sanguinary and Bloudy, and terrible as Babylonian Cruelty; in the second Chariot were Black Horses, representing the Empire of the Medes and Persians; in the third Chariot were White Horses, These were the Mace­donians, under a King of which Race the Victory of the Maccabees, of whom we reade, was; in the fourth Chariot were Horses of di­vers Colours, of great strength; for we know that of the Roman Kings, some were merci­full to the Jews, as Cajus Caesar, Augustus and Claudian, others were Persetutours and terrible, as Caligula, Nero and Vespatian. Thus far St. Hierome of Zechary's Chari­ots. To Conclude, the stupendious Coloss in the very Explication of Daniel, which [Page 30] appeared to Nabuchodorosor, signifies the IV Kingdoms. But the Blessed Sulpitius does Elegantly unfold and apply it, and af­firms that the IV Monarchies we have mentioned, were foretold by it. According to the Interpretation of the Prophet, (saith he) lib. 2. The Image which was seen car­ries the figure of the World, the Head of Gold was the Empire of the Chaldeans, for we have been informed that was the first and Richest; the Breast and Armes of Silver foretold the se­cond Kingdom, for Cyrus Conquering the Chaldeans and Medes, transferr'd the Em­pire to the Persians; in the Belly of Brass was the third portended, and we see the predicti­on fulfill'd; for Alexander the Great snatch­ing the Empire from the Persians, brought it over to the Macedonians; by the Thighs and Legs of Iron the fourth, that is the Roman is understood, which was stronger than any of the Monarchies that went before it, but the feet part Iron and part of Potter's-Clay, fore­tell that this Kingdom shall be divided, so as they shall never Unite, which is also come to pass.

3. We have exprest this somewhat too much at large, which yet we could not de­cline the fallacy of John Bodinus a very Learned man, having Extorted it from us, who in his Book de Methodo, cap. 70. Af­firms that the famous division of the King­doms of the old World into IV Monar­chies, was built upon the Modern Authori­ty, and insipid Conceit of some late Wri­ters. [Page 31] But from what has been said, it clearly appears to us on the contrary, that these IV great Empires were anciently ob­served and designed; of which two flourish­ed successively in Asia, and are therefore call'd the Asiatick, and for the same reason the two others are call'd the European, which succeeded in Europe. Vellejus also, in the place I have cited above, seems to me to prove and confirm both these Names, and several Successions of the great Empires, in the following times (saith he,) the Empire Lib. 1. c. 6. of Asia was translated from the Assyrians, who had held it a thousand and seven hundrd years, to the Medes; but the truth is, it is not worth our while to contend any lon­ger, about either the Names or the dis­tinctions of the Monarchies. In short then I say that it is most certainly true, and in­contestably known to all Antiquity, that the Assyrians and Chaldeans first, and after them the Medes and Persians, did hereto­fore Rule over so great a part of Asia, that they might well be call'd the Supreme Monarchs of the World (as it was then peopled,) and the same may be said of the Grecians in their times, and much more of the Romans, by whom if not the grea­test, yet certainly the best part, not one­ly of Asia, but also of Europe and Africa, was Conquered, as Histories inform us, which made Polybius thus express himself, The Romans having forced not onely some con­siderable parts, but almost the whole inhabited [Page 32] World, to submit to their Authority, and Em­pire have raised their greatness to such a pro­digious height, that the present Age may ve­ry rationally Extoll their happiness, but no suc­ceeding Ages will ever be able to excell them.

SECT. IV.

The Rise and duration of the Assyrio Chal­dean Empire, and also of the Medio-Per­sian, then of the Grecian, and lastly the beginning of the Roman Empire before Ju­lius Caesar, how many years betwixt that and the times of Charles the Great, and from thence to Charles the fifth.

BUt to go on, that first Assyrio-Chaldean Empire, (for so I am inclin'd to call it,) was begun by Nimrod, (who is by some others call'd Belus,) in the year of the world 1717 or there abouts; it continued a very long time, that is, almost one thousand and seven hundred years, for this Empire lasted almost the whole time of Censorinus his second interval, and after that too it ran out into the third (the Historick) inter­val 238 years. It is true as the Learned Scaliger has observed, it was not always in Can. Issa­gog. lib. 3. p. 315. the same State of power and greatness, but at times was broken and diminished. For in the beginning it was of a vast Extent, but afterwards the Nations that were sub­ject [Page 33] to it, made defections till it was torn into several shreds or parcels, the Kings of Assyria giving up themselves to Luxury, and thinking of nothing less than Arms and the preservation of their Kingdom; but notwithstanding, from the first Foundation of it to the taking of Babylon by Cyrus, when it was transferred to the Medes and Persians, there passed almost 1700 years. For though Justinus, and Georgius Mona­chus affirm, the Assyrians were Masters of the World, but one thousand and three hundred years, the latter 1060 years, and Diodorus Siculus 1400 years. Yet I sup­pose they are to be understood of the time iu which the Posterity of Nimrod or Ninus Reigned, who laid the Foundations of that Empire A. M. 1717, and particularly of Sardanapalus, (who according to Vellejus,) was the last that Reigned of XXXIII de­scents, in which till then the Son had suc­ceeded his Father. But Phul Belochus and his Posterity first, and then Merodach Bala­dan and his Progeny, followed the Family of Ninus, and kept up that Monarchy in the Assyrian Nation to Baltazar, who was the last of their Kings, and perished when Babylon was taken by Cyrus, for so Funccius, Reinerus Reineccius, Viginerius and others do seem to collect out of Scripture. But Josephus Scaliger, Dionys. Petavius. Jaco. Ca­pellus and others contend against this and endeavour to prove out of Berosus, Me­gasthenes and Ptolemy, that the Death of [Page 34] Baltazar by the treachery of his own Ser­vants, whom he had enraged against him by his ill Nature, happened about seven­teen years before the taking of Babylon by Cyrus. So he being slain in the 55th Olym­piad, one Nabonidus by Nation a Mede, (call'd by Daniel Darius the Mede, by the common consent of the Conspiratours suc­ceeded him, and he by the chance of War, being overcome by Cyrus King of Persia, in the XVII year of his Reign and Babylon taken, had his Life and the Government of Carmania given him, and so the Empire was translated to the Persians, in the se­cond year of the 60 Olympiad and A. M. 3412.

2. It is not therefore difficult from what has been said, to shew that the Assyrio-Chal­dean Monarchy from its first Rise to that period we have given it, lasted almost 1700 years, which may also be confirm'd by what Calisthenes the Scholar of Aristotle is said to have related, for he following Alex­ander the Great in his Asiatick Expedition, upon the request of his Master after Baby­lon was taken, diligently enquired of those who were skilfull in the Babylonish Antiqui­ties, concerning their Astronomical Obser­vations, the successions of the Kings of that most ancient Monarchy, and of the Number of their years, and what ever Chaldean Antiquities, or Astronomical Ob­servations he could get, he sent them into Greece, which Simplicius somewhere avers contained 1903 years.

[Page 35] 3. The Second Empire call'd the Medio-Persick, is said to have lasted from the tak­ing of Babylon by Cyrus, to the taking the same City by Alexander the Macedonian, (Darius Codomanus the tenth and last King of the Persians, being Conquered) not a­bove 210 years, for Alexander entered Ba­bylon in the III year of the 112 Olympiad. A. M. 3620.

4. The third Monarchy call'd the Grecian, and begun by Alexander the Great after the Conquest of Darius, is thought to have lasted to Perseus, the Son of Philip the Se­cond King of Macedonia, who was over­come by Paulus Aemilius, and his Kingdom reduced into a Roman Province, which space of time comprehends somewhat more than two hundred and sixty years, for Perseus was overcome, taken and led in Triumph to Rome by P. Aemilius, in the year of the Building of Rome 586, A. M. 3782. and about that time it was that the Roman Empire attained that so much admired Greatness, which Polybius hath so much ex­toll'd in the former Section, which yet af­terwards encreased, but from this time was esteem'd the IV Monarchy; for to this time that Aemilius Sura, (whom we have ci­ted from Paterculus,) in plain words refers the beginning of its Empire; Two Kings, Perseus and Antiochus, being overcome, the Empire of the World, (saith he) was tran­slated to the Romans, which Polybius also a­vers Lib. 3. 1 [...]9. and 160. almost in the same words, the Romans [Page 36] having Conquered the Kingdom of Macedonia, brought the World under their Dominion, yea as the same Polybius acquaints us the Nati­ons submitted in great Numbers to them, and made them the Arbitratours of Peace and War betwixt themselves, which Florus Lib. 2. c. 7. also confirms, for from henceforth (saith he) the Kings of the World and the Captains, People, and Nations, sought Protection from this City, And again Polybius. Now it was confess'd by all, necessity extorting from them Lib. 3. p. 150 this Declaration, that the Romans must for the future be obeyed, and their Commands sub­mitted to. To conclude, Daniel the Pro­phet States here the beginning of the IVth Monarchy, if the Learned Melancthon thinks right, whose words are these, when Daniel names, and depaints, the IVth Mo­narchy, he does not begin it onely from Julius Chron. l. 3. p. 146. Caesar and Augustus, but includes the time in which the City of Rome was possess'd of the Empire of the World, even before their Civil Wars began. And therefore if from hence we compute the time of its duration, there is to the time of Julius Caesar 118 years, from thence to Constantine the Great 356 years, from thence to Augustulus, who was forced by Odacrus King of the Heruli to resign the Empire, are above 170 years, and from thence to Charles the Great 325 years; so that from the Conquest of Mace­donia to Charles the Great are 978 years, and from thence to Charles the Vth are 720 years, so that from the Overthrow of [Page 37] Perseus, to the Reign of Charles the Vth. there is in all 1688 years.

SECT. V.

Why these four were call'd by way of Eminence the Monarchies.

I Am not Ignorant that many other Dy­nasties, Kingdoms, Empires and Com­monwealths, here and there flourished in the World, during the times of the three first Monarchies, but especially in the Ages of the first and second, as for Example that of the Egyptians, Cicyonians, Spartans and Aethiopians and others, frequent men­tion of which is made in ancient Historians, and we reade that some of them had some times vast Dominions, as Sesostris King of Egypt.

Luca. l. 10.
Venit ad occasum mundique extrema Sesostris
Et Pharios currus Regum cervicibus egit.
Who saw the Western Shoars, the bound of things,
And drove his Char'ots o'er the Necks of Kings.

As Lucan sings, and Justin saith Vexoris King of Egypt, extended his Empire to L. 15. Pontus; Strabo saith too that Tearchon the [Page 38] Aethiopian led an Army into Europe; and L. 6. c. 29. Pliny writes that the Aethiopians were great and powerfull, to the times of the Trojan Wars, and the Reign of Memnon, yet that the said IV Monarchies did much excell all these, is too well known to need any proof, for it is to be observed, that we do not call these the IV great Monarchies, as if they included all other Regions and Nations, but because they were Masters of a great part of the World, and had so much power, that they could easily Curb and give Laws to all other Princes, for therefore did God Erect Monarchies in the World, that men Chron. l. 1. p. 10. might be Governed, by Laws, Justice, and a good Discipline, as Melancthon observes.

SECT. VI.

How the reading of History is to be begun, good Epitomes not to be Condemn'd. Sy­nopsis of Histories, Chronologers, some o­ther Compendiums commended by Name. What Authours are principally to be consul­ted as to Universal History. Rawleigh one of the best, but the History of the Bible is the most ancient, and first of all to be read.

WHerefore if any man desires to run over with advantage the History of these Monarchies or Empires, and in [Page 39] them the History of the World; I would advise him to begin with some short Com­pendium, Chronology, or Synopsis, be­fore he enter that vast Ocean, because he may by that means learn at once the series of times and Ages, the Successions of Em­pires, and the greatest changes which have happened amongst Mankind, and so he may if he please, draw in his mind an Ex­emplar or Idea of the whole body of the Universal History, which he may contem­plate with ease as it were at once, and this too was the advice of Lodovicus Vivis. At Lib. 5. de trad. Discip. first (saith he,) choice is to be made of some Authour who begins with the remotest times, and brings down from thence, the chiefest heads of History in a constant thred to or near our times, for although in truth it cannot be denied that Compendiums have some times done much mischief in the World, and proved the ruine of some of the best anci­ent Authours, yet we will not therefore de­spise those Epitomes which are made with Franken. [...]. Lib. 1. I [...]st. H. reasonable Abreviations, if they render the way to an improvement plain and easie. For as Infants being led by the hand learn at first to go, so I would by all means per­swade young men to begin the Study of Hi­story with Epitomes and short Histories, till the Foundations being well laid; in process of time they may approach, and try the very Fountains with good advan­tage. It will be therefore usefull to begin with Beurerus his Synopsis, or Sleidan's Com­pendium Beurerus. Sleidanas. [Page 40] pendium of the IV great Monarchies, which is written (as Reineccius expresseth himself Ep. ad Hen. Mei­bomium. concerning it) in an Elegant, Polite, manly Style, and which may well be thought to be of the number of those Books, which are attended with a long Liv'd Genius; or, if he please, Melancthon's Chronicle which (as one Stephanus tells us,) whoever has not Lib. de for­mand. Stud. p. 37. tasted must be a mere Block, it being the most Learned and Elegant Epitome of the History of almost the whole World. There are other Books of equal worth which may as justly be recommended to the Reader. As first, Reinerus, Reineccius his Syntagma of those Reinerus. Reineccius Families, which in the Monarchies have had the Government. A laborious, exqui­site work, by which the Reader being led as it were by the hand into the pleasant Fields of History, shall perform his Jour­ney with much the greater Ease, Pleasure and Happiness. I think also that Jacobus J. Capellus. Capellus, his Sacred and Exotick History, adapted with great diligence to the order of times, (he being a man of much Lear­ning,) is by no means to be deprived of its deserved Commendation, it being worthy to be read seriously in the very first begin­ning of the Study of History, and which I wish he had brought down to our times, for it ends with the Birth of Augustus, A. V. Petavius. This is translated. into English. C. 696. But Dionysius Petavius a Jesuit, has lately writ an excellent piece of the same Nature, which he hath styl'd Tempo­rum Rationarium, in which the Sacred and [Page 41] Prophane History of all times, from the Creation of the World, to the year of Christ 1632, is shortly brought down, and confirm'd with Chronological Proofs. A­mongst the more famous Chronologers, if the Reader desires to perfect himself in Chronology, (which will be of Vast Ad­vantage to him,) besides Capellus and Petavius, both which I rank in that order, he may reade Funccius, Buntingus, Helvicus Funccius. Buntingus. Helvicus. Calvitius. or Sethus Calvitius, who in a late Edition of his Chronology, has made use of so great an industry that he has not omitted any thing, by which the true time of Histories may be exquisitely known. But then if af­ter these Chronologers, he is pleased to dwell a little longer on the Universal Histo­ry, and to enlarge his prospect, JUSTIN Justinus. may be read, who is thought to have flou­rished under the Antonines, about the year of Christ 140. Nor is there any one amongst Voss. de Hist. art. l. 2. c. 1. the Latins, who has more Politely and Ele­gantly contracted the History of so many Em­pires; for he Comprehends the Actions of al­most all Nations, from Ninus to Augustus. Then may Herodotus, Diodorus Siculus, and Polybius follow, of all which we shall have occasion to speak more hereafter, and af­ter these some of the Modern Writers may be read, amongst which, Sir Walter Raw­leigh Sir Walter Rawleigh. our Countrey-man deserves the first place, a man of great Fame, and for his great both Valour and prudence worthy of a better Fate. He has built up an Univer­sal [Page 42] History, from the Creation of the World to the fall of the Macedonian, or III Monarchy out of the most approved Authours, which is written in English, with very great Judgment, in a perspicu­ous method, and an Elegant and Masculine style, and the incomparable Gerardus Joan­nes V. Epist. ded. lib. de Ar. Hist. Vossius, some years since began an Uni­versal History, of all the foregoing Ages and Nations, I heartily wish (my Hearers,) that I may once see that Noble work and injoy it with you! for what can be expected from so great a Treasure of Antiquity and History, but what is most Excellent, and above the reach of the Wits, not onely of this, but of many of the better Ages? But however, let the History of the Bible lead the way, which is incontestably not onely the most ancient, but the truest of all Histories, and to this tends the grave re­prehension of Carolus Sigonius, of the common way of instituting or entering upon the Study of Antiquity. In laying the Foundations of the knowledge of Ancient times and things, as also in the beginning of almost all other Studies, I know not how we are carried away with the impetuous torrent of an ill Custome, and generally commit a ve­ry great Errour, by beginning with those Mo­numents, in which the Acute Grecians who were totally ignorant of the truth, have com­prehended their Traditions of the false Gods, and the fictitious Actions of their feigned He­roes, which we can neither make any good use [Page 43] of, nor improve our selves thereby in the least in Piety; when, if there were any Sense that I may not say prudence in us, we ought rather to begin with what is contain'd in the Holy writings of the Hebrews, for if we search for the Origine of things, we can begin no higher than the Creation of the World, and the for­mation of man, which is there treated of, if we seek Truth, there is no where so much of it as here, where it is proclaimed by the mouth of the Living God, if we seek grave things, what is more magnificent than these illustrious Monuments, in which the Holy Commands of God, the saving Promises, the certain Oracles, and other helps to our Salvation are comprehen­ded? from whence can we derive more Excel­lent Examples of Vertue, or sharper detestati­ons of Vices, or Actions worthy of memory, than from these Monuments of the Hebrews? in which onely it is apparently discovered, how much mankind has been relieved by the power­full and present Assistence of God Almighty, in the Exercise of true Religion, or in the neg­lect of it, have been troden down and ruin'd by his Anger.

SECT. VII.

From whence the History of the Assyrio-Chal­dean Monarchy is to be fetched. Of Be­rosus, Ctesias and Megasthenes, and their supposititious Writings, in the defect of these we must have recourse to Josephus. The great loss in Diodorus Siculus, to be supplied from elsewhere, especially out of Josephus and the prophetick History. Dio­gines Laertius commended.

BUt now if you are pleased to descend to the several Empires, and to prose­cute the Histories of them by parts, and in their Order, we have Berosus, Ctesias, and Megasthenes, who give an account of the Berosus li­ved 250 years before Christ. Ctesias 375. Megasthe­nes, 290. Affairs of the Assyrio-Chaldean Monarchy. But did I say we have them? No, (which is a very great affliction to the Histori­ans,) we have them not, we have some fragments of Ctesias, which perhaps are not spurious, but then those concern the Persian Empire onely, for whatever he writ concerning the Chaldean is lost. We have also some shreds of Megas­thenes too, and some Adulterated Rhap­sodies, imposed upon the World by the Viterbian Monk a deceitfull Merchant, to which little Credit is to be given in the O­pinion Cresias, Scaliger de Em. Temp. notis. of very Learned men, for as to Cte­sias, this is the opinion of Josephus Scaliger, a very great Philosopher. He is (saith he) [Page 45] a silly Greek, and so he may but contradict Herodotus, he cares not what he says; he has committed many Errours through Humane Frailty, many wilfully out of Envy, and this appears clearly in Photius his Parietina. Ctesias flourished in the times of Cyrus Ju­nior, Strabo. l. 14. and being taken by Artaxerxes in a Battel, he was afterwards his Physician. And Strabo disputes the fidelity of the very Lib. 2. genuine History of Megasthenes, which he often cites, how much more reasonably then may Learned men question the truth of that fictitious piece which is ignorantly call'd by his Name, but it is really the work of Annianus? He lived under Seleucus Ni­canor, as we are told by Clemens Alexan­drinus, Strom. l. 1. and that Impostor Annian. And most of the Learned suppose that the Bero­sus which goes abroad in the World is of the same Stamp. Will you please to hear what Lodovicus Vivis thinks of him, There De Tra­dend. disc. lib. 5. is a small Book which is stil'd Berosi Baby­lonii Antiquitates, the Antiquities of Berosus the Babylonian, but it is a figment that plea­ses unlearned idle men very much, and of the same sort are Xenophon's Aequivoca, and the fragments of Archilochus, Cato, Sempronius, and Fabius Pictor, which are patched together in the same Book by Annia­nus Viterbiensis, and by his Additions ren­dered too, much the more ridiculous; not but that there are in it some things that are true, for otherwise, the thing could never have look'd abroad, but yet the body of that History is [Page 46] fictitious, and none of his whose Name it bears; thus far the Learned Vivis, and therefore Diodorus Siculus li­ved sixty years before Christ. he and other Learned men, send us to Jo­sephus, Justin the Epitomizer of Trogus, and Diodorus Siculus his Antiquities, and well we might be turn'd over to him, if he were intirely Extant, which some of the Ancients call'd simply the LIBRARY, and others the Libraries. And Diodorus acquaints us himself in the Preface to his History, what account he had given of an­cient times, his words are these; Our first six Books give an account of what happened before the Trojan War, and what is set forth concerning those Ages in Fables, of which the three first contain the Barbarous Story, and the three latter the Grecian, and in the eleven following Books, we deliver the History of what passed throughout the World, to the Death of Alexander the Great. Thus far the Sici­lian. But, alas, the five Books which follow his fifth Book, (which he stiles [...], the Book of Isles, because in it he treats of the Islands) are to the deplorable injury of ancient History, perished. For in them was contain'd all the Oriental An­tiquities, which might have afforded much Ad Euseb. 1967. light to the Old Testament, as the Learned Josephus Scaliger observes. We should think this great Loss the less if Theopompus, Eu­phorus, Callisthenes Timaeus, and the rest from whom Diodorus had with incredible industry compiled those five Books, were still Extant. Concerning which you may [Page 47] Consult Vossius his piece of the Greek Hi­storians. We cannot deny but some have blamed the Sicilian for those five Books that are Extant, which we have recom­mended as first to be read, and amongst them Lodovicus Vivis, who admires how Pliny could say that Diodorus was the first of the Grecians, who left off Trifling, when (saith he,) there is nothing more Idle. But Lib. 5. de Trad. disc. lib. 2. de Caus. Corr. Art. we reply, that Learned Censor did not well consider that Diodorus himself owns, that the History of those times was mixt with many Fables, and delivered very va­riously by the Ancients, but he was content to relate what seem'd most agreeable to Truth, and yet at last he did not desire they should be taken for solid Truths, but that he thought it was better to have the best knowledge we could of those Ancient times, than to be altogether ignorant of them; as Gerardus Joh. Vossius, a man of a peircing judgment has well observed, in his second Book of the Greek Historians, chap. the second: In the defect therefore of those Authours we have mentioned, and to repair as well as we may the loss sustain'd in the former Books of the Sicilian, helps are to be fetched in from Eusebius his Chroni­con, where we shall find many Antiquities pointed at, from Plutarch's Theseus, Licurgus and Solon; from Pausanius his description of ancient Greece, from the first Book of Orosius, and especially from the Prophetick History, in which onely are all those things [Page 48] that happened after the Death of Sardana­palus, which are of certain and undoubted Faith, to be found concerning the Assyri­ans and Chaldeans, even to the begin­ning of the Medio-Persian Empire, and a little farther, and no where else amongst the Ancients, (if you except Josephus his Antiquities;) is there any thing to be found concerning these times, and the Jewish State then) for he indeed there treats of their State too, from the times in which the Scriptures end, to the XIIIth. year of the Reign of Domitius Caesar, and LVIth. year of his own Life. But of Josephus we shall discourse more at large in his pro­per He lived A. Chr. 140. place, there may also be many things worth the taking notice of, observed in Diogenes Laertius his Lives of the Philoso­phers, which will Embelish the History of the first Monarchy. Especially the Hi­story of the last Century of it; in which the VII wise men of Greece flourished, and that famous man Pythagoras, and many o­thers, whose Lives Laertius wrote in that Golden Book, (as H. Stephen,) in that most usefull Book, and more valuable than Gold, as the most Learned Vossius doubts not to call it.

SECT. VIII.

Where Herodotus began his History, and where he Ended it; his Commendation, in what time he flourished; the Rise of the Se­cond Monarchy; the Contents of the several Books of Herodotus, why the Names of the IX Muses were given them, from what Authours his History may be inriched or il­lustrated.

HErodotus, the Father of the Heathen Herodotus. History, begins where the Prophetick History ends; which is owing to the Good­ness and Providence of God, that as it were in the self same moment, where the History of the Bible Concludes, Herodo­tus Halicarnassensis should begin his. For when the Prophets in the Holy Scrip­tures had related what seemed more wor­thy of the care of the Holy Ghost, from the beginning of the World to Cyrus; He­rodotus beginning with Gyges King of Ly­dia, Contemporary with Hezechias and Manassa Kings of Judah, about the year of the World 3238, about CL years before Cyrus his Reign in Persia; immediately de­scends to CYRUS the Great Founder of the Medio-Persian Empire, and so deduceth the History of the Medes and Persians in a smooth Style, which flowes like a quiet and pleasant River (as Cicero in his Orator expresses it well,) to the time of the [Page 50] wretched flight of Xerxes out of Greece. Which happened in the Second year of the LXXV Olympiad, in the year of the World 3471. in which time Herodotus flourished, and lived to the beginning of the Peloponnesian War. Which Dionysius his Countrey-man relates in these words. Herodotus Halicarnassaeus being born a little before the Persian Expedition, lived till the Peloponnesian War. That is, from the first year of the LXXIV Olympiad, to the Second year of the LXXXVII Olympiad, (for so the Great Scaliger computes his Age,) making him to have Lived precisely the space of XIII Olympiads; that is, LII years. For so long Lived the sweetest Muse of Jonica as he calls him, and then goes on thus. He is the most ancient Writer in Prose who is now Extant; the Treasury of the Gre­cian Animad. in Eus. Chron. p. 97. and Barbarian Antiquities, an Au­thour never to be out of the hands of the Lear­ned, nor to be touched by the half Learned, the Pedagogues and the Apes of Learning. But however, Herodotus might live somewhat longer, yet it is sure he brought not his History beyond the times of Xerxes. He has contained in Nine Books, which he di­stinguished by the Names of the Nine Mu­ses, a continued History of CCXXXIV years. Will you have the Contents of his several Books? I will give you them shortly. In Clic. his first Book, besides what he relates of Gyges, and the succeeding Kings of Lydia to Croesus; of the ancient Jonia; of the [Page 51] manners of the Persians, Babylonians and some others; he gives an Elegant account of the Birth of Cyrus the Authour of the Medio-Persian Monarchy, and then of his Miraculous Preservation, of his Education and Actions. In his Second Book, he de­scribes Euterpe. all Egypt to the Life; declares the Customs of the Egyptians, and Commemo­rates the Succession of their Kings. In his Thalia. third Book, he weaves the History of Cambyses, and of Smerdis the Mage, which simulated Cyrus, and so Reigned VII Months, and Explicates the fraud, and the Disco­very. Then he subjoyns the Election of Darius Histaspis, and then enumerates the Provinces of the Persian Empire, and gives an account of the taking of Babylon, by the faithfull industry of Zopirus, in the praises of whom he ends it. In his fourth Melpome­ne. Book, he presents us with an exact Descrip­tion of Scythia, to which he adds the un­fortunate Expedition of Darius against the Scythians, and there we reade the History of the Mynians, and the City of Cyrene built by them in Libya, and the Descripti­on of the People of those Countries. The fifth Book, contains the Persian. Embassy Terpsico­re. to Amyntas King of Macedonia, and also the just Punishment of Sisamnis an unjust Judge; the Sedition of Aristagoras the Mi­lesian, and his end; and then he shews what was the State of the Cities of Athens, La­cedemonium and Corinth, in the time of Da­rius Histaspis. The sixth Book, describes Erato. [Page 52] the Ruine of the Seditious Histiaeus; and then shews the Origine of the Kings of Sparta; and the preparations of War made by Darius against the Grecians, and the Fight at Marathon in which Miltiades bravely defeated the Persians. The seventh contains a most excellent Consultation, Polymnia. concerning the War with Greece held by Xerxes; and then represents his famous Ex­pedition into Greece, and the Battel of Thermopilas. The eighth describes the Sea Fight at the Island of Salamine. The ninth Urania. Calliope. besides the punishment of one Lycidas, gives an account of two great Battels fought in one day, the one at Plateas in the dawn of the Morning, and the other at Mycalen a Promontory of Asia in the Evening; in both which the Persians were beaten, and at last totally Expell'd out of Greece. And in these Nine Books you will find, besides the History of the Medes and Persians, the Histories also of the Lydians, Jonians, Lycians, Aegyptians, Mynians, Grecians and Macedonians, and of some other Nations; their Manners and Religi­ons are also intermixt, and delivered with that Purity, Elegance, and sweetness of Style, that the Muses were by the Ancients feigned to have spoken by the mouth of Herodotus, and for this cause the Names of the Muses were put before these Books, not by the Authour, but by some other persons, as some think. But the Learned Vossius (which I think fit to remark here,) [Page 53] is of another opinion, and says, that he inscribed the Names of the IX Muses before his Books upon the same account, that the three Orations of Eschines were call'd the Graces, with relation both to their Number and the Delicateness of the Language, and the same Oratours IX Epistles were also call'd by the Names of the Muses, as Photius saith, Sect. LXI. But the same Learned man (Vossius) goes on and asserts that it is apparent, that the Books of Herodotus were not so call'd by way of Apology for the falsehoods contained in them, as Lodovicus Vivis thought, as if by these Names the Reader were in the very en­trance to be admonished, that some things in them were related with too much Liberty to delight the mind, which is allowed the Muses. For though Herodotus inserts some Nar­ratives that are not much unlike Fables, yet the body of his History is compil'd with a rare Fidelity, and a diligent care of Truth. Concerning his other Narra­tives, he for the most part premiseth that he recites them not because he thought them true, but as he had re­ceiv'd them from others, I I heartily wish we might once have a good Version of Herodotus, which though in French was never yet made English. ought (saith he) to unfold in my History what I have heard from others, but there is not the same necessity I should be­lieve all relations alike, which I desire the Reader would once for all take notice of, and remember throughout my History. And we may enlarge and confirm the History of [Page 54] these times of which Herodotus writ by reading the 2, 3, and 7th Books of Justin. Justin, and by reading the Lives of those famous Generals, Aristides, Themistocles, Cimon, Miltiades and Pausanias, written both by Plutarch and Cornelius Nepos; and C. Nepos is lately put out in Eng­lish. to these may be added the Lives of the Philosophers of those times, written by Laertins, viz. Anaximander, Zenon, Em­pedocles, Heraclitus, Democritus, and others of that Age.

SECT. IX.

Of Thucydides, his Elogies; from whence, and how far be deduceth his History, which he compil'd in VIII Books; the Arguments of those Books briefly and distinctly unfol­ded, and lastly, is shewn what Authours besides he, have written of the same Wars and Times.

THucydides follows Herodotus, a cele­brated Thucydi­des Eng­lished by Mr. Hobbs. Historian, in relation both to his Eloquence and Fidelity. He flourished 460 years before Christ, in the LXXXVII Olympiad, and because the Elogies Learned men have made for him, may perhaps ac­cend the Reader to a more serious study of his History, I shall not decline the re­peating them here. M. T. Cicero speaks De Orat. l. 2. thus of him: In my opinion Thucydides ex­cells [Page 55] all others in the art of Speaking, he al­most equals the number of his words with the number of his Sentences; his expressions are so fit and short, that no man can determine whether he has most illustrated his Subject by his Oratory, or his Oratory by his wise reflexions. Fabius Quintilianus thus expresseth his De instit. Orat. l. 10. c. 1. Esteem of him. Thucydides is always (saith he) close and short, and ever present to his Business. Herodotus sweet, candid and diffus'd; Thucydides is the best representer of moved affections, Herodotus of calm; Herodo­tus is the best at a long, Thucydides at a short Oration; this forceth, and that wins a man's consent. Let us now hear the judgment of Modern Writers, and in the first place that of Justus Lipsius. Thucydides (saith he) writ an History in which he relates neither many nor great affairs, and yet perhaps he has won the Garland from all those who have re­presented many and great occurrences; his dis­course is always close and short, his Sentences are frequent, and his Judgment sound, giv­ing every where excellent but conceal'd Advice, directing thereby Mens Lives and Actions: his Orations and Excursions are almost Di­vine, the oftner you reade him, the more you will gain by him, and yet he will never dis­miss you without a thirst of reading him again. Isaac Casaubon speaks thus. Thucydides is Praefat ad Polyb. a great man, and a great Historian, who when he had for some time been conversant with, and employed in great Transactions, retired to describe them with his Pen, and gave Posteri­ty [Page 56] an example of an History so written for the use of Men, that it will ever be the Sub­ject of their wonder, rather than imitation.

Christopherus Colerus speaks thus.

Thucydides perfected the art of Writing Epist. de Stud. poli­tico. Histories, which Herodotus just before had Adorn'd, turn over and over, and carry in your bosome that great treasure; he has descri­bed the Peloponnesian War which he saw, and in which he bore his part, you will not seem to reade, but see it in him, and you will find as many wise instructions as Sentences; he ex­plains his Business prudently, severely and gravely, by which it is apparent how usefull he may be to a Politician; and as to those that are to consult about War or Peace, they ought to keep him ever close to them as their best Coun­sellour; thus has Thucydides hit every point. To proceed, Thucydides writ an History of almost LXX years in eight Books, be­ginning at the departure of Xerxes out of Greece, where Herodotus ends, and bring­ing it down to the XXI year of the Pelo­ponnesian War; for although his main de­sign was to write the War betwixt the Athenians and the Peloponnesians, (a great part of which he was,) yet in his first Book in the very entrance of it, he represents the ancient State of Greece, from the times of the Expedition of the Argonauts and the Trojan War; and comparing the greatness of the Peloponnesian War, with all those that had preceded it, and explaining the causes, pretences and occasions of it, he [Page 57] Premiseth the History of those fifty years, which interven'd betwixt the flight of Xer­xes, and the beginning of this War, with­out ever going on that account from his intended Subject. But if the Reader de­sires a full and perfect History of these fifty years, before he goes any farther in Thucydides, let him in this place take in the Lives of Themistocles, Aristides, Pausa­nias and Cimon written by Platarch or Cor­nelius Nepos. And the XIth and XIIth Books Plutarch. Diodorus Siculus. of Diodorus Siculus, and the second and third Books of Justin, which all belong to this place; and then let him proceed in Thucydides, who in his second Book enters upon the description of that War, in the first place telling us the time when it be­gan, and unfolding the method of the whole work, and shewing who were the in­cendiaries and who began the War; then follows the Oration made by the Laconian King to his Souldiers, his commendation both of the Authority and Eloquence of Pericles, and his Description of the dread­full Plague at Athens; then he Celebrates the worth of Phormion the Athenian Gene­ral and their Naval Victories, and com­morates the Surrender of Potidea, the Siege of the Plutenses, and the ineffectual Expedition of the Thracians against Per­dicca King of Macedonia, and so entertains us with the History of the three first years of the War. In the III Book are contained the affairs of the three next years of that [Page 58] War, that is the defection of the Mityle­naeans and the other Lesbians to the Lacede­monians, which being again reduced by the Athenian Forces, there follows an illustrious Consultation concerning the punishing of them, and the cruelty of Pachetis the Athe­nian Commander is observed; the City of Platea taken and raced to the Ground, the Sedition of the Cortyreans described, the Seeds of the Sicilian War disclos'd, the improsperous Battel of Demosthenes against the Aetolians, and his more prosperous Engagement with the Ambracians. In the IVth Book are read the fortifying the Pylus, the Siege, and the taking it, and the man­ner of the defence, the Victory against, and taking the Spartan Nobility; the for­tunate actions of Brasida a famous Lacede­monian Commander in Thrace, and these make up the History of the next three years. The Vth Book comprehends the History of almost seven years, that is the Battel be­twixt Brasida the Spartan Commander, and Cleon the Athenian, at Amphipolis a City of Thrace, wherein both the Generals were Slain and paid for their restless disturban­ces; then the various Leagues and Combi­nations of the two parties all weak and uncertain, the foolish and mad stubborn­ness of the great men, the sad effect of which follows. In the beginning of the VIth Book the Authour makes a description of the ancient Sicily, and gives an account of some part of their former Story. Then [Page 59] the pretences of the Sicilian War, and some Noble Consultations about it are pro­pos'd; Nicia opposing, and Alcibiades pro­moting and perswading to it: then he re­members some Prodigies which preceded that War, the defection of Alcibiades to the Lacedemonians, and some things which happened in Sicilia soon after the Arrival of the Athenian Fleet, which things happened in the XVIIth year of this War. In the VIIth Book Michalessus, a City of Boeotia is taken by the Thracians who exercise there great Cruelties, then the Authour prose­cutes the Sicilian War, which fell out very unfortunately for the Athenians, and brought a grievous loss upon them, the Commanders, Demosthenes and Nicias, be­ing both taken and slain against the will of Gylippus, to whom they rendred them­selves. These things were acted in the XVIIIth and XIXth years of the Peloponnesian War. In the VIIIth Book he gives an account of the defection of the Athenian Confede­rates to the Lacedemonians, their Enemies, upon the News of this Overthrow, and the League betwixt the Spartans and the Persian Governours of the Asian Provinces; after this the Democracy of the Athenians is changed into an Olygarchy of forty men, which is again soon after dissolved. Lastly, Thrasybulus and Thrasylus two Athenian Captains, after a dubious Sea Fight at A­bidus, beat the Lacedemonian Fleet and their Leader Mindarus; this Victory was ob­tain'd [Page 60] in the II year of the XCII Olympiad, in the XXI year of this War, in the Sum­mer time, where Thucydides his History ends, Anno Mundi, 3539. With Thucy­dides are the Lives of Pericles, Alcibiades, Chabrias, Thrasybulus and Nicias, written by Plutarch and C. Nepos to be read, and the XIIIth Book of Diodorus Siculus, the IVth Plutarch. Corn. Ne­pos. D. Siculus. Justin. Orosius. and Vth of Justin, and the first Book of Orosius, Chapters the XIVth and XVth, by all which the History may be somewhat en­larged and inriched.

SECT. X.

Of Xenophon his Praise and Elogies, when and in what order he is to be read; he gives us the History of XLVIII years, which may be enlarged from Plutarch, Justin, and Diodorus Siculus.

THe thread of Thucydides his Story is Xenophon This Au­thour's Hi­stories are lately tran­slated into English. continued by Xenophon, who for the sweetness of his Style is call'd the Attick Muse, and the Attick Bee; by whose mouth also the Muses are said to have spoken, as Cicero informs us in his Oratour: He was famous about 410 years before the Birth of our Saviour; there is an High encomium of Xenophon extant in Dion Chrysostome in his Oration concerning the Exercise of the Art of Speaking, where with great ingenuity he [Page 61] recommends the reading of him, averring amongst other things, that the reading of him alone was sufficient to make a man a Politician; nor is that which is related of him by Diogenes Laertius in the end of his Life the least part of his praise; that Thu­cydides his Books being then unknown, falling into his hands when he might with facility have supprest them, he took care to publish them, by which Act of his every man may know, what Honour he deserved from those who have an esteem for the Grecian Eloquence or History; and the Modern Criticks have not fail'd to give him equal Commendations. Xenophon (saith Lipsius) In Not. ad. 1. Poli. cap. 9. in his History, is a pleasant and faithfull, or at least a cautious prudent Writer, from which yet you may rather draw civil Prudence, than that he seems to have intended it. And yet Christoph. Colerus saith, Civil Prudence is certainly the principal Vertue in the writings of Xeno­phon, Epist. de Studio Po­litico. it sparkles strangely in his Institution of Cyrus, and the Relation of his Expedition against Artaxerxes, in which Xenophon discovers how great a Commander he himself was; therefore let Xenophon be the Look­ing-glass of Kings and Princes, the Viati­cum, as Homer was to Alexander the Great, of Emperours. The Glory (saith Vossius of Xenophon was threefold, for I will take no no­tice of his Eloquence; he was a Philosopher, an Historian, and a good Commander; the truth is, he left the Profession of Philosophy, and wrote his History when he was a Com­mander. [Page 62] I shall omit that Elegant piece of his concerning the Institution of Cyrus, be­cause it belongs to the foregoing times (of which Herodotus wrote,) nor is it (as is sup­posed,) penned as a true History, but as a representation of a just Empire or Govern­ment, yet Scipio Africanus, that admired Personage, had so great an Esteem for this He flourish­ed in the IVth year of the XCIV O­lympiad. A. M. 3550. Piece, that he never went without it about him; but to return, he Composed the History of his own times in seven Books, the two first of which are to be read immediately after Thucydides, because they contain the resi­due of the Peloponnesian War, and where Thucydides ends, there Xenophon (as it were carrying on the Web,) begins and relates what passed betwixt the Athenians, and Lacedemonians after that Naval Victory, that was obtained at Abidus by Thrasybulus against Mindarus, in the 2 year of the 92 O­lympiad, (of which we have spoken before,) to the taking of Athens by Lysander, in the 4th year of the 93 Olympiad, and in these Books here and there he represents some of the Medio-Persian affairs; as how the Medes rebell'd against Darius King of Per­sia, and afterwards submitted again to his Empire; how Cyrus the younger Son of Darius went to his Father who was then sick in the Higher Asia, having first sent money to Lysander, for the use of the War against the Athenians; how Darius Nothus Died, and Artaxerxes Mnemon his Elder Son became his Successour. In the [Page 63] end of the second Book he gives an account of the suppressing the XXX Tyrants who had raged for two years at Athens, by Thrasybulus, and also the Peace and Act of Oblivion, which was confirmed by the A­thenians amongst themselves by an Oath, by which an end was put to the Peloponne­sian War, which Thucydides calls the most memorable War that had ever happened, and the longest, and so in truth it was, for it was prolonged to the XXVIIth or XXVIIIth year as is manifested by Xenophon; these things are contained as I said in the two first Books of the Grecian History of Xeno­phon, which being read, the Reader may pass to his seven Books of the Expedition of Cyrus the younger, against Artaxerxes Mnemon his Elder Brother, written by Xe­nophon also, in which we have an account how Cyrus gathered Grecian Forces, and went up with them against his Brother. How he fought and was Slain, then how the Grecian Captains were Massacred after the Fight contrary to the Faith given, and how Xenophon (who followed Cyrus in this Expedition) after his Death, was chosen General by the Grecian Souldiers, and had the felicity to conduct them from the very heart of Persia, though continually assaul­ted by the Barbarians, and harassed with other miseries and inconveniencies into their own Countrey; in the first year of the 95 Olympiad. When the Reader has fi­nished these, he may then proceed to the [Page 64] rest of the Grecian History, in which the affairs both of the Grecians and Persians are continued to the Mantinensian Battel, in which the Thebans beat the Lacedemonians, under the Conduct of Epaminondas, who whilst he perform'd the parts not onely of a Commander but private Souldier, being grievously wounded, died soon after, and with him the Glory and power of the The­ban Common-wealth Expired; in the se­cond year of the 104 Olympiad: So that the Son of Gryllus will furnish the Reader with an Elegant and rich History of the affairs of XLVIII years; but this the Reader may enlarge and enrich too, if (as in reading Thucydides, he took in Plutarch's Pericles, Nicias and Alcibiades,) so here, he take in the Lives of Lysander, Agesilaus, Artax­erxes, Plutarch. Nepos. Thrasybulus, Chabrias, Conon and Datames, written by Plutarch and Nepos; for all these flourished in that interval of time which is represented by Thucydides and Xenophon, and afford a considerable ad­dition to the Histories of those times, the Justin. D. Siculus. IVth Vth and VIth Books of Justin, and the XIIIth XIVth and XVth Books of Diodorus Siculus belong to the same times; and as to Diodorus he is the next Authour I shall com­mend to the Reader.

SECT. XI.

The fair Elogie of Diodorus Siculus, that he travelled over several Countries before he writ his History. He continues the History of Xenophon about the end of his XVth Book; then he gives an account of the actions of Philip King of Macedonia in his XVIth, and from thence passeth to Alex­ander the Great, and describes the Rise of the third Monarchy.

FOr though Diodorus Siculus is some cen­turies Diodorus Siculus is said to be translated into English but not yet Printed. of years younger than Xenophon, as who flourished in the times of Julius Cae­sar and Augustus, about the CLXXXIII O­lympiad, yet in this our Series of Authours, I desire he may immediately follow Xeno­phon, being not one of the many, but a ce­lebrated Writer, and so expert in Anti­quities, that Greece can scarce shew another that is his Equal; which Judgment may be confirm'd by the Elogie which a Learned Divine of our Countrey, a Reverend Bi­shop, and excellently versed in this and all other sorts of Learning, is pleased to be­stow upon this Authour. Diodorus Siculus Mounta­gue Cicest. Episc. in praef. ad Apparat. (saith he) is an excellent Authour, who with great Fidelity, Immense Labour, and a rare both diligence and ingenuity, has collected an Historical Library, (as Justin Martyr calls it,) in which he has represented his own, and the Studies of other men, being the great re­porter [Page 66] of humane Actions; but as Diodorus himself stiles it the Common Treasury of things, and an harmless or safe Mistress or Teacher of what is Usefull and Good. Our Reverend Bishop might well call it an Im­mense Labour, for he spent XXX years, (as he himself confesseth) in writing this Hi­story, travelling in the mean time over several Countries to inform himself, run­ning through many Dangers as usually hap­pens. Diodorus also does rightly stile it a Common Treasury of things, for we have in his first The first Latine Edi­tions of this Authour make six Books, the occasion of this Errour was occasioned by the division of the first Book into two parts, by the Authour, by which the La­tine. Translatour and Vol­terranus, and some others, being deceived made six Books of those five. five Books the Antiquities and Transactions of the Egypti­ans, Assyrians, Libyans, Per­sians, Grecians, and other Nations before the Trojan War, as we have noted above, the five following Books that is from the Vth to the XIth are lost, but from the be­ginning of the XIth to the XVIth we have the History of the times written by Thu­cydides and Xenophon, (as I have already said) written in a continued thread, but then in the end of the XVth Book, he seems to design a Continuation of Xenophon's Hi­story, for he speaks expresly thus, in the end of the second year of the 104 Olympiad. In this year (saith he) Xenophon the Athenian concludes his Grecian History with the death of Epimanondas; and so the Sicilian passeth to the III year of the same Olympiad, in [Page 67] which he briefly unfolds the Story of the War of Artaxerxes, with the Rebel Per­sians and Egyptians, and the rest of the great Atchievements of Agesilaus, together with the Deaths both of Agesilaus and Ar­taxerxes, (to whom Ochus succeeded in the Kingdom of Persia,) Anno Mundi, 3588. In his XVIth Book he gives an account of the actions of Philip of Macedonia the Son of Amyntas, from his entrance into his King­dom to the end of his Life. And in the same Book takes notice of other things, which happened then in other parts of the known World. The History of this XVIth. Book may be made much more clear and large, by reading the Lives of Chabrias Dion, Iphicrates, Timotheus, Phocion, and Timoleon, written by Cor. Nepos. The Cor. Ne­pos. actions of these great Commanders made these times very famous, from the CVth to the CXIth Olympiad, from the second year of which Olympiad the XVIth Book begins to shew the Noble actions of Alexander the Great, and to teach us how he gave a beginning to the third great Monarchy, in the 112th Olympiad.

SECT. XII.

Many Historians have written of the Actions of Alexander the Great. Arrianus and Quintus Curtius, their Elogies in what time they flourished. Diodorus prosecutes the History of the Successours of Alexan­der, to which usefull Additions may be made from other Authours.

BUt others both Grecians and Romans have written the History of that great Monarch, more at large, (viz.) Plutarch Plutarch. in the Life of Alexander, and in two other Books which he writ concerning the For­tune of Alexander, and Arrianus the Ni­comedian Arrianus. in VII Books written in an Ele­gant and Xenophontean Style. I say in VII Books because the VIIIth which is usually added to them concerning the Indian Ex­pedition of Alexander, is a piece by it self, as appears both in Photius, and in the end of the VIIth Book, as the Learned Vossius Lib. 2. de Hist. G. cap. 11. Justin. Q. Curtius. observes; these two writ in Greek. And in Latine, Justin in his X and XIth Book, and Q. Curtius Rufus an excellent and a subtile Writer, but his History has lost its begin­ning, by the injury of men, or times, or both. Both Arrian and Q. Curtius are flo­rid Epist. de Stud. Poli­tico. Writers, (saith Colerus,) but Curtius is the brighter, and sweeter than any Honey; he does rather weary than satiate his Reader, he abounds with direct and oblique Sentences [Page 69] by which the Life of man is strangely illustra­ted. Justus Lipsius gives the same judg­ment of Q. Curtius, he is (saith he) in my opinion an honest and true Historian, if any such there have been; there is a strange felicity in his Style and a pleasantness in his Relati­ons; he is contracted and fluent, subtile and clear, careless and yet accurate, true in his Judgments, subtile in his Sentences, and in his Orations Eloquent above what I can express. Accidalius thus speaks of him, Q. Curtius Praef. ad l. 4. a Latine writer of the actions of Alexander the Great, is more diligent than any of the Grecians; a true, candid, and most upright Writer, if we have any writer of Integrity. The Learned Vossius in a prolix discourse has made it very probable, that Curtius Lived and Published his History under Ves­pasian, about LXXX years after Christ. Nor Arrian flou­rished 14 [...] years after Christ. (Praef. ip­sius. & Su­id.) is Arrian to be defrauded of his deserved Commendation, who is reported amongst the Grecian Writers to have been a man of so great Integrity in Writing, that he was styled the Lover of Truth, and even still ho­noured with that Sirname by Coelius Rhodo­ginus. He was a Philosopher born at Nico­media, and famous at Rome in the Reigns of Adrian and Antoninus, and was common­ly call'd the new Xenophon, as Cataenus testi­fies in his Commentary upon the Epistles of Pliny; these I say have written more Lib. 1 Ep. 2. largely of Alexander the Great. The same Diodorus Siculus prosecutes the History of Diodorus Siculus. his Successours, in his XVIIIth XIXth and [Page 70] XXth Books, from the second year of the CXIV Olympiad, to the end of the CXIXth Olympiad, A. M. 3650, which interval may yet be made much more clear, if the Reader please to take in the XIIIth XIVth Justin. and XVth Books of Justin, and the Lives of Demetrius and Eumenes, written by Plu­tarch; and because the last XX Books of the Sicilian, in which he had continued the Plutarch. Universal History, to the Expedition of Julius Caesar into Britain, (that is to the CLXXXth Olympiad) are lost, I would ad­vise the Reader not to dismiss Justin here, but to go through with the following Books to the XXIXth, to which he may subjoyn Plutarch's, Pyrrhus, Aratus, Aegides, Cleo­menes, Plutarch. and Philopoemenes, and also the Eclogs or Excerptions out of those Books of Dio­dorus, which follow the XXth which are published in the Edition of Laurentius Rhodomannus: the Reader will find many things there concerning Agathocles the Si­cilian Tyrant, and his Actions in Sicily, and of Pyrrhus his War in that Island, and also of the first Punick War, which are well worth his Notice, nor do I think he should deviate from the right method of Reading Histories, if he should even then proceed in Justin, till he hath read all but the two last Books.

SECT. XIII.

Polybius, where to be read; what times he wrote the History of, how he came to apply his mind to Writing, how great a man he was, with what Elogies he has been Celebra­ted; the greatest part of his History is lost, or dissipated into fragments; the Contents of the Books that are still Extant.

BUt if the Reader thinks otherwise, he may after Diodorus Siculus pass to Polybius, a prudent Writer if any be, who Polybius was tran­slated by M. Edward Grimston, and Prin­ted, Anno 1634. flourished 220 years before Christ, in the 140th Olympiad; he propos'd to himself the representing those times and transacti­ons, which gave beginning and perfection to the Growing greatness of the Roman Em­pire, and that he might effect this with the greater certainty and felicity; he un­dertook long Journies with much hazard, travelling over Africa, Spain, Gall, (now France,) and the Alpes; and then Compo­sed his General History of LIII years. We may conjecture at the worth and greatness of this Person, by the number of Statues, which the Grecians Erected to him in Pa­lantium, Mantinoea, Tegoea, Megalopolis, and other Cities of Arcadia; the Inscrip­tions of one of which testifies (saith Pausa­nias,) In Arcadia. that he travelled over all Seas and Lands, was a Friend and Allie to the Romans, and reconcil'd them, being then incensed against [Page 72] the Grecians; and another Inscription thus, If Greece had at first pursued the Council of Polybius it had not offended; but being now miserably afflicted, he is her onely Comfort or Support. Nor is it less observable which Pausanias testifies of him, that he was so great a States-man, that whatever the Ro­man General did by his advice prospered: and whatever he acted against it had ill success; yea he was so great a man, that all those Cities which United with the Achae­ans, made him their Stateholder, and Law­giver; therefore we doubt not but the great Elogies which have been given to his History by Learned men were well de­served, as for Example, that of John Bo­dinus, Polybius is not onely every where Equal, and like himself, but also wise and grave, spa­ring Methodi. c. 4. in his Commendations, sharp and severe in his Reprehensions, and like a prudent Law­giver, and a good Commander, he disputes many things concerning the Military and Ci­vil Discipline, and the duty of an Historian; nor does Justus Lipsius differ from Bodinus, but is rather more large in his Commen­dation; Not. ad lib. 1. Politic. 9. Polybius (saith he) In Judgment and Prudence is not unlike Thucydides, but in his Care and Style more loose and free, he flies out, breaks off, and dilates his Discourse, and in many places does not so much relate as professed­ly teach; but then his advices are every where right and Salutary, and I should therefore the rather commend him to Princes, because there is no need of an Anxious inquiry into his [Page 73] thoughts, but he himself opens and reveals his Sense, &c. But the most Learned Casau­bon in his Preface to Polybius, has most clear­ly and at large demonstrated the excellence of this Authour, and wherein he is to be preferr'd before the other Historians. He wrote XL Books of which we have onely the first five now Extant conspicuous in their Integrity, and the Fragments of the rest and some Excerpts collected together, and as far as was possible restored to their former Splendour, by the great Labour and rare Industry of the said famous Casaubon. In his two first Books to which he gives the name of an Apparatus or preparative, he shortly touches the times of the Roman Common-wealth, from the taking of Rome by the Gauls under Brennus, to the Romans first Expedition by Sea, with a Fleet out of Italy; and then treats a little more largely of the times that succeeded the first passage into Sicily, by which a beginning was gi­ven to the first Punick War, to the first year of the second Punick War. In which two preparative Books he compares the Roman affairs with the Grecian, and those of other People, who were then their Con­temporaries; in which (saith the Learned Casaubon,) the Studious will find many things which are not so well described any where else, and some that are no where else to be found, neither in any Grecian nor Latine History, The III following Books do well deserve to▪ be frequently and diligently read by all [Page 74] great Commanders and States-men, by reason of the greatness of the Subject of them, the vast Variety, accurate handling, and strange abundance both of Civil and Military Literature that is in them. The other Books (of which we have now Ex­tant onely some broken parcels) were Composed with the same exactness, and continued the History to the end of the se­cond Macedonian War with Perseus, when that Kingdom had an end put to it. So that it appears, I have shewn the way by this disposition and Order of Reading, to those that are Students in History, to that pe­riod which was pointed at by (the to me unknown) Aemilius Sura, that is to that Age in which the Roman power had in­creased to that greatness, that the supreme Empire of almost the whole World may not improperly be said to be in their pos­session; and this I suppose came to pass in that year, in which Macedonia was reduced into the form of a Roman Province, as I have above proved, viz. V. C. 587. A. M. 3784.

SECT. XIV.

Of the IVth Monarchy, that of the Romans; a transition to their History; the praise of both them and their History; the fates of the Roman Historians deplored.

WHerefore seeing amongst those four great Monarchies, which we have mentioned, of the World, that of the Ro­mans apparently excell'd all the rest, and seeing also their Common-wealth, (as the Learned Casaubon prudently observes out of Polybius) if ever any did, Experienced all the diversities of times according to the common Laws of Nature; it will here be­come our Reader of Histories to look back a while and contemplate the Rise and In­fancy of the Roman State, (which began under the first Monarchy,) and to descend to its Growth and increase, and afterwards to consider its declination towards its fall and Ruine, observing a right order both in the times and Authours till he arrives at the Period of that Interval which Censori­nus out of Varro hath in the third place de­fin'd to us; and that our Student may ap­ply himself to this, with the more ready and intent mind, let him hear Justus Lip­sius, a man deservedly great amongst the Philologers or Antiquaries, and who has deserved very much of the Roman History, thus seriously inviting him to it; In the Cent. 3. Misc. Ep. 61. [Page 76] Roman History (saith he,) there is a plenty both of great things, and strange Events, which many Writers have illustrated. O Great, and most Glorious Empire! and I add, of long Continuance! and therefore it is no wonder if it transcended both in men and Actions, that short and fleeting Monarchy of the Grecians: the Grecians (said one) excell in Precepts; the Romans in Examples, and in truth so it is, there never was a Nation, nor I believe ever will be, which affords more Commendable and vertuous Examples both for Peace and War; and therefore (my young man) come to this Harvest, gather the sheaves of Corn, and lay them up for thy use. Deservedly, O Justus Lipsius! for that is true which was said so long since by T. Livius; Either the love of Livius in proaem. lib. the business I have taken up deceives me, or there was never any Common-wealth neither Greater, nor more Venerable, nor Richer in good Examples; and that of M. T. Cicero, Cicer. Tus­cul. qu. 1. Where was there ever in any other People so much Gravity, Constancy, Greatness of Mind, Probity, Fidelity? where is there else that Excellence in every vertue that may be compa­red with our Ancestours? and Valerius Max­imus confirms all: Our City hath replenished Lib. 2. c. 6, 7. the whole world with all sorts of wonderfull Ex­ample. And from hence we may now de­rive but too great an occasion of Lamen­ting the hard fates of the Roman Historians, for as Parents do more deplore the Deaths, than the want of Children, so perhaps if we had never heard of the Writings of [Page 77] those Princes of History we had not grieved. But now when we see the broken frag­ments, and reade the Titles of most beau­tifull Works, we are vexed with desire, and tortured to the very Soul to think that a great part of them have perished, and that what remains is either corrupted with Age, or by the Envy of time wretchedly Maimed, or by the hands of a parcel of half witted Fellows interpolated, bom­basted, stuft out with additions, or other­wise very ill handled; which cannot be un­known to any man who is acquainted with Antiquity. Trogus an excellent Authour, whom Vopiscus in the Life of Probus num­bers amongst the most Eloquent, is totally lost, onely we have an Elegant Epitome, by which yet whosoever should pretend to judge of the intire work of Trogus, should be In not. ad Justin. mad in the opinion of the Learned Bongar­sius. The excellent History of Salust is to­tally lost; we have but a small part of T. Livy, not much of Tacitus, not above half Ammianus Marcellinus, and the Greek Writers of the Roman Story, have suffered the same injury of time as Polybius (as I have noted already,) Diodorus, Dionysius, and Dion Cassius, who if they were now Extant intire, we should then have a per­fect memory of the Roman affairs, from the building of that City, to the thousandth year of its Age. But let us be content with what is left, the Divine Providence has so ordered it, that out of the Reliques of [Page 78] what remains, the body of the Roman Hi­story may yet be beautifully built up, the Picture of which in Little is most Artfully drawn by our L. Annaeus Florus.

SECT. XV.

From whence the course of the Roman Story is to be begun; L. Annaeus Florus commen­ded, the judgments of Learned men con­cerning him; he is not the same with the Epitomizer of Livy, his Errours or mi­stakes excused; how these Errours in pro­bability crept in, the Consular fasts of Si­gonius and Onuphrius, and also Pighius his Annals commended.

VEry Learned men, and well acquainted Florus has been several times tran­slated into English. with the Roman History exhort the Students of it, with an intent eye and mind to run through, look into and contem­plate this curious Representation, and not without good cause, it being (in the Judgment of Lipsius) a Compendium of the Roman History written finely, plainly and Eloquently. Nor does he stop here, but adds his Censure; the accurateness and brevi­ty Elect. l. 2. c. 5. of it are very often wonderfull, and there are many shining Sentences like Jewels inserted here and there, both with good Judgment and truth. Nor does the Learned C. Colerus, Colerus was a very Learned ci­vil Lawyer. whom I have so often cited before, decline [Page 79] from this opinion, his words are these; believe me; you will with no less pleasure reade, that terse piece than that with which you could see one of Apellis his Pictures, it is so well Epist. de Stud. poli­tico. compos'd, and so Elegant. I admire that Judgment which could insert SENTENCES, with so great prudence and brevity in such a heap and variety of things. The great and Learned Censor of Books in his Piece of Ludovicus Vivis, lib. 5. p. 356. teaching the Arts and Sciences, led the way to both these, where he affirms, there can nothing of that kind be fansied more accu­rate and pleasant; but in this Vivis and other Learned men are much deceived, who think this our Florus the same with the Epitomizer of Livy, and much more those who conceive he designed in this work to give us a Compendium of the Li­vian History; whereas he neither observes the Livian method, nor always agrees with him. And others that they may abate his esteem accuse him of a great fault, his con­founding times and relating that first which ought to have been placed in the second place, often also perturbing and confoun­ding the Names and Employments of their Generals; so that he who follows him, must often be led out of his way. I will not deny that there are many such Errours in this Authour, nor can I say whether they happened through ignorance or negli­gence, or want of care; but my opinion is that in some he may be excused, for as to the confusion of times objected, they might [Page 80] have known that he digests his Relati­ons by Heads and Species, rather than times, separating things of a like Nature, from those of a different; separating for Example Wars from Conspiracies, and civil Dis­cords from Military Expeditions; in short, what a great Antiquary has said for Paulus Diaconus, I should willingly offer in the behalf of Annaeus Florus, no man can be sup­posed so ignorant in Chronology, as that he can expect to find in Florus an exact Series of the Fasts, as if he were a sworn Ac­countant; and as to what concerns the confounding Names and Offices, who knows not that such failings happen frequently by the carelesness of Transcribers, and the ignorance of the ancient Notes? especially in the names of the Roman Generals and Magistrates, and in transcribing the num­bers of years: nor am I unacquainted with the complaint of that very learned Man Andraeas Scotus; It is not possible to express Observat. Hist. lib. 3. c. 34. what darkness and confusions the affinity of Names, and the great similitude of words, have cast upon the History of the Roman Com­mon-wealth, and upon their Families, and what an infinite trouble has from thence been given to the Students in Antiquities, and the Interpreters of Books. And therefore the Reader may in this if he please, (and I do most earnestly perswade him to it,) call in to his Assistence the Consulary and Trium­phant Fasts of Carolus Sigonius, or Onu­phrius, which are much more certain C. Sigoni. Onuphrius. [Page 81] Guides than Florus, for there he will find the Roman Story, shortly and regularly Adumbrated. Or the Annals of the Ma­gistrates and Provinces, of the Senate and Peo­ple of Rome, written by Stephanus Vinan­dus Pighius; than which it is impossible to Pighius. conceive a better Commentary can be made or wished, not onely upon our Flo­rus, but also upon Livy, Dionsius, Hali­carnassaeus, Dion Cassius, and upon all the other Writers of the Roman History, as the before named Learned Jesuite Schotus affirms. To conclude, as the small imper­fections which appear in the greatest beau­ties are easily pardon'd, or obscured by the great perfections which attend them, so I see no reason why we should not readi­ly pardon the few Errours we meet in so usefull and delicate a piece as Florus is.

SECT. XVI.

In what order the Reader should proceed in his Reading of the Roman History; Dionysi­us Halicarnassaeus commended; how ma­ny years his History contains, the reason given why we assign him the first place, and confirmed out of Bodinus.

WHen the Reader has attentively con­sidered Dionysius Halicarnas­saeus never translated into Eng­lish. the shadow and Picture of the Roman History, let him proceed to [Page 82] consider the body of it in all its parts, in the following method and order of Au­thours, if he is pleased to make use of my advice. Dionysius Halicarnassaeus, who flourished about 26 years before Christ, Anno V. C. 725, is by the confession of all a grave Authour, and a most accurate searcher into, and describer of the Roman Antiquities; and therefore I desire he may lead the way: He in order to a clear No­tice who the Romans were, having given an account of what he had learned concer­ning the People call'd the Aborigines, or the most ancient inhabitants of Italy, not one­ly from Fables and the reports spread a­mong the many, but from the Books of Portius Cato, Fabius Maximus, and Vale­rius Anciatis, and of many others; then he continues a History in XX Books to the first Punick War, which began the third or fourth year of the 128 Olympiad, A. V. C. 488, but of those twenty Books which Photius tells us he left, onely XI have been brought down to us, in which we have the History of CCCXII years described, with great fidelity and care, nor have we rashly assigned the first place to Dionysius, in this our Chain of Authours, because he will be instead of a bright Torch to our lover of Histories, who without him must often stick and blink and walk in a dark Night, whilst he read onely Latine Historians. Will you have the reason of this? Joannes Bodinus will give you many, and will also Do metho­do. cap. 4. [Page 83] at the same time give you his judgment of this Authour. Dionysius Halicarnassaeus (saith he,) besides the esteem he merits by his familiar Style, and pure Attick Greek has also written the Roman Antiquities, from the very Foundation of the City, with so great a di­ligence, that he seems to excell all the other Greek and Latine Authours, for what the Latines neglected as common and well known, their Sacrifices (for instance,) Plays, Tri­umphs, Insigns of Magistrates, and all the order of the Roman publick Government, their Taxes or Revenues, their Auspicia, or Divinations, their great Assemblies, and their difficult partitions of the People into Classes and Tribes; Lastly, the Authority of the Se­nate, the Commands of the Plebes or lower Orders, the Authority of the Magistrates and the power of the People; he onely seems to have accurately delivered, and for the better under­standing of these, he compares them with the Grecian Laws and Rites; as when he fetches the Laws of Retainers, Vassalage or Protecti­on, which Romulus instituted (though Caesar saith the same was in common use amongst the Gauls,) higher, and derives it from the Athe­nians and Thessalians, and he saith also the Roman Dictatour had the same power with the Lacedemonian Harmoston, the Thessa­lian Archum, and the Mitylenean Aesymne­ten, (all which several Magistrates had in their several Countries a Sovereign Pow­er, and were not responsable for what they then did;) the Laws of Romulus, Numa, [Page 84] and Servius, had together with the Origine of the People of Rome, perished totally if this Authour had not preserved them; the Latine Historians (as was said before,) neglecting them as vulgar and well known, and this happens to most Historians who neglect what is com­monly known, as if it were equally so to Foreig­ners, as well as to their own People, or as if they thought them unchangeable; thus far Bodinus. But if any man is desirous to know farther how great a person Dionysius Ha­licarnassaeus was, and what great advanta­ges his History affords, he may reade the several works Henricus Stephanus has added to his History; he lived under Augustus Caesar, was a Domestick and great Familiar or friend to Varro, and Bodinus thinks that from his Fountains he derived his best in­formations, lib. 3. de Rep. c. 3.

SECT. XVII.

Titus Livius abundantly and not undeserved­ly praised, in what time he Lived, how many Books he wrote, from whence the di­vision of them came; in what order they are to be read, how the History may be improved, or upon the defect or loss of his History suppli'd. Plutarch's praise and Elogies.

AFter this Dionysius let the Prince of Titus Li­vius, this Authour was tran­slated into our Tongue by one Phi­lemon Hol­land a Phy­sician. the Roman History Titus Livius fol­low, famous above all others, for his Elo­quence and Fidelity, (that honour is given him by Cremutius Cordus in Tacitus) which Quintilianus perfects and enlarges where he compares him with Herodotus. Hero­dotus (saith he) will not be offended that Ti­tus Livius is compared with him, seeing he is in his Relations of things of a wonderfull sweet­ness, and of a most clear Candour, in his orati­ons Eloquent above what can be spoken, every passage in them being so exactly fitted, both to the things and Persons; and as to the passi­ons especially the sweeter and milder, (that I may speak sparingly) no Historian has bet­ter represented them, and therefore he hath by the variety of his excellencies equall'd that im­mortal briskness of Salust, nor is the censure of the famous Casaubon, that Learned man (though more modern) inferiour to this. Titus Livius is a great Authour, divinely [Page 86] Elegant in a certain sweet plenty of Style, loving Vertue, hating Vices, right in his judg­ment, expert in things relating to Peace and War, (though no way accustomed to, or expe­rienced in the latter) and if I have any Judg­ment, this was the onely genius the People of Rome (I speak as to History,) ever had equal to their Empire; these Commendations are solid and Prolix enough, and yet I cannot forbear but I must here insert also the cen­sure of Johannes Bishop of Alariensis, which Ludovicus Vivis so much admires, and in De ratione Dicen. l. 3. p. 1 [...]4. de Histo. 1. truth, I hope I shall perform an usefull and acceptable piece of Service by it to the Studious, because it shews the perfections we should aim at in History, and the de­faults we should avoid; whether he obser­ved them in Livy, or in considering the way of writing Histories, or by compa­ring both these together. Variety (saith he) hath not rendered Livy confus'd, nor the simplicity of his History nauseous; in the lit­tle and low matters which often happen, he is not without Bloud, dry and jejune, and in Plenty and greatness, he is not turgid and Vast, being full without swelling, equal and soft on this side Efeminacy, neither Luxuri­ously flowing, nor horridly barren; in plain things he is not unpleasant, nor Languid, in soft things, he does not rise in a violent and forced Oratory; yet he is not so copious as to be trouble some, nor Lascivious in his Pleasant­ness, nor so light as to be careless; he is not so severe as to be rud, nor so simple as to be [Page 87] Naked, nor so drest, that he may seem by an affected composition to be curled with Hot-Irons; his words are equal to his matter, and his Sentences to his Subjects; he is grave and magnificent in his Accounts of Actions, and yet short and proper; in Narrations he is natu­ral and always circumspect, never confounding the Order, nor forerunning the Event, he is no seeker of favour by Flattery, or sparing in his reprehensions in expectation of a Pardon, nor yet bitter to an offence; he never spares the Senate, that great and venerable Moderatour of the World, nor the Roman People the Prin­cess of the Earth, if precipitated by rashness, or deceived by Errour, or by any other means whensoever they happen to transgress the bounds of Moderation and Justice, not de­frauding the Enemies of his Countrey; of their deserved Commendation, that he might some times seem onely to be a relatour, and at other times a Censour; he is so severe and sower, as when occasion serves, he never spares the gra­vest Censours, than whom nothing at Rome was more Sacred, and in his Orations he is sparing in words, but rich in Sentences; he is much more restrain'd and concise in his words, than in his Sense, in which particular, he hath not onely excelled all other Writers, but himself also very much. This he said of Livy, saith Ludovicus Vivis, and I grant it the description of an excellent Historian. Livy published his History under Au­gustus, and he died the IVth year of the Reign of Tiberius; he writ CXL Books, [Page 88] (which were in the opinion of Petrarch, divided into Decades, not by himself, but by the fastidious Laziness of the Readers,) but of these there are onely XXXV Extant, of which the three first have many things in Common with Dionysius Halicar. but de­scribed Dionysius. Halicarnas­saeus. with that sweetness, and Elegance of Style, that the Reader can never repent the Repetition; in the remaining VII Books of the first Decade, this Authour brings down the History to the 461 year after the building of Rome, and yet before our Reader proceeds, though perhaps he has attain'd a rich History of the first times of the Romans, out of Dionysius Halicarnassaeus, and the aforesaid Books of Livy, yet in this place Plutarchs, Romulus, Numa Pompilius, Valerius Poplicola, Corio­lanus Plutarch's Elogies. and Camillus, may not unprofitably be read; not unprofitably did I say? what is there in that Authour that can be read without great advantage and reward? es­pecially if he falls into the hands of a seri­ous Reader, that is apprehensive and of an experienced Judgment? Treasures of Lear­ning, Wisedom and History may be found in Plutarch, yea there are some that assert that his Monuments, (I mean his Parallel Lives and Morals,) are the Libraries, or Collections of all the ancient Historians or rather Writers, and of all that have either spoken or done any thing honou­rably, rightly or wisely, (whether they were Grecians or Romans,) so that Theodorus [Page 89] Gaza answered not imprudently, when be­ing once asked what Authour he would chuse, if he were to be deprived of all o­thers, he replied, onely Plutarch, and therefore we so often already have, and hereafter shall recommend him to the Rea­der, to be read by parts, every part in its proper place. By parts (I say,) because In Not. ad Polit. lib. 1. c. 9. (as Lipsius saith,) he did not so properly write an History as certain Particles of History, and appropriated to himself the Lives of Illustrious men, and yet here, (if Epist. de Stud. Polit. we may Acquiesce in the judgment of Cole­rius,) he observes all the Laws of History, more than Suetonius, or any other of those that have written Lives; however (in the opinion of Lipsius,) he truly deserves a­bove all others, to be styled the Prince of Writers, who doth wonderfully form the judg­ment, and in a diffused and plain way of Writing, leads a man every where to Vertue and Prudence.

SECT. XVIII.

The second Decade of T. Livy, that is from the Xth to the XXI Book is lost; how and from whence the History may be supplied. Appianus Alexandrinus, what Learned men think of him.

BUt to proceed, where we should have gone on; in T. Livius the whole se­cond Decade, from his tenth Book, to his XXIth is lost, to wit, the History of LXX years, from the year of the City 461, to the year 531, in which space of time, (be­sides other very remarkable things,) the War with Pyrrhus King of Epirus, call'd the Tarentine War, the first Punick War, and the Ligustick, Illyrick and Gallican Wars, are said to have happened; for the supplying therefore this defect, the arguments of these Books drawn by the Epitomizer of our Authour may be usefull, and for the filling up, and enlarging the story Plu­tarch's Pyrrhus, and the XVIIth, XVIIIth, and XXII and XXIII Books of Justin; to Plutarch. Justin. Orosius. these may be added 14 Chapters of the IVth Book of Orosius, who flourished 415 years after Christ, and the IV first Chapters of the third Book of Paulus Diaconus, his P. Diaco­nus. Historia Miscella, who lived about 787 years after Christ, and especially the first and second Books of Polybius, in which though we have not a full History of the Polybius. [Page 91] first Punick War, yet we shall there find more of it than in all the Latine Histo­rians that are now Extant; and we may judge the same of the Wars the Romans made with the Galls, inhabiting in Italy. And here Plutarch's M. Marcellus, and Fabius Fabius Maximus and M. Marcellus. Maximus may be taken in, who fought most Valiantly and succesfully against the Ligurians, and Cisalpine Galls; and as they afterwards did in the second Punick War against the Carthagineans, for Fabius first broke Hannibal with delays, and then, Marcellus taught the World, it was possi­ble to beat him, as the Authour de Viris Illustribus writes, Chap. 45. Lastly, Joan­nes J. Zonaras. Zonaras may perhaps afford some as­sistence for filling up this Gap in the Ro­man History, who in the second Tome of his Annals has given a short account of the affairs of the Romans, from the building of the City to the Reign of Constantine the Great, and also Appianus Alexandrinus will Appianus. Alex. afford some help in his Punic's and Illyric's. A writer according to the censure of Pho­tius, Bibl. Od. 57. studious of delivering the truth as far as possible; a Discoverer of the Military Discipline above most others, and he is one of those who hath as in a Table represen­ted to us, the Provinces, Revenues, Armies, and in general, the description of the whole Roman Empire, as Johannes Bodinus Method. l. 2. cap. 4. hath observed. And Josephus Scaliger in his Animadversions upon Eusebius, sup­poseth him to have been a mere Child in [Page 92] History, or else that many things had been tack'd to his Syriac's by others; and the Learned Vossius affirms, he took many things from Polybius, and useth to tran­scribe Plutarch word for word; and in truth Franc. Balduinus acknowledgeth that Lib. 1. de instit. Hist. p. 87. some passages of Plutarch in his Crassus concerning the Parthian War, are repea­ted in the Books of Appia­nus: but this is supposed to Both lived under Hadri­an, as Vossius out of Pho­tius, but Appian continu­ed much longer, and writ under Antoninus the Suc­cessour of Hadrian. be done, not by Appian (who was contemporary with Plu­tarch,) but by some of his Transcribers, that they might fill up some Chasme in his Commentaries. This Authour flou­rished in the year of Christ, 123.

SECT. XIX.

Where the remaining XXV Books of Livy are to be read; what other Authours may con­firm or illustrate that History; the nine last Decades and an half are intirely lost, whence that loss may be supply'd; the Histo­ry of Salust commended, and also Caesar's Commentaries, by the Learned of the more ancient and of the later times.

OUr Reader having thus furnished him­self as well as he can, is now to pro­ceed to the XXIth Book of T. Livius, (that Titus Li­vius. [Page 93] is to the third Decade,) and let him go on, and diligently reade all that remain and are still Extant, in order (that is two Decades and an half) in which he will find an uninterrupted History of LVI years, to the year of Rome 587, but together with those XXV Books of Livy, (for just so ma­ny besides the first Decade have escaped this common Shipwreck,) and besides Plu­tarch's Fabius, and Marcellus already men­tioned, Plutarch. let the Reader also peruse, his Hannibal, Scipio Africanus, T. Quinctius Flaminianus, Paullus Aemylius and his Cato Major or Censorius, because every one of these flourished in that interval of time, and Plutarch hath written their Lives very largely and clearly, and in them the suc­cess of the Roman affairs. From the XLVth Book of Livy nine Decades and an half, (for he writ XIV Decades,) that is, 95 Books are perished in that common and deplorable Shipwreck, that is, the History of 157 years, to the Death of Drusius Ne­ro the He was the Son of Livia, the Wife of Au­gustus, by a former Husband. Son-in-Law of Augustus Caesar, who died whilst he was General in an Expedi­tion against the Germans beyond the Rhine, Anno V. C. 744. The Contents of these Books are yet Extant, collected by the be­fore mentioned Epitomizer; for the improvement of which after Plutarch's Cato Major follow his two Gracchi's, Marius, Scylla, Cato Minor or Uticensis, Sertorius, Lucullus, Pompejus Magnus, and Marcus Brutus to be read every one in his time, [Page 94] and with them let the Reader take in Salustius his Jugurthine Salustius and Caesar's Commentaries, both these Authours are in English, especially the latter rarely done. lib. 14. War, and add to them also the Catilinarian Conspiracy, and Caesar's Commentaries, which Authours Antiquity accounted amongst the principal Histori­ans, Salustius was famous about 44 years before Christ, Anno V. C. 707. And Quin­tilianus hath compared him with Thucydi­des; Tacitus calls him the most florid writer of the Roman History; he is call'd by Mar­tial the Epigrammatist, Crispus the first of all the Roman Historians, whereupon Colerus De Studio politic. writeth thus to Stanislaus Zelenius; Con­sider (saith he) that by the testimony of the Ancients themselves, there was in Salust all those Endowments that make a perfect Histo­rian; and afterwards, you can repeat the Catilinarian Conspiracy by heart, but to no purpose, if you do not well consider that man's profound knowledge in publick affairs, which he hath discovered even in that very small Book; and he wrote the Jugurthine War with no less Art, and his two And yet it is not a­greed amongst the Learned, whether these two Epistles are his or no. E­pistles to Caesar, concer­ning the setling the publick af­fairs; do they not even seem to have fallen from Heaven? and Justus Lipsius saith thus of him, If it were left to me, I should in this Catalogue not doubt to chuse Salustius for president of the Senate of Historians; and as to Caesar's Commentaries, who ever thought they did [Page 95] not deserve the highest Commendation, and to be read by young men with the In Bruto. utmost care? Cicero averr'd that they were very much to be approved. Aulus Hertius saith they were to be admir'd; they are saith he so much approved by the judgment In Praef. l. 8. de Bello Gall. of all, that they rather seem to have preven­ted the need of another writer, than to have afforded him an assistence or occasion; and yet (as he goes on,) my wonder here exceeds that of all others, for they onely know how well and Correctly he hath written them, but I know with what facility and quickness he did it. But what say the Criticks of our Age? they do not much less esteem it. The fa­mous Vossius thus expresseth himself; he is Lib. 1. de Hist. Lat. c. 13. a pure and Elegant Writer, and most accu­rate in the structure of his words, and glides along like a pleasant quiet River, and is poli­tick and grave in his Sentences, in which he excelleth Xenophon, though in the rest he is not much unlike him; and a little after, In truth here is a great plenty of great and usefull things, which he that neglects to please himself in the interim, with the Elegance of the words, is less wise than Children, who do not so de­light themselves with the Leaves of Trees, as to despise their excellent Fruit. The piece of the African War, whether it be Caesar's, or Oppius, or Hirtius that writ it, is pre­ferr'd by Colerus before all the rest; that work (saith he) surpasseth the rest, not onely in Bloud and Colour, but in strength also and Nerves: Princes and Souldiers have in it [Page 96] what they may reade and practise, or rather admire; for who can imitate Caesar? Justus Lipsius differs somewhat from these two concerning Caesar's Commentaries, and thus he writes; of those Historians that are Epist. ad Max. I. Imp. Extant, C. Caesar is most praised, if as an Elegant Narratour, I willingly assent, for the Style of that man is truly pure, adorned but without Paint, or force, and worthy either the Attick or Roman Muse; but if as a per­fect Historian, I say I doubt, because in his Civil History, some doubt of his Fidelity, and the third requisite in a good Historian, the Moral and Politick part is altogether wan­ting in him; and therefore Caesar who was no undervaluer of himself, gave them the Title of Commentaries, and not of Histories, and even for this he deserved true praise, because he despised the false.

SECT. XX.

Of Dion Cassius and his History, how many Books he wrote, how many of them have pe­rished, and how great the loss is; how de­servedly Vellejus Paterculus is reputed one of the best Writers; his Vertues are shewn and his faults not dissembled: A transition to the Writers of the times of the Cae­sars.

AFter Plutarch's Lucullus, the remain­ders Dion Cas­sius, he flourished in the year 231 after Christ. of Dion Cassius or Coccejus may be taken in also, who is deservedly repu­ted one of the best Historians; they begin with the actions of Quintus Metellus in Creet, Anno V. C. 686, then they express the great enterprises of Pompey, beginning with the Pyratick War, and so continue down the Roman History, to the Death of Claudius Caesar, Anno V. C. 806. In truth Dion wrote LXXX Books of History, be­ginning Phot. Bib. Cod. 71. with the Arrival of Aeneas in Ita­ly, and the building of Alba and Rome, and so went on without any interruption, ending in the Slaughter of Heliogabalus, Anno V. C. 973, Christi 221, but the first XXXIV Books are lost, the next following XXV are Extant, and those that succeeded these again are lost; how great the loss of these LV Books is, will easily appear to any man from what is spoken of him by John Bodinus; considering (saith he,) that Dion [Page 98] spent his whole life in managing publick affairs, and by all the inferiour degrees of Honours, arose to that height as to be twice made Con­sul, and after that being Proconsul, Gover­ned some Provinces to his great honour, joy­ning a great knowledge and experience toge­ther; who can doubt whether he is to be placed amongst the best writers of History? in truth he gathered together very accurately the order of the Assemblies of State, and the Rights of the Roman Magistrates; he is the onely per­son who hath given an account of the Consecra­tion or Deifying of their Princes, and Di­vulged their Arcana imperii, secrets of State, as Tacitus calls them, for he was a diligent searcher into the publick Councils. Or if our Reader desireth to go a shorter way, and to reade the rest of the History where Livy fails, twisted in one thread as it were; Vel­lejus Vellejus Patercu­lus. Paterculus may very well be admitted, who flourished under Tiberius Caesar, as he himself testifieth, Anno Christi 27. Aclear explainer of the ancient History, close and of Ald. in Scholiis ad Vell. a great efficacy; and Aldus Minutius speaks thus of him, he is honest and true, till thou comest to the Caesars, where he is not every where faithfull, for through flattery he con­ceals or covers many things, yea and plainly tells them otherwise than they were, yet he expresseth himself every where, with a certain facil and flowing Eloquence. Justus Lipsius thus speaks of him, nothing can flow with greater purity and sweetness than his Style; he compre­hends the Antiquities of the Romans, with [Page 99] so much brevity and perspicuity, that (if he were extant intire,) there is no other that is equal to him, and he does commend the illustrious Persons he names, with a certain exalted Oratory, and worthy of so great a man, as Johannes Bodinus saith; it is com­monly conceived and agreed, that his Com­pendium of the Roman History is contained in two Books, but we have onely some shreds of his first Book, as Rhenanus calls them, but if the Reader begins with the IXth Chapter of the Gruterian Edition, he will find the History intire, from the Conquest of Perseus King of the Macedoni­ans, to the XVIth year of the Reign of Ti­berius Caesar, and he may all along as he pleases, joyn the Lives I have mentioned a­bove, in their order with Vellejus, to en­large the History, and so he may pass on to the Writers of the Caesarian times.

The Authour having in the end of the XVIIIth Section, made onely a short men­tion of Appianus Alexandrinus, I think it not amiss here to give somewhat a larger account of him, because there is an ex­cellent Version of his Works in English, whereas Dion Cassius to my knowledge was never translated into our Lan­guage.

Henry Stephens in his Dedicatory E­pistle before Appianus, calls him the Companion of Dion Cassius, and saith that these two were of great use to all those [Page 100] who desired to know the flourishing times of the Roman Common-wealth, and to understand many passages in Cicero and others, concerning the State of the Ro­man Republick, for those Latine Histori­ans who have come down to us, cannot so well satisfie their Thirst as Dion and Ap­pianus, but if they do not leave their Rea­der wholly Thirsty, yet we cannot deny but he will remain very unsatisfied. And a little after, saith he, I shall mention a­nother thing in which he is the Compa­nion of Dion, that is, he relates not a few things that concern the change of the Roman State, and the institution of their Princes, and there is one thing in which he excells Dion, and all the other Historians, which is his ascribing those miseries which are attributed by all the rest to Fortune, to the Providence of God; thus far that Learned man speaks of him.

Vossius saith, he writ the Roman Histo­ry in XXIV Books, beginning at Aeneas, and the taking of Troy, but with great brevity till the times of Romulus, and then he wrote more accurately of all the succeeding times till Augustus, adding some things here and there to the Reign of Trajan, but then the manner of his dividing his Works, and the Titles and Arguments of his Books may be best Learned (saith he,) from Photius and from his own Preface; of this vast work [Page 101] we have now extant nothing but his Pu­nick, Syrian, Parthian, Mithridatick, Iberian and Illyrian Wars, and 5 Books of the Civil Wars of the Romans, and a fragment of the Celtick or German War.

Henry Stephens prefers him also before Dion Cassius, and all the rest of the Hi­storians, because he reduced his History into certain Classes, that though the whole was a Roman History, yet the va­riety of the Titles which he placed be­fore each Book, seemed to promise the Reader a kind of new Subject, and by that hope alured him to proceed, not to mention saith he how much more easily any thing sought after, may be found in this method of Writing; in this Appia­nus has been very ingeniously imitated by Dr. Howell in his late Learned Univer­sal History.

Photius gives this account of Appianus his History of the Civil Wars of the Ro­mans; these things are saith he contained in them, first the Wars betwixt Marius and Sylla, then those betwixt Pompey and Julius Caesar, who contended against each other, and fought many great Battels, till fortune favouring Caesar, Pompey turn'd his back and fled; then the Wars of Antonius and Octavius Caesar, who was afterwards call'd Augustus against the Murtherers of the first Caesar, in which many of the greatest Romans were, con­trary to all Laws and Justice, proscribed [Page 102] and Murthered; then the Wars betwixt Antonius and Augustus themselves, who had several sharp Fights to the destructi­on of great Armies, till at last Victory smiling upon Augustus, Antonius fled in­to Egypt, having lost his Army, and there Murthered himself, which being the last Book of the Civil Wars, shews also how Augustus took in Egypt, and the Common-wealth of Rome became a Monarchy under Augustus.

He gives us also this account of the Authour. Appianus was by Birth an Alexandrian, and at first a Pleader of Causes at Rome, afterwards he was a Praefect or Governour of some Provinces under the Emperours; his Style is mo­derate and restrain'd, but as far as is possible he is a lover of truth, and an exact relatour of Military Discipline, apt to put Life into the desponding Soul­diery, and to appease them when enra­ged, and well able to describe and imi­tate any passion. He flourished in the Reigns of Trajan and Adrian; thus far Photius speaks of him.

That which prevailed upon me chiefly to insert this Addition in this place, was Appianus his History of the Civil Wars in V Books written with great Clearness, Elegance and Accurateness: In which beginning with the Gracchian Sedition, about the Agrarian Laws, A. V. C. 622, or there abouts, and continuing it down [Page 103] through all the various Seditions and Civil Wars of the Romans, to the Death of Pompey the younger, Anno V. C. 718. which was but five years before the fatal Battel of Actium, and Augustus his settle­ment in the Empire, a story that is not writ at large, and intirely by any other but this Authour and Dion Cassius, and is one of the best Supplements, that is ex­tant of the last Books in the end of Livy, and one of the best Introductions too, to the History of the Caesars, and is one of the most lively Representations that is to be found in any History of the disor­ders of Common-wealths, and the mise­ries that attend great changes in Govern­ments, and so of great use in this our unsetled Age.

It is certain this History has lost its end, for Photius gives an account that it reached much lower down in his times than it doth now.

☞ There is now in the Press an ex­cellent History of these times, written Originally in French, but made English, wherein all these Greek and Latine Hi­storians which have related the History of this great change in the Roman State, are reduced into one Elegant body. In­tituled the History of the first and second Triumvirate. Printed for Charles Brome.

SECT. XXI.

The History of the Caesars is first to be fetch­ed from Suetonius and Tacitus; the great Honour shewn to both of them by the testi­monies of very Learned men; the judg­ment of the most famous Criticks concer­ning Tacitus various or rather contrary; Light afforded both to Suetonius and Ta­citus by Dion Cassius.

AS to the Writers of the Caesarian times, Suetonius. let the Reader begin with Suetonius Tranquillus, a most correct and candid Writer, as Vopiscus stiles him. He flou­rished In firmo, c. 1. under Trajan and Adrian, Anno Christi, 127, and was Secretary to Trajan: Spartia. in Adriano. c. 11. he was an intimate friend to Pliny Secundus, and he deserved his esteem, being as Pliny saith in a Letter to Trajan, an honest, sincere Lib. 10. Ep. 95. Learned man. And thence I conclude that the Testimonies of the later Criticks con­cerning him are true, as that of Ludovi­cus Vivis; Suetonius is the most diligent and Lib. 5. de trad. disc. impartial of all the Greek or Latine Writers, he seems to me to have written the Lives of the XII C sars with great Integrity, because he conceals not the Vices or suspicions of Vices in the very best Princes, nor does he dissemble the Colours of vertue in the worst. Colerus Epist. de Stud. Poli. doth almost follow Vivis, as to the main, and then adds something as to his Style: His Style (saith he) is short and Nervous, [Page 105] and no man has more diligently intermixt the publick Rites, he is most correct and candid, and not obnoxious to any man, for whoever wrote the tempers or humours, and manners of Princes with a greater freedom? Courtiers and Statesmen may from hence reap much ad­vantage, and may also from Suetonius at the same time learn to detest flattery. And with Suetonius Tranquillus, the Reader may admit Tacitus an Historian of a great and sharp Tacitus. judgment, who wrote of the same times with Suetonius; the Criticks say he had a new, concise and sententious way of wri­ting, but as to the use and utility of his History they vary, or it may be rather fight each against other. Justus Lipsius the Prince of the Criticks thus expres­seth himself; an usefull and a great writer, Ep. ad. Ord. Batav. and who ought to be in their hands, who have the steering of the Common-wealth and Go­vernment; and again, a sharp Writer and Ad Max. l. 2. Imp. very prudent, and who if ever may be very usefull in the hands of men, in these times and Scenes of affairs; he doth not recite the Victories of Hanibal, almost fatal to the Romans, nor the specious death of Lucretia, nor the Prodigies of the foretellers, or the predictions of the Etruscans, and the like which are apter to please than instruct the Rea­der. Let every one in him consider the Courts of Princes, their private Lives, Counsels, Commands, Actions, and from the apparent Similitude that is betwixt those times and ours, let them expect the like Events; you [Page 106] shall find under Tyranny, Flattery and Infor­mers, Evils too well known in our times, no­thing simple and sincere, and no true fidelity even amongst Friends; frequent accusations of Treason, the onely fault of those who had no fault; the Destruction of great men in heaps, and a Peace more cruel than any War. I confess the greatest part of his History is full of unpleasant and sorrowfull Accidents, but then let us suppose what was spoken by the dying Thrasea, spoken to every one of us; Young man, consider well, and though I im­plore the Gods to avert the Omen, yet you are born in those times that require the well fixing your mind by Examples of Constan­cy. To this may be added his Style, which is by no means sordid or vulgar, but distinguished with frequent and unexpected Sentences, which a man cannot conjecture whence they should be derived, which for their truth and brevity may be compared to Oracles; to conclude, he is a wonderfull Writer, and does most seriously doe, what he seems not to make his business at all, for it is not onely a History, but a Garden and Seminary of Precepts. Colerus follows here the Judgment of Lipsius, and thus he writes, we esteem the Judgment of Lipsius as equal to Tacitus; thou thinkest, and that se­riously, of the Court and Palaces? as I love thee, look a little seriously in Tacitus, into the fortune of Courtiers, and the genius of Princes. Let Cornelius be always by thy side, that true Court Companion; nor is there any cause that our Centaurs and Rusticks [Page 107] should affright thee from him, who pretend that these representations are too ancient, and no­thing like our manners and times. I say it is nothing so, there is the same Play still upon the Stage, the same vertues, the same vices are Reacted, onely the Actours are changed, onely here wants a Learned and a wise Specta­tour. Isaac Casaubon, a person admired for his Learning and Vertue, here goes quite against the Judgments of Lipsius, and Colerus, for where he compares the other Historians with his Polybius, he af­firms of Tacitus, that if his fortune had not deprived him of a Subject worthy of his facul­ties, he might have equall'd any of the most excellent Greek or Latine Historians, but such times (saith he,) fell under his Pen, espe­cially in his Annals; as there were never any more polluted with vices, or more destitute of, or enraged against all Vertues: then comparing more particularly the matter of the Hi­story of Polybius and Tacitus together, he concludes thus, We can easily excuse Tacitus, but not those who prefer this Au­thour before all the other Historians, and a­ver that he is to be frequently read by States-men, and the onely one from whom Princes, and their Councellours should take rules for the Government of Common-wealths. Now if we would expose the absurdity of this Opinion, it would not be difficult to prove, that those who think so, accuse our present Princes of Ty­ranny, or would manifestly teach them the principles of Tyranny; for what can be more [Page 108] pernicious (especially to a young man,) than the reading of those Annals? for as good ex­amples when they are frequently in sight im­prove a man, without his observation, so ill Examples hurt us, for by little and little they sink into our minds, and have the effect of Pre­cepts, being often read or heard; but to proceed, our Reader will better appre­hend, and more clearly understand both Suetonius and Tacitus, if he has first read Dion Cassius whom I mentioned before, Dion Cas­sius. and of this opinion Colerus is also; thou wouldest better understand Suetonius and Ta­citus, let then Dion lead the way. I would have thee know this, that he is the onely Au­thour, who has given us the famous and Po­litick oration of Mecoenas to Augustus, which is worth all the rest of the Histories, and he has also the splendid oration of Agrippa to him; in other things and relations he hath not wholly escaped the suspicion of false­hood.

SECT. XXII.

The Passage to the rest of the Writers of the Augustane Story how to be made, viz. Spartianus, Capitolinus, Vulcatius, and the other Authours, who are not to be lightly esteemed, the Judgment of Justus Lipsius upon them, and also of Casaubon; Herodian, to be read in his place with them; how far these Authours have brought the History, and that amongst them Au­relius Victor, and Pomponius Laetus, are to be admitted.

THese being thus expedited, if the Rea­der please to take in the Lives of Nerva Coccejus, and Trajan, two most excellent Princes out of Au­relius Victor, Xiphilin, or a­ny Spartianus, Lampridi­us and Capitolinus, flou­rished under Constantius Chlorus, Anno Ch, 295. Vulcatius under Diocle­sian, Anno Christi. 289. other of the Writers of Lives; Spartian's, Adrian, and Capitolinus his Antoni­nus will immediately follow in their order, and all the rest of the Emperours, whose Lives and Acti­ons are written by those six Writers of the Augustane Story, not so Elegantly as truly, and were lately put out accurately, amen­ded and illustrated by Isaac Casaubon, the immortal glory of this last Age; and Clau­dius Salmafius a man Learned to a Miracle in the ancient Learning: and although Casper Barthius prosecutes these Authours, Advers. l. 26. c. 16. [Page 110] with a mean and slight Testimony, and affirms, that the Latine Tongue was be­come deformed, in the very ages of Theo­dosius and Justinian; yet I would not have any man thence conclude, that he shall gain small advantage by the reading of them: let him rather hear Justus Lipsius, and Casaubon's Judgment of them, of which the first thus briefly; One Writer is Epist. quaest. l. 5. Ep. 2. usefull for one purpose, and another for ano­ther; Spartianus, Lampridius, Capitolinus and Vulcatius, and the rest of the Writers of the second form, have indeed not much E­loquence; but it is possible to extract out of them a vast plenty of Antiquities, and of the forgot­ten Customes. The latter is yet more large in their Commendations; The reading of these Authours (saith he,) is not onely usefull but necessary for all men, but especially for all those who are Studious of the ancient man­ners and History, and especially for those who love the Roman Civil Law. For how many things will you find dispersed in the whole Work, which belong properly to the study of Law? how often is it there observed, that a new Law was introduced, or an ancient Law abrogated? that I may not mention this, that if it were not for these Writers, many of the great Civilians, whose names and fragments are extant in the Pandects, would have been altogether unknown to us, not to mention also the Style, which is common with these Au­thours, to the ancient Lawyers; in short, what esteem ought we to have for the excellent [Page 111] Letters of so many Princes, so many grave Decrees of the Senate, and so many other pub­lick Monuments, transcribed out of the Ca­binets of the Caesars, out of the Acts or Re­gisters of the Senate and People, or out of I know not what other secret and concealed Re­cords? or whom will you assign out of all the number of the ancient Writers, to whom we are indebted for a like Fidelity or Industry? nor ought I to pass by those Learned, and not far fetched but Domestick Digressions, with which these Books are inriched as with so many studds of true and Radiant purple in very ma­ny places; thus far Casaubon. These Hi­storians will furnish the Reader with the History, (if the Chronologers deceive me not,) of an Hundred Sixty and Seven years, it is however certain, they will give him the names of LXX and upwards, who in the course of these times, by right or injury obtained the name of Emperour or Caesar. The Lives of some of which also are written in VIII Books, by Herodian an Herodian. Herodian flourished, Anno. Chr. 224. Authour of good Judgment, Discreetly and Elegantly; therefore if the Reader please to joyn him to the other six Writers of the Lives, in his due time he will have a fuller, and more illustrious History of Commodus the Emperour, and of the other seven that succeeded him, to the Gordians; for he will find in that Writer, a great variety of both things and men, and frequent ex­amples of Fortune's Frowns and Smiles, as she is ever changing; and he will ob­serve [Page 112] strange and wonderfull Counsels, and unexpected Events; he will find as oc­casion serves grave Sentences, and a style full both of dignity and sweetness; to con­clude, he will find plenty of necessary Uten­sils Politian. in praef. ad In­noc. 8. Pont. for the improvement of his Manners, and as it were the Looking-Glass of Humanity, which he may inspect all his Life time, and from whence he may draw instructions for the better management of publick or private af­fairs. Let him then reade this Authour either in Greek or Latine, for I know not whether Herodian deserves more Honour, who in his own Language flows with a plentyfull vain, or Politian who has tran­slated him so happily, that he doth not seem so much to have rendered as writ that History. However these six Writers the last of which is Vopiscus, who is yet learned and accurate beyond any of the rest, will bring the Reader to the thou­sand thirty and sixth year after the building of Rome, that is to the Death of Carinus Caesar, who with Numerianus is said to have reigned or affected the Empire af­ter Carus; it is to be confess'd that in this Series which these six Writers of Lives have left us, there is a gap betwixt Gordia­nus the third, and Valentinian the Empe­rour; for Valerianus did not succeed im­mediately after Gordian, but first the two Philippi, and to them the Decii; and then Vibius Gallus, with his Son Volusianus, then Aemylianus Libycus, who was imme­diately [Page 113] succeeded by Valerianus; and the Learned Casaubon reckons some others, to In Not. ad Trebell. Poll. the number of Fifteen, between Caesars and Emperours, within the space of nine, or at most ten years, none of whose Names are mention'd any where in these Writers; a supply is therefore to be made of this de­fect from Aurelius Victor, a discreet and He flourish­ed Anno Christi 395. l. 21. c. 18. In Not. Ad. Hist. Au­gust. Politian Miscel. c. 73. prudent Writer, of whom Ammianus Mar­cellinus saith, That for his sobriety he is much to be commended; and Casaubon calls his small Piece of the Lives of the Empe­rours, An Elegant Discourse: or from Pomponius Laetus, A Man (for the Age in which he Wrote) rarely acquainted with An­tiquities and good Learning, and very conspi­cuous amongst the most Excellent Wits of his time; who hath Written a Compendium of Paulus Jo­vius Elog. 40. the Roman History, from the death of Gor­dian the younger, a little beyond the time of the death of Heraclius. This Authour flourished about the year after Christ 1488. In this History of the Caesars you may reade many Voss. de Hist. Lat. lib. 3. c. 8. things which are not to be found in any of the Historians, which for the most part he ex­tracted from the Ancient Panegyrists.

SECT. XXIII.

After the times of Constantius Chlorus, and a little before, the History seems a little per­plex'd, especially in the Latin Writers, Eu­sebius, Zosimus and Zonaras, will render it more plain; of Zosimus and Zonaras, and their Writings; and also Jornandes and Ammianus Marcellinus, who is here to be Read; the Opinion of Lipsius and Baldui­nus the Lawyer concerning him.

BUt because the History of those times is very confused (especially if we con­sult none but Latin Writers) to the Suc­cession of Constantine's Children. It will well requite the trouble, to seek assistence from the Greek Authours, Eusebius, Zosi­mus, Eusebius, Zosimus, Zonaras. Zonaras, or some other Authour; as well in relation to the asoresaid Empe­rours, as also to them that follow Dioclesi­an, Constantius Chlorus, Galerius and Constan­tine the Great, whose Histories may be thus illustrated: For in this Age Eusebius flou­rished, under Constantine and his Children, about the year of Christ 325. and for his great Learning and Extraordinary Know­ledge of History, was very famous; of whom more will be spoken when we come to the Church-Historians.

Since the death of our Authour, there has been published, first by [Page 115] Baluzius, a Learned Frenchman; and since that at Oxon, a History of all the Roman Emperours, from the 20th year of the Reign of Diocle­sian, Anno Christi 303. to the year 313. which was the 7th year of the Reign of Constantine the Great, Written by Lucius Coelius Lactanti­us, Lactantius. and stiled, De mortibus persecu­torum: This Authour was contem­porary with Eusebius, and was Tu­tour to Crispus, one of the Children of Constantine the Great; and though this History is of but a short space of time, yet it gives a great light to the most intricate part of that History, and is of great credit, as being Written by a Person of great fidelity, who was an Eye-witness of all those Transactions, and a very Elegant Writer.

Zosimus Writ the declension of the Em­pire Zosimus. in VI. Books, beginning with Octavi­anus Caesar, and ending in the taking of Rome by the Goths under Alaricus: In the first Book he runs through all the first Em­perours, to Dioclesian, with great brevity; but in the other V. Books he gives a lar­ger and fuller account. He lived in the time of Theodosius the younger, who began his Reign, Anno Christi 407. and ended it Anno 449. his Style is short and clear, pure and sweet, as Photius represents it. He [Page 116] was a Pagan, and therefore reflects very often upon the Christian Princes; and yet Leunclavius, a Learned German, doth not think it is fit, for all that, to call his fide­lity too easily in question: and he adds moreover, That if any Man Reade him In Praefat. ad Sambu­cum. without prejudice, he will find, that his His­tory (which is almost totally made up of those things that were passed by, and not taken no­tice of by the rest of the Historians) is very pleasant, and usefull to all Men who are em­ployed in State Affairs. Henry Stephens was of opinion, That he industriously sought into Epist. ad Phil. Syd­nejum. the truth of Conceal'd things, and carefully discover'd it. This History is, for the most part of it, an Epitome of Eunapius, who Wrote an History of the Caesars, beginning Voss. de Hist. Graec. [...]. 18. l. 2. where Herodian ends, and continuing it to his own times; he lived under Valentinian, Valens and Gratian, about the year of Christ 370. His History, though said to be extant at Venice, was never Printed. But Photius, saith Zosimus, did almost Transcribe Euna­pius, as differing from him onely in this, that There is lately an Elegant Version of Zosim is printed in English. he doth not reproach Stilicon as Eunapius did; and that his style is shorter and more easie, and that he rarely makes use of any Rhetorical Figures: but Zosimus begins his History much Higher, and continues it down much Lower.

Johannes Zonaras Wrote a General His­tory, Zonaras. from the beginning of the World, to the death of the Emperour Alexius Com­nenus, Anno Christi 1118. in whose time he [Page 117] lived; he divided it into Three Tomes; in the First Tome he briefly Writes the History of the World, from the Creation to the destruction of Jerusalem. In the Second Tome he Writes the Roman Histo­ry, from the building of Rome to Constan­tine the Great, but with great brevity. The Third Tome gives an account of the Actions of all the Christian Emperours, from Constantine the Great, to the death of Alexius Comnenus. From some, or all of these therefore the History of the foresaid Emperours may be made more full and clear, especially if to those things which are rela­ted by Zosimus, as done by the Goths under Gallienus and the succeeding Emperours of Rome, Jornandes may be called in as a Jornandes. Witness, who will assure us, That all which Zosimus hath related is true: For as Leun­clavius assures us, What both these Histori­ans have Written concerning the Goths, do most exactly agree; nor is there any other dif­ference betwixt them but this, that Jornandes is a little more full, as not omitting the cir­cumstances of things; nor is it to be wondred at, that these were not so well known to Zosi­mus as they were to Jornandes, for the latter was a Goth, or an Alan, which Nation was nearly related to the Goths, and understood the affairs of the Goths, who were his own Countreymen, much better than the Grecians did, and joined the Gothick Historians with the Greek and Latin Writers, as he himself confesseth. Jornandes flourished about the [Page 118] year of Christ 540. and here let the Rea­der proceed immediately to the reading of Ammianus Marcellinus, a Man of a clear Ammia­nus Marcelli­nus. Fidelity and Judgment in the esteem of the most rigid Censors. By his own con­fession, his Language is Military and Un­polished; he was very famous about the year of Christ 375. He diligently prosecutes as a Souldier the account of Military Affairs, and doth often digress in Relations, and doth not seldom intermix Sentences, as Justus Lip­sius acquaints us. And Balduinus goes on thus, He is indeed a Souldier, but a very Lear­ned Souldier; and so studious of Antiquities, that there is scarce any thing which he hath not searched out. To speak in one word, he is a most diligent Writer; his Latin indeed is rough, for he was a Constantinopolitan; but he is full of Learning, and has included in his History, a various, manifold and un­common Literature; and has largely Wrote an History of those times, that are not so well Written by any other: thus, and much more Balduinus relates of him.

Marcellinus Wrote XXXI. Books, from the beginning of Nerva to the death of Valens, in whose Court he lived; but of these, the first XIII. have perished in the common Shipwreck; in those which are extant he begins with Gallus Caesar, about the year of Christ 353. and largely describes the Actions and Lives of Constantius Cae­sar, Julian, Jovian, Valentinian and Valens, an Eye-witness of a great part of which [Page 119] things he was, and he will bring down the Reader to the year of Rome 1128. which is the 378th year of Christ. His History was Translated into English by one Phile­mon Holland, a Dr. of Physick, and Printed at London in Folio, in 1609. who before had Translated Livy, Suetonius, and L. Florus; but this Authour was not then so well understood as he is now, by the indefatigable industry of Henry and Ha­drian Valesius; and therefore 'tis fit there should be a second, and a more plea­sant Version made of this excellent Au­thour.

SECT. XXIV.

Paulus Diaconus his Miscellan History. Jor­nandes his History of the Goths, and A­gathias may be here read; or if the Rea­der please, the III. Tome of Zonaras, whom Nicetas Choniates follows, and af­ter him Nicephorus Gregoras; or if this seems too long, then the Reader may im­mediately after Zosimus begin Blondus Fortiniensis; or, after Vopiscus, Caro­lus Sigonius his History of the Western Em­pire; and, from thence, pass on to the VIIth or VIIIth Book of the first Decade of Blondus.

IF after Ammianus the Reader proceeds to Paulus Diaconus his Miscellan Histo­ry, Paulus Di­aconus. and joins, as companion with him, Jor­nandes, whom I just now mention'd, his His­tory of the Succession of Kingdoms and Times; and also his History of the Goths; he will Diaconus lived about the year of Christ 820. observe from these, not onely the Decli­ning of the Roman Empire, which Zosimus undertook to shew him, but also the intire Ruine and Destruction of it. And lest the repetition of what he was well acquainted with before, should prove tedious and trou­blesome to him, he may, if he please, be­gin with the XIIth Book, and so go tho­rough with the rest, in which he shall have a perfect History from Valentinian, to the Deposition of Michael Curopolates; that is, [Page 121] to the year of Christ 812. and may also take in Jornandes, when the times or affairs require it. For he (as we have hinted al­ready) Wrote an History, which is not to be despised, concerning the Origine of the Goths, and their Actions about those times. And Procopius may also be here usefully Procopius. Read, who Wrote VII. Books of the Persi­an, Gothick and Vandallick Wars, underta­ken He flourish­ed Anno Christi 532. This Au­thour was Translated some years since into English. by Justinian, and managed by Belisari­us, as his General. For if we may believe Volteranus, there is in his Books the knowledge of such things, as will please the most curious, and so many Windings and Turnings of Com­manders (as for the most part happeneth in such like Wars) so many strategems, consul­tations concerning the ordering, alluring, con­futing delaying, and mitigating men, that they will render the most incapacitated fit for Publick and Private affairs. And the Lear­ned Casaubon calls him a Great Writer. And Johannes Bodinus saith, No Man can doubt whether he is not to be esteemed amongst the Principal Writers.

After Procopius follows Agathias, a Flo­rid Agathias. and Prudent Writer, he lived about the year of Christ 567. He was a Lawyer Vossius de Hist. Graec. l. 2. c. 22. by Profession, of Smyrna in Asia, and Wrote V. Books of the Reign and Actions of Justi­nian, and begins his History where Proco­pius ended his; his Style is Terse and Flo­rid, and he was a Pagan. But if the Rea­der should rather chuse to pursue and reade the III. Tome of Zonaras, whom I have Zonaras. [Page 122] also recommended before, Nicetas Choniates Nicetas Choniates. Nicepho­rus Grego­ras. will then claim the next place, and after him Nicephorus Gregoras; which two Au­thours continuing the History, especially of the Eastern Empire, will bring the Rea­der down to the death of Andronicus Palae­ologus the latter, that is, to the year of Christ 1341. The first of them flourish­ed in the year of Christ 1300. and in XXI. Voss. de Hist. Graec. l. 2. c. 28. Books Wrote the History of LXXXV. years, that is, from the death of Alexius Comnenus, where Zonaras ended, to the year of Christ 1203. the latter lived Anno Chri­sti Lib. 2. c. 29. 1361. ‘and Wrote a Bizantine History in XI. B [...]oks, from Theodorus Lascares, to the death of Andronicus, in whose times he lived, and therefore deserves the less credit in his History of that Prince's Reign; and Cantacusenus severely corrects him for it, and calls him a Light Person, and a Liar: his Style is much worse than that of Nicetas, for it is too luxuriant, and has other faults proper to that Age; but he is for the most part a good Judge of the causes of things.’ But we will not defraud any of them of that Commenda­tion has been given them by very Learned Men. Christoph. Colerus saith the Orien­tal Writers pursue a florid way of Writing, and affecting Elegance too much, are some­times the farther from it. I confess, Gre­goras is almost the onely Politician. Zonaras was very knowing in Publick Affairs, and is especially usefull to Lawyers. Choniates is [Page 123] often guilty of trifles; yet he is Religious, and sometimes discourseth prudently of the causes of Publick Calamities: but we shall dis­course of these again hereafter, and per­haps in a more convenient place.

But if our Lover of History seems wea­ried with the reading of so many Au­thours, and desireth to shorten his journey, and reduce it to a Compendium. After Di­on Cassius, or Suetonius, he may then take Zosimus, who, as I have said, Wrote the declining State of the Empire, as he testi­fies concerning himself, and continues the History from Augustus, to the taking of the City of Rome by the Goths, in the year of Christ 410, 1162 years after it was built (an Elegant Translation of which Authour was lately printed in English) from which time, to the Reign of Charles the Great (which is worth our observati­on) for the space of almost 400 years; the City of Rome, and all Italy, which for ma­ny Ages before had been the terrour and dread of foreign Nations, being now ama­zed, either with the sense of present Mise­ries, or apprehension of impending future Calamities, never had any quiet. From the time therefore in which Alaricus en­tred the City, and Zosimus ended his Hi­story, Blondus Forliniensis continues down Blondus. the History of the Goths, Vandals, Longo­bards, and other Nations, a Thousand and thirty years, to the year of Christ 1440. in which time he flourished, and till 1450.

[Page 124] Or if the Reader thinks fit, when he has read Vopiscus, he will not decline from the right Method of Reading History, if he admits Carolus Sigonius his History of the Car. Sigo­nius. Western Empire, which he (as he profes­seth) collected with great and diligent accurateness, and then in Writing con­signed and commended it to Posterity, with as much truth as was possible in that great obscurity of things, and the dark­ness of times.

He begins in the year of Christ 284. in which Carinus being overcome by Dioclesian at Murtium perished, and ends in the death of Justinian, which hapned in the 39th year of his Reign, Anno Christi 565. After this time (saith he) the Empire being wholly extinct, the Roman State was divided into many di­stinct Kingdoms, as those of the French and Burgundians in Gall, of the Goths in Spain, of the English and Scots in Britain, of the Longobards and Normans in Italy, of the Saracens in Africa; and from thence the Reader may proceed to Blondus, beginning at the VII. or VIIIth Book of the first De­cade, Blondus. and so go on with it to the end.

SECT. XXV.

Johannes Cuspinianus, Paulus Jovius and Augustus Thuanus will furnish the Reader with a much shorter course of History, from the beginning of the Caesars to our present Age.

BUt if the Reader desires a yet shorter course of History, and will not in­dure to be oppress'd with such a burthen of Authours, Johannes Cuspinianus hath Johannes Cuspinia­nus. Written the History of the Caesars, or Em­perours, from Julius Caesar, to the death of Maximilian the first, Anno Christi 1518. who was a diligent searcher into Ancient Histo­ries, which is an excellent Work, and wor­thy to be read by all. In which, setting down their Lives in order, he hath not one­ly left to Posterity their Great Examples, Sayings and Actions, and whatever was well or ill done by them, but also an unin­terrupted series and thread of History, which is intire and unmaimed for above One thousand and twenty years. Cuspini­anus flourished Anno Christi 1540. under Charles the Vth.

Paulus Jovius begins almost where the Jovius. other ends; and Wrote not onely a His­tory of the Caesars, but an Universal His­tory of Fifty years, which is splendid and beautifull: but some think he is not very faithfull in it, for he is said to have Writ­ten [Page 126] many things very partially, insomuch as Gorraeus of Paris confidently affirmed, That his Romance of Amadis would not seem less true and credible to Posterity, than the His­tory of Paulus Jovius, as Bodinus saith in his Method of History, where he concludes thus, ‘He delivers many things concerning the Persians, Abissines and Turks, which he could not possibly know whether they were true or false, where he could have no other foundation but rumours and publick fame, having never seen the Letters, Speeches, Actions, or Publick Monuments of those Princes and Coun­tries, and yet he Writes as if he had been present, and leaves not the least place for doubt. So what he might with facility have most truly Written, the Af­fairs of Italy, those he would not Write truly; and what he would have Written so, those he could not:’ thus far Bodinus of him. And Melchior Canus saith, He Page 538. was too violent both in his Love and Hatred; and because he was a lover of Money, he was a slave to it in the very Writing of his History. And yet if we may credit Justus Lipsius, he is to be commended and Read for the manifold and various series of things which he has regu­larly and clearly reduced into the body of an His­tory. The famous President, Jacobus Augustus Thuanus follows him, who is, without dis­pute, Thuanus. the Prince of the Historians of this Age. He has delineated a General Histo­ry of the World, from the year 1545, to the [Page 127] year 1608. in a most excellent style, which is since continued to the year 1618. by him­self, in a later Edition.

SECT. XXVI.

The Writers of some very excellent Particu­lar Histories commended, as Guicciardin, Paulus Aemilius, Philip Comines, whose great Elogies are remembred; Metera­nus, Chromerus also and Bembus recom­mended.

I Am not ignorant that there are many other Authours, who have with their Pens delineated the Histories of particular Nations, or Persons, as well Ancient as Modern, who, in their times, do well de­serve to be read; and amongst them I will first name Francis Guicciardin, who treats of F. Guicci­ardin. the affairs of Italy in his own times, a wise and understanding Writer, who is able to make his Readers such (as Lipsius saith;) he is free and true, and biass'd with no affections, except that of hatred, which he seems often to discover against the Duke of Urbine. Bo­dinus is also very large in his Commenda­tions of Guicciardin, and that not without good reason; for in Writing History, he hath excelled all his equals in the judgment of grave men; And I know not (saith he) whe­ther I may not say the same thing, as to the [Page 128] more ancient Historians; for where any thing, that seems inexplicable, falls under deliberati­on, he shews an admirable subtilty in his dis­course, and every where sprinkles grave Sen­tences like Salt: And a little after, there is in him a strange study to find out the Truth, for he affirms nothing rashly, but backs every thing he saith with necessary Arguments; he is re­ported to have transcribed the Letters, De­crees, Leagues and Speeches out of the very Fountains and Originals; and, to conclude, he was so exact an inquirer into Things, Pla­ces and Persons, that it is said, he took a view of all the Cities, great Towns and Rivers of Italy, and which I think most material (saith he) carefully examined all the publick Monu­ments. This great Man flourished about the year of Christ 1530. his History was Translated into English many years since, by a very great Man.

Paulus Aemilius Veronensis flourished in Paulus Ae­milius. the same Age of our Great Grandfathers, about the year of Christ 1530. who, be­ginning with the first Kings of France, Wrote the History of France for above 1000 years, with a Laconick brevity. He is said to have spent XXX. years in this excellent Work, by which he acquired to himself a great Name. He is, in the o­pinion of Gerardus Johannes Vossius, an Ele­gant De Hist. Lat. lib. 3. c. 12. and a curious Writer; and Justus Lip­sius bestows an high commendation upon him, in these words. He, (saith he) that In Not. ad l. 1. Polit. c. 9. I may express the thing shortly, is the onely [Page 129] man amongst the latter Historians, who ob­served the true and ancient way of writing Historys and steadily pursued it; his style is Learned, Nervous, Close and inclining to subtilty and finesses, fixing and leaving ever something in the mind of a serious Reader; he often mixeth Sentences and wise Expressi­ons; he is a diligent searcher, and a severe judge of things, nor is there any Writer in our Age more free from passions. A little before P. Aemilius, lived Philip Comines, who writ Phil. Comines, this History was published in English in Folio and Octa­vo a few years since, the Octavo being a new transla­tion. so well of the actions of Luis the XIth King of France, as Justus Lipsius feared not to compare him with any one of the ancient Historians. It is incredible (saith he,) how clearly this man saw all things, and looked through them; he discovers the most concealed Councils, and delivers salutary and rare Precepts for our instruction, and that in a diffused way after the manner of Polybius. The famous Pa­risian President Jac. Augustus Thuanus, Hist. li. 21. hath left an excellent Testimony to Poste­rity, of Comines his History in the Histo­ry of Luis the XIth, writ by that prudent Knight Philip Comines, as I cannot deny that there are many precepts of Prudence, so no man can deny but there are many Examples of a disingenuous mind, and therefore no way befitting the Majesty of a King. Co­mines flourished about the year of Christ 1490.

[Page 130] Emanuel Meteranus wrote the History of Meteranus. the Low Countries, Chromerus the History of Poland, Petrus Bembus that of Venice, and others have written the Histories of other particular Countries, which are worth the reading, but I design not to ex­press them all, as indeed who can? or if I could, who could reade them all? but I have made it my business to propose, es­pecially to my younger Hearers, a thread of Histories disposed in such a right order, as he may from it learn the distinct Changes, and Varieties of times, and the Series of the great Transactions that have passed in the World, down to our own Age.

SECT. XXVII.

A transition to the British History, how the Reader ought to prepare himself for the reading of it; in what order he shall go on. Camden's Britannia, and Selden's Analecta are first to be read, George Lil­ly his Chronicle, the Compendium of the British History.

BUt that we may not be thought wholly ignorant and negligent of our own History, whilst we search into that of other Nations, it is convenient to give some ac­count of the British Writers, and to an­nex it by way of supplement to the former Catalogue, and to point out at the same time in what order they are to be read, for I have no small confidence I shall thereby more oblige our University Youth, than by the other; that is, by shewing a more certain and shorter way to the knowledge of our British History, as you see I have already done in relation to the Universal History, for who is there that doth not esteem it a shamefull thing, to be thought a Stranger in his own City, a Foreigner in his own Countrey? As for me what M. Cicero said once of the Latine Poets to the Romans, I should with much greater con­fidence apply to English men as to the Histories of Britain; None can seem Learned to me, who is ignorant of what is our own. [Page 132] In truth to search out the great Actions of other Countries, and in the mean time de­spise our own, is a certain sign either of a most Lazy inactivity, or of a soft and un­manly delicacy; for though that which Sir Henry Savil (the great and eternally to be Epist. prae­lim. ad Malmsber. Anno 1601. remembred Ornament of our University,) saith is most certainly true, and confirmed not onely by his, but by the Testimony also of Mr. John Selden the Lawyer, a man not onely excellently versed in History, but in all other sorts of ancient Learning; that there was never yet any man who hath Epist. ad Aug. Vin­cent. written an intire body of our History, with that fidelity and dignity as became the great­ness of the Subject; yet the former of these confesseth that we have some particular parts of our History, which are not ill written in former Ages, and the latter (Mr. Selden) acknowledgeth and commen­deth some others, as written exceedingly well in this last Age. But be this as it will, I shall with the greatest confidence assert that there are many noble Actions, and things that are worthy of our Contem­plation and Observation, which will occur in the reading of the greatest part of our Histories; this then is the order which I should recommend for the reading of our British History to the Studious in it. First, Let our Student begin with the famous Sir William Camden's Britannia, in which (be­sides a most accurate description of the Camden's Britannia. whole Island,) he will find briefly repre­sented [Page 133] the History of the first Inhabitants, and an account given of the Origine of the Name; the Manners of the Britains, the History of the Romans in Britain, and many other things infinitely worth our know­ledge, collected not out of mere fictions and fables, which none but a vain man would write, nor any but an ignorant man believe, (as he expresseth himself,) but out of the most sincere and uncorrupted Monuments of Antiquity; my advice therefore is that this Book, or rather treasury should in the very first place be most diligently perused, nor will it be amiss here to call in the assistence of Mr. Selden's two Books of Collections, Seldeni A­nalecta. of the Antiquities of the Britains and Eng­lish, either of which Books consists of eight Chapters, in which he has collected what doth most properly belong to the ancient Civil Administration of that part of Great Britain which is now call'd Eng­land, and in which he has most excellently described both from Ancient and Modern Writers; our publick Transactions both Civil and Sacred, and our State Catastro­phes to William the Conquerour, and then (according to the method proposed by us in the beginning of our course of History,) the Reader may be pleased to reade over George Lilly's Chronicle, (or short Enumera­tion) of the Kings and Princes, who by the He flourish­ed in the year of Christ 1560. changes of Fortune in diverse and succee­ding times, have been possessed of the Em­pire of Britain, or those Commentaries [Page 134] which J. Theodorus Clain Printed of the affairs of Great Britain, in the year MDCIII, under the Title of a Compendium of the British History, which is Elegantly form'd and written.

An Addition to the former Section.

Besides these mentioned by the Authour, Daniel Langhorn a Learned Divine now Living, in the year 1673 published in La­tine, Daniel Langhorn. a short account of the Antiquities of Albion, and the Origine of the Britains, Scots, Danes, and English Saxons, to the year 449, in which the English first Arri­ved in Great Britain, with a short Chro­nicle of the Kings of the Picts, in which is an excellent account of those times in which Britain was a part of the Roman Empire.

The same Authour in the year 1679, Published a Chronicle of the Saxon Kings from Hengist the first King of that Race, to the end of the Heptarchy or the year 819, in which he has given an account of all their Actions, Wars, Civil and Sacred affairs, together with a Catalogue of the Kings and their Pedigrees, cut in Copper; in this History he hath reduced into one body, all the ancient Saxon Historians and represented them truly in their own Phra­ses, and then promised also a Continuati­on of this History, which is much desired by Learned men.

[Page 135] In the year 1670, Robert Sheringham R. Shering­ham. Fellow of Caies College in Cambridge, Published an History of the Origine of the English Nation, in which their Migrations, and various Seats, and part also of their Actions, are inquired into from the con­fusion of Tongues, and the dispersion of the Nations thereupon, till the time of their arrival in Britain, in which some things are explain'd also concerning their ancient Religion, Sacred Rites, and their opinions of the immortality of the Soul after Death, with an account of the Ori­gine of the Britains; in this piece are many curious Antiquities, searched for in the most ancient Saxon, German and Da­nish Authours, and an excellent account given of them, which will both invite and reward the Reader's pains.

Lambertus Silvius, a Learned Foreigner Silvius. in the year 1652, Published in Latine an excellent Compendium of the English Hi­story, from the arrival of the Saxons, to the year 1648, where he ends it with the deplorable Murther of Charles the first; he is exceeding short in his accounts of the Saxon Kings, but at the Conquest, he di­lates himself, and writes the Lives of our Kings very Elegantly and with great bre­vity.

Of more ancient times, Gildas Sapiens Gildas Sa­piens. (who is the most ancient Writer of this Island,) Writ a piece of the Destruction of the Britains by the Saxons, which is in­finitely [Page 136] worth the reading; he Lived in the times of Justinian, and he was Born in De Hist. lat. lib. 2. c. 21. the year of Christ 493, as Vossius makes it appear from his own Works.

Mathaeus Westmonasteriensis, who flou­rished Mathaeus Westmo­nasterien­sis. about the year of Christ 1376, has left a short Chronicle from the beginning of the World to the year 1037.

Florentius Bravonius a Monk of Worcester, Florentius Bravonius. who Lived about the year of Christ 1119, in the Reign of Henry the first, wrote a History from the Creation to the year 1118, which was the year before his Death, which is the more to be esteemed, because the ancient Anglio Saxon Annals are inser­ted De His. la. l. 2. c. 48. in it in their proper places, as Vossius acquaints us, either or both these Au­thours will very much contribute to the understanding of the History of the Saxon Kings before the Conquest.

SECT. XXVIII.

Gulielmus Malmesburiensis, Savil's judg­ment of him, and also Camden's where he begins and ends his History. Galfre­dus Monumethensis why passed by. The cen­sures of William of Newberry, John of Withamsted, Bales and John Twin. Virunnius differs from all these, Hunting­ton follows Malmesbury, and Hovedaen him.

BUt if the Reader had rather begin with the more ancient Writers of our History, immediately after Camden's Bri­tannia and Selden's Analecta, in my judg­ment William of Malmesbury deserves to be Will. Mal­mesbury. first admitted, because the fidelity of his Relations, and maturity of his Judgment, have set him above all the rest. And this is also the Testimony of the Noble and Learned Sir H. Savil concerning him. William of Malmesbury (saith he,) was a Epist. prael. ad rerum Angl. Scrip­tores. man exquisitely Learned for the age in which he Lived, and hath compiled the History of about seven hundred years, with so much fide­lity and industry, that he seems to be the onely man amongst all our Writers, who hath performed the part of a good Historian; and the famous Camden speaks thus of him, both the Civil and Church History of England is much in debt to that man. He writ in V Books the History of the Actions of the [Page 138] Kings of England, from the year of Christ 449, in which the English and Saxons en­tered Britain, to the year 1116, which was the XVIth year of the Reign of Henry the first, to which he afterwards added two Books more from the XXth year of that Kings Reign, to the 8th year of King Stephen, which was the year of Christ 1143, in which times he Lived. There are some who advise the beginning with Jeffery of Jeffery of Mon­mouth. Monmouth, because he begins his History much higher, and affirms that one Brutus a great Grandchild of Aeneas, and LXVIII Kings besides, Reigned here for about one thousand years before Caesar entred Britain, but we thought it very fit to pass him by, because he seems to write of things that are very obscure and dark, by reason of their Great Antiquity, and are involved with mere fabulous Stories; nor have we done or spoken this upon our own private judgment onely, many Learned men having said the same thing before us. Neubri­gensis In Proaem. ad Histo. who Lived not long after; Jeffery of Monmouth speaks thus. In our times (saith he) there Sprung up a certain Writer, who to Expiate the faults of the Britains, set forth a number of ridiculous inventions, extolling their Vertue and Valour, with an impudent Vanity above the Macedonians and Romans, his Name was Jeffery, and he was Nickna­med Arthur, because taking the Fables of the ancient Britains concerning Arthur out of their old Romances, and encreasing [Page 139] them with his own Additions, and giving them the Varnish of the Latine Tongue, he Cloathed them with the Honourable Name of an History: He also with greater boldness pub­lished the fallacious divinations of one Merlin, (which he hath also improved by his own Ad­ditions, whilst he turned them into Latine,) for Authentick Prophecies which were groun­ded upon unmoveable truth. John of Wi­thamsted, In Grana­rio. who flourished in the time of Henry the VIth, doth in part agree with William of Newbury. According to other Histories (saith he,) which in the judgment of some deserve more Credit; this whole pro­cess concerning Brute, is rather Poetical than Historical, and for many causes seems to be founded in fancy, rather than in any Reality, and Bale confesseth that, there are many things in his History which exceed belief; and John Twin, a diligent searcher out of the British Antiquities, calls him the Bri­tish Homer, the Father of Lies; but Pon­ticus Virunnius, (a very Learned man in the esteem of Vossius,) who lived above 130 years since, and reduced Jeffery's History into an Epitome, passing by the fabulous parts of it, bestows this Elogy upon him. Jeffery of Monmouth was a famous Histo­rian, and a Cardinal, a man of much Autho­rity with Robert Duke of Gloster, Son of Henry II King of England; he was a great favourer of his Countrey, and Collecting a History of the most ancient times, from the Records of their Kings, and out of their highest [Page 140] Philosophy, he continued the same in an unin­terrupted Series from the times of the Tro­jans. That his History is most true, will ap­pear from the Custome of the Western Kings, which was to have always some with them, who should faithfully relate their greatest Acti­ons; and John Leland also defends him a­gainst Newbury and Polidore Virgil; he flou­rished about the year of Christ 1160, un­der Henry the II. But however (as I said before,) for these reasons we have passed him by, and rather put our Reader upon William of Malmesbury.

Henry Archdeacon of Huntington fol­lows next, who in VIII Books shewing the H. Hun­ting donen­sis. Origine of our Nation, and continuing the History of King Stephen and his Suc­cessours, goes on to the year 1153; he wrote many other excellent Pieces which would enrich our History, but that they lie concealed from the World in Ma­nuscripts in Libraries; Polidore Virgil styles him an excellent Historian, and John Le­land an approved writer, he flourished a­bout the year of Christ 1160.

William of Newbury beginning with the William of Newbury. Death of Henry the first, continues the History a little farther, to wit, to the year 1197; he is a great lover of truth in the opinion of Polydore Virgil, but he is sharply reprehended by John Leland, be­cause in reprehending Jeffery of Monmouth, he kept no mean, he flourished about the year of Christ 1220.

[Page 141] To Conclude, Roger Hoveden deduced our History to the year of Christ 1202, in his Annals, which he hath divided into two parts that is to the IVth year of King John's Reign, in whose time this Authour flourished.

An ADDITION.

There is a passage cited by Mr. Selden, concerning this last Authour, out of John Leland, which I think worth the inserting here. Simeon Dunelmensis is to be deserved­ly Simeon Dunelmen­sis. reckoned with the principal Monks of his Age: He very well understanding that the things which had happened beyond the Severn, both by reason of the sloath and negligence of their Writers, in the fury of so many Danish Wars, and also by the injury of time were so obscured, and oppressed, that in a short time the memory of them would be lost, except the diligence of some Learned man repaired the memory of them, by Collecting them together, and digesting them into order, entered into a serious Consultation with himself, how he might prevent this mischief: deliberating a long time with himself, that which was most necessary and usefull, offered it self at last to him, which was carefully to search out the re­mainders of those ancient Libraries, which had been Ruined by the Danes, &c. for the Monks had preserved some fragments of them, whilst they fled from the fury of their Enemies, &c. All these the curious diligence of Simeon, [Page 142] sought out, found and examined, so that his ardent Care had no remission, till he had brought the History of the Nor­thumbrian Kingdom from the times of Bede, to the Reign of King Stephen the U­surper. I design not (saith he,) in this place to write the praises of Simeon, his work is immortal and will Live, though I say nothing of it, onely I would have the Reader take notice, that there was one Roger Hoveden a not unlearned man, who in the same order with Simeon, hath deduced the History from Bede, to the Reign of King John, whom as I cannot but commend for his History of our Ancestours, so I must needs blame him, that he rifled the Flowry Meads of Simeon's Hi­story, without ever mentioning his Name; the same Leland calls him in another place, (as Mr. Selden acquaints us,) a Commendable person with the former exception notwith­standing, and Mr. Selden tells us hereupon, that many men thought these two works were the same, but (saith he,) as it is most certain that R. Hoveden made use of Sime­on's Annals, as he did of many other written in Latine and Saxon, and that he begins where Bede ends as Simeon doth, but yet it will appear to any person who shall compare these two together, that Hoveden has an innume­rable number of things which Simeon hath not, and that there are some things again in Simeon, which R. Hoveden passed by, so that he is not to be esteemed a plagiary in re­lation to Simeon, but rather a very diligent [Page 143] Writer, who hath Collected from Simeon, and many others who went before him, and made out of all a copious single work, which is usually done by the best Historians of all Ages.

When our Authour wrote this method of Reading Histories, this Simeon Dunel­mensis was not Printed, but in the year 1652 this and nine other ancient Histori­ans were first published together, and out of Mr. Selden's Prolegomena's to them, I have transcribed the passage above, which will give the Reader a fuller account of R. Hoveden, and at the same time present Simeon Dunelmensis, to him as a person wor­thy of his observation.

This History begins as the Title tells us, after the Death of Bede, Anno Domini 732, and it ends Anno Domini 1129; it contains the History of CCCCXXIX years and IV months.

Joannes Hagustaldensis continued this Jo. Hagu­staldensis. History XXV years, that is from the year 1130, to the year 1154, which was the 19th and last year of King Stephen's Reign; he flourished under Henry the Second and Richard the first; he was a very good wit­ness of what he Wrote, as Living in or very near those times he represents, he was a most excellent, and a most diligent Writer as Mr. Selden styles him.

Richardus Hagustaldensis wrote the IV first Rich. Ha­gustalden­sis. years of the Reign of King Stephen, which are Printed immediately after the former.

[Page 144] Ailredus Rievallis Abbas, wrote amongst Ailredus Rivallen­sis. other things a Genealogie of the Kings of England to Henry the Second.

Radulphus de Diceto Dean of St. Paul's Radulphus de Diceto. in London, wrote an Abbreviation of the Chronicles, from the year 589, to the year 1147, where he begins another work which he calls the Images of History, which he continues to 1199, or the beginning of King John's Reign.

Joannes de Brompton, wrote a Chronicle Joannes de Brompton. from the arrival of Augustine the Monk, Anno Christi 588, to the beginning of King John's Reign 1199, which is especi­ally valuable for a Collection and version of the Saxon Laws in Latine, made in the time of Edward the third; at the least he was an industrious Student as Vossius speaks of him, and wrote in the Reign of Edward the third.

Gervasius Dorobernensis, wrote a Chro­nicle Ger. Doro­bernensis. from the year 1112, to the year 1199, which was from the 12th year of Henry the first, to the Death of Richard the first; he was made a Monk about the year 1142; he was (as Leland saith of him,) Studious of Antiquities above belief, and for Selden's praef. that end Collected a vast number of Histori­ans, especially of those who accurately hand­led the British and Saxon affairs, till at last he himself entred the Lists, and made tryal of his own parts, by publishing an excellent Volume in which he deduced the History of the Britains, from their Original, together with [Page 145] that of the Saxons, and the valiant atchieve­ments of the Normans, to the Reign of King John; thus far Leland of him, but whether the beginning of this History is lost I can­not say, but we have onely this Printed, which I have mentioned of the particular English History.

Henricus Knighton Leicestrensis, wrote a H. Knigh­ton. Chronicle of the Events of England as he styles it; in his first Book he gives a short account of some Saxon and Norman affairs, from the time of Edgar, who began his Reign Anno Christi 958, to the Reign of William the Conquerour, and then he writes more largely to the year 1395, which was the 19th year of Richard the Second, in whose times this Historian flourished.

All these Authours were Printed in one body, by Cornelius Bee, in the year 1652, under the Title of the ten Writers of the English History, before which time they were onely Extant in Manuscripts in Li­braries, and so could not possibly be taken into our Authour's method as I observed before.

SECT. XXIX.

Asser Menevensis his History commended, in what time to be read with the former; as also Eadmerus his History, Matthew Pa­ris his History, Baronius his judgment of him, Thomas of Walsingham his Chro­nicle; the actions of King Stephen writ­ten by an unknown Authour; the Life of Edward the Second by Sir Thomas de la Moore Knight, is also to be taken in due time.

I Must confess those latter Historians do not make any great addition of years to Malmesbury's History, yet they will il­lustrate it, and sometimes perhaps make it more full and perfect; of this the Reader will have a great Experience, if about the year of Christ 849, he take in the Life of Alfred written by Asser Menevensis, which Asser Me­nevensis. In praefat. ad Asseri­um. History (as the famous Camden saith,) will afford no small pleasure to thy mind, nor will it bring less profit than pleasure, if whilst the mind is fixed on the Contemplation of those great things, you endeavour wholly to conform your self to the imitation, and as it were re­presentation of them. Asser Menevensis flou­rished about the year of Christ 910.

This great Prince who was the Sir John Spelman. wonder of the age in which he Li­ved, has found many admirers since, [Page 147] but none have so well deserved of his Memory as the Learned Sir John Spelman, Son of the Great Sir Henry Spelman, who wrote the Life of this Alfred King of England, in three Books in English, (which I suppose was never Printed,) but an Elegant version of it in Latine, with very excellent marginal Notes by the Students of Great Hall in Magnae Aulae. Oxon, with a great Collection of our Coins, and several other great ra­rities, was put out in Folio at the Theatre there in the year 1678; I wish we might yet have the Origi­nal English also printed.

And then if about the year of Christ 1060, the Reader please he may also take in Eadmerus his History, which was Eadmerus. lately brought to light, and illustrated with Notes and excellent Collections, by the Learned John Selden, a Lawyer of rare Erudition.

This History contains the Reigns of William the first, and second, and Henry the first, to wit, from the year of Christ 1060, to the year 1122, in which time the Au­thour Lived; he was very dear to Anselm Archbishop of Canterbury, Vossius de H [...]st. lat. l. 2. cap. 48. in those times, and died Archbishop of St Andrews in Scotland himself, [Page 148] after he had been Abbat of St. Al­bans in England, a preferment in those days of great honour.

To these the Reader may add, that true and faithfull History written by Matthew Matthew Paris. Paris, which beginning with the Corona­tion of William the Conquerour, Anno Christi 1067, is continued by him to the year 1253, and by another as Bale assures us to the year 1273, that is, to the Death of Henry the third, what Baronius his opi­nion Ad Annum, 296. of this Authour was, appears in these words, Any man (saith he,) may easily see how much his mind was exasperated against By the Holy Seat is meant the Court of Rome. the Holy Seat; except those Reproaches were inserted by the Publisher, which if they be ta­ken out, or excepted, you may call the rest a Golden Commentary, it being onely a tran­script word for word of the publick Records; most admirably put together and consolidated. After Matthew Paris I desire Thomas Wal­singham his Chronicle may follow; he also was a Monk of St. Albans, and began his History from Edward the first, where the former ends, and continues it down to the end of Henry the fifth, or the year of Christ 1422. But as whilst we are reading Matthew Paris, there is an History of Stephen written by an unknown hand, The Life of King Ste­phen. which will amplifie and illustrate the Hi­story if taken in; so if after the first Book of Walsingham's History about the year 1306, the Life and Death of Edward the [Page 149] Second, written by Sir Thomas de la Moore Voss. de H lat. l. 2. c. 64. de la Moore. Knight, a Servant of that King, be also admitted it will enlarge that History. As this Authour was dignified with the ho­nour of Knighthood, so he deserves no less esteem for his kindness to Posterity express'd by this History, which deserves the more credit, because he was intimate­ly acquainted with that Prince, and served under him in the Wars.

ADDITIONS.

As I took in in the end of the last Section an excellent Collection of ancient Latine Historians of the English Nation, none of which are mentioned by our Authour; so with the Reader's permission, I will here take in another which was printed this year at Oxon, under the Title of the first 1684. Volume of the ancient Writers of the English affairs.

The first Authour in it is Ingulfus Croylan­densis, Ingulfus Croylan­densis. who (though not taken notice of by our Authour,) was printed before but im­perfect; he wrote the History of his Mo­nastery, and in it relates many things con­cerning the Kings of England; he begins at the year of Christ 626, with Penda King of Mercia, and in the former im­pression it ended with the beginning of the Reign of William the Conquerour, but in 1066. this latter Edition, besides many Gaps in the body of it, now supplied from a better [Page 150] Copy; his History is continued by him­self to the year 1089, which was the third year of William the second, or William Rufus, as he is commonly called.

This Authour was the Son of a Cour­tier Voss. de H. lat. l. 2. c. 67. of Edward the last King of the Saxon Race, and he himself takes notice of some disputes he had in his Infancy with Edgitha the Noble Queen of King Edward, he Stu­died first at Westminster, and then at Oxon, He was born at London, Ann. 1030. where he became an excellent Aristotelian Philosopher; he was afterwards a Coun­sellour to William Duke of Normandy, by whose good leave he went to Jerusalem, in his way at Constantinople he waited upon Alexius the then Emperour, and Sophro­nius the Patriarch; returning into Norman­dy he became a Benedictine Monk, and after William Duke of Normandy had Conque­red England, Ingulfus was made Abbat of Croyland, he died in the year 1109, in the time of Henry the first. I have transcribed all this out of Vossius, onely to shew the Reader how great a man he was, and how excellently qualified for an Historian.

The next Authour in the said Collection Peter Ble­sensis. is Peter Blesensis, his continuation of Ingul­fus his History to the year 1117, which was the 17th year of Henry the first, though he mentions some things scatter­ingly done after that time, this continua­tion is imperfect at the end, and there­fore the Publisher supposeth it to extend onely to the beginning of the Reign of King [Page 151] Stephen; this Authour was not for Lear­ning inferiour to Ingulfus, he was first Archdeacon of Bath and afterwards of London, and Vicechancellour to the King; he wrote about the year 1190, and he di­ed in the year 1200; his Life has been writ by those that published his other Works, but this History was never prin­ted before. Thus far the Publisher goes in his account of him.

The next in this new Collection is the The Chro­nicle of Mailros. Chronicle of Mailros, begun as the inscrip­tion tells us by the Abbat of Dundraynan from the year 735, and continued by se­veral hands to the year one thousand two hundred and seventy, which was the LIVth year of the Reign of Henry the third: who this Abbat, or who these Continuers were is not certainly known, but this Ab­bie of Mailros, from which this Chro­nicle has its Name, was not that ancient Monastery placed upon the Banks of the River Tweed, often taken notice of by Ve­nerable L. 4. c. 27. L. 3. c. 26. L. 5. c. 10. Bede, which as it seems was destroy­ed by the Danes, who oppressed the King­dom of Northumberland a great while, but of a later date built in the same place by the Scots, who under David their King had got possession of it, about the year 1136, from whence perhaps a Colony of Monks were sent to Dundraynan, in Gallo­way in Scotland, in the year 1152, in which year also that Monastery was foun­ded, as this Chronicle bears witness, which [Page 152] though for the most part it is very brief, yet it affords many things that are worth the knowing, especially the Series of the Kings of Scotland, as also the Successions of the Princes, Nobles, Bishop, and Ab­bats in those Northern parts, thus far the Publisher.

In the year 1252, another silly Monk of Mailros, began a new Collection, in which he would needs bestow an Encomium upon Simon de Montefort, the turbulent Earl of Leicester, which is not continued, for the rest is perhaps done by another hand, but concludes with the Death of Henry the third, so that there is onely two years added.

The next is the Chronicle of Burton, in The Chro­nicle of Burton. the beginning, of which (with the Reign of King John,) the Authour (who is not known,) seems to have a design to conti­nue Roger de Hoveden, (whom yet he calls Hugo,) and by his example hath collected many of the most memorable passages of that age; and though some of them are al­so set forth by Matthew Paris, yet there are many, and those not common things, which are not to be found either in Paris, or any other printed Historian but this, and the Authour whoever he was, lived in the same time with Matthew Paris, and so they two do mutually afford Light each to other, and also at the same time bear wit­ness to the same things, onely let the Rea­der take notice we follow the impression [Page 153] of Paris printed at London in 1650, thus far the Publisher; it begins Anno 1004, and it ends Anno 1263.

The Last which is the continuation of The History of Croy­land. the History of Croyland, though in some places imperfect, which the Transcriber perhaps observed not, yet we (saith the Pub­lisher,) thought fit to add it not onely be­cause the Authour, or (rather perhaps) Authours, designed a continuation of In­gulfus and Peter Blesensis, but chiefly be­cause the latter end of the Reign of Hen­ry the sixth, and the whole Reign of Ed­ward the fourth, are contained in this Chronicle, which are not in any of our own Latine Historians, which have hither­to been printed; it begins Anno 1149, and it ends 1486, which was the second year of Henry the 7th.

This last Authour belongs to the next Section, where the Reader will find our Authour for want of Historians of our own Nation, turning his Reader over to Poly­dore Virgil, from the Reign of Henry the 5th, to the Reign of Richard the third, much of which chasme this last Authour hath supplied, but yet I would not part him from the rest, but onely give the Reader this hint to what times he belongs.

SECT. XXX.

Walsingham's Hypodigma Neustriae, or his History of Normandy, and the o­ther Writers concerning that Dukedom not to be neglected, and amongst them Odori­cus Vitalis of principal note; the History of England, from the Reign of Henry the 5th, to that of Richard the third, to be fetched from Polydore Virgil. The opi­nion of our Noble S. H. Savil concerning him observable; Sir Thomas Moor Knight, Lord Chancellor of England, wrote the Reign of Richard the third; F. Lord Bacon Viscount of Verulam, that of Henry the 7th; the Reigns of Hen­ry the VIIIth, Edward the VIth, and Queen Mary, Francis Goodwin Lord Bishop of Landaff, wrote by way of Annals, as Will, Camden did that of Queen Elizabeth also.

THe Reader having dispatched the Chronicle of Walsingham, may in Walsing­ham. the next place pursue his Hypodigma Neu­striae his History of Normandy which will render the former Histories more clear and complete, it containing a perfect ac­count of the Story of that Dukedom, from Rollo the first Duke of it, to the 4th year of Henry the 5th, who in the year 1416, forced Normandy after it had been Ravish­ed, and Alienated CCXX years from the [Page 155] English, to return to its due Allegiance to the English Crown; nor let the Reader think I give him this advice rashly, for (as it is rightly observed by the Learned Mr. Selden,) the ancient affairs of the Normans are so implicated and twisted with ours, that if a man consider seriously of our own, he cannot pass by theirs without sloath and ignorance. Now Andraeas Duchenius in the Andraeas Ducheni­us. Odericus Vitalis. year 1619, put out several Writers of the Norman History, and amongst them Ode­ricus Vitalis a Countreyman of ours, who was born at Attingham in the County of Salop, is the principal; he wrote 13 Books of Church History, the first and second of which contain the Martial Actions of the Normans in France, England, and Apulia in Italy, to the year 1141, which was the 6th year of the Reign of King Stephen, Voss. de H. lat. lib. 3. cap. 6. about which time this Authour flourish­ed.

But to return to our English History after Walsingham's Chronicle, (which as I said in the last Section, ends in Henry the 5th;) if our This Gap is now supplied by the last Authour I have mentioned in my Additions to the last Section. Reader thinks to find any one of our Nation, who hath written our History in La­tine, from this time of Hen­ry Polydore Virgil. the 5th, to the Reign of Richard the third; he will be much decei­ved, except perhaps some Manuscript lies concealed in the recesses of some Li­braries Consecrated to Antiquities, which [Page 156] have not as yet seen the publick Light. Therefore I will recommend to my Hea­rers a History which may be had, that is one of the Published Authours, and may be come by; now here had been a vast Gap of almost LXX years, if Polydore Virgil had He flourish­ed in the Reign of Henry the 8th, Anno 1542. not prevented it, which in so great a scar­city of our own Authours, the Studious Historian will not unwillingly take in, for although (as the noble Sir Henry Savil writes of him,) he was an Italian, and a Stranger to our affairs, and which is yet more, never employed in any publick Station, and of no great natural, either Judgment or Ingenu­ity; and although in delivering our History, he has often mistaken things, and passed over in silence many things worthy to be known, yea has too often imbraced things that are false instead of truth, and so left us a very faulty History. Yet I should conceive this hap­pened for the most part, where he describes the times of Henry the VIIIth, for besides that he was ignorant of our Tongue, he must of necessity not know many things that were then Transacted, and it is high­ly probable, he writ some things in favour of Queen Mary, otherwise than he knew they were, but this is not to be suspected of the former times. Let our Reader therefore take the History of the two Hen­rys the Vth and the VIth, and of the two Edwards the IVth and the Vth from Polydore Virgil, the Reign of Richard the third who immediately follows these was written by [Page 157] the famous Sir Thomas Moor Knight, Lord Chancellour of England, who flourished a­bout the year 1533, in the Reign of Henry the 8th, but the Learned Vossius thinks the Work imperfect, because as he largely de­scribes De Hist. lat. l. 3. c. 13. by what Villanies he ascended the Throne, so he doth not tell us how he after­wards administred the Government, and even that part which we have seems to have wanted the Authour's last hand, and the Elegance of the Latine of his other Works do much exceed that of this Work.

Henry VIIth succeeded Richard the third, whose Life and Reign was not long since represented to us by the most noble Viscount Verulam, so happily and so fully, that if he hath not excelled the best Histori­ans, he yet at least equall'd them; this Work was first written in English, but has since been turned into Latine, as the pre­liminary Epistle to the Book call'd Gusta­vus saith. After this let the Reader peruse the Annals of the most Reverend Bishop F. Goodwin, in which the Reigns of Henry the VIIIth, Edward the VIth, and Queen Mary are described, with a great and com­mendable brevity. Lastly, the famous William Camden, the Founder of the place I now enjoy, and my Patron, wrote the Annals of the Actions of Queen Elizabeth in England and Ireland, which Queen was the most glorious and prosperous Queen that ever swayed a Sceptre, for this Elogy was bestowed long since upon her, by Anna [Page 158] Attestina the Mother of the Guises, as Hist. l. 129. p. 1051. Thuanus saith. Let our Reader in the next place diligently reade this History, and then tell me, whether it be not comparable to the best of the ancient Annals, and that with Justice and truth.

An ADDITION.

Another great man of the French Nation speaks thus of Camden, although it be very na­tural Academie des Scien­ces & des Arts, par Isaac Bul­lart, tome 1. li. 2. p. 199. to men to speak too advantageously of their Native Countries, and that this inclination hath wrap'd some Historians to an offence a­gainst the Purity of History, yet it cannot be denyed but William Camden has writ that of England with so much fidelity, that he may justly claim a place amongst the most sincere Historians of the last Ages; and a little af­ter, being made King at Arms the XXXIX year of the Queens Reign, he made very cu­rious Collections of all those things which he judged worthy of, or usefull to an History, and as Sincerity was the Foundation of all he wrote, so his Works are in so great esteem, that a very grave and Learned Modern Wri­ter, who hath written the Life of Mary Stuard, confesseth that he took his Directions for that Le Pere Caussin. Work from Camden's Annals, of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth; this Testimony is of the more value, because from a prfessed Enemy who deplores Camden's dying an Heretick.

The Commendations given by the Au­thour in the end of the last Section, to [Page 159] Camden's Annals of Queen Elizabeth, are deservedly due to them and much more, for he being his Patron, as he saith, and Founder of the History Lecture in Oxon which our Authour then had, he would not break into those Commendations of him, which he otherwise would have done, lest his gratitude might have seemed to have bribed his Judgment; but I believe it is granted by all the Learned World, that Camden's Annals is one of the best pieces that hath seen the Light since the reviving of Learning in this Western part of the World, and that great Princess had this additional felicity given her from Hea­ven, that as her Reign was long and pros­perous, and her memory is precious still, and ever will be to all English men, so she found in Camden a noble, learned, elo­quent, ingenious Celebratour of her acti­ons, which hath given her a second Life here on Earth, in the memories of men, which shall last till the Resurrection in­state her in the third, the last and most perfect Life of consummated Glory; but then all this is meant of the Original La­tine, for the English Version which we now have, is a poor mean harsh style, and translated not from the Latine neither, but from a French translation, so that I will ever hope to see an Elegant new Version, made upon the Original, and in some de­gree worthy of that great man.

[Page 160] But to continue down the History, one Robert Johnston. Robert Johnston a Learned Scot hath written an History of the British and much of the French, Dutch and German Affairs, both Civil and Ecclesiastick in XXII Books, from the year 1572, to the year 1628, that is, from the first year of King James the VIth of Scotland, to the third year of Charles the first of England; which History though for thirty years of it parallel with Camden's Annals, yet is even there worthy of our serious reading, but then he has brought down the English History, XXVI years lower than Mr. Camden did.

I could wish I could give the Reader a better account than I now can of this Au­thour, who is not known to me by any thing but this History of his, but all I can now do, is to give the account Printed in the Epistle to the Reader before his Histo­ry, which is this in short.

This Authour in his Life time published the The Pub­lisher in the Epistle to the Rea­der. two first of these Books, and dedicated them to Charles the first, and then went on in writing the rest, which he promised the World then; how candidly he has acted in these Hi­stories is left to the judgment of the World, in the interim this Good man (as was fit) gives this testimony of himself.

I have not sold my Fidelity for Money, nor engaged it to any man for his favour, and as to my stock of ingenuity, I submit it intirely [Page 161] to your censure. I onely beg, my Reader would treat me in Reading with the same equity he desires I should him in Writing; for I seek no other recompence for my Labour besides that of Praise and Memory in after times. And a lit­tle after; No Mortal Man can sa­tisfie all the World, because some are delighted with Antiquity, and the musty expressions of former times, mixed with grave and wise Sentences; others are onely to be pleas'd with a Laconick brevity, concise and dark expressions; whilst at the same time others be­ing enemies to all excessive brevi­ty, and too great subtilty, are one­ly to be won by an high and sub­lime style. But it is a folly to ex­pect in the Writers of our Age, the Perfect Eloquence of Caesar, the Brevity of Cato, or Salust, the Pomp of Tacitus, or the Briskness and Height of the Livian Oratory. I willingly acknowledge, that in this Narrative, I have performed no­thing that is great or high, I have onely represented the British Af­fairs in necessary words, without any paint or fraud, and without the suspicion of Favour or Aversi­on: and, in short, I am so far from all desire of vain-glory, and seek­ing [Page 162] the Applause of Many, that I seek no Praise for my ingenuity but industry; I am not in love with Glory, but studious of truth, and desirous of the reward of a good Conscience, and a good Name from Posterity.

In the interim (saith the Publisher) the Courteous Reader will easily observe how religi­ously the Authour pursues all those things which are capable to give an Historian credit; and which excite the minds of the Reader to Vertue, Probity and Prudence. And you will easily observe, saith he, how many things he relates worthy of Knowledge, and which will render a Prince fit for the Administration of publick or domestick affairs, in Peace or War at home or abroad, and a Clergyman prudent in the Administration of Church-Government.

This Person was no way tainted with that Presbyterian Levin which then infec­ted the Scotch Nation almost generally, nor was he poisoned with the Republican Prin­ciples of the Age; but every where, with great prudence, discovers the rise of those Men, and Principles, which afterwards im­broiled, and bid fair for the Ruine of these Nations. No Man perhaps having better set forth the turbulent behaviour of the Parliaments in the times in which he Wrote. The Combinations and secret un­derminings of the Factious Levites, and their disciples, the Good Commonwealth-Men, [Page 163] as they were styled in that Age. His Style is short and concise, but very clear, saving that he affects a little too much the use of Greek Words, which may make him a little the less intelligible, and plea­sant to a mere Latin Reader, who is not acquainted with the Greek Tongue.

Dr. George Bates, a Learned Physician, Bates. hath Written the History of our late Re­bellion with great Elegance, Judgment, Brevity and Fidelity, to the Deposition of Richard Cromwell, May the 7th. 1659. in two parts, in which he hath excellently de­scribed the Methods by which that abomi­nable War was raised, and maintained by our Factions; the Execrable Murther of Charles the Martyr, and the Miseries that fol­lowed thereupon, and overwhelmed the English Nation.

Dr. Thomas Skinner another Learned Phy­sician, Skinner. has continued the former till the year 1669. describing the excessive joy of England at the Restitution of Charles the Second of Blessed Memory, and the Cata­strophies of the Regicides, with an Ele­gance as bright and sparkling as the En­glish exultation was in the day when God so wonderfully turn'd the Captivity of our Israel, a day never to be forgotten by Englishmen.

SECT. XXXI.

Although we have no perfect Body of our En­glish History in Latin, Written according to the dignity of the Subject, yet we have some that have done it very well in English. John Speed his Theatre of the British Em­pire, is an Illustrious Work, and to be con­templated in the first place by our Youth, and especially by those that intend to Travell.

BUt now, if any of our Countreymen, who are desirous to Reade the Histo­ry of England, be so delicate, that he thinks it a task of too much labour and trouble to undertake the Reading of so many Au­thours, and therefore would rather chuse some one Historian (who may serve in­stead of all the rest) and stick to, and pur­sue him alone: He must remember, as I said before, that there is no such Latin Hi­storian extant, who hath well described the Affairs of Britain, from its first Inhabiting to our Times: but yet there are some, who, in English, have commendably attempted to doe this. Amongst whom, I shall not fear to commend in the first place, that famous Man John Speed. He having travell'd over all Great Britain, read diligently all our own Historians, and those of our neighbour Nations, together with a diligent search in the Publick Offices, Rolls, Monuments, and Ancient Writings, or Charters, built up a [Page 165] Splendid and Admired Theatre of the Bri­tish Empire; which, with great Expedition and Labour, he perfected in XIV. years, in Ten (Scenes, or) Books, in this order. In his First Scene, he hath most excellently represented the image of this Kingdom, with its distinct Counties, and Principal Cities and Towns: In his IId. he Exhibits all the Provinces of Wales: In the IIId. he gives a Description of the whole King­dom of Scotland: In the IVth, he shews the Kingdom of Ireland, and all the several parts of it. Nor has he onely proposed to our view, the naked Images, and bare Maps, though he has done that too with great ex­actness and beauty, in these Four first Scenes: but he hath also, by short Narra­tives, adjoin'd to his Maps, discovered whatever in each part is Memorable and Worthy to be seen, or taken notice of. If from thence the Reader turns his Eyes up­on the Vth Scene, he will see the Situation and Greatness of the British Islands: the Ancient Names, first Inhabitants, Manners, Polities, with the most Ancient Kings and Governours. When he comes to the VIth Scene, he will find there the Successions and Actions of those Monarchs and Presidents, who flourished during the times in which the Romans were Masters of Britain: In the VIIth Scene the Authour doth express the History of the Saxon and English Monarchs, and the times of their Reigns. In the VIIIth Scene he Commemorates the Origine [Page 166] of the Danes, their Expeditions and Incur­sions into England, and all their Actions here which are worth the taking notice of. In the IXth he describes the Invasion of the Normans, their Conquest, and the History of William the Conquerour, and all his Suc­cessours: And lastly, in the Xth Scene, he hath contained the Joyfull Entrance of James the First, the most happy Union of the Two Kingdoms, and the Peace esta­blished by King James with all the Neigh­bour Kings and Princes. And then, as a Corollary the Venerable Authour doth, with a Vivid and Unaffected Style (which runs through his whole Work) most clearly shew, that horrible black, and never be­fore heard of Design of the Gunpowder-Plot, which was by God miraculously dis­covered and prevented.

Wherefore I do most earnestly exhort our Young Men, and especially those who are of Noble birth, and intend to Travell, that they would first peruse this beautifull Theatre of Great Britain, and run over all the parts of it, before they Travell into Foreign Countries, or visit strange Nati­ons: For though I will not deny, that the desire of knowing the various Laws of Countries, the searching out the Rites and Customs of many several People, and the seeing the Forms of divers Cities, is a very commendable affection, and which was highly celebrated in Ulysses: yet I think it is preposterous, if not absurd, to [Page 167] desire to see Foreign, and far distant things, and in the mean time neglect what is nearer and at home; to seek out Cities that are Situate abroad, and afar off; and nei­ther to see nor know those we have at home. And this is the more unrea­sonable, because our Britain It is base and hurtfull and unworthy a good Sub­ject, to search into▪ and ad­mire the things that belong to Strangers; and in the Interim never to consider the good things of their own Countries, neither ob­serving nor magnifying the Vertues of their own Princes, which is ever before their Eyes. Georg. Fabrit. is one of the most celebrated Islands in the whole World, and hath many famous Ci­ties in it, many Temples Re­verend and August for Reli­gion, Venerable for their Antiquity, and Conspicuous for their Ornaments and Splendour; we have Moun­tains which are enobled by Fame; Fountains, that for their use and effects, are admir'd; Navigable Rivers and safe Ports, and many other things which are infinitely worth our perusal and knowledge. Therefore let we persuade you, Young Men, once or more to view, and with great attention to run through the four First Scenes of this Theatre, I mean the Geogra­phical part. I am much deceived, if there be any where, under Heaven, a Countrey that can boast of more Monuments which deserve to be seen: Then go through the other Six Scenes, and reade the Historical part seriously; I will become your Surety, that you shall find in every one of these Parts, some things that are very well wor­thy of remembring. Nor do I think there [Page 168] is any Countrey under Heaven which has so much reason to Glory in the Illustrious Atchievements of her Children as ours hath. To conclude, this you may be sure of, that which soever of you hath treasured up the greatest number of our domestick affairs and things; and does freely com­municate them to Foreigners wheresoever he comes (which for the most part is de­sired by most Men) he will be the Wel­comest Guest, and will have the greatest liberty of inquiring (as doth become a Traveller) into the Manners and Laws of those People he comes amongst, and of asking concerning the forms of their Ci­ties, their Princes, Wars and Accidents, or whatever other events are worth the observing; and so will return home much the better furnished with the desired fruits of his Travels.

Hitherto we have discoursed of the Po­litical, or Civil Histories, and in what Order they are to be read.

ADDITION.

As I have before given an account as well as I could, and in the ends of the IV foregoing Sections, discoursed of the La­tine Historians of the English Nation, which have been Printed since our Authour wrote, so I will here with the Reader's leave, take the same liberty in relation to the English Historians of our Nation, some of which have been Printed since the Authour finished this piece, and others perhaps were omitted by him, because these Lectures were read in an University, and to men generally well acquainted with the Latine Tongue.

The first that I will take notice of is Mr. Aylet Sammes his Britannia Antiqua Illustrata, or the Antiquities of ancient Britain, derived from the Phoenicians, wherein the Original Trade of this Island is discovered, the names of Places, Offices, Dignities, as likewise the Idolatry, Lan­guage and Customes of the primitive Inha­bitants, are clearly demonstrated from that Nation; many old Monuments illustra­ted, and the Commerce with that People as well as the Greeks plainly set forth, and Collected out of approved Greek and La­tine Authours, together with a Chronologi­cal History of this Kingdom, from the first traditional beginning untill the year of our Lord 800, when the Name of BRITAIN [Page 170] was changed into ENGLAND, faith­fully Collected out of the best Authours, and disposed in a better method than hath hitherto been done, with the Antiquities of the Saxons as well as Phoenicians, Greeks and Romans, Printed in Folio in London, in the year 1676, Volume the first.

I know very well some Learned men have taken great exceptions to this Piece and have affirmed many things in it to be fabu­lous, and I will not contest for the truth of the whole, and every part of it, but then I will presume to say that I have found good Authority for some of those things which some have pretended Mr. Samms invented, and if we are to stay for an History, which all the World approves of before we reade one, our Lives will end with as little knowledge of past times, as of those that are to follow us when we are dead; I know any ingenious person who shall reade this piece, must reap much satisfaction, pleasure and delight from it.

John Milton who was Latine Secretary to Oliver Cromwell, a Learned, ingenious, but a very factious man, wrote the History of Britain, that part especially that is called England, from the first traditional begin­ning of it to the Norman Conquest Col­lected out of the ancientest and best Authours (as he saith,) it was printed 1670, and 1671, in Quarto, and in 1678 in Octavo.

[Page 171] The style and composure of this History is delicate, short and perspicuous, and it is of the greater value, because few of our English Writers begin (to any purpose) before the Norman Conquest, passing over all those times that went before it with a slight hand.

Doctour John Heyward writ the History of the first Norman Kings, William the Conquerour, William Rufus, and Henry the first; he lived in the times of King James, and was a Civilian and a very candid, true and Learned Writer.

Samuel Daniel writ the Collection of the History of England, where in making some short reflexions on the State of Britain, and the Succession of the Saxons, he descends to William the Conquerour and the Norman Kings, and ends with the Reign of Ed­ward the third, Anno Domini 1376.

It is written with great brevity and Po­liteness, and his Political and Moral Re­flexions are very fine, usefull and instruc­tive.

John Trussel continued this History with the like brevity and truth, but not with equal Elegance, till the end of the Reign of Richard the third, Anno Domini 1484.

[Page 172] In that Period or interval of time which Daniel hath written, there are two Lives writ by two several Pens, the first is the Life of Henry the third, writ by that Learned, wise and ingenious Gentleman Sir Robert Cotton Knight, in a Masculine style, with great labour and pains, and with a Loyal design.

‘The Second is a piece which was late­ly Printed with this Title; the History of the Life, Reign and Death of Edward the II King of England, and Lord of Ireland, with the Rise and Fall of his great Favorites, Gaveston and the Spencers, written by E. F. in the year 1627, and Printed verbatim from the Original in the year 1680.’

Who this E. F. was I know not, but that he was under the Dominion of a migh­ty Discontent, is apparent by his short Preface to the Reader, his first words there are these.

To out-run those weary hours, of a deep and sad Passion, my melancho­ly Pen fell accidentally (saith he,) on this Historical Relation, which speaks A King, our own, though one of the most unfortunate, and shews the Pride and fall of his inglorious Minions.

If this Book was really written when pretended, it may be probably conjectured [Page 173] this Male-Content had a mighty Spleen a­gainst the then Duke of Buckingham, who being baited this year by the Commons in Parliament, fell a Sacrifice to popular discontent the year following, which with some other things to me unknown, might occasion the suppressing this History then, and it had been as well, if it had never been Printed, being partial to the highest degree and designed to encourage rather than suppress Rebellion, Sedition and Trea­son, and now why it was raked up out of the Dust and Printed when it was, I shall leave the World to guess; onely I cannot for bear observing, the Authour was more ingenuous than the Publisher, not onely because he concealed it, but also because he had undoubtedly set down the causes of his discontent, in the beginning of his Preface, which are omitted in the Print, for those weary hours must relate to some­thing before exprest, to perfect the nse.

Within this Period of time belonging to Trussel falls in the Life of Henry the IVth, written by Dr. Heyward, and also the Life of Edward the IVth, written very Ele­gantly and Prudently, by William Habing­ton Esquire, and the Life of Richard the third, written by George Buck Gent.

Francis Bio [...]di and Italian Gentleman, and of the Privy Chamber to King Charles the first, hath written in the Italian Tongue the Civil Wars between the two [Page 174] Houses of Lancaster and York, from King Richard the second, to King Henry the VIIIth, translated Elegantly into English (saith Sir Richard Baker,) by Henry Earl of Monmouth.

Sir Francis Bacon, Viscount St. Albans, writ the History of Henry the 7th in a most Elegant style.

Edward Lord Herbert of Sherbury, hath writ the Life of Henry the Eighth, with great Exactness and Accuracy, as he was a person of great industry and capacity. He was put upon this Work by King Charles the first, and consulted all our Re­cords.

Dr. John Heyward wrote the Life of Edward the VIth, very Elegantly, and as much of that Prince's Reign, and that of Queen Mary was spent in matters of Re­ligion; so Dr. Peter Heylin in his Ecclesia Anglicana Restaurata, has given a very good account of their two Reigns, and al­so Dr. Gilbert Burnet in his History of the Reformation in two Volumes in Folio, which is excellently Epitomized by himself in Octavo.

Though these two chiefly intend the Ecclesiastical History of those times, yet they have carefully intermixt the Civil History also, especially Burnet, who with his History hath published many Original Records of those times, which do purely belong to the Civil History.

[Page 175] Sir William Dugdale one of the Kings of Arms in England, hath writ two Books which he styles the Baronage of England, being an excellent History of the Successi­ons of all the noble Families of England, which is of excellent use to the well under­standing of the English History.

Sir Richard Baker hath written a Chro­nicle of the Kings of England, from the times of the Romans Government, unto the Death of King James, to which the Reign of Charles the first, and the first 13 years of Charles the second, were added by one Mr. Edward Phillips, which ends with the Coronation of that Prince being the 23d. of April 1661.

The former Sir William Dugdale (as is supposed,) hath writ a short account of the late troubles of England, wherein all the proceedings of the Rebellion are ex­cellently laid together.

James Heath Gent. hath also written the History of the same times (very well as it is said,) to the Restitution of Charles the second, continued since to the year 1675 by J. Phillips.

William Sanderson hath written not onely the Reigns of Queen Mary of. Scotland and King James, but also another piece which he calls a complete History of the Life and Reign of King Charles (the first,) from his Cradle to his Grave, but as this was written and published during our hor­rid Confusions here in England, and be­fore [Page 176] his late Majesty's Restitution, so there are many things in it (as it is said) which will need amendment.

The truth is, there hath been never a good History writ since Camden's Annals, of our affairs that ever yet came to my knowledge; nor perhaps have the times been such as to bear one; that of Tacitus is considerable, the prosperous and unfortu­nate Events of the ancient People of Rome are delivered by great Writers, in the times of Augustus there was no want of generous Tacit. An. l. 1. c. 1. Pens, till they were supprest by the rising flat­tery of the times; the accounts of Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius and Nero, whilst these Princes flourished were out of fear, false, and after they were gone, whilst the hatred of men was fresh, were as much too sharp; from which considerations I resolved (saith he,) to deliver a few, and those of the last Actions of Au­gustus, (when the flattery he hints at be­gan,) and then the Reign of Tiberius and the rest, without Anger or affection, as having by reason of the distance of the time, had no concern with any of them. I need not make any application, nor will the case bear one. But yet I should have excepted one Historian and By these two means Cam­den secured his liberty as to the second part of his Hi­story, which he sent to Thu­anus, who printed it in Holland after Camden was dead. that is Johnstonius, but though he did not publish his History in his Life, and so by that, and putting it in­to such hands as Printed it beyond the Seas, secured his [Page 177] History from all suspicion of a necessitated Compliance, yet then he being a Stranger to our English Laws and Constitutions, has committed some faults which an English man would have easily avoided, and speaks too contemptuously of some of our Greatest Lawyers, whom he styles every where Le­guleii, as if they had been some little snar­ling Countrey Attornies.

If now our Reader desires a short course of English History, he may begin with Milton first, then take Daniel and Trussel, and then Sir Francis Bacon's, Henry the 7th, and Bishop Godwin's Annals, which will bring him down to the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, where Camden's Annals (such as they now are in English) fall in, and for the rest he may take his Choice accor­ding to his fancy.

There is an excellent Catalogue of the Historians of England in Baker's Chronicle, which the Reader may Consult too if he please.

MANTISSA: OR, An Addition Concerning the Historians of particular Nations, as well Ancient as Modern; by Nicholas Horseman.

ARTICLE I.

The design and method of this Appendix, in what order we should proceed in relation to particular Historians; the principal Writers of each Countrey are to be selected; the Historians of the latter Ages compared with the more Ancient.

THus far our Authour (Mr. Deg. Wheare) has proceeded concerning the Civil History, and was just now going to lead his Reader to the Church History, and yet we will presume to stop him here a small time, and I will not despair neither of obtaining an easie pardon for this my unseasonable [Page 180] interposition from those who desire to run through a perfect Collection of Histo­rians, especially if they shall be sensible that these Endeavours of ours may in any degree promote their Studies. The Ro­man Empire long since sinking under its own weight, and being at last torn in pie­ces and divided, each distinct Nation be­gan to rely upon its own Forces, and ad­ministred its own affairs both at home and abroad, and from thence the particular Hi­stories of particular Nations have sprung See afore Sect. 26. up, which our Authour hath left untouch­ed and unsaluted, the British onely excepted, and this Field I will presume to Reap, by adding here an Appendix concerning the Histories of those Nations, who are now possest of some part of the ancient Roman Empire, or were never subject to it, in which we will represent, or at least inarti­ficially describe those ancient and Modern Writers, who have illustrated the affairs and Actions of the more considerable peo­ple by their Pens. 'Tis not indeed our purpose to seek curiously after, and name all these Historians, (as indeed who can pretend to know them?) or solicitously to digest, and accurately treat of them, which is a very troublesome business, and above our Abilities.

But I think it reasonable here to advise all the lovers of History in the very en­trance of the Work, that they should be­gin with the Antiquities of their own Coun­tries, [Page 181] (as for instance, the Britains with the British,) and so proceed to those of o­ther Countries, and in the first place to those Nations which have had frequent Leagues, Wars or Commerce with their own. And it will also be very advantage­ous to chuse some principal Authour, who may seem to excell all other in writing the History of that Countrey, as in the Ger­man History Lambertus Schafnaburgensis, in the Austrian History Lazius, in the Hungarian Bonfinius, in the Gothick Jor­nandes, in the History of Denmark Saxo Grammaticus, in the Sclavonian Helmoldus, in the Longobardian Paulus Diaconus, in the Polonian Chromerus, in the Prussian Stella, in the Bohemian Aeneas Sylvius, in that of Switzars Simlerus, in the Burgundian Heu­terus, in that of Saxony Crantzius, in the Bavarian Aventinus, in the Flandrian Me­jerus, in the Dutch Grotius, in the French P. Aemylius, in the Spanish Mariana, and so for the rest.

But here our Reader of the Barbarian History, may be pleased to understand that the Authours for the most part with which he is now to Converse, do sink very much beneath the Eloquence of those of the grea­ter Nations, the Greeks and Romans, and that they are very much inferiour both in Ability and Dignity, to those who with their Pens have adorn'd the Stories of those once potent People, not onely in many other things, but especially in the [Page 182] purity of their Styles; for in the darkness of that decrepit Age, they use a style which by reason of the Barbarity and harshness of it cannot but offend those whose Ears have been used to a terse and delicate phrase; and the Historians of those times which affected Elegance, chose to imitate those of the middle Ages; Eu­tropius, Paulus Diaconus, Orosius, and the like, who were as remote from the Roman Eloquence, as they were from the times in which it flourished, rather than Caesar, Salust, Livy, and the rest of the great Princes of the Senate of Historians, in which the native Vigour and Spirit of the Roman Language exerts it self, and in truth there are not many who aimed at the perfections of those middle Writers, and they are yet more scarce who have at­tain'd to that degree of perfection, and yet they are not to be persecuted or re­prehended for this neither, because they fell into this Misfortune, more by the ne­cessities of the times in which they Lived, than by their own faults, which is enough to bespeak their Pardon with all candid Readers. In ancient Coins we regard the Weight, and the Matter much more than the Neatness of the Stamp, and so in those Authours which have been depressed by the iniquity of their times, and there­by disabled from shewing their Vertues, we ought rather to consider the weight and excellence of the things they have de­livered, [Page 183] than the brightness or sweetness of Discourse; what Cicero said of the Phi­losophers, if they bring with them Eloquence, 1. de fin. it is not to be despised, but if they have it not, it is not mightily to be desired, is by us to be applied to an Historian.

But as to those who Wrote after the reviving of Learning, and the restitution of the Just esteem of Eloquence; (as there is a Circulation of all things,) they I say, have more illustrated History, and treated it according to its Dignity, so that the following Ages have many Historians, which if I should presume to compare with the Ancient Writers, I should not be destitute of the suffrage of the Grea­test men, for men of no mean Learning have heretofore thought that Guicciardin, Comines and Aemilius, were so far from being inferiour to Livy, Salust and Ta­citus, that they might contest the Prece­dence with them.

ARTICLE II.

The Historians of the Germans, and of all those people which live betwixt the Alpes and the Baltick Sea, and the Rhine and the Weissell, to which is joyned the Hi­story of the Goths, Vandals, Hunnes, Herulans, Switzars, Lombards, Poloni­ans, Muscovites, Danes and Swedes.

WE have a small piece of Tacitus, Tacitus. of the Situation, Manners and Peo­ple of the Ancient Germans, and it is reso­nable that we should believe he understood the affairs of those People very well, be­cause he was employed as a Souldier in the Wars against them, and was Gover­nour of the Low Countries under Hadrian the Emperour, and he in his Annals fre­quently takes notice of the German af­fairs, and especially of the Expedition of Caesar Germanicus, and the Victory he ob­tained against Arminius, General of the An. Christi 10. Ch [...]ruscians now call'd Mansfelders, but there is none of those Historians which are now Extant, which hath so largely descri­bed t [...]e Battel in which Arminius routed and totally destroyed Quintilius Varus and his Army, as Dion Cassius in his LVIth Dion Cas­sius Ammianus Marcelli­nus. Book, Ammianus Marcellinus also, who was a Souldier under Constantius and Julianus the Roman Emperours, takes notice of many things concerning the Franks, Ale­mans, [Page 185] and other German Nations, which are very true and worthy to be known. Huldericus Mutius Hugwaldus, who lived Hugwal­dus. about the year of Christ 1551, Wrote XXXI Books of the Origine of the Ger­mans, their Manners, Customs, Laws, and memorable Actions in Peace and War, from their first beginning to the year of Christ 1539, which he collected out of their best Authours.

Conradus a Liechtenaw, Abbas Urspergensis Ursper­gensis. Wrote a Chronicle from Belus the first King of the Assyrians, to the IXth year of Frederick the second, that is to the year of Christ 1229, who in the affairs of others is very short, but in what concerns the Germans in his own times, and those that went just before him he is much larger, and has (as Vossius saith,) many things that may be read with great advantage. Gaspar De Hist. lat. l. 2. Gaspar He­dio. Hedio continued the latter from the year 1230, to the year 1537, adding many me­morable things omitted by Urspergensis, and besides this Continuation he also Wrote a German Chronicle.

Lambertus Schafnaburgensis who flourish­ed Lambertus Schafna­burgensis. about the year of Christ 1077, Wrote one Volume of the History of Germany, which he brought down to the year 1077, which as Trithemius expresseth himself, is very well and pleasantly done; and Justus Lip­sius Chron. l. 1. saith of this, and Rodoricus Toletanus that they are as Good as that Age could possibly Not. ad Po­lit. l. 1. c. 9. afford, but the Commendation of the Lear­ned [Page 186] Joseph Scaliger, in his piece de Emen­datione temporum is very illustrious; in truth (saith he,) I admire the Purity of this man's style, and the exactness of his Computation, in so barbarous an Age, which is so great, that he might put the Chronologers of our times to the blush; if they had any sense of these things. Nor will I conceal the censure of Melancthon; I have not seen (saith he,) Praef. ad Gaspar Chur. any Writer of the German History that hath Written with greater industry, though he hath also put in some private things which are unworthy of the knowledge of Posterity; up­on which account, and for that his Fide­lity is suspected in some things, pertai­ning to the Controversie between Henry the 4th, and Gregory the 7th, he has been censured by some others.

A certain Monk of Erfurd has brought Erphor­densis. down the last named Authour to the year 1472, and has also Written an History of the Landgraves of Duringer, the principal Town of which is Erfurd.

Marianus a Scot by Nation, but a Monk Marianus Fuldensis. of Fuld, in Germany, an Elegant Writer for the times, as Sigebertus saith of him, pro­duced a Chronicle to his own times that is, to the year 1073, in three Books which Dodechinus afterwards continued to the Dodechi­nus. year 1200.

Otto Frisingensis of Freising in Noricum, Otto Fri­singensis. (and not of Friseland) as Aeneas Sylvius insinuates, descended of an imperial Fami­ly, has Written a Chronicle from the be­ginning [Page 187] of the World to the times of Fre­derick the first, that is, to the year of Christ 1146 in VII Books, (for the VIIIth is not an History but a Dissertation con­cerning Antichrist, the Resurrection of the Dead, the end of the World, and the last Judgment,) which is continued by an ancient Authour to the year 1210, and the same Otto Wrote the Life of Frederick the first, his Cousin or Nephew (Sirnamed Aenobar­bus,) by the Command and Encourage­ment of this Prince in II Books, (which Radevicus another Writer by adding two Books more brought down to the year 1160.) This Otto, though he was Uncle to this Emperour Frederick, yet that Relation did no way prejudice the truth, as Aeneas Sylvius saith, who was afterwards Pope by the Name of Pius.

Luitiprandus Ticinensis, beginning from Luitipran­dus. Arnolphus Emperour of Germany, and the year 891, in which the Saracens took Fras­sinel a small Town upon the River Po in Italy, Wrote in six Books the History of the principal Transactions of his own times in Europe, in many of which he him­self was present, which ends Anno Christi 963. He was a privy Counsellour to Be­rengarius the second, King of Italy, and falling into his disfavour fled to Otton I. and at Franckford Wrote this History as he saith himself, lib. 5. cap. 14.

Beatus Rhenanus Published III Books of Beatus Rhenanus the German affairs, excellently Composed.

[Page 188] Johannes Aventinus Wrote X Books un­der Johannes Aventinus the Title of Germany illustrated, and also the Annals of the Bavarians, from the Flood to the year of Christ 1460, in VII Books; (how ill Baronius thought of this Authour appears, To. 9. Ad An­num 772.)

Georgius Fabricius Chemnicensis, Wrote Fabricius Chemni­censis. the History of Great Germany, and of all Saxony in two Books, and to Conclude, MAR QU ARDUS FREHERUS first put out in one Volume some very excellent German Historians which before were un­known.

ARTICLE III.

The Historians of Austria.

FRanciscus Guillimannus Wrote VII Books Guilliman­nus. of the ancient and true Origine of the House of Austria; he flourished about the year of Christ 1500. Wolfangus La­zius Lazius. of Vienna has comprehended the Hi­story of Austria in IV Books; Gerhardus de Reo, and Conradus Decius have Written Annals also of Austria; there is Extant too, a Chronicle of the Dukes of Bavaria and Suevia, written by an uncertain Au­thour, and to these may be added the Au­striades of Richardus Bartolinus Perusinus in XII Books which concern the Wars be­tween [Page 189] the Dukes of Bavaria and the Princes of the Palatinate, which was illustrated with Notes by Jacobus Spigelius Selestadiensis.

ARTICLE IV.

The Historians of the Hunnes and Hunga­rians.

JOhannes de Thwroz, or Turocius (so call'd Turocius. from the Province of Thwrocz,) wrote a Chronicle of the Hungarian affairs, from the very rise of that Nation under Attila their first King, to the Coronation of Mat­thias, which was in the year of Christ 1464; of this Authour Trithemius Writes thus, Johannes Thuroth a Pannonian, was a man excellently acquainted with, and well exercised in Civil Literature, and not igno­rant in Divine knowledge, of an exalted In­genuity, and a clear Eloquence; this Authour lived Anno Christi 1494.

Johannes Bonfinius Composed an Elegant Bonfinius. History of the Kings of Hungary in four Decades and an half, that is, in XLV Books which reacheth to the Death of Matthias Hunniades, and the beginning of Vladislaus or the year 1495, which he began at the Command of Matthias. Bonfinius flourish­ed about the year of Christ 1496.

Petrus Ranzanus Wrote Indexes as he Ranzanus. calls them of the Hungarian Transactions, [Page 190] of which Joh. Sambucus who first rescued them from the Dust and Darkness in which they lay, and Published them to the World writes thus; It seems the ways of Writing Histories heretofore were very various, this Authour having some Indexes of the Kings of Hungary, given him at Vienna by Beatrix, extracted out of the same Records from which Bonfinius described his; he so well deduced and illustrated them, that he is in nothing in­feriour to the best Writers of the Hungarian History, for in this brevity he has Comprehen­ded what ever is required to render an History Elegant and usefull, and he is the more valu­able also, that whereas there are some Gaps and mistakes by the faults of the Transcribers in Bonfinius his History, we may here find directions for the rectifying all these Erratas, and be assisted at the same time in searching out the sincere and perfect truth; thus far Sambucus.

Philip Callimachus Experiens, wrote an History of the Life and Reign of Vladislaus Callima­chus. King of Poland and Hungary, so elegantly and exactly, that Paulus Jovius did not In Elogis. scruple to say of it, that in his judgment it excell'd all that had been Written of that kind, since Cornelius Tacitus, through so many Ages as have since followed; this Authour flourished Anno Christi 1490.

Melchior Soiterus, and Petrus Bizarrus have Written the History of the Hungarian Wars.

ARTICLE V.

The Historians of the Goths, Danes, Scla­vonians and Swedes.

PRocopius has Written III Books of the Procopius. Agathias. Jornandes. Aur. Casio­dorus. Gothick Wars, and Agathias the Smyr­nean V Books, both of them in Greek and in Latine; Jornandes the Bishop of the Goths, who reduced into II Books the History of Aurelius Casiodorus, (who was Secretary to Theodoricus King of the Goths,) and Wrote a Gothick History in XII Books.

Isidorus Hispalensis Composed an History Isidorus Hispalensis Jo. Magnus Leon. Are­tinus. of the Origine of the Goths, and of the Kingdom of the Sueves and Vandals: Jo­hannes Magnus a Bishop of Sweden, wrote a History also of all the Kings of the Goths and Swedes; Leon Aretinus Composed also an History of the Goths, but which affords nothing more than what Procopius hath written, so that he seems to be no more than his Paraphrast, but he is more re­markable for another thing, that is, that be was the first Person who restored and com­municated the Greek Tongue and Learning, after it had lain several Ages oppressed and troden down, by the tyranny of the insolent Barbarians, as P. Jovius writes of him in his Elogies; he flourished Anno Christi 1420.

Hieronymus Rubeus wrote of the Goths and Lombards.

[Page 192] Saxo Grammaticus has deduced an Histo­ry Sax. Gram­maticus. of Denmark from the utmost Antiquity down to his own times, that is to Canutus the VIth and Waldemarus his Brother, the Grandchildren of Saint Canutus that is al­most to the year of Christ 1200. All he hath Written is not to be admitted hand over head without Examination, yet nei­ther is he so great a Fabler as some have fansied, who have no esteem on that ac­count for him, amongst whom is Goropius Becanus, which is the less worth our won­der, because he himself doth not write so much Paradoxes as impossibilities; as to Saxo's style the Elegance of it is so great (saith the Learned Vossius,) that it exceeded De Hist. lat. lib. 2. c. 55. the Capacity of the Age he lived in, yea it is equal to many of the ancient Writers, and to most of ours; he flourished about the year of Christ 1220.

Idacius his Chronicle of Denmark, is Idacius. from the times of Theodosius the Great, to the year of Christ 400.

Johannes Boterus and Erpoldus Linden­bruch, have written accounts of the Kings of Denmark, and in the year 1596, Plan­tin Printed a Compendious History of the Kings of Denmark to Christian the IVth. Gaspar Ens wrote Commentaries concer­ning the Wars of Denmark both by Sea and Land, in the Reign of Frederick the second, containing the most memorable Dithmarsick and Swedish War.

[Page 193] The Learned Johannes Meursius hath Meursius. comprehended in III Books the Reigns of Christian the first, John his Son, and Christi­an the second his Grandchild, that is, from the year of Christ 1448, to the year 1523.

Albertus Crantzius hath Written an Hi­story Alb. Crant­zius. of the Vandals in XIV Books, and a Chronicle of the other Northern Nations, as the Danes, Norwegians, Swedes, which is call'd Gothia, and Scandia; he begins, at the times of Charles the Great, and comes down to the year 1504; he flourished to the year 1517, in which he Died. Gerar­dus Geldenhaurius writes thus of him: He Voss. de Hist. lat. lib. 3. c. 10. has almost onely seemed to me to deserve the Name of an Historian, because he wrote the Transactions of his own times truely, freely, and for the good of Posterity and others as Fabricius, &c. have as much commended his industry.

Nicholaus Marescalcus wrote of the He­ruli and Vandals.

Helmoldus a Sclavonian Presbyter, Helmoldus wrote the History of the Sclavonians, Sax­ons, and the adjoyning Nations, from the year 800 or thereabouts, when they were converted to Christianity by the care of Charles the Great, to the year 1168, about which time Helmoldus flourished, as he saith himself in his Preface, viz. about the times of Barbarossa. And there Arnoldus the Abbat of Lubeck, begins, Arnoldus. who begins his Preface with these words. Because Helmoldus a Priest of Blessed me­mory, [Page 194] was not able to bring his History of the Vocation and Submission of the Sclavonians, and the Lives of those Bishops, at whose in­stance the Churches of these Countries were Founded, to such End and Conclusion as he desired and intended; we therefore with the assistence of God have resolved to pursue that Work; and accordingly he brought his supplement to the times of Otto the IVth, (under whom he lived;) the Learned Vossi­us speaks thus of this Arnoldus, in the Scla­vonian Voss. de Hist. lat. lib. 2. affairs he deserves Credit, but not in what he wrote concerning the French, Sicili­ans and Grecians, in whose affairs it is much better to consult others who have made it their business to treat of them.

ARTICLE VI.

The Historians of the Lombards now call'd the Dutchy of Milan.

PAulus Warnefridus a Deacon of Aqui­leja, wrote VI Books of the affairs Paulus Warnesri­dus. of the Lombards, he was Chancellour to De­siderius King of the Longobards, of whom Sigebertus Chap. 61. writes this, He wrote the History of the Vinnuli, who were after­wards called Lombards, in an excellent and copious Style. Raph. Volaterranus is much mistaken, who takes this Warnefridus to be a different person from the Deacon of [Page 195] Aquileja; he flourished about the year of Christ 780. Hieron Rubeus wrote also of the Goths and Lombards.

A Monk of Padua whose name is not known, has comprehended in III Books the Transactions of his own times in Lombar­dy, and the Marquisate of Tarvisina, he begins Anno Christi 1207, in which Azo Marquis of Este was by the Monticuculli cast out of Verona; and he comes down to the year 1270, in which the Christian Princes passing into Africa, took Carthage and besieged Tunis.

Flavius Blondus (who was privy Coun­sellour F. Blondus. to several Popes, and who had the honour to have his Works Epitomized by Pius another of the Popes,) wrote of the affairs of the Lombards, in his VII Books of the illustrating of Italy, as almost all o­ther Italian Writers.

ARTICLE VII.

The Historians of the Polanders and Borussi­ans.

MArtinus Chromerus Composed XXX Chrome­rus. Books of the Origine and Actions of the Polanders, and in the first X Books (as he saith in his Proem,) he has described the Rise and Infancy of that Nation, un­der Barbarous and Idolatrous Dukes; then [Page 196] the flower of its Youth under Christian Kings; and then its diseased and Crazy Constitution which resembles a State Sick­ness, under several and those disagreeing Princes after the Monarchy was destroyed. He wrote II Books also of the Situation, People, Manners, Magistrates and Govern­ment of the Kingdom of Poland; Chro­merus flourished Anno Christi 1552.

Alexander Gaguinus wrote also an Hi­story Gaguinus. of Poland, from Lechus the first Duke of that Nation, to Henry of Voloise.—Joh. Decius wrote one Book of the Anti­quities of Poland, and of the Family of the Jagellons, and of the Reign of King Si­gismund. Math. Michovius wrote a Chro­nicle of the Kingdom of Poland, from Michovius the first rise of that Nation to the year 1504, in IV Books; he is somewhat more Barbarous, and Chromerus more Polite, Michovius flourished about the year of Christ 1540.

Joannes [...]uglossus, who is sometimes sty­led Duglossus. Longinus Bishop of Leopold, who under Casimirus the third, King of Poland was employed in many great Embassages, and was also Praeceptor to this Princes Chil­dren, has wrote a Chronicle of Poland to the year 1480, in which this great man Died

Philippus Callimachus hath writ a Histo­ry of the Wars of the Poles against the Callima­chus. Turks, he lived Anno Christi 1508.

[Page 197] Erasmus Stella a Libanothan, writ II Stella. Books of the Antiquities of the Borussians, which he dedicated to Frederick Duke of Saxony, the first of which treats of the old inhabitants thereof and of their Propaga­tion, Names and Manners, the latter of their ancient Kings and of their Successi­on; he professeth to follow the Annals of Borussia, Jornandes his History of the Goths, Helmoldus his History of the Sclavonians, and Albertus Magnus who travelled over Borussia, and others.

ARTICLE VIII.

The Historians of the Bohemians, Switzars or Helvetians and Saxons.

COsmus a Deacon of the Church of Prague Cosmus. in his Chronicle of Bohemia, which he has written in III Books, represents the Origine of that People, and the actions of their ancient Dukes to Wartislaus, who was created King of Bohemia by the Empe­rour Henry the IVth, Anno Christi 1086.

Dubravius also deduceth their History Dubravius. from their first Original to Ferdinand the Emperour in XXXIII Books, he comes down to the year 1558, and was a very Learned and ingenious Person.

The History of Aeneas Sylvius comes Aeneas Syl­vius. down to the year 1458, that is to Frederick [Page 198] the third, in which year the Authour was Elected Pope by the name Pius the second; he writes the Succession of all their Dukes or Kings to Poigebrach, but in the business of the Hussites, and what happened under the Emperour Sigismund, he is much more large and diffused.

Charles King of Bohemia who was after Emperour, and the IVth of that Name, wrote a Commentary of his own Life.

Franciscus Guillimanus wrote V Books Switzars. Guillima­nus. of the Antiquites and Actions of the Swit­zars. Henricus Suizerus in his Chronicle of Switzerland gave an account of their af­fairs to his own times.

Josias Simlerus wrote of their League Simlerus. and Commonwealth, and also of their affairs from Rudolphus to Charles the Vth.

Wernerus Rolevinckius wrote III Books of the ancient Seat of the Saxons, that is of Westphalia, their Manners, Vertues, and Commendations.

Witikindus a Saxon Wrote III Books of Witikin­dus. the Actions of the Saxons, and Albertus Crantzius wrote the History of Saxony in Crantzius. XIII Books to his own times; he died in the year 1504, this is continued by an un­known hand.

David Chytreus in his Chronicle of Saxony Chytreus. and the Northern Nations, begins a little higher, at the year 1500, and ends with the year 1599, which is continued by Georgius Fabricius in his Saxony illustrated Fabricius [Page 199] in II Books to the year 1606, Johannes Garzo wrote of the affairs of Saxony, Thuringia and Misnia. Rein. Reineccius of the Family and actions of the Palatines of Saxony, Cyriacus Spangenbergius wrote a Saxon Chronicle, and Sebastiau Boisselinte­rus wrote of the Siege of Magdeburgh.

ARTICLE IX.

The Historians of the Celti or Gauls and French, under which Name we include all those people who live betwixt the Rhine and both the Seas, and the Alpes and Pyrenean Mountains.

THe principal Writers of the History of Gallia, which the French now pos­sess, (that I may say nothing of the most ancient Julius Caesar, his VII Books of the Gallick War; And Hirtius who con­tinues him, nor of Appianus his Celirks which belong to this Story) are these. Gregorius Turonensis Bishop of Tours, in Gregorius Turonen­sis. his first Book brings down the History from the beginning of the World to the Reign of Theodosius the first; in the other nine Books he sets forth the Lives and acti­ons of the Kings of France to his own times, and the year of Christ 594, but the XIth Book which is supposed to have been ad­ded by Fredegarius, ends in the Death of Fredega­rius. [Page 200] Charles the Great which happened Anno Christi 814.

Paulus Aemilius Veronensis a man of a Paulus E. milius. Livian style, (of whom mention is made a­bove, Sect. XXV, as Reinerus Reineccius bears witness, spent XXX years in the compiling his History of France, after the Dissolution of the Roman Dominion, and comes down to Philip and Charles his Brother, Children of Luis, that is from the year 420, to the year 1488; the opinion of J. Lipsius con­cerning this History is, that if a few things were lightly Corrected, he would be a per­son above the Learning of our Age, and de­serve the Commendations given to ancient Authours; and Ludovicus Vivis saith, his Hi­story Detradend. disciplin. l. 5. is written with more Fidelity and truth, than that of Gaguinus, who has disclosed and intermixt his own affections in his History.

Paulus Jovius hath written the Reigns and Paulus Jo­vius. Lives of Charles the 8th, Luis the 12th, and Francis the first King of France, splen­didly and elegantly.

Arnoldus Ferronius Burdegalensis, hath Arnoldus Ferronius. continued the History of Aemilius to Henry the second.

Philippus Comines (of whom mention is Philip Co­mines. made above, Sect. the 25th,) has woven the History of Luis the XIth, and Charles the VIIIth his Son, in a clear and elegant style, and although Jacobus Mejerus avers in ma­ny places that he is mistaken, yet he is (in the judgment of the Learned Vossius,) a true and a prudent Historian; and Johannes [Page 201] Sleidanns gives him this Elogie. This Au­thour is in my judgment the nearest to the an­cient Historians, of all those that have wrote in or near our times, both in prudence and veracity, for he lays before us the grave deli­berations that passed in the Closets of Princes, before they appeared in their Events abroad, which very few have attempted to do, fewer have been able to do it effectually, and even those who could have done it, have yet not da­red to do it lest they should offend their Princes.

Johannes Frossardus has splendidly and Jo. Fros­sardus. elegantly written the History of those dreadfull Wars which passed betwixt the English and French, from the year 1335, to the year 1400, who deserves the greater faith, because he was a follower of the Courts of Kings and Princes, especially of Philippa Daughter of the Count of Hey­nault Queen to Edward the third King of England, nor did he relate any thing in his History but what he had seen with his own Eyes, or heard from others who had seen them, or had the chief Commands in the Wars: Johannes Sleidanus hath ex­cerpted the most material passages out of this History and turned them into Latine, for it is Originally written in French, and Sir John Bouchier Knight, translated this in­tire History into English.

Enguerus Monstreletus hath continued Monstrele­tus. Frossardus, and brought down the French History to the Reign of Luis the XIIth.

[Page 202] Martinus Longaeus wrote a Commentary Mart. Lon­gaeus. in X Books of the actions of Francis I. of Valoise King of France, and Stephanus Do­letus, and Galeacius Capella have written the History of the Wars betwixt Charles the fifth, and this Prince for the Dutchy of Milan, from the year 1520, to the year 1530, the latter is followed by Gulielmus Paradinus, who hath added the story of the succeeding years to the year 1555.

A nameless person (perhaps Franciscus Hottomanus) has written the History of France, during the Reigns of Henry the se­cond, Francis the second, and Charles the IXth.

Rabutinus hath written the Expedition of Henry the second against Charles the Vth, undertaken in the year 1552, on the behalf of the Princes of Germany.

Eusebius Philadelphus (that is Theodorus Beza, who by the Cloudiness of this name obscured himself,) has wrote the History of Charles the IXth and of his Mother.

Petrus Matthaeus a Lawyer, the Royal Historian, has writ the History of Henry the IVth King of France and of Navar in VII Books.

BESIDES these which we have men­tioned, there are several others which ought to be perused, as Carolus Molinaeus, who hath writ of the Rise and Progress of the French Kingdom and Monarchy, and Hubertus Leonardus of the Origine of the French [...]tion; but then Hunibaldus Fran­cus [Page 203] who has wrote the affairs of the Franks, from the Wars of Troy to the times of Clodoneus, is to be esteemed of the same nature with Annius his Berosus, and the rest of those fabulous Writers in the judg­ment of the famous Vossius, de Hist. lat. lib. 2. c. 22.

Aimoinus the Monk is to be better Aimoinus. thought of, who is an excellent Historian, (as the Authour de Regimine Principatus, lib. 3. c. 21. calls him, which work is com­monly but very falsely ascribed to Aquinas;) he wrote the actions of the French from the year 420, to the year 826 in V Books, for the proof of whose Fidelity these words of his make very much; there was another Monk in the same Monastery, a Priest and a professed Monk as well as he, and his name was Audoaldus, he was of the same age, and in his Manners and Conversation very like him; from whose Mouth we have received what is delivered, and much more which we are confident is faithfully related.

Nor is Joannes Trithemius though a Ger­man Trithemi­us. to be lightly passed by, who has writ III Books of the Origine, Kings and affairs of France, from the year of Christ 433, to the year 1500, which was the III year of Charles the VIIIth. Nor Nicholaus Gilius who hath Composed the Annals of France. Hermannus Comes who writes of their affairs to the year 1525, or Robertus Gaguinus Gaguinus. who has deduced their History from the most remote Antiquity, to the time of the [Page 204] Expedition of Charles the VIIIth into Italy, Anno Christi 1493, though he has mixed his own affections with the History, as Vivis saith: and yet Mejerus is not to be admitted nei­ther, who calls him a frivolous Writer, which is to be attributed to his disaffection to the French Nation and all their Histo­rians, for he saith of them in general, the French do not use to relate their actions with more fidelity than they transact them; and besides as Mejerus out of his too great affection to his Countrey, has delivered many things done in his own times there ve­ry partially; so in Foreign affairs he is not over much to be Credited; Paulus Jovius affirming of him, that in the affairs of Italy he does blunder and mistake so strangely, that those who did not regard the Elegance of his style, were apt to be much incensed against him.

There are also several Authours who have written of the Expeditions of the French Nation into the East, and of the Kingdom Erected by them in Jerusalem, almost all which the Learned Jacobus Bon­garsius has collected together, and rescued from the Moths and Dust of the Libraries in which they before lurked, by publishing them after he had with great study and pains Corrected them; of these the first is Robertus a Monk who wrote the History of Jerusalem. A nameless Italian who wrote the Actions of the French and others at Jerusalem, in which actions he was pre­sent, [Page 205] and therefore deserves the greater Credit. Baldericus Aurelianensis who wrote the History of the same V years with the last named Italian, that is from the year 1095, to the year 1100; and Raimundus de Agiles Canon of Le Puy, wrote the Hi­story of the same time. Albertus Steward of the Church of Dax, who wrote XII Books from the beginning of the Expedition of Godfry of Bulloin, and other Princes to the second year of King Balduin the Se­cond, and so has (as Vossius saith,) accu­rately written the History of XXIV years; after him follows Fulcherius Carnotensis, who writes from the beginning of that Expedition to the year 1124, and Gaute­rus Cancellarius who described what passed at Antioch, where he was present; after these comes William Archbishop of Tyre, the Prince of all these Historians, a man of no vulgar Learning, pleasant above what that Age afforded, as the Learned Bongarsius saith of him. He wrote in XXIII Books, (beginning at the year 1095, and ending at 1180,) the [...]istory of LXXXIV years of what ever had passed in the Holy Land, and in all Syria, which the Bishop of Accon his Suffragan continued; and thus far of the French Historians.

ARTICLE X.

The Historians of the Dutch, and Flandri­ans, &c.

THere is scarce any thing delivered con­cerning Mejerus. the Flandrians, worthy of Cre­dit before the year 445, from which time Me­jerus begins his Annals of Flanders, which he has included in XVII. Books; in which he hath also given a large account of the Earls of Flanders. from Lydericus Harleba­canus, who flourished about the year 800. to Charles the Hardy Duke of Burgundy's Death, in the year 1476.

Hadrianus Barlandus hath compiled a Chronicle of the Dukes of Brabant, from Had. Bar­landus. Pipin the first Duke of that Province (Grandchild of Caroloman, Son of Braban, the third Prince of Brabant, before this Province had the name or title of a Duke­dom given it) to Charles the Vth, Empe­rour of Germany, the Son of Philip.

Jacobus Marchantius hath written IV. Books of the Memorable affairs of Flan­ders. Marchan­tius. Aemundus hath Writ of the Dukes of Burgundy, from the Trojan War to Charles the Vth. Beisscllus also of the Ac­tions of the Flandrians, and of late Oli­varius Uredus, J. C. Brugensis, has, with in­finite study and labour, written the Flan­drian Genealogies; and the History of the Earls of Flanders.

[Page 207] Hadrianus Junius his Batavia unfolds the Junius. History of the Dutch Nation, the Antiqui­ties of their Island, their Origine, Man­ners, and many other things belonging to their History. Noviomagus his History of Novioma­gus. Holland gives an account of their Princes, from Bato their first King, to Charles the Vth, Emperour; and to Charles of Gelders. Nor is Gerhardus Geldenhaurius to be omit­ted, Gelden­haurius. who hath drawn an History of Holland with an Appendix, concerning the most ancient Nobility, Kings, and Actions of the Germans.

Johannes Isaacus Pontanus, Historian to Pontanus. the King of Denmark, and State of Gelders, by the command of the States, hath Writ­ten an History of that Province, from their beginning, to the year 1581, which is a vast Work. Ubo Emmius, and Winsemi­us have both written the History of Frisland, and Jacobus Revius that of Da­ventry.

Ludovicus Guicciardinus hath written a Lud. Guic­ciardinus. brief History of all the Transactions of Europe, especially what relates to the Low-Countries, from the year 1529, to the year 1560; that is, from the Peace of Cambray, betwixt Charles the Vth, Emperour of Germany, and Francis the First, King of France.

This last Age hath afforded several most elegant Writers of the Dutch History; as first, Johannes Meursius, who, in X. Books Meursius. hath writ the Life of William Prince of [Page 208] Orange, and the Transactions of those Countries, during all his time, to the end of the Government of Ludovicus Re­quesenius; that is, from the year 1550, to the year 1576: and in another Work in IV. Books, the beginning of the Low-Coun­try-War, or Six years Government of Fer­dinand Duke de Alva; to which he added a Vth Book, in which is the History of the Truce. Famianns Strada, who in XX. Strada. Books wrote the History of those Wars from the Resignation of Charles the Vth; that is, from the year 1558, to the year 1590. Hugo Grotius, who wrote V. Books Grotius. of the Annals of Holland, and XVIII. Books of History, in which he hath given an Account of all the Affairs of the Low-Countries, from the departure of Philip the Second into Spain, to the Truce; that is, from the year 1566, to the year 1609.

ARTICLE XI.

The Historians of Spain.

THe Writers of Spanish History may perhaps not unfitly be ranked accor­ding to the four different ages of that Kingdom. So the Infancy of Spain is light­ly touched by Pomponius Mela, who was a Native of Spain. The youth of Spain (as I may call it) which was under the Ro­man and Gothick Dominion, is described by Tacitus, Dion, Vopiscus, Suetonius, Appia­nus in his Iberica, Procopius, Eusebius, and some others. It began to arrive at Manhood in that Age, in which it began to shake off the yoke of the Moors, in which War 700 years were spent, this then may be call'd the time of their Manhood. And then their Ripest Age began under the Reign of Fer­dinando the Catholick, who expelled the Moors out of the whole Kingdom of Spain: the most of those Writers I shall here mention Wrote of this last and the pre­ceding Age.

Isidorus Pacensis, who is supposed to be Isidorus Pacensis. the Authour of the Chronicle of Spain, of whom Vasaeus Wrote thus rigidly, in the Fourth Chapter of his Chronicle. Isidorus Bishop of Badajoz, or Baxagus, Wrote a Chro­nicle of Spain; whose Chronicle (if that which bears this name be his) I should rather call a Monster, than a Chronicle, he Writes so [Page 210] prodigiously ill, and rather in the Gothish than Latine Tongue.

Rodericus Ximenes Archbishop of Toledo, Ximenes. acquired much Glory by IX Books which he wrote of the Spanish History, which he brought down to the times of Ferdinand the third, the censure of Rodericus Sanctius is that the style of it is short but very pleasant, and the Learned Lipsius saith, it is as good as it was possible it could be in such an Age; and Mariana gives him high Commendations in several places, nor will I pass by the o­pinion of Johannes Gerundensis in the Histo­ry of Spain. Trogus Pompejus, Orosius, and Isidorus Hispalensis are worthy of great esteem, Roder: of Toledo is tolerable, the rest are mere Dreams.

The last cited Authour Johannes Marga­rinus Margari­nus. Bishop of Girona, wrote an History of Spain in X Books, from the Arrival of Hercules, to the Reigns of Arcadius and Honorius the Children of Theodosius the El­der, in the times of which Princes the Goths entred Spain, he styles it the omitted History of Spain, because in it he relates what had been omitted by the Writers of the latter Ages.

Johannes Mariana has writ the History Mariana. of Spain, from the first times of it to the Ruine of the Moors in XX Books, which in X Books more is continued to the Death of King Ferdinand, that is, to the year 1516.

[Page 211] Franciscus Tarapha brings down an Hi­story of Spain to Charles the Vth.

Rodericus Sanctius Palentinus, who was Sanctius. Chaplain and Counsellour to Henry the IVth King of Castile, and Leon, hath consigned to paper in a very great Volume an unin­terrupted History of Spain, down to his own times, that is, to the year 1467, con­cerning whom, and two other more anci­ent Historians of that Nation, Luca Tu­diensis, and Rod. Ximenius, Alph. Garsias a Rhetorician of Alcala an University in Spain gives this judgment, because they did Lib. de doct. Vir. Et Achad. Hisp. not seek to please the Ears of men, but to inrich the memories and judgments of Posteri­ty; as they sought not after pleasing Language, so neither have they entertained their Readers with trifles and falsehoods.

Marineus Siculus wrote an History of the Marineus. memorable affairs of Spain in XXII Books, which ends in Charles the 5th.

Laurentius Valla wrote the Reign of Fer­dinand Laurentius Valla. King of Aragon in III Books, but as P. Jovius justly thought, he wrote this work in such a style, as no man can conceive that it was penn'd by him, who gave the precepts of Latine Elegance to others, and you may there find several other things concerning this Historian.

Carolus Verardus who flourished under Verardus. Innocent the VIIIth, about the year 1484, wrote the History of the Conquest of the Kingdom of Granada and the History of Andaluzia.

[Page 212] Hieronymus Conestagius wrote the Histo­ry Conestagi­us. of the Union of Portugal, to the King­dom of Castile in X Books, in which he gives an account of the State of that Na­tion, from the time in which Sebastian the first passed with a vast Fleet into Africa to fight against the Moors, to the times when it was by the Conduct of Philip the se­cond, united to the rest of the Spanish Provinces.

Damianus à Goes has writ the actions of the Portuges in the Indies.

Aelius Antonius Nebrissensis, hath writ­ten the History of the affairs under Ferdi­nando Nebrissen­sis. and Elizabeth in XX Books, and he hath also writ the War of NAVAR in II Books; Vasaeus in his Chronicle of Spain Chap. 4th, saith it is an History worthy of so great a man, and he is commended by In Ciceron. Erasmus as a man of various Learning, and that deservedly; there is also an high Com­mendation given him by Alphonsus Garsia, in the Book which he wrote of the Lear­ned men and Universities of Spain, to these may be added Hieronymus, Osorius a Polite Writer of the memorable things of Spain. Johan­nes Brucellus of the Spanish War in V Books, and Florianus Ocampus who by the Com­mand of Charles the Vth, published a ge­neral Chronicle of Spain; the rest I omit.

ARTICLE XII.

The Historians of the Turks and Arabi­ans, who heretofore were possessed of the Dominions of Africa, Syria, Persia and Spain, and are commonly call'd Saracens.

THe History of the Saracens is to be sought in Harmannus Dalmata, Leo Africus, Robert the Monk, William of Tyre, and Benedictus de Accoltis, (a famous Elogie upon whom, is Extant in Lilius Gyraldus his second Dialogue of the Poets of his time,) and in those other Authours which we have mentioned above, when we dis­coursed of those Historians who had given an account of the affairs of the French in the East.

Caelius Aug. Curio, wrote also an Histo­ry of the Saracens in III Books, and he also wrote a particular History of the Kingdom of Morocho, Erected by the Sa­racens in Barbary.

There are several who have given ac­counts of the Origine of the Turks, (for there it is fit to begin the reading of their History,) as Baptista Egnatius, Theodorus Gaza, and Andrea Combinus.

Martinus Barletius in his Chronicle has excellently described the Origine of the Turks, their Princes, Emperours, Wars, Victories, Military Discipline, &c. And he hath also writ the Life and Actions of [Page 214] George Castriot, who by Amurath for the greatness of his actions was Sirnamed Scanderbeg, very elegantly in XIII Books, whose fidelity will appear from that pas­sage in his Preface; I have (saith he,) committed to writing what hath been re­lated to me by my Ancestours, and by some others who were present, and saw what passed.

Laonicus Chalcocondylas an Athenian, Chalco­condylas. wrote an History of the Turks in X Books, he is the onely Grecian Historian who wrote since the barbarous Turks possessed themselves of Constantinople, with any ap­plause, he flourished in the end of the fourteenth Century, about the year of Christ 1490, he begins from Ottoman the Son of Orthogul, who began his Reign a­bout the year of Christ 1300, and he ends in the year 1363, in which Mahomet the II stoutly repell'd the invasion made upon him, by Mathias King of Hungaria and the Venetians.

Johannes Leunclavius also hath collected Leuncla­rius. and published an History of the Musulmen out of their own Monuments, with great industry in XVIII Books, about the year 1560.

Paulus Jovius ought here to be taken in Jovius. too, who has accurately and elegantly re­presented their affairs, especially from the XIIth, to the XVIIth Book, and again, from the XXXII to the XXXVIIth Book, of whom the Authour writes above Sect. 25.

[Page 215] Henricus Pantaleon has collected an Histo­ry Pantaleon. of all the memorable Expeditions both by Sea and Land, which have been under­taken for 600 years by the Christians in A­sia, Africa and Europe, against the barba­rous Saracens, Arabians and Turks, to the year 1581, to which you may add Reinerus Reineccius his Oriental History.

Martinus Stella hath written concerning Wars. the Wars of the Turks in Hungaria. Pe­trus Bizarus hath written of the War made by Solyman against Maximilian the Empe­rour: Melchior Soiterus hath writ the War made upon the Turks by Charles the Vth, and Ferdinand his Brother. Nicholaus Hon­nigerus hath writ of Solyman the XIIth, and Selym the XIIIth Emperour of the Turks a­gainst the Christians; Ubertus Folietta hath writ the Siege of Malta, and of several Expeditions into Africa, and also of the War in Cyprus betwixt the Turks and the Venetians. Ubio Esinus and Caelius Cec. Cu­rio, have also both of them writ of the Cyprian War, and the latter of them of the Siege of Maltha too; the taking and Sacking of Constantinople by the Turks in the year 1453, is represented by Leonar­dus Chiensis, Bishop Mitylaen, and Godefri­dus Langus.

Philippus Callimachus Experiens, has writ Callima­chus Experiens two elegant Books of the Sack of Varne in Mysia, which happened IX years before that of Constantinople; Johannes Eutropius wrote the War made by Charles the Vth up­on [Page 216] Tunis, and his Expedition into Africa is written by Christoph. Claudius Stella; Hen­ricus Penia hath writ the War betwixt Ismael Sophy of Persia, and Selym, Anno 1514.

Nor is it difficult to learn many things for the clearing and enlarging on the Turkish History, from the 14 Books of E­pistles concerning the Turks, and their affairs collected by Nicholaus Reusnerus, and the elegant Epistles of Augerius Bus­bequius concerning his Ambassage in Turky.

ARTICLE XIII.

The Historians of the Tartars, Muscovits and Sarmatians.

HAitonius the Nephew of a King of Ar­menia, Haitonius. and a Souldier many years in his own Countrey, became afterwards a Monk in the Island of Cyprus as he tells us himself, Chap. 46. and at length came into France, where about the year of Christ 1307, by the Command of Clement the Vth, he describ'd the Empire of the Tarta­rians in Asia, and the other Eastern King­doms. The first Emperour of the Tar­tars was Changius Cham, about the year 1200, the Vth from him was Chobitas (as Haiton calls him,) or Cublai the great [Page 217] Cham. This Princes Court and a very large Empire belonging to him in the Indies, and all the Eastern Countries is largely described by Marcus Paulus Vene­tus Paulus Ve­netus. in his second and third Book of the O­riental Kingdoms, and the Empire of the Tartars, who is an Authour worthy of great Credit; this Cublai was father of Timuri Lechi, (who is commonly call'd Tamerlan,) who shut up Bajazet the Empe­rour of the Turks in an Iron Cage.

In the Books which Matthias a Michou wrote of the Asian and European Tartars, is contain'd a short History of the Tartars and Muscovites. Matinus Proniovius wrote an History of the Tartars, and Johannes Leunclavius wrote of the Wars of the Mus­covites against their Neighbour Nations. Paulus Oderbonius wrote the Life of John Basilides Duke of Muscovy very elegantly. Reinoldus Hidenstein wrote a Commentary in VI Books of the War of Muscovy, made by Stephen King of Poland. Bredenbrachius wrote the War of Livonia, in which the Muscovites destroyed and dessolated the whole Province of Torpate. Paulus Jovius Novocomensis wrote of the Embassies of the Muscovites, and Sigismundus Liberius wrote Commentaries of their affairs.

ARTICLE XIV.

The History of Aethiopia, India, almost all Africa, and most of the new World or A­merica.

THe History of Aethiopia is to be fetch'd from Johannes Bohemus, Damianus a Goes, Franciscus Alvaresius and Ludovi­cus Romanus Patritius, which last hath writ VII Books of the Navigation of Aethio­pia, Egypt, both the Arabias and the Indies.

Johannes Maerus Santineus, hath wrote an Indian History in III Books, Nicholaus Godignus hath also writ an Aethiopick Hi­story.

Ludovicus Vartomannus, when he had tra­vell'd Aethiopia, Egypt, Arabia, Persia, Syria, and the East-Indies, wrote all his Travels in VI Books.

Leo Afer a Moore but born in Spain, and first a Mahometan, and afterwards a Leo. Afri­canus. Christian, when he had travelled almost all Africa, Asia the less, and a great part of Europe, was taken and given to Leo the Xth, where he translated into the Italian Tongue, what he had with incredible la­bour and industry, collected and written in the Arabian, concerning the people of Africa and their Manners, Laws, Customs, and the Description of that Countrey, which Johannes Florianus afterwards tran­slated [Page 219] into Latine; this Authour will there­fore serve instead of all others for the A­frican Story, and yet if the Reader be so pleased, he may add to him P. Jovius and Alvaresius.

Grotius, Laet, Hornius and some others, have Learnedly written of the Origine of the People of America, but then in order to the attainment of a perfect History of the Americans, the Voiages of Christopher Columbus, Aloysius Cadamustus, Cortesius, Novius, Benzo, Lyrius, Gomarus, and o­thers are to be perused, which have been described by several Writers, Gonsalus Fer­dinandus Oviedus is so Learned a Writer of the History of the new World, that Car­danus De Subtili. & de me­tal. thinks him the onely Authour a­mongst the Historians of our Age, who deserves to be compared with the Anci­ents.

And in general the Transactions of both the East and West-Indies, China, Japan, Magellan, &c. may be known from the Navigations of the Portuges, Hollanders, English, Spaniards; to whom the Jesuites may be added, as Petrus Maffaeus, Johannes Acosta, Mart. Martinus and others, who ought yet to be read with great caution, because they are excessively taken up in seting forth the Miracles and Martyrdoms of their new Saints.

ARTICLE XV.

The Historians of some great Cities.

BEsides those Historians which have given us accounts of particular Na­tions, there are some others who have made it their business to describe the affairs of some particular Cities, and our design here is, to give you the Names of those that have written the Stories of the most emi­nent Cities, because it is not possible to reckon or reade all.

VENICE.

Petrus Bembus has written an History of Venice in XII Books, by the order of the Bembus. Council of Ten, (as he saith in the beginning of it,) with the highest degree both of elegance and truth, and though Justus Lipsius the Prince of all the Criticks, has made a short Invective against his Style, yet in another place he excuseth his sharp­ness, Ep. Miscell. cent. 2. Ep. 57. as having been transported on that occasion a little too far, and the Learned Heinsius saith, Bembus was the onely Histo­rian Orat. 19. of that Age, who wrote pure Latine, and which was then the propriety of the Ita­lians, his style is unmix'd and genuine, nei­ther painted with false Colours, nor fantasti­cally adorned. The affairs of the Venetians are also comprehended by M. Antonius Sa­bellicus Sabellicus. [Page 221] in XXXIII Books, and in a short Chronicle by And. Dandulus a Duke of Dandulus. Venice, (of whom Petrarcha, Blondus and others have made mention with commen­dations;) Petrus Justinianus hath deduced the History of this City, from the building of it to the year 1575, and to these may Justinia­nus. be added Johannes Baptista Egnatius, Petrus Marcellus a Venetian, Janotius the Cardinal, Contarenus, Blondus and Moccenicus.

GENOVA.

Isaacus de Voragine has described the History of Genova to the year 1296, which Georgius Stella hath continued to the year 1422, Johannes Stella to the year 1435, Cephanus begins at the year 1488, and con­tinues it to the year 1514, Parthenopaeus begins 1527, and ends Anno 1541, to which may be added Petrus Bizarus his Hi­story of Genova, Ubertus Folietta, Paulus Interjanus, and Jacobus Bracellius.

PADOVA.

Gulielmus Cortusius began an History of this City, but Albigretus his Kinsman was the finisher of it, of whom P. Vergerius speaks thus, Cortusius in writing neglected In Vitis Princip. Car. that Elegance which it was not in his power to attain to; Bonus Patavinus wrote the Hi­story of Padova, from its building to the times of Albertus the Emperour, Anno 1334, [Page 222] to which may be added Bernardus, Scarda­onius, Joan. Bap. Ramnusius, and others.

FLORENCE.

Leon Aretinus wrote an History of Flo­rence Aretinus. in XII Books, of whom Aeneas Syl­vius presumes to say, that no man since Lactantius ever came nearer the style of Ci­cero; Poggius Florentinus employ'd his Pen on the same Subject too, but it seems both of them fearing to give offence, (contra­ry to that great Law of History, which is not to dare to write any thing that is false, nor fear to write any thing that is true,) are mealy mouthed in those things that relate to their intestine Commotions, which is the reason Nich. Machiavellus assigns why he began his History from the Foundation Machia­vellus. of the City, and not from the time the Family of the Medices obtain'd the Sove­reignty of that State, and from thence he has brought the Story down to the year 1493. May I have leave here in passing to consider what may justly be thought of Machiavell; what he writes concerning Princes and Poli­ticks is so Infectious, that no man can approach this Pest of Mankind safely, without the Antidote of an Antimachiavell, or some other potent Preservative. But then as to his Florentine History, he is not in that destïtute of Subtilty, and an un­usal Prudence, and there are many things in it very rare and no less usefull; as for [Page 223] instance, what he relates Concisely and Elegantly concerning the fall of the Roman Empire, the Migration of the Northern Nations, and the rise and increase of the Papal Power; and yet a man ought not to be secure here neither, except he hath the faculty of separating the Ore from the Dross. I think it not impertinent to sub­joyn here the censure of Possevinus, Ma­chiavell (saith he,) was not destitute of sub­tilty, but Piety and Experience, which wings being wanting in any man, if he attempts to fly, he must of necessity fall down headlong, but to return to our Subject, to Aretinus, Poggio and Machiavell, you may add Ja­cobus Nardus, Leon Florentinus, Ugolinus, Verinus and others, who have illustrated the Florentine History by their Writings.

NAPLES.

Pandulphus Collenutius has Composed an History of this City, from the times of Au­gustus to Charles the Vth, to whom you may add Jovianus Pontanus his Naples, &c. but to be short, Franciscus Guicciardinus has wrote the History of Italy, from the year 1494, to the year 1596, and Michael Tu­bingensis hath given us an account of the Wars of Italy.

Of the Affairs of SICILY, Fazellus, Ritius, and Verrerius; of the Ferrarian Hi­story, Jo. B. Pigna; of the Brixian, Elias [Page 224] Capreolus; of the Bononian, Car. Sigonius; of the Ravennian, Hiero. Rubeus; of that of Milan, Corius and Arlunus; of that of Man­tua, Platina; of that of Este, Johannes Bona­costa; of the Bergamonian, M. Antonius Mi­chael; of the actions of the Millanois, Gaud. Merula and others have written distinct Histories.

And thus, kind Reader, I have commu­nicated to you, what I have in some spare hours collected and laid together, concer­ning the Historians of particular Nations, nor did I design this Appendix should en­crease to a larger Bulk.

THE METHOD and ORDER OF Reading Church Histories.
SECT. XXXII.

A Transition to the Church History; who were better able to have done this; two in­tervals of time especially to be observed; the Bible contains the first Period, and with it Josephus his Antiquities are to be read The Judgments of Learned men concerning Josephus; Hegesippus though ascribed to a wrong Authour not to be rejected: in what sense that Authour is usefull and commendable: the Sacred History of Sul­pitius Severus is deservedly recommended to the Reader.

WHen I was once got thus far, I thought verily I had performed the Work I undertook, as the Subject of my first Chapter; but some Learned young [Page 226] men who heretofore were my Hearers, ad­monished me, that it was much desired that I should in the same manner give an account of the Writers of the Church History. Now though I thought this might much more reasonably be desired at the hands of him who is the greatest Divine we have, the Re­gius The most Learned Doctour, Dr. John Prideaux, Master of Exon Col­lege. Professor, an excellent Person; A plen­tifull fountain, as of all other sorts of Lear­ning, so, amongst the rest, of all sorts of Histories; at whose Waters, I have very often, with the greatest pleasure, quench'd my thirst: yet because some of my more Learned Acquintance persuaded me to doe it; I did not hink it fit wholly to decline the task. So, at last, I resolved to adjoin here a Chain of the Writers of the Church History. Whoever therefore desires to un­derstand, and in a good Order and Method reade the Ecclesiastical History, should pro­pose to himself two Intervals of time (that I may pass over the thing with as few words as is possible.) The first of these is from the Creation of the World to the Incarna­tion of Christ our Redeemer; during which interval of time, the Church of the Old Testament, (call'd the Jewish,) is storied to have sometimes flourished, and at others to have suffered a hard servitude under se­veral Tyrants: the other period is, from the Incarnation of Jesus Christ, to the Age in which we live, in which the New Testa­ment, or Christian Church, performs its warfare. The first Interval contains Four [Page 227] thousand years, abating Fifty, if we may believe Scaliger (whom we have all along hitherto followed.) The second contains One thousand six hundred, and so many years over as we commonly count, and are still going on. And therefore it is, the Story of that first interval, I say, is to be fetched, in the first place, from the Old Te­stament, which the Reader ought, above all others, in the first place diligently to turn over, and studiously to search into, and he will soon see his Labour is well bestowed, if together with the Scriptures, he take in Jo­sephus Josephus flourished a­bout 80 years after Christ, under Domitian. his Antiquities of the Jews, and those Books he wrote of their Wars. For in these Books, the Eloquent Son of Matathi­as has woven the History of the Old-Te­stament-Church, from the Creation of the World, to the last destruction of Jerusa­lem, which happened somewhat above Four thousand and thirty years after the Crea­tion of the World: and that with so great a fidelity, that St. Hierome, no dull Censor, gave him a place amongst the Ecclesiastick Lib. de E­men. temp. in Prol. Writers. And the great Scaliger thought it more reasonable to believe him, than all the Greek and Latin Writers, not onely in the Jewish affairs, but also in what he relates concerning other Nations. That there are (saith Baldwin the Civil Lawyer) De Institut. Hist. lib. 1. some mistakes in Josephus, who can deny? But then how many true, great, and necessary [Page 228] things are there in him for the illustration of the Sacred History? besides, what others call falsehood, Melchior Canus more mildly calls errours; they being the deviations of an Ignorant Man, not the Lies and Frauds of a Deceiver. Some Man would here persuade the Reader to subjoin, or rather take in together with Josephus his History of the Wars of the Jews, Hegesippus, an excellent Authour, in the Opinion of Melchior Canus, a Man of an approved Faith, and a Hegesippus, lib. 11. Loc. comm. cap. ult. Casaub. in Exercit. 1. Contr. Baron. Vossius, de Hist. Gre. l. 2. c. 14. grave Historian. But in the esteem of the most Learned Casaubon and Vossius, he is a Spurious, Pretending, and Suppositious, and, in short, an Authour of no Antiquity, or at least quite another Man from that Noble Hegesippus, who li­ved near the times of the Apostles, and was Contemporary with Justin Martyr, and Athenagoras, of whom frequent mention is made by Eusebius and St. Hierome, and yet after all this, there are some who think he is no contemptible, or unprofitable Au­thour. in his first Book he has given an Account of the Wars of the Jews, from the times of the Maccabees to the Birth of Christ, and the death of Herod (the Great.) And in his Second Book he brings down the History to the Expedition of Vespasian into Judaea, Anno Christi 69. and then in his IIId, IVth and Vth Books, he [Page 229] has Consecrated to the memory of Posterity, the Story of the total devastation of Judaea, and the utter Ruine of Jerusalem by Ve­spasian and his Son Titus, which happened Anno Christi 72. But then saith Bodinus, This may be better and more truely Learned from Josephus, who was not onely present in these Wars, but was a Commander for some time, and being made a Captive, obtain'd from Vespasian and Titus the Privilege of being made a Citizen of Rome, and the Flavian Sir-name, (which was that of their own Family) and also a Statue. And then the Princelike Virtues of an Historian, an exal­ted erudition, a rare integrity, and a great experience shone clearly in that person. And it is farther objected against this fictiti­ous Hegesippus, that he doth not treat of the Affairs of the Church, but onely of those of the Jews, from the time of the Maccabees to the ruine of Jerusalem. But we may Answer Bodinus in the first place; that this Hegesippus has shortly and ele­gantly comprehended in that Work, what Josephus hath more copiously related in his VII. Books of the Wars of the Jews, and scatteringly in his Antiquities. And in the next place, that this Authour doth no less religiously than truely set forth some things concerning our Saviour Jesus Christ, which are either altogether passed by, by Josephus, or onely slightly mention'd by him, because perhaps he had an aversion for our Religion. And he also sets down, [Page 230] in a few words, the causes of the War; doth Learnedly shew the sources of those great Calamities; and why that People, which alone was chosen by God, and beloved very much, was thus consum'd; why Jerusalem was destroy'd, which was not onely the most Celebrated City of all the East, as Pliny calls it: but, (if we con­sider H. N. Lib. 5. c. 14. the extraordinary Favours of God,) of the whole World. Why the Temple was rased; their Sacred Rites abolished; and the Politick Government of that Na­tion, which had subsisted so many Ages, was for ever taken away. For the serious consideration of these things will yield the pious and prudent Reader a plenty of the most Excellent Fruits which History can afford him.

Or if our Reader of History is better pleased to pass by this sup­positious Authour; and will That Authour which is commonly call'd Hegesip­pus, is Josephus Transla­ted into Latin, by St. Am­brose. Valesius in notis, Ad Amian. Marcellin. lib. 16. c. 8. B. not be discouraged to go back again, and after the Reading the Holy Bible, and the Antiquities of Josephus, and to c [...]ntemplate at one view the whole image of the Sacred History, from the Creation of the World to the Birth of Christ, and so on to the Fourth Centery of the Second In­terval, then let him here take in Sulpitius Severus his Sulpitius flourished a­bout the 427th year of Christ. Sacred History, which he be­gins with the Creation of the [Page 231] World, and ends with the Synod of Borde­aux, Anno Christi 386. He was a Man of much learning and prudence; and a most Polite Writer. His style is so pure and elegant, that Josephus Scaliger calls him, The most Pure Writer of the Church History. But I cannot forbear confirming the Judg­ment of this great Man, by the more Pro­lix, and yet not less elegant testimony of Victor Giselin, a Physician and Antiquary of a most accomplish'd Erudition. He writes thus, The blessed Sulpitius hath with great brevity compris'd, and with an exact distincti­on of times, shortly deduced to the Age in which he lived, the Memory of those things which are contained in the Holy Scriptures, from the beginning of the World. Now whe­ther any Age hath produced Another Work that is more excellent, more noble and more use­full to the Christian Church than this small Piece, I shall willingly leave to the Judgment of those who have better abilities than I to determine of it. But as to the Elegance of it, I dare undertake, and I think I may safely affirm, that it is not inferiour, in any thing, to the best of all the Church Historians: but then, as to all other Works, which are of the same nature, it hath so great advantages over them, that they do not deserve to be compared with it. That which I have said of it, is great, and may perhaps seem to most men in­credible. But yet what I say, has so much truth in it, that I am confident the veracity of the thing will prevail so much, that my testi­mony [Page 232] may be spared, especially as to those who will take the Pains to compare all the parts of this Authour, with Orosius, Florus, Eutro­pius, and the rest of the Writers of Epitomes. He seems to me to have obtain'd the Garland onely by the imitation of C. Salustius a florid Writer of the Roman Story. For observing that many things in him passed for excellen­cies, which would become no other Man, and were scarce possible to be imitated; as his ab­rupt way of speaking, which slips insensibly by the Reader or Hearer, and doth not stay till a Man comes to it; but, as Seneca saith, his Sentences come pouring in, and his words sur­prize by their unexpected falls; these, I say, be left to Salust, as his sole personal excellen­cies. And he studiously avoided his obsolete words, which (as Augustus said) he collec­ted out of Cato's Books de Originibus. But then as to his spruce brevity, tempered with significant Words, and adapted in the highest degree to his design; he imitated that Great Historian with so much Art, that we may well say, he rather emulated him (and strove to out-doe him.) For he did not think it sufficient to follow his style, and to divide, cir­cumscribe, and cut it, and make just such transitions from one thing to another, except he made the same entrances to his Books the other did, but with this difference, that whereas he (as Fabius saith) chose such as had no relation to History; Sulpitius accommodated his a little better to his subject. All which things, in History at least, appear glorious, [Page 233] as any Man may observe at the first Glance. For it was written, as I have said, in the flower of his Age, before his passionate love to Eloquence had been mortified by the severe dis­cipline of the Monastery of Tours. Thus far Giselinus. The Elzivers, two Dutch Printers, put out this Authour Accurately Corrected and Amended, and Eloquently continued out of Sleidan's History of the IV. Monarchies, to the Empire of CHARLES the Vth of that Name. The Truth is, Sulpitius has some Errours, con­cerning which, the Reader may, if he please, consult Bellarmine his Piece, con­cerning the Ecclesiastical Writers, Anno Christi 420. Thus far of those who have Written the Church History of the First Interval, or Period of Time, and which we think ought to be read in the first place.

SECT. XXXIII.

The History of the Second Interval (that is of the Christian Church) is first to be sought for in the Evangelists, and the other Books of the New Testament, where its Infancy is describ'd; there is scarce any besides ex­tant, who were eye-witnesses of any part of its first state, and describ'd it: there are some pieces indeed still in being, whose Au­thours are said to have lived in the same time, and to have described the brave en­counters of the first Matyrs; but they are thought to be spurious by Learned Men, because they are overrun with fables. Ba­ronius confesseth some of the Later Wri­ters are guilty of this fault. Vives and Melchior Canus doe both make the same complaint. As also some of the Ancients; and therefore the History of the Church is to be read with care. And yet too much in­credulity is to be shun'd. Of what Tem­per we should be in the Reading of Histo­ries. The first and most Ancient are to be preferr'd before the latter.

NOw the Second and other Internal (which as I said took its beginning at the Birth of Christ, and continues to our times) is attributed to the New Testa­ment Church, which is call'd the Christian Church, as the former was the Jewish Church. The History of the Christian [Page 235] Church is first to be sought in the Evange­lists, Evange­lists. the faithfull Pen-men of the Holy Ghost; for they have consign'd to Writing the History of our Redeemer, the Lord of all things, the founder, and foundation of the Christian Faith. If I may be allowed to use the Words of the Reverend Bishop of Mountague in Praes. ad Apparat. num. 10. Chichester. After these St. LUKE (that most Learned Bishop also) has Consecra­ted to eternity the Acts of the Apostles, espe­cially the Travels of St. Peter and St. Paul, their dangers and encounters, in most pure and most elegant Greek, so that the very Athenians themselves never Wrote the A­tick Dialect more exactly than he. Be­sides those Writers of the New Testament (who have onely represented to us the Cradle of the Christian Church) few others have come to our hands; shall I say few or rather none, who being eye-witness, de­scribed those first Ages; or who have com­mitted to Writing the History of the Church till her youth. Indeed, there are divers Writers extant, which are said to have lived in that first age of the Church; as Prochorus (one of the VII. Deacons which Prochorus. the Apostles themselves Ordain'd,) who is reported to have Wrote that Life of the Evangelist, and Apostle St. John, which is now to be read in the Orthodoxographis, and the Bibliotheca patrum. Abdias the Babylo­nian, Abdias. one of the LXXII. Disciples, (if we may be believe him) who is said to have Wrote X. Books of the Sufferings of the [Page 236] Apostles. Linus his Account of the Mar­tyrdoms of St. Peter and St. Paul. The Linus. Relation of the Sufferings of St. Andrew the Apostle, Written by a Presbyter of A­chaia, and others; which yet are general­ly by the Ancient Fathers reputed and re­gistred amongst the Suppositious and Apo­cryphal Writers; and even Baronius, Bel­larmine, Sextus Sinensis, Melchior Canus, and many other very Learned Men, of this and the foregoing Age: Because, in truth, they are stuft with a parcel of such silly Fables, that they deserve no credit in those things which perhaps are true.

Nor are onely the Writers, as they are commonly call'd of the very first Age, ob­noxious to this fault, but many also of the latter Writers, who writing of the more Ancient times, and being sick, as it were, of too great a Credulity, do strangely a­bound with devised Fables. Which the Great Cardinal ingenuously confesseth. Baronius, in Praef. ad Tom. 2. Annalium. ‘There is nothing (saith he) which seems so much neglected to this day, as a true and certain Account of the Affairs of the Church, Collected with an exact dili­gence. And that I may speak of the more Ancient, it is very difficult to find any of them, who have published Com­mentaries on this subject, which have hit the truth in all points.’ John Luis Vives made just such a Complaint before Baronius. Lib. 5. de trad. discip. p. 360.I have (said he) been much afflicted, when I have seriously considered [Page 237] with my self, how diligently, and with what exact care, the Actions of Alexan­der, Hannibal, Scipio, Pompey, Caesar, and other Commanders: and the Lives of Socrates, Plato, Aristotle, and others of the Philosophers have been written, and fix­ed in an everlasting remembrance, so that there is not the least danger they can ever be lost: But then the Acts of the Apostles, and Martyrs, and of the Saints of our Religion, and the Affairs of the Rising and Established Church, being involved in much darkness, are al­most totally unknown, though they are of so much greater advantage than the Lives of the Philosophers, or Great Ge­nerals, both as to the improvement of our Knowledge and Practice. For what is written of these holy Men, except a very few things, is very much corrupted and defaced with the mixture of many Fables; whilst the Writer, indulging his own humour, doth not tell us what the Saint did, but what the Historian would have had him done: and the Fancy of the Writer dictates the Life, and not the truth of things.’ Vives a little after goes on thus. ‘There have been men who have thought it a great piece of Piety to invent Lies for the sake of Re­ligion; which is both dangerous (for fear those things, which are true, should lose their Credit, by the means of these falshoods) and it is by no means necessa­ry [Page 238] neither; because our holy Religion is supported with so many true (Miracles) that these false ones, like lazy and use­less Souldiers, are rather a burthen and a hinderance, than a help or assistence to it. Thus far that Learned Spaniard. And because his Countryman, Melchior Ca­nus, Lib. 11. Locorum, com. p. 533. a Divine of a great (and not unde­served) reputation with the Papists, a­grees with him in all this; I shall not be unwilling to adjoyn his words too. ‘I speak it with grief, and not by way of reproach, Laertius has Written the Lives of the Philosophers with more care and industry, than the Christians have those of the Saints; Suetonius hath re­presented the Lives of the Caesars with much more truth and sincerity than the Catholicks have the affairs, I will not say of the Emperours, but even those of the Martyrs, holy Virgins and Confes­sors. For they have not conceal'd the Vices, nor the very suspitions of vice, in good and commendable Philosophers or Princes; and in the worst of them they discover the very colours or appearances of Vertue. But the greatest part of our Writers either follow the conduct of their affections, or industriously fain ma­ny things; so that I for my part am ve­ry often both weary and ashamed of them; because I know they have there­by brought nothing of Advantage to the [Page 239] Church of Christ, but very much incon­venience.’ Thus saith Melchior Canus.

Nor are we to think, that it is onely the complaint of the Learned Men of this and the last Age, that the Church Writers are thus corrupted and depraved, as if these faults had crept into them of late onely; or as if none of the most Ancient Wri­ters had been justly to be numbred amongst these depravers of the Church History. A­bove a Thousand and three hundred years agon, before the Church was past its youth, there were some who basely infected the Monuments of the Church with Lies, and made it their business to corrupt them with such impure mixtures. And Arnobius in his Books, Contra Gentes, hath Lib. 1. p. 47. taken this notice of it. But neither (saith he) could all that was done, be written, or arrive at the Knowledge of all men. Many of our great Actions being done by obscure Men, and those who had no knowledge of Letters: and if some of them are committed to Let­ters and Writings, yet even here, by the Ma­lice of the Devils, and of men like them, whose great design and study it is to intercept and ruine this truth, by interpolating, or adding some things to them, or by changing, or taking out Words, Syllables, or Letters, they have put a stop to the Faiths of Wise Men, and corrup­ted the truth of things. Thus Arnobius. And in truth, what could possibly be devised to corrupt and debase the Memory of the An­cient Church, which Pagans, Jews, or Here­ticks, [Page 240] have not deceitfully imposed upon her? What hath not a silly and Credu­lous Superstition feigned? My Hearers, I have pursued these things at large, that they who are desirous to know the Church History, might understand, and diligently consider, with how much care and caution they are to be read: for here a Man is in more danger of being deceived by feign'd stories, than in any other sort of Histories whatsoever. And yet it is confess'd by all, that it is much more mischievous to be involved in errour here, than in Civil History. Now as it befits us to take great care on the one side, that we do not im­brace falsehood for truth rashly; so it be­comes us to consider attentively, that we do not reject what is really true, as false, without deliberation. I confess (saith the Learned Lawyer Balduinus) where there are so many Ambushes, and so many dangers; those De Institu­tione, p. 93. Edit. 16. who remember, that credit is not rashly to be given, deserve to be commended for their sus­pitious modesty and jealousie. But then the unbelief of some others is too great, who will believe nothing but what is written by some one single Authour. As for example, they will believe nothing that is spoken con­cerning the Apostles, but what is written by St. Luke. But then St. Luke did chiefly design to Write the History of St. Paul, and as to that too he omitted some things, as is apparent by the Epistle to the Galatians. St. Luke, speaking of Simon Magus, does [Page 241] onely tell us, That in Samaria, his own Town, being wrought upon by the Reproof of St. Peter, he confessed his Sin. But shall we therefore cry out, that whatever those very Ancient Writers, Justin Martyr, Ter­tullian, Arnobius, Eusebius, Epiphanius and St. Augustine, have delivered, besides this concerning him, is false: and therefore in the Reading of Histories, let us ever re­member to be such, as Aristotle saith those men, who are betwixt youth and old age, commonly are: that is, neither too prone to believe, nor too difficult and distrustive: [...]; that is, Neither believing, nor disbelieving every thing. That of Hesiod is like an Ora­cle,

Lib. 1. oper. & de ver. 370.
[...].
Too much, too little Faith has ruin'd Men.

But some Man may, with great truth, say, That Facility of Belief, and Diffidence, are both, in their turns, of great use and sa­fety. For every verisimilitude is not pre­sently true; nor is every thing that seems at first sight incredible to be concluded therefore false. Truth hath sometimes the resemblance of falsehood: and again, a Lie is masked with the beautifull Colours of truth at other times; as Seneca saith somewhere.

[Page 242] And therefore (that we may proceed) where we cannot have such Witnesses as were present at the Actions they record; the next care is, to hear those who have faithfully delivered what they received from others: especially if the Ages in which they lived, their Antiquity and Virtue, have given them a right to our Faith and made them of good Authority. And a­mongst these, it is fit we should prefer the most Ancient (and as I may say) Clas­sick Authours, before the rest. What A­ristole said of Witnesses, is true here; [...]. The most Ancient deserve most credit, because it is not so easie to corrupt them. And for the most part it also comes to pass, that by how much the later and newer the Account of any Ancient Transaction is, so much the more faulty and corrupt it proves. For as Wine, by how much the oftner it is poured from one Vessel into another, be­comes so much the more weak and dispi­rited: and as Fame, the further it goes, the further it removes from Truth, and ga­thers so much the more of Vanity; even so for the most part a History being re­peated by many, and toss'd to and fro, and told every time in other Words, is diffused (takes aire) and at last contami­nates and degenerates into a mere Fable. Indeed I have made this Discourse much longer than I intended; but Prudent Rea­ders will afford me so much the more easily [Page 243] their Pardon, if they please to consider, that all this has no other scope, than the making men extremely cautious in their turning over the Volumes of the Church History. And therefore I will now pass on to the Catalogue of those Authours, and the Order of them, which Learned Men have prescribed to be read after the Books of the New Testament, in which I shall be as short as it is fit I should be.

SECT. XXXIV.

At last, in the Third Centery, the Church then beginning to flourish, Ecclesiastical History began to flourish too. Eusebius Pamphili, the Prince amongst the Church Historians, he emulates Xenophon in his Books of the Life of Constantine. Many things which he Wrote are lost. His Authority vindica­ted. How far his History reacheth. Sca­liger's judgment concerning Ruffinus. The Tripartite History. The Reading of Eu­sebius his Panegyrick recommended.

SEeing then those Writers, who are said to have lived with the Apostles, are to be rejected (as is said above) as spurious; and those that followed them immediately in the two next Centeries are not extant, being either swallowed up in that vast ship­wreck of Learning; or (as the opinion of the Learned Casaubon is) seeing they rather I rolegom. ad exerci­tat. seem to have begun to think of writing some­thing of this Nature, than seriously to have applied their Minds and Pens to the illustra­ting this subject. Let us cast our eyes upon the third Centery, which, with the two which follow it, may justly (in his esteem) be call'd, [...] the very Flower and Golden Age of the Church.

As in that Age Theological Studies flou­rished every where, so the Church History, which till then was almost totally unknown, [Page 245] began to sprought up and grow verdant. The first that set out in that Race (as Eusebius flourished Anno Chri­sti 330. far as is known to us) was Eusebius Pam­phili, who took his Sir Name from Pam­philus the Martyr, who was his intimate Friend as Libro de illust. viris. St. Hierome acquaints us; he was Bishop of Caesarea in Palestine, in the Reign of Con­stantine the Great, (who, as Cedrenus tells us, was a Great Historian, and a general Scho­lar) and without controversie he was then thought the most Learned Man of the Age. He (I say) as he himself affirm­eth in the entrance of his first Book, was the first who applied himself to Write an Universal History of the Catholick Church; Beginning therefore with the Birth of Our LORD, and proceeding accurately through all the times of the Tyrants, he describes the Series of the Affairs of the Church, the Successions of the Apostles, and other Illu­strious Doctours in the Church. The Doc­trine of the Gospel; the Persecutions which Tyrants moved against the Church, and the Martyrdoms that followed in them, and the perverse Doctrines of Hereticks; all which he dednced, with a mighty indu­stry, in Ten Books, to his own times.

Eusebius also Wrote the Life of Constan­tine in Four Books, which are now extant, and acknowledged to be genuine by Photi­us. But then, as he followed the Exam­ple Vide Circe­str. praefat. Apparat. n [...] 35. of Xenophon (who described the In­stitution and Encomium of Cyrus, more that he he might propose to our Contemplati­on [Page 246] the Image of a good Prince, than that he might give a true History of him;) so Eusebius did not so much dress up the History of the Life of Constantine, as a Pa­negyrick of the Praises of that Prince, and his glorious Actions. And therefore Pho­tius call'd that Piece, An Encomium, in four Books. And certainly he has there­in represented to our eyes the Lively Pic­ture of an excellent Prince, which the most potent Kings and Princes may contemplate to their great advantage, as Grynaeus right­ly observeth.

And the Reverend Bishop of Chichester observes also, that Eusebius collected the History of the Martyrs out of the Archives, or Registers of the Churches, and the Com­mentaries of the Publick Notaries, and the common Tables or Catalogues; Nor was it (saith he) onely a Brevary designed for the reciting their Names, of the same Na­ture Ibid. Num. 14 & 18. with the Martyrologie, which is now in use in the Church of Rome, drawn up by Bede, Usuardus, or other such like Authours; or like the Greeks Menologies; but they were Historical Narratives of the things that happened, and Commentaries Written at large, as the Reverend Prelate proves out of Eu­sebius himself. Where, speaking of Apolloni­us, Lib. 5. c. 10. he saith, If any person is desirous exactly to know his words spoken before the Judge, and what Answer he gave to the Questions of Perennius, and his Apologetick Oration which he made before the Senate; Let him be plea­sed [Page 247] to Read the Book which we compos'd of the Actions of the Ancient holy Martyrs. But Voss. de Hist. Gre. l. 2. c. 17. that Work of Eusebius, and many others (of which St. Hierome makes mention amongst the Ecclesiastical Writers) are lost, and have not fallen into the hands of the Men of these later Ages.

But there is not a few who detract what they can from the Authority of Eusebius, and say, That his Church History was re­jected by Pope Gelasius in a Council, and pronounced an Apochryphal Book. But for the Asserting the Authority of Eusebi­us, it is sufficient that Gelasius himself tells us, in the beginning of that Censure, that the Chronicle of Eusebius of Caesarea, and his Ecclesiastical History are not to be intirely Lib. 5. rejected, for the rare and excellent Know­ledge they afford us: Which is aiso said by Volaterranus, in the Decretals, Eusebius his Chronicle and Church History onely are received. But if any body thinks otherwise let the confirmation of Melchior Canus be Lib. 11. p. 543. considered, his words are these; It is suffi­ciently apparent, that all the rest of Eusebi­us his Church History, pleased Gelasius and the Council; in that they are pleased to ac­quaint us with what displeased them; and Calin. Me­dulla. Com. 3. p. 6. therefore if you take out the Fable of Abga­rus, and the Commendations of Origen, they say (in a manner) that all the rest of his History is worthy of our credit and beliefe. The Judgment of Scultotus pleaseth me, as to this, very much, which he unfolds in Medulla. Com. p 6. [Page 248] these words. Those Books which contain the History of the Church, do sufficiently demon­strate, that that Story of the Primitive Church is true, which is fetched from the Genuine Wri­tings of the Orthodox Fathers: for as long as Eusebius, in his History, follows Justin, Ire­naeus, Origen, Tertullian, Cyprian, Cle­mens Alexandrinus; and such other Fathers of approved faith, he is an Historian wor­thy of our belief and trust: But whenever he quotes Tradition, and appeals to things that were reported, but not written, then he mix­eth many things that are Fabulous. Thus far Scultetus. The truth is, the Papists do frequently reprehend Eusebius with great bitterness, and fiercely fall upon him; but above all others, Cardinal Baronius (as the same Scultetus observes) discovers his ha­tred of Eusebius; for which he had no o­ther reason than this, viz. He being the Histo­rian who hath prosecuted so largely the Com­mendations, Ibid. p. 2. and Donations of Constantine to the Church, has not onely not mentioned his Grant to the See of Rome, but has plainly intimated it to be false, in Writing, that Con­stantine was not baptized by the Pope at Rome; but by another at Nichomedia. But they pretend too that he was infected with Arianisme, and that he ever favoured the Arian Party; and therefore he is some­times accused of Partiality. That he was infected with that Heresie before the Coun­cil of Nice, is, in truth, too apparent to be denied: but then some write, that af­ter [Page 249] that time he willingly imbraced the Authority of the Holy Fathers of that Council, and lived most holily and piously in the Catholick Doctrine. Yea, it is re­ported amongst the Greeks (as George Tra­pezunce Praefat ad Nicol. V. bears witness) that at the com­mand of the holy Fathers, he drew up the Nicene Creed; which he composed in such words, that he delivered to the Fathers in Writing that Form, The Son of God was Hist. Erl. Socrat. l. 1. c. 5. Cassiod. Hist. Trip. Lib. 2. c. 11. begotten and not made, being of the same Sub­stance with the Father: by which words that Heresie was without controversie con­demn'd. And it is most certain, that he did, by Letters, give a most full and perfect account to his Citizens, of what was done in that Convention, which Letters are still exstant, as Donatus Veronensis writes. Praefat. ad Paul. 3.

But, to proceed, the History of Eusebius reacheth to the year CCCXXV. And Ruf­finus, a Presbyter of Aquileia, an Emula­tour of St. Hierome, translating this Histo­ry out of Greek into Latin, added two Books of his own, and continued the Histo­ry to the death of Theodosius the Empe­rour, An. Christi CCCC. But then in his Translation he took too great a liberty, and in his own Addition he borrowed much from Eusebius; and therefore Joseph Scali­ger, in the Appendix of his incomparable Work, de Emendatione Temporum, calls him a most silly Authour: and perhaps no hurt will be done, if our Student pass him by; for the History of the same times is writ­ten [Page 250] more largely and accurately by Socra­tes, Sozomen and Theodoret.

These three were translated by Epipha­nius Scholasticus into Latin, at the request of the Great Aurelius Cassiodorus, who made of these three one body of History, and put it out under the name of the Tripar­tite Story. But then David Chytraeus, a fa­mous Man, who hath done great service to the World, in relation both to the Ci­vil and Ecclesiastical History, doth admo­nish and exhort all studious Men, that they should not onely reade those fragments which are thus patch'd together by Cassio­dorus; but also the intire Authours which are extant, and carefully Printed both in Greek and Latin, and that they should be­gin with Eusebius his Panegyrick on the Life of Constantine, in which they will find an uninterrupted History of XXX. years; and the chief Edicts and Laws of that Prince, concerning the Christian Religion, carefully expounded in the IId, IIId and IVth Books, which are the Fountains whence Socrates, Theodoret and Sozomen have drawn many things in the beginning of their Histories.

SECT. XXXV.

In what times Socrates lived; from whence and how far he has brought his History: and of Theodoret also, and what is contain'd in each of his Books. The Censure of Photi­us on him. Sozomen the Salamine conti­nues the History to the year of Christ CCCCXXIII. A place of St. Gregorie's against Sozomen consider'd; and an An­swer made to it. The Candor of Sozo­men; the Testimony of Euagrius concern­ing him. Euagrius follows the Tripar­tite History, and continues it to the year DXCVII. Theophilactus Simocatus continued it to the year DCI.

SOcrates, Born at Constantinople under Socrates. Theodosius Junior, the Son of Arcadi­us, beginning his History about the end of that wrote by Eusebius, with the Victory obtain'd by Constantine against Maxentius, Anno Christi CCCXIII. or rather from that year in which he was first declared Empe­rour openly in Britain; that is, from the year of Christ CCCIX, he deduced it to the XVIIth Consulship of the aforesaid The­odosius Junior; that is, to the year of Christ CCCCXLI. in VII. Books, written in a style that is not extraordinarily splendid: the first of which Books contains the times of Constantine the Emperour; the second, those of Constantius; the third, the Reigns [Page 252] of Julian and Jovian; the fourth, those of Valentinian and Valens; the fifth, those of Gratian, and Theodosius the first; the sixth, the times of Arcadius; the seventh con­tains XXXII. years of the Reign of Theo­dosius the younger; the whole History re­presents the Church affairs of CXL. years, as he himself tells us, in express words: in the last Chapter of the VIIth Book; This last Boak (saith he) contains the space of XXXII. years, but the whole History, which is divided into VII. Books, contains CXL. years; which begins with the first year of the Two hundereth seventy and first Olympiad, in which Constantine was declared Emperour, and ends in the second year of the Three hundreth and fifth Olympiad, at the XVIIth Consulship of Theodosius the Emperour. It is clear from several places, that he favoured the Faction of the Novatians; for (which is observed by the most Learned Jacob Billi­us) he is extremely pleased, not onely when he meets, but when he can but pretend to have found an occasion of speaking much in favour of the Novatians: and if any Man had, out of a Pious Zeal, more sharply treated the No­vations, Socrates would be sure to find some opportunity or other to traduce his Name and Reputation; but so cunningly, that to a Rea­der of an ordinary capacity, he will seem ra­ther to have done it out of a desire of speak­ing truth, than out of a compliance with his own Anger and Resentment: This, I say, is the Censure of J. Billius, a very Learned [Page 253] Man, upon Socrates, the Authour of the Church History, which I thought fit to in­sert here, that our Lover of History might make use of the greater caution in the reading him.

Theodoret lived in the same times, and Theodoret. was Bishop of Cyrus, a City of Mesopota­mia or Syria. He wrote an Ecclesiastical History, from the end of Eusebius his Histo­ry, and the rise of the Arrian Heresie, which he hath also brought down to the times of Theodosius Junior; wherein he gives somewhat a larger account of the Actions done in the second General Coun­cil, than any other Historian that is ex­tant. In the first Book of his History he gives us the History of the Church under Constantine the Great: in the second, he ex­pounds what happened under Constantius: in the third, he tells us the Church affairs under Julian the Apostate; the fourth Book he attributed to Jovian, Valentinian and Valens; the fifth to Gratian, Theodosius the Great, and Arcadius: and in the same Book he toucheth the beginning of the Reign of Theodosius the younger; the Censure of Tinem. 31. Photius concerning the style of Theodoret is this; That it is fitter for an History than that used by Socrates, or that of Hermias Sozomen, or that of Euagrius Ponticus; and Lib. 2. de Hist. Gr [...]. 20. of the same opinion is that most Learned Man Gerardus Johannes Vossius.

Hermias Sozomenus was Bishop of Sala­mine, Sozome­nus. a City of Cyprus, and flourished also [Page 254] under Theodosius, to whom he dedicated his History, beginning at the Consulate of Crispus and Constantinus, Anno Christi CCCXXIII. he continued it to the death of Honorius, An Christ. CCCCXXIII. which space of time he comprehends in IX. Books, the two first of which repeat the things done in the times of Constantine the Great; the third and fourth contain the transac­tions under the Three Children of Con­stantine; the fifth and sixth comprehend the times of Valentinian and Valens; the seventh those of Gratian and Theodosius the First; the eighth the times of Arcadius; the ninth runs through the times of Theodo­sius the Second, as far as the death of Ho­norius, Anno Christi CCCCXXIII. which was the XVI. year of the Reign of The­odosius Junior. But then the See of Rome refuseth to receive this Historian too, and (these are the words of Gregory the Great) Lib. 6. Ep. 31. that because he tells many Lies, and commends Thedorus Mopsuestia too much, and saith, he was a Great Doctor of the Church to the day of his death. I was directed to this place by George Hackwill, Professor of Di­vinity, a person of a various erudition, and of a singular both piety and prudence. But to this Melchior Canus long since repli­ed; Lib. 11. p. 544, &c. That there is no such thing to be found in Sozomen, concerning Theodorus Mo­psuestia. And that Gregorie's memory fail'd him, whilst, instead of Theodoret, he Wrote Sozomen; for the words he mentions are [Page 255] Theodoret's: and Cardinal Baronius sup­plies us with another Answer, by saying, That Sozomen, the Commender of Theodo­rus Lib. 5. c. 27. &c. 40. Tom. 4. ad Annum 438. Mopsuestia, is not received by the See of Rome, as to that particular: But in all the rest, he, speaking the truth, how could he be rejected? and besides, it is apparent, that So­zomen was not rejected by Gelasius the Pope (whom no man can, in the opinion of the Car­dinal, disown; such was his Authority and Learning) but rather esteem'd to be of more credit than Eusebius of Caesarea; and his History is accordingly more valued by Phocius than that of Socrates. And Canus farther answereth, That the Testimony of Sozo­men was made use of, and approved in the Council of Florence, in which the Emperour Palaologus was present. However we may think candidly of him, not onely by rea­son of the sincerity and veracity which he pretends to in his first Chapter, and pro­miseth throughout: for when he was to relate the contentions, quarrels and perfi­dy of many Orthodox Men, and many other foul actions done by them, he deprecates the opinion of a malevolent humour, as is observed by the Learned Casaubon: For he In Praef. ad Polyb. saith, he does not write these things out of any pleasure he takes in them, but whe­ther he would or no; because what was done, could not be undone: but on the other side, to be silent, as to those things which were done, was to betray the truth, and break the Laws of a good History. [Page 256] [...] (saith he) [...]. And again, [...]. It is fit to take care of truth, in or­der to the preservation of the sincerity of Histo­ry; and again, An Historian should esteem truth above all other things: But also for the sake of that Judgment Euagrius has given of him, whose words are these; Eusebius, Sozomen, Theodoret and Socra­tes, have accurately committed to Writing the coming of our most Mercifull Saviour into the World, his Ascension into Heaven, the Acts of the holy Apostles, the Martyrdoms of the holy Martyrs, and whatever else has been done worthy of commendation or blame, to the Reign of Theodosius, and somewhat far­ther: this, I say, is the judgment of Eua­grius Scholasticus, a very famous Historian of those times, and the first Orthodox Church Historian that wrote, if we will believe Baronius, or at least his Spondanus ad An­num. 565. Whom yet Ca­saubon represents as not o­vermuch averse from fabu­lous Legends. Exercit. 13. An. 31. n. 58. Epitomizer.

And here Euagrius him­self follows the Writers of the Tripertite History, and begins his Story where So­crates and Theodoret end theirs; that is, from the calling of the Council at Ephe­sus by the authority of Theodosius the younger, about the year of Christ CCCCXXXI, in which Nestorius was con­demn'd; and he continues his History to Euagrius. the XIIth year of the Reign of Mauritius, [Page 257] which is the DXCVII. year of Christ, and he flourished mostly under this Emperour and his Successour Tiberius the Second. This History of Euagrius consists of VI. Books; in the first of which he compre­hends the times of Theodosius the younger; in the IId. those of Martian and Leo the Thracian, as he is commonly call'd; in the IIId those of Zeno and Anastasius; in the IVth those of Justin and Justinian; in the Vth those of Justin the Second, and Tibe­rius the Second; in the VIth he goes on to the XIIth year of Mauritius, who was Son-in-Law to Tiberius the Second, and is by some call'd the Cappadocian. And this was the year of Christ 597, as I have said above. And with the same times that Euagrius hath thus written, concur the The Civil Histories of that Age. Histories of Procopius, Agathias and Jornan­des, of the affairs of the Goths; and the Miscellane History of Diaconus, from the XIIth to the XVIIIth Book; and to con­clude, a great part of C. Sigonius his His­tory of the Western Empire, which I thought fit to tell the Reader here, that he might know where to find an enlargement of the Histories of those times.

Theophilactus Simocatus was famous about Theophi­lactus Si­mocatus. the year of Christ DCXII. and is a delicate Writer amongst those of the latter Greek Historians: he wrote VIII. Books of the Actions of Mauritius, which the Reader is to begin when he has read Euagrius. Nor is it possible he should repent of this [Page 258] small Labour, because he brings the His­tory to the year of Christ DCI. to the ve­ry Murther of Mauritius; and that not perfunctorily, but accurately and elabo­rately, so that others have deduced their borrowed streams from him, as from a River, as Pontanus the Jesuite saith. His temper is soft, and exceeding honest, and his Writings discover and testifie. a learn­ing above the ordinary pitch.

And now if the Reader please, let us take a stand a while, and look back, and see how much of our designed Journey is expedited, and let us consider how, and by what means we are arrived at the end of the VIth Century after Christ. Euse­bius comprehends, in his History. some­what above CCC. years, Socrates, Theodo­ret and Sozomen have added to this CXL. years more; and then the History is brought down about CXL. years farther by Euagri­us: and Simocatus makes up the rest of the time (as is said above) to the Six hundred and first year after Christ: in which year Mauritius the Emperour, with his Wife and Children, was Murthered by Phocas, who succeeded him in the Em­pire.

ADDITION.

All these Church Historians were a few years since put out in Greek and Latin by Valesius a Frenchman; with excellent Notes, and a new Version of his own, in three Volumes in Folio; which were soon after translated into English, and put out in one Folio. And they are very exactly transla­ted, and indeed somewhat the less delight­full to the Reader, for being so nicely true and curious.

SECT. XXXVI.

In the VIIth Century, and two or three which follow it, those Writers of Church History, who could treat it as it deserved, were very rare. The Legends of the Saints. Oce­ans of Miracles and Wonders. The times of Rotomantados and Ignorance.

THe Authours above recited have brought us to the VIIth Century; which, if any Man search diligently, with two or three which follow it, I believe he will hardly find any one Authour who has handled the History of the Catholick Church, according to its dignity. There were in­deed in those ages some, who wrote the Lives and Legends of some of the Saints, and the Acts and Passions of the Martyrs: but then they swarm with fables, and ob­trude upon credulous and superstitious Men whole bed-rolls of Miracles. And as Bellarmine himself saith of Simeon Meta­phrastes (who flourished Anno 859.) they add many things of their own invention, and write them not as they were, but as they Lib. de Ec­cles. Script. p. 850. might have been done, in the times of Da­mascen, and German the Constantinopolitan amongst the Greeks (saith our Reverend Bishop) and in the times of George the Dialogist, and the other George of Tours; and in the times of our venerable Bede, the Ocean of Miracles and Wonders burst [Page 261] in upon the Church, and overflowed it, which were then sent out of all and eve­ry Cloister, Hospital, Church-yard, Xe­nodoch, or Hospital for Travellers and Strangers, and out of every Thole, Cave and [...]upelo.

And almost the same thing is said by the famous Casaubon; In the Historical Monu­ments (saith he) of those Ages, the Accounts of the Miracles wrought by the Saints, or In Proleg. ad Exerci­tat. their Images or Relicks filled the whole Book, &c. Upon which account a Learned Man said, He doubted whether those Ages were to be call'd, [...]; Times of Rotomantados, or Wonder­making, or of Ignorance. And he will not seem (to me) to err much, who shall af­firm both things of these times; especial­ly if he has respect to the Western Em­pire, and the Latin Church and Writers under that Empire. For after these hor­rible inundations of the Barbarous Nati­ons, the Roman Empire falling into ru­ine, together with it all the Knowledge of good Learning fell also; and an ama­zing Barbarity and Ignorance poured in upon the Western parts, and all the cul­tivation of Arts and Wits withered away, as if they had been strucken with a Pe­stilential vapour; and lay both neglected and despised, insomuch, that as to Learn­ing (they are the words of the Learned Bishop of Chichester) after Isodorus His­palensis In Praes. ad App. n. 38. (who died in the year of our Lord [Page 262] 636, or thereabouts) to Venerable Bede our Countreyman (who lived about the year 731,) those who were but moderately versed in the more Polite Literature, were scarce so ma­ny in number as the Gates of Thebes, or the Mouthes of the Nile. And I will add those that followed in the two next Cen­turies amongst the Latins, were not much more numerous: But you will say per­haps then, Greece will yet afford us some. And therefore let us now proceed and take a view of them.

SECT. XXXVII.

Nicephorus of Constantinople may follow Simocatus. Nicephorus Callistus full of Errours. Georgius Cedrenus; and the Censures of Scaliger and Vossius on him.

LEt therefore Nicephorus Patriarch of Nicepho­rus Con­stantinopo­litanus. Constantinople follow Simocatus; he lived in the times of Copronymus, about the year of Christ DCCL. and wrote a Brevia­ry, or short History of Affairs, from the Murther of Mauritius (where Simocatus Voss. de Hist. Grae. 1. 2. c. 24. ended) to the year of Christ DCCLXIX. which Authour was first published, toge­ther with a Latin Translation, by that fa­mous Man, Dionysius Petavius. There is indeed another Nicephorus, known by the Nicepho­rus Calli­stus. Sirname of Callistus, who lived long after the former, for he was born MCCC. years after Christ, and flourished under Androni­cus the Greater, and Andronicus the Lesser his Nephew. This latter Nicephorus be­gins his History with the beginning of the Christian Religion, and continues it to the death of Phocas, who succeeded Mau­ritius, that is, to the year of Christ DCXXV. But all the peculiar errours of the Greeks are to be found in this Authour (as Bellarmine De script. Eccles. Anno 1305. Praef. ad Appar. n. 38. saith) especially such as are Historical. And the Reverend Bishop of Chichester num­bers him amongst those Authours, who, out of foolish superstition, were extremely [Page 264] prone to believe, and put out, or rather ob­trude upon the World prodigious and nauseous Fables.

Georgius Cedrenus the Monk was a little Cedrenus. more ancient than Callistus; he wrote a Compendium of Histories, from the begin­ning of the World to Isacius Comnenus, that is, to the year of Christ, MLVII in which times he seems to have flourished. But then neither is this Authour said to be of any great credit. It is apparent by these words of his, what the great Scali­ger thought of him; The whole Work of Ce­drenus (saith he) is a heap of Chaff, or a Collection made up of many Pieces, some base, some noble, some good, some bad, some intire, some torn. The Judgment of the Learned Vossius concerning him, is a little more fa­vourable; for thus he represents him; He is a little more diligent than Zonaras in the Bizantine affairs: but then in those things which fell before the division of the Empire, he is less exact than Zonaras; Nor is his style equal to his, or that of Nicetas, or Gregoras, or many others; and yet in this Rhapsody, I had almost called it a Chaff heap, it is possible to find some noble pieces: And to conclude, they both Scaliger and Vossi­us. Georgius Syncellus, Theopha­nes. tell us, that he transcrib'd, to a word, Georgius Syn­cellus, and Theophanes, who continued him: and Gesner tells us the whole History of Cedrenus, from the death of Nicephorus the Emperour, commonly call'd Botonias, to the Reign of Isaac Comnenus (a very [Page 265] few things excepted) is extant under the name of Johannes Curopalata, which is also Curopala­ta. confirm'd by the most Learned Casaubon; so that one of them must of necessity steal out of the other.

SECT. XXXVIII.

The Third Tome of Zonaras commended to the Reader; And at the year 1118. An­na Comnena her Alexiades. The high Commendations of that Lady.

JOhannes Zonaras flourished above Fifty Zonaras. years after Cedrenus, about the year of Christ, MCXX. he (as is observed above, amongst the Civil Historians) wrote an Universal History, which he divided into three Tomes; the last of which is thought fit in this place to be recommended to the Reader. For, in this, he laboured to describe more exactly whatever had been done in the East, from Constantine the Great, and his Successours, to the times of this Authour; that having been till then attempted by few men. A very lear­ned Man observes, that in both his two first Tomes, there are many things not mention'd by any other Authour; but that in his third Tome, for the most part he gives account of those Bizantine affairs which are not mentioned by any other Historian besides himself; and were [Page 266] it not for him, we should have been igno­rant of a great part of the Actions of the latter Emperours of the East. Besides, he interwove the History of the Church of Constantinople, and of the Controversies in Religion that were moved in the Ea­stern Church, and continued it down to the death of Alexius Comnenus, an Empe­rour Ann. Chri­sti 1118. who Reigned in his own times. But that is much to be observed, which is re­marked by the Learned Vossius, that in the affairs of his own times he is very care­less, and contracts the Life of Alexius Comnenes into a very narrow compass. But then Anna Comnena, the Daughter of Anna Com­nena. this Emperour, supplied this defect, who wrote several Books on the Life of her Father, and call'd them by the name of Alexiada's. Zonaras in his third Tome, near the end, doth much commend the erudition of this Lady; where he speaks of the Learning and Power of Bryennius Cae­sar her husband, in these words. And he also was given much to study, and his Lady did not take less, but rather more pains in Learning, speaking the Attick Dialect per­fectly; and having a very sharp wit for the Contemplation of the most abstruse things. Nor doth the Historian stop here, but goes on and shews, how she became so ve­ry Learned. Having (saith he) by the benignity of Nature, obtained great faculties, and improv'd them with industry; she spent much time in reading, and the conversation [Page 267] of Learned Men, which she heard diligently. But many have a great suspicion, that this Royal and Learned Lady, out of her great Love for her Father, is a little too partial in this her History.

SECT. XXXIX.

Nicetas Acomiatus follows immediately after Zonaras; after Nicetas, Gregoras. Lip­sius his Judgment of both these Writers. The fidelity of Gregoras call'd in question. Johannes Cantacuzenus is in this place commended to the Reader by the Learned Vossius; after the former follows Laonicus Calcochondylas.

AFter Zonaras, Nicetas Acomiatus, or Choniates immediately follows in or­der, Nicetas Choniates. and subjoins his History. For where Zonaras ends, there Nicetas begins, and prosecutes the Story somewhat largely and freely for LXXXV. years, to the taking of Constantinople by Baldwin the Flandrian, and the year of Christ 1203. He was born at Chonis, a Town of Phrygia, from whence he took his Sir-name.

The Chronicle of Gregoras Logothetes may here also have its place; he has the Gregoras. History of the taking of Constantinople, and of the events that followed for almost LX. years, that is, from Baldwin the Flandrian, to Baldwin the last Emperour. Both Zo­naras [Page 268] and Choniates had great employments in the Constantinopolitan Empire; which made them the fitter to write their Histo­ries; the first was the great Signifies according to some, the Captain of the Watch; according to others, the Colonel of the Millena­ry Regiment. Drungar, and prime Se­cretary: and the Latter was the great Logothetes signifies Lord Chancellour. Logothetes, and Lord Chamberlain of the Sacred (or Presence) Cham­ber. After Nicetas follows also Nicephorus Gregoras, who wrote an History of CXLV. years, to wit, from Theodorus Lascares the First, to his own times, or to the death of Androni­cus Palaeologus the latter, which falls in the year of Christ 1341. We must confess, these two last did not make it so much their business to describe the History of the Church, as that of the Empire, or Ci­vil State: yet because they sometimes in­termix things belonging to the Church, briefly, as occasion serves, and are there­fore reckon'd by others amongst the Ec­clesiastical Writers; and also because Cho­niates connects his Narrative to the Hi­story of Zonaras; and Nicephorus makes it his business to supply, or fill up what (ha­niates had omitted, as if he had designed to perfect the body of the History, there­fore I could not omit them; and that the rather, because amongst the latter Greeks, there are no Authours of better note than these: for the inforcing which last reason to the Lovers of History, and that we may [Page 269] with the greater facility induce them to the Reading of these Authours, I will here paint out the judgment of Justus Lipsius upon them. I confess (saith he) that In Not. ad Polit. 1. 6. 9. Nicetas is not yet publickly and commonly much taken notice of: but he is worthy to be more known; being of a pure and right judg­ment, if there were any such in that Age; his style is laboured, and tastes of Homer and the Poets very often: but then the subject and re­lation it self is distinct, clear, without vanity or trifles, as short as is fit, and faithfull: there is in him frequent and seasonable reflexions or advices: his Judgments of things are not onely free, but sound. In short I wish all Statesmen would reade him, and then I shall not question but some of them will pay me their thanks for this judgment of him, at least I am sure they will owe me thanks. Thus much of Choniates: and of Gregoras he gives this judgment; Nicephorus Grego­ras Nicepho­rus Grego­ras. takes up the History where Nicetas ends it, and brings down the thread of his Narra­tive, but he doth not deserve the same com­mendations; for though he wrote the Histo­ry of affairs, from the taking of the City of Constantinople, to the death of Palaeologus the latter, yet he did it not with the same correctness or industry; and has more of the faults of his Age than the former; he is re­dundant and wandering, and indecently, and sometimes imprudently mixeth his own on­ceits and Harangues. Yet his Judgments are thick sown, and for the most part right: the [Page 270] causes of events are curiously inquired into, and represented; Piety is inculcated, and ma­ny things are seasonably assigned, and turn'd over to the first cause, that is to God. In truth, no Writer has more asserted PROVI­DENCE and FATE. He is to be read for this cause, and also for another; that is, that the greatest part of his History repre­sents a state of affairs, not much unlike our own times; for you will find in him Conten­tions and Quarrels concerning Religion, not much unlike those in our days. Thus far goes Justus Lipsius in his Accounts of this Authour. But then there are some Men of great skill in History, who have some scru­ples concerning the fidelity of this Nice­phorus, Voss. lib. 2. de Hist. Grae. c. 28. especially in the affairs of Andro­nicus Palaeologus, where he ends as I have said above.

And therefore if the Reader please, he may there take in Johannes Cantacuzenus, Jo. Canta­cuzenus. who of an Emperour, became a Monk, and wrote an excellent History under the Ti­tle of Christodulus, of the Reigns of An­dronicus the younger, and his own.

The Learned Vossius commends this Voss. de Hist. Graec. lib. 2. c. 29. History, on many accounts, to those that are conversant in the study of History. This History (saith he) ought to be the more esteemed, because it was written by a Per­son who had not always led an obscure private life; but who was first a I suppose Magnus Domesti­cus signifies Lord High Steward of the Hous­hold. great Officer in the Family and Court of Andronicus Junior; and after his death had the tutelage of his [Page 271] Children; and afterwards (the Senate desi­ring, and the affairs of the Empire requi­ring it) he was elected Emperour, and beha­ved himself prudently and valiantly in that Royal station. To this may be added, that he did not write of things which were scarce known to him, but of such transactions as he was present at, and had the chief conduct of: and, in truth, I think there is hardly any one amongst the Modern Greeks, who ought to be preferr'd before him. This Royal Histori­an flourished about the year of Christ 1350. this History consists of VI. Books (as Vossius there saith) whereof the two first treat of the Reign of Andronicus; the re­maining IV, of his own Reign, and what he did after the death of Andronicus. He was made a Monk in the year of Christ 1360. when he took the Name of Josaaphus. Thus far the Learned Vossius.

And that our Historian may not here be at a loss, or interrupt the thread of his Reading, till he have seen the last peri­od of the Eastern Empire; And the deplo­red state of the Church there (upon that revolution;) he may be pleased to sub­join to the former the History of Laoni­cus Laonicus Chalcocon­dylas. Chalcocondylas the Athenian. For he will diligently shew what followed, and how at last that August, or Royal City, which was not content to be the second City of the World, but greatly emulated Rome, the Sovereign of the Earth, fell in­to the Power of that Potent Tyrant the [Page 272] Turk, the bitter Enemy of our Faith, and of the most Sacred Cross. And he doth also most excellently describe the Rise, Encrease and Progress of this Tyrant and his Nation. He begins his History from Ottoman, the Son of Orthogulis, who began to Reign about the year of Christ MCCC. which he has compos'd in X. Books; and in it he has comprised the Story of the Eastern Church and Empire. And he con­tinues it not onely to the year MCCCCLIII. in which Constantinople was taken by Ma­homet, but also as Vossius assures us, to the De Hist. Graecis, lib. 2. c. 30. year 1463. in which this Mahomet the IId. stoutly defended himself against Matthias King of Hungary, and the Venetians, who invaded his Kingdom. And Vossius saith al­so, Blasius Vigenerius of Bourbon put out this History in French with Notes, which was Printed at Paris in the year 1620.

SECT. XL.

Blondus Foroliviensis may supply the want of the Greek Writers, as to the Church Histo­ry, with some others. Sigebertus Gem­blacensis. The opinion of Cardinal Bellar­mine concerning him. Robertus the Ab­bat continues Sigebert to the year 1210. The Hirshavan Chronicle to the year 1370. and the Additions to that Chronicle to the last Century. The Cosmodromus of Go­belinus Person, where to be Read, its com­mendation. In the stead of it may be read Albertus Crantzius his Metropolis; into which many things are transcribed out of the Cosmodromus; and the History brought down from the times of Charles the Great, to the year 1504. Nauclerus also may supply this defect. And that the Reader may avoid Repetitions, he may begin with the middle generations of the Second Tome. Johannes Sleidanus wrote Ecclesiastical Commentaries, from the year 1517. to the year 1556. which are conti­nued to the year 1609. by Caspar Lun­dorp.

THe Authours I have given account of in the three last Sections, have writ­ten altogether of the Eastern affairs, and do scarcely at all touch the state of the Blondus Forolivien­sis. Western Church. This defect may be sup­plied out of Blondus Foroliviensis, who will [Page 274] serve in stead of many; who has (as is a­bove observed) comprehended in his De­cads an intire and continued series of af­fairs, from the declension of the Empire, and the year of Christ CCCCVII. to the year MCCCC. and what he wants, the fol­lowing Authours will make good.

And in the first place I shall begin with Sigebert, a Monk of Gemblours, a celebrated Sigebertus Gembla­censis. Abbey in Brabant, who was famous about the year of Christ MXCIV. he begins his Chronicle in the year Bucholer. Ad. An. 379. CCCLXXXI. (that is a little before the end of the Tripar­tite History, and continues it to the year M. C. XIII. De scri­ptoribus Eccl. Ann. 1101. Bellarmine accuseth him of bearing ill-will to Commonly call'd Hil­debrand. Gregory the VIIth, Pope of Rome, out of a great affection to Henry the IVth, Emperour of Germany: and perhaps he might favour the Empe­rour; the Cardinal goes higher, and re­proacheth him for Lying, in his account of the death of that Pope; but how true­ly, let the Cardinal Answer for himself.

Robertus Abbat of Mons, continued Si­gebertus Robertus de monte Chronicon Hirshaven­se. his Chronicle to the year MCCX. and the Hirshavan Chronicle of Trithemi­us, to the year MCCCLXX. and to con­clude the Paraleipomena, or Additions of the Abbat of Ursperg, brought down this Abbas Ur­spergensis. Story to our Age almost.

Or if these do not please the Reader, we can furnish him with other which de­serve as well to be read as these. And the first in this set shall be Gobelinus Person, [Page 275] an Authour not to be despised in the opi­nion of Learned Men, who wrote an Uni­versal Chronicle, which he call'd the Cos­modromus: in which he has given an ac­count both of the Civil and Sacred, or Church History, from the Creation of the World to the year of Christ 1418. in which time Sigismund the Son of Charles the IVth Albin. Hist. Sax. p. 246. was Emperour. He divided his whole Work into six Ages, and it appears in eve­ry one of them, that (according to the capacity of the times in which he liv'd) he was a person of no vulgar, either lear­ning or diligence, and study in the search­ing out of what pertains to History. But if the Reader be not willing to give him­self the trouble of a repetition, of what passed before the Birth of Christ; when he comes to this Authour, he may begin with the VIth Age, which takes its Rise at the Nativity of our Lord.

And if he is not at all pleased with this Albertus Crantzius. Authour, he may then pass on to Alber­tus Crantzius, who wrote an History, which he stiles the Metropolis, or an Ecclesiastical History of the Churches built or restor'd in the times of Charles the Great. In the Writing of which History he made great use of Gobelinus his Cosmodromus, and tran­scribd sometime intire Pages out of it in­to his own work, which was afterwards done by many others, as the Learned Vossius bears witness. Crantzius begins at [Page 276] the times of Charles the Great, and goes on to the year MDIV.

Johannes Nauclerus also, a Noble Jo. Naucle­rus. Schwaben, wrote a Chronicle in two Tomes, from the beginning of the World, to the year MD. the first Volume contains LXIII. Generations, that is, all the Generations of the Old Testament; the second Volume, with the Appendixes, comprehends, in LII. Generations, all those of the New Testa­ment. And before this Work was pub­lished, Philip Melancthon, partly by new Methodizing, and partly by encreasing and changing it, made it much the more desi­red, and the more usefull and delightfull al­so when it came out. And here too, the Reader may begin with the second Vo­lume, or from the Middle Generations of the second Volume, if he be desirous to a­void the repetition of those things which he had before read in other Authours.

Johannes Sleidanus also, in the memory Jo. Sleida­nus. of our Fathers, wrote Commentaries con­cerning the state of Religion, from the year MDXVII. to the year MDLVI. (where­in is the History of the Rise of the Reforma­tion throughout all Christendom) which is continued in III. Volumes by Caspar Lun­dorpius, Caspar Lundorp. to the year MDCIX.

SECT. XLI.

Venerable Bede and Usuardus are by no means to be neglected, nor the Writers of the Lives of the Popes of Rome, as Anastasius Bi­bliothecarius, and Bartholomaeus Plati­na their great Elogies; Onuphrius cor­rected and continued Platina to the year 1566. Sigonius interwove the affairs of the Church with his Civil Histories, and so deserves to be esteem'd a Church Histo­rian: the Elogies of Sigonius and Onu­phrius.

BEsides these, there are extant not a few other Historians; which are not less to be valued than those we have men­tion'd. Amongst which, in the first place, I reckon Venerable Bede our Countrey-man, Bede. who wrote Annals from the begin­ning of the World to the Reign of Leo Iconomachus, in whose times he flourished, Anno 730. when this diligent and pious Writer comes near his times, he gives a larger account of affairs than in the for­mer Ages.

Usuardus, a Monk of Fuld in Germany, Usuardus Fuldensis. but a Frenchman by birth, and the Scholar of Allwin our Countreyman, by the com­mand of Charles the Great, put out a Mar­tyrologie, in which he described the Lives of the Confessours, and other Saints, in few words: and this is now extant to the no [Page 278] small advantage of Church History; that I Bellar. de script. Ec­cles. Anno 812. may use the words of a very Learned Man.

I think those who have written the Lives of the Popes of Rome, are to be prized e­qually with the best Writers of the Histo­ry of the Western Church, or rather before them; especially Anastasius Bibliothecarius; and Baptista, or Bartholomaeus Platina. In the first of these we have the Lives of One Anastasius Bibliothe­carius. hundred and nine Popes of Rome, descri­bed sincerely and faithfully, without any varnish of deceitfull Oratory; (as a Lear­ned Man of Mentz expresseth it) which is all the Popes, from St. Peter the Apo­stle, to almost the year of our Lord DCCCLXX. that is, from St. Peter to Nicholas the first, who died in the year 867. We have a noble commendation of this Writer in the Great Annalist Baroni­us; for thus he speaks of him. Anastasi­us Biblioth. though in a rude style, yet with Tome 9. ad Annum 752. & 799. great fidelity, described the History of Af­fairs; yea, we have not one Writer who has more faithfully, or better given a relation of the affairs of his own times, for he had a greater esteem for Truth with simplicity, than for Lies well painted. And the great His­torian Carolus Sigonius thus commends him. This Writer (saith he) ought to be much va­lued by us, because he has those things which are not to be found elsewhere, either in better or worse Writers.

Bartholomaeus Platina (for that Christian Name is given him by Volaterranus, and Platina. [Page 279] the most Learned Vossius has proved by ve­ry good Arguments, that it is his true Name, though he is by most other Wri­ters call'd Baptista) Wrote the Lives of There is a new Versi­on in En­glish of this Authour in the Press, with a con­tinuation to the present Pope. Ecclog. 19. Vir. Illust. Volat. 1. 21. f. 246. b. the Popes to Paul the IId. bringing to light, with an ingenuous labour, and an uncorrupted veracity, the actions of those Papal Princes, as Paulus Jovius writes of him, with whom the judgment of Volater­ranus concerning him exactly agrees; for he affirms, that he was a grave Man, who hated lying, and which is worthy of much wonder, that having spent his youth in Arms, he began to study in his old age: He lived in the times of Pope Sixtus the IVth, to whom he dedicated his Work, and by whom he was made Keeper of the Vatican Library.

Onuphrius Panvinius wrote Notes upon Onuphrius. the foregoing Authour, which in the opi­nion of Bellarmine, are not to be despised. And by the Addition of the Lives of XIV. Popes, brought down the Story to Pope Pius the Vth, and to the year MDLXVI. in describing of which Lives, Onuphrius, besides the Publick Annals, and the Dia­ries Onuph. in praefat. ad Lectorem. and Acts of the Consistory chiefly made use of Raphael Volaterranus, and Paulus Jo­vius, transcribing some things from the latter, but with great brevity.

And to conclude (as we observed, speak­ing above of the Civil Historians) the Lear­ned Sigonius hath, with a singular care, Sigonius. collected what his industry could possibly discover, of the affairs of the Western Em­pire, [Page 280] which did any way concern the Church, as well as the Civil State; and hath recom­mended them to posterity in an elegant style, as truely as he could, considering the obscurity of the things, the disagreement of Writers, and the great remoteness of those times: he begins with Dioclesian, and Maximianus the Emperours, in the year of Christ CCLXXXI. and he ends with the death of Justinian, Anno Christi DLXV. and here also the same Authours Histories of Bononia, and that of the Kingdom of Italy, may be taken in too.

The same thing that is thus done by Sigonius, is also perform'd by Flavius Blon­dus Blondus. Foroliviensis, who begins his History a little lower, at the year of Christ CCCCVII. but continues it farther than Sigonius has brought his, to wit, to the year MCCCCXL. but then he has not employed the same Accuracy, or Elegance with the former; For Blondus his style is not very excellent (as is acknowledged by Volaterranus) and in ancient affairs he sometimes mistakes; yet considering the times in which he li­ved, he has done very well; which, as the Learned Vossius tells us, was about the year of Christ 1440. and that he was Secretary Lib. 3. de Hist. Lat. p. 531. to Pope Eugenius the IVth, and to several other Popes.

SECT. XLII.

The Magdeburgian Centuriators put out a most excellent Work of this nature. The Judgment of the Reverend Bishop of Chi­chester upon it. What is contain'd in that Work worthy of praise. The foundation of it well laid. From whence the Materials for the Structure are fetched. An excuse of the defects.

BUt now if our Reader of Histories The Mag­deburgian Centuria­tors. thinks it too great a labour to read over so long a series of Authours, and doth rather desire to fix upon some one or two (wherein he may find, as it were all the rest) we have for him the Magdeburgian Centuries; chiefly penn'd for this end, by several Learned Men, that they might lay before the eyes of Men, 1. What the Faith of the Church was in every age; 2. What was the external form of Disci­pline. 3. And what changes have hap­pened in her; which they accordingly did perform very well, and put out a work which deserves great commendations, and is very usefull to the Church, especially in our times (in which so many and great controversies concerning both Faith and Discipline are moved.) But then this work must be sometimes cautiously and cir­cumspectly read. Concerning which, may I have your leave to represent the judg­ment [Page 282] of the Reverend Bishop of Chichester, in his own words, by which you will under­stand, how the former Church Histories are to be esteem'd in comparison of this; and what is most particularly to be observed in this work. For thus the most Learned Bi­shop discourseth. After a sort of Chronolo­gical Tables, and Delineations of the Ages Apparat. n. 47. Prae­fat. which succeeded after the Apostles, in which were represented not the [...], or the [...], the Body or whole (of the Church Hi­story) but some Adumbrations of the Great Lines, or Figure of it, with a Lighter La­bour, though not unprofitable: after some vin­tages of the Ecclesiastical History, in which the bunches of Grapes had been gathered here and there, as occasion served by parts, at length a number of Men were found, who se­riously undertook the business, and afforded us a plenty of Wine; to wit, those who are call'd the Magdeburgian Centuriators; who made a noble attempt, undertook a difficult work, and an Herculean enterprise; for they removing the Rubbish of Antiquity, which lay dispersed here and there, and broken, dissipa­ted and cast down; out of that confused heap, built for the use of the Christian World, a certain curious Edifice, of a wonderfull ad­vantage and use; in which there are many things which thou canst not but commend and admire, and not fewer which thou canst not approve. The Reverend Prelate goes on in a more particular enumeration, in acquaint­ing us with what he esteemed worthy of [Page 283] praise and approbation: and I would glad­ly persuade and admonish our Reader dili­gently to observe his words. Certainly (saith he) their order or disposition of things is Magnificent, the series and method Singu­lar; the disposition of affairs and times, which they observe and represent, through every Century, accurate; so that they have distinct­ly exhibited them; their ( [...] Fidei) Representation of the Faith; and ( [...], Disciplinae) Practice of the Discipline; as also of the Manners of Men, and of the pro­gress and encrease of Vertue; the Pests and Spots of the several Ages on the other side; their Heresies, Errours and Deviations from true and sincere Piety; their Schisms and Fac­tions which sprung out of ambition; and the Men who were fam'd in every Age for Eru­dition, and commended for Sanctity; these, I say, and the like Ornaments of the Centu­riators, which neither can, nor ought to be de­nied, strangely affect our Minds, and cast a pleasant Light upon them; and commend not onely the things that are thus agreeably set forth; but also their TRUTH; which is the very Soul of History; and by insinuating it, they do most charmingly allure the eyes and minds of their Readers to them. Now whilst they were building this Historical Palace for us, they laid this as the first foundation; [...], Order and Beauty: and upon this pretious corner stone, cut out of the Mountain by God himself, Structorum Om­nium [...], the infinitely most [Page 284] artfull Builder. Hewen, squared or fitted, and placed or founded in the most holy Wri­tings of the four most sacred Evangelists, and adorn'd and polished both by the Ministry of the Evangelists and the Apostles; which the Apostolical Epistles written to the Churches, and the Acts of those things which were at first done by the Church, have Propagated to Eternity. And after this lanching out into a vast and open Sea, these artificial Finders, and expedite Relators, represent and unfold, through all the several parts of that glorious work, 1. The external form of Discipline, 2. The Rule and tenour of the Churches Faith: 3. The various Mutations in point of Man­ners and Conversation: 4. The Frauds and Impostures of Hereticks: 5. The Impieties and Oppositions, or Persecutions of Adver­saries: 6. And the Agonies and Generous Colluctations or Wrestling of the invincible Souldiers and Leaders of Jesus Christ (the noble Army of Martyrs;) with a vast varie­ty and verity in many other things.

The most Learned Prelate goes on far­ther, and shews us from whence these La­borious and Industrious Centuriators col­lected and brought together so many and such usefull things. ‘All these things (saith he) being thus gathered and Praefat. ad Apparat. n. 49. pack'd together, they brought, as it were, into one common heap, from the Apologetick Writings of the Fathers, from their disputations and interpreta­tions; their commentaries and explicati­ons [Page 285] of those things that were to be be­liev'd; From their Panegyrick Orations and Homilies: and especially from the Acts of the Councils; and from their E­pistles which were written to divers Men, and upon different occasions: And in the last place, from those ancient Histories which were left to us, and had escaped the common Ruine of former times; be­ing yet extant, though not in any great numbers, yet either intire, or reduced in­to Epitomes; a rich, and as far as was possible splendid Collection of Materi­als. And now if something be still wanting to the perfection of this great work, which either ought to have been added, or was design'd, but not effected, it may both in equity and good justice, after the custome of our Ancestors, be excused, not onely because they were the first who undertook this task, which was never attempted by any others: but also because they could never bestow a second care, or a review upon it, that as is usu­ally done in Corrections, what things were at first less exactly, and less clear­ly, either drawn or touched, might after­wards be rendered more smooth and ac­curate, by a greater diligence, and more exact Polishing.’

SECT. XLIII.

The most Learned and most Reverend Bishop of Chichester teacheth us, that the Centuria­tors were obnoxious to errours, which is also confessed by Casaubon; and yet the said Reverend Prelate shews, that this work is of very great use.

THese and many other things hath that Reverend Prelate discoursed con­cerning the Magdeburgians, by which the Reader may clearly perceive, what, and how much they have perform'd. But then it is no less his interest, to know their [...], their Errours, mistakes, and vi­tious affections: Nor did this Learned Bi­shop pass those by untouch'd. No, he clearly shews in what things they have er­red, and made themselves liable to, and worthy of Reprehension; as you may read in the Preface to his Apparatus, Numbers the 50, 51, 52 & 53. and the most Learned Epist. Prae­lim. ad ex­ercitat. cont. Baron. Isaac Casaubon acknowledgeth, that the things which are wanting in several Parts of that most excellent Work, are many in number. And yet in truth, though the Centuriators have not a few things, which neither ought to be born, nor perhaps ex­cused, yet nevertheless that learned Pre­late, in the very next Number (the 54th) of his said Preface, affirms, That we must needs confess that this Laborious Work of these [Page 287] Men, has been very usefull to the Christian World. And that it is a Work worthy of all praise and commendation. Nor doth he pro­nounce his mind here rashly; but immedi­ately subjoins many reasons, some of which I willingly annex here in his own most ele­gant words.

Because (saith he) this work represents the Effigies of the Ancient Christian Church, expresseth her Manners, and declares her Faith: then it shews the Apostolical Successi­ons throughout the Church; and notes the pro­gress and spreading of the Doctrine; and it observeth also the defects, spots, and the [...], (that is) foolish and false Refor­mations, brought in by Hereticks, and the ve­ry sink of Schismaticks. These and many other such like most usefull things, which be­fore lay scattered up and down here and there, like the Ruines of a great building; or the Limbs of a torn Body, they recollected and laid together, that they might be seen at once. Which labour of theirs is both worthy of praise and acceptance, and also attended with a general utility and advantage. And so those things, which before were to be sought for in Labyrinths, and I know not how many wind­ings, and almost infinite Circuits, which lying dispersed, torn and lacerated here and there, offered themselves now in one place, and then in another, as occasion served; and were to be inquired after with great labour and pains, which was not alwayes successfull neither; All these things (I say) being now disposed [Page 288] into order, and put in certain and known places, and by the light of that method and disposition, rendered more commendable; may now be found, by a mean industry, be­cause they do, as it were, present themselves to the eyes of all Men, and without difficul­ty attend their service, and wait upon their present occasions. Thus far has he discour­sed of the Centuriators, and their most fa­mous Work.

SECT. XLIV.

Baronius his Annals equal to the Centuries. A stupendious Work. The judgment of Casaubon upon it; and also that of the Reverend Bishop of Chichester. Those Annals to be read with great caution, and why. Spondanus the Jesuite the Epito­mizer of them.

THe Great Annals of the Great Car­dinal Rainold. de Idol. Rom. l. 1. c. 4. Baronius, which he wrote in opposition to the Centuries, not long since, are of equal moment and esteem, and I will add of as great advantage and use too: a Work (which by the confession of the most Learned Men, and of Casaubon a­mongst the rest) is stupendious, because that great person has in it digested the Transactions of the whole Christian World, especially those that concern the [Page 289] Church into one continued series of years, In Prole­gom. ad ex­ercitat. with the same facility, as if he had wrote the Chronicle of some one City. For he is the Man who first brought to light, I know not from whence, so many things which were utterly unknown before; who with so accurate a diligence, explain'd the suc­cessions of the most ancient Bishops in the great Cities; the rises, progress and ends of the ancient Heresies; And the Turbu­lent and Peaceable times of the Church. who (if he had not abated his own merit, by his excessive partiality) was, without all controversie, worthy to have had the pre­ference before all the ancient and modern Wri­ters, who never were able to attain that de­gree of Learning he had, as the famous Casaubon writes of him: nor is he alone in this high Encomium on him. The greatest part of the Learned Men, who deserve to be the Censors of other Mens Labours, do exactly agree with him, as I have said. But then the most Learned Bishop of Chichester, whom we have already so very often cited, has right to a greater Authority with us, than any other person whatsoever; and he commends the great Cardinal where he deserves it; and yet doth not spare him where he thinks him blame­worthy. But take his own words.

‘There is scarce (saith he) any thing wanting in Baronius, which a Man would mightily desire, if his too great partiality, and, as it were, [...], sympathy [Page 290] and compassion which he every where pursues, and too too much cherishes in him­self (for the interests of the Church of Rome) had been abated; for it cannot be denied (which Learned Men blame in him) that he is so totally taken up with the defence and commendation of those whom he sides with, that all the instances that now are, or heretofore were extant in the Church of Rome, of deserting, or corrupting the Faith, or depraving the ancient manners, of the most leud sales of holy things, and of the most execrable Sacrileges: whatever has been insolently perpetrated, of which sort we may find many examples, acted by most wicked Popes, with insufferable boldness to the prejudice of the Name of Christianity, to the dishonour of the Church, and in contempt of Jesus Christ (which the greatest Catholicks will not deny, but rather acknowledge them to be Monsters of Men, and the very shames of Humanity) yet all these he excuseth; and this is little too, for he defends them; and which is yet worse, he some­times commends them, and with much Oratory adorns and extolls these Vil­lanies. He doth not endeavour to cor­rect the present Manners of Rome by the ancient, but by violence draws the ut­most Antiquity against her will; and, in despite of her reluctance, by the very Throat, to countenance their City Faith; [Page 291] and especially that ill-born Faith, and worse brought up, concerning the direct Omnipotence of the Pope; for the confir­mation of which, he makes use of all his Furniture, and stretches to the ut­most all the powers of his Wit.’ Thus far that Learned Prelate.

So that we may rightly conclude, that it was not without cause, that the excel­lent Casaubon said, That the extraordinary Merits of the Cardinal were corrupted, by his too much favouring his own party. And therefore, my Hearers, the Reader of Ec­clesiastical History is to know, that the Annals of Baronius are not to be read without great caution: but then, where this caution is to be used, and how great it ought to be, is in part shewn by the famous Casaubon, in his Prolegomena's to his Exercitationes Baronianas. But the Lear­ned Bishop of Chichester, as he has shewn, in short, the Errors and Rashnesses of the Centuriators, so in many places he shews, wherein the most Illustrious Anna­list has deserved blame, and that in express and clear words.

Spondanus, a Jesuit, but a foul-mouth'd Sponda­nus. There are besides him some other Epitomizers of Baroni­us, as Bzo­vius, Bisci­ola, and Jo­hannes Ga­briel. Railing Fellow, has contracted that volu­minous Work of the Cardinal into an E­pitome, who might yet perhaps have de­served commendation for his diligence; if he had not too superstitiously pursued the opinions of Baronius, and thereupon en­deavoured to confirm his conceit concern­ing [Page 292] the Omnipotence of the Pope; destroy­ed the Majesty of Kings and Princes, and endeavoured under-hand, and as it were by the bye, to intoxicate his Readers with the pernitious doctrine of Hildebrand.

SECT. XLV.

Lucas Osiander reduced the Eight first Cen­turies of the Magdeburgians into an Epi­tome, and not without good advantage. He skips from the 8th to the 16th. To this Century belongs the History of the Council of Trent. The Praises of that History, and of that Authour. Jacobus Augustus Thuanus inserted into his Accurate Hi­story the Ecclesiastical affairs of those times, beginning at the year 1546, and ending at the year 1608. which History is continued to the year 1618.

LUcas Osiander, a Man of no small fame, reduced into a Compendium Lucas Osi­ander. the Eight first Magdeburgian Centuries, and did it so exactly, that he scarce left out any thing that was very necessary to be known. For (besides the series of the several years) he proposed in a more easie method, what the state of the Church was in all times, from the Birth of our Savi­our; shews how the Doctrine of the Go­spel was spread throughout the World: what Heresies arose in the Church, and by what means they were suppressed: [Page 293] what Persecutions were moved against the Church, and how they were appeased: what Doctours the Churches had in all times, and amongst them the Lives of the Bishops of Rome are related. The acti­ons of the Emperours of Rome also are there described. All which he hath comprehended in a very excellent Compendium. But then he pass'd from the VIIIth Century to the XVIth (which the Magdeburgians had not touched, for they ended in the XIIIth Cen­tury) and he treats of the actions of that a little more largely; and gives the rea­son why he did so in his preliminary E­pistle, in these words. But I (saith he) think that there is no age from the times of the Apostles downward, which is more necessa­ry or usefull to be known to pious Men, than that in which we live, especially as to the Church History, which I now set forth; for it contains an account of very great chan­ges both in Church and States, which are such, so great and so many, as never happened be­fore in any Century.

To this Century belongs the History of The Council of Trent. the Council of Trent, which Council was summon'd in the year 1542. began in the year 1545. continued to the year 1563. the History of which Council, written by Pietro Soave Polano, a Venetian, of the Or­der of the Servi, a Man of admired Lear­ning; of an exquisite Judgment; of an In­defatigable Industry; and of a modesty and integrity that is scarce to be equall'd; is in [Page 294] truth of more value than any Gold, I think I may say then any Jewels, and like to out-live the most lasting Monuments. Which com­mendation is given deservedly to this Hi­storian, by that worthy and learned Sir Na­thaniel Brent, Kt. Master of Merton-Coll. Per­son, who faithfully translated this History into English (who also was the first per­son who brought this pretious Jewel into these Western parts, and to the great good of the Church first published it) and in the preliminary Epistle has thus represented the Authour's Character, and that not without good cause; for he having had a Learned Intercourse with him, and for some time conversed familiarly with him, knew him throughly. Yea the work it self confirms the truth of all this, which was extracted out of the Memoires and Commentaries of Ambassadours; out of the Letters of Prin­ces and Commonwealths, and from the Writings of the Prelates, Divines, and of the very Legates, who were present in the Council; which Writings had till then been carefully kept, and out of them this History was extracted with so much labour, accuracy, study and fidelity (as the said most learned and famous Knight has there observed) that it may equal the best of all the ancient or Modern Histories of that Nature. Neither are you, my Hear­ers, to conceive that this is the testimo­ny of one single Person, concerning either the Work or the Authour: Be pleased then to accept a second and like testimony con­cerning [Page 295] both, from the Latin Translatour Sir Adam Newton Knight. also, a person of the same degree with the former, and for his great Ingenuity and Erudition of a flourishing Name. Who writes thus of that Authour. Nor doth he stand in any need of my Commendation, his Work speaking him a person of an happy In­genuity, and of a great and right judgment, liberally endowed with all sorts of Learning, and abundantly adorn'd both with Divine and Humane Knowledge, and that as well Moral as Political or Civil, whereby he has attain'd a high degree, both of Probity and Sweet­ness of Mind. And of the Work it self he speaks thus. As to what concerns the structure of this History, whether you consi­der the things themselves, or his Language: and in the things, if you observe the order of times, the Counsels, the things done, the events; and in the management of affairs, if you desire not onely what was done or said, should be discoursed, but also in what man­ner; and that when the event is told, at the same time all the causes should be unfolded, and all the accidents which sprung from wise­dom or folly: All these, and a multitude of other such like things, which the great Ma­sters of History require in a good Historian, he has performed so fully and exactly, that in forming the History of one Council, he hath represented all the Perfections of Histo­ry; and, upon this account, deserves to be numbered amongst the most noble Historians.

[Page 296] Thuanus. Jacobus Augustus Thuanus, a Man of No­ble Birth, of great Learning and Dignity, and worthy of the principal place amongst the Historians of this Age, as we have observed above, wrote the affairs of this Century, as well Ecclesiastical as Civil, from the year 1546, to the year 1608, with great exactness; which History we have lately continued to the year 1618.

Vossius.Besides all these which I have named, the Books of the Learned and Famous Gerar­dus Johannes Vossius, concerning the Greek and Latin Historians, will supply the Rea­der with the Names of a vast number of other both Civil and Ecclesiastical Histori­ans; out of which, any Man that is not pleased with the choice I have made, may choose out others at his pleasure. But thus I think, and that I have spoken e­nough concerning the First Part of my Method.

THE METHOD and ORDER OF Reading Histories. Part the Second.
Concerning a Competent Reader.

SECT. I.

A young Man is as well to be thought an unqua­lified, or incompetent Reader of History, as of Moral Philosophy. What things are re­quired to both. The end and scope of Rea­ding. The disagreeing opinions of the most Learned Vossius, and Keckerman con­cerning this Question.

WE have finished the First Part; in which we have represented the Authours both of the CI­VIL and ECCLESIASTICAL History. And we have made choice of those which [Page 298] we esteem'd the best of both sorts: and have also shewn in what order they are to be Read. And now in the Second Place, we must inquire who is a competent Rea­der of them. And we shall doe this with as much brevity as is possible. Aristotle disputing in the first Book, and third Chap­ter of his Ethicks, concerning the compe­tent and well-qualified hearer of those Doctrines he was to deliver there, con­cludes thus; A young Man is not a well-qualified [...], &c. hearer of Civil Knowledge (or Mo­rality) because he is not experienced in the Actions which concern this life: Because youth being ignorant in judging, doth easily despise good advices, and imbrace bad Counsels, by which it is deluded and deceived. But now if our Master has given a right sentence in this case, what reason can be given why we may not pass the same sentence in our disquisition, concerning a fit and com­petent Reader of Histories; Seeing Wise Men have observed, that History is nothing but Moral Philosophy, cloathed in Exam­ples?

In the Hearer of Ethicks, or Politicks, there is required in the first place judg­ment, [...], that he may judge well con­cerning the Rules of Actions. And in the next place is required a well-disposed Mind, that he may with dexterity endea­vour to bring into use the Precepts he hath received. And in the self-same manner it is necessary for the Reader of Histories to [Page 299] have the faculty of Apprehending whate­ver Examples he Reads, and judging well of them: And then, that he should have an inclination and propensity of Mind to follow what is Good, and to shun and avoid what is Evil: and of turning all he meets with to his use and advantage. For the principal end of History is Practice, and not Knowledge or Contemplation. And there­fore we must learn, not onely that we may know, but that we may doe well and live honestly. And therefore there are some Men of very great Learning, who assert, there is hardly any sort of study which seems to require more Sagacity, Judg­ment, Experience and Prudence, than in reading History, which is the best Mistress of Civil Conversation. And therefore I have ever wondered, that Gerardus Jo­hannes Vossius, who deserves to be num­bred amongst the Princes of Learning in this Age, should, in his Elegant Book (de Arte Historica) of the Historick Art, stifly maintain, that this sort of study is fit for young Men; and reject the opinions, and confute and take off the arguments of Bartolomaeus Keckerman, and others, who are of a contrary judgment: but if you please you may hear both, first Kecker­man, and then Vossius.

Keckerman de Natura Hist. Par. 1. c. 1. p. 10. ‘Seeing (saith Keckerman) Histories contain nothing but Examples of Pre­cepts; and Precepts are generally deli­vered in a Method, but examples without [Page 300] any Method. Except that which is me­thodically taught precede, it is a com­mon and a very mischievous errour and mistake for youth, which is led onely by the pleasure and delight of History, to begin professedly to read Histories, before it is acquainted with those Sciences and Precepts which are delivered in Order and Method, and with the common pla­ces to which all Histories ought to be re­duced: Now that this is very preposte­rous, may be easily understood by thus comparing it with other Sciences; as for example, with Grammar, Logick, &c. For as it were absurd for a Man to desire to know and observe the examples of Gram­mar, Logick, or Rhetorick, before he hath learned the Rules of those Scien­ces: so it must needs be more absurd for one to desire to read seriously and professedly, and to observe Histories which are nothing but examples of Mo­rality and Politicks, before he has Lear­ned the Rules and Method of Morality and Policy, &c.’ Thus far Keckerman.

And now if you please you may hear Vossius. There is (saith he) nothing of ab­surdity De Arte Hist. cap. 5. p. 31. (as Keckerman pretends) if one should choose to learn Examples before Precepts: for it is very well known that Languages may be very well learn'd without Grammar Rules: and then, saith he, those who are of Kecker­man's opinion, commit no small errour, by not distinguishing between Reading and Writing [Page 301] an History; to which no Man should apply himself if he be not well acquainted with Civil Philosophy. Lastly, he saith, That they confound the naked and simple History of things, with the ( [...]) Hi­storical Perfection, which inquireth curiously into the circumstances and causes of events. In the last place, he confirms his opinion by the Authority of Quintilian (a Great Master in the Art of Breeding youth) who commands Oratours to begin with Histo­ries and Orations. And at the same time doubts not to prefer Livy before Salust; not onely because he is more Candid, and more like Cicero than Salust; but also because he is the Authour of a larger and more perfect Hi­story: now he would never have written thus, if he had not thought the most General Hi­stories best for youth. Thus Writes the most Learned Vossius.

SECT. II.

The Opinion of Keckerman defended. That Tongues are hardly to be well-learned with­out Rules. That there is a vast difference betwixt Languages and Actions. That Practick Philosophy is necessary, not onely to the Writer, but Reader also of History. Ubertus Folietta, Sebastianus Foxius, and Viperanus, do all seem to be of this opi­nion. And the most Learned Vossius him­self affords us no infirm arguments to sup­port it.

BUt may we have the liberty of this Great Man (whose judgment is every where else of the greatest Authority with us, and whom, in the things relating to History, we especially value and venerate) to dissent, and in some sort to defend the part Keckerman hath taken. It seems there­fore to me, that Keckerman may thus Re­ply, In the first place it is not impossible to learn Languages without Rules; but that they may be as well Learned with­out Rules is denied. We learn to Arti­culate words, and to form, compound and speak them, by Hearing, Use and Discourse, without Precepts or Rules. But then to Adorn our Speech, and artificially form an Oration, is scarce, or rather not at all possible, without the assistance of Rules and Precepts. And besides, although one [Page 303] may learn to speak (of what Language soever he were) without Rules, yet he will never be able to judge of the exact­ness and propriety of Speech, and to give the reason of it, without them; nor in­deed to speak well, or elegantly. But then those things are best learned, of which we have a perfect knowledge, where we can give an account of the Reason of them, as Aristotle our Master teacheth us. Ethic. l. 1. And besides all this, there is another judg­ment to be made upon Languages, than there is upon Actions, whether we are to imitate them, or to compare them in our mind by Contemplation. Use directs and corrects our Speech; but it is the Rule and Precepts of Living well which are to go­vern our Actions. The Custome of the place (which is never fix'd) governs our Seneca E­pist. 114. Language: But then we know our Acti­ons are to be temper'd, with respect to Honesty and Turpitude, and to be exa­min'd by the Precepts of Law.

Secondly. Neither is the opinion of Vos­sius altogether to be approved, in that he holds, that Practick Philosophy is necessa­ry for a Writer, but not for a Reader of History. For why not? Do we not af­firm, that the same end is common to both of them? the design of the one be­ing, that he may from examples learn the way of Living well; the other's, that he may also by Examples teach that way: Is it not the scope of the one, that by de­scribing [Page 304] the Accidents that have attended the Lives of others, he may insinuate wise­dom into Men? And is it not the scope of the other, that by reading and observing those events, he may attain to prudence? It seems to be exactly thus to me at least; and not to me onely, but to many others, and those not unlearned men. If you please, let us hear one or two of them. Moral Philosophy and History (saith Ubertus De scriben­da Hist. penult. p. 954. Folietta) are two faculties which respect the common Good and Utility of Men; and which direct them in the way to a blessed life; and fit them for the preserving and improving Ci­vil Society: And therefore these two facul­ties have divided this work between them, so that the first forms the Minds and Manners of Men by Disputes and Precepts; and the latter by usefull Examples and salutary Ad­monitions, teaching and advising them what to follow, and what to flee in the course of their lives: by whose Examples Men should govern and form their Actions and Counsels; and sets before them the ends and events which usual­ly wait upon good and evil Counsels; by the knowledge of which, Men may be engaged in the love of Vertue, or call'd off from Lewd and Wicked courses. Sebastian Fox also, a Man of a celebrated judgment and elo­quence in his time, doth manifestly dissent from the great Vossius in this point. For he in his Book de Institutione Historiae, Pag. 819. writes thus. How shall you ever be able to know or judge of the Art or Elegance, not [Page 305] onely of an History, but of any other thing that is well written; if you know not what that art is, or what is rightly and well done? those things you inquire of are not to be un­derstood, but by Learned and well-instructed Men; for he that would accurately read a History, must first know how it ought to be wrote, &c. and presently after he subjoins the reason. Because Artificers and Lear­ned Men, and not the ignorant and unexpe­rienced, are able to know what is Artifi­cial and Learned. And therefore (saith he) let Reading be attended not onely with a na­tural, but also with an acquired judgment, and with an erudition that is not mean or common. Nor does Johannes Viperanus dis­sent Lib. 1. de Scr. Hist. c. 17. from Fox, as these his words demon­strate (who was also a Man of good Lear­ning.) It is (saith he) the work of a great Man, to collect by his reading the true fruits of History; that is, of one who per­ceives the Divine and Humane reasons of things; who can cull out the best instructions of Manners, who measures the Actions of o­thers by the same rules of Honesty by which he lives himself, who is well acquainted with places; who has a strange knowledge both of virtues and vices, and in whom there are great treasures of Learning and Erudition, &c. and a little after this. He that can join the Precepts of Morality with the Ex­amples, shall reap great advantages from the reading of Histories, and shall thereby attain to perfect and absolute wisedom.

[Page 306] Yea, the very Conclusion which the Ars Histo. c. 5. p. 28. Learned Vossius makes (in the said Fifth Chapter) concerning the principal use of History, seems to be of great force, for the confirming our opinion; for thus he writes. Therefore (saith he) we must thus determine, that the very principal fruit of History is to collect from Similars and Con­traries, what is expedient for the Publick, and for every Person in Particular: for he that will be wise, must be carefull to observe, or as the Greeks express it, be [...], that is, a person that dwells upon, and deeply in­spects any thing. Which because Children and Ignorant Men can never doe, they must of necessity want the principal fruit of Rea­ding Histories, from whence it may more than probably be concluded, that they are less fitted (than others) to be the Rea­ders of Histories. Yet I will not deny, but that Children, and Men of little or no Learning, may reap some small advantage from the Reading of Histories; that is, Pleasure and Delight; or may perhaps, by remembring some pretty Stories, please others by the handsome telling them (if they be persons of more than ordinary natural wit and ingenuity, and have the Knack of expressing a thing well and plea­santly, which yet is very rarely found in a very tender and immature Age.) But then as the same Vossius observes, They are to be esteem'd a sort of ridiculous silly De Arte Histo. c. 5. p. 30. people, who read Histories for no other end, [Page 307] but that they may divertise themselves, and lay up a stock of Chat for entertainments and common meetings. Let such People, in good time, betake themselves (they are the words of Justus Lipsius) to their Amadis of Gaul, or to Hugo Burdagalensis; or if they have a mind to seem more learned to Heliodorus his Ethiopick Romance; or to the noble Sir P. Sydney's Arcadia, or Barclay's Argi­nis.

SECT. III.

Vossius his third Argument against Kecker­man doth hardly seem to be strong. That a naked relation of an Affair doth not sa­tisfie a prudent Reader. Which is proved from Ludov. Vivis, Dion. Halicarnassae­us, and Vossius himself. That the Read­ing the same Histories by a Child, and by a Man of Learning, is very different.

TO Proceed, the Learned Vossius seems to me to be deceived in the third place, where he saith we confound the simple relation of things, with that which he calls the [...], the Perfect History. In that as I have said, we grant Children and Youths may be able to read the naked and simple relations of things, and the Accounts of great Actions, and may, without much difficulty, understand the description of Places. But then we [Page 308] ought to remember, that Antiquity esteem'd these sorts of History as but little better than fables (I use Vossius his own words) be­cause from such Accounts there was little other advantages to be reaped besides those of Pleasure, no more than there was from Fa­bles. But the Reader we are now for­ming, ought to look beyond these things: for our end is not Pleasure, but improve­ment, and that which is the ultimate end of all Histories, that he may be taught to live well, and happily. That Learned Lib. 5. de trad. Disc. p. 352. Man Ludovicus Vivis speaks very well, and appositely to our purpose. And now (saith he) we are acquainted with History in some degree, that is, as far as is necessary to the institution of youth: (viz.) as to the order of times, and the knowledge of the Names of Famous Men: But now it is to be more ex­actly and fully known, because it may be much better understood by Men, who have attain'd some degree of experience, that it may be ap­plied to the advantage of our Lives, by the use of Reason and Judgment: as that nou­rishment is diffused over all the Body, by the Natural Heat by which a Man is sustain'd, and Life prolong'd. And therefore we say, our Reader cannot be satisfied with a na­ked account of things. But as Dion Ha­licarnassaeus Lib. 5. An­tiq. Rom. an. expresseth it, [...]. Every one desireth to see the causes of Acti­ons, and after what manner they were done, [Page 309] and the very minds and designs of those who were the Actors in them. These very words, and many others to the same purpose, are cited out of Halicarnassaeus, by that Man of much Learning, Vossius, where he Lear­nedly De Arte Hist. c. 15. p. 80. & 81. proves, that the expression of the great Poet, in his Second Georgick,

Felix qui potuit rerum cognoscere causas.
Happy is he who sees the Cause
Of things, and understands their Laws.

Has its place, not onely in Philosophy, but in the Writer and Reader of an History; and at last, about the end of that Chapter, he concludes thus; And in truth, if the Causes, Counsels and Manners of Actions are omitted, there is rather a Fable told, for the entertainment of Children, than an History written for the use of Men, as Sempronius Assellio saith in Lib. 5. c. 18. Agellius. And now let the Learned Vossius tell me, whether Chil­dren mind these things? Do illiterate and ignorant Men inquire after these secrets? Or to what end should they be taught them, if they are not able to judge of the cau­ses, counsels and circumstances of Actions; or to accommodate them to their own ad­vantages? some body very neatly express'd this by this simile; As Girles gather Flow­ers onely to please their eyes and senses: Whilst Apothecaries consider the health of, Men and Medicines, and to that purpose [Page 310] onely, collect the Leaves, Flowers, Roots, and smallest Fibers of Plants; so Children play with Histories, as they do with Tops and Chess; and when they see or hear of any great Actions, rejoice at them as new and strange things, or are affrighted at them; but then those that are a little versed in Arts, and adorn'd with something of ex­perience and judgment, will in the rea­ding of History, pass by very few things without observing them. These onely use to reflect on the Divine Institutions, to ob­serve Humane Law, to weigh all Counsels, and note all Events; and with great pro­fit and pleasure, to refer all Domestick, Publick, Warlike, or Peaceable Transacti­ons or Events, to the use of Civil Society and Prudence: And this with Keckerman is to reade Histories; and such a Reader he requires, to wit (that I may use his own words) One whose business it is to reade, and observe Ethick, Domestick and Politick exam­ples, with the greatest care imaginable. But then (saith he) whoever shall attempt this before he understands the method of Moral, Oeconomick and Politick Precepts, &c. may very justly be taken for an absurd person.

SECT. IV.

The Argument Borrowed from Quintilian consider'd, and an Answer made to it.

IN the last place, the passage cited out of Quintillian seems not to me to be of any force against the opinion of Kecker­man. Because it is apparent, Quintillian is onely there teaching, by what Authours the Styles of Children may be best form'd. And that by the conduct and assistence of the Master of Rhetorick, or Tutor, ra­ther than by the private reading of the Scholar himself. For, Chapter the Vth, he saith, It will be of great advantage to Chil­dren, Lib. 2. In­stit. Orat. if the Schoolmaster enlighten their un­derstandings more, by the reading of Orati­ons, than of Histories. And there present­ly shews excellently what is the duty of the Rhetorician on this account. But then in the VIth Chapter, which is cited by Vossius, he shews more fully, what choice of Authours should be made: For, saith he, without prudent election, it will be dan­gerous to take any Authour; the best and most candid, who have a lovely Copia and Clearness, such as Livy and Cicero are, ought to be chosen, as he thinks. And then he shews what Authours ought at first to be avoided, which yet when they have attain'd a firmness and maturity of judg­ment, may safely be allowed them. We [Page 312] answer then, that it is quite another thing to form a Style or Language; or as Fabi­us expresseth it, to Polish the Phrase of a Person; and to gather, note and lay up seriously, and professedly, Moral, Oecono­mick, and Politick Examples, that the Rea­der may thereby be enabled to act prudent­ly, and to form his Life by the Rules of Vertue. Now the first of these was the whole design of Quintilian; the latter was no part of his thoughts. And there­fore he recommends the reading of Ora­tions to the young Rhetoricians: and per­haps also the Discourses of Historians are by him more regarded than their Narra­tives; because in them he affirms Livy to excell. For he saith, that He is of a very Quint. l. 10. c. 5. great sweetness and candor in his relations; But in his harangues or speeches more elegant than can be express'd. But now if any Man thinks otherwise, and will needs believe, that the design of the Oratour there, is to exercise his young Scholars with the con­templation of things; and that he designs to furnish him with Examples (which are in every kind the most Powerfull of all cau­ses) and which he may afterwards apply, as occasion shall require: then we answer in the second place, that Quintilian re­quires this to be done, by the conduct, di­rection and judgment of the Master of Rhe­torick; whose business he makes it to shew, the excellencies and faults, not onely of the Language and Phrase, but also of what is [Page 313] done or spoken, as you may reade, Lib. 2. Chap. 5. And now if the Master goes be­fore, illustrates and unfolds the Authour, who can doubt that Historians may not be of great use to Children of no great age? and yet even there, in the opinion of Quintilian, the most easie and plain Au­thours, such as Titus Livius is esteem'd to be, are to be preferr'd; and yet even here too, for the intire understanding of him, he conceives a good proficiency is requi­red, as he saith in his VIth Chapter.

SECT. V.

The Opinion of Simon Grynaeus on this account Approved; and it is more largely shewn who is a competent or well qualified Reader. It is at least requisite that the Reader have a taste of Moral Philosophy. And also of Chronology and Geography, which are the two Eyes of History. And some know­ledge of other Arts is also necessary.

AND therefore I should rather chuse to hear Simon Grynaeus, and be of his mind, who Exhorting the Readers of Hi­story, bespeaks them in this manner: It befits a man (saith he) to come so much the bet­ter provided to the Reading of History, because it is replenished with great plenty and variety of excellent fruits. And seeing it is attended with the same difficulty to judge well of ones own as of another's life; Nor can any man rightly Con­template the Life of another man (though we are all wonderfully quick-sighted there,) who cannot prudently govern his own, it follows that there is great difficulty on both sides, and that many things are required before we undertake that work, and that we ought not onely to be tinctured with Civil prudence, but also to be fix'd as to the purpose and course of our lives, unless we are willing to Roll up and down, and be for ever led by vain and deceivable Spec­tres.

[Page 315] And therefore we (to conclude this Chap­ter) say in the first place, that it is abso­lutely necessary that the Reader of Histories be studious and diligent, serious and atten­tive, constant and steady. Whereupon Quintilian thus speaketh. For a great while Lib. 10. c. 1. none but the best, and such as will not deceive a man are to be read, and that with the diligence and care almost of a Writer; nor is it enough to re-examine the Authour again by parts onely, but the whole book is intirely to be read over a­gain attentively and seriously, &c. for as one said well of old, Whether thou readest any thing thy self, or hearest another, let not thy mind wander, but force it to dwell there, and to do the business in hand, and not other things: for you may be assured you lose both your time and your pains, if you do not (seriously) attend what you reade or hear.

Lastly, Let the Reader be constant and steady in his Readings, for a constant and certain way of Reading is advantageous, for the desultory and running way of Rea­ding affords small improvement. Let us hear Seneca in this point: If you will (saith Lib. 1. ep. 2. he) carry any thing along with you, it is neces­sary to stay upon and be nourished with some certain and fixed Authours, which may seat themselves in your mind so as not to be easily lost. And therefore Stephanus Praetorius gives Tract. de Form. Stu­diis, p. 31. here very good advice. Let young men (saith he) remember not to desert the Reading of any Book before they have read it through and do clearly understand it; for some are so delicate, [Page 316] or soft and nice in their Reading of Authours, that when they have privately taken a Book in­to their hands, and run over two or three Pa­ges, presently they lay that by and begin to reade another Book, and so never go through with any thing. Now this nice way of Rea­ding, though a man be very diligent at it, yet as to the gaining any true and solid Learning, it is of No use at all.

In the next place we approve our Reader so much the more if he has had a taste of Practick Philosophy or Morality, the neces­sity of which qualification may be easily ap­prehended by what is said above. In the next place, if he has some degree, at least of knowledge in Chronology, that is the Suc­cessions Chronology. of Times and Ages: So that he is acquainted with the Series and Order of them, and can inclose as it were in certain Limits, the Empires, Wars and Events he meets with in History. That great Man Jo­sephus Scaliger calls this the Soul of History, without which it cannot breathe or live: by o­thers it is call'd the Right Eye of History: by others the North Star, which governs and directs the Reader whilst he Sails on the vast Ocean of History, that he may the more cer­tainly and quickly, and with the greater de­light and improvement arrive at the Port he designs by his Reading; for he that with­out the Order of times thinks he may under­stand Histories, will find himself in the end as much disappointed, as if he should at­tempt [Page 317] to pass the Windings of a great Labyrinth without a Thread or Conductor.

But we attribute to History a left Eye too, that is Geography or Topography, with Geography. which, if the Reader be not in some degree acquainted, he must of necessity lose much of the pleasure, yea and of the advantage or utility of his Reading, and will scarce be able to attain a clear and perfect know­ledge of the things related. For who is so ignorant in History as not to understand how much light is given to the Reader by the circumstances of the place in which any thing is done? Let him therefore be Master of the Common Divisions of the Globe of the Earth; and let him know how to distin­guish the Parts of the World, and how they lye; Let him also know the Provinces or Kingdoms in each part, and at least the Principal Rivers, Mountains and Towns; for as to the more exact knowledge of small things, we hardly judge it necessary to our Reader. Lastly, If he be in some degree also acquainted with other Arts, and has some experience of things, we shall then say that he is indeed a competent and well-prepa­red Reader of History. And these things are sufficient to be spoken concerning the se­cond Part of our Method.

OF THE ORDER and METHOD OF Reading Histories. Part the Third.
Viz. Of the Manner of Collecting the Fruits of History, Or, of the Use of the Reading Histories.

SECT. I.

The last Head of what is to be handled proposed. The Council of Ludovicus Vivis concerning those things that are to be Noted in the Rea­ding of Histories. The Custome of Augus­tus Caesar in his Reading Histories. What things are found in Histories worth Noting, and of what Use they are.

THE third Head yet remains, which in the beginning we resolved to treat of in the last place; and that was, what in our [Page 320] Readings we should elect, and how. And this I might easily pass over if I did onely propose the Rules Ludovicus Vivis has given to be observed by all. For he teacheth us what is to be observed in the Reading Hi­stories, in these words. In Reading Histo­ries (saith he) the first thing to be observed is the Order of times, and in the next place all Words and Actions which will afford any exam­ple for the imitating what is good, or the a­voiding what is evil. Wars and Fights are not so accurately to be considered as teaching us nothing but the arts and ways by which we may hurt one another; it is also lightly to be regar­ded who took Arms, who were the Generals, where they fought, who was beaten, and what was done to them; nor are these things to be read or written in any other style than that of Great ROBBERIES, as indeed for the most part they are no better, excepting onely those Wars which are begun against Thieves, which I wish were more usually done amongst Chri­stians; it will therefore be better and much more fruitfull to fix our minds upon the affairs of the Gown, and to Note what things are fa­mously and wisely done in relation to any ver­tue; what is basely and cruelly done as to vices; what event followed; how happy the ends of good Actions proved; how sad and calamitous those of leud Actions: Then the Speeches and Replies of men of great Sense, Experience and Wise­dom, and especially those which according to the Greek word are call'd Apophthegms. Coun­sels also, and the Causes why any thing was un­dertaken, [Page 321] done or spoken, and especially the Counsels of such men as have excell'd others in Honesty, Wisedom and Learning; as for example the Philosophers, and the best of Men the Saints of our Religion; that we may not onely know what has proceeded from great agi­tations of minds, but what hath come calmly from the force of the mind and judgment; for indeed it is an unworthy thing to commit to writing the Operations of our affections, and not those of our Reason and Counsels. These Prescriptions are given us by that Learned Spaniard. It would be a shorter work yet if I should onely propose to our Student in History the Example of Au­gustus the Emperour for his imitation, of whom Suetonius writes thus. In perusing Suet. l. a. c. 8. the Greek and Latine Histories, he did not pursue any thing so much as the Collecting those Precepts or Examples which were salutary and usefull to the Publick or to private men; which transcribing word for word, he very often sent to his Domesticks, or to the Governours of Pro­vinces, or Armies, or to the Magistrates of the City, as any of them had need of an Ad­monition. But we shall make the Use of Histories a little larger, and yet shall not be over prolix neither. For as we have ob­served above frequently and truly, History is a treasury of very many and different good things: For in History you will find some things which tend to the increase of Learning, others of Prudence, other things you may observe which tend to the improve­ment [Page 322] of the Language, and which do con­tribute to the perfecting the Faculty of speaking well; and, lastly, other things which tend to the well forming the Life, and to the polishing the Manners.

SECT. II.

Two sorts of Learning to be gathered, Philo­logy and Philosophy: under either of these there are several Species contain'd; in what Order these are to be disposed, and of what use they are. That many have written con­cerning the Forms of Common Place-books.

THerefore we say there are two sorts of Excerpts in the whole, which are e­specially to be observed by the Reader. Philological and Philosophical. Under the Philologi­cal. Philological we rank not onely all those Ob­servations which concern the Elegance of Speech, the Politeness of the Language and Style, and the Propriety of Words; but also the ancient Customs, all their Rites, Ceremonies and Solemnities, of what sort soever they are, and their Sacred and Ci­vil places and actions, and the Series of the Monarchies and principal Kingdoms in the World, and the Beginnings and Migrati­ons of Families, the Rites and Depravati­ons of Religions; the Building of Cities, and the Leading of Colonies; all Magnifi­cent [Page 323] Works, vast Treasures, immense Powers, and stupendious Prodigies; yea to this head we reduce all those things in gene­ral which the Greeks styled [...], worthy to be remembred, as being read with some degree of wonder.

Under the other Head (that we may speak it briefly) viz. that of Philosophy, Philosophi­cal. we comprehend all those Words, Actions and Counsels, or Events of things which Hi­story so plentifully supplies its Readers with, which may be a sort of Monitors for the governing and regulating the Lives of Men in publick, and private, in Peace or War. In which Observations the Characters of men are not to be neglected; for as a clear relation of the Counsels and Events of things encreaseth, and confirms Polity and Civil Prudence; so good descriptions of Persons are a kind of Monitors, and by be­ing frequently imprinted upon our minds, cause us to remember who we should be like, and who not. These things, I say, in reading are to be observed, and excerp­ted or transcribed, and to be disposed in order into certain Common places; by rea­ding frequently the titles of which, we may as by a kind of Wax-Images (as a Learned Writer expresseth it) help, excite and ir­ritate our cold and languishing Memories. From whence we may, as occasion requires, furnish our selves with salutary counsels, and infinite variety of like and unlike, e­qual and unequal Examples; and may clear­ly [Page 324] perceive what is to be done, or not done, spoken or concealed; and may thereby fore­see the Events of things, perceive their Causes, and by remembring those Evils that are past, provide Remedies against those which are coming upon us. I should be too long if I should here attempt to de­scribe the Form of Common Place-books, or describe their Methods, or give an In­dex of all those Heads which occur in Hi­story: and besides, this is already done by Bodinus. Burerus, Glaserus, and many others, but with great exactness by Bartolomaeus Kec­kerman, in his Apparatus to his Practick Phi­losophy.

SECT. III.

A various Method of chusing and reserving for use the best things shewn out of Annaeus Seneca.

AND yet possibly the way of chusing, and bringing into use those things that are worth the taking notice of may to some seem a thing of great value and use if I pro­pose it shortly, and yet I will not do it in my own words, but in Seneca's; and O how great a Man was He! You are not (saith he) Epist. CVIII. to wonder that all men out of the same matter Collect what is usefull to their several Studies; the Oxe seeks for Herbs, the Dog for an Hare, and the Stork for a Lizard in the same Mea­dow. When a Philologer, or Grammarian, or a Philosopher takes up the Works of Cicero, each man applies himself to that which is his proper study. The Philosopher wonders that so much can be said against Justice; when a Philologer reades the same passage, he observes that two of the Kings of Rome are mentioned there, one of which had no Father, nor the o­ther any Mother. For there is a doubt con­cerning the Mother of Servius, and the Fa­ther of Ancus, who yet is call'd the Nephew of Numa. Presently after he observes that Romulus perished during the time of an E­clipse of the Sun; and that there lay an Ap­peal from the King to the People. When a Grammarian opens these Books, he enters in­to [Page 326] his Common Place-book, that Reapse is used by Cicero for Reipsa, and Sepse for Se­ipse, and so he passeth to those things which the custome of the times hath changed, as that Cicero calls that the Calx, which was afterwards called the Meta, in this Phrase of his, Quoniam sumus ab ipsa Calce revoca­ti: thus Seneca. And much more to the same purpose most elegantly, and as to our business which we have now in hand most appositely and pertinently.

SECT. IV.

The manner of Excerping illustrated by Ex­amples. And first as to Philological obser­vations out of Vell. Paterculus. The Births and Deaths of Great Men to be ob­served. A three-fold Elogie of Cato the Elder. His Death. A disagreement con­cerning his Age. His hatred against Car­thage. The building of Corinth; its du­ration, and an Age fatal to Great Cities. The Reasons of Ancient Sir-names. The differences of the Roman Citizens. That critical observations ought to be entered under the Philological. That Scipio may be call'd, not onely a favourer, but an en­creaser of Learning; against the opinion of Lipsius in that point. His Praise. A two-fold Leisure. What Dispungere sig­nifies; and whence it is derived; and what things are said to be Expuncta. An ex­ample out of Tacitus. Primores Civita­tes; What. That the Optimates were the best of the Nobility. Who were call'd Principes. Consules, Exconsules, Ex­praetores, &c. The distinction of the Se­natours into Patricians, Conscripti and Pedarii; Whence they were so call'd.

BUt yet I will add here, out of my own stock and observation, a few exam­ples, that I may teach my Hearers what I would have them doe, by what I my self [Page 328] have done, and so I may set before them the practice of my Precepts. I will there­fore in the first place represent to them some Philological Examples, the subject of Philological Examples. which observations I shall borrow from Vel­lejus Paterculus, and that without scarcity. Vellejus, lib. 1. c. 13. writes thus; ‘Three years before Carthage was Rased, M. Ca­to was a perpetual mover of its Ruine, who died that year Lucius Censorinus, and Marcus Manlius were Consuls. In the same year Carthage was destroyed by Sci­pio: Lucius Mummius totally Rased to the ground Corinth, 952 years after it was built, by Aletes the Son of Hippotis. Both Generals were honoured with the Names of the Nations they had Con­quered; one of them being call'd Afri­canus, and the other Achaicus. Nor did any New-Man, before Mummius, obtain a Sirname by his Valour. The Manners of the two Generals were very different, and their Studies contrary; for Scipio was so great a Lover, and Advancer of Learning, and all sorts of Erudition and Elegance, that he ever kept with him Po­lybius and Panaetius (two Men of great Ingenuity) both at home in times of Peace, and abroad in times of War: Nei­ther did any Man divide the intervals of his business with greater Art than Scipio: for he was always employ'd in the Arts of War or Peace; being ever handling his Books or Arms, and exer­cising [Page 329] his Body in Martial dangers, or his Mind in Learned Sciences. Mum­mius, on the other side, was so extreme­ly Ignorant, that when he was bargain­ing for the transportation of the Pic­tures and Statues which had been made by the best of the Ancient Artificers in both kinds, into Italy, he caus'd the Sai­lors to be told, That if they suffered them to be lost, they should pay for the new making them. And yet, O Vinici, (saith Vellejus) I do not doubt but you will think, it had been more for the interest of the Commonwealth, that we had still remain'd thus ignorant of these Corinthian Works, rather than to have overvalued them as now we do; and that this folly of his was more consist­ent with the Publick Good than our skill.’ Thus runs the 13th Chapter of the first Book of Vellejus Paterculus: in which there are many things worthy of a Philologer's observation. As first the time when the great Censor, Cato, died, for we should ever think the Births and Deaths of Great Men worthy of our observati­on. But then how great a Man this Ca­to was, may be known from the three-fold Elogie attributed to him by Pliny the El­der; Lib. 7. c. 27. for thus he writes of him. Cato, the first of the Porcian Family, is thought to have attain'd three of the greatest things a Man is capable of, being an excellent Com­mander, a great Oratour, and a wise Sena­tour. [Page 330] And there is a noble Commenda­tion of him in Livy his History, which Li. 39. c. 40. you may see: the year of his death also is set down, which was the 604th year of the City of Rome, in which L. Marcius Censorinus, and M. Manlius were Consuls, three years before the Rasing of Carthage, which Cato so eagerly desired, and which happened in the IIId year of the CLVIII Olympiad; if we follow truth, and the As­sertor of it Eusebius; that is, according to the computation of Scaliger, Anno Mundi 3804. As concerning the Age of Cato, there is a small disagreement betwixt Ci­cero and Titus Livy; for the first of these saith he lived to the XC. year of his Age, Cicero in Catone Maj. Livius, l. 39. c. 40. and the latter seemeth to say, that he did not survive the LXXXVth year of his Life.

Nor is it to be passed by without re­gard, that he was a perpetual instigator of the Ruine of Carthage, as is affirm'd by Vellejus, with whom Florus doth agree in this particular. Cato (saith he) ever Lib. 2. c. 15. Vide Cic. in Cat. Majore. It is very Remark­able, that from the Ruine of Carthage, the Civil Wars of Rome took their Rise, which ended in the Ruine of the Roman Commonwealth, as is observed by the great Historian Salustius, in his Preface to the Catiline Conspiracy. And in Utica, a Town belonging to Carthage, Cato Minor, the last Great Man of this Name, perished in those Wars. God punishing the jealousie and perfidy of the Romans, and the impla­cable hatred of this Great Man, by their own Methods; to teach all States and Princes, the folly of such fine-spun, but unjust Politicks. pronounced, with an implacable hatred, that Carthage was to be Rased, even then, when he gave his opinion in any other case what­soever: [Page 331] and Scipio Nasica, that it was to be preserved. But then this consideration is rather Philosophical, or Political, and belongs to another place, where the causes of these contrary Advices are to be enquired into, and which of them was the more prudent.

In the second place, the Philologer will observe the Age and duration of the City of Corinth, and the time in which it was built: for it continued, saith the Histori­an, 952 years. And it was destroyed in the same year with Carthage; that is, in the year of Rome 607. Anno Mundi 3804. therefore it was built Anno Mundi 2852. about 300 years before the Olympiads, in which time Samuel the Prophet and Judge of Israel flourished. In the third place, he will observe not onely when, but who was the Builder of this City; Vellejus tells us, it was Aletes, the Son of Hippotis. Jo­sephus Scaliger, in his Eusebian Animadver­sions, Pag. 30. saith, that Vellejus trifles here; for Apollodorus saith, it was first call'd Ephyra, and that it was built by one Sisyphus, who lived about 60 or 70 years before the times of the Trojane Wars. And that conse­quently the Origine of this City was to be placed much higher. But Pausanias saith, the Name was changed in honour of Co­rinthus, the Son of Jove. And that some Generations after that, Aletes, the Great Grandchild of Hercules, led an Army of the Doricks against the Corinthians, and ob­tain'd that Kingdom, which his Posterity [Page 332] (as Pausanias saith) enjoyed after this, five Generations. In the Fourth place he will observe, that this Age was, in a sort, fatal to great Cities. For to speak no­thing of Saguntum, Syracuse, Numantia, and others; besides those two Eyes (as De Na­tura Deor. l. 3. Cicero calls them) of the Sea-shore, Car­thage and Corinth, which were both put out in one year: Thebes in Boeotia, and Chalcis in Euboea, were both taken by the Romans, oppress'd, subverted and ruin'd. Whence the Philosopher concludes, that Cities and Commonwealths have their Periods and Determin'd times, and much more Men. But then this consideration which this Vide Sene­coe, Epist. 92. place affords, is Moral too as well as the former; that is, that Periods of VII hun­dred years, have, for the most part, brought great changes to Kingdoms, and Common-wealths. Of which you may see more in Bodinus his 4th Book de Repub. and Peuce­rus de divinatione, lib. VI. Of which Doc­trine, Cap. 1. 2. there was an ill use made in the time of the Holy League in France, as Thuanus acquaints us.

In the Vth place, whereas he saith, the two Generals, Mummius and Scipio, were honoured with the Names of the two Na­tions they had Conquered, and the latter was call'd Africanus, and the former A­chaicus; from hence, I say, we may observe the Ancient Custome of giving Sir names, and the reason of it both amongst the Grecians and Romans: for they took them [Page 333] from their Actions, from the shapes of their Bodies, from some peculiar Vertue or Vice, and from some notable Accident or Fortune: So Tarquinius the Second was Sirnamed Superbus the Proud, from his Pride and Contempt of others. C. Mar­tius from the taking of Coriola, was call'd Coriolanus; Manlius was call'd Torquatus, because he slew a Gall in a Duel, who challeng'd him, and took a Chain from him, and put it about his own neck. So the Sir-names of 1. Soteris, 2. Callinicus, and 3. Gryphus, signifie the first to have been a Saviour, the second to have ob­tain'd a glorious Victory, and the third to have had a Hooked, or Roman Nose (as we call it) of which you may see Appian A­lexandrinus in his Preface. Plutarch in his Life of Coriolanus, and Alexander ab Alexan­dro, lib. 1. c. 9. And from hence also some Political observations might be raised, which I will for the present omit.

In the VIth place the Philologer will ob­serve from this remark, that Mummius was the first of the New Men, who me­rited a Sir-name by his Valour; that the Roman Citizens were discriminate into three orders, the Nobles, the New Men, and the Ignobles (or Plebeians:) for those who had the Images of their Ancestours, were Nobles; those who had onely their own Statues, were New Men; and they who had neither, were call'd Ignobles. And [Page 334] now in the remainder of this Chapter, is contain'd the comparing of Scipio and Mummius; in which is initated, both their Manners, Tempers and Orders, or ways of Living; all which, together with the ob­servations which spring from thence, are to be referred to the other head of Philo­sophical Observations, to which they are here to be left: But then as to the Critick Observations, if there be any, they are not to be omitted: for all these, and whatever concerns Grammar and Rhetorick, and all other observations of the like nature, do belong to Philologie: and therefore I can­not here forbear shewing, that I do whol­ly dissent from Justus Lipsius, the Prince of Criticks, who will not allow Scipio to be call'd here [omnis doctrinae Auctor;] An Improver of all sorts of Learning. For, (saith he) this is too great a Commendation for Scipio, and therefore I would write onely [Fautor] A favourer; for that better be­fits a Great, and a Military Man: to which I reply (O Lipsius!) there is no need of a change here: For it was well deserved by him, because he (with a very few others) is reported to have first brought all sorts of Learning into the City of Rome: And why may we not conjecture, that Polybius wrote his History, and Panaetius his Books of Offices, at the instigation of Scipio? Will any Man say, that this conjecture is ab­surd, when Vellejus himself writes they were his perpetual Companions? and when [Page 335] also the writings of Terence are ascribed to Scipio, as Fabius testifieth? and when Dona­tus saith, there is a strong report that Te­rence was assisted by Laelius and Scipio; to which may be added what Vellejus subjoins here. [Whenever he obtain'd any respit from the Affairs of the State and Camp, he exercised his mind in Learning:] for from this very passage, that Praise of Scipio's is made more probable, and indeed is not to be thought too great, as Lipsius thinketh. Nor is this Elogy too great neither for a great or a Military Man. For you see what Cornelius Nepos, or Aemilius Pr [...]us say of Hannibal; This Great Man (saith that Authour) though he were distracted with such great Wars, spent some part of his time in Learning; for there are some Books extant which he wrote in Greek: and in those to the Rhodians he writes the History of the Actions of Cn. Manlius Vulso in Asia. And,

In the last place, the Philologer will ob­serve the Elegance and Propriety of his words, his ingenious Allusions, and his apt and clear Translations, as in these words; Neque enim quisquam hoc Scipione Eleganti­us intervalla negotiorum dispunxit. For whether he alluded to that of Cato, in the beginning of his Origins, where he af­firms, That there ought to be an account gi­ven, not onely of the Actions of Famous and very Great Men, but also how they spent their times of leisure and repose: or whether he [Page 336] reflects upon that expression of Scipio's, when he said, Se nunquam minus otiosum esse, quam cum otiosus; neque minus solum quam cum solus esset. That he was never less idle Cicer. de Off. lib. 3. than when he seemed to be so; nor less alone, than when he was so. Now Vellejus seems to me to have here very elegantly taken in, and expressed both these Elogies. Which that it may more clearly appear, the Philo­loger will observe, that there is a two-fold leisure opposed to business and labour; one of which is perfect sloth and idleness, without any action; the other is very ac­tive. And this place, saith Scipio, was ever for the latter sort; for in his lei­sure and times of rest, he was never care­less of the Publick Affairs, nor gave him­self up to idleness; but either thought of his business, or entertained himself with Books, or the conversations of wise Men. For this is the meaning of that phrase (In­tervalla negotiorum, otio dispungere.) The last word of which is borrowed from the usage of Men concerned in pecuniary af­fairs and accountants, as the Philologer will presently observe. And signifies the ba­lancing or comparing what is received with what is paid: for so saith Lib. 56. D. de ver­borum sign. L. 6. D. de stat. Ulpian. Or as the common expression is, to examine the ac­count. Percontandas at (que) examinand as ratio­nes, & dispungendas atque discutiendas, saith Ulpian. The Account is to be inquired into, and examined, and to be crossed out, or review­ed; and therefore it seems to me, that [Page 337] Vellejus is here to be understood, as if he had thus expressed himself. No man did ever balance his Publick Employments more exactly with his private studies, comparing them each with the other, with the same care as an Accomptant would do the sum received with that which was paid. For you must know, that what was approved or allowed on both sides, in giving their Votes, or in calling over their Souldiers or Officers, was usually marked with pricks, that so they might proceed to examine the re­mainder. And these things were said to be dispuncta, pricked or crossed out. And on the contrary, what were passed by, or rejected, and to be refused, were said to be expuncta, marked or branded: and so discar­ded Souldiers were styl'd expuncti. In short, the Authour seems to speak as if he would have said, No Man ever took more care, that both his employments and retirements should be alike usefull and salutary. And let thus much suffice concerning what may be observed upon the XIIIth Chapter of the first Book of Vellejus Paterculus.

I promised another Example on this Head of Philologie, and I will be as good as my word: but then I have resolved to be as short in this second, as I have been long in the first. Cornelius Tacitus, in the IIId Book of his Annals, and 65th Chap­ter, shall be the Subject of it. Where, describing the corruption of the times un­der Tiberius, thus he delivers it.

[Page 338] Those times (saith he) were so infected and corrupted with Flattery, that not onely the Principal Men of the City (whose great­ness was to be protected, or covered by submis­sions) but all these who had been Consuls or Pretors, and also Pedarii Senatores; the Foot Senatours arose in great numbers, and made base and excessive low and flattering Votes. Thus far Tacitus.

From which passage the Philologers and Grammarians will observe, that those are here call'd Primores civitatis, the Principal Men of the City, which Capitolinus calls the Optimates, the Great Men: and Aurelius Victor, Nobilium optimos, the best of the Nobility. And which Tacitus himself cal­leth very often Proceres, the Nobless. And in some others they are styl'd Principes Civitatis, or [...], the Princes, or Prime Men of the City.

In the next place, that the Consulares here are the same with those who are else­where call'd Ex Consules, or those who had passed the Consulship, and Ex Praetorii, those who had been Praetors, and all the other Magistratus, Curules, Chair Magi­strates, who had a right of coming to the Senate and Voting. And from this place also the Philologer will observe in the last place the several distinctions, or degrees of Senatours; that some of them were Patricians, or No lemen by Birth; others Conscripti, or Chosen Men: And lastly, that others were Pedarii, Foot-Senatours. The [Page 339] first of these Orders were the descendants of those Hundred Fathers, which the Buil­der of the City elected to be Senatours: the second sort were those who were Elec­ted by the decrees of their Kings, Consuls or Censors. The third sort were call'd Foot-Senatours, because whereas the rest were carried into the Senate in a Chair of State, these went thither on foot (A. Gell. l. 3. c. 18. as some think) or because they were to follow the Opinion or The Custome of our House of Commons is not much unlike this, where, if the House divide, one part stays in the House, and the other go out, that the different numbers may be the more easily known. Vote of others, by pas­sing from side to side, as it was order'd, to shew the difference of Opini­ons, and number the Votes, because they did not give their Opinions by Words, but by these pas­sings, or Ranging themselves under o­thers, as they thought fit (as others think) and this latter opinion seems to be favour­ed by Cicero, in his Epistles to Atticus, Lib. 1. Ep. the last. When this was done (saith he) and it was not yet certainly known on which side the Majority lay, the (Pedarii) Foot-Senatours in throngs went over to that side: and this place c [...]nfirms that opinion of his, Pedarii Senatores certatim exurgerent; the Foot-Senatours in great numbers arose. And there is also a remarkable place in Vopiscus his Life of Aurelius, from which we may learn there was three ways of Voting in the Senate. Some of them (saith [Page 340] he) stretching out their hands, others going, or walking over to the other side, and the most consenting, in express words, the Decree of the Senate was passed. These two in­stances will be sufficient for the Philologi­cal Observations.

SECT. V.

What Method is to be observed in Philosophical Observations shewn out of Herodotus, Po­lybius, and other Historians. A twofold use of Examples. Justus Lipsius, Jo. à cho­kier and R. Dallington our Countreyman have excellently shewn the Uses of Histories and Examples. An Instance or two of which is here given by us out of L. Florus, Justin and Herodotus. St. Augustine supposeth that the History of Romulus and Remus is true. What use may be made of it. The faith of Camillus and Fabricius, and the Axioms which spring from it. What the Prodigious Preparations of Xerxes, and the Event of his Expedition may teach us, which is again confirm'd by the Example of the last Darius. By the Examples of Caligula, Nero and Valentinian, the Malignity of self love, envy, and spite, and malice are shewn. Polybius frequently shews the Use of Histories.

AND now in the gathering Philosophi­cal Observations, the Reader should observe this Rule, That is not onely to Observe, Extract and Compare all the Mo­ral, Politick, Oeconomick and Military Exam­ples which he meets in Histories, and to ga­ther them together, but also to do this in such manner, as that he may prudently ac­commodate them to the Laws and Rules of [Page 342] Life, and the Principles of Art; according to that of Plutarch's, [...], The Stone is to be brought to the Rule, and not the Rule to the Stone. The Authours themselves do frequently do this. Herodotus refers the whole History of the Trojan War to the Common Rule of Justice, saying, There are great Punishments inflicted by God for great Injuries. And so Polybius from the Example of M. Attilius gives us this caution, That we ought to distrust for­tune, and especially after great prosperities. Because Attilius Regulus, who but a little before would allow no place for Mercy, and would not on any terms afford the afflicted Carthaginians a pardon, was soon after taken and enforced to supplicate them for his own life. And in the same place he shews the expression of Euripides was verified, That one good counsel may overcome a great many Souldiers. And this he saith also was strange­ly proved true by the Example of Xantippus the Lacedemonian, who alone by one Sen­tence conquered and defeated the Roman Le­gions, which were before thought invinci­ble and insuperable; restor'd the City when it was almost ready to perish, and revived the dejected minds of his Countreymen.

That the Reader may be enabled to do this with the greater exactness, let him en­quire into the Causes of every Action and Counsel; let him consider the circumstances of it, and weigh the success; and let him [Page 343] in each of these search out wherein any thing is well or prudently, ill or imprudently ma­naged; and let him from thence draw up to himself a general Precept, Rule or Directi­on, and then prove or illustrate it with many Sentences or Examples. For there is a two-fold use of Examples: the first for our imi­tation of what is done by good men, and that we may learn to shun the ill actions of wicked men: The second is, that from par­ticular Stories we may deduce and extract some Sentence, which may be generally use­full to us. Justus Lipsius has by a great va­riety of Examples shewn the Manner of re­ducing Histories into use in a small piece, which he styles Monita & Exempla Politica, Politick Advices and Examples. Johannes a chokier, also a Scholar of Lipsius, in imita­tion of his Master, put out Thesaurum A­phorismorum Politicorum, a Treasury of Poli­tick Aphorisms, which is very full. And a­bove XX years since the most Noble R. Dal­lington, our Countreyman, a Man of great Name for Learning, Wisedom and Piety, exercised himself with great Commendati­ons in this way, in a piece he printed in the English Tongue, under the title of Ci­vil and Military Aphorisms. And yet may we have the Reader's leave, even here to en­tertain him with some Examples which the young Student may propose to himself as a Copy, and, if he thinks fit, imitate it.

When we reade in Ann. Florus, and also Livius, l 1. c. 4. in Titus Livius and others, that Romulus, [Page 344] the Founder both of the Roman City and Government, was the Son of an unknown Father; and together with Remus his Bro­ther, by the Command of Amulius being cast, when an infant, into the River, he could not be destroyed. For (as Florus saith) Florus, l. 1. c. 1. both Tiber restrain'd his Waves, and a Wolf having left her Whelps, and following the Cry of the Babes, gave them suck, and being so found under a Tree, the King's Shepherd car­ried them home and brought them up.

We ought from this Story to observe the wonderfull power of the Divine Provi­dence, and the transcendent goodness of the Deity, who knows how to preserve those he intends afterwards to make use of for the effecting some great work. And from hence also ariseth this Axiome:

The Foundations and Cradles of great Em­pires are sometimes laid and preserved in small and shamefull beginnings, but by extraordinary and miraculous manners.

Or thus: The Beginnings of great Empires, although they are often small, and in the judg­ment of Men, in themselves contemptible, yet they ever shew some extraordinary and peculiar Providence of God, and contain certain testi­monies of both.

The History of Cyrus, the founder of the Medio-Persick Monarchy, is extremely well known; who being expos'd by the Com­mand of Astyagis his Grandfather to be de­voured Justin. l. 1. Herodotus, l. 1. Justin. l. 44. by wild beasts, escaped by the mira­culous defence and suckling of a Bitch. [Page 345] There is a History in Justin of one Havidis a King of Gallicia in Spain, which is no less wonderfull and amazing, which whoever has a mind to see his strange Dangers and Accidents, may reade; and he may also meet with other such-like Examples in Ae­lian Lib. 12. c. 42. & A­lex. ab A­lex. l. 2. c. 31. amongst his various Histories, but I must not stay. Nor let any man reply that these are Mythick Histories, made up of Truth and Fiction, seeing St. Augustine supposeth the Story of Romulus and Remus to be true, from whence it may not (improbably) be conjec­tured the rest are so too. What wonder is it De Civitat-Dei, lib. 18. c. 21. (saith he) if God to punish the King, who had cruelly commanded them to be cast into the Ri­ver, having first delivered those infants from the danger of drowning by his own divine power, whom he afterwards intended to employ in the building so great a City: would farther contri­bute to their preservation by the suckling them by a wild Beast?

May I have your leave to give another instance out of our Authour last mentioned, Annaeus Florus, which belongs too to this Philosophick Head. He represents the Vic­tory of the Romans against the Falisci, very elegantly in these few words, but full of sense. When the Falisci were besieged by Ca­millus, Lib. 1. c. 12. the Faith of this General seemed won­derfull, and not without good cause: for a cer­tain Schoolmaster having brought their children into his Camp to betray their City to him, Ca­millus bound him, and sent him and the chil­dren back into the City. What was the event? [Page 346] Why the Falisci freely surrendred themselves. And we have just such another Example of a generous Faith in Fabricius, in relation to Pyrrhus King of Epirus. I will give it you in the words of Frontinus. The Physician of Lib. 1. c. 4. Pyrrhus King of Epirus came to Fabricius the Roman General, and offered to Poison Pyrrhus if he might be well paid for it. But Fabricius not thinking he stood in need of such a villany in order to the victory, discovered the Treason of the Physician to the King, and by that fidelity wrought so much upon that Prince, that he sought the friendship of the Romans.

Now what use can we make of all this? why, we have a general Rule of the greatest value imaginable expressed by Florus in the former Chapter. That is to be accounted a Victory, which may be obtained with the safety of our Faith, and the preservation of our Ho­nour. Valerius Maximus has expressed this Rule with equal elegance; That Victory which hath most Humanity in it, will be least subject to the Envy of Gods or Men. Take the same Rule over again, expressed in other words. If any man would march the direct way to a quick Victory, let him learn to use Clemency to­wards his Enemies. For we are taught by the former Examples, and a Number of o­thers, that prudent men, who are very wise, do effect more by their moderation than by force; yea those things have sometimes been done by Counsels and Moderation, which Violence despaired of: according to that of the Poet Claudian,

—Peragit Tranquilla potest as
Quod Violenta nequit.—
What Violence could never do,
To quiet Commands doth often bow.

When again we reade in Justin, the Abrevia­tour of Trogus Pompejus, the five years spent by Xerxes in his Preparations against Greece; and when we compute his most numerous Army, in which there was of his own Sub­jects seven hundred thousand and three hun­dred thousand Auxiliaries of other Nations in Arms. So that it is not improbably re­ported, That Rivers were drank dry by his Army, and that Greece was scarce able to con­tain them, and that he had ten hundred thou­sand Ships. And yet after all this, when we consider the passage of the Thermopylae were defended three whole days by four thousand men onely against all this vast multitude, to the great vexation and enraging of the Per­sians; and after all CCC Spartans made a prodigious slaughter amongst them too: And in the last place, when we weigh with an attentive mind the base and wretched flight of Xerxes in a Fisher-boat, besides that use of this which Justin subjoins to the re­lation, in these words, viz. That it was a Justin. lib. 2. §. 13. sight worthy of regard and a serious reflexion on the Nature of Humane affairs, which are wonderfull in their variety, to see him skulking in a small vessel, whom the very Ocean was be­fore [Page 348] scarce able to contain; to see him destitute of the attendance of all his Servants, whose Ar­mies a few months before, were, for their mul­titude, a burthen to the very Earth.

Besides this use (I say) that Oracle which Demeratus the Lacedemonian (as Seneca tells Seneca de Ben. l. 9. c. 31. us) spoke to Xerxes himself, comes into my mind, That a disorderly and burthen some mul­titude was to be feared by its own Leader, for indeed it was rather a thing of weight and trouble than force. Nor can we here omit the true saying of Lucan,

In se magna ruunt, laetis hunc numina rebus
Crescendi posuere modum.
Great things sink under their own weight,
God bounding thus all Humane height.

That prudent advice also of Artabanus offers it self: You may see (Sir) that God strikes In Polym. Gigantine Animals with his Thunder-bolts, and will not suffer them to be insolent, [...], God loves (said Herodo­tus) to humble the proud. Which do all shew, that the Ambassadour of Darius spake per­tinently, and like a man of experience, when he thus treated Alexander the Great like a Philosopher. An over-grown Empire is a thing of mighty danger; it is very difficult to govern what you cannot comprehend. You see Sir (said he) that those Ships which are too big, cannot be Steer'd: I do not know whether the principal reason why Darius has lost so very [Page 349] much, be not because excessive Greatness opens many gaps to admit its own ruine.

And when I read in Suetonius that Caligula Suet. Cal. cap. 3, 4. rag'd against almost all the Men of the Age he lived in, with no less envy and spite, than pride and cruelty; and so furiously ruin'd the Statues of the Illustrious Romans, that it was impossible afterwards to restore them with their first Inscriptions; and that he forbad them to Erect a Statue to any man living without his knowledge and approbation: When also I find it written of Suet. Ne­ro, cap. 53. Nero, that he was much heightned by Popularity; and emulated all those who could by any means whatsoever move the affections of the many. Am. Marc. l. 30. c. 29. And of Valentinian, that he hated all those who wore fine Cloaths, and all that were Learned, Rich or Noble, and that he used to detract from the worth of Men of Va­lour, that he alone might seem to excell all the rest of Mankind in all rare En­dowments. I am apt to conclude from hence,

That it is no unusual thing to have some tempers so infected with self-love (shall I call it?) or envy and spite, that they alone would engross all the Excellencies of Mankind, and would not suffer other men to overtop them in any thing. And upon this occasion Marcel­linus himself Philosophiz'd thus: Spite is the inseparable attendant upon Vertue, and En­vy ever waits upon all Lawfull Powers; and by how much the higher any man's dignity is exalted (conceiving from thence that he has [Page 350] a right to do what he please), so much the more is he prone and disposed to traduce his opposites, and to abase and turn out all those that are better.

Polybius is very frequent in these kinds of Reflexions (as we said before) and for the most part saves his Reader the trouble of making these Observations himself; nor doth he onely teach us what excellent ad­vantages as to the ways of living the Acti­ons of our Ancestours will afford us, but he almost always shews us how we are to reap the advantage of them.

SECT. VI.

That Christians may receive usefull instructi­ons from the Examples of the Heathens; and thereby improve themselves not onely in Mo­ral Vertues, but also in the Acts of Piety and a Holy life. The same thing taught by St. Augustine, St. Hierome and others. The Precepts of such imitations fulfilled by the Heathens, which St. Ambrose elegantly expressed.

BUT we are not to think that the Pro­phane Histories are onely of use as to the Civil Conversation, but also as to the Christian Life: which the Holy Fathers of the Church have at large taught, and by many Examples proved. Be but pleased to consult St. Augustine in his Vth Book, de Civitate Dei, and you will find there what he saith of Brutus, Scaevola, Curtius, Decius, and others, whom the Learned Casaubon from Dionys. Halic. calls [...] Heroas. God-like Heroes, who Acted Prodigies and Wonders of Vertue (as Florus saith) onely that they might obtain Liberty for their Countrey, Empire for their City, and Glory for them­selves, by which they obtained their End, and received their so much desired recompence. At last St. Augustine concludes thus: And there­fore Cap. 6. the Roman Empire was dilated and en­larged (by God) to their great glory, not onely that a sutable reward might be given to such [Page 352] brave Men: but also that the Citizens of that Eternal City, as long as they are Pilgrims here below, might diligently and soberly consider those Examples, and might from thence learn what great Love is due to their Countrey above for Eternal life, when this Countrey below was so greatly loved for Humane glory, by these Heathen Heroes.

The same Father also in the 18th Chap­ter of the same Book, and in other places endeavoureth to Confirm men in Christian Constancy from Prophane Examples. As in his first Book of this Work, Chapter the XXIV. where speaking of M. Attilius Regu­lus, he subjoins this Reflexion. If these most valiant and famous men (saith he) the defen­ders of their Earthly Countrey; who though they were Worshippers of false Gods, yet were not false to them, but were also most exact ob­servers of their Oaths; who according to the Laws of War might slay their Conquered Ene­mies, yet if these men (I say) when they were overcome and taken by their Enemies, would not destroy themselves: and though they did not in the least fear death, yet would rather bear their victorious Masters, than by their own hands slay themselves: How much more should Christians who worship the true God, and breathe after an heavenly Countrey, abstain from so great a Vil­lany; if the Divine Providence hath for their Tryal or Amendment put them for some time un­der the power of their Enemies?

[Page 353] After the same manner St. Hierome in his Lib. 2. Ep. 21. Consolation to Julian, very elegantly thus expresseth himself: Do you (Sir) despise Gold? (saith he) why many Philosophers did it too. One of them cast the price of many Possessions into the Sea, (saying) Get you into the Deep, ye wretched desires, I will sink you that you may not drown me. A Philosopher the mere Animal of Glory, and the base slave of Popular Applause threw away thus at once his whole treasure, and do you think you have at­tain'd to the top of vertue onely by offering up a part of that whole? God requires that you should present your self a living and an acceptable sa­crifice to him; your self (I say) and not what you have.

And again, I pass by (Heliodorus) the Ibid. Ep. 22. Maximo's, Cato's, Gallo's, Pison's, Bruto's and Scaevola's, &c. whose fortitude was not less con­spicuous in bearing Grief than in War, &c. Lest I should seem rather to seek foreign Exam­ples than domestick, though these may be used to the reproach of us Christians, if our Faith will not carry us as far as their Infidelity did them. But that I may reduce this into a Compen­dium, I will shew you how David Chytraeus, a man who has deserved well of History in his Preface to Cornelius Nepos, or Aemilius Probus excellently teacheth us in good Verse, how we Christians should follow this Rule in the observing and applying to our uses the Examples of the Heathens. His words are these.

Christiades simul Historias ac Perlegit, Ardens
Ruminat haec animo secum, si Phocio nummos
Respuit oblatos dono: Si Scipio sponsam
Noluit alterius contingere; Maluit exul
Attilius si sponte mori, quam foed a probando
Et laudi Patriae & Latinae nocuisse juventae
Consilio Exemplóque suo: mihi quid faciendum
A Christo nomen qui habeo? Num sordidus auri
Servus ero? Faciámve jubet quaecun (que) libido?
Num vitam pluris faciam quam nomen Alethes
Invictum? Num postponam mandata Jehovae
Insanis hominum placitis, jussísque cruentis?
Sic sanè Historiae laudanda exempla vetustae
Cum fructu quàm quis credat majore leguntur.
Christiades Reading th' Ancient Story,
And deeply thinking on th' Heathen Glory,
Thus school'd himself: Shall Phocion despise
The Royal Bribe? Shall Scipio turn his Eyes
From the fair Captive, cause a Wife? and shall
Atilius Regulus.
One chuse in Torture and Exile to fall,
Rather than by a breach of Faith to live,
And ill Example to his Countrey give?
And shall I then who wear Christs sacred Name
My Faith by Lust, or Avarice defame?
Shall I, by selling deathless Truth, redeem
A life that will not last? Shall I esteem
The brutish bloudy Wills of Men above
The sacred Laws of the Almighty Jove?
Thus may the rare Examples, wrote of old,
Become more usefull than can well be told.

[Page 355] These very Precepts for imitating good Examples, are also to be found amongst Heathens, who observed them both in their words and actions, and did not disdain in contemplating and trying to follow the man­ners and affections of their Ancestours; to reform their own, or to direct and moderate other mens. That great Man Cato the Cen­sor (of whom something has been spoken already) would frequently go to the Cottage of M. Curius, which was not far from his own Estate, and having deeply considered the smallness and meanness of his habita­tion, was wont to think thus with himself. This Man was the greatest of the Romans, Plutarch. in Cat. Maj. who having Conquered many War-like Nations, and driven Pyrrhus out of Italy, after three Triumphs digged this Field with his own hands, and dwelt in this poor Cottage: Here too, when the Ambassadours came and found him by the fires side eating a few Rape-roots out of a Wood­en dish for his supper, and offered him a great quantity of Gold, he sent them away with this short Answer, That he had no need of much Gold who was contented with that Supper; and that he had rather Conquer them who had Gold, than possess it. When Cato had thus considered all these things, he went away, and comparing his own Fields or Estate, Servants and way of li­ving with the other, he encreased his Labours, and cut off all Luxury. Servius Sulpitius al­so will afford us a great Instance of this na­ture, who that he might Consolate Cicero, [Page 356] who bitterly lamented the death of his daughter, entertain'd him with the repeti­tion of a certain Meditation (which would not have mis-become a Christian;) which he had once had upon the Ruine of some flou­rishing Cities, (which might seem to have been perpetual.) And thus from his own ex­perience deduced one very powerfull and rational Argument of Consolation. I will (said he) relate to you a thing which has much Consolated me, which perhaps may abate your Cicer. Ep. Fam. lib. 4. Ep. 5. sorrows too. Returning out of Asia, when I sail'd from Aegina towards Megara, I began to view the Countries about me. Behind me was Aegina, before me Megara, on my right hand Periaeus, on my left Corinth, which were all in former times most flourishing Towns but now lye all before our eyes desolate and ruined: there­upon I began to think thus with my self; Alas! shall we silly men fall into mighty passions if any of our friends dye, or is slain, whose lives are naturally short, when we see here the carcasses of so many great Cities, in a small room, lye mouldering to nothing. Wilt thou, O Servius, for the future remember that thou were born a mortal? Believe me (said he) I was strangely supported by this Consideration; now if this seems rational to you too, go and consider of it. To the same purpose does the Roman Philo­sopher Epist. 92. Seneca elegantly consolate his friend Liberalis, that he might soften his grief for the Lugdunensian Colony, which was then con­sum'd by fire, using almost the same argu­ments [Page 357] Sulpitius did. Set before you (said he) the condition of all mankind; and let us before­hand suppose, not onely how often such things have happened, but also how often they may, if we will not be oppress'd, or stick stupidly like a Ship (in the Sands) all the changes of Fortune are to be thought on. How often have the Ci­ties of Asia and Achaia been ruin'd by one Earthquake? How many Towns in Syria? how many in Macedonia have been swallowed up? how often has this calamity desolated Cyprus? how often hath Paphus buried it self? And after this; Not onely the works of mens hands, and what was built by humane Art and Industry, has time destroyed; but the tops of the Moun­tains fall down; whole Countries have sunk down; those places have admitted the raging Seas, which were heretofore removed far enough from the very sight of it: Fire hath devoured those Hills it shone in; and it has heretofore known down the once most exalted Heads, which were a comfort to Sailors, and it has brought down the highest light Houses to a Level with the Sands; the very works of Nature are e­ternally vex'd: and therefore we ought with pa­tience to bear the Ruine of Cities, whatever now stands shall fall. From whence he con­cludes thus: Let therefore the mind be form'd to a true knowledge and a patient submission to its Lot; and let it know there is nothing which fortune durst not do. She has the same power upon Empires she has upon those that Govern them; the same upon Cities she hath upon distinct [Page 358] men. Nothing of this nature is to move our in­dignation: we have entred a World in which these Laws prevail.

Perhaps I shall seem here too long, and yet I cannot hold my hands from adding in this place the Example of St. Ambrose, who in an Epistle in which he Consolates Fausti­nus, who was then much afflicted for the loss of his Sister, sweetly and elegantly imita­ting Servius, Sulpitius and Seneca, he made use of the same way of Consolation. But you will say that you grieve (saith he) that Ambr. lib. 2. Ep. 8. one who so lately was in a most flourishing state, is now so suddenly dead. But this is common not onely to us Men, but to Cities too, and to considerable parts of the World: for when you came from Bononia you left behind you Cla­rerna, Bononia it self, Mutina, Rhegi­um; and on your right hand was Brixillum, before you was Placentia, whose very Name preserves the Memory of its Ancient Noble State; upon your left hand you commiserated the Apennine Hills, now neglected, and consi­dered the Castles of flourishing people in for­mer times, and pass'd by them with much sor­row. And are not the Ruines of so many half­razed Cities, and the Funeral fires which have passed upon so many Countries, of force enough to make you bear with moderation the death of one woman, though she were a Holy and an Ad­mirable person? whereas the former are cast down for ever; but she is taken away for a time [Page 359] onely, and lives more happily where she now is, than we do here. These very Examples which I have here cited, and many more very like them, will Authours afford us; which if our Historian would diligently observe, and by imitating and applying them as occasion served, endeavour to represent them to men, without all doubt he would reap large and lasting fruits from his labours.

SECT. VII.

That the Ecclesiastical History affords more and better fruits; That the good works of the Heathens were nothing but splendid Sins. The Ethnick History illustrates onely the second Table of the Decalogue, but the Church-History the whole Law. In the Prophane History there is nothing but coun­terfeit shapes of Vertues; but in this the true Vertues are shewn. In the first there are many things that are pleasant and usefull to be known; but in the second there are more things which are necessary: Upon which the Discourse is concluded, with an Exhorta­tion to a diligent Reading of the Church-History.

THus far of the Manner of Collecting the Fruits of History in Reading, which if the Civil and Ethnick History afford us in such plenty, and those so pleasant too, what shall we think of those we may gather [Page 360] from the Sacred and Ecclesiastick, which ex­cells the Civil and Prophane History very much in the subject, certainty and perfection of it? We cannot deny but that the Stories of the Heathens propound to us very frequent and clear Examples of Justice, Fortitude and Temperance, and of all other Vertues: but if they be thoroughly examin'd and weighed in the balance of Truth, they will be found lame, imperfect and polluted, and not rightly related either to the Mercy or Justice of God: which was the reason why St. Augustine call'd those famous Actions of Aug. de Ci­vitat. Dei, l. 19. c. 25. the Heathens splendid Sins; and said, that their Vertues not respecting God, were rather Vices than Vertues.

To this may be added, that they concern onely the second Table of the Decalogue, and confirm onely the Rules of good man­ners in relation to Civil Conversation: but the Church-History illustrates the whole Law with much more certain and more illustrious Examples; and sets out to the best all the parts of Religion, which are very necessary to be well known; and it more clearly de­monstrates whatever the Ethnick History knew or wrote truly of God. For what is there in them of any certainty or distinct­ness of the Origine of the World, and the most ancient times? It doth not reach so high as the History of the first Men: It hath no Revelations of God, or Promises concerning the Messias: It is plainly igno­rant of the Government of the Church, and [Page 361] of its Preservation. These things and many other of this nature are onely to be found in the Sacred and Ecclesiastick History. Why do you, O Marcus Tullius, extoll History as the discoverer of Antiquity, which with you was not very ancient, and yet was sometimes corrupt? You cry her up as the Witness of times, but then she was not with you very rich in that, and sometimes was not an al­lowable witness? It is the Sacred History onely which discovers the secrets of the most remote Antiquity, and never lies: It is the Sacred History alone, which gives a faithfull testimony of the Succession of times from the very beginning of all things, and never makes one false step. She alone is the most shining light of the Eternal Truth. And to conclude, she alone is the best Mi­stress of Life, and absolutely perfect: For tell me where else you can hope to find the unquestionable Precepts of true and solid ver­tue, O ye Readers and Hearers of History! you will certainly be deceived if you seek any o­ther guide than the Sacred or Church-History: Do you desire to have sincere Examples of true piety? Search then the Sacred and Ec­clesiastical Histories, and you will find plenty of them, and no where else; there onely are the Monuments of the Knowledge of God, of the Invocation of him, of Faith, and of Repentance preserved; there onely shall you ever meet the wonderfull Instances of perfect fortitude, of pure obedience, of unspotted chastity, of an easie beneficence or ready goodness. In other Histories, if you [Page 362] meet any brave and generous Action (they are the words of the Interpreter of Eusebius (it Christo­phors. in Prooem. was undertaken for the sake of Glory, which is a mere shadow, or of revenging an injury, which ought to be condemn'd; or for the defence of their Countrey, (which sometimes hath more of weight in it:) but the things which are repre­sented in this, were not enterprized, in the pur­suit of Popular fame, but for the obtaining true glory, not out of a desire of revenge, but out of the love of Christ; not for the defence of this our Perishable Countrey, but for the obtaining the heavenly Jerusalem. In short, the words of the Reverend and most Learned Prelate, Part II. Sect. 42. & 43. which I have cited above, do excellently inform us what and how great things the Church-History contains, and proposeth to the serious Contemplation of the Reader of it. Review it (if you please my Hearers) and you shall see that it contains not onely usefull and pleasant things, and which are worth your knowledge and remembrance; but also most grave and necessary Notices, which a Christian, especially a learned Chri­stian, ought not to be ignorant of. And therefore, to conclude, we do most earnest­ly exhort our Lover of Histories to Reade over these too, and so much the more ear­nestly if he be a Student in Theology, and have entred into Orders, or does intend to serve the Church, for then it will be his most indispensable duty to turn over the Ecclesia­stical History night and day.

FINIS.

THE INDEX, OR Catalogue of the Historians mentioned in this Piece.

A
  • ABdias Babylonius, 235.
  • Acosta, 219.
  • Agathias, 121, 191, 257.
  • Aelius Anto. Nebrissensis, 212.
  • Aemilius Veronensis, 128, 181, 200.
  • Aemundus, 206.
  • Ailredus Rievallensis, 144.
  • Aimonius, 203.
  • Albigretus, 221.
  • Alvaresius, 218.
  • Ammianus Marcellinus, 118, 184.
  • Anna Comnena, 266.
  • Anastasius, 278.
  • [Page] Appianus Allexandrinus, 91, 99.
  • Aretinus, 191, 222.
  • Arlunius, 224.
  • Arrianus, 68.
  • Asser Menevensis, 146.
  • Aventinus, 181, 188.
  • Aurelius Cassiodorus, 191, 250.
  • Aurelius Victor, 109, 113.
B
  • BAcon, 174.
  • Baker, 175.
  • Barlandus, 206.
  • Barletius, 213.
  • Baronius, 288.
  • Bartolinus, 188.
  • Bede, 277.
  • Beisellus, 206.
  • Bembus, 220.
  • Benedictus de Accoltis, 213.
  • Beurerus, 39.
  • Biondi, 173.
  • Bizarus, 189, 215, 221.
  • Blondus Foroliviensis, 123, 195, 273, 280.
  • Bohemius, 218.
  • Bonacosta, 224.
  • Bonfinius, 181, 189.
  • Bongartius, 204.
  • Bonus Patavinus, 221.
  • Boterus, 192.
  • Boyselinerus, 199.
  • Bracellius, 221.
  • Bredenbrachius, 217.
  • Brucellus, 212.
  • [Page] Buntingus, 41.
  • Burnet, 174.
  • Busbequius, 216.
C
  • C. Caesar, 94.
  • Coelius. Aug. Curio, 213.
  • Calvitius, 41.
  • Callimachus Experiens, 190, 196, 215.
  • Camden's Britania, 134.
  • —Annals, 157, 158.
  • Cantacuzenus, 270.
  • Capella, 202.
  • Capellus, 40.
  • Capitolinus, 109.
  • Capreolus, 224.
  • Carolus Rex Bohemiae, 198.
  • Carolus Sigonius, 124, 224, 257, 279.
  • Chromerus, 181, 195.
  • Chronicle of Burton, 152.
  • —of Mailros, 152.
  • Chytreus, 194.
  • Collenutius, 223.
  • Comes, 23.
  • Comines, 129, 200.
  • Conestagius, 212.
  • Contarenus, 221.
  • Conradus à Liectenaw, 185.
  • Corius, 224.
  • Cornelius Nepos, 54, 57, 60, 64, 67.
  • Cortusius, 221.
  • Cosmus, 197.
  • Cotton, 172.
  • Crantzius, 181, 193, 198, 275.
  • [Page] Ctesias, 44, 45.
  • Curio, 215.
  • Curtius, 68.
  • Cuspinianus, 125.
D
  • DAmianus à Goes, 212, 218.
  • Dandalus, 221.
  • Daniel, 171.
  • Decius, 188, 196.
  • Diodorus Siculus, 46, 57, 64, 65, 69.
  • Dion Cassius, 97, 108, 184.
  • Dionysius Halicarnassaeus, 82.
  • Dodechinus, 185.
  • Doletus, 202.
  • Dubravius, 197.
  • Dugdale, 175.
  • Duglossus, 196.
E
  • EAdmerus, 147.
  • Egnatius, 221.
  • Enguerus Monstreletus, 201.
  • Ens, 192.
  • Emmius, 207.
  • Epiphanius Scholasticus, 250.
  • Erphordensis, 186.
  • Esinus, 215.
  • Euagrius, 256.
  • Eusebius his Chronicle, 47.
  • —his Church-History, 114, 245.
  • Eutropius, 181, 215.
F
  • [Page]FAbricius, 188, 198.
  • Florus, 78.
  • Florentius Bravonius, 136.
  • Florianus, 218.
  • Folietta, 215, 221.
  • Freherus, 188.
  • Frossardus, 201.
  • Funcius, 41.
G
  • GAguinus, Alex. 196.
  • —Robertus, 203.
  • Gasper Hedio, 185.
  • Garzo, 199.
  • Gerhardus de Reo, 188.
  • Gerhardus Geldenhaurius, 207.
  • George Bates, 163.
  • Gervasius Dorobernensis, 144.
  • Gildas Sapiens, 135.
  • Gilius, 203.
  • Gobelinus Person, 274.
  • Godignus, 218.
  • Godwin, 157.
  • Gregoras Logothetes, 267.
  • Grotius, 181, 208, 219.
  • Guicciardine Fran. 127, 223.
  • —Luis, 207.
  • Guillimannus, 188, 198.
H
  • HAbington, 173.
  • Haitonius, 216.
  • Hagustaldensis, 143.
  • [Page] Harmannus, 213.
  • Hegesippus, 228.
  • Helmoldus, 181, 193.
  • Henricus Huntingdonensis, 140.
  • —Knighton, 145.
  • Heath, 175.
  • Herbert, 174.
  • Heidestein, 217.
  • Herodian, 111.
  • Herodotus, 49.
  • Heuterus, 181.
  • Heylin, 174.
  • Heyward, 171, 173, 174.
  • Honigerus, 215.
  • Hornius, 218.
  • Hoveden, 141.
  • Huldericus Mutius Hugwaldus, 185.
  • Hunibaldus, 202, 203.
I
  • IAnothus, 221.
  • Idacius, 192.
  • Ingulphus Croylandensis, 149.
  • Joannes Theod. Clain. 134.
  • —de Brompton, 144.
  • Interjanus, 221.
  • Johnstonius, 160.
  • Jornandes, 117, 120, 181, 191, 257.
  • Josephus, 48, 227.
  • Isiodorus Hispalensis, 191.
  • —Pacensis, 209.
  • Jovius, 200, 214, 217.
  • Junius, 207.
  • Justinianus, 221.
  • Justinus, 41, 54, 57, 60, 70, 90.
L
  • [Page]LActantius, 114.
  • Laertius, 48.
  • Laet, 219.
  • Langhorne, 134.
  • Langius, 215.
  • Laonicus Chalcecondylas, 214, 271.
  • Lazius, 181, 188.
  • Leo Africus, 213, 218.
  • Leon, 223.
  • Leonardus Chiensis, 215.
  • Leunclavius, 214, 217.
  • Liberius, 217.
  • Lily's Chronicle, 133.
  • Lindenbruch, 196.
  • Livy, 85.
  • Longaeus, 202.
  • Ludovicus Patritius, 218.
  • Luitiprandus, 187.
  • Lundorpius, 276.
M
  • MAchiavellus, 222.
  • Maffaeus, 219.
  • Magdeburgian Centuriators, 281.
  • Magnus, 191.
  • Malmesburiensis, 137.
  • Marcantius, 206.
  • Marcellus, 221.
  • Marcus Paulus Venetus, 217.
  • Margarinus, 210.
  • Marescalcus, 193.
  • Mariana, 181, 210.
  • Marianus Fuldensis, 186.
  • Marinaeus Siculus, 210.
  • [Page] Mar. Martinus, 218.
  • Matthaeus, 202.
  • Mattheus
    • Michovius, 196, 217.
    • Paris, 184.
    • Westmonasteriensis, 136.
  • Megasthenes, 45.
  • Mejerus, 204, 206.
  • Melancthon, 40, 276.
  • Merula, 224.
  • Meursius, 193, 207.
  • Michael, 224.
  • Milton, 170.
  • Moccenicus, 221.
  • Molinaeus, 202.
N
  • NArdus, 223.
  • Nauclerus, 276.
  • Neubrigensis, 138, 140.
  • Nicephorus
    • Calistus, 263.
    • Constantinopolitanus, 263.
    • Gregoras, 122, 268.
  • Nicetas Choniates, 122, 267.
  • Novimagus, 207.
O
  • OCampus, 212.
  • Oderbonius, 217.
  • Odericus Vitalis, 155.
  • Onuphrius, 80, 279.
  • Osorius, 212.
  • Orosius, 47, 60, 90, 182.
  • Osiander, 292.
  • Otto Frisingensis, 186.
  • Oviedus, 218.
P
  • [Page]PAntaleon, 215.
  • Paradinus, 202.
  • Paterculus, 98.
  • Paulus
    • Aemilius, 128, 181, 200.
    • Diaco us, 90, 120, 181, 182.
    • Jovius, 125, 200, 214.
  • Pausanias, 47.
  • Parthenopoeus, 221.
  • Penia, 216.
  • Petavius, 40.
  • Peter Blesensis, 150, 153.
  • Philadelphus, 202.
  • Phillips, 175.
  • Pigihus, 81.
  • Pigna, 223.
  • Platina, 278.
  • Plutarch, 47, 54, 57, 60, 64, 68, 70, 88, 90, 91, 93.
  • Polybius, 71, 90.
  • Polydore Virgil, 176.
  • Poggius, 222.
  • Pomponius
    • Laetus, 113.
    • Mela, 209.
  • Pontanus, 207.
  • Procopius, 221, 191, 257.
  • Prochorus, 235.
  • Pronovius, 217.
R
  • RAbutius, 202.
  • Radulphus de Diceto, 144.
  • Ramnutius, 222.
  • Ranzanus, 189.
  • Rawleigh, 41.
  • [Page] Reusnerus, 216.
  • Reinerus Reineccius, 40, 199, 215.
  • Revius, 207.
  • Ritius, 223.
  • Robertus de Monte, 274.
  • Rolevinkius, 198.
  • Rubeus, 191, 195, 224.
  • Ruffinus, 249.
S
  • SAbellicus, 220.
  • Salustius, 77, 94.
  • Santineus, 218.
  • Sanctius Palentinus, 211.
  • Sanderson, 175.
  • Sammes, 169.
  • Saxo Grammaticus, 181, 192.
  • Scardonius, 222.
  • Schafnaburgensis, 181, 185.
  • Selden's Analecta, 133.
  • Sheringham, 135.
  • Sigebert, 274.
  • Sigonius, 80, 124, 224, 25, 279.
  • Simeon Dunelmensis, 141.
  • Simlerus, 181, 198.
  • Silvius, 135.
  • Skinner, 163.
  • Sleidanus, 40, 201, 276.
  • Socrates, 250.
  • Soiterus, 190, 215.
  • Sozomen, 250, 253.
  • Spartianus, 109.
  • Spangenburgius, 199.
  • Speed, 164.
  • [Page] Spelman, 146.
  • Spondanus, 291.
  • Stella, 181, 197, 215, 221.
  • Strada, 208.
  • Suetonius, 104.
  • Sulpitius Severus, 230.
  • Suiserus, 198.
  • Sylvius, 197.
T
  • TAcitus, 105, 184.
  • Tarapha, 211.
  • Theodoret, 250, 253.
  • Theophilactus Simocatus, 257.
  • Thomas de la Moore, 149.
  • Thomas Moore, 157.
  • Trussel, 171.
  • Thuanus, 126, 296.
  • Thucydides, 54.
  • Trogus Pompejus, 77.
  • Turocius, 189.
  • Turonensis, 199.
  • Tyrius, 205.
V
  • VAlla, 211.
  • Vassaeus, 212.
  • Vartomannus, 218.
  • Vernius, 223.
  • Verrerius, 223.
  • Ugolius, 223.
  • Vopiscus, 112.
  • De Voragine, 221.
  • Uredus, 206.
  • Urspergensis, 274.
  • Usuardus, 277.
W
  • [Page]VVAlsingham, 148, 154.
  • Warnefridus, 194.
  • William of Malmesbury, 137.
  • Winsemius, 207,
  • Whitekindus, 198.
X
  • XEnophon, 60.
  • Ximenes, 210.
  • Xiphilin, 109.
Z
  • ZOnaras, 91, 114, 116, 265.
  • Zozimus, 114, 115.

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