VVestminster Projects.

IT is strange, that in a time of Reformation there should be so much wickednesse, and in high places too: that Westminster should after all its seeming sanctity, become such a Den of Devills, such a Cage of unclean Birds; but what remedy? what is past cure, must be past care also.

But yet it is requisite that they should be knowne; for Knaves unknowne passe for honest men, and there is not such a subtill deceiver in the world, as an Angell of light: a Devill in the shape of a Saint, (especially at Westminster) hath done more mischief, then all the honest men there can ever do good: I confesse it a won­der there is no more hurt done, considering honest men are so scarce there, and knaves so plentifull; for you can scarce peep into a Committee, but you shall find ten, if there be eleven in the number, two in a Commit­tee is a miracle; nay, if you find one in the Commit­tee of Derby, I'le give you leave to hang him, though my Lord Say himselfe be there: But now I talke of that Committee, I will tell you strange newes, they have done the Kingdome good service; and is not that a wonder in a Committee? And if you aske how, I must tell you they have discovered a Plot, and well they might, if you knew all, you would say so; for as sure as I live they made it, the Fox is the finder, and for fear others should discover it, they did it them­selves, you know it is good to cry Whore first; but you may observe the knavery of the Baker: They tell us of a Plot against the Kingdome, Parliament and City, but by whom they know not, not one actor or [Page 2]contriver is discovered; and why thinke you? because the Earle of Northumberland, the Chaire-man of the Committee thinks it not convenient, for fear he should be troubled to purchase the life of another Waller to se­cure his head from the Block: But because you shall not be kept in ignorance, know their Proverb is verifi­fied, there is seldome much smoke, but there is some fire; so you shall find, that there is not only a talk of a Plot, but such a plot indeed, as tends to the ruine and destruction of all honest men in the Kingdome: The particulars thus.

1 For the severall Counties of Essex, Surrey and Kent, the ground and growth of their late Petitions proceeded and had their births from a party in the Houses of Parliament, being Members of the Com­mittee of Derby-house, with other of their creatures, the Earle of Warwick was the first promoter of Essex Petition, Sir Arthur Anstoe of Surrey, and Sir Simple­ton Walsingham, with other of his Adherents were drawn into the present ingagement of Kent.

2. For London and the parts adjacent, there hath been a designe of listing many thousands, and putting them into Armes, which designe hath had its rise and birth from the treacherous braine of Algernon Percy, whose name and family never were found to be faith­full, either to God or their Countrey; and it may be boldly averred, that he was never other then a Tray­tor to the Kingdome since the late Warre, witnesse the plot for which Tompkins and Challenor were mur­thered, wherein the Earle of Northumberland was a chiefe Actor with Waller, and therefore though Wal­ler was the greatest offender, as having ingaged others, yet he must be sold to the Earl of Northumberland for [Page 3]some thousands of pounds, and by him conveighed into France, not only to conceale his Knavery, but to be his Agent, to keep up his credit with the Queen, and give him intelligence what the Queene desires should be effected. This is the reason why you have no further discovery of this dangerous plot, whereas had the finders been free, you should have had them proclaimed the Authors names, imprisoned them, sei­zed their estates, &c. and had a day of Thanksgiving, whereas now you see them rather desire a day of Hu­miliation for sorrow that they were so soon disco­vered.

Neither is this honoured Gentleman without o­ther accomplices, for there is a Cabinet-Councell of them, to wit, Sir William Lewis, Sir Iohn Clotworthy, the Earle of Holland, the Countesse of Carlisle, Doctor Fraper a Scot, Sir Peter Killigrew, cum multis alus, all which receive constant intelligence from the Queen, and act accordingly, and by their designement are all these commotions and troubles which threaten the Kingdome; to that end is the Earle of Northumbealand Chaire-man of the Committee of Safety at Derby­house, to the end he may be inabled to retard procee­dings, especially if they crosse the ends they aime at: But because you shall see that I speake more then pro­babilities, (although my neer relation to them would hinder) yet I will clearly discover unto you the very bottome of their design.

In order to which give me leave to informe you, that the quarrell betwixt the Factions in the Houses, is now not whether the King shall be brought in, but who shall bring him in, and who shall be the Princes of the People under him, when brought in. The Roy­all [Page 4]Presbyterian and Independent, (for there are such of both sorts, as Northumberland, Warwick, Say, Crum­well, Ireton, Vane, Senior, Vane Iunior, &c. they would bring in the King upon their accompt, and make such an agreement with him, as might not only secure them with safety, but advance them to honour also: The re­all Presbyterian and reall Independent, they are wil­ling to bring in the King, but they would first have the King secure unto them Religion, Law, and the Liber­ties of the Nation, but alack they are but a few, and their tale cannot be heard, for the cry of others is, Let us use the best means we can to satisfie the King, no matter what becomes of the Kingdome: And to this end have they underhand promoted and procured these tumults, so that thereby they might force the House to an adjournment, which is the chiefe thing they desire, and if procured, then all the power will reside in that Committee.

And because they will be sure to doe their worke, they have endeavoured to bring in seven Lords more, into them, namely, their whole House, which if effe­cted, we shall be troubled no more with a House of Peers, or Parliament, but must be governed by a Com­mittee of Estates, and by the power of the Army, (which by the assistants of their Grandee Janisaries, to wit Sultan Cromwell, Bashaw Ireton, &c. they doubt not but to quell all their opposers, and make such a peace with the King, as shall secure their power or set up another, which shall be but a Cypher, to bear the blame of their misgovernment, and please the people withall, who they say, would be quiet, if they had any thing like a King, though never so powerless or witless.

And now give me leave to pity those Gentlemen and [Page 5]others who so freely enter into an Ingagement upon such slen­der grounds, and never weigh the consequence of such ender­takings. Did the Gentlemen of Essex, Surrey, and Kent, with other the Free-holders but conceive how these men hug them­selves with the sweet apprehensions of their accomplishing their designs by their actings, yea, I say, did they but as I doe, heare and see with what contentment of spirit they receive the tidings of such their tumultuous approaches, and indeavours to terrifie and dissolve the Parliament, and with what under­valuing words they speak of them, as knowing themselves a­ble when they please to crush them and bring them under the lash; and did they (I say) but wich me know, that all their delayes therein, is but to give time to the Parliament to chew upon their fears, (which they by their creatures indeavour to heighten) that so they might be necessitated to adjourne, and look for their own security, they would more suddenly have manifested their spleen, & by the power of the sword destroyed those that have thus ignorantly prosecuted what they them­selves so cunningly designed.

Neither can I choose but pittie the Kings friends, when I consider into what a snare they have run them­selves: I make no question but that they did cordially intend their assistance for the Kings restauration, but by these actings (as these Politicians have ordered it) they have contributed assistance to the Kings ruine: for they must know, that if the House adjourne, and these seem­ing stormes be once blown over, if the King will not grant what they desire, these actings (though by them­selves designed and promoted) shall be charged upon the Kings accompt, and brought as arguments to justi­fie their future dealings with him.

Thus you see the wits of the time out-witted, and the proverb verified, All is not gold that glisters. Here you see a whole Kingdome abused, and in danger to be inslaved to advance the interest of foure and twenty K—. O that Englishmen would be wise, and at [Page 6]last, before it bee too late, by an happy union seek the establishment of iustice and freedome.

Can you ever expect happinesse from extremes? can you find certainty in uncertainties? or doe you ever look to get peace by warre, order by confusion? cer­tainly no rationall man can be so besotted as to ima­gine, that certain rules of government could be a bur­den to him, seeing onely uncertainty hath occasioned all our trouble? Had the Kings power and the Parlia­ments Priviledges been limited and declared, the exer­cise of the Militia could never have caused such a blou­dy dispute: And I do conceive it is not our work now to contest for preserving the now-established Lawes, since we have experimentally found many of them to be burthensome and destructive in themselves, none of them (by reason of abuse and corruption) a protection to us in our liberties or properties: but to labour for such an establishment for the future, as may be a cer­tain and safe rule for Kings, Parliaments and People to walk by, since neither in reason ought to be absolved from obedience to all just Lawes; or left to govern, or be governed, by the dictates of lust, will or pleasure.

Westminster Projects.

WHat a strange age are we fallen into? where no­thing but knavery is practised, and nothing but Religion professed; seeming holiness hath cau­sed our unhappiness, and we are cheated into slavery, by fair promises of Freedom and Liberty: O tempora! O mores! O times! O manners! whom shall we beleeve or trust, if not those that are seemingly clothed with righteousness; who with such zeal dare call the God of Heaven to evidence the sincerity of their hearts, in that they had no other end or intention then the ad­vancement of His Majesty, and the Peace of the Kingdom?

But alas, alas, Great men are subject to forgetfulness, especially when their honor and promotion stand in competition with their Religion; witness our ambitious Lords, and oppressing Grandees, who seven years ago preacht a doctrine, that the King might not op­press, but now they tell us they may: A King might not impeach, imprison, fine, &c. but now they may, and have; witness their un­just dealings with the seven impeached Lords, eleven impeached Commons, and the four Aldermen: (for the fift he proved a Culli­on, and acknowledged himself a Traytor, and so became capable of mercy, and the enjoyment of fourteen hundred a year, by the excise, which if he had not submitted, and kissed sultan Cromwels great Toe, he had surely lost: and therefore all things considered, Alderman Cullum was the wisest man, for what are all the Liberties of Eng­land worth in comparison of his office? Alas money will buy him a good name, and so long as he is free, no matter who are slaves:) But on the contrary I must commend the valour, honesty, and inno­cency of those worthy Patriots of their Country, Sir John Maynard, Sir John Geare, Alderman Adams, Alderman Langham, and Al­derman Bunce, who for their own Vindication, and the securing the Liberties of England out of the jaws of those devouring Har­pies [Page 4]the Lords, (who study nothing more than to make the people slaves,) have so nobly entered the Lists, and notwithstanding so ma­ny disadvantages (in respect of custom, presidents, power and per­swasions to the contrary) have continued the combate, and come off, not only unfoild, but with honor, having thrown the Lords Ju­risdiction (by them usurped over Commons) on its back; so that unless Englishmen prove the worst of cowards it will not be possi­ble for the Lords ever to dare to take the impudence to adjudg, fine, or imprison a Commoner more, for which noble act of theirs they deserve to have their names engraven in Marble with this memo­rial.

But for Cullum this shall be his memorial.

But now I talk of twelve hundred pounds, give me leave to tell you that it is no wonder that we are slaves to the Grandees, nay, that we are no more slaves then we are, for you must know, that there are in the City but 24. Aldermen, and at least fourteen of them [Page 5]have fourteen hundred a year by their places, which they enjoy by the favour of the ruling party of Lords and Commons: and where­fore think you is it that they confer such places on them? is it not to the end that they may give them assistance to enslave and ride you when they please. Have they not all along made use of their power and interest in the City, to raise what sums of money they pleased? and if a demand was made for the loan of ten or twenty thousand pounds, would not these men always appear the promoters thereof, and to draw others on, make proffers to lend a thousand pounds a man, which they knew well enough how to pay themselves again, out of the Treasury; but for you, you must be content with the pub­lick Faith; nay, Hay, have they not by this means had such an in­fluence upon the Councels and Government of this City, that we have not had liberty to chuse our own Governors or Officers, nor dispose of our own Militia, or indeed do any thing, but what corre­sponded with the sence of the Grandee Faction, but it should meet great opposition in debate at our Common Councels; and if they could not carry things there as they desired, then presently the pow­er of the Parliament must be made use of to forbid the prosecution of that, which they by their interest could not hinder: Thus are you notwithstanding all your struglings for Freedom, involved in slavery, and yet know it not, for it cannot be imaginable that these men which get so much by the Grandee Faction, as Gibs, Woolaston, Foulk, &c. should ever carry on any other interest then their Ma­sters; and unless you be wise, and force all such Pentionary Alder­men to disgorge, give up their places, or throw off their Gowns, which would be best of all, and choose honester in their rooms, and also make provision for the future, that no Alderman or other Magi­strate shall take upon him any such employment, as the receiving and disposing of the publike Treasure: It is impossible for you to be o­ther slaves, and so to be liable to be oppressed, taxed and cheated: for if he that hath a sword in his hand shall have power to dispose of the publick treasure, he will not fear to be his own carver, and who shall dare to call him to an account?

But I have found so much knavery in the City, that I had almost lost my way to Westminster, which is the very fountain of fallacy; where in the first place I met with a Committee of Condemnation, alias, a Committee of Indempnity, where I found them robbing [Page 6] Peter to pay Paul: There was a great controversie, and the de­bate was desperate and dubitable, whether the Keeper of Newgate Mr Woolaston should be protected for his knavery, or Colonel Lilburne punished for his honesty: I was loth to stay to see the is­sue, for fear it should have stunk, for it is ten to one but the knave Jaylor had the most of the Committee on his side, because there was a knave Lord or two to overlook them, for fear they should do justice and suffer the Rogue to be hanged for his knavery, and then they be put to the trouble to send a reprieve to hell for him, knowing it is impossible on earth to find so fit an instrument to ex­ecute their infernal commands.

From thence I went to the Committee of safety at Darby House where I found them as safe as a Cat in a Cubbard, hugging them­selves for joy at the successe of their Plot, which was as fol­loweth:

I told you the last time how and by what means the tumults in the several Counties were occasioned, namely by the underhand de­signements of this Grandee Faction, sitting at Darby House: Give me leave now to tell you further, that all these appearances by Goring &c. for the King, are but delusions, and by designe, thereby to perfect their work of perpetuation of their power.

It is certain that Goring is imployed by these juggling knaves, on­ly to engage as many as he can in the name of the King, thereby to give them an opportunity to crush and bring the Kings party so low, that it shall not be possible for them to rise again, which, if effected, say they, it will bring such a terrour upon all other parties in the Kingdom, that do what we will, we shall not need to fear any: And then shall the King be necessitated either to accept of such conditions as we shall afford him, or else we shall be in pow­er to depose him, and either keep the power in our own hands, or set up the Duke of Glocester, which will serve but as a Cypher to please the people withall.

Suitable to this design was the late answer to the Counties Pe­titions, That they would maintain a Government by King, Lords and Commons &c. And that in due time they would take into consideration how to settle the Kingdom. Which I am confident they are resolved of, if this work they have now in hand be but ef­fected, which is as followeth; They will offer to the King such [Page 7]termes of Agreement as shall serve to secure the power and places of honor and preferment of the ruling party of the Parliament and Army; And if the King will joyn with them upon such an account, they will bring him in; but if he will not, then, they say, they have ground enough to lay him aside, and to set up the Duke of Glocester, who shall only have the title, but th [...]y will exercise the power as a Committee of Estates: such a Committee as now sits at Darby House; and if this should be effected, (which will without all question, if the people speedily interpose not,) all our seven years sufferings have served but as an Induction to a greater bondage and slavery, then what we either found or fear in the King, though without all question if in this way he should prevail, it would be to the peoples extream prejudice.

Therefore my friends seeing we are betwixt two extreams, and that whoever rules we are designed to slavery, let us at last act ra­tionally and shew charity to our selves, as well as loyalty to the King or affection to the Parliament and Army, for certainly it is possible for a King to be happy, and yet a people to be both safe and free; for a Parliament to be free and powerful, but not unli­mited, or unbounded, either in its actions or priviledges, and for an Army to be an useful servant, and not an insulting tyrannical master.

But without the peoples union upon common and just principles for the preservation of all just interests, it is impossible to keep a King from being a Tyrant, a Parliament from being oppressive, or an Army from being abusive.

Therefore seeing the quarrel on all hands is, whose interest shall be secured; The King for his, The Parliament for theirs, The Ar­my for theirs; And in all these contests you are only destroyed, and yet no security sought or endeavoured for you; As if your lives e­states and children were given you only to be made use of to support the Ambition of a few men, who by flattery and dissimulation have gotten titles of honor and places of profit, which they are loth to part with, or give an account for; And therefore you must be made their Properties, and by them be enforced to spend the fruits of your labour, hazard the lives of your selves, children and servants, only to keep your selves from being slaves to one, that you may be slaves to another.

O therefore dear Countrymen, if you have the hearts of English­men, before you again endeavour to drown the Kingdom in a de­luge of Blood, consider wherefore you fight, and what will be the fruit of it; and at last consult your own safety, which ought to be the supream Law both to King and Parliament. The people safety is the supream Law: then without controversie the Kings power, and the Parliaments too, was conferred upon them for that end, namely to preserve the People, and not as they have done to destroy them.

It is your interest now to consider, what power the King may have that is consistant with your freedom, and what power Parlia­ments may have also, that may enable them to do the work for which you chose them, and that they be bounded, as to what you empower them, and what not, let them have a rule of certainty, for we see apparently uncertainty hath occasioned all our trouble.