THE HISTORY OF THE Government of France, UNDER THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE Great Armand Du Plessis, Cardinall and Duke of Richlieu, and chief Minister of State in that Kingdome. Wherein occur many Important Negotiations, relating to most part of Christendome in his time.

With Politique Observations upon the CHAPTERS.

Translated out of French by J. D. Esq.

LONDON, Printed by J. Macock, for Joshua Kirton, and are to be sold at the Kings Arms in St Pauls Church-yard. 1657.

EMINENTISSIMVS ARMANDVS IOANNES DV PLESSIS CARDINALIS RICHELEVS. etc.
G: Faithorne excud

TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE John Thurloe, Esq. SECRETARIE OF STATE.

SIR,

THe Illustrious Cardinall truely E­minent for his sublime qualities, presenteth Himself unto You, in ful assurance of a most ample Pro­tection both to his Memory and Fame: Generous and active Souls have a naturall, and therefore inseparable, inclination to the mutu­all Honour and Defence of each other. It were injustice that that Pilot, who in his life time knew so well to sail with security amidst the many turbu­lent and frequent storms of Fortune, should be toss'd and molested in his Urn, the Harbour where common humanity allows a quiet Station to all: Be pleased therefore, Noble Sir, to undertake the Patronage of this Great Person, in whose History you will encounter nothing but what relisheth of an high Grandeur and an extraordinary Genius. Indeed the cleer and happy Justice of those affairs, [Page]whereon you are engag'd, will not finde much here for your imitation, yet questionless many things there are, which upon another account, may challenge your admiration and applause. The Symmetrie of your Administrations doth oblige you to accept of this Dedication from him who devoteth himself to your commands in the quality of

SIR,
Your Honours most humble Servant. JOHN DODINGTON.

To the Reader.

I Desire thee to excuse the many Errata's which doubtless thou wilt here meet, in regard the Printer, in some places, hath fail'd in point of Orthographie, give him the allowance as in such cases are common, and the scales will be turn'd: for other faults I must also Apologize, in regard of my own affaires, which would not permit me to review my own Coppy or Cor­rect the Press. If thou dost then demand why I un­dertook it, I shall deal ingeniously with thee, and tell thee, I was ingaged upon it, by the importunate sur­prisall of a friend who extorted a promise of it from me, ere I well knew what I had promised; I beseech thee therefore to connive at what cannot now by ei­ther of us be amended. Thus much more I thought good to let thee know, that if this finde thee merciful, I may perchance present thee with the sequell of the Cardinals Administration until his Death, the man­ner of his Death, his last Will, his Birth, and Youth­full Studies, with diverse of his Letters, and many quaint Observations upon his Life and Death, which I hope may better deserve thy approval.

I. D.

These Books are lately Printed, and are sold at the Kings Armes in Pauls Church-yard.

A Collection out of the best approved Authors, containing several Histories of Visions, Apparitions, Prophesies, Spirits, Divinati­ons, and other wonderful Illusions of the Divel, wrought by Ma­gick, or otherwise. Also of divers Astrological predictions, shew­ing the vanity of them, and folly of trusting to them. By G. I.

A Restitution of decayed intelligence in Antiquities, concerning the most Noble and Renowned English Nation; by the Study and Travel of Richard Vestegan.

The History and Character of the Bishops in the Reigns of Queen Elizabeth, and King James; Written by Sir John Harrington, for the private use of Prince Henry.

The Magistrates Authority in matters of Religion asserted: Or, the Right of the State in the Church. A Discourse written by the Learned Hugo Grotius.

Of Government and Obedience, as they stand directed and determi­ned by Scripture and Reason. Four Books, by John Hall of Richmond.

Two Plays of Mr James Shirley's. The Constant Maid, A Comedy: and St Patrick for Ireland.

That excellent Tragedy of Bussy D' Ambois, Written by George Chap­man.

These now in the Press.

The Man in the Moon: Or, a Discourse of a Voyage into the Moon. By Domingo Gonzales. Also Nuncius Inanimatus, or the Myste­rious Messenger; both written by D. F. G. a man of great parts and Eminency in his time.

The Indian History of Anaxandre and Orazia: Written in French by Monsieur de Bois-Robert. Translated into English by a Person of Honour some years since.

THE HISTORY OF THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE Cardinal de Richelieu.

Anno 1624.

GOD, who is able onely by the strength of his Arms to over­rule Kingdomes according to his own pleasure, hath given some part of their Government to Soveraigns, whom he hath established as Vicegerents of his Power. The Love which he bears to men hath inclined him to admit them un­to the pertaking of his Authority. And if he hath ordain­ed intelligences in the Heavens to over-see their motions; he hath also decreed certain men upon the earth, who should have the charge of reigning over Kingdomes. But though he hath invested all Kings with an absolute Authority, yet he hath not indued them all with one and the same Genius. His Prudence, which guides all things by Weight, Number, and Measure, hath affected, that as in Painting there are Raphaels and Titians, whose pieces serve other Painters to learn the perfection of their Art; so there should likewise be in Regality, Caesars, Constantines, and Charlemains, whose Actions might be recorded as examples for all others. As it is said in Philosophy, (Perfectum in suo genere est mensura Caeterorum.) The worthiest subject in every kind serves for a measure to all within its compasse. And who can refuse to rank in this number the present King, under whose Scepter the Kingdome hath the happi­ness to be now governed? To speak truth, his Actions have fixed the Kingdome in the highest point of glory, that many ages have seen; his Prudence, Valour, and Justice do shine with so much splendour, that without doubt, they are sufficient to teach the Laws of Government to all other Princes. He never affected any Title [Page 2]but that of Just; because he made choice of Justice for the rule of all his Actions; knowing that it was the most illustrious perfection in all Kings, that it was it, which rendered their Majesty most venerable. That it was it, which gave a good successe to all their enterprizes; and lastly, that this was it which was the strongest Prop of Peace. But we should offend against that very Justice, if we should deny h [...]m the Title of Great, which his Scepter gives to him: The Title of Invincible which his Valour hath merited; the Title of August, which his vertue hath acquired; the Title of Conquerour, which Fortune her self hath bestowed upon him. His digni­ty maketh him the greatest of Kings; his Power the strongest; his Conduct the wisest; his Treasuries the Richest, and his Vertue the most just. We have seen some Clouds arise, which have seemed to obscure his light; but they have onely ser­ved to set off with advantage the wonders of his Conduct, and he hath ever dispel­led from us all those Tempests of Mis-fortunes which have threatned France. He hath the Honour to be Son to a Father, to whom a thousand ill strious acts have acquired the quality of Great. And I think it may be said with truth, if Fortune d [...]id set limits to Philips Conquests, that there might be some subjects for his Son A­lexander to shew his courage on; Heaven did also set bounds to the glory of that grand Prince, in suppressing civil wars, that our Lews the Just might have occasion to triumph over Heresie and curb in the Ambition of the house of Austria. In pro­secution of these two designs, he began to overcome as soon as ever he knew how to mount on Horse-back: That he replanted the Standard of the Cross in Bearn; that he disarmed Heresie, over all the Kingdom; that he hath so often made the Spaniard and King of Hungary to let go their Holds, and that he forced them to relinquish the design which they had so long projected of universal Monarchy. Heaven seems to have made a Bargain with him that he should overthrow whatever resisted him, that his actions should be as so many miracles, and that his reign should be full as happy in the obedience and love of his Subjects, as illustrious by his victories and triumphs. Which being so, how can we pass by so many glorious Actions without publishing his Wisdome and Generosity? were not that not onely to deny to his Valour the praise it justly vindicates, but even to deprive Posterity of an example whereby it might learn what no books of Policy can teach? It is not fit to publish the secrets of a Prince, but it is just to declare his vertues: And if the first be for­bid by the Laws of Secrecy, the acknowledgement which is due to their merit, and the zeal of the Publick good obligeth us to the seco [...]d: This is the principal reason which hath invited me to publish the glory of his reign, and I would condemn my Pen to perpetual silence, if it had been mute on this occasion; so necessary will it be to those, who shall govern France in future Ages, to follow those footsteps which he hath left behind him. I confess, I am not able to find words equal to the great­ness of his Actions; but I had rather want words, then acknowledgements for my King, and affection for my Country. but I shall nevertheless hope to acquit my self so much the more fortunately, as the heroick Actions of great Princes, have often rendred those eloquent who have undertook to write them.

A Prince who would signalize himself by an extraordinary conduct ought to chuse Ministers, who are sufficiently able to assist him with their counsels, and to put them in execution. For the better choosing of whom, I think it convenient to observe with T. Livy, that there are three sorts of them.

The first Eminent, who are able to govern all by their own discretions, and who have a Prudence vigorous enough, to advise of themselves whatsoever is necessary for Government without being beholding to others; who see all, penetrate into all, judge of all, and whose Genius is strong enough to bear up the weight of the greatest affairs.

The second may be called Indifferent, who have not sufficiency enough to judge of all things, or to execute them, but have a good capacity to apprehend the judge­ments of others in their Counsel, and so to govern affairs by their directions, that they are often times successefull in the greatest enterprizes.

The third and last have so little Judgement, that they are neither able to manage [Page 3]affairs by their own, or the advices of others; whence it happens, that they are apt to commit very deplorable faults, and to put all things into Confusion. Of the first rank ought a Prince to choose his ministers, if he would design any great attempts, or carry them on to a good success. If he himself too, be of this number, they will bring wonders to passe, if he be not, he hath so much the more need to have persons of this temper neer him. For God who hath naturally subjected little things to great, seems to have given Letters Pattents to eminent spirits, to govern; if not by their Authority, at least by their Counsels, the rest of Mankind. It is a dange­rous fault to choose Ministers at a venture; and for that reason Aristotle blamed the Athenians, who chused their Magistrates by Lot, it being absolutely necessary to elect them by Prudence, and still to prefer the most capable. The Proverb saith, Ex quolibet ligno non fit Mercurius, a Sowes Ear wil not make a Silk-Purse; and true it is, that not all are proper for all affairs. Men must be fitted to their Commissions, least they not having abilities proportionable, do not onely ruine the most glorious designs, but withall, make them end in great mis-fortunes. If men have never at­chieved any thing greater then States and Empires, surely they cannot do any thing more glorious, then to govern them well; and since Causes ought to be proporti­oned to effects, it is necessary to imploy great Persons in great places. That sight which should pierce into the remotest Objects should be the sharpest. That Arm which should throw furthest, ought to be strongest; that light which should shine in many places, ought to be liveliest; and generally all causes which should have most force in their operation, should have most vigour in then power. Which being so, ought not the understanding of a Minister to be quicker, then that of o­thers, seeing be is to dive into truths? His Memory, ought it not to be stronger, seeing it ought to preserve more Species? ought not his Soul to be more capable, seeing it ought to be more Universal? ought not his Wisdome to be greater, since he must comprehend more reason? and ought not his Prudence to be more perspi­cacious, seeing he is obliged to provide for the greatest and most important affairs? An ordinary capacity of mind is sufficient for the guiding of a private life, but he who hath the charge of governing a State, ought to surpass all others in the strength of his Genius. God who is the first reason and mover of Nature, may be his ex­ample in this kind, and of necessity who so doth serve next under him in the Admi­nistration of a Kingdome, ought to be indued with a more vigorous wisdome then others; that he may be as the understanding Soul in a civil Society, and a guider of all others motions by his own Councels. Not to follow this rule, were to put all into confusion and disorder, and one of the greatest vanities which is under the Sun, saith the Spirit of God in the Scriptures, is, To place Fools upon the Tribunal, and to leave Wise men standing upon the ground. It were to set a Sailor to the Helm, and the Pilot to the Oar; it were to commit the guidance of the Primum mobile, to the last or the least of all the Celestial Spheres.

The Reception of the Cardinal into the Administration of the STATE.

THose eminent qualities which raised the Cardinal from above the pitch of other men, induced the Queen mother to present him to the King her Son, to assist his Councels, which qualifications, had not been alone sufficient for the Admini­stration, if not accompanied with Fidelity. Although this Vertue seems to have lesse splendor then others, yet this is it which is so needfull a quality, that the grea­test Souls are not proper for that condition if their Ambition, Covetousness, or their private interest, are able to divert them upon any occasion whatsoever. But in whom did it ever appear with so much splendor, as in the Cardinal, who did al­waies make it his end, never to seek for Honour and Wealth but in his Majesties service? Which his Majesty had very singular proofs of, by his management of those important Affairs, whilest he was Secretary of State, and he had one most ample particular assurance of it, in his removal from the Court; during all which [Page 4]time, his Majesty could never find that he held the least intelligence with the Queen Mother, or those Grandees of State, to make Cabals contrary to his Authority, though he had understanding enough not to be ignorant of some means which serve to imbroyl things on such occasions. At first he was contented to Officiate like a good Prelate in his own Diocess, without medling in any publick affairs, but those which are common to all good French men, who have any knowledge thereof; and being afterwards removed into Avignon, he had no other intention, but of con­versing with his Books, and such vertues as are required in those of his Coat; testi­fying by this great reservedness, that he was so much the more worthy of those im­ployments, which had formerly been conferred upon him, according to that of the wise Polititians, There are none fitter to command, then those who obey with mo­deration and fidelity; the reason is, in obeying they learn to command, and that all men do willingly submit to them, who being private men have lived modestly and in-offensively. But how could the King be capable of the least suspicion of his Fidelity, after that one Procedure of his which was seen by the whole Nation, when he was recalled from Avignon, to divert the Queen Mother from those de­signs, which they who had advised her to with-draw from Bloys to Angoulesm, did perswade unto her? It was no little honour for him, to see that they who had so ill created him, did yet believe he had sincerity enough to serve them in such an occasion as that was. He got an accruement of Glory too, by his Loyalty in his quick dispatch to that great Princess, and by declaring to those Grandees then with her, that whatever opportunities he had to make them repent of those injuries they had done him, yet he would never deceive or betray them.

The Queen Mother was in a good Hold, the greatest part of the Princes and ma­ny Lords offered her their service; insomuch that would he have joyned the facul­ties of his mind to those forces which they might have raised, he might have held them so much play, that they would have found themselves intangled. It seemed he was invited to testifie a sensible apprehension in the Queen his Mistresses behalf, he having received from her hands many signal favours in recompence of the services he had done unto her, and that then he had nothing to hope for but her good opi­nion, so much had those Gentlemen thwarted him. But neither the resentments of former indignities, nor his indeavours in his Mistresses behalf, nor the hopes of a greater Fortune, nor the consideration of his own interest, could ever so little shake him in his Fidelity. After he was arrived at Angoulesm, and that his own merit had restored him to that place of esteem, which he formerly held in her Majesties good favour, he proposed no other end in his discourse, but to set her right with the King. He presently assured her, that he suffered in the disasters to which her enemies had brought her, and not resting barely there, he made use of this com­passion, to insinnuate himself more effectually into her soul, and to gain a greater power over her spirit, that he might improve to advantage the charms, which his complaisant humour had given him, and shewed clearly to her, that if she thought it her mis-fortune, not to be Mistress of his Majesties Person and Councel, her con­dition would be much more to be deplored, seeing she was no better then a Slave to the designs and Wills of those who hurried her into broyls, and that she could not chuse a worse party into whose hands she might commit the management of her own interest. Hee made it evident to her, that Arms were but a weak means in France to restore people to the Government, seeing his Majesties have been ever Victorious; they who provoke him doe but totally destroy themselves. Of this truth, he produced several examples, which are recorded in all Revolts from time to time: Lastly, he convinced to her, that she might with ease re-assume that Au­thority from whence she was fallen, would she but re-unite hers with the Kings in­terests; that if shee should not obtain all at the first dash, shee ought to expect some thing from time, but with confident assurance, that the King her son had such natural resentments for her, that they alone would force him, to accord her whatever she could with reason expect, though he were not invited to it by her pru­dence, or the Counsels of those who had the honour to be her servants. That du­ring [Page 5]her separating her self from his Majesty, she could hope for nothing but scorn and debility, whereas she should no sooner oblige his Majesty by restoring to him, her heart and affections, but she would find her self attended back to the Court, honoured and obeyed by all the world as she was formerly wont to be. These were some of those reasons which he laid before her; and true it is, that his Pru­dence animated with his Fidelity, induced her to resolve upon that Accommodati­on which hath so long kept their Majesties in a strict union, and France in so sweet a repose.

His Majesty did better understand then any other person, all the particulars of the Cardinals negotiation, and apprehended so great an esteem of his Fidelity, that he thought no consideration able to undermine it; and seeing that one, accompa­nied with many other eminent qualities, hee was easily convinced, that he had not in his whole Kingdome, a person more capable or worthy of the Administration then himself. Who can describe with what dexterity the whole face of Affairs were changed, which before were managed but lamely and by halfs? Whereas hee conforming himself to those inclinations, which carried his Majesty to great de­signs, perswaded him to set them forwards, and assisted him in their execution. Formerly all affairs were carried without secrecy, so that strangers had all the in­telligence of their resolutions; which they dis-appointed and obstructed, before they were in a forwardness to be set on foot. But this great Minister, knowing secrecy to be the Soul of Counsel, and that none are better then those which continue un­known even after the execution, brought forth every day wonders effected by his Prudence, of which the Grandees themselves had not so much as a thought. In­deed it was so much the easier for him so to do, his Majesty being the most secret Prince that ever was. Formerly, every one was impatient at the obstacles and de­lays of the Marquess de la Vieville; whereas after his establishment, all those who had any affairs to negotiate or represent, for his Majesties service, were over-joyed that they were to Treat with a Minister, whose Countenance was a Throne of sweet­ness and bounty, and whose words have so powerfull a Charm, that they still went away satisfied, what ever difficulties were proposed by them. Besides, they were constrained, as it were to pay him all respects; and the Gravity too, which the Gra­ces have bestowed upon him, is so agreeable and taking, that the respect which it begets in the soules of men, never thwarts that love which is due unto him, and that love doth not at all hinder them from fearing to displease him.

The ancient Allies of this Crown, formerly left for a prey to their enemies, be­gan to be confident to him, as soon as ever they had known him, and finding that his Genius did not terminate in a meer defensive, they betook them to their Arms, not onely to oppose those unjust Usurpations, which were made upon them, but also to assault and set upon those who had began them. In short, as he never declared himself to be for any Faction; but on the contrary, shewed himself much averse to all Rebellions; both the Grandees of the Kingdome and Hugonots too, were not long to learn that it would become them for the future, to live within the limits of their obedience: And lastly, not being able to away with any Mutiny, he soon be­gan to make them take some course of living, which is the surest foundation of Peace in a Kingdome: so that every one had the content to see France flourish, both at home and abroad, and to acquire its former lustre, which hath alwaies made it ac­knowledged to be the first Kingdome of Europe.

The Marriage of the King of England with the Lady Henrietta Maria of France.

THe first considerable affair, which presented it self after the Cardinals admit­tance to the Administration, was the Marriage of the Lady Henrietta Maria, his Majesties Sister, with Charles Prince of Wales, the present King of Great Brit­tain. The Spaniard had a long time feared it would be made up, knowing that if France and England were leagued together, they would become so considerable as [Page 6]that they would without difficulty frustrate and bring all his designs to nothing; so he indeavoured to hinder it by pretending a desire himself had to contract an Alli­ance with England; and accordingly hee proposed to match his Infanta with the Prince of Wales, giving some hopes by Paraquance, that he would restore the Pa­latinate, though he had as little mind to deliver it, as the King of Great Brittain had earnest Passion to recover it. He held on this Treaty at least twelve years, yet finding every day new excuses, to defer the conclusion of it: But at last the King of Great Brittain, detected his deceipt, which had lain hid under those delays, and found out, that his design was onely to gain time, untill all the daughters of France were married elsewhere: at least he had great conjectures of it; to clear all, and bring it to a conclusion, he thought good that the Prince of Wales, should in person go into Spain. Hee had not been there many dayes, before it was known, both to himself and those of his Counsel, that they had been untill that time entertained with vain hopes, however he would not make known his resentments in a strange Country, where he might receive much damage by it, but being return'd into Eng­land; he informed King James his Father of it, with so much anger, that they re­solved to break with him, rather sooner then later to avoid exposing themselves to the dis-esteem which other Princes might have of their management of this affair; and withall to countenance the breach by the Parliaments approbation. This re­solve was as soon executed as concluded, and King James having summoned a Par­liament, at least to consult on a means for recovery of the Palatinate, informed them of the many reasons which he had to beleeve, that the Spaniards had no in­tention of concluding those Propositions of marriage which had been so long in Treaty; that the onely end of their design was, to gain time and to fortifie them­selves in the Palatinate, and so to settle themselves there, that shortly it would be impossible to remove them thence, and therefore hee thought it fit no longer to hearken after it. The Parliament were induced with so much the more ease, to be­leeve these reasons, they having testified on divers occasions, their suspicions of the Spanish tricks, and in conclusion, thought good not to regard any more their Pro­positions of the Match. But the King of Great Brittain stayed not long there, for the Prince of Wales his son (who had now good esteem of France, and a liking for the Kings Sister whom he had seen, as he passed thorough that Court, without discovering himself) had perswaded him to give him leave to seek for that Prin­cess in marriage, which was proposed in Parliament, and carried without much dif­ficulty for many reasons which were there alledged; particularly, That the French being accustomed to live with those of their Religion, it was to be beleeved, they would not make such extraordinary demands in behalf of the Catholicks, as the Spaniard would have done. It was then resolved to dispatch an Ambassadour into France, who might lay the first foundation of that Treaty; so that the King forth­with made choice of the Earls of Carlisle and Holland. The latter set forward about Mid-May. He had order first to wait on the King alone, and to pretend the interests of the Palatinate, but indeed to discover how they would resent his Proposal, and if rejected, not to make any more noise of it; accordingly hee met his Majesty and Compiegne, he began to consider about means to recover the Pa­latinate, and then acquainted him with a great deal of dexterity, that the King his Master desired his Son the Prince of Wales might marry his sister. The King who understoood that Proposals of this nature, how remote soever ought not to be re­ceived but with honour, testified that he had a great esteem of it, and forthwith debated it with his Ministers, to give him an answer; it was concluded, That this Match was very convenient for the Quality of his Majesties Sister; That in the whole Empire there was not any more hopefull: That History records above twenty Al­liances between France, England, and Scotland: That it would be easie to assure her Ladyship the exercise of her Religion, considering what had been granted to the Spaniard: That great Princesses are in this particular, in a worse condition than Ladies of a meaner Quality, by reason half an Age hardly produceth a Match correspondent to their Birth, so that having once lost their opportunities, they live to see the Har­vest [Page 7]of their Beauties reaped by years, without ever marrying; whereupon it was resolved to see what particular Proposals would be made, this result was signified to the Earl of Holland, who assured them that the King his Master would receive it with much joy, yet deferring to enter into any further Treaty, untill he had received particular instructions from his Majesty. Who upon the receiving of that news, dis­patched with all diligence, the Earl of Carlisle, with full power to conclude the Match. The Earl of Holland went to Amiers to meet him, that they might confer together what they had to do, and afterwards being come near to Campeign, the King hearing of it, commanded the Duke of Cheuruse, to go receive them with twelve Coaches full of Nobility, and withall to entertain them magnificently, and defray their charges during their abode at Court. The day after their arrival, they had Audience given them, and the Proposals which they made appeared so rea­sonable, that the King presently judging that they might easily be resolved, appoin­ted Commissioners to treat with them. The Cardinal was at that time newly ad­vanced to the Administration, but he made it apparent, that he was not a Novice in the management of it; for the King desiring his opinion of this Treaty, he not onely added many other reasons to those alledged in the first consultation; but moreover suggested to his Majesty such judicious means to carry on the business, that he could not enough admire his Prudence.

Amongst other reasons of the commodiousness of this Match, hee represented to him, that England once leagued with France by this Alliance, there was hopes that they would joyn their Forces to assist the German Princes, since it was yet more for the Interest of England then France, to re-establish them; which being so, their powers would not onely ballance those of the house of Austria, but over­poize them too, with never so little assistance from those Princes: That the happy successe which would follow, would adde as much Glory to his Crown and State, as discredit and confusion to his enemies: Moreover, that it being very expedient to curb the Insolencies of the Hugonots, this marriage would be of great use, as well because it would with-hold the King of Great Brittain, from assisting them, as also, because it might be a means to procure shipping from him for the reducing of Ro­chel; in short, That there was great hopes to beleeve, the Princess might much ad­vance the Catholick Religion in England, if as there was no doubt she were beloved by the King and the Prince her Husband. So that of all sides there was nothing Prognosticated but great happinesse, judging it requisite, to use addresse and pru­dence for the speedy effecting of it.

The King did very wel relish the Consideration, and thereupon commanding him to have a particular eye upon the Treaty, his judgement which presently penetrates into affairs, and quickneth expeditions, did negotiate it with so ready a Conduct, that he shortly brought it to such a passe that it might receive a Conclusion; and that which I finde in it most to be admired, is, That the success hath shewed he was not mistaken in his conjecture. England also did forthwith joyn with France, to give means to Mansfield to enter with a puissant Army into Germany, that he might at­tempt the re-establishment of the Palatine; and the year following, the King of Great Brittain sent ships to the King, which helped him to gain a glorious Naval victory against those of Rochel. The same effects had assuredly continued without the Intregues of Madam de Cheuruse, without the ill conduct of some who accom­panied the Princess, and without the death of King James. For his Majesty from that time shewed himself so affectionate to France, that one day he openly said be­fore divers Lords of the Court, that the King had gained more upon him, then any of his Predecessors, and that he would not onely imploy his Subjects lives, but his own too, in defence of his interests, and to oppose the Rebels who should attempt any Insurrections in France; and lesse could not be expected from the Princess in the behalf of Religion, if death had not prevented that Monarch from seeing the mar­riage consummated; for the Passion which he had already in her behalf, though he had never seen her was so sensible, that he was heard say, with a great deal of ten­derness, which was taken notice of amongst other discourse of the same nature; [Page 8]That he would quarrel with her because she would not read his Letter, nor that of the Prince his son, without leave from the Queen her Mother, but withall that he was much bound to her, because after she had read them, she laid his under her Pillow, but his sons in her Bosome, to shew that she did rely upon him, and lodge his son in her heart.

Politick Observation.

ALliances with strangers by Marriages have passed amongst others for the Prin­cipal means, which are thought proper to augment the Peace and Power of a Kingdome. By them it is, that we o [...]ten see those great fires of War which con­sumed them, extinguished, and the sweetness of a happy Peace restored to the people. Thus Hugh the Earl of C [...]a [...]lins son, by his Marriage with Alice, Inhe­ritrix of the Earldome of Bourgogn, restored peace to both, who had along time groaned under the miseries of War. Thus those great enemies which exasperated the houses of Bourgogn and Orl [...]ance were allayed for some time, by the Marriage of Philip Count de Vertus, second (son to the Duke of Orleance, who had been slain by the Duke of Burgogn) with Katharine of Burgogn. And to re-inforce this truth with ancient examples. Thus Argas King of Cyrene promised to bestow his onely daughter Beonice, upon the son of his Brother Ptolomei, whereby to ob­literate, the memory and resentment of the hatred which had been between them. But Peace is not the onely benefit recorded to attend Marriages. For how often have Princes inlarged thei [...] bounds by that means? Who knows not that the House of Austria, had not been thus Potent, but by Alliances, and that the marriage of Heti [...]gis▪ Inheritrix of Ʋltrich, Burg, Longravat, and Alsace, with Albertus sirnamed the Sage; of Elizabeth Inheritrix of Austria, Carintia, Tyrol, and Go­ricie, with the Emperour Albertus the first; of Jane Inheritrix of Castile, Arra­gon, S [...]cili [...], and Naples, with Philip Arch-Duke of Austria; of Anne Inheri­trix of Hungaria and Bohemia, with the Emperour Ferdinand the first, brother to Charles the Fifth, have been the true Rise of its Grandure, which was inconside­rable at that time, they had no other honour, but that of being issued from the County of Abspurg in Switzerland? Besides, Princes allyed by marriage common­ly joyning their Forces together, do not a little help to defend one another upon an occasion, and even to favour those enterprizes which either of them shal make to increase their power. Lewis the second well knew how to break off the Match, be­tween Charles Duke of Burgogn, with Margaret daughter to Richard Duke of York, and Sister to Edward King of En [...]l [...]nd, which would have joyned the Eng­lish Forces with those of B [...]rgogn, by demanding that Princess for Charles his bro­ther, though he had no intention to marry him to her, he being too too prudent to match a Brother so inclinable to Rebellion, with an enemy so Potent as she was. It is true, if the Aliance of France with England, was then thought to be disad­vantagious to the good of France; yet now, that which may be concluded on with them, is of so much the greater concernment, because having nothing more to do, then to ballance the house of Austria, it could not gain a greater advantage in relation to that design, then by this means; for this being one of the power­fullest Kingdomes in Europe, will turn the scales to that of the two Crowns, with which it shall bee joyned in Alliance. France cannot hope that England would (upon any consideration of marriage whatsoever) relinquish their own particular interests, seeing Soveraigns have nothing which is dearer to them; but it will have good reason to beleeve, that it will never invade us unless provoked by honour, or some great Consideration; and on the contrary, that they would assist us with a good will in such enterprizes, where they could receive nothing but Glory. After all, F [...]ance will have this benefit to hinder their being leagued with our enemies who joyned with them, might much damage us, and it is advantage enough to avoid those mischiefs, which would follow, if it were left undone, and by that means to pre­vent the uniting of our enemies with them.

The Cardinal knew, That that Minister who hath a care of the Church inte­rest, draws down a thousand blessings from Heaven upon the State▪ Accordingly, he did particularly imploy himself, to get as much liberty as possibly he could in England. The Earles of Carlisle and Holland came with confidence, that there could not be any great strictness used in that particular, but imagined as their Ma­ster did, that the diversity of Religion which was in France, would induce them, not to be too earnest; only of an Assurance, that the Princess and those of her re­tinue, should have free liberty to exercise that Religion, whereof they made pro­fession; but the Cardinal quickly told them, That the King his Master, being more obliged by divers Considerations, to procure greater advantages to the Church then the Spaniard, they ought not to hope that he would be satisfied with less then they.

He represented to them that his Majesty, being the eldest son of the Church, and bearing the Title of the most Christian King would be much blamed, if he pro­ceeded upon other terms; besides, that this Alliance could not be concluded, with­out the consent of the head of the Church. That it would be ill received at Rome, if it should be proposed there with conditions less favourab [...]e to the Catholicks, then those which were granted to the Spaniards. To which for the present the Embas­sadors replied, That the King their Master, had not procured the Parliaments con­sent for this Alliance with France, and breaking off that with Spain, but in conside­ration, that they would not have been so strict, in requiring so many favours in behalf of the Catholicks; and withal, that it was held there as a fundamental Law not to grant them any freedomes by reason of many great inconveniences, which would in time happen to their State. The Cardinal was not wanting to reply, that he was well informed neither the King or Parliament, were induced to break with the Spaniards untill they were convinced, that their Treaty was onely feigned, and that they had other designs, then of giving the Infanta to the Prince of Wales, and as for what related to the Peace of the State (he answered) that the liberty which was granted to the Catholicks, could not trouble it, seeing experience hath eviden­ced it on a thousand occasions, that there is not any thing which doth more stir up People to Commotions, then the restraint which is imposed upon the exercise of re­ligion, That, that is it, which incites people to shake off the yoke of their obedience, and that never any thing but mis-fortunes have followed that Prince, who would force men in that beleef which they had a long time imbraced: That in truth, Re­ligion might by fire and sword be destroyed and rooted out, before it be fully set­led in the soul; but after that, it will be so far from being changeable by force, that rather on the contrary, violence will but ferment and fix it so much the more; be­cause those things are more difficult then the, care which ought to be had for their conservation. That in effect, this Maxime was verified in France, where the li­berty which was granted to the Hugonots by the Edict of Peace, had converted a far greater number then all the rigours of punishment and war. These reasons were so strong that the English Embassadours found themselves unable to answer any thing against it. But it was not sufficient to perswade them, the King of Great Brittains consent was needfull. It cannot be denied, but there were great hopes of obtaining it, considering his particular inclination, he himself being well disposed to be converted, and that he was also satisfied in Conscience concerning the prin­cipal difficulties, in the Catholick Beleef, and had permitted the Arch-Bishop of Ambrun (sent at his intreaty by the King, to sound him upon some other points) to administer the Sacrament of Confirmation to above twenty thousand Catho­licks in London; indeed it was apprehended a little hazardous, lest the Parliament should not consent to it, they having a great power in the resolution of affairs. This difficulty induced the King after the Cardinal had informed him of it, to send the Marquess de Effiat into England, in the quality of an extraordinary Embassa­dour, to negotiate all the affairs which related to the marriage. In his instructions were particular orders, to indeavour to perswade his Majesty of Great Brittain, to like well of those reasons which the Cardinal had imparted to his Embassadour, [Page 10]and moreover, to tell him in particular, that considering the Parliament was com­posed of Protestants and Puritans, he ought to suspect them on this occasion, that himself being party against them, there was no apparence of any reason, to de­lay that which concerned the Catholicks Interest; Moreover, that it was danger­ous for a Soveraign, to use violence towards his subjects in matter of Religion, see­ing that it teacheth to despise life; and who so despiseth his own life, is master of any other mans, of what condition so ever he be. That this constraint is repug­nant to the safety of Kings, of which in History are many examples, especially in these latter ages. These reasons were very considerable, but withall the Marquess D' Effiat, followed them home with such address, and vigour that they made the same impressions upon the Kings, as they had done upon his Embassadours minds, who indeed did much contribute by their Letters, to bring it to a resolution.

Articles of Marriage, between the King of Great Britain, and the Princess Henrietta Maria of France.

THe Negotiation was so fortunate, that the King consented to all those Articles which were demanded in behalf of the Catholicks, and accordingly, his Ma­jesty gave command to his Embassadours, to accord it, and on the 10th. of No­vember, they were signed by them with the Cardinal, upon these conditions: That the Kings Sister should have all manner of liberty to increase the Roman Catholick Apostolick Religion, together with all her Officers and their children; that to this purpose, she should have a Chappel in every of the Kings houses, a Bishop and twenty eight Priests, to administer the Sacrament, Preach Gods Word, and doe such other Offices as their Function required.

That the children which should be born of this marriage, should be brought up in the Catholick Religion untill the age of 13 years by the Princess.

That all the Domesticks which she carried into England, should be French and Catholicks, chosen by the most Christian King, and they dying, she might take o­thers into their place, French and Catholicks, by and with consent of the King of Great Brittain.

Moreover, that both the King of Great Brittain, and Prince of Wales his son, should bind themselves by oath not to attempt, by any means whatsoever, to make her change her Religion, or to force her to any thing which might be contrary to it, and should promise by writing upon the faith and word of a King and Prince to take order, that all those Catholicks as well Ecclesiastick as secular, which had been imprisoned since the last Act made against them should be set at liberty.

That the English Catholicks, should not be any more hunted after for their Re­ligion, nor constrained to swear any thing contrary to the Catholick Religion, and that such seizures of their Goods, as had been made since the last Act, should be restored to them.

And generally, that they should receive more liberty and favour, in respect of the Alliance with France, then had been promised them upon the Spanish Treaty.

This was as much as could be desired for the present, in behalf of Religion, until the Princess (who was indued with all the qualifications both of Body and Soul, which could render a Princess beloved) should have acquired a good power over King James his spirit, and the Prince of Wales her husband, and so finish the re­mainder, which the King expected both from her zeal and behaviour, with the more confidence, because Ladies have a great hand over their husbands, and Father in Law, when they are once intirely loved by them.

Politique Observation.

THere is good reason to hope for the Conversion of a Prince, from the Prin­cess whom he marries; Women have so natural an art to perswade men, and to lead them to what they desire, that there is hardly any thing impossible for them [Page 11]to do: Their beauty alone hath such strong charms, that they imprint in the soul, by their eyes, all the affections they have a mind to, and the Love wherewith they are cherished, gives them so great a power, that if they have never so l [...]ttle ingenu­ity, one cannot defend himself from their perswasions, and if it be thus true in ge­neral, it is not lesse in the particular of converting their Husbands or the People who are subject to them. History, is so full of Proofs of this nature, that one must be altogether ignorant, if he knows not, that the divine Providence, hath di­vers times made use of their means for this glorious purpose. Thus Clotil [...]a daugh­ter to the Duke of Borgogn, was the occasion that Clovis one of our first Kings her husband, imbraced the Christian Religion, and banished Idolatry out of his States.

I [...]g [...]nd Sister to Childebert King of France, being married to Hermenegild, King of the G [...]ths, converted him to the Holy Ch [...]ist [...]an Faith.

Chie [...]umte, daughter to the King of Mer [...]e in England, married a King of the West Saxons made him become a Christian and she her self a Saint.

Th [...]d [...]linda. wife to [...]g [...]lulph, King of the Lombards, perswaded him and a great part of his people, to lay by their false Gods, and to live under the L [...]ws of he Gospel.

Gizel, daughter to H [...]nry Duke of Bavier, and Sister to the Emperour, Henry the first, being married to Ste [...]h [...]n the first of that name, King of Hungaria, made him and his whole Kingdome resolve to in [...]race the F [...]th of Jesus Christ, and thus many others of the like examples do verifie, that Q [...]eens have ever had a great power in this particular, and the spirit of God which hath made use of them for such glorious effects saith, The unb [...]lieving Husband, shall b [...] sanctifiedly the be­lieving Wife. Heaven it self fights for them in such occasions when they labour for his glory, besides it cannot be denyed but that their Rbetorick is perswasive, that their accord do some time passe or currant and undeniable reasons, that their words are charms and that their addresse is able to master the greatest courages.

In the midst of this diligent care which the Cardinal took for the Interests of Re­ligion and the State, his Prudence was not forgetfull of any thing which might bee thought in favour of the Kings Sister. It was agreed in respect of eight hundred thousand Crowns, which his Majesty gave her in marriage, that she should renounce all successions either Paternal, Maternal, or Collateral, which might befall unto her; and accordingly after she had received leave from her mother, the Queen Mother, so to do she did renounce, and the King of Great Britains. Embassador, did ratifie it, that in future no such pretensions might arise, to trouble the quiet of the Kingdomes, as formerly had been. Withall, he took such tender care of all advantages for her, that she could not suffer any inconvenience by any accident whatever.

It was agreed upon by his care, that the Prince deceasing without issue, the mo­ny should be totally restored to her, to be disposed of according to her own will whether she did live in England or in France.

That if he had children by this marriage, there should onely be two thirds of her Portion returned, the other being moveable, that the last twenty of the third part, should be made a yearly rent to her, during her life, that her Dower should be eight hundred thousand pound sterling, por annum. returning French mony, at sixty thousand Crowns rent, which should be assigned to her in Lands and Houses, one of which should be such, and accordingly furnished that she might make her usuall residence there.

That the King of Great Britain should be obliged to treat her and her Family with that Port which was fit for one of her quality that there should be fifty thousand crowns in Jewels presented to her, by the King of Great Britain, as a marriage favour, which should remain to her and hers, as well as those which she then had, as also such as she should have in future.

That she should have the free disposal of Benefices and Offices, in those lands which should be given her in Dower, and that one of those lands should be a Dutchie [Page 12]or an Earldome, that it should be lawfull for her in her Widdow-hood, to return into France, whether she had children, or not, that in case she should return, the King of Great Brittain should conduct her at his own proper charges to Callis, with such honour as should be fit for one of her quality.

That her house should be furnished with such dignity, and should be filled with as many Officers, as any Princess yet had, or as had been accorded to the Infanta of Spain, upon the late Treaty which had been proposed. Briefly, that for the as­surance of these conditions, he, of the two Kings, who should be deficient to ac­complish what belongeth on his part to do, should be bound to pay four hundred thousand crowns to the other, as a penalty for breach of them.

This was as much security as could be had for the present, but one thing is not to be forgotten, which was, that all the Treaty, all the promises given and taken, and all the Acts which were concluded on, passed in the Kings name, as the Person, to whom the marrying of the Princesses of the Bloud did really appertain, and which he might do according to his own pleasure, and upon such conditions as he should think fit; whereas they are onely concern'd to give their consents both to the Persons and Articles which are resolved on.

Custome, may raise obstacles against marriages and make them void▪ if there bee any defect of following the usual order which is prescribed. The Popes have found by the Canon Law, that they have this Power: Particularly Alexander the third, who when a Bishop asked him the Question, whether Marriage between the Chil­dren of two Gossips were allowable, answered him, yes, in case the custome of the Country did permit it. But I shall say moreover, that the same Pope hath de­clared that there might be such Customes in France, which might annull marriages, though on the other side, those of Rome may license them. According to that answer, which was made to the Bishop of Amiers, who desiring to know if a mar­riage made with a Eunuch were good, was answered, that the general custome of the French Church, was to dissolve it, and he was contented so to permit it, though the Roman Church used the contrary. It is the Custome of France, that no Prin­cesses or Ladies of great quality, whose marriages may be of concern to the State, may marry, but by and with the Kings order and consent. The second Race of our Kings furnisheth us with an example very remarkable, in the marriage of Judeth Widdow of Edmulph King of England, who being married without the consent of Charles the Bauld, with Bauldwin grand Forrestier, and afterwards first Earl of Flanders▪ he declared the said marriage to be nul by the Prelates & Clergy of France. assembled at Senlis, though she were at her own disposal, by her first marriage and royalty, though Pope Nicholas the first, would have pickt a quarrel at it, and have confirmed it. Some one perchance, not well informed, may suppose, that this Pope wanted courage, but there is no reason for it: seeing he had spirit enough to excommunicate Lotharius for marrying a second wife, leaving his first, though his Clergy at Merz and Calogue▪ did favour him to constrain him to quit his last Wife, and to receive his first; as also to dispossess two Bishops, who had Abetted the dis­order; the true reason is, he knew that the Custome of France did not permit Ju­dith to re-marry without the Kings consent. The third Race, affords us another proof, reported by a Historian▪ who deserves so much the rather to be credited, he being generally known for one of the enemies of France. It was the marriage contracted by Proxy, between Maximilian, and Anne of Brittain. It's true, it was not consummated as that of Judith was; but because it was concluded without the consent of Charles the Eighth one of our Kings. His Majesty making use of his Power, declared it Null, by reason of that default. In fine, it was allowed for naught, and both parties remained Free, Maximilian afterwards marrying Mar­garet of Milan; and Charles the Eighth married the same Anne of Brittain, and no one doubted the validity of either of the marriages.

If these examples evince to us, the Antiquity of this Custome, and how the Church hath allowed of it, we cannot suspect or doubt, but that they are grounded upon just reasons, seeing the marriages of persons of such quality, are of great importance [Page 13]to the State, and ordinarily are the originals of Peace or War, and serve for a Stair-Case to such, who aspiring higher then they ought, raise enterprizes against the So­veraignty, as Cornelius Tacitus hath observed; it doth therefore rest safely to bee concluded on, that the Princesses of France cannot lawfully marry without the Kings consent. So that neither men or women who have had them in their posses­sion, did never make a difficulty to promise, either by Oath, or any other assurance, that they would not contract them in any marriage without their consents and ap­probation.

Philippes Auguste, took security of Mahaut, Countess of Flanders, that if it should happen that she and Eude the third Duke of Burgogn, should separate, she should not re-marry without permission. Philip Earl of Namur, promised the same King that he would not marry Jane or Margaret of Flanders, his Neeces, whose Guardian he was without his consent. Jane Countess of Flanders, promi­sed by a particular instrument unto St. Lewis the King, that she would not marry with Simon de Montfort, but with his allowance. Jane daughter to Philip of Bur­gogn, being delivered to King John, by the Treaty between him, and the Earl of Savoy, amongst other things it was then concluded, that she should be married where his Majesty should think fit [...] provided it were not to the Daup [...]ine his eldest son. And Francis Duke of Brittain, ingaged by a Treaty with Charles the Eight, not to marry either of his two daughters, without his advise, under the penal for­feiture of two hundred thousand crowns of Gold, and for the greater security, he bound unto him the principallest Towns in his whole Dutchee.

The Deputation of Father Berule, to his Holiness, to obtain a Dispen­sation for the above-mentioned Marriage.

THe respect wherewith the King had ever honoured the Holy Father, made him resolve with the English Embassadours in the first Article of the Treaty, That in consideration of that diversity of Religion, between the Princess and the Prince of Wales his Majesty should send to his Holiness to procure a Dispensation before the Marriage were effected, to obtain the said Dispensation, the Cardinal propo­sed to the King, to send Father Berule, Superior General of the fathers of the Oratory, and to commit the charge of it to him, as a person capable of such a ne­gotiation and whose Piety (which amongst the People is extreamly recommend­able) might take off all shadows or apparencies, which the weakness of their sen­ses, or the malice of the Spaniards might raise abroad concerning it. It should seem he did fore-see that Fury, wherewith the Spanish Partisans writ against this marriage. So angry they were, that they had not prevented it, not reflecting, that for eleven whole years they had testified to the world, that they would have done the self-same thing. But that I may not be hindred by those outragious spee­ches, which proceeded from those spirits puft up with Ambition, who then began to discover that France had a Minister capable to countermine them, and to oppose their unjust designs. I shall inform you, that the instruction, which was give to Father Berule was, to go to Rome with all diligence, and to obtain the Dispensati­on from the Pope, to which purpose he was to represent to his Holiness, That the King of Great Brittain, having demanded the Princess Henrietta Maria the Kings Sister, in marriage, for the Prince of Wales his son, his Majesty was the more in­clinable, to hearken to the Proposition, because hee looked upon it as a probable means to convert the English; as heretofore a French Princess married into Eng­land, had induced them to imbrace Christianity. But that the Honour which hee owed to the Holy Chair, and in particular to his Sanctity, who had formerly held him at the Font of Baptism, in the name of Pope Clement the Eighth, had not per­mitted him to conclude upon the Treaty, before the obtainment of his Dispensati­on. That this Marriage ought to be regarded for the Interest, not onely of the Ca­tholicks in England, but of all Christendome, who would receive great advantages by it, that there is not any thing of hazard for the Princesse, seeing she is as firm, as [Page 14]could be desired both in the Faith a [...] Piety. That she should have a Bishop [...] and eight and twenty Priests, to do all Offices. That she should have none but Catholicks in her Houshold. That the King of Great Brittain, and the Prince of Wales, would oblige themselves by Writing and Oath, not to solicite her directly or indirectly, neither by themselves, or any other persons, to change her Religion: Moreover, that there being nothing to be feared in relation to the Princesse, there were great hopes, that she might be intirely beloved by the King (who was well disposed already to become a Catholick) and by the Prince of Wales, That shee might the more contribute to their conversion, in regard that women have very great power over their Husbands and Father-in-Laws, when Love hath gotten any power in their affections. That for her part, she was so zealous in Religion, that there was no doubt but she would employ her utmost industry in so pious a design: That admitting God should not succeed her i [...]tentions either upon King James, or the Prince of Wales, there were hopes her Children might become restorers of that Faith which their Ancestors had destroyed, seeing she had the education and bringing of them up in the belief and exercise of the Catholique Religion until they were thirteen years old; and that their first seeds of Piety, having being instilled into their souls, and cultivated with carefulnesse, when they became capable of good Instructions, might infallibly produce stable and permanent Fruits, that is, so strong a Faith, as might not be shaken by Heresie in a riper age. And after all, That the Catholiques of England would forthwith receive great advantages by it, seeing both the King of Great Britain▪ and the Prince of Wales, his Son, would oblige themselves by wor [...] and deed, not to hunt them out▪ or when they were discovered, to punish them: To free out of Prison all such as were layed up; to restore them their Monies and Goods which had been forced from them after the last Act, if they were possible to be had; and generally to treat them with more favour, than if the Treaty with Spain had gone on. Lastly, he had order to inform the Pope, that to render a greater respect to the Church, he had con­ditioned, that the Princess should be affianced and contracted according to the Catholique form, like that which was observed they Charl [...]s the Ninth, in the Mariage of Margarice of France with the late King Henry the Fourth, then King of Navarr.

These things spoke in their own behalf, and were so eminently visible, that no doubt could be made of them. The Father Berule too, wanted neither Ability nor Good-will, but represented them to his Holyness with such dexterity, that his Sanctity gave him hopes of a favourable answer. 'Tis true, the Pope would not grant him a dispence without conferring with the Cardinals, that he might give no jealousie to Spain, who had been dealt with in the very same manner, when they desired a Dispensation for the In [...]anca, but they were of his own naming, and such as no one could think, were more subject to Passion than Justice. So they met di­vers times about it, and though it were with the ordinary delayes of the Court at Rome (without which they esteem no affair, can be discussed and judged with Prudence or Majesty enough) yet in sine, they referred the expediting of the Di­spensation to the Popes pleasure. All that was cross in the business, was barely this. Father Boriel [...] being naturally addicted to refine all things, was perswaded, that there had not been assurances strong enough, obtained from the English for the securing and hindring the placing of Protestant Officers over the Princesses children; the solicitation of Officers to change their Religion; the continuation of forcing English Catholiques to take Oaths of Abjuration against the Catho­lique Religion, and the holy See, though indeed it had been expresly concluded and agreed on, That the King of England and Prince of W [...]l [...]s should engage both by Writing and Oath, not to enforce them any more. However this induced both the Pope and Cardinals to think fit (not acquainting the [...]ieur [...]d [...] Bethune with it, though the Cardinals Prudence had tyed up the said Father B [...]rul [...] in his Instructions, not to doe any thing without him) to oblige the King in the Instrument of Dupensa­tion, to procure from the King of Great Britain new assurances in these parcicu [...]ars. [Page 15]So that he following his own sense, and specious reasons, upon which he re­lyed, his Holyness dispatched him upon those conditions, and sent him back to the King with all diligence.

Politique Observations.

IF Piety prohibit Ministers to doe things contrary to Religion; Prudence obli­geth them to referre the management of affairs to Persons who have the repu­tation of an extraordinary Honesty, especially to the transacting of such things, which notwithstanding their innate Justice, may provoke any evil spirits: For though the most upright regulate their Judgements by some Principles, which serve them as a Law in the Government of a State, yet the most part, ghuessing onely by their own senses and apprehensions, judge of the Affairs by the Persons who conduct them. Opinion guides the whole world, and sets a price upon virtue it self; and the reputation alone of him who negotiates, may cause his designs to passe under the notion of good and lawful. If the Foxes good counsel be once suspected by a man, he will be hardly perswaded, that a Person replenished with all the ornaments of a singular integrity, will engage himself in unjust designs. The repute of such a person sets a value and a price upon his words and actions, and the opinion which is conceived of him, is so absolute an Empire, that there is no Appeal from his Judgement. It is an ancient saying, Truth is the strongest thing in the world: But however, if once Opinion hath fixed her Throne in the mindes of the people, Truth will have somewhat to doe to disappoint her. The prescrip­tions of a Physitian who is in esteem, doe even passe for good: And the Acts of a person who hath the credit of a sublime Virtue cannot be found fault withall. The wiseft of the Pagans were not ignorant hereof, but made great advantages by it as occasion offered it self. Scipio the African, would sometimes be a long while together all alone in the Capitol, pretending he did conferr with Jupiter concern­ing the affairs of the Commonwealth, and all this he did, that he might be thought to be endued with a more than humane Piety. Minos the Law-giver of Candia went down to make Laws into a subterranean Cave, which he called Jupiters Grot, and thence brought them all written, perswading the people to believe that they were inspired into him by that Divinity: And this was an easie way to per­swade the people to whatsoever they had a mind to, God himself hath thought it very proper too, when he would bring any great thing to passe, for he hath cho­sen usually such men, who by their eminent virtue are able to make all people be­lieve that whatsoever they declare, could not be but truth: He hath commanded the Prophets and Apostles to publish such sayings as would jarr and clash with the senses of most men, and yet he hath replenished them in respect of his choice, with the many graces, that it were almost impossible for the most part not to be­lieve them.

The deputation of the Sieur de la Ville-aux-clercs to the King of England in the qualitie of an Extraordinary Ambassador.

AFter the King had payed this respect to the Pope, and that the Articles of Ma­riage had been coucluded, upon the twentieth of November, His Majestie cast his eys upon the Sieur de la Ville-aux-cler [...]s, one of his Councellors and Secreta­ry of State to dispatch him into England as an Extraordinary Ambassador. He gave him particular order to testifie unto the King of Great Britain and the Prince of Wales, the great affection which he had to live with them in a strait and near intel­ligence, and to assure them that one of the chiefest reasons which drew him to a­gree to the Mariage, was the consideration, that as one link of their Friendship was tyed by Blood, this would render it indissolvable. After these Complements were once past, he commanded him to procure the Articles of Mariage to be ra­tified, [Page 16]and to obtain their Oaths and Promises by Writing according to what the Ambassadors had engaged their words. He discharged himself with honour, both to the one and t'other Commission; and having several times entertained them with the Content that his Master would conceive by their Alliance; he at last con­cluded with such dexteritie, that he had instilled into them all sorts of good will and affection for France; and in particular for his Majesties Interests, and so invi­ted them to a quick consummation of the Treatie, that the sudden chances which usually happen to affairs of this consequence might not breed any alteration or change. This was the ground-work upon which he founded his demands for their Instruments and Oaths which had been promised, and which both of them were readily disposed to effect, and accordingly they promised upon the Holy Evange­list not to attempt by any wayes or means to induce the Princesse to change the Ro­man Catholique Apostolique Religion, or to force her to any thing which might be contrary to it. They likewise promised upon their Faith and words of Princes to grant to the Catholiques more Liberties and Franchises in every thing which con­cern'd their Religion, than had been given in favour of the Match with Spain, not to force them to take Oaths contrary to the Rules of the Roman Church, and to take effectual care that they were no more troubled in their Persons or Estates for their Religion, provided they exercised it in private, and lived in obedience, as good Subjects ought to doe; and finally, both of them signed and delivered two Deeds, for the better assurance of their Oaths and Promises. After all this, his Instructions did not oblige him to be contented with words onely as to that which concern'd the Libertie of the Catholiques, so that he proceeded with great earnestness to obtain the effects of it; and he was assured that upon the conclusion of the Mariage, there should be a Patent of Enlargement granted to all such as were Prisoners for their Religion-sake, without being any more troubled for the future; and for what related to all in general, there was a Deed made under his Majesties own Hand and Seal, directed to the Lord Conway, Secretary of State, commanding him to signifie to all whom it concern'd, that it was his Majesties plea­sure, no farther prosecution should be made against them: and accordingly the Lord Conway gave notice hereof to the Chancellor, Treasurer, to the Archbishops of Canterbury and York, and to all other chief Officers; principally requiring the Grand Treasurer, to restore unto them all the monies which had been forced from them and payd into the Exchequer, with order not to do the like hereafter; and thus by obtaining their Promises Words, and Assurances, they had as much secu­rity as they could wish for, could they but be contented to exercise their Religion in private and without noyse.

Politique Observation.

THe word of a King hath alwayes pass'd for so sacred, that ours have some­times scrupel'd at the confirmation by Oath, of what they once gave upon their words. It was for that reason Saint Lewis would not swear in his own person to the League then made with Henry the third King of England, at the Camp neer St. Aubin, Anno 1231. but desired it might suffice, if he caused it to be sworn in his name and presence, by the Prior of St. Martin the fields. Indeed, there being nothing more inviolable than the word of a Prince, it were an offence to doubt of his fidelity, or to desire his ratification by Oath. The Genius of a Prince was heretofore held in such veneration, that another swore for him; now to de­sire that he himself should swear, were to decline that respect which is due unto him. However, the Infidelity of some hath made it a custom, that all should confirm their Treaties by Oath, when they are of any great importance; which Oath is the strictest tye which they can be bound in. The Laws look upon it for so venerable▪ that they never permit it to be broken, what ever advantage hap­pen by it. Perjury is condemned as a double sin, because it not onely violateth that Religion which is due to God, who is invoked as a witness, but also Faith, [Page 17]which is the most sacred Bond of humane society. Which Laws too, do oblige Princes much more then other men, to keep their Oaths, because if they once for­feit their reputation of being faithfull, they have not any thing left them which is considerable.

Christians ought to be most precise in this point, if they would not be put to the blush, at the many examples of Pagans and Infidels. It is much to be lamented, that most men make no difference between deceit and dissimulation; that they make no bones of infringing their Oaths, if they may but get any thing by it, they do much rather incline to follow the opinion of Marius, (though discommended by all the Sages of Antiquity) who thought the Art of well-lying, a great piece of vertue, and that it was an Index of a good Wit.) then that of the Common-wealth of Rome; which was so religiously faithfull for their words, that Ptolomey King of Egypt, left his young son their tuition and protection, without the least apprehension of suspition. Neither was he deceived in his confidence for after they had administred his government with integrity, as soon as he came of age, they deli­vered up the Kingdome into his own hands.

The Renewing of the Alliance between his Majesty and the States of Holland.

AT the same time that the English Embassadours arrived at Compeign, the Sieurs de Nortwijck de Paw, & d' Esten, extraordinary Embassadours from the States of Holla [...]d came likewise thither, to desire his Majesties Assistance, and the renewing of the ancient Alliance. The League being ended, and the enemies of their Liberties, beginning to execute the designs which they had hatch'd for their ruine. The King who hath never lesse inclination to assist his Allies, then to keep his own People in obedience, received them with all kind of favour, and forthwith gave them great hopes of obtaining their desires. His Majesty knew, that their Protection was Honourable, that there is nothing more glorious for a Soveraign then to shelter under his Power those who are oppressed, that what Assistances he gives them, are most assured signs of his greatnesse and generosity, and withall that it was full of Justice. The History of Holland had taught him, that the Prin­ces of Austria, by their altering the Fundamental Laws, and oppressing the pub­lick Liberty of those Countries, had thrown themselves out of that Power which they once had over them, that the Hollander had reason sufficient for their Autho­rity, to shake off the yoke of their obedience, by those Laws which are as ancient as the quality of the Earl of Holland. An ancient saith, that Power is full of equi­ty, which is imployed in defence of the weak and feeble, and there is not any thing more just then to conserve to ones Allies, those Liberties which belong to them time out of mind, and by the Fundamental Laws of their Country. This in parti­cular was so much the more assuredly just, for Princes who possesse a Country by Treaty with the People, and upon Conditions cannot infringe them, and not lose their Authority; and especially if they break Covenants, which doth absolutely discharge such Subjects from their obedience. The Hollanders were acknowled­ged for Free and Soveraign People, in the Treaty of the League made, Anno 1609. by the Kings of Spain, and Arch-Dukes of Flanders. And in the same quality have the Kings of England, De [...]mark, and Sweden, the most part of the Hans Towns, the Common-wealth of Venice, and many Princes of Germany, ever trea­ted with them; whence it appears a work of Justice to aid them in main taining their Franchises. A work of Justice so much the more certain, for that liberty hath been ever esteemed a just cause for a War, every one concluding it more glorious to die then to live in servitude, from which his Birth and the Priviledges of his country have exempted him.

Besides these important reasons, the King was no lesse informed of the especial advantages which France might make, by defending of them, that it is above three­seore years together, that they have obliged not onely this State, but the most part [Page 18]of Europe to assist them, to ballance the Power of Spain, and so to find his Armies imployment in that Country, that his designs elsewhere might be frustrated; be­sides, that it was now much more necessary, in regard the Garisons were to be esta­blished in the Valtoline, and it would concern the State to make him some diver­sions, that might entertain his Armies elsewhere; withall he found, that if he did assist Holland with these succours, it would ingage them to do as much for him, when occasion should require it, which was no inconsiderable thing, as Henry the Great found by experience, when he was by them assisted, against those unjust oppositi­ons which were formed by the League to thwart and cross him: He himself too might fall into the same necessities, seeing the prosperity of Kingdomes, is like a Calm at Sea, which as it is often over-blown with storms, so that too, is no less subject to interruption, by civil or forraign Wars. These reasons were indeed too too weighty to reject that people demands. And his Majesty whose greatest plea­sure consists in doing such things as might testifie both his Justice and Courage, gave all sorts of Assurances to their Embassadours, of a strong succour, and thought good to make a Treaty for the renuing of the ancient Alliance.

His Majesty gave the Cardinal power to conclude on the Conditions with them, and this great Minister, who had not a little fortified his Majesty in that resolution, having determined them, concluded it in the moneth of June at Compeign, by which he bound himself to deliver them by way of Loan, three Millions, and two hun­dred thousand Livers in three years. On condition, that they should re-imburse them, three years after the War was ended. That they should neither make Peace or League with any one what ever, without his advice and interposition. That if he had any occasion of Ships of War, they should furnish him either for sale or hire, at a reasonable Price. That in case he himself were ingaged in any Wars, they should repay him one half of the said summs of money or assist him with Ships, according to the Proportion of that which was lent them. That they should cause such French Regiments as should be entertained in Holland, to be conducted to Calais or Diepe. And thus in one and the same moneth, the Cardinal made his entrance upon the Administration very remarkable; by the resolution of the Match with England, which ingaged the King of Great Brittain in his Majesties interests, by the entertaining of the Spanish Forces in the Low Countries, by which he divert­ed them from assisting the Valtolines so powerfully as otherwise they had done.

Politick Observation.

IF Marriages serve to augment the Power of a King, certainly those Alliances which are made with neighbour States, for reciprocal assistance in War, do no less contribute towards it, provided they be well established. Two States well uni­ted, are undoubtedly stronger then one alone, and as an ancient Author saith, if an enemy should prevail against one, yet two would be able to oppose him. Partner­ship is that which inricheth Merchants in Trading, and Alliances enable Princes to make forraign invasions with their Forces, and if there be such profit to be made out of it, I suppose they are very necessary; for the divine wisdome hath so dispo­sed all Kindomes, that they have all need one of another. Aristotle saith, nibil p [...]r se subsist it, nothing is able to subsist by it self onely, and if in the Microcosm, every part is needfull for one another, not excepting the most noble. God hath also imparted Power to Soveraigns, with such equality, that they are never able to increase it, without mutual assistance from one another. Upon this foundation it is, that all Alliances are established. It is absurd to beleeve, that the bare friendship of Princes, can be a sufficient Bond, seeing that it is interest which onely ties them effectually, as is apparent to all men; for that they usually break them, when once they appear against their concernments. If ever there be occasion to unite them together, it is chiefly when there is danger of a common enemy, and that they would hinder his growing strength, and prevent him from making attempts upon their bordering neighbours, and consequently upon themselves.

In fine, it was upon that score that the I [...]alian Ambassadors perswaded King Antiochus to league himself with them against the Romans, representing to him, that if he did not keep them in continual exercise, they would render themselves Masters of his Allyes, and then enter upon his own Country too: And it was for the same reason, that the Princes of the house of Orleans finding themselves too weak to make head against the Burguignions, allied themselves with the English, though otherwise they hated them; and that Ferdinand King of Naples, allyed himself with Lewis Sforza Tutor to John Galeazzi his Nephew, and Laurence de Medicis, that they might oppose the French, who then threatned them.

Colonel Ornano is made Prisoner in the Bastile, and thence sent to the Castle of Caen.

VVHilest the King negotiated these two important Treaties, and that the Car­dinal gave a happy progress to them by his Counsails, the Marquis de la Vieville, who for the two last years had a great hand in the affairs, inform'd the King, that the Colonel d' Ornano, Governour to the Duke of Orleans, his Bro­ther, took such a course as would in time trouble the State: The he had not for­got any artifice to render himself agreeable to the Monsieur, and to gain such a power over his spirit, that the Honour which he had to be his Governour gave him a great power in his Family: That before he had gained the Mounsieurs af­fection, he made his brags openly, that he would get the Mastery over him, to the intent he might raise his fortune to a higher pitch: That he began to sow di­strusts in the mind of that Prince, and to extinguish the seeds of that Respect, Love and Obedience which Nature had given to him in creating him: That he took advantage of his good favour, to make himself feared; and that he vaunted to have done many things contrary to his duty, of which there were many particulars, and that he was observed to take great care to hold Intelligence with the Grandees of the Court. This was so much the more to be feared, for that the greatest misfortunes, and the most part of Civil Wars have no other begin­ning, then misunderstandings of Princes against their Kings. The King thought good to impart it to the Cardinal, and having demanded his advice, of what was proper to be done in that occasion, he did not at all dissemble the danger, it would be, to permit this procedure of the Colonel: But the moderation of his spirit would not suffer him to carry him on to use such violent remedies as others did advise him to; but on the contrary, he represented to him, that the Laws of Mercy obliged Kings to pardon the first faults of Grandees, provided that they would confesse their errors, especially if there be a meanes to prevent any conse­quence of danger: That the wisest are sometimes subject to miscarriages, and are also capable to repent them; and afterwards to doe great services: That the mo­deration which many wise Princes have shewed towards such offenders, hath made them more faithful and affectionate then those who never committed any miscar­riage at all: That this Repentance, was the more reasonably to be hoped, from the Colonel d' Ornano, who till then had lived within those limits, which ought to be observed by those of his condition, that his Father had given him a good ex­ample, by those services which he had done until his death: That he had in­deed forgot himself, but that his omission might be remedied which seemed to deserve pardon so much the more, in regard it is almost impossible for the greatest part of Mankind not to forget themselves, whenas fortune shall advance them into a place of Eminency: Moreover there was reason to hope, that the onely removing him for some time from the Monsieur would make him reassume his for­mer countenance, would make him sensible of his fault, and he himself would easily be induced to judge that this embroyl wherein he had suffered himself to be surpri­sed would undoubtedly precipitate him into utter ruin, instead of raising him into a higher condition.

This counsel was accompanied with a much Prudence as Moderation; and the [Page 20]King, who is ever carried of himself to follow the best advice, onely commanded the Collonel d' Ornano, to retire himself to his Government of Pont-Sainct-Esprit, untill he were permitted to return to the Court, but the Collonel being confident, that there were nothing but surmises and conjectures against him, had the boldness to refuse obedience to this order, perswading the Monsieur to keep him near him, and to procure from the King by any extraordinary instances, that he might not be forced from the Court. The Monsieur beseeched his Majesties with all possible af­fection. However, the King gave him to understand, that his removal was very necessary to divert those mischiefs which he did not yet suspect, especially to preserve that neer friendship, wherein they had alwaies lived: So he had nothing to reply, and his Maiesty to punish the insolence, which had given so much boldness to the Collonel d' Ornano to resist his Majesties will, commanded him to be made Prisoner in the Bastile, and shortly after in the Castle of Caen.

The displeasure which he conceived at his Imprisonment opened his eyes, he lookt upon his fault with so much resentment, that there was not any protestation of fide­lity left unmade by him, from his friends to his Majesty; and finally, having re­course to the Cardinals intercession, that grand Minister, whose Counsels are ne­ver accompanied with rigour, unless, when he is inforced by Justice, dealt so with his Majesty, that at last he procured his liberty. After the Marqness de la Ʋiville who had diverted him, had been so unhappy, his Majesty caused him to be brought out of Prison, and beleeving his Promises, restored him in his place with the Mon­sieur; and withall, gratified him with a considerable sum: Whereas he, instead of making any advantage of his imprisonment, of his Liberty, or of the Benefits, which he afterwards received; threw himself upon the Intregues of women, and some Fantastical hair-brain'd young men, who put it into his head, that he was much redoubted on his Masters accompt, which made him conceive so great a vani­ty, that he boasted in many places, that he would further those motions which some Grandees made to the Monsieur, to carry him from the Court, unless himself were made a Marshal of France.

The Collonel d' Ornano, is made Marshal of France.

THE King upon advice had, was counselled by people of Quality, either to Ar­rest him, or make him Marshal of France, otherwise some great mishap might follow. The King was inclined to chastise him, not being able to indeavour or consent, that any such honour should be granted to him, out of fear, or to hin­der his doing of more villanies. However, his Clemency moderated his just indig­nation, and prevailed with him to bestow upon him a Marshals Staffe, to reduce him within his duty, and to make him carry himself better for the future. It is true, the Cardinal setled and fixed him in those thoughts, and withall begged him to pardon him, seeing in creating him a Marshal, there would be no cause of fear, for that it would be as easie then as before, to clap him up into the Bastile, and that what punishment should be inflicted on him, would appear the juster in the eyes of all the World, in respect of those great favours wherewith he had been obliged; so he pardoned him and made him a Marshal, signalizing his Conduct by acts of mer­cy, not less considerable, then the wisdom which he had made appear in those two negotiations before mentioned.

Politick Observation.

IT is a great impudence to Court a Prince, with design to prevail against his So­veraign, for besides that, a Soveraign grows quickly jealous, if he finde any to pertake of that Honour, which is due to himself alone. Which one thing is the or­dinary fomentation of Civil Wars. Tiberius testified a great resentment, for that their Chief-Priests, making their prayers, to the Gods for his health, took the boldness to adde the name of Nero and Drusius, though they were neer a kin to him, [Page 21]and the next successours to the Empire, he acquainted the Senate with it, as also the Priests, and briskly told them he was offended at it. The same Emperour see­ing the Senatours prepare great Honours for his own Mother, did he not make them apprehend by a very neat discourse, that those Honours which were given to Wo­men, should be moderate, and that he himself too would use the same modesty, in those which were offered to him? When he beheld Macron the Captain of his Guards, courting Caligula, did he not rattle him up with high language, for that he forsook the Sun setting, to adore him Rising:

Kings are so sensible in this particular, that it is not without trouble, that they permit Courtship to be used to their own Children: Thus, though Philip of Ma­cedon, did intirely love Demetrius his son, yet he was much offended, when the Macedonians followed him in Troops, and shewed an earnest desire to insinnuate themselves into his good favour. But admit this jealousie do not spring up, how­ever such like actions ought not to be allowed, seeing infallibly it will breed broyls in the State. It is also true, that (men not being less capable to quit their wic­ked designs, then to hatch and contrive them) it were dangerous to drive things to extremity, and to ruine them at the same instant, they were discovered. That Physician hath but a small portion of discretion, who makes use of violent reme­dies, upon the first beginning of a sicknesse, without staying to expect what Na­ture might do of her own self, and that Minister is too severe, who discovering some designs against his Masters service, presently destroys the Authors of it, with­out giving time, that they might repent themselves. Cecinna is much blamed by Tacitus, for taking a barbarous revenge upon some disorders, before he had given leisure to those who were guilty, to repent: But on the contrary, Julius Agrico­la, is much commended, in that he was most commonly satisfied with acknowledg­ment of a fault, and did not cruelly chastise any, when there was the least hopes of amendment; above all, a Minister is the more obliged to this moderation, when he is newly admitted into affairs, and it is conducing to his Masters service, in regard it is a means to render himself beloved. The Sun at his Rising never appears bur­ning hot, his heat is welcome and favourable, and he seems like Roses and Pearl to the World; and a discreet Minister conforms himself to so agreeable an example, and ought to take it for granted, that whatsoever favours he shall do at the begin­ning of his Conduct, will gain him the affection of the People, and in prosecution will heap up upon him, as much Happinesse as Glory.

The Marquis of Vieville is made Prisoner at St. Germans, and thence conducted to the Castle of Amboyse.

THose several agitations whereunto Fortune had exposed the Colonel d' Orna­no, which sometimes seemed to throw him headlong down, and then again to raise him up to great Honours, were not the onely marks of the Inconstancy which that flattering Goddess made appear during this year: For after she had raised up the Marquis de la Vieville just to the Administration, and to the Superin­tendance of the Treasuries, she was pleased so to cast him down, that the King caused him to be arrested at St. German en Laye about the beginning of August, and sent Prisoner to the Castle of Amboyse. To speak truly, it was no such great cause of admiration, seeing this Inconstancy seems to have chosen Princes Courts for the place to exercise her power in, & to have taken a great delight, as it were, to raise several men unto a high point of favour to expose them shortly after to the greater overthrows, every one had reason to attribute it to her most usual conduct, which accustometh all men to this Law, that being once mounted to a certain degree of Honour, they must then of necessity fall back again, and that sometimes with such violence, that they fall into as great a number of miseries as they formerly had of felicities. No one can be ignorant of this truth; but as Envy doth fre­quently asperse the principal Ministers of a Prince, so she gave the impudence to a Pen envenomed by the Spaniards, to write, that the Cardinal was the cause of it, [Page 22]by reason of the fear he was in, least the Marquis de la Vieville should rob him of the Ministerial honour.

But how little hath this Enemy of this King, as wel as of his Ministers, proved his discourse so contrary to the Truth? After the disrepute which they in whose behalf he writ, had of the Marquis, they made no long use of him, without be­ing sensible that he was not an Instrument any way proper to raise their fortunes after the ruining of his own out of a Gallantry of Humour only. He went from St. Germans too with too much flowting, ever to invite his Majesty by his services, to make him the Minister of his Intentions. Besides, could he be so extream ignorant of the Cardinals high and eminent Genius, in perswading himself that the Cardinal could be any wayes suspitious of the Marquis's undermining his For­tune? It were to perswade the Sun that the least Stars would obscure his light; it were also to accuse the King himself of great Imprudence, seeing it is to declare him incapable of distinguishing whether the Marquis of Vieville or the Cardinal were more proper for his Affairs. Certainly if the Sun discovers the deformity of a visage which had layen hid during the night, and maketh the Stars, which twinkle in the dark, to withdraw themselves upon his first approach. The Cardinal entering upon the Administration, and discovering to his Majesty the incomparable discretion of his Counsels, was enough to detect the little sufficiency of the Marquis, and to hide under the vailes of an obscure darkness, those advices which his vivacity and promptness of discourse did make appear with some splendor, might give his Majesty just cause to make no greater esteem of him: And who so would accuse him in this occasion, must also reproach the Sun for ha­ving too much light, and to call that in Great Persons a Crime, which ren­ders them the more to be admired. Every one then knew the true causes of the Marquis's disgraces, the King having given an Accompt of it to the Parlia­ment the very day after his Arresting; that he might be accused, as his Majesty observed, to that Illustrious company for his evil conduct (which indeed was such, that all men of any sense thought him incapable of long subsisting) That he had changed those very resolutions which were made in his Majesties presence, without acquainting him with it: That he had treated with Ambassadors resident near him, contrary to his order: That he had oftentimes cast that hatred which he had contracted, in exercising his passionate disgusts against some particular persons, upon his Majesty; and that he had feigned several advices with design to induce him to be jealous of those, in whom hee might put a most intire confidence, all all which is so true, that the King, that he might not take him unprovided, had of­ten given him advice to alter his behaviour, and to become more exact in prosecu­tion of his Orders, and more reserved in his words, and in his procedure, as his Majesty had signified in the same Letter.

After all which, his faults were so much the more known to the King, he having contracted the enmity of most part of the Grandees of the Court, by those out­rages wherewith he had provoked them, when they demanded those gratuities which his Majesty had granted to them, and by that excessive rigour wherewith he would cut off the Pensions and other Benefits, which they had formerly obtained of his Majesty, as soon as ever he was entred upon the Treasury. For they being once so provoked, wanted no address to acquaint his Majesty with it, and also to accuse him of divers other unhandsome Carriages by several informers, who offered to prove that he had diverted great sums from the Service of Spain, to his own profit and his Father in Laws, the Sieur de Beaumarchais, one of the Treasurers; all which carried on his Majesty to clap him up in Prison.

Politick Observation.

NO one can doubt, but that a Minister who upon his first entrance into Affairs, finds them in disorder, is obliged to apply necessary remedies to them; but the Laws of Prudence teach us, that it ought to be with moderation and affability, [Page 23]without which, he doth like a rash Physitian, who by giving his medicines in too great a proportion, and using too much rigour towards his Patient, doth so move and heat his natural temperature, that his sicknesse by it, is rather increased then di­minished. It is very dangerous to force men to pass in an instant from one extre­mity to another, and who so attempts it shall never escape the darts of Envy and Hatred, which will not onely render all his designs and labour to no purpose, but also expose him too to very great dangers. The first Actions of a Minister are they, which lay the Foundation of that Love or Hatred, which he shall afterwards reap from the people: a harsh rigorous procedure, can procure him nothing but ill will, and it is impossible for him to escape the doing many ill-offices neer this Prince; and though those Customes and Uses, which he would alter, be abuses to the State; yet the Plurality of the People will hardly be conduced to think so when they have been accustomed to those others a long time together; upon which con­sideration it will be absolutely necessary, to give them time to know better, and to disuse them by little and little. The wise Tatitus saith, he who finds an estate in disorder, shall do much better at first dash to submit himself to the violence of in­veterated Habit, and redress it afterwards with dexterity, rather then to fall pre­sently aboard it, and to break all in peeces by a precipitated rashness; and he fur­nisheth us with two examples, both very considerable for their contrariety: The first is Tiberius, who finding the People in a great licentiousness, which the long Peace and meekness of the Emperour Augustus had brought them too, seemed at first not to regard it; his Prudence making him judge it improper, to treat them with severity so soon, and that it was fitter for him to dissemble with them a little while; which procedure of his gave an advantagious issue to whatsoever he de­signed: Whereas the Emperour Galba, though a better Prince then Tiberius, was as unfortunate as rash, in that at his very first comming to the Crown, he attempt­ed with his utmost power, to redress those dis-orders which he found: He spilt the blood of such as were Malefactors, with much severity, and shewed himself to be very covetous; which behaviour of his rendred him so odious, that not many moneths after, he was slain in the midst of Rome by his own Souldiers. It is with the People, as with a sick man, who if in a Dropsie, he have not water given him to drink, though in it self very hurtfull, throws himself into dangerous extremities, so they, if presently restrained from those Liberties and Freedomes which they had used to injoy, do run into Desperation and Fury, and eagerly push at the destructi­on of those, whom they suppose Authors of the Alteration. Above all, it is ne­cessary that a Minister, who would change the face of affair with time, should use a great deal of sweetnesse, and a singular Lenity in it, because insolency and impe­tuousnesse are evil qualities, which do not at all conduce to the dispatch of Affairs, and have no other operation, then to render them odious who use it. It makes the most justifiable remedies insupportable; whereas courtesie and kindness, sweetens any anguish, and makes it passe for very reasonable. People do in some sort, rather love disorder in a Minister, provided he be tractable; then vertue, if he be hard of access, rough, or insolent. His commands will carry more Power with them, if they be accompanied with gentleness, then if set on with Force and Fury. For which reason I should wish to him the temper of Aristides, who amongst other good qualities that he had, was master of a great affability, which gain'd him the heart of all the World, so that afterwards he might do what he would himself; or the Hu­manity of Pompey, which was such, that never any one went dis-satisfied out of his Presence; or the courtesie of Augustus whose Gates were ever open to all who would make addresses to him, and whose Petitions himself received with an admirable cur­tesie. It is to the examples of these wise men, he ought to conform himself, not with an easinesse or too great a facility, that rather foments publick dis-orders; but with the noble couragious sweetness of Brutus, who according to Plutarch was be­loved of all People, for his natural goodness, though the intention of his Will was so upright, that he knew not what it was to stoop to the toleration of any dis­orders.

The Sieurs de Champigny, and de Marillac, are advanced to the Super­intendency of the Exchequer.

AFter the dis-favour of the Marquesse de la Vieville, his Majesty being necessi­tated to put into his place a super-intendent; upon whose Prudence and Fide­lity in the Administration of the Finances, he might safely rely, took advise of the Cardinal, well knowing that it is in vain to choose Officers if the are nor able well to execute their places, because they are as it were the Soul and main-spring, by which he shall arrive to any good successe.

This grand Minister then discoursing with his Majesty upon this subject did not any longer conceal those aggrievances, which several men did complain of in the Marquess de la Vieville, but thought it necessary to set two in his place. His rea­son was, That the regulating of the Finances, wes much different from that of the Administration of the State; because if the division and envy which should arise between two Ministers, would draw on many inconveniences; yet the mis-under­standing which might make a separation between two super-intendents, would be the more advantagious, it being somewhat impossible, that two men, who are grown jealous of one another, should divert the monies from the Treasury, either of them fearing, least his Fellow-brother should detect him. His advice was, to chuse two such as were of great Honesty, because admit that one should be corrupted in his Office, yet the other might stand firm. Besides this, he advised him to cast his eyes upon such men, whose age and experience had made them of good capacities. He thought ancient men, and such as were versed in affairs, more proper then o­thers, because they are naturally inclined to more stayednesse, and have a greater respect and authority then young men to move the people, to submit to those Im­positions, which shall be charged upon them: That the experience which they have by age, is the more needfull in affairs of concern, for without that experience Age doth rather make men unweildy and unapt for business; & that this same experience, is known for one of the most solid Foundations of Wisedom, of which no one can be more assured, then he who had often been deceived by Fortune, and who hath found to his cost, that he ought to trust but a few, and to be confident but of a little. Moreover, he proposed too chuse such, as were neither too poor nor too rich; not very poor, fearing least the power of disposing the Treasuries, might work upon their dispositions, to mis-imploy it to their own uses, that they might raise themselves out of their Poverty and Needinesse; not very rich, least the pow­er and Authority which they possess might invite them to attempt whatever should be suggested to them: Above all, he advised his Majesty, not to place in such Offi­ces of charge and trust, any, but men of understanding, and such as bad some go­vernment in their own affairs, there being no reason to intrust the second affairs of the Kingdome with people of but an indifferent Capacity; nor no hopes but of ruine and confusion from such whose life hath been disorderly, and these are the chiefest good qualities of which a Super-intendent of the Finances ought to bee Master.

The King was not ignorant of these truths, but was glad to find them confirm'd to him, by the approbation of this grand Minister, and in prosecution of it, desi­ring him to name some men in particular, upon whom his Majesty might cast his eys, to fill up those vacant Offices. He proposed to him the Sieurs de Champigny, and de Marillac, as persons in whom these qualities were eminent. Their Age and Experience had made them ripe for all sorts of business; their Birth and For­tune had favourably imparted to them the gifts of Body and Mind. Lastly, that most men gave them the Honour of esteeming them both Valiant and Loyal; so his Majesty, equally depending upon their reputation, and the Cardinals advice, honoured them with the Super-intendency. It cannot be denied, but that most of the Cardinals faithfull creatures, reflecting upon the little service, which the Sieur [Page 25] de Marillac, would have done the State in his own person, took occasion to talk of it, that the should be so preferred into affairs, without remembring those extra­vagancies of his, during the Confederacy. But such ought to consider, that re­solutions ought not to be judged by the event, that the wisest Counsels are some­times attended with ill success, as well as the most rash and unadvised attempts; and I shall tell them withall, that the Cardinal could hardly have imagined, how much it was to be wished, that the Sieur de Marillac would have rebated some part of that unquiet and rebellious spirit of his, which he manifested during those troubles, in relation to that reservedness and moderation of which he was known to be ma­ster, when he had no other Office but that of the Requests and Councellour of State, which moderation of his, gave good cause to hope that his riper Age, had totally extinguished that sedicious fire which had almost consumed him in his youn­ger days.

Politique Observation.

SEeing there must of necessity be limits and Bounds in that distrust, which is had of persons chosen to serve in publique affairs; as also, that it is a great fault to trust every one and a greater to trust none, or to remove a person from the Gover­ment, whose reputation and conduct, seems to ingage a Trust in him; so on the contrary, the confidence which a Minister hath of a person, who hath the repute of a great vertue (though peradventure there might have been some miscarriage in her former conduct) is no slight testimonie of her owne integritie. A depraved Nature can beleeve no one, hardly himselfe, whereas a vertuous oble disposition honoureth such as have the reputation of being fincere and Loyal with so much respect, that there need no great labour to make them be credited. I cannot more properly compare distrust to any thing then to those Poysons which Phisitians sometimes use in their Medicines which administred with discretion and by weight do cure the most dangerous sicknesses; whereas given in a little excess, they presently kil­so doth distrust it is one of the best supports in a Ministers conduct if he useth it mo­derately, and on the other side, if too much made use of, it causeth a thousand disast­ers both to the State and the Minister himself. Hee who is too distrustful hath never any quiet; hee never looketh on any thing but it disturbs him; no one cometh neere him, but hee suspecteth it is with some ill design; if any one salute him with a little more then usual respect, he presently fancieth such a one will cheat him, and vertue it selfe passeth for Hippocrasie in his opinion: And if by this means hee createth a Hell to himself, his suspitions too are offensive to all who have any manner of con­versation with him. I passe by those inferiour persons who do oftentimes render great services to the State, and yet being denied the liberty of presenting them­selves, do at last hate the chief Minister, when they think themselves dis-respected. On the contrary, confidence puts the mind in great repose, gaines affection from all the world, induceth to imploy all such as are able to do service with Freedome, and many times maketh enemies themselves to change their designs, and to prosecute instead of persecuting his interests.

The Romans were not sullied with this diffidence, for they never made any diffi­culty, to re-place those again into their Offices, whom they had formerly removed. They recalled Camillus whom they had banished, made him Dictator, honoured him with the Consul-ship, and General of the Army under Marcus L [...]vius com­mand, whom they disgraced: And the Emperour Augustus, instead of punishing Lucius Cinna, who whould have attempted upon his person, had such confidence in him, that he not onely did not distrust him, but advanced him to the Consul-ship, and by that manner of proceeding so won upon him, that he was ever after very faithfull, and very affectionate to all, which concerned him: Mens inclinations are not irrecoverable, and they who have heretofore been incendiaries, may turn to be faithfull servants: Whence it comes, that the Rule which ought to be followed in distrusting of men, is that it be not with excesse, not totally and absolutely to lay [Page 26]by, and reject all who have been culpable of evil management, but to examine the true cause of their disorder, whether their fault were committed by inclination or accident, if the occasion which induced them, be removed or not, and whether there be good ground to beleeve, that their vertue hath been set right and amended after their bad disposition, judging so much the more favourably of those who are re­puted vertuous, because the integrity of a Prince, and his principal Minister of State, is judged by the Qualities and Conditions of those Officers whom they imploy; but withall still retaining a power to curb their evil conduct, if they abuse that confidence which it had of them.

The Garde de Seaux d' Haligre, is advanced to the charge of Chancellor of France, by the death of Monsieur de Sillery.

FOrtune having made way by the disgrace of the Marquess de la Vieville, for the advancement of these two Councellors of State, death would also take its turn to shew its power; giving occasion by the decease of Monsieur de Sillery, to advance Monsieur Le garde de Seaux de Haligre, to the charge of Chancellour of Franch. This great man was laid a sleep in his Tomb, after he had been known for one of the prime spirits of his time, both in matters of his Counsel, the Seal, and his own particular importment: whence it happened that the disgrace which befell him, not long before by those bad Offices, which the Marquess de la Vieville did him (who was not able to indure that any mans discretion should over shadow him) was but a Triumph to his vertue. He was removed by the Artifices of that Minister, to go spend the rest of his days at his house of Sillery, that he might be eased of the trouble of the world. He made known both to his confident friends who visited him, and to such with whom he held an inter-course by Letters, that this change, wrought not upon his Constancy, and that his disgrace did not at all alter the temper of his mind. He told them, that he had alwaies held it for a max­ime, to consider Accidents by their true cause, which is the divine Providence, and seeing that no man ought to repine at that which he is forced to suffer, it were but reasonable to conform our wills, to those orders which are established here upon earth; that he was not ignorant how that huge multitude which follows those men who are in great places, doth not follow so much their persons, as their fortunes; and that the solitude wherein he now was, made him find it so by experience, that he did not think he had the fewer friends in having so few Visitants; that in fine, he in-joyed a great liberty, such a one as he had never tasted in his most honourable im­ployments; that the sweetnesse which he found in it, invited him to lament their condition, who were still bound to such Slaveries: And that lastly, the preferred his disgrace before the highest dignty.

It was a middest such prudent meditations, that he entertained himself near a whole year in great content from the Court, untill at last death came to put a peri­od to his days, but left his Glory and Reputation fresh and alive in the memories of all, who knew him. After his death, his Majesty gave the Chancellorship to Monsieur de Halligre, which was done by the Cardinals advice, who would by no means divert his Majesty from raising of him unto this utmost pitch of Honour, which was usually accorded unto such as were Treasurers at that time, and upon such an occasion; not that he was ignorant, that his Age rendered his Mind somewhat too weak for the weight of such a charge; for the well performance of which, it was not enough, barely to have acquired the Ornaments of a singular Honesty, which was however very commendable: But he could not resolve to dis-counte­nance him, it being his first entrance upon the Administration, and early dayes with him; so that he rather aimed to supply the others defects, by his own proper inge­ny, which was able enough to defend the State from suffering, as to hinder him from his advancement; withall he hoped, that giving him often, the honour of ad­mitting him to be neer him, he might form him by his Counsels, and render him [Page 17]more capable and vigorous in the trans-acting of great Affairs. He though too, that his redoubled cares for some small time, might be requited in future, which in­vited him to take that trouble upon himself, as also, because he would not cast off a person, whom he found Keeper of the Seal, and in reputation of a Sublime virtue.

Politick Observation.

TO judge with certainty of the ability or insufficiency of a man, for management of great affairs, is a thing very difficult. If it often happens that the most active souls do not well away with affairs of little concernment, it is not lesse com­mon, to see some who make themselves be admired as in indifferent imployments, who being raised to those of a little higher degree, acquit themselves very badly. To verifie which, Vespasian being over-seer of the Scavangers (before he came to the Empire) committed so many mis-carriages, that the Emperour commanded his cloaths to be daubed all over with filth and dirt; but when Fortune had once raised him up to be Soveraign, he soon made it evident that the evil conduct, for which he was once blamed, proceeded from nothing but to shew that he was not born for love and mean actions. Men of great merit behave themselves so negligently in small, low imployments, that they give but a slender character of their abilities: On the other side, some have attained to a great reputation, in the discharging of small affairs, and in prosecution of time being advanced to those of greater weight, have found their ruine and confusion in them. Galba may serve for an example of it, seeing before he was Emperour, he shewed so much Prudence in the dispatching those affairs which were committed to him, that every one conceived a very great esteem of him, but being come to the Empire, he soon lost it. If any one de­mand a reason of it, I suppose there is none but this; that as there ought to be a proportion between Causes and Effects, that they may operate within the Sphere of their power, so men ought to be adopted to charges in imployments, conform­able to their capacities and sufficiencies; for that mens minds have certain bounds prescribed to them, within the limits of which they are able to acquit themselves with credit and applause; but if you advance them above, or depresse them below those Spheres, they shew nothing but debilities and mis-carriages. It was in this respect that Tacitus speaks of Poppeus Sabinus, when he said that he was sufficient­ly capable of those imployments which were intrusted with him, but not of any higher. Titus Livy was not much out of the way too, when speaking of the Di­ctatorship of Lucius Quintius Cicinnatus, he said, that he had a courage equal to his charge, but not great enough to be General of the Army. Now in this incer­tainty, it should seem to relish somewhat of injustice; peradventure too of im­prudence in a Chiefe Minister, to oppose the advancement of a man whom hee finds in imployment, and in the reputation of an honest integrity. It would relish, as I said, of Injustice; because his integrity and conduct, re­duct, represent him for deserving, and of imprudence too, because vertue having the property of pulling down a hatred upon those who oppresse it, it will certainly gain him the dis-esteem and dis-affection of the people, should he have hindred the t'others good fortune; besides the noblest glory of a powerfull man consists in being able to hurt, but at that same times to do most good to all men, especially to those who are vertuous. A man may easily be perswaded that a Minister is vertu­ous, if he favours persons of merit; and on the contrary, that he hath none but wicked designs, if he bring them into disgrace, and of this he ought to take the greater consideration upon his first entrance into the Government, because he hath then the fittest opportunity of gaining upon the Peoples affections. Alexander knew of what concernment this particular was, when as a certain Lord of his Retinue complained that he gave no estate to any but persons of great vertue, he was an­swered by him that he courted vertue, that she her self might pay him Homage over all the world.

Enquiries into the Misdemeanours of the Finances.

THE Sieur de Marillac being honoured with the Super-intendency of the Fi­nances, his unquiet spirit could not rest long time without giving some object to his violence, the Finances he levelled at, and soon set them into such confusion, that they who behaved themselves in their charges with the greatest innocency, knew not where to hide their heads, It is true, that it was so much the more impor­tant, to the good of the State, to represse those mis-demeanours of many, who did openly squander away the Kings monies (which are the Sinnews both of the State and War) in that their ill management did necessitate the imposing of new Taxes upon the People, in that they deprived particular men of such summs as the King had granted them, not onely by way of gratification, but sometimes of just­ice; and in that these unjust dealings gave means to many amongst them, to make vast expences (a dangerous example to the publique) Yet should hee have had for-born driving those enquiries to that height which he did, and from infusing into the Kings Soul such a sharpnesse against them, that they all past for criminals indiffe­rently together in his Majesties opinion.

The order which was followed was this, There was out of each Parliament one Councellour elected by them, who was reputed of extraordinary integrity to be for­med into a Court of Justice to them, were joyned certain Masters of Requests, and two Presidents of the Chamber of Accompts of Paris. Leave was given to all In­formers, who would appear to give in their complaints against any Officer, or his Deputy, to the Procurator General, and there was so exact an Inquisition made of all their deportments, that there was hardly one of them which did not run away to save themselves from the storm, which was falling down upon them. This Court continued from the end of October of this year, untill May in the year following; however it was with more threats then punishments, there being onely one put to death and some few in Effigie.

Monsieur the Cardinal did for some time behold this Tempest not giving way to his Prudence, to imploy that Benignity which is natural to him, towards the mo­derating his Majesties just anger against them, as well to testifie upon his first entrance into the Administration, that it was not his intention to protect such Malefactors; as also in regard it was necessary to terrifie and affright those who were culpable, to the end they might for the future live with more Integrity and Justice. But in the end, seeing that the Principal Actors began to be touched to the quick, with an ap­prehension either of loosing their Honours, or their lives, and to compare them­selves in good earnest, as much as could possibly be desired, and withall to propose to his Majesty in behalf of their persons, to establish such orders in the Treasuries, that it should be impossible to divert any of the monies, or to defraud any persons of such sums, as his Majesty should order to be payed unto them, he then became the Mediator of their Peace. It is true, it was not without making their Purses pay for what was past, and setting up a better order for the future; for he brought them to condiscend to give hit Majesty seven Millions of Livers, and for the better kee­ping them in aw, it was ordained that every ten years a Court of Justice should be set up, to inquire into their Actions, and he procured such order to be established in the Finances, that it was impossible for them to relapse into their former errours. The King was so exasperated against them, that it was no little difficulty to per­swade him to grant them that favour and grace which they begged for. But hee, knowing that the ways of reason, are those by which his Majesty is to be regained; he so followed them, that he soon re-placed him in his usual moderateness of tem­per, and representing to him, that it was Clemency was that virtue, which made Princes like unto the Divinity, that it could not but be glorious to pardon those Officers, how culpable soever, that their offence was not more criminal then that of Rebellion, in which the major part of the French, had in several Wars hereto­fore been imbroyled, that he would have so much the lesse reason, ever to repent of [Page 29]the favour he should do them; for that the late King his Father was highly praised for what he once said to Monsieur du Mayne, after he had reduced him to his obe­dience, viz. That the greatest pleasure he had in making a Peace, was the pardon­ing of Rebels, That the Laws of the Romans seemed to invite him to pardon, see­ing they had no other punishment then Banishment for Robbing of Publique Trea­sury. That the end of a great Prince, is rather to make his Officers good, then to chastize them. That it was enough thus to punish their Purses, so that they might both remember it, and suffer for it; that Vespasian had given him a very commend­able example, when as he thought it more proper to preserve then destroy Trea­suries, in saying he esteemed them one of the strongest props of an Empire, and that he looked upon them as a Meadow, which is mowed at some time or other, or as upon Spunges which are squeezed, when a man would get any thing out of them.

These reasons were so unanswerable, and made such an impression upon the Kings mind, that following the instincts of his natural Bounty, he resolved to par­don them. Accordingly, he Repealed the Chamber of Justice, and accorded to them the favour which they desired, and they established such Orders and Rules, which have tied up those who were most wedded to their own interests, to live very stayedly.

Politick Observation.

IT is no new thing to see the Publick Exchequer ill governed. The Treasury was common amongst the Greeks, as Polybius and Chirisophus, in Zenophon witnesse, the latter of which reproacheth them with it, that there was hardly a man amongst them of any mark, who might not be reproved for it. Aristides general Treasurer of Athons, manifested publickly, that all those who had managed the Treasury of that Republick, not onely in his time, but before, had robbed them of a good quantity, not so much as excepting Themistocles. Gylippus, did divert a great part of those Riches; which Lysander had hid by a Slaves means of his, under the Tyles of his house. When he sayd, if one should look in such a place, he might find good store of Owls; meaning Gold and Silver, upon which the Grecians stamped an Owl, by reason of the Athenians, which was accordingly sifted out, and deliver­ed into the hands of the Ephores, who punished him very severely for it. For the same fault amongst the Romans, was Sylla accused by Consorinus, who grounded his indictment upon this, That he having but little wealth left by his Father, inso­much that he was forced to lodge in a hired house, and was now become excessively rich. It would be easie to produce many of the like examples, not but there have been in all ages, honest, upright men, in whose hands the Publick Treasuries have been regulated, with much fidelitie, and who have not deserved lesse praise then Pericles, of whom Thucydides reports, that he had not increased by one onely dragm of Silver, the Estate which his father left him, notwithstanding the great imployments he had in the Treasuries. But I can tell you, there have been some Persons in the Ages last past, who have made so little difficulty of diverting the Trea­sury, that they have gloried in being made rich by it.

If this Crime then be so ancient, the use of punishing them, being once convict is as old, the Grecian and Roman Laws assure us of it, in the examples of Gylippus, Lisander, and many others; but must he not needs be very imprudent, who would not punish them at all, seeing the defrauding of a Treaty, is a Poyson, which depriveth the State of the use of her Sinews and Muscles: And lastly, which decays its vigour, that it is rendred uncapable of attempting any thing either great or glorious. Ves­pasian, as Suetonius saith, inforced the Receivers of his Treasury, to render an ac­compt of what they received from their fathers, and to restore him the surplusage, as if they had robbed him of it.

The Laws of France are more severe, and they have been often executed, against the greatest of the Kingdome, amongst others, Father de la Berche Engneraud de [Page 30]Marigny, le Sieur de Giac, & Camus de Beaulieu, were convicted of this Crime, under King Philip, Lewis his son, and Charls the 8th. and accordingly condemned to die for it.

Philip de Valois made an Assembly very remarkable, of the three States, in which it was resolved to make the Treasurers, render an accompt, and to intrust the dis­posal of the Publick Money, into the hands of the Ecclesiasticks and Noble Men; who it was hoped, would manage them with more Fidelity. In fine, a Commission was granted to the Abbots of Marmostier and Corby, and they had joyned to them for Counsel, four Bishops, and four Knights. Pierre des Essars Treasurer of France, was then clapt up in Prison, and severall Financiers condemned to pay great Fines.

The Affairs of the Valtoline.

AFter the declaring what Empires Death and Fortune exercised during this year in the State, the prosecution of Affairs ingageth me to inform you of what passed in the businesse of the Valtoline; but that I may write it with more perspi­cuity. I think it necessary to take the rise of this Affair, and to observe to you, that the Valtoline is a Country scituated at the foot of the Alps, not unlike a great Ditch, separated by the high Mountains from the Grisons, and those which are on the Coast of Italy. It is not of very large extent, not being above twenty leagues in length, and one in breadth, but is very fertile, and of great importance, serving as a Gate to the Spaniards and Venetians, to bring Forces out of Germany into Ita­ly, as well to defend as to increase their States. The Venetians were not ignorant of it, when they were imbroyled with Pope Paul the fifth, Anno 1603. they made a League with the Grisons who are natural Lords of it, to have free passage through it, as their occasions should require, though France had the onely Power to dispose of it, according to the Treaty made with them by Lewis the 12th. and renewed by Henry the Great, Anno 1602. during the time of his own life, the life of the pre­sent King, and eight years after his decease. Which Alliance with them, gives great offence to the Spaniards, which caused them to make another League with the Grisons, to whom the same Passages were assured, for the safeguard of Milan: However after a long Treaty made in the year, 1631. these two new Alliances were turned topsie turvey, and that of France re-setled; it is true, it was not for any long time, because the Venetians having been at variance, with the Arch-Duke Ferdinand, and the house of Austria, sent Secretary Patavin to the Grisons, who contracted another league with them, which made the Spaniards re-assume those former intelligences of theirs, insomuch that there were two parties formed amongst them; that of Plauta for the Spaniards, and that of Deslia for the Venetians, which kindled such a fire as could not be extinguished to this present day. The difference was such, that from the year 1617, to the year 1621. there were nine insurrections among them, in which sometimes one party, sometimes another had the better of it. At last the Valtolines, annoyed by the Injustices and Extorsions, which the Protestant Grisons used over them, and otherwhiles pretending that they would a­bolish the Catholick Religion from amongst them, they made a general revolt, and at the perswasion of the Governour of Milan, massacred all the Protestants they met with. In July 1620, the Grisons could easily have chastised them for this cru­ell act, whereas they to secure themselves, from the revenge which they expected, had recourse to the Governour of Milan, who glad at heart to make an advan­tage in this occasion, was not backward in sending them souldiers, and building them Forts in their Valley.

The King being then ingaged in re-taking those Towns which the Hugonots had gotten into their possession, could not succour the Grisons with his Armies; but however he sent the Marshal de Bassompiere, extraordinary Ambassadour into Spain, to require, and in his name to demand that the Valtoline might be restored, and all things re-placed into their former state and condition. The Marshal took extraordi­nary [Page 31]paines to procure it, and at last obtained it, and accordingly it was signed at a Treaty in Madrid, in May 1621. on condition that certain great Liberties might be accorded to the Catholiques there, and with a Proviso, that the Can­tons of the Swisses and the Valtolines should incline the Grisons to consent to what had been agreed upon.

But the Spaniards proceeding with little Faith to execute the Treaty, procured the Catholique Cantons, by their mony, to deny their consents, which one thing being deficient, they would put off the whole execution of the Treaty; and moreover, made one at Milan, with the Deputies of the Grisons, and two o­thers, with the same Grisons and the Archduke Leopold, by which they got great advantages in those Countries, and so kept to themselves the power of passing any Forces thorough that Country.

This Procedure made the Duke of Savoy very jealous, as also the Princes of I­taly and Germany, which were not interessed in the designs of the House of Au­stria, and having made their complaints to his Majesty, his Majesty, who is as much concern'd for them as the Grisons, concluded a Treaty of Alliance with the Duke of Savoy and Republique of Venice, in February 1623, for the executing the Treaty at Madrid, and the re-establishing the Grisons in their Soveraignty of the Valtoline.

This League made the King of Spain suspect, that they began to smel the U­surpation which he had made, so that ghuessing he should find a hard task to pre­serve it, [...]he offered the King to put all those Forts which the Governour of Mi­lan had built, in deposit in Pope Gregory the fifteenth's hands, and those of the Holy Seat, to be by them kept until the conclusion of the Treaty, which should be made to end all those differences. The King could hardly be drawn to agree to to the deposit, both because there was no need of any other Treaty then that of Madrid, as also by reason of the liberty of passages which the Spaniard would keep. However, his Majesty being pressed unto it by the Pope, consented to it, upon condition that all those Forts should be demolished within three months, during which time, the Articles of Accommodation should be agreed on at Rome. The Commander of Sylleri was then Ambassador at Rome for France, and the Duke de Pastrane had the same charge from Spain, and both having received power from their Masters to treat and negotiate this Affair, there were divers Proposals made; France never made any difficulty of according to any thing which might contribute to the exercise of the Catholique Religion in the Valto­line, or for security of all such as made profession thereof: But they would ne­ver agree to those demands which the Spaniards made concerning the having of Passages, with so much peremptoriness. During which time Pope Gregory the fifteenth dyed, and Ʋrban the eighth being set in his place, after his first entrance upon the Popedom, proposed new Articles of Accommodation, which compri­sed as much as could be of advantage for the Church and Catholiques, which were readily accepted to by France, but as stoutly rejected by the Spaniards, for that it did not grant to them the enjoyment of the Passages.

Their Refusal surprised the Pope, but he being made by some of their Mini­sters, who had represented to him, that those Passages were the least recompence which they could pretend to, in lieu of many Millions which they had expended for the defence of the Catholique Religion in the Valtoline. His Holyness proposed to them, to grant them passage for their Souldiers into Germany and Flanders, in behalf of the War which they should make against the Heretiques, but upon no other occasion whatsoever. To this the King would in no wise agree, be­cause to have granted them free passage there, upon what occasion soever, were to give them the whole end of their design, which was to unite the Estates which the House of Austria hath in Germany to those in Italy, as we shall [...]ls­where declare, and by that means to expose the Princes of Italy as a Prey to the Spanish Ambition; more especially the Venetians, who (should that thing be assented to) have good cause to complain of France: Besides, that Article [Page 33]was quite contrary to the Treaty at Madrid, for the execution of which, this Trea­ty was onely intended. That withall, the King was in a League with those of Ve­nice and Savoy, and had engaged his Word, his Honour, and his Faith, to re­settle things in their former state. It is true, the Commander of Sylleris had been surprised by the Spaniards, and had consented to those Articles wherein the demand of those Passages was included, but however had not signed them, and the King disowned them, and declared, that he having done it contrary to his order, he was not bound to ratifie it, and principally seeing he himself too, had not assented to them, but after he had understood of the disgraces which had befallen the Chancellor his Brother, and the Sieur de Pisieux his Ne­phew.

Politique Observation.

IT is very dangerous for a Prince to sit still, and see another invade his neigh­bours for certain Passages or Countries, which may lay his States, as it were, hedge by hedge, and especially if those places may serve for a In-let, or Door to give succours to his own Allies, such a thing were to give him leave to turn his weakness into strength, for that united States are stronger then when disunited. Great Rivers whilst they are in small Brooks, are fordable by every one, and are not feared at all, until all their waters run in the same channel; and divided E­states may easily be surprised, whereas if united, they are capable of giving jea­lousie to their neighbours, as also to make attempts upon them.

It is a common saying in Philosophy, Vis unita fortior, united Power is much stronger than when divided into several particulars. Sertorius evinced this to his Army for a Truth by a witty Invention; he commanded two Souldiers to pull off a Horses tayl, both which he chose for the purpose, of a different humour and strength; the one of them weak, but ingenious, the other strong, but rash; the latter, in obedience to Sertorius command, took a whole handful of the Horses tayle, and tugging with all his force, could not pull it off; the second took a quite contrary way, he pull'd them off hair by hair, until he quite made an end; whence Sertorius took an occasion to exhort his Souldiers never to separate them­selves either in a Fight, or upon a March, he told them, they had seen, that u­nited Forces are hard to be vanquished, but easily overcome if disunited. If this reason be sufficient to warrant a man, from permitting an Invasion in any Coun­try, it is the more necessary to be prosecuted, when it serves for a mutual passage for France to assist its Allies, and to receive succour from them, for that these Passages are of as great concernment as the Allies themselves, for once being lost. Allies can neither give or receive any succours at all. That Prince who suffers them to be usurped, exposeth his ancient Allies to be made a prey, and cuts off one of his own armes, wherewith he might have defended him­self.

For this very reason it is, that our Kings having often discoved the Spaniards designs of invading Savoy, have presently been on foot to defend it, as the usual Gate of Communication between France and Italy, which once lost, they knew that all the Princes of Italy would quickly be reduced to the mercy of the Spaniards, seeing they could not be assisted by France, which hath ever been their Protectrix, as also, that France, if occasion were, could not receive any succours from them.

The Deputation of the Sieur de Bethune, to Rome as Ordinary Embassador, and the Revocation of the Commander of Syllery.

THe Commander de Syllery being thus surprised, the King was obliged to call him home, and to send in his place Monsieur de Bethune, a man of great judge­ment and reputation, to whom he gave expresse order, to declare very resolutely to the Pope, that he would never consent that the Spaniards should have passage in the Valtoline, and to beseech him in his Majesties name, that he would use his authori­ty to inforce the execution of the Treaty of Madrid, that according to the rules of Justice, the Grisons might be restored to that which had been usurped from them, both in the Valtoline, as also in the rights of the League at Caddee. A little after his departure, his Majesty received advice, that the resolution of denying those passages, was approved of at Rome, so he dispatched one to him upon the way, that he might every day be more resolute, and that hee publish it aloud to all the world, to stop the Spaniards mouths, who made people beleeve, that at last wee should give ground and accord it to them.

The Sieur de Bethune being arrived at Rome, acquitted himself so worthily of that which was give him in charge, that the Pope no more doubting of his Ma­jesties resolution, told him, he would forthwith discharge himself of the Forts in the Valtoline. The Sieur de Bethune, was for the present satisfied with it, and gave notice of it to the King, But upon receiving his Majesties further pleasure upon that particular, he very briskly told his Holiness, it would be a thing of very ill conse­quence, to deliver them into the Spaniards power, seeing if it were once done, a breach between the two Crowns were not to be avoided. That it were no lesse a­gainst the Interest of Religion, to surrender them to the Grisons who were Here­ticks, and that the best expedient which could be taken was (but by the By he pro­posed it onely as from himself) either to raze them, as by the Treaty of Madrid was agreed on, or to leave them to the Valtolines themselves, seeing there might be an easier agreement made with them, then with any others. The Pope found him­self so intangled, that he knew not what to resolve, so that the businesse, had been Wyer-drawn into a great length of time and delays, if he had not been pressed by those Protestations, which were several times represented to him: That the King his Master, after he had imployed all the means of a Treaty to no purpose, would have recourse to those to his Arms, without any more ado, to obtain that by force, which was denied to the justice of his Reasons.

His Holiness being thus hard put to it, would willingly have delivered up the Forts into the hands of the Valtolines; but one thing which hindred him was, he would be re-imbursed of those Charges which he had expended, for their preservation du­ring the deposit. The Spaniards offering to give him satisfaction in it, did invite him to deliver them up to them. But the Sieur de Bethune, making him the same proffers from the King, did so puzzle him, that afterwards he could not deliver up the Forts to one, without offending the t'other, and without making a breach be­tween them. Now to dis-ingage himself from these broyls, he made divers Propo­sals, but all tending to delays, the Sieur de Bethune, acquainting the King there­with, received express Order, not to consent to any expedient of that nature, and rather to press his Holiness, to leave the Fort in the Spaniards hands, then to use any longer delays; because his Majesty was fully resolved, not to let the year pass away without somewhat of Action, and in case he could get no other determinate resoluti­on, that he should write to the Marquess Coeuures, presently to enter with an Army upon the Valtoline.

Politick Observation.

IT is usual with Princes, who are Mediators of Peace between other Soveraigns, to amuse those Embassadours which are with them upon that accompt, with di­vers new Proposals, which themselves judge not to be feasible. When they find things hard to be concluded on, they hope, that time may in fine produce some a­greeable overture, both to one and t'other, which may induce them to lay down their Arms; or else, they indeavour by this means to give time to him, whom they would incline to favour, to draw his forces together, and put himself into a posture of defence. In such Encounters an Embassadour ought to be both Prudent and Stout: Prudent he ought to be, that he may dive into the qualities and consequen­ces of such Propositions as shall be made unto him, either to reject them, if in­convenient, or to make appear that it is on good grounds, he doth not accept of them. Couragious too he ought to be, to maintain his Masters Interests, with strong Reasons and Generosity, without fear of being importunate, and without making a scruple of speaking out, when need requires. If he discovers any weak­nesse, ir-resolution and dulness of Soul, if he be slow in finding out expedients, or do not well discuss such propositions as are made to him, he cannot escape the cen­sure of the World; on the contrary he will gain the more honour, if by his viva­city, address, and vigour, he shall effect with ease, those affairs, which otherwise would be intricate and Thorny, and free his Country from Wars, and allay the ex­asperations of his enemies; and in fine, reduce the most obstinate to be governed by the Rules of Reason. It w [...]ll be an act of Prudence in him, not to bewray the least ap­prehensions of fear, to see his Master ingaged in a War, which if he should, his enemies would soon make advantage of it; on the contrary, he ought rather to imitate the re­solution of Quintus Fabius, who being sent from the Romans to the Carthaginians, presently told them, that he should be most glad, if there might be any expedient found out for an accommodation, which would be for the good of both parties, if it might not be, he there presented them too Gages, one of Peace and t'other of War, that they might chuse which they pleased. He will be much blamed, who suffers himself to be amused with frivolous Proposals, made onely to gain time; as it befell the Embassadours of Dyonisius the Tyrant, who being sent to the Syracu­sian to treat a Peace, were entertained by Dion General of their Army, with se­veral specious Propositions but without any conclusion, until he had re-edified a good part of the Wall, by which the Town should have been taken, and then had no other answer but this, That the Syracusians could make no Peace with Dyonisius, unless hee renounced the Soveraignty, and content himself with some meaner Ho­nours. An Embassadour ought sometimes to excite and press that Prince with whom he treats, when he cannot draw any reason from him, and if his Instances shall be looked upon as importunities by him; yet his master will esteem them for marks of his Courage and Fidelity; however, such remembrances ought to be with respective honour due to Persons of Quality. For being a little toucht, they rouze up themselves, but if provoked by offences, they run into extremities. An Embassadour of Genoa, did heretofore suggest as much to Galeas Duke of Milan, by a witty invention, when he was so obstinate that he could not procure so much as Audience from him; he presented him (among other things) a Vessel, on which he had laid a Basil-plant, the Duke was surprized at it, and knowing not what it signi­fied, sent to know the Embassadours meaning, the Embassadour willingly waited on him, and told him, that the Genoveses were as all other Princes, like that Plant, which if a little rubbed in the hand, sends forth a very sweet smell, but if pressed untill the juyce come out, it breeds Scorpions; thus he obtained much of what he desired by this means. To be short, Kings are of that humour, that if an Embassadour should be so inconsiderate, as to domineer and use outragious spee­ches; it would onely breed Scorpions, that is Bloody Wars, by provoking of their anger; but if he be Prudent and Generous, to press with dexterity and moderation, [Page 35]they will become sensible, and be reduced in fine to whatsoever shall reasonably be desired from them.

The Marquess de Coevures, is sent to the Cantons of the Swisses, for the Grisons affairs.

THE orders in this negotiation, were executed with a great deal of Prudence and Courage; however all would not do, to obtain any reason from the Spa­niards, who never want opportunities, of making advantages out of the rediousness of a Treaty. The Cardinal who knew of old, all their tricks, advised the King, not to stand dallying upon the means of a Treaty, as formerly; but forthwith to make use of his Arms, to reduce them to terms of Justice.

This way of proceeding, was much different from those which had heretofore been used; the intent of it being, to raise up the Renown and Reputation of the French, amongst strangers to make no difficulty of taking up their Arms, to obstruct the enterprizes of the house of Austria, rather then to suffer their allies to be lon­ger oppressed; the Ruine of whom, would undoubtedly shake the Foundations of this Empire it self. This Generous resentment, was concurrent with his Majesties inclination, so that he resolved to send the Marquess de Coevures into Swizzerland, at the same time that the Sieur de Bethune was dispatched towards Rome. There were two Instructions delivered to him; by the first, he was ordered to re-unite all the Swisse Cantons, with his Majesty, to dispose the Catholicks, to give their assent to the Treaty of Madrid; and to espy if in this re-union, there might not some way be found out, for to re-place the Grisons into the Soveraignty of the Val­tonine.

The second was to be kept private, if the first took effect, else he was comman­ded to incourage the Grisons to rise, who should receive assistance from his Maje­sty of such Troops as should be necessary, according to such orders, as should be received; there went with the Marquess, all the Grisons Captains, who were at that time in the Swiss Regiment, who were thought most able to be made use of in the Valtoline, to fish out any thing which might be thought proper to be known, and to give intelligence to the Marquess of those Countries. But that which was the best guide of all, was to see six hundred and sixty thousand Livres, pass in a Convoy to be distributed some part amongst the Swisses, upon whose natures nothing hath so great an influence as mony; and the other part upon the first expences of the war, if there should be any occasion to begin it.

Upon his comming into Swisserland, he found the Spaniards had made strong Parties there, so that it was impossible for him, on the sudden, to open the peoples eyes, that they might see how they precipitated themselves into their own ruine. He imployed the Sieurs de Mesnim, & du Mesnil, to negotiate with them in smal Assemblies; and presently after his arrival, he went to Baden, but it was with lit­tle success untill the General meeting in August at Souleur. In the ixterim, he laboured very diligently to gain the Principal Captains, either by distributing the Kings money amongst them, or by instilling such other reasons as might be able to move them. To the Catholicks he gave assurances, that his Majesty did not inte­ress himself for the re-stating the Grisons in the government of the Valtoline, but withall necessary conditions, for the exercise of the Catholick Religion, which made those suspicions which had been infused by the Spaniards to vanish. As for the Interest of the Church, and the good of their State, it was evidently demon­strated to them, that the losse of the Valtoline, would presently be followed, by that of the three Grisons, which were inleagued together, and of which the Arch-Duke Leopold had already gotten a good part, That after the dis-uniting of those confederates, the Spaniard being master of the Passages, would not much trouble himself about those little Cantons, which brought into them a great profit, and made them upon that score very considerable. In brief, that it would quickly be easie for to invade their Country, and that he would the sooner attempt it, for [Page 36]that he did not want any pretensions, to intitle himself to the Mastery of it. These important reasons, strenthened with the payment of their Pensions, did so shake some of the Cantons, that those of Berne and Zurich did first consent, that there should be souldiers levied for the King, and such Provisions of Ammunition, as every place should require. But the Martquess chief endeavour was, at the Assem­bly at Souleur, where he shewed a Master-peece of Prudence, speaking very highly of his Masters name and succours, and making use of the mony which he had brought with him, both together served him to good purpose for obtaining of them, if not all, yet the most part of his desires. The Catholicks accorded to ratifie the Treaty of Madrid, declaring however, that they did not intend to become bound to re­cover the Valtoline by force. Then he got such assurances as himself liked from those of Berue and Zurich, for the Levies of those Souldiers, which they had pro­mised; and withall, got it to be approved by all the Cantons, onely that of Sou­leur excepted, which by the means of Ladnoyer Rool's Faction, refused to declare it self. It is true the Catholicks consented to it, but upon condition onely it were for France, but there was a little more then so intended in it, for the Marquess demanded them for the service of his Master, and of his Allies, without openly declaring that it was for the Grisons.

In Prosecution of time, and not hoping to procure any greater assistance, he be­gan to prepare all things to enter with an Army upon the Valtoline; but however it was, after he had informed his Majesty of the condition of affairs amongst the Gri­sons, where the Sieur de Land [...]e, & de Vaux, imployed by his Majesty, had put things into a very good posture, and untill he had received his Majesties expresse orders and commands.

Politick Observation.

COmmonwealth [...], especially Popular are hardly perswaded to any great under­taking [...], they are naturally so in love with Peace, That there is not any Warre how glorious or profitable soever, which they would prefer before it. Princes are capable of being ingaged upon divers considerations, either for the love which they bear to their Allies, or out of a sense of honour which they are commonly touched with; or out of an apprehension of what may follow; or out of such jealousie as a puissant Neighbour may oblige them to have, or by neernesse of blood, or by the compassion which they have of others miseries, and the Ambition to become Pro­tectors of their States. But Republicks are not touched with any of these conside­rations. All such as are called to a Common Councel, think of nothing but their own particular Interest, and they imagine that whatsoever hinders the injoyment of their Revenue, or stops their Commerce, or their Labors, as War is a greater and more considerable evil then any others, which you can make them sensible of, and they can be drawn to nothing, but in case of absolute desperate extremity. Not but that there may be amongst the people some Souls and Courages more daring then others but as most voices carries it, not their merit who advise it, so they are no more re­garded then Reason is, when as a multitude of different Passions, entertain the Will upon some pernicions object. It is to no purpose for a man, to attempt to shew them any consequences which may happen in future for their spirits, have not a thing so noble as to look further then the time present, they are sensible of nothing but what is beaten into them, and they will much sooner be perswaded to beleeve that Fortune, who they thinks disposeth of all humane affairs; because themselves want wit to govern them, will defend them from those evils which they are threatned with, then be induced to take their own defences by Force of Amrs. Moreover, their closer covetous homou, abhominates any thoughts of expences, without which War cannot be maintained, and the noise of Guns and Drums onely, do so beat their Imagination, that if perchance they hear talk of a Siege or a Battel; poor ouls it quite skareth them out of their little wits. It were to be wished they had smore heart and foresight upon such occasions, for the length of time, which they [Page 37]ever take; before they make any resolution; is an enemy to good success. Delibe­ration ought to be taken, and that with great Prudence, but to spend too much time in it, is very dangerous, because opportunities are lost by it, and peradven­ture such opportunities as the like are never afterwards to be met with, for putting a design in execution.

The Florentines shewed a remarkable example of this particular, when as Lewis the 12th, passed into Italy, against Lodowick Duke of Milan: The King desired to make a League with them, that he might make use of their Passages for his occa­sions, so they sent their Embassadours to treat with him. Now the Embassadours, having agreed to remain Newters in the thing doing, and that the King passing in­to Italy should take them into his Protection, they delayed the ratification of the Treaty for so long, that they could not fully resolve any, untill his Majesty was up­on the point of getting the Victory. Whence the King judging that they rather sought his Alliance by force, then by friendship, testified by his carriage the little esteem he made of them.

The League between the King, Duke of Savoy, and Common-wealth of Ve­nice, for the restitution of the Valtoline.

UPon the advice which the Marquess de Coevures had sent the King, of the state of affairs amongst the Swisses and Grisons, his Majesty commanded the Cardinal, to consult with Signeur Marco Antonio Moresini, the Venetian Em­bassadour, and the Abbot Scuglia Embassadour of Savoy, upon reasonable Pro­positions and Articles, for the effecting that design of a League, which had been formed amongst them, for the restitution of the Valtoline. This Grand Minister, following the inclinations of his great Soul, which will not let him indure, that strangers should find any thing, but what was ful of Generosity in his Masters Affairs, gave a quick dispatch to them, and withall imaginable Prudence. The sum was, That the Arms of France, Savoy, and Venice, should come to a Rendezvouz upon the 15. September. Those of France at Bresse, those of Venice about Milan, near the Valtoline and Grisons, and those of Savoy between Milan and Genoa: That there should be drawn out of the Army at Bresse, a Regiment of 1000 or 1200 foot and 400 horse, to march with the Marquess de Coevures into Swizzeland, the rest to remain under the command of Monsieur de Constable, which should joyn with those of Savoy to enter upon the State of Genoa, and make a strong diversion there, and entertain all the Spaniards Forces which were in Italy, and deprive them of the Valtoline. That order should be given to the Marquess de Coevure, fortwith to raise 3000 Grisons, and 3000 Swiss. That it was agreed between one and t'other, that these Levies should execute the whole design, under the name and colours of the King, and the said States Confederates, that all the charges of the enterprize, should be born by them three, to wit, Venice should furnish the Cannon, Ammunitions of War, and all necessary Provisions of Victuals, but the charge of it to be divided as before, it being unreasonable, that she should pay all. Besides Count Mansfield who was then in France, offered to maintain an Army of 25000 foot, and 7000 horse, under the Prince Palatines name, they paying him three hundred and sixty thousand Livres a moneth, to invade the Countries of the house of Austria, in Germany, and to in­force them to a rest [...]tution of part of the Palatinate, by this forcing in upon them.

The Cardinal represented to the Embassadours, that these Proposals could not be but glorious, seeing the end of them was, to assist a Prince their Ally, and one despoyled of his estates; but moreover, very advantagious, because prosecuting those designs, they should so divert the Armies of Spain, that they would never be able to address themselves to recover the Valtoline. This was unanimously agreed upon amongst them, and in fine resolved, that each of them should contribute to the payment of those 360000 Livres a moneth, viz. the King 180000. Venice 120000 [Page 38]and Savoy 60000. It true, commonwelths do hardly resolve on great enter prizes, especially when there is a necessity of great expence. So Venice made a de­nial to contribute to this charge, as also to make one in the diverting which was made about Genoa, but laid all upon the King and Duke of Savoy, as shall be decla­red in the year following. These orders being thus put in execution, the King writ to the Marquess of Coevures to testifie to him, how much he approved of this nego­tiation, and of those means which he had proposed to establish the Grisons in their ancient authority, and commanded him to take the field with such Troops as hee should levy, and such others as should be sent to him, seeing the Sieur de Bethune had given him to understand, that there was no more hopes of doing any thing by the way of a Treaty. He was also inform'd of those conclusions which were made with Venice and Savoy, that he might govern himself accordingly; and lastly assured him that he should want for nothing.

Politique Observation.

THough most Leagues which are made between Princes upon any design, are blamed by many, by reason of the short continuance of them, as also of the little successe which usually hath attended them; yet they are not onely profitable on many occasions, but also very necessary. Defensive Leagues ought to be so much the more esteemed; because (as Aristotle saith) no Country is able to sub­sist of its own proper force. And offensive too are not less considerable; seeing they give means to Princes, to make such Conquests, as without them they durst not attempt. The first of these Truths may be authorized by the example of the Samnites, who resisted the Romans by their own proper strenth, as they told Hannibal. as long as they were able to defend themselves; but in process of time, finding themselves too weak, they associated themselves with King Pyrrhus, and to make way for the t'other. It is not most certain that the association of Chri­stian Princes, gave them the means to carry away from the Turks, a most signal Victory in the Battel of Lepanto, which neither of them in particular could with reason hope for. It is true, the effects of Leagues, have not been alwaies over happy, because several Princes making them for different interests, easily break them as soon as they have gotten their pretensions, be it by force or composition. But the disgraces of this kind, ought to be laid upon the right horse, that is, upon the Imprudence and want of fore-sight of those who have managed them, not on the Leagues themselves. It is not enough to contract them, but they ought to be pro­secuted with favourable Conditions, and with Persons from whom assistance may be had; and who, if they should slip their necks out of the Collar, might not do us any displeasure in it. They are very necessary with the neighbouring Princes, upon a place, which is designed to be assaulted, either in relation to Passages, or in respect of having from them Ammunitions, both of War, and necessary victuals, as there shall be occasion. Hannibal knew this full well, when as he was upon his expedition into Italy, and made a League with the French and Spaniard; he took Hostages of them, and for better assurance left Garisons in many of their strong Holds. The Romans did the same, when they made war upon the Lacedemonians, by making a League with Ptolomy King of Egypt, without whose assistance that would have had somewhat to do to have passed on. Besides when there is cause of suspicion of their fidelity, it is necessary either to take some Persons or Places of them, by way of Hostage; to the end, that their interest to perserve them, may compel them to continue firm in their first resolutions. If many of our Kings who have made expedition into Italy, had taken such a course as this, were it onely in point of Passages, we had not seen them exposed to so many dangers, nor indeed to so many disgraces; yet in case by their receding they cannot cause any great incoveniences, there will not then be so absolute a necessity of such security and assurances: However, as it ought to be taken for granted, that they will start aside. in case the enemy give them satisfaction, to their interests, so there ought still to bee [Page 39]Forces ready which may clap in upon them, and supply their deficiencies. It is a trouble to see them break their words, yet a Prince shall reap this profit from a League, to make it serve to give a happy beginning to an enterprise, by means of such assisting forces as may be drawn from it, and by dividing expence between them, which else must be undergone by one alone. It will not be presently fit to defie them for that would be a means to make them take to the other part, but it will be needfull to have an eye upon it, and to be prepared for the worst. Moreover, it is profitable to make Leagues, not onely with States, but with Princes and their Successors, and to contract them with greater certainty, then Edward the fourth King of England did, who having recourse to one of our Kings, after he had been despoyled of his Kingdome, had not other answer, but that the League was made with the King of England and his State, and that he being no longer King of Eng­land, France could not without breaking the Laws of Alliances, imploy their Arms against him, who was present Master of the Crown. To be short, it is good to be carefull that the divers constructions which may be made, may not serve for a pre­text for them who would fall off. There must not be so much as the least starting hole left, for them to creep out, or to break their words, especially if they make any accompt of their reputation, which is inseparable from their fidelity, for with­out that they will perchance hardly resolve to run Counter.

The Marquess de Coevures takes the Field to make himself Master of the Forts in the Valtoline.

AT the same time, that the Kings orders were delivered to the Marquess de Coe­vures, he received a dispatch from the Sieur de Bethune; which told him, that he despaired of getting any reason from the enemy, by those ways which he had till then tried, so that now he must have recourse to Nostre Dame de Frappe Fort; who as soon as he had received this piece of Rallary, he resolved forthwith to take the field, concluding there was no reason any longer to defer it, and that if he could surprize the places unexpectedly, without giving them leave to provide themselves, he should strike a great stroke in the businesse without any great trouble. He had long before given order to 3 Swiss, and 3 Grisons Collonels, to raise each of them a Regiment of a 1000 men, so that he had nothing else to do, but to send them word to be ready; on the other side, the Residents of Venice and Savoy, being come to him, they had agreed upon all things together: The Sieur de Mesnil, had order to make a Magazine of Ammunition at Zurich; for the Swisses and Grisons forces, and the Resident of Ʋenice, undertook that the Common-wealth should make another at Bergamo, for such forces as should march into the Republick; that which was most troublesome, was there being a necessity of discovering the design to several persons, it would be impossible to keep it from being known, and to hide their intentions of the time when they would enter upon the Valtoline. The Popes Nuntio, called Scapy, and the Marquesse d' Ogliani the Spanish Embassadour had notice of it, who made strong indeavours to pervent any Levies amongst the Swis­ses, or the marching of any Troops which the King should send; but all would not serve the Levy could not be obstructed, for the Cantons of Berne and Zurich where they were to be made, had given too particular an assurance of it; by means of the money, and the promises which were made them, that they should be seconded with a puissant succour, against any who should attempt any thing against them up­on that accompt. But their Contrivances and Cabals were so powerfull, that the Catholick Cantons resolved to stop their Passages upon them; so the Marquesse was forced to his shifts, that his Majesties Commands might not be ineffectual. His re­medy was to cause his Horse to march four by four (that is all such as were sent him from Bresse) and to secure the Canton of Bern, for the conduct of Vaubecourt's Regiment; seeming after he was once entred, as if he would force his way either by Fair or Foul means, to the Grisons. It was enough that these Cantons were by [Page 40]several Treaties bound to open their Passages to his Majesties Forces, upon so just an occasion as this was, and it made no great matter whether they refused it or not, seeing if they should, they might be forced to it, without breaking the Laws of Equity. Thus he, being well informed of the resolution which the Nuntio and the Marquess de Ogliani, had induced them to take, resolved not to demand it, untill he were upon the very point of passing; because they should be better advised, then to deny him, when they find him in a condition not to be hindred, they not having the least time to prepare themselves against it,

All things being thus in a readinesse for the beginning of the design, he sent the Sieur de Lande to Zurich, to discourse with the chief of the banished Grisons, and to perswade them to rise, and then he commanded the Sieur de Harcourt Marshal of the Field, and the Sieur du Lande to joyn with Collonel Salis, to enter into the Grisons to seize upon the Passages of Steitch, and Pont du Rhin, and there to for­tifie themselves, which was presently dispatched accordingly. They seized on them with such dexterity, that little or no resistance was found in the doing of it. At the same time too, the Marquess of Randan. advanced with those Forces which were bout Zurich, and the Cantons did not oppose their Passage in the least, they being not in a condition to deny them; from thence he marched to Meinfi [...]ld, where he took no small pleasure to see himself amongst the Grisons: And being not igno­rant how needfull it was to keep these people united, because dividing of them leaves them liable to the mercy of their enemies, that he might render them more affecti­onate and procure succours from them; he took great care to set all right in this particular; and indeed his Prudence took so effectual a course for it, that a few days produced very happy effects of it. He was nimble enough to make them shake off the Yoke of the Arch-Duke Leopold's Officers, who had usurped upon them the ju­risdiction, to make them renounce the Oath of Obedience, which was unjustly ex­acted from them; to re-unite the three Confederate Grisons into their ancient Corporation, with those Liberties and Soveraignties which they had injoyed before the late Wars; to establish their ancient Seals of Leagues; to obtain a General Pardon for all their Rebellious Subjects in the Valtoline, Chiavennes, and Bormio, and to confirm the ancient Alliance with the Crown of France, except those Here­ditary Countries of the House of Austria, and their Confederation with the Swis­ses. During this, all the adjacent Forces were gotten in a Body, and leaving 2000 foot and a 100 horse, under the command of the Si [...]ur de Harcourt, for the guard of Coi [...]e, and those Forts of Pont du Rhin & St [...]itch, he advanced upon the 25. November, towards the Valtoline, with 6000 foot, and 300 horse. It was debated what place should be assailed; after each one bad delivered his opinion, he follow­ed his own inclination, which was to march towards Tiran, to open a Passage for inter-course with the Venetians, and to draw assistance from them, as occasion should require. As soon as they were advanced to the Valley Du Monast [...]re, the Garrison in the Fort discovered them, and set in on fire, not staying to expect their comming. Thence he passed to the Valley of Poschain, and forced the Souldiers who were gotten into the Tower of Casaccio (with a resolution to stop the Pas­sage of the Mountains) to dis-lodge the next morning ▪ so that he became Master of the place. These were the beginnings of this victory: But the people of the Country of Bormio, terrified at the sight of the Kings Army, presently waited up­on him, and sent their Deputies to him to beseech him in all their behalfs, that he would be pleased to receive them under his Majesties Protection. They were recei­ved into his Favour, with confirmation of their ancient Liberties and Priviledges, and assurance of the onely exercise of the Catholick Religion; withall he left there some Companies in Garrison, who were to keep the Passages. That which did trouble him amidst this Prosperity was that he had onely 4000 men left; however his valour would not give way that he should lose the day after so fair an advantage, though he had no more Cannon, without which the Forts in the Valtoline seemed impregnable, yet hee resolved to supply this defect by the Courage of his Souldier. Piautermala was the first place, which he met in his way, which was so [Page 41]fortified that he might have been stopped there, had but the souldiers within beha­ved themselves as they ought; but he made his approaches so resolutely, that the Souldiers seemed to be made all of Brass, so little did they esteem or care for the Musquet shot, which strook such a terrour into them, that they left the place, and gave him free liberty to enter, which he did the same day with most of his Compa­nies in the Valtoline.

The Marquess de Bagny General of the Popes Army, gave presently an Alarum to all the Valley, who finding himself unable to make resistance; especially, seeing the Venetians joyned with him, sent sveral Proposals of agreement. But the Mar­quess de Coeuvre guessing it was only to amuse him, and give time to Serbelon Captain of the Spaniards to advance his Companies, presently commanded Collonel Salis to make the approaches to the Town with his Regiment; during two days there past many skirmishes between them, the success of which forced the Marquess de Bagni to retire into the Castle, but the Marquess de Coeuvre presently entred the Town, and forthwith constrained him to render, though indeed upon honourable terms, granted in favour to the Pone, to whose Ensigns the King had commanded all sort of respect and honour should be paid.

The quick surrender of this place invited the Marquess de Coeuvre to prosecute his designs, and having sent his forces toward Sondrio, the Inhabitants had forth­with opened the Gates, if the Governour of the place had not opposed; though he too was not long before he delivered it up. For the Marquess having Planted those Cannon which he had received from the Venetians, saluted the Castle with 40 or 50 Cannon shot, which dis-mounted all their Guns, and hurt and killed ma­ny of their Souldiers, and forced the Governour for to march out upon com­position.

These were the principal Exployts of War, which the little season of the year, and the Snows then falling, would permit him to do, but it was a sure gage of the Conquest of all the Valtoline, which was taken (as I shall hereafter declare) in the 3. first moneths of the following year.

Politick Observation.

NO one but a great Captain knows how to manage an enterprize to advantage; It is an effect which proceeds not but from a Prudence raised above the com­mon pitch, and which is onely proper to an extraordinary courage. The order which ought to be observed in such occasions is, principally to conceal as much as possible may be, the real design under some imaginary apparencies and pretences, which may be thought specious. It will be a difficult thing thus to do, in respect of those many persons, to whom there is a necessity of imparting it, to dispose of things for action; however one may dissemble the time and place of execution untill the very last, and admitting things begin to be ripe, it will nevertheless be expedient to do some such things as may perswade the world, that every thing will not be yet a while concluded on; and when it is, it must be given out to be in other places then those which are designed to be assaulted. This will be a means to take those places unprovided, and those who keep them being unprepared for a defence, will be for­ced to surrender. The Romans judged this thing to be of so great importance, that they consecrated all their enterprizes to Silence; and in fine, there are few men who have been sorry to have kept their designs private, but many who have received great losses by their making them publick. Perseus King of Macedon, purposing to fall upon the Romans, had not discretion enough to keep his design private; so that the Senate hearing of it, gave such effectual orders for the making a defence, that the Commonalty of Rome, did sooner hear of the Victory against him, then of the beginning of the War. All such as follow his Imprudent example, can ex­pect no better a success from Fortune; after this once done, he must go seek a new opportunity, and a favourable occasion to put his resolutions into actions: It be­ing most certain, that opportunities are the greatest weights in affairs, and that [Page 42]from thence it is, that the good or ill success most frequently doth depend. God hath chosen Times and Seasons which are most proper, for that which he would bring to passe; and a wise man shall make no small advantage by it, if he take time by the Fore-lock, for having once turned his back, it is impossible to effect any thing to advantage. If Trees put forth their Blossomes, either too soon, or too late, it is a great chance if there bee any fruit at all; just thus the good suc­cesse of a business, is so restrained and dependant upon Opportunity and Time, that a few days will either make or mar the whole design. It was for this reason, that Julius Caesar, as it is delivered by Suetonius did not so much look after those times, in which he had resolved to execute his designs, as after those opportunities which Fortune should present to him, his usual course being to chuse such times as were the most dangerous, and when one would have imagined he would not have taken the Field. Place too, is not of lesse consequence then Time, experience frequently evidencing it for truth to such as are in the Wars, if it be either in a March, in Quarters, or Battel, which are the thrre principal Actions of War. It was place which gave the English the advantage of getting a Victory against King John, and to take him Prisoner, which glory they had never got, had it not been for their seizing upon certain rising grounds and Vineyards, which were near the place of the Battel. But when as time presents a favourable occasion and place too, then it is, that all expedition ought to be used, not to lose them; for the delaying of a business Mines the most hopefull and glorious expectations and designs: whereas diligence gets a thousand advantages and victories. Had the Sieur de Chaumont fu­riously marched on against Bolognia, he had certainly reduced the Pope to that extremity, that he must of necessity have made a Peace, there being but a very few people in the City; whereas going on but slowly towards the siege, he lost the op­portunity which Time had presented to him.

It is necessary to accompany this Promptitude with vigour and courage, such as may astonish an enemy, and surprize him; for though Fortune be a friend to the couragious and daring, yet all must make way and give place to the valour of him who attempts with resolution; & this vertue is known for one of the most assured be­ginnings of a victory. To be short, if a man hath made himself once Master of any place of Importance, he ought not to rest there, but he must prosecute his advan­tage, and improve it to the very utmost with vigour and strength, that he may reap those fruits which usually attend such actions. If the Christians had done so, after the Battel of Lepanto, they had in reason reduced the Turk to strange extremities, but their defect in that particular, gave him leisure to recruit his forces, and to make himself presently as strong as ever.

The Hugonots Man several Vessels under the Command of the Sieur de Soubize, and seize upon the Port of Blavet.

WHile the Kings Armies were thus busied in the Valtoline, the Hugonots who have ever taken the advantage of Forraign Wars, would not lose this op­portunity of doing something conducing to their designs; it was with great regret that they beheld the Fort St. Lewis built some years past, before Rochel, which so checked them, that they were forced to keep within their duties. But their inso­lency was great enough to complain by their Deputies, that it had been promised to them by the Treaty at Montpellier, it should be razed: To which it was answered, that the Promise was made to them, upon cond [...]tion that they should establish the exercise of the Catholick Religion in Rochel; that they should restore those Goods to the Church, which they had usurped from it; and that they having been de­fective in performing what ought of their parts to be done; so that they could not pretend his Majesty ought to demolish it, seeing they had treated with him upon even terms: This answer was full of Justice, but it not being correspondent to their Rebellious Humours, they could not think themselves contented, so that finding his Majesties Armies busied abroad, they resolved to seize upon some place or other, [Page 43]the importance of which should be such, that it should compel his Majesty to raze the Fort, that he might get the other place out of their hands. In order to which design, they armed several Vessels of War, under command of the Sieur de Sou­bize, pretending to make some long voyage, but resolving to send the Fleet to­wards Brittain to make themselves Masters, if it were possible of Blavet, otherwise called Port-Lewis. This enterprize was carried with such secrecy, that neither the. Rochelois, nor the rest of their Party did know it; to the end that if it did not hit right, they might dis-own it; but in case it should succeed well, they were then to rise in Languedoc, Zantoign, and Poicton, thinking that his Majesty not being Po­tent enough to follow the War in the Valtoline, and against them too, would quick­ly consent to the razing of the Fort, to draw them to lay down their Arms. In order to this design, as soon as ever the Sieur de Soubize, heard that the Marquesse de Coevure was at it tooth and nayl with the Marquess de Bagny, he presently put out to Sea, and dispatched two small Vessels before him to Blavet, to understand the condition of the place, which they would find more liberty to effect, then those who should conduct them by pretending they came from a long voyage. But the night following, he comming thither about nine a clock, and upon the intelligence which they gave him, that it was very ill guarded, he marched into the Port with about a thousand men, besides the Seamen upon the Ships. There wanted nothing necessary for a surprise, he seized upon six ships, belonging to the King, and Duke of Nemours, and presently after landed and took the Town, there remained no­thing but the Fort which he did not get by a happy default of his Conduct; for had he forthwith assaulted it, it was so slenderly guarded, that he had entred without any resistance, but he having first given the Allarum to the Town, he who com­manded the Fort had the leisure to put himself into a Posture of defence, and to shut the Gate; but the Sieur de Soubize did not long keep the Town in his power; for the Duke of Vendosm then Governour of Brittain, hearing of it, presently sent to all the Nobility of the Province, with order to bring all the men they could, every one of which came with great diligence. The Duke of Vendosm comming Post, found that the Sieur de Querrollin entred into the Fort, with store of Souldi­ers, Victuals, and Ammunition. The Duke of Rets and Brissac, came at the same instant of time, as also those Gentlemen who were in a condition thereabouts, and the chief amongst them being in Counsel together, it was concluded to build a new Fort just over against the old one, with intent to batter the Ships of the Sieur de Soubize, and to sink those with more ease which he should attempt to carry out of the Port, as also to assault the Town in six several places. The Fort was finish­ed in a trice, and a Battery presently Planted, but as soon as ever the Town should have been assaulted, both he and his Souldiers forsook the place. Withall, to bring the design to a good passe, they played with their shot day and night upon the Ships where he was, and the Cannon did such execution, that he was forced to hoise Sail, which he did by the help of a dark night, and a strong wind, which carried him over the Cables, that were overthwart the Port, though the Cannon indeed sunk the best of the Duke of Nevers Ships, and forced four of the greatest on Shore at the mouth of the Port, which were taken; and in fine, he sled towards Rochel, who were not behind hand, as also the whole body of the Hugonots, to dis­own it; by their Deputies, and by their Declarations which they sent the King.

Politique Observation.

IT is a dangerous Deficiency in Governours of Provinces, not to keep good watch and ward in times of Peace, upon places of importance, especially on the Sea-Coast, and such States as are subject to be agitated with Civil Wars. For what neglect is committed in this point, doth much help and assist those who would im­broyl things, and who may come by Sea upon a sudden to surprize them.

Holy Writ tels us, That they of the Tribe of Dan, being informed that the In­habitants of Laish, were secure and suspected nothing, went, assaulted them, took [Page 44]their Town without resistance, put them all to the Sword, and burned their City. Did not Francis the first, upon his expedition into Italy, and by the surprize of Villa Franca, teach all Governours of all Places, that there is no consideration whatever can exempt them from alwaies being upon their Guards, and that it is without reason, that they think themselves secure, either by the strength of their Fortifications, or by the far distance of their enemies. For Prospero Collonna, who commanded that Town, and making merry without the least suspicion, upon confi­dence that the King was far enough off from him, was surprised by the Sieur de Pa­lisse, which he heard not of before he saw him in his Quarters. It is true, he him­self might be excused, in regard his Sentinels were taken, and that some of the In­habitants held Intelligence with the Sieur de la Palisse, but however the whole mis­fortune was laid in his dish: though he was a brave Commander, yet he was much blamed, it being not permitted to a man of that condition to say, I did not think I was in any danger. For this very reason it was, that Iphicrates, one of the Athe­nians most renowned Captains, would have his Army alwaies upon their guard, or in a posture to fight, during times of Peace; in the same manner, as if in the heat of War; and he answered some who misliked his curiosity, that one ought alwaies to suspect who would not be surprized. Indeed vigilance is one of the most necessary qualities for a Governour of a Place, he ought to esteem that the honour which he hath in commanding to be but a glorious servitude. That in Commanding all, he is bound to watch for all; that he remember Governments are called charges, and that the name of Charge which he hath, ought to teach him, that it is a burthen committed to his Prudence, and that the place which is intrusted with him, is not barely recommended to him, but he to the place, to be guarded and conserved with his best care.

Anno Dom. 1625.

EVERY one takes delight in the Spring time, to consider the Face of the World, when as the hand of God guides the Sun a little nearer to us, to behold that fair Star, establishing a serenity and calmnesse in the ayr, before troubled with Tempests; to see the Earth replenished with a thousand Ornaments of Beauty before, languishing, and quite decayed by the bitternesse of Winter, and to view Plenty introduced in the room of Barrennesse, which the Hoar Frosts, and Snows had left behind them. But how much more delightfull was it to look upon France, presently after it had pleased his Majesty, to advance the Cardinal to the Government of Affairs, who like a Sun which should be the greatest instrument of his glory, began to re-assume his ancieat Splendour, and to dispel by little and lit­tle those causes of Civil Wars, which did every year renew themselves in the State, to set bounds to the ambition of strangers, and to establish such an order under the Kings authority, which is not onely the happiest but most Illustrious of all other Kingdomes. The increase of glory, which his Majesty every day gave to this Mi­nister, did serve to augment his courage, and raised new lights in his Soul, subtilized his Prudence, and furnished him with occasions, to demonstrate to the World, that he was amongst those Ministers of whom History gives us such commendations, to be as the Cedar amongst the Hysop. He could not be enough admired, seeing his whole life was nothing but a Publick imployment, and who absolutely renouncing the idle voluptuousnesse of several other Favourites (who seem to think on no other thing then to indulge themselves with those favours which fortune presents to them) had his mind without any intermission still affixed upon high designs tending to the glory and Grandure of his Master. He knew that immoderate unseasonable delights did rob Ministers of State, of a thousand fair opportunities. That it is [Page 45]impossible to serve the Publick, and injoy the pleasures of this life, he made open profession he had none but such as were necessary for an honest diversion, and cer­tainly if pleasures could not bewitch him, interest nor profit could never Charm him, or get any power over his Will. Honour was the chief aim, which he pro­posed in all his actions, which he sought for in his Masters glory, and he scorned all profit which did keep him off from it: But that, which from the beginning gave the greatest admiration of all to his conduct was, that imitating that manner of opera­ting used by the Divinity, which is invisible as his Essence. There were every day wondrous effects of his Prudence brought to light, before any resolutions were heard of, or before any Orders taken were perceived; whereas before, there was not any thing concluded on, which did not make more noise then the effects. We shall proceed to consider the particular in the Processe of this Histo­ry, and I shall satisfie my self with laying down this positive ground. That the King having given him the Honour of all his Trust, after he had known the eminen­cy of his Genius, the wisedom of his Counsels, his fidelity not to be shaken, the dexteriousness of his Conduct, which hath nothing parallel with it, he likewise total­ly gave himself up to his Majesty.

Politique Observation.

A Minister is obliged in the same manner, to make his Masters greatnesse, and that of the State his principal aim and end; he ought to remember that Kings are the lively Image of the Divinity. That then Ministers are the Suns, which their Kings glory doth form for the good of their People. As God hath created that Star which over-rules the day, to shew us here beneath one Ray of his infinite Splendour, and to be the Authour of all those blessings which are communicated to us here below; but ought he not to know before he attain the honour of the im­ployment whereunto he is arrived, that private Interest which doth serve to inrich Families, is the greatest enemy of State in the Soul of a Minister, and that the Ad­ministration of a Kingdom ought to be done as the Tutillage of Orphans, which is granted not for the profit of the Guardian, but of those persons who are intrusted under his Tuition. Glory is the onely thing which is permitted him to aspire to, and how can he hope to atchieve that, without transacting many things which may give a Reputation to his Master, and his own Ministration. The Cardinal d' Amboyse lost a great part of his glory in Italy, by preferring his own, before his Masters Interests.

The Reputation of a Minister cannot be eminent, unlesse he be intire to the Prince whom he hath the honour to serve. He who is truly generous expects no other re­compence for his Actions, then the honour and satisfaction to have done them. Also he cannot be ignorant, that Virtue doth scatter such rays, as make her venerable in the sight of all men, and in this consists in the height of glory.

Particular between the King and Cardinal, for the good of the STATE.

MOnsieur le Cardinal, knowing there was nothing more pernicious to Kingdomes then the want of Generosity in Ministers, who content themselves by living in a lazy Peace; in which time, they give leave to strangers, to increase their powers, and instead of cutting off the Causes, do onely skin over disorders in the State, did not imagine it sufficient to keep things in their former indifferency, but brought the King to apprehend great designs towards the procuring that ancient lustre once a­gain to France, which it had in the beginning of its Empire. It is natural to a man to be more apprehensive of those dangers, which are nearest, and as it were at hand upon him, then those which are further off, though they be of a worse consequence, and at this passe had things been a long while together: Whereas the livelinesse of [Page 46]the Cardinals Soul, which penetrates into the Ages to come, presently discovered to his Majesty the dangers of this nature, and made him apprehend the other the more easily, in regard his Majesty was not ingaged in them, but onely by the weak­nesse of those who had the management of affairs. He made it quickly apparent to him, that they who shew themselves so over-affectionate of Peace, do by little and little weaken and decay the State, without being aware of it, that they do mol­lifie the Courages of the people by a sloathfull repose, who by such waies are ex­posed to the violences of strangers, who have in the mean while exercised themselves in Arms, and acquired force enough to make an attempt upon their neighbours. His Prudence imitated that of a discreet Physitian, who that he may perswade his Patient to take such things as may be convenient for his sicknesse, discourseth to him the causes of his indisposition, and then leaveth in to himself to judge if they be not proper for him.

Sir, said he one day to his Majesty in a particular Counsel, though a King who looks after nothing more then quiet, hath reason to bestir himself when he finds his Ministers, have brought his State into disorder, because there do every day arise to him new causes of discontent; yet he who seeks Glory ought not to be much trou­bled at it, for that such disorders are the Ground-works upon which he may raise Trophies as marks of his Prudence and Generosity; so your Majesty need not be at all troubled for those defects which have happened to your Estate, by the faults of those whom your Majesty hath imployed, who though they have been very affecti­onate to your service, have not however had Souls high enough to second the Ge­nerosity of your intentions. You may easily remedy all this, according as you have designed, there need only wel to know the Causes, and to apply such remedies as may be agreeable, and the State will soon be in safety. Your Majesty may command me any thing, for that I dedicate all my cares and all my indeavours to you, and I can­not have any greater pleasure, then to sacrifice my life to your glory. And seeing you do me the honour to hear me discourse, what I think to be most considerable in the State of Affairs. I shall not imagine my self deceived if I shall tell you, that I have observed four things, which are the principal Causes of the weaknesse and dis­ability of this State. The first is Forraign, and is nothing but the unbridled Ambi­tion of the Spaniard, which makes him aspire to the Monarchy of Europe, and car­ries him on to attempts upon your neighbouring States, which are as the out-skirts of the Kingdom, of which too he hopes to be one day Master, when he shall once have fortified himself upon the Frontiers, and made it destitute of succours from its Allies. The other three are Domestick and at home, which serve for supports to all Rebellions and Revolts, which are like a Lyon bred up in the Kingdom, from whence nothing but mis-fortunes can arise. The second is, the excessive licencious­nesse of the Grandees, who do so much detract from your greatnesse, by so much as they assume to themselves more then they ought. The third is, the want of dis­ciplin'd Troops who should ever be on foot to oppose any enterprizes, which may be made against your Majesty or your Allies. The fourth is, the want of conside­rable Foundations in the Treasury, to commence War upon occasions, and to sup­ply them as long as need shall require, I suppose that these are the original Sources, from whence do flow those most dangerous mis-fortunes which threaten France, and I imagine, if your Majesty can but drayn them up, there is nothing more to fear: But on the contrary, all sort of Prosperity and Glory to your Majesties Crown much to be hoped for. The Attempt which the Sieur de Soubize made upon Bla­vet, whilest you were succouring the Grisons, testified sufficiently to your Majesty that those of their Party, would take all advantages, whensoever your Forces should be entertained in Forrrign parts. Those Civil Wars, which the Princes do yearly renew, are those which reduce your Majesty to that weaknesse, that you can­not enterprise any thing abroad, nourishing the people in disobedience, and giving means to the Grandees to partake of that honour with your Majesty, which is one­ly due to your Majesties Scepter. In the same manner, the Usurpations which the House of Austria makes upon all the neighbours of France, will in fine give them [Page 47]means to usurp that too; at least strenuously to attempt it, if your Majesty maketh not timely opposition. In fine, the small number of exercised Companies which are ordinarily on foot, and the small Revenues in the Treasury, do reduce your Ma­jesty to that impotency of resisting strangers abroad, or revolts at home. There­fore my chief advice is, that your Majesty would give orders accordingly, and doe perswade my self you will soon see France change its countenance, and become as terrible to strangers, as they have boldly offended it. This Counsel was a rare and strange effect of his Prudence, which had discovered the true causes of France mis-fortune. The King whose Soul is truly Royal, understood the sageness of it, and having discoursed with him more at large, he resolved to do accordingly, as we shall in the prosecution of this year.

Politick Observation.

THere is no one sign more certain of a decaying State, then to see a Minister take no other care, then to make it subsist in a lazy Peace; for as States ruine themselves by Wars rashly undertaken, so they weaken themselves by idleness. The greatest Monarchs which are governed, without some high designs of inlarging themselves, have never continued any long time without mis-fortune, and that fair weather in which one strives to keep them, is a Presage of a dangerous turn. They who think on nothing but Peace, do by little and little unawares weaken them, and reduce them to impotencie, then soften and alter the temper of the couragious youth, by idlenesse and want of Imployment, and by this means leave them for a Prey to Forrainers, who make themselves strong in Arms. Have not heretofore the Romans entertained Wars with their Enemies, knowing it to be needfull, to keep their Souldiers in breath, and to prevent growing sloth which commonly breeds greater inconveniences with it, as also to vent the violent heats of the youth, who wanting imployments fly out into Rebellions and Civil Wars? It is said to bee for this reason, that Edward the third, concluding the Treaty at Bresigni, would by no means comprehend the Treaty of Britain: And that Philip the Fair, made his Son John passe the Sea, that he might exercise his Arms. And who knoweth not, that if Henry the 2d. after the Peace Anno 1509. had imployed the French Arms abroad with strangers, and opposed the Ambition of the House of Austria, by car­rying his Armies out of France, the State had not been so afflicted with Civil Wars, which were upon the point of destroying it. It is not the Property of humane Af­fairs to subsist long in the same degree, and who attempts so to conserve it, designs an impossibility. States like those who float upon the Waters, are in continual motion, and that Minister who hath not courage enough to raise a State to a higher Pitch of Glory, shall soon see it unravelled to nothing, when he would stop there, he will find it sliding back. How can a Kingdom be kept in the same Condition, when all its neighbours have their Arms in their hands to go still onwards; and seeing who­ever is content to see Forrainers increase their Power, shal soon see himself exposed as a Prey to their Ambition. That Minister commits a great fault, who doth not con­sider what is within the compasse of a State, seeing the Grandure of a Soveraign doth not onely consist in his own Forces, but in the ruine of his enemies, and that his greatest Power is in their greatest weaknesse. He ought not to be lesse circum­spect in opposing any Forraign Usurpation, then in eying his Masters own subjects, and to keep them in obedience; who neglects one or t'other, shall soon see his ma­ster exposed to dangerous storms, his authority despised, his power weakned by the strength of strangers, and his Kingdom assaulted by his enemies.

New Orders sent to the Marquess de Coevures, to prosecute his Conquests in the Valtoline.

WE have seen about the end of the last year, the resolution which his Maje­sty took to assist the Grisons, oppressed by the House of Austria, and to [Page 48]send the Marquis of Coeuvres to them with an Army, to recover the Valtoline. I shall now proceed to add, that looking upon those just considerations, (which I shall now tell you) proposed by the Cardinal to his Majesty, necessitated the dis­patching several commands to the Marquiss de Coeuvres, to advance and prosecute the conquest, so happily begun. The Marquis not to lose any oportunity, took time by the foreloc [...], and making advantages as the conjuncture of affaires did offer, and according to his Majesties orders and instructions, he reduced in the three first moneths of this yeare, all the places, were they never so little considerable, which had been seized upon in the Valtoline; as also in the Avenues, the Fort of Rive only excepted, bearing a great respect to the Popes Ensignes, which were never so much as touch'd. He began this conquest about December in the last yeare, by the taking in of Planta, Mala and Tyran; and in the beginning of this he pro­secuted it, with so good success, that every place was under his Majesties obedience. After the reducing of Tiran, the Army drew towards Fondrio, which Town sur­rendred at first summons; but the Castle was fain to be battered with the Cannon, and a breach being made, they were obliged to force it, and carry it by assault, which they did with such advantage, that there were only six of the Kings souldiers killed in it.

This strook such a terror into the Towns of Morbeigne, Travona and Orbino, that they sent their Deputies, to render themselves. But he following his course towards Bormio a Frontier of Tyrol, he assaulted it, and found more resistance then in any other place, whether it were because the place was well fortified, or be­cause they within, had resolved to defend it: he took the paines to plant some Can­nons upon a Battery, and to make a breach for an assault; but they seeing them­selves a small number, and that they wanted several necessaries for a long siege, rendered themselves upon composition. The Sieur d' Harcourt Marshall of the Camp, was sent by the Marquis to make himselfe master of Chiavenue, whilest him­self was at Travone, which he forced after a long siege; so that there only remai­ned the Fort of Rive, toward which he advanced the Armie, but it was expe­dient first to passe by Campo, where the Spaniards had taken up their Quarters, and to force them out of it: The resolution was taken to fight them, and orders given accordingly, which the Spaniards perceiving, they clapt some Regiments in­to Campo, to fortifie it, and seeing our men come on, they sallyed out about 200. paces from their workes, and received them with all the markes of a resolute cou­rage, but without any advantage, for that ours assaulted them so strongly and cou­ragiously, that without longer holding the businesse in suspence, they forced them to retire in disorder; and being desirous to prosecute the point of their victo­ry, they would still have gone on, but were met with by fresh Spaniards, who beate them back to the foot of the mountaine, but with little successe too; for ours being presently seconded, killed many of them, put the rest to flight, and follow­ed them 500. paces on the other side of Campo: The Marquisse who knew his men were used to pillage, and that victories ought not to keep an Army in negligence and security, presently sent de vaux Ayde de Camp to rally the French toge­ther, who were dispersed up and down; but this could not be done so soon, but that the Spaniards being ashaned of their flight, return'd and fell upon them, killed some and put the rest into disorder: However it is true, this advantage lasted not long, for our men fought so stoutly, that the Spaniards lost more men then wee, and resolved to quit Campo the day following, and to retire themselves to Rive. Their successes were very happy, and they who would know the true cause of them, must understand, that though a very great share may be attributed to the good conduct of the Marquiss, and to the valour of his souldiers, yet the Cardinal deserved the greatest prayse, who advised to this enterprise, who contrived the meanes, and re­moved all obstacles, and began it in such a time, when all the Emperors and King of Spaines forces were before Breda, and who were perswaded wee would not have attempted any thing upon these Forts, they being in the Popes hands, with whom the Spaniard had so wrought, that he should not part with them, either by terri­fying [Page 49]him, that they would relaps into the power of the Grisons, who were Here­ficks, or by giving hopes, that in the conclusion there would be some means of ac­commodation found out, but all was to keep them in their own power.

Politique observation.

HE who guides and directs great enterprises by his Councils, hath more share in the glory of them, then they who execute and act them: It is Prudence which prevents an enemy, and taketh him at unawares, which diverts his Forces, and which knoweth how to fight and with such advantage, that he is easily over­come. Hereupon Guicciardin saith in his History, that the Prudence of one great Personage in a State, doeth more then all the Arms of the world; and Philoso­phie teacheth us, that counsel is the most heavenly thing in all the world, that is it which renders men most like the Deity, whose property it is, as the Apostle saith, to do all things by the Counsel of his will. T. Livy being much of the same mind, saith, he hath often heard it reported among Souldiers, that who so knoweth best to command, deserveth the first place, and who so to obey, the second place: It can­not be denied, but that there is as much need of executing, as giving good advices, because if there were no one to put them into action, good Counsels would be to no purpose; but withal it must be concluded: That Counsel is so much the more excellent, in that it is the Child of the first and chiefest vertue, which is Prudence, whereas action the effect of it, is the Child only of force, which is much beneath it. The Sea-men indeed are in continual motion in their Ships to given order for se­veral things, somtimes labouring to turn about their Sayles and Cords, and anon mounting up into the Bound-house to discrie the enemy, by and by to stop some leak in the Ship, where the water breaks in, and thus they have much more labour then the Pilot, whose mind though is in more agitation then their bodies, he working in his thoughts and judgment to keep all safe from the storms and Rocks, to guide her home without being wraked, by those operations of his, which are so much the more noble then theirs, by how much the acts of the Soul, surpasse those of the Body. Who can without injustice, ascribe more honour to those who execute an enterprise, then to him who by the fulness of his Soul, first contrived it, digested it by his Prudence, found out means by the power of his judgment to set it on working, removed by his ingenuity all such obstacles as might oppotse it, foresaw all difficulties in it, and gave necessary orders for the carrying of it on, to a happy successe? To speak truly it cannot be, without robbing him, of that which justly belongs unto him. But who can doubt of this truth after he, who amongst Kings was accompted the wisest, and whose Pen was guided by the Holy Ghost, the Au­thor of Truth, hath said it? Wisdome is more to be esteemed then force, and a wise man deserves more honour, then he who is esteemed valiant.

The Pope seemes to the Cardinal de la Valette & the Sieur de Bethune, to be very angry that the King should attempt upon the Forts in the Valtoline, which were in his keeping.

THE Pope was very much troubled at the first news which he heard of those succours, given to the Grisors by his Majesties Armes, leagued with those of Venice and Savoy, for recovery of the Valtonine. The Sunday following he was seen in his Chappel to be very mellancholy and cloudy, he made heavy complaints to the Cardinal de la Vulette, that those Forts in his Custody should be assaulted, being garded by his Ensigns, testifying to him a great desire he had to see the Sieur de Bethune, that he might tell him how much he resented it.

The Sieur de Bethune hearing of it, sent to demand audience, not so much to give any satisfaction to his grievances, as to discover his disposition, which anger would lay open sooner then any thing, and to fortifie him against such discourses, [Page 50]wherewith the Partakers of Spain, would endeavour to exasperate him.

As soon as the Pope saw him, he told him, he could never have imagined, that the Arms of France would have fallen upon those of the Church: but his Holiness was not long unanswered, the Sieur de Bethune telling him; That the King his Master was far from doing any such thing whereof his Holiness complained; that he was so backward from making war either upon the Church or his Holiness in particu­ler, (whom he honoured with extraordinary respects) that on the contrary, he would employ his Arms and his utmost power to encrease their Glory and Autho­rity: That his Holiness had no just cause to complain of a surprise, in regard he had been often times told, that in case the Spaniard would not yeeld to reason, the King his Master could not suffer the Grison to be any longer deprived of their Forts, which lawfully belonged to them, that they could not be looked upon as any longer in his Holiness power, seeing the deposit was ended by those several in­stances and reasons, which were remonstrated to him; as by urging him that they might be re-delivered to the Valtolins, of the Justice of which his Holiness himself was satisfied: and that afterwards the deposit could not be any longer continued or prolonged in his Holiness hands, by reason of that great difficulty, which the Spaniards made to assent to it; and seeing it was pretended, and that upon good reasons, to re-take them from the Spaniards themselves, who had found a trick to keep them by his Holiness name, though hee was engaged to dispossesse them of them, which being so, he ought to be so much the lesse scruple at the King his Ma­sters proceedings, in regard he being only as an Umpire, who created between them in the quality of a Common Father, he could not with Justice keep them after the deposit was expired, or give opportunity to the Spaniard to make advantages to the detriment and dishonour of France.

These reasons were so considerable, that the Pope could not but have rest con­tented, had he not been pre-possessed by the Spaniards; but however he made great complaints from time to time of the Kings proceedings. And the Sieur de Bethune returning not long after for a new Audience, did not find his Holiness so moderate op civil to him as he had formerly used to be; but on the contrary, his Holiness told him that the Cardinal Borgia had been with him, and touching upon the point of that little respect which had been shewed to his Army, hoped he might have induced to proceed against his Majesty by was of censures, if he should not with-draw his Army, and told him in a Spanish Rodomontado, that seeing he had permitted the French to take them upon one accompt, the Spaniards should make them pay for it again, and should do that which their Interests led them too, with­out being with-held by any consideration; and in fine, protested to him, what ever instances were made to him that he would still continue Neuter. But however as he was alwaies guided by the opinions of the Roman Doctors, who cannot indure there should be any State affair, and not subject to his Will, he could not away with the taking of the Forts out of his hands by force. The Sieur de Bethune in­deavoured by his Prudence to allay by little and little his heat, in evincing to him the Justice of his Majesties reasons; sometimes by offering to him his Masters Arms and Authority to invest him in the Dutche [...] of Ʋrbin; and other times by assu­ring himself of the Affections of the Cardinals Barbarini and Magalotti, who had some influence over his Inclinations, by the Protestations which he made to them, that the King his Master had an earnest desire to oblige them upon occasions; and by divers Presents which he gave them in behalf of his Master; which however were refused by them, that they might not appear to be partial; as also by offering Madamoiselle de Rieux, who was one of the richest Matches of France, to his Nephew Don Thadee, who did not a little like of it, though he accepted not of it, he then having a design upon the heir of Stilane.

Politique Observation.

IT hath been a common Custome amongst Princes in War, who should not agree upon certain places, to put them in deposit in a third persons hands, and he who is the Depositary, ought to know that he hath no further Authority then to keep them, so long and upon conditions as are agreed upon between the Parties. Anti­quity looked upon Deposits as sacred, and hath condemned those who would usurp them of Sacriledge, and one of the Depositary Laws, is declared to be, that who so refuseth to render them, renders himself culpable of a great Injustice; because he would usurp against natural Reason, that which doth not at all belong to him. Amongst the Grecians by the Laws of the Pisseans; he, who denied the Deposit was condemned to death; and Herodotus saith, that one Glaucus of Sparta having refused to restore a certain great sum of money, which he had received of a Milesi­an, consulted the Oracle of Apollo, to know what he should do in the businesse; who was thus answered, That neither he nor his family, could any long time live up­on the face of the earth, and that in effect they were already rooted out. Whence he concludeth, that it were best for him who hath a Deposit, to design nothing but the making of restitution to him who ought to have it. And how well hath Ari­stotle deciphered the enormity of this Crime, when he saith, that that man who be­comes guilty of it, is much more unjust, then he who refuseth to repay what was lent to him; because he not onely violateth the Laws of Equity, as he doth who deni­eth what was lent to him; but also those of friendship and fidelity; in considerati­on of which the Deposit was entrusted with him. I shall onely adde this, that the Depositiorium ought as well to be kept against those who have intrusted it, he ha­ving no right to become their Arbitrator, unlesse they agree among themselves; as to be really and without delay restored to them, when they shall have agreed upon condition between them. It is however, dangerous to chuse a Person for a Deposi­tory, who pretends a Superiority, or such a one to whom one ows an extraordinary respect; because as it is natural to a person of eminent dignity, to desire that his advice might passe for a Law amongst others, so it is hazardous, least he pretend at last to become an Arbitrator. Whence it happens that if one of that Quality be chosen Depositary, it ought to be included in the Instrument, that he shall not be­come Arbitrator upon any difficulties that may arise. Above all this, one thing ought to be observed, when as the Pope is Depositary, as was practised when the Hostages in the Peace of Quieracco were intrusted with him; for that he in some sort preten­ding a Power over Kings, he puts himself on as a common Father to judge of their differences, and withall may become Partial. Which being so, such Princes who have chosen him for Depositary find themselves impeded, by reason of the diffi­culties of getting reason from him by force without raising great broyls. There are but a few Princes of such Fidelity, as that of the late King Henry the Great, who having leave to passe with thirty five thousand men into Geneva, when he besieged Fort St. Katharine, was solicited by some of his Captains to seize upon it, which they assured him was easily to be effected: He answered them, that it would be a most unjust action, to repay with Infidelity and Treachery, that Confidence and Trust which they of the City had reposed in him.

The Pope sends towards the King, the Sieur Bernardino Nary, to testifie to his Majesty the discontent he took at the Proceedings of the Marquess de Coevures in the Valtoline.

WHilest they were hard at it in the Valtoline, Cardinal Spada the Popes or­dinary Nuntio in France, made great complaints to the King of the Mar­shal de Coevures proceedings, and the Pope likewise dispatched the Sieur Bernardino Nary to his Majesty, to testifie to him his great discontent at it. But they were re­plyed [Page 52]to, with such force and strength of reason to vindicate all the passages of the business, that their complaints served only to evince the clearness and equity of the whole proceedings. They were very briskly told that his Majesty had not permitted the rising of the Grisons, to ayd their Auxiliaries, but only at the very last extremi­ty, and after he had seen several faire proposals neglected, which he had offered with intent to end the business in a fair way; That as for the Mareshal de Coeu­vres proceedings, they had been such, as had deserved if rightly understood, more to be commended then condemned; That he had began his enterprise by uniting the three Grisons into their ancient association, to obtain of them a pardon for the Valtolines; That he had setled the Roman Catholique Apostolique Religion in and amongst the Grisons, in all places where formerly it had been banished, and as for that particular place of the Valtoline, he had permitted the exercise of none, but that of the Catholique Religion; That if he came with men armed against his Ho­liness his People, he was provoked to it, by those attempts and incursion which they had first made upon his Majesties Allyes, and against his own forces to, wher­by they openly made it apparent, that they moved by no other wheels then those of the Spaniards: yet withal that these actions of theirs, had not diverted the Mar­quis of Coeuvres from treating the Marquis de Bagny, and all others who were un­der him in the Vallee, not only with civility, but with as much reverence, as if the Pope himself had been there in the persons of those, who were sent in his behalf. That after all, the deposit of those Forts having only been for some time in the Pope hands; that whilest there were means of accomodation, his Holiness had no reason to complain, that he had been any way neglected, until the time which had been concluded on, had been expired, and that there were no hopes of an agree­ment. All those which were proposed being hitherto refused, or retarded, which gave advantage to the Spaniard.

These reasons did evidence the integrity of the Kings actions, but however as his Majesty had even shewed an extraordinary respect to the Holy Seat, and had then particular occasion to make use of his Holiness, for the obtaining of the dispense for the match with England; he hearkened to the proposals of the Cardinal Spada, and the Sieur Nary. The principal one, and upon which they most insisted, was an Article for suspension of all acts of Hostility for two months, in the County of Chiavenne, in which time the Pope hoped that all things should be accommodated, which being thought reasonable, his Majesty assented to it, and a Post was pre­sently sent to the Marquis de Coeuvres, to stop his farther proceedings. It is true the Post came not, til after Chiavenne was taken, so that the Cessation was void in that particular, but it was afterwards executed in respect of Rives, during the whole terme of the said two months, to give his Holiness all possible satisfaction.

Politique Observation.

THat King, who undertakes any affair of weight, which may provoke his neighbour Princes, ought to fix himselfe in a steddy resolution, not to be sha­ken by any Propositions or complaints, which shall be made to him. He must take it for certain, that all who are any way concern'd, will send their Ambassadors to him, as soon as ever he shall have declared his intentions, to represent their in­terests to him, and to presse him to be mindful of them; but on such an occasion he ought to be like a good swimmer, who being once in, and to passe over some Arm of the Sea, lets the Tempest whurle, and the waves swell up as they please, he not thinketh on any thing, but how to get on shoar; The same reasons, which were the grounds of his resolution, ought to be the rules of his answers, which he shall make to such Ambassadors; and if it bee but well considered, all their urgen­cies and instances, ought to bee the more suspected by him, that they were only made to amuse him, if possible and that they themselves are many times deceived, by the Princes who send them. The Lacedemonians were much troubled that the [...] had given audience to Themistocles, who was sent to them from the Athenians up [...] [Page 53]an Embassassie, to make delayes, and that in the means time they might fortifie themselves. Themistocles accordingly entertained them with discourses a long while, making him believe he only expected some other Ambassadors, whom the Athe­nians had commanded to be joyned with him, but in conclusion they smelt it to be only a fetch to get time for to fortifie the Citty of Athens.

The Order which a King should take in such a businesse, is above all things to discover if Ambassadors are sent as Spies, to discover his intentions. If they are on­ly of spie, as it many times happens in war, under pretences of making proposals of Peace, my advise is to return them back again, as quickly as the Romans did those of Perseus; withal to cause them to be watched, and to have an eye upon all their actions. Thus the Athenians were very circumspect that those Ambassa­dors, who were sent from Xerxes, to hinder their associating themselves, with all the other Towns of Greece, should not speak with any particular man, during their short stay in the Citty. I think in case it be certain they only come to stop the course of his proceedings, he ought to receive them with honor, to treat them magnifiently, and to give them a favorable audience, that they may not com­plain, there was any deficiency, of paying them all the duties of hospitallity: But as to the subject of their negociation, he ought to oppose his reasons to theirs, with as much courage as prudence, to fortifie his Soul with such motives, as inga­ged him in his enterprise, as with so many impregnable Bastions, without letting his first resolutions be wavering by any means or devices whatever, but to prose­cute his work, till he bee come to the very end he had proposed to himself, or at least so neer as possibly he may, withal remembring that he may perchance have formerly heard it said, every one who fights doeth not conquer, and the Con­querors, do not alwayes were the Garland.

The King of Spain to breake the League between his Majesty the Duke of Savoy, and Common-wealth of Venice, negotiates another between himself and the Princes of Italy.

THe King of Spain was not a little surprised to see himself destitute of that Passage which is the surety of his States in Italy, and concluded that in case that in-let should be stopped up, it would be a great inconveniency to him, so that without making himself sure of the Popes Protection, he gave Orders to his Agents to treat a League between himself and the Princes of Italy, to oppose that which had been concluded between the King, Duke of Savoy, and State of Venice, and at the same time, he summoned all his Estates, and the principal Signeors depending upon his Crown, to contribute their utmost towards the charges of the War. Thus they gave an Allarum to Italy and made them all beleeve that the King, Duke of Savoy, and Venetians would divide it between them; so every one of those little Princes, being touched in his own Interests, was very glad to enter into the League for his own defence. The Partisans of Spain say, that this Alliance between their King, the Duke of Parma and Modena, the Common-wealths of Genoa, and Lucqua, had concluded to raise an Army by Land of 24000 Foot, and 6000 Horse, which should be commanded in the Emperours name by the Duke de Teria, Governour of Milan, and a Navy by Sea of 90 Galleys, who should come to Genova, and be there commanded by the Marquess de Saincte Croix, who was to be Admiral, they reported too, that all the Kingdomes of Spain, and the Grandees of the whole Nation, were taxed with great sums for the keeping of an Army of above 100000 men. But all these black stormy Clouds, vanished without any noise at the splendour of his Majesties Arms, and he had more victories then Rodomontadoes, as shal be made appear in the Prosecution of this year.

Politique Observation

THE Affairs of Christendome, were brought to that passe, that the two Crowns of France and Spain, did partake with the Interests of all other Princes. The one is bound to assist those who are assaulted by t'other, and never did either of them attempt any thing which ought not by reason of State bee opposed by the t'other. If any one ask a reason hereof, it may be ascribed to that emulation, which for above a hundred years hath been nourished between them, so that neither can indure to see t'other increase his strength or power; but to speak more rightly, the reason is not one and the same between France and Spain, for that either of them have their particular motives. The Spaniards like the Lacedemonians, have fixed the highest part of their Monarchy, not in that which is so much just as profitable for the inlarging of it, and consequentially, they do easily violate all Rights and Justice, not reflecting, that the Common-wealth of the Lacedemonians, stood but a little while, it being setled upon so ruinous a Foundation, which was the de­struction of their Power: Now with France it is quite otherwise, whose State be­ing grounded upon Justice, doth not hurry them on to snatch up their Arms, but onely when their own defence or that of their Allies calls them to it. France hath no design but to preserve it self. Spain to increase it self; France knoweth that safe­ty consists in an equal ballancing of the Powers and strengths of one another; and therefore it is, that France thinks her self concern'd to obstruct Spains growing too Potent, that he might not pretend to have any advantage over her, or her Allies. Spain on the other side, which hath long since formed and contrived a design of ma­king it self master of all Europe, conceiveth that there is wrong done him, if at any time France doth uphold her Allies in their just Possessions of their Estates, or take up Arms for their defence. Now to cement them in this dispute, either of the two Crowns have their Allies, which are tied to them by several Bonds, that is, by diffe­rent considerations France hath such for her Allies, who suspect the Power of Spain, and fear they shall be set upon by it: Spain hath others, who take part with the In­terests of the House of Austria, as issued from thence by some relation or other, and who are so far from France, that being not easily releeved, they are forced to keep all fair with them, and serve them in their designs, under the hopes, that by this means they may at least procure that favour, which the Cyclop promised Ʋlysses. In this last from I range the Italians, who having experimentally found how little favourable the Protection of France hath been, hath been to them, by reason of their distance from one another, and the difficulties of passing Forces in­to their Country, do tie themselves so much the stricter to the Spaniard, it being easie for him to seize upon their States, Milan and Naples lying so neer upon them. Experience hath made it evident, that they were never faithfull to the French. They have sometimes ingaged our Kings in enterprizes, by allying themselves with them, but after they had occasioned great expences, and all to no purpose, they fell off from their words, as Lewis the Moor, Duke of Milan, and then he of Milan who presently turned tayl to the Interests of Henry the 2d. though he had secured him from the violences of the Emperour. The onely means to unite them really with France, and to draw them off from the Interests of Spain, whom they have no great inclination to, were to have a free open Passage for the Souldiers, which might be quickly dispatched from Languedoc and Province, which happiness France now hath by the Prudence of the Cardinal, in the possession of Pignerol.

The Spaniard spreads abroad defaming Libels against the League of France, Venice, and Savoy.

AS Defamatory Libels are the most subtle Artifices, which are used to surprize the minds of People, and the Fire-brand which have been alwaies thought [Page 55]most proper to inflame their Courages to War: So the Spaniards were not back­ward to countenance their designs, by dispersing several of them abroad against the League between France, Savoy, and Venice; and with all that Justice might ap­pear to be with them, to make use of Religion and Piety, as a Cloak to their knave­ry. They cannot but well remember that the same pretext served their King to in­vade the Indiaes; That it was very advantagious to Philip the 2d. to make himself Master of France, and that very lately it gave them an In-let to the Palatinate, and that they now hope by the same means to recover the Valtoline. It gave their Li­bellers opportunity to say, that the King of Great Britain, and the Swiss Protestants were ingaged in the same League, though in truth, there was onely the King, Duke of Savoy, and State of Venice comprised in it. They called it by the name of the Protestant League, but with so little truth, that there was no appearance of it; and lesse reason had they to call theirs the Catholick League, seeing they had on their party the Elector, the Princes of Upper Saxony, the Dukes of Luneburg, the Landgrave Lewis de Hesse de Armstadt, and the most part of the Lutherans of Ger­many, so that all that did not favour their Party must needs passe for Hereticks.

By which one might beleeve, they would place even God himself amongst this number, because he appears sometimes contrary to their designs. They declared every where, that their onely intention for their parts, was to settle the Catholick Religion in the Valtoline, and to root out Heresie, though that Combination and Cabal which they kept up fomented, and which gave them most advantage, was headed by Rodolph, Planta, and several other principal Hereticks of that Country. Neither did they stick to say, that the Catholicks were oppressed in the Valtoline by the Grisons. But they went not away without a reply made to them, which was this, that the Catholicks both Spiritual and Temporal were never ill intreated, but when they contrived Combinations against the State, and when at any time there were any Protestants discovered to have a hand in any such Cabals, they were equal­ly punished with the rest, without any respect had to their Religion. To be short, they indeavoured to beget in the souls of all People, Compassion and Pitty in behalf of the Valtolines, though for the most part, those Officers which they entertained of the Crisons, were Hereticks; desiring to make People beleeve, that in truth they were troubled at the exercise of the Catholick Religion. But besides, that this Proposition was quite contrary to the truth, any one might easily know, that all Magistrates were indifferently chosen, either Catholicks or Hereticks, and that the exercise of Religion was absolutely free; so that it was easie to answer them, that look upon those Magistrates who were established by Soveraigns (before any considera­tion could be had of what Religion they were) as Gods Lievtenants, and as the Apostles have taught us in their Holy Writ, and by their deeds, no one had any cause to complain of them at all; and thus all their Reasons tended onely to sur­prize peoples understandings, who were weak, but were discovered by all who had never so little understanding, to be contrivances forged in the fire of their Ambiti­on; and indeed they themselves discovered the Fraud, when as his Majesty had pro­posed to them a most certain way for the assurance of Religion, and the Liberty of Catholicks, which they refused to accept of as to the Valtolines, or to lay down their Arms. And thus did they use their utmost indeavours to impede the late King Henry the Great, from obtaining his Absolution from Rome, after his Conversion; though they every where Proclaimed, that the design of their Army in France, was onely to oblige him to become a Catholick.

Politique Observation.

IT hath been a usual trick amongst Ambitious men, to cover their designs with a cloak of Religion. So in the Heathens time, the Governours of the City of Rome, after they had, to no purpose, used their utmost indeavours, to hinder the Peo­ple from being elected into Offices, had at last their recourse to Religion, and made them beleeve, that they having consulted the Gods on that affair, were assured by [Page 56]them, that to communicate the Honours of the Republick to the Commonalty, were to prophane them; which being so, saith T. Livy, they forthwith desired them, to recede from their pretentions, they feigning that they did it more in order to the Wil of the Gods, then of their own particular Interest. They well knew that the peo­ple were much addicted to Religion, and that it were so much the more easie to sur­prise them upon that accompt, they having but a little knowledge of the Interest of Princes, the genuine reasons of State, or of Religion it self. Thus Ottho desiring to get the Empire, was not contented by his pretending a great Treason, to speak aloud his Affection to the Emperour Galba; but moreover told the Souldiers, the more to inflame them, that the Gods had declared to him by a remarkable Tempest, that his Adoption of Piso was agreeable to them. After all, these fetches can one­ly surprize silly people, they who are raised never so little above the ordinary sort, are not ignorant that in point of State-dissimulation, they ought more to regard their actions then their words. They learn by experience that such kind of People, cannot be better compared then to Coyners of salfe money, who daub over their base allay, with Leaf Gold to hide the falsenesse of it. But Princes are now so accu­stomed to see through their disguises, that they are no more to be over-reached by them, and that without being stopped by the murmures of the people, they surcease not to take up Arms for the defence of their Allies.

Intreagues of the Spaniards with the Hugenots.

THere need no more to proove, that Religion served only as a mask to the Spaniards, to hide the injustice of their designes, then the bare intelligence which they had with the Heretiques of this Kingdom of France, which when undi­vided, hath been alwayes so potent, that it hath impeded the cours of their pro­ceedings; and therfore it was, that they endeavoured to make parties amongst them, as soon as ever they were drawn off towards the Valtoline. Those great losses, which the Heretiques continually had had, for some preceding years in Bearn and Languedoc, alwayes kept them waking, especially after the Peace of Montpellier, they well perceiving that those small Routs, which they had suffered, did threaten their party, with an utter destruction.

The Spaniards finding this disposition amongst them, were not backward to fo­ment it, and laboured very much, to get the Sieurs de Soubize and Rohan, who were the only eminent persons, to command their arms. Their designe took effect: These two Brothers, being met at Castres, to consider on such Propositions, which were made to them on their behalf about Autumn in the foregoing year, resolved to rayse those of their Party, the one by Sea at Guienne and the other in Languedoc. The attempt upon the Fort of Blavet otherwise Port St. Lewis) of which wee have already spoken, about the end of the last year was an effect of that resolution, as also the endeavours of the Duke and Dutchesse of Rohan began about the same time in Languedoc to draw in more Towns into their party. This Dut­chesse, that she might use her utmost dilligence, went most commenly by torch­light in the night time in her Coach, which being in mourning, and withall furni­shed with eight black Horses, served rather to strike a terror into the Country peo­ple, (who were not used to see such spectacles) then to gain any the chief men of their towns. But the Cardinals vigilance, was the principal obstacle, which ren­dered all their Combinations void. He induced the King to send with all hast, about the beginning of the yeer the Marquis de Ragny into Languedoc, with certain Re­giments, to oppose the first commotions, and to employ many persons of discre­tion, to assure himself of the Counsels of the Chief towns, and by this meanes most of them kept within their duties. The Sieur de Soubize published a Manifest, which founded an Allarm to all the Hugonots party, and made them believe, that their utter ruine was concluded on in the Kings Counsel; That the losse of their Religion was inevitable, if they did not defend themselves by Armes, and that the raising of Fort St. Lewis built by Rochel, was an assured signe of it, as also those other ad­vantages [Page 57]which he had taken against them. He prevented them in believing his Ma­jesties Edicts and Proclamations, by that supposition which he instilled into them, that the Catholiques were of opinion in most of their books; That they were not obliged to keep Faith with Heretiques. It's true these reasons were deduced with such palliations, that most were taken with them, particularly because the Duke of Rohan clapt into some Towns, certaine Gentlemen and Captains of his own Re­ligion, to encourage them, and to stir up the Popular Ministers, who after this looked for nothing but when to rise, not considering that the insurrections which they were carried to, were contrived by the Spaniards, who make open profession of being their ennemies, and who pretended not, to make use of them, but only to divert and draw off the Kings Arms from Italy.

Politique Observations.

NO one but a King ought to take up Arms: As formerly among the Romans, it only belonged to the Consuls, who had the superintendency of State, to open the two gates barred with Iron, and fastned with a hundred hinges, which were opened in token of war: so when Caesar began the war against the Gaules, it was Cato's advice to recal the Army into Italy, and to leave that great Captaine to his enemies, because he had attempted it, without the command of the People and Senate. Seeing Kings are constituted by the hand of God, no one may rise against them upon any cause whatever, without rendring themselves guilty of Rebellion. True Religion it self is not a sufficient reason to raise a War, how much lesse then may Heresie make use of it as a Pretext? And those Hereticks who make professi­on of following the Doctrines of the Holy Writ, have ill studied it, if they have not observed this truth in it, that one is no lesse obliged to obey Princes though In­fidels then others. God saith in Esay, speaking of Cyrus Monarch of the Medes and Persians, who had no knowledge of his holy name. I have called thee though thou hast not known me, I have named thee by thy name, and have raised thee up to honour and power, though thou hast had no knowledge of me; and I will, that both they of the East and West shall know, that it is I who have established thee, and that there is not any Governour upon the Earth, that hath not received his Power from me and my hand; and afterwards he addeth, that he hath anointed him and placed him on his right hand, that he might bring the Nations into Subjection, whose presence abateth the hearts of other Kings, who breaketh the Gate of Brass, and bursteth the Bars of Iron, to whom all things are manifest, and nothing is con­cealed from him. Thus though Nebuchadonozer was a most detestable Tyrant, and the greatest Infidel of all Princes that ever were. Though he had destroyed the Land which God had chosen, besieged, taken and pillaged the City of Jerusalem, razed the Walls, demolished the Houses, burned the Temple, prophaned the San­ctuary, took and carried away the Vessels which were consecrated to Gods service, killed the Kings Children, with the greatest part of the Priests of the Temple, and carried the re [...]t Captive into Babylon: Though hee had likewise caused his own Image to be set up and worshipped by all people as a God; yet here behold the words of the Prophet Jeremy and Baruch, saying, to the intent to make known the honour which he had by being chosen by God to command his People; God who hath created men, and the beasts of the Field by his great power, and stretched out Arm, hath given it to whom he pleased, and hath placed it in the hands of his ser­vant Nebuchadonozer. He would that all Nations should honour him and his Son; submit your necks therefore to the King of Babylon's yoke, and serve him; and whosoever shall not submit himself to his Yoke▪ God wil visit him with the Famine, the Sword, and the Pestilence: Pray to God for the life of Nebuchadonozer and Bal­thasar his son, to the end they may live as long upon the Earth, as the Heavens shall indure. Which being so, can it be lawfull or in the power of men, for any reason whatever to rise against their Kings? Shall Subjects assume upon themselves Autho­rity, to give them a Law contrary to Gods command? In St. Pauls time, and the [Page 58]rest of the Apostles, there was not any one King who had imbraced the true Faith, yet they commanded that they should be prayed for, and that they should give them all manner of Honour, Subjection, and Obedience, and to bear themselves hum­bly before them, for the love of God and a good Conscience: Whence it is, That the wisest Politicians have accompted it intollerable, that Subjects should attempt to shake off the yoak of a Prince, under whom God hath subjected them, or to assume to themselves any power over him, to whom they ought to give an accompt of their Actions. Subjects have not by the Law of God, any other defence then flight. That is it which the Apostles have permitted to Christians, and if this flight be shamefull in the Wars between Prince and Prince, or Commonwealth and Com­monwealth, yet it is not so in regard of subjects to their Soveraign.

The King for many considerable Reasons causeth the City of Genoa to be assaulted.

THat fomentation which the Spaniards gave to the Hugonots, whereby to force the King to draw off his Army from the Valtoline, obliged his Majesty to do the like by him, in assaulting the Common-wealth of Genoa. It is true that was not the onely consideration which induced the King to commence the War, but the weaknesse of those Forts in the Valtoline was the first; a weaknesse worth the ob­servation, in regard there was not one Fort there, excepting that of Rive, which could indure any long Siege: So that it is to small purpose to seize upon them, un­lesse their Arms who would re-take them, be so strongly diverted, that they may be hindred from comming to them: Besides the Spaniards usurping of those Forts be­fore they were deposited in the Popes hands, was a sufficient token of his design, long since concluded on in his Counsels, of making himself absolute Master of Italy; it being most probable, that who so once seizeth on the dore, would likewise enter upon the whole house. It being thus manifestly necessary to oppose the progress of this ambitious design, it could not be better effected then by the assaulting of Genoa, which is the onely Port of entrance on this side of the Alps, which being shut up, and preventing his ingress on that side, he could hardly bring in any Troops at all, especially if the Forts of the Valtoline were no longer in his possession. With­all, the State of Genoa did not onely serve the Spaniards as an Inlet into Italy, but also to convey souldiers into Germany and the Low Countries, and for a Mine from whence they extracted good store of mony, so that the depriving them of it would be no small weakning to him: These were the true reasons which invited the King to this attempt which were so just, that it appeared lawfull, that State being the one­ly Flower, which the negligence of some of our Kings have suffered to be pulled out of this Crown, and the Spaniard could have no more reason to complain of his Majesties entring upon Genoa, which was under their Kings Protection, then the King of France had, to lament his seizure of the Valtoline, of which his Majesty of France had had the Protection for many years together. The King was neces­sitated to make use of the Duke of Savoy in this affair, both that he might have free passage thither, and also furnish himself by that means, of Cannon and provisions for the Army. The Cardinal perswaded the King to make him chief of the expedi­tion, whereby the more to ingage him. All this was dispatched in a conference had with him at Suze, by the Constable of Lesdig [...]ieres. The Marshal de Crequis re­turned to the Court after October in the last year, to give an accompt to his Majesty of what might be expected from him, and the Sieur de St. Gerry, was sent back to the Duke and Constable, with those resolutions which had been concluded on, in relation to their Proposals, and with order to the Constable to raise forces necessary for the design. The Duke was the more inclined to it, seeing the injuries which the Genoeses had done him but lately, were a just cause to begin a War. He declared in his Manifest, that they had destroyed the limits, which parted the Lands of Genoa and Piedmont, and had incroached upon his Territories, that they had violently ta­ken [Page 59]away the Fee of Zuccarel, and withall offered indignities to his Effigies, as a mark of the hatred which they did bear him: These just offences did oblige him to resent them; but he being too weak to carry on a War against them, where he should quickly find the Spaniard in the head of them, was very glad of the Kings assistance and willingly accepted of the honour of commanding in chief all such For­ces as should be sent, which being thus contrived, they could onely passe under the notion of Auxiliaries: And if it were honourable for the Duke to be the head of such an enterprise, it was not lesse advantagious for the King to raise by this means a diversion, able to find work for all the Powers of the House of Austria, with­out making an absolute breach with them. The Cessation preserved at that time the Forts in the Valtoline, and ingaged the Duke by so many Interests and concerns in the War, that it was impossible for him to fall off or be unfaithfull, and not find his own ruine in it. And the Cardinals counsel in this particular, passed for an effect of his incomparable Prudence.

These things being thus concluded on, and orders given out accordingly, the King commanded the Marshal de Crequis to return back to the Constable of Lesdiguierres, with further confirmation of what ever had formerly been sent to him by the Sieur de St. Gerry in order to his Proposals. It would not have been amiss to have inga­ged the Venetians in this design which was attempted, but Common-wealths are so long, and so hardly induced to resolve upon any great affair, that it was done without them. The Constable passed over the hills, about the beginning of the year, with ten thousand foot, and two thousand horse, and there met with the Marshal: On the second of February, the whole body of the Army consisted of five and twenty thousand foot, and four thousand horse, every one ready to march about the end of February, which strook such a terrour into Rome, that the Pope and the most part of them, knew not what to think of it, but apprehending that they should shortly see all Italy in a flame of War, and fearing lest the sparkles of them might fall on them, and consume that sweet repose which they then in­joyed.

Politique Observation.

JT is great Prudence in a King who would enterprize a forraign War, to make him­self sure of that Prince which is nearest the Country he would assault; it was for this reason that Scipio designing to carry the War in Affrica, against the Carthaginians, procured a League to be made between the Romans and Cyphax, but as it is a thing very difficult to keep Princes Confederates in a War any long time together, in which they have little interest: So it is a great peece of Wisdome to make him chief of it, when a design cannot be executed without him, by reason he is master of the passa­ges, and it is from him onely that recruits can be had, as also Ammunitions of War for the subsistance of the Army. To avoid the ordinary mis-fortunes of Leagues, it were necessary that those Princes with whom one doth ingage, were obliged by o­ther tyes then those of Fidelity which is due to their words; and if it be so impor­tant for all Allies, it is much more necessary for him. Had Lewis the Moor, Duke of Milan been touched with this fear, and beleeved he could not have broke off the Alliance with France without losing his Estate, he had never been worse then his word, with those of our Kings, who had not carried their Arms into Italy, but upon the assurance he had given him of his Fidelity. And who seeth not that the King that doth thus, hath an advantage of assaulting his enemy, without making an absolute breach with him. He hath an advantage very considerable seeing it serves him to put his own Estates in safety, and that he doth ingage that Prince so much the more strictly, whom he makes chief of his design, to keep his word with him; because if he once break off he may freely abandon him, and suffer him to pe­rish under his enemies Arms, without putting himself to the trouble of making a Treaty of Peace, or breaking the Laws of Alliance, which do not oblige to any fur­ther assisting of him, who hath once broke his word.

The Pope sends the Cardinal Barberine in the quality of a Legate in­to France, to negotiate the Peace between his Majesty and the King of Spaine.

THE Pope, who is equally qualified with the Title of Common Father to Chri­stian Princes, as well as that of Soveraign Bishop, was much displeased to see the war was upon the point of flaming, out both in France and Italy. The condi­tion of France mooved him with pitty, it being both against the Church, as well as against the Kings authority; but besides that this piety did not make him less sensible of the War in Italy. He had some apprehensions to for his own States, doub­ting lest they after those of Genoua might become the Scene of this Tragedy; this was it which obliged him to send a Legate into France and Spaine, or into some other neuter place, where the two Kings Deputies might be found, to negotiate a Peace; as the Cardinal of Florence was heretofore sent to treate a peace at Vervins, and Aldobrandine, for the Peace of Savoy; His Holiness spoke of it to the Sieur de Be­thune, as a thing which he had resolved on, and told him, that he desired to make use of one of his own house for this employment, and that he would willingly pre­fer his desires, and that the affections which he had for peace more then any other. He presently proposed to him his Brother the Cardinal de Saint Onufra, to which the Sieur de Bethune only answered, that he was very capeable of the Legation. But that they that have been so long in a Cloyster, living in such an extraordinary Piety as he did, would commonly judge by the rules of devotion, which being so, it might happen that he would not consider at all the affair of the Valtoline, more then by the specious pretext, which the Spaniards had given out for their invasion, and thus considering all in a spiritual way, without regarding those interests of state, which would happen, there could hardly be found all the necessary qualifications, to make the peace between the people, who should be interessed it it. It was said in few words, and no reply on the one side or the other. The Pope then having changed his discours soon after alter'd his design, and proposed to send the Car­dinal Barberin his Nephew, who earnestly desired to be imployed in this negotia­tion, and to make the voyage between France and Spain.

Although the Sieur de Bethune honoured him as one of the most virtuous Cardi­nals of the Consistory, yet he knew that he wanted experience in affairs to negoti­ate this business. Besides finding the Spaniards indisposed to renounce the passages of the Valtoline, he easily concluded that the voyage would be to no purpose, but however looking upon the inclination of him to this voyadge, he would not te­stify to his Holiness, that he misliked his choyse, only upon the first motion of it, he expostulated it with his Holiness, and represented how much it troubled him that his Holiness should give this commission to a Person, who being so neerly related to him, could not but be very dear to him; thinking that the consideration of that one thing would work more with him, then all others; and then he added to the intent his journey might be the shorter, that it would be proper to draw up and agree upon those points with the Spanish Ambassadour, in which the greatest diffi­culties were contained, without which finding the business all confused and undige­sted either in France or Spaine, it would of necessity follow, that he must be a long whiles absent from the Court: But the Pope who had been propossessed by the Cardinal his Nephew, who took a singuler delight to please him, took no notice of it, and a few dayes after conveened an Extraordinary Consistory to deliver him a Legats Crosse, and caused him to be conducted in Pontificalibus by all the Cardinals, out of the gates of Rome, according to the usual custome. They who had been upon the same employments before him, return'd back to Rome for a few dayes, that he might take orders for their occasions, but did not appear on any publique employments. The great affection which the new Legat had to the journey, made him prolong it no more then one day, so that he set out immediately punctually [Page 61]observing his Holiness command, of using an extraordinary industry, to prevent the progresse of the war in Italy, to administer on his part the offices of a Common Father, by procuring a Peace between the Kings of France and Spaine.

Politick Observation.

IT is no lesse Glorious, then profitable to the Pope to mediate Peace between Princes; one of the best and noblest properties of the Sun, is to establish such a Temperature, and moderation amongst the divers and sundry Elements, that they may all subsist together, and contribute to the preservation of the universe; for without this as the Naturalists have observed, the Elementary World would revers to it's first nothing, by reason of the disharmony which would remain between them: Just so the moderation which the Popes (who are in the Church, as the Sun in Heaven) shall use amid'st the broyls and wars, which shall at any time arise amongst Christian Princes, is a work which contributeth to their great glory and splendor. If it be honourable to them, it cannot be lesse advantageous to, seeing their authority, is never so considerable as in times of Peace, and that their Ora­cles are no more heard or regarded in war then a civil Magistrats command amidst a mutiny or insurrection. Certainly nothing can so well befit them as this, they having the honour to be Christs vicars here on earth, who took the flesh upon him, that he might bring peace to all the world, which also he recommended to his Apostles, as the thing he would have most cheri [...]hed: Thus to do, is to follow the glorious footsteps of their Master: this is to follow his intentions, and to prosecute the ways which he hath prescribed; but that they may effectually instil this moderation into the minds of Princes, they must needs dis-roab their own selves of all sort of interest: For as the Sun if he were clothed about with any of the Elementary qualities, would not be able to reduce them to a moderate temper: so the Popes cease to be any longer entrusted by Princes, when once they take part with any particular interest: for who so once appears partial, is no longer fit to be credited, or to make any proposal which will not be suspected.

Father Berule arriveth at Rome, to obtain the dispence for the Lady Henrietta Maria of France, to be married with the Prince of Wales.

LET us give leave to Cardinal Barbarin, to make his journy into France, we shall anon overtake him at the Court, and take notice of what passed in his negociation. Let us now speak of another important Affair, which was treated on in the Court of Room for Madam the Kings Sister: we have already told you about the end of the forgoing yeer, that the match with the Prince of Wals being concluded, Father Berule was sent to Room, to procure a disperse for it, where being arrived and presented to his Holiness by the Sieur de Bethune, he supplicated his Holiness, on his Master behalf, that he would bee pleased to grant him the di­spensation for it.

The Pope receiv'd him, with such honour, as is due to those who are sent from the first of Christian Princes; and as to that which concern'd the dispense, his Ho­liness told him, that he having already accorded one of the like to the Spaniards, when as the Match with the same Prince was upon the point of conclusion with the Infant of Spaine, he had done it with the advice of the Cardinals then, and could not now conclude it, without acquainting them with it; but however promised him, that they who were suspected to be against the French interest, should not be called to the consultation, but that others which favoured it should be put in their places: but withal to testifie his good will to the King, he would do one thing which he had not accorded to the Spaniards, that is, he would convocate the Consistory of Cardinals in his own presence, that he might give the quicker dispatch to it. With­in [Page 62]in a few dayes after, he named the Cardinals, but he was not so good as his word in convocating them before himself, whether it were that so extraordinary a grace might have exasperated the Spaniards, with whom he had no great mind to em­broyl himself, or because he imagined the Cardinals would not meet with any so great difficulties, as might require his presence for the granting of the dispense: and this was as much as passed upon the first motion, though afterwards many disputes did arise, either because it is ordinary with those who judge of affaires in the Court of Room, to seek all advantages for Religion, and to raise questions where there are none, that their final results may be the more vallid; or else because Father Berule treating with the Cardinals in private▪ had perswaded them to ad some other things in the dispense, then had been concluded in the Articles. These difficulties thus risen, ingaged the Sieur de Bethune, who understood not whence they came, to joyn himself to the Father Berule, and that he might overcome them he often represented to his Holiness, that the great zeal his Master had for the Church, had induced him to take a great deal of paines, for the obtaining the most advanta­geous conditions in the Articles, that could be hoped for by the English Catholi­ques. That the Spaniards having consented that such children as should be born of this Marriage, should be brought up by the Queen, only until their age of twelve yeers, but the King not contented with that, had obtained it until the thirteenth yeer, which was no inconsiderable businesse, because in that age it is that children take such impressions of Religion, as will not easily be rooted out in future. He was not deficient in representing to him, both the hapiness and glory, that it would for ever be to his Popedom, if the eldst son who should be born, should re­ligiously preserve those instructions in his riper age, which the Queen should give him, and at last establish the Church of England in it's liberty and splendour. That the fruits of this Alliance were to be considered by the advantage, which might happen by it hereafter, especially seeing in the last Article, the King of Great Brit­tany promised to treat with more sweetness, and allow more liberty and freedom to the Catholiques, in behalf of the alliance with France, then otherwise he would have done, for that of Spain; that he was bound by oath to perform it; that it was true, the Spaniards had demanded more, that is, a publique Church in England, but withal they could not procure it to be granted, and that indeed there was not any thing more to be expected, then what had been alreaded concluded; that all which is to be wished, is not alwayes possible; and after all, that the three princi­pal things which ought to be considered had been agree to, which was the assu­rance of the Princess her conscience, the education of such children as God should blesse her with, and the liberty of Catholique: he also went and related the same to the Deputies. At last after three several meetings upon the business, they thought (so much had Father Berule possessed them with hopes, when he discoursed with them in private) that neither they nor the Pope himself could safely grant the di­spe [...]se, according to those Articles which had been concluded between the two Crowns: but they would needs have this added, that those servants, who were to wayt upon such children as God should give to the Princess, should be Catho­liques and chosen by her, during the age that they were to be under her goverment. That the English should not by any means endeavour, to draw off the Princesses servants from the Catholique Religion, nor those of the Messieurs her Children, whilst they should remain with her. Lastly that the King of England should swear not to fail in either of those two things, and that the King of France, should pro­mise his Holiness to cause those Articles to be observed, to which the King of Eng­land should oblige himself. The Sieur de Bethune did much wonder, that they should so earnestly ad those Conditions to the Articles, which were not only capa­ble of retarding, but also of quite breaking of the match, and consequently bring the English Catholiques into a greater persecution then ever. But all was an effect of Father Berules zeal, which was a little too hot, and which prepossessed both the Pope and Cardinals, with such strong impressions, that they were irresistably bent up­on it, this good man making it appear by his transaction, that the most spiritual men, [Page 63]are not alwaies the most proper persons to be imployed in negotiation of State; by reason of the subtlety of the spirits, which do refine things a little too much, and their perverseness in opinion which is common to them with all others, and which doth often keep them off from complying with the Lawes even of a necessity it self.

Politique Observation.

IT is a great Imprudence in an Embassadour, to move contrary to his Instruction, and to raise difficulties in a business which is committed to him by following his own sense: Orders are to Embassadours as Compasses to Pylots, and as a Pylot ex­poseth himself to the danger of Shipwrack, when as he will take no other guide in his voyage but his own Caprichio, so an Embassadour endangereth the success of his negotiation, if he doth neglect to follow those Orders which are given to him: he ought to consider, that the person who imploys him, hath more knowledge of the Affair then himself. That he not having given him a full Liberty to do whatsoever he should think fit, those are the onely means which he is commanded to follow, that must guide him to the end of his Affair, and that if he doth not adhere to them he doth not onely run the hazard of losing himself, but also of bringing his Master into such trouble, as he wil have somewhat to do ere he get clear of them. The Athe­nians did heretofore, think this to be a business of so great importance, that they condemned their Embassadours to die, whom they had sent into Arcadia, for one­ly returning home by another Coast, then that which they were commanded, though they had well dispatched the Affair they were imployed on, as it is reported by Eli­an. It is true, the face of things may alter after an Embassadours departure, and if so, he must have his eyes in his head, it being permitted him to vary the means which are prescribed to him, for the easier obtaining the end of his Affair: But in case Af­fairs be not altered, he is bound to stick close to his Instructions, under penalty of being very faulty; Manlius did not spare his own son, for fighting with the Ene­my contrary to his order, though he got the better of them; for a Captain never ought to assault an Enemy contrary to his Generals command, though he be assu­red to overcome him: And that Embassador deserveth severely to be chastised, who shall propose things contrary to those which are commanded him; for the manage­ment of a Treaty is sometimes not a jot less considerable to the good of a State, then the Conduct of a War. Those spirits which are most acute and subtle, are most subject to slip into this defect, because they are more wedded to their own opinions, and will ever be refining of things more then need requires, esteeming more their own thoughts, then all the orders which shall be given to them; and this is it which made Thucydides say, Those Souls which are a little more steady, are propperer for negotiations, then those which are so full of mettle and sprightfulness.

The difficulties which did arise in pursuance of the dispence for the Match with England.

THE Dispensation was sent to the Nuntio, with expresse order not to deliver it, untill the King of England should ingage himself by Oath, to observe those Conditions which his Holiness had inserted, and untill the King of France had given it under his hand, that he would undertake and promise to see all the Articles, to which the King of England should ingage, to be fully accomplished. The Nuntio gave notice of this order which the Pope had sent him to the King, and his Maje­sty was not a little surprized at it, to find himself reduced to the making of new conditions with the King of England, and to seek for a new dispence from Rome, when some moneths had been passed over in the soliciting for the former. Indeed it was so much the more troublesome, in respect, that these obstructions might to­tally break it off, which might not onely breed quarrels between the two Crowns [Page 64]but divers mis-fortunes upon the Catholicks in England. A Conference was at last had with the Nuntio, and it was there represented to him, of how little importance these new Articles [...]ere, in comparison of the danger of a total breach to which it did expose things, especially seeing that the Children were to be brought up by the Princess, that is, by her Domestiques and servants, and by those of the Princess were to be Catholicks, which did tacitely imply; that the Children should be brought up by Catholicks. This was easie to be demonstrated, but the Nuntio being of an im­pertinent nature in affairs, as also obliged to follow his Holinesses Interests, beseech­ed the Ministers to find out some expedient to satisfie his Holiness, without imbroy­ling the business with the King of England; promising that he would write to him very effectually about the necessity that did appear, for the taking away all obstructi­ons and difficulties, which might bring any delay to the marriage. In prosecution whereof, the Earls of Carlisle and Holland were consulted with, and the King writ to his Majesty of England, to desire him to condiscend to those alterations which the Pope had made, letting him see how frivolous they were.

The King of England did not receive the news without much wonder; but how­ever seeing it had been agreed, that the children who should be born of this match, were to be educated by the Princesse, untill their respective ages of thirteen years, and that her servants were to be Catholicks, and to have all freedome for the exercise of their Religion, hee consented to all that was desired; as that the Officers of those Children should be Catholick, and should have no trouble in their Religion; accordingly hee sent all manner of assurances to the King, but not a word of swearing to it, which was enough without urging him to take his oath for performance. The King gave all those assurances in writing which his Holiness expected; the Princess also writ a Letter to the Pope, where­in she promised upon her Parol, not to chuse any Officers for those Children which God should hestow upon her, but such as should be Catholicks. All Conditions be­ing thus resolved on, it was verily beleeved, there could be no further difficulties rai­sed at Rome. There were two extraordinary Courtiers dispatched one by Sea, the other by Land, to the Sieur de Bethune, with Orders to procure the dispense to bee amended withall expedition, and to beseech the Pope in his Majesties name, to dis­patch it according to the Articles, which had been newly agreed on, without ex­acting a new Oath. The Sieur de Bethune having received one of these Dispatches acquitted himself of his duty with all kind of Prudence, and did not forget to use his very utmost diligence to procure that satisfaction for his Majesty; he spake to the People with a great deal of affection, by re-presenting to him those great bles­sings which heaven had bestowed on the Church since his Majesty came to the Crown, and with what zeal his Majesty had imployed his Arms against the Hereticks; all which ought to make him be much esteemed by the holy Chair, in regard his demands could not be refused without some kind of injustice, both in relation to the acknowledgements which are due to him; as also, because his Actions gave great assurance, that he would never omit any occasion, which might tend to the advan­tage of the Church. He forgot not to represent to him, the dangers that would en­sue from a total breach, by the longer retardment of concluding the marriage, and the severe usage that the Catholiques in England would consequentially lie under. That what his Holiness had thought fit to adde to the Articles already concluded on, was in a manner included in them already, and that the chief executing of them would rest upon the discretion of those, who should have the honour to be neer the Princess; however, that his Master the King, that he might testifie the respect which he bore his Holiness, had written to the King of Great Brittain who had con­sented to it, excepting onely in the point of taking a new Oath, which he would no more press him upon, in regard of that Oath which he had already made in respect of Religion, the Princess and her servants, and the Liberties of the English Catho­liques; and seeing that this new Oath was comprised too in some sort in the first Oath. That there was sufficient provision made, both in relation to Religion and Liberty of Conscience, for her Domestiques and Children, seeing they were to re­main [Page 65]mayn with the Princess, as well as the children; which being so, it would of ne­nessity follow that there could be no trouble brought on them in respect of their Religion. He told him likewise, that the King his Master being bound to his Holi­ness, for the observation of those things which should be agreed to by the King of Great Brittain, was an assurance not lesse valid then that of an heretique King. That his Majesty had commanded him to supplicate his Holiness, with all earnest­ness, and not rest barely there, but to tell him that his Holiness was the more obli­ged to grant him his request, seeing he begged the confirmation of it rather out of respect then necessity, seeing that several famous Doctors were of opinion, that Catholiques in Heretiques Countries might freely contract Mariages, without any dispense.

These were the chief reasons, which the Sieur de Bethune represented to his Ho­liness, and likewise to the Cardinals, who were deputed in the businesse of the di­spense. They soon apprehended the Justice and importance of them, and testified a great readinesse, to do that which was desired of them. The Pope sent word to the Cardinals, that they should give a quick dispatch to the business, that he de­sired to give the King all the satisfaction he could wish for, both that he might ac­knowledg those great benefits which his Majesty had procured to the Church, as also because he knew there could not any other thing be desired from those of Eng­land. Accordingly they met together, and concluded on it as the King desired, and dispatched it with a great deal of diligence to the Nontio, that it might be deli­vered to the King, who as quickly gave intelligence of it to the King of Great Britain.

Politick Observation.

JT is not ever expedient in a design to propose the utmost advantage, it being sometimes necessary to leave a little to be hoped for from time. No Affair can ob­lige to the making of Resolutions contrary to honour and justice; but several things may intervene to obstruct the effecting of all that might conduce to the good of a great Enterprize. He who doth not take this truth, for a rule in his Conduct, will be subject to commit great faults, and will in it Proclaim aloud to the World, That he is ignorant of the many difference between Gods and Mans Will; he doing whatsoever best pleases him, but the latter, is obliged to necessities, and bound to proportionate his resolution according to the Possibility of things. Thus though it be allowed such men, on whom the dispatch of Affairs dispends, to raise up some scruples and difficulties, whereby to enhance the price and esteem of the thing doing (it being usual with most men, little to regard those Offices which are granted with ease) yet when it is once evident, that the present time and conjuncture of Affairs, will not consist with the longer denial of what is desired from them, they then ought to comply and apply themselves to the effecting of it: For what refuse they shall af­terwards make, will appear rather to proceed from a spirit of contradiction, then that of Prudence.

The death of James King of Great Brittain, and the Mariage between the Prince of Wals his Son, and the Madam Henrietta Maria of France.

DUring the negotiation for the dispense, King James of Great Brittain, fell very sick at Theobalds, twelve miles distant from London. After he had passed over three weekes with a Tertian Ague, which weakned him exceedingly much, he caused the Prince of Wals his Son to come unto him, and discoursed to him with a great deale of reason, and recommended to him those Officers, who had faithfully served him. But especially his little grand children, the Infants of the Electrix Pa­latine his daughter, encouraging him to make use of that power, which he should [Page 64] [...] [Page 65] [...] [Page 66]leave him, for the re-establishing of them, in their Fathers Dominions; and then finding himself declining into his Agony, he gave him his blessing, wishing him a happy prosperous and successful enjoyment of those Kingdoms, which he should shortly leave to him. About the end of March he died, at which instant the Heralds (according to the custom of England) proclaymd the Prince of Wals King of Great Britain, who presently took the ordering of all affairs upon him.

He having a great desire to be married, the first thing he did was to dispatch full power to the Duke de Chevreuse, to betroth and espouse the Princess in his name. The King too desired to see an end of the businesse, so that upon the first arrival of that power, the execution of it was no longer deferred. The Betrothments were made in the Lovre on the eight of May, in the presence of the King the Queens, all the Princes and great Lords of the Court, by the Cardinal de la Rochfaucaud, who likewise celebrated the Marriage Ceremonies, on the Sunday following, being the eleventh of May, in the Church of Nostre Dame, in the quality of Great Al­moner. I shall not need to relate with what magnificence these things were done, only I shall say nothing was omitted. The Espousals were made upon a Theater, raised for the purpose over the great door of the Church. Then the Masse was said with great Ceremony, where the King and three Queens were assistants. Though the Duke of Chevreuse and the Extraordinary Ambassadors of England were not there, who after they had wayted on his Majesty to the door of the Quier, retyred to the Arch-Bishops Pallace during the Masse, as representing the King of Englands Person, who was of a different Religion; but they went again to receive his Ma­jesty at the same door, as soon as Masse was ended, and to wayt on him to the Arch-Bishops hall, where the King dined with the Queens, his Mother, his Wife, and his Sister, the Duke of Chevreuse, the Earles of Carlisle and Holland, the Ladies Dutchesses of Guise, Elboeuf, and of Chevreuse, with the most magnificencies, that the best versed in Royal Ceremonies, could invent. There were Bonfiers made all the while throughout Paris, and the Cannons made such a noyse, as if Heaven and Earth would have come together.

The Duke of Buckingham is commanded by the King of Great Brittain, to go over into France, and to conduct the Queen his Wife over to him.

THese things thus past, the Duke of Buckingham (the King of Great Britains favorite) was commanded to go into France, to desire the King, that the Queen his Wife might set out from the Court assoon as might be, to come to him. He arrived at Paris about the end of May, and during that little stay which he made, he was entertained with all imaginable Magnificency. The King granted him his de­mands, and the Queen of Great Brittain departed about the beginning of June. She was accompanied on the way by the Queen Mother, the Queen Regent, Mon­sieur the Kings Brother, and almost all, who were considerable in the Court: going thorough Amiens, she was received there with the same honour, as is do to the King himself, he having so commanded it. In this place, shee took her Leave of the Queen Mother, but the Queen Regent accompanied her two leagues farther on, and Monsieur the Kings Brother attended by most part of the Court, con­ducted her to Boulongne, where she was imbarked, in the greatst Ship of the O­cean, which was richly prepared for her. The Windes were so favourable, that the whole Fleet came safe to Dover without any let, where the Cannons Drums and Trumpets, endeavoured in emulation of one another, to testifie their noyse, which should most welcome her, with there greatest mirth at her first entrance. The King had caused a house to be built of Timber work upon the Rivers side, where the Perfums and pleasant smels, might make her an exchange of those ill sents of the Sea, into an ayr of Amber, Orange and Jessamy Flowers. The King of Great Brittain, whom she had sent to entreat, he would be pleased to stay until the mor­row [Page 67]before he saw her, by reason of the disorder she had been in upon the Sea, came accordingly the day after to meet her, with all that was Illustrious in his Court; and shewed, That Love and Gallantry did equally possess his Soul, by those respects and extraordinary inventions, to render her first entrance pleasing to her. They dined together, and that night lay at Canturbury, where the Mariage was con­summated to the equal contentment, of the two Crowns of France and England.

Politique Observation.

MAgnificence is one of the greatest virtues, which gives most luster to Kings, who are no otherwise esteemed great, but by their abilities to do greater things then others. That is it, which makes their names glorious amongst Stran­gers, and likewise procures them more respect from their own subjects. Philoso­phers say, actions ought to be proportionate to the quality of the subject, which produceth them; whence it comes to passe, that that of Kings being the most emi­nent of al others, they should not do any but magnificent things: and thus the Empe­ror Dioclesian said publiquely. If this virtue be wel beseeming them they are not at any time more obliged to exercise it, then at their own, or those of their Families ma­riage, for at such times most especially it is, that strangers and their own subjects too, do resort in greatest abundance to their Courts; which at other times they themselves are but seldome seen; so that it cannot but be a thing of great concern, then to give them impressions of an extraordinary respect, to the doing of which, no doubt but the lustre of noble and magnificent Actions, doth very much contribute: Withall, if expences ought to be regulated by the occasions upon which they are made, what more honourable and worthy subject can they be bestowed on, then either their own, or the marriages of those of their Blood? Besides, seeing Wealth is not gi­ven them by Heaven, but onely to be honourably imployed, how much would any niggardliness be exploded and found fault with, on such occasions as those are? would it not passe for an extream meanness of spirit? The goods of private men are their own, and for their own uses, insomuch that they have full power to dispose of them as they please; but it is not so with Kings, they are obliged to imploy that which is lent them, towards the acquiring a respect necessary for the impressing of that Re­verence and Honour into the Minds of the People, which is due unto them. Those great Costs and Charges, which are layed out on frivolous matters, are as soon for­gotten as the whistling of the Wind, neither do they carry with them the reputation of being magnificent; but it is not so when well used, and when they are expended upon urgent occasions and great affairs. It is to imitate God (if done in order) who hath not onely the power of working outward Miracles, but also of doing them with weight, number, and measure.

It is most certain, Kings cannot in any thing more imitate the Divine Majesty then in rendring themselves admired amongst men, by their magnificent Actions, to which purpose a noble expence, doth extraordinarily much conduce.

Intreagues of the English Embassadour with some Ladies of the Court, dis­covered by the Cardinal.

THe great Delays which were used in the Court of Rome, in the procuring of the dispense for the Marriage, forced the English Embassadour to a long stay in France. Now whether it were for diversion, or to make any advantage by their stay, they strook into acquaintance with certain Ladies, under pretence of Gallant­ry; but indeed that they might dive into the particular Affairs of France, and to get into the Power of such who were able to make Intreagues, that they might do something as occasion should serve for their Masters advantage. Their meetings were so frequent, that it gave a cause of suspicion; especially to those who were not ignorant, that Women do neither want Craft or Malice in their Souls, to raise [Page 68]Factions and foment them. There were many entertainments made at the Court, to serve for a pretext to their interviews. It was well known, that there had been divers Essays made, to gain such persons as were near to those Ladies, and had some share in their beleef, and withall, some small beginnings of discontent; insomuch, that the King was acquainted with it, and concern'd to redress it by removing some of those Ladies further of, amongst others, the Dame de Vervet was one, and to fore-see that, the excesse of their conservation might not produce other effects, then those of Gallantries. But as they verily beleeved the Cardinal, to have been the Promoter of his Majesties resolution in that thing, so they conceived so great a ha­tred against him, that they had much ado, to be induced to pardon him, though hee did not for his part much trouble himself at it, for that he onely acted for the service of his King, and the good of the State.

Politique Observation.

THough Women are evidently known by Wise men to be incapable of conducting any great Affairs, yet they are sufficiently able to breed divisions, and broyls, as al­so to disclose any secrets. Their Souls are naturally replenished all over with de­ceit to insnare, and that Love in which they are dexteriously skilfull to ingage men, gives them so absolute an Empire over them, that there is hardly any thing which they cannot discover, or perswade them to do, if once they make it their business. That weakness of theirs which layes them open to be Preyed upon, is the thing which gives them most Power over mens Souls; were they but a little stronger to defend themselves from the contrivances of those who have designs upon them; they would not have so great an influence in perswading most men to what ever they desire. I could say it was for this reason that the enemy of our Salvation, design­ing to involve us in sin, made his first addresses to Eve, rather then upon the man, knowing shee would easiliest contribute to the effecting of his intended end, if hee could but once make himself Master of her Will. But without being beholding to examples of invisible Spirits; who knoweth not that the Emperour Augustus, affected to make himself be beloved by several of his enemies Wives, not that hee might indulge his Senses, or delight himself in Voluptuous Pleasures; but that hee might fish out of them, any Resolutions which were taken to his dis-ad­vantage or Ruine? and Tacitus is the man from whom wee learn this excellent device.

Open War in the State of Genoa.

WHilest Love was filling England with Mirth, Mars was kindling a Fire of War in Italy. The Duke of Savoys Army assisted by the French, being all well provided, the General would no longer defer the advancing of his Troops into the State of Genoa, the rather because the Spaniards were imployed in other places, and the Genoveses had but a few Forces to defend themselves. The Prince of Piedmont was with the Duke his Father, and the Marshal de Crequy, with the Constable his Father-in-law. The King, in Consideration of the Alliance between Savoy and France, consented that the Duke should give the word, and that the Marshal should likewise pay the same respect to the Prince of Piedmont. The Or­der which they observed was thus, That the Constable should march with the Avant guard, towards the Coast of Loppiata, and his Highness with the body of the Ar­my towards Cremolin. The Constable comming before Loppiata, the Inhabitants made some small resistance, but they were soon forced, and their Town Pillaged, to strike a terrour into others: this induced those of Gua, a City belonging to the Ter­ritories of Genoa, to send their Keys to the Duke, who when he sent the Marquess of St. Reyran with his Regiment, to Quarter there, found some resistance, for that Nicholas Doria in the mean time, had put in some Forces there, to defend it; so the Duke commanded the Count of Veriie, to march thither with certain Compa­nies, [Page 69]which strook such a fright into Doria and his Forces, that they presently lest the place, and Captain Martin Corseque, delivered it at the first summons. The City of Novy which is very large, sent at the same time, to the Constable to assure him they would open their Gates; and accordingly he seized on it, and then turn­ing towards Gavy, he defeated in his march five Companies of Neopolitans, whom the Spaniards had sent to secure the place, and shortly after the Duke of Savoy joyn­ed with him to incounter with six thousand men part being of Collonel Gasees, some Modenois, and other some Parmesans, who pretended to defend the Town. But they soon cut one party of them in peeces near Ottage, in a fight which lasted neer two hours, and then falling upon four Squadrons of Horse, not far off the same place, they routed them with such good success, that they took the Town and Castle of Ottage with three and twenty Colours, killed above two hundred Neapolitans and Genoveses upon the place, took above a thousand Prisoners, and amongst them the chief Commanders. Upon this defeat, they concluded to make themselves Master of Gavy, which was absolutely necessary for their marching up to Genoa. The Castle is built on a Rock, and the Town well fortified; insomuch that many were of opinion, it would be a hard task to take it, seeing too that Barbarossa in the expedi­tion which he made in the time of Francis the first, into the River of Genoa, could not take it in. But the Constables courage, which was not used to stoop under any Fear, did not forbear to make his approaches upon the Town. He who command­ed it, made a Sally, with about three hundred men, of which two hundred were slain in the place, which so terrified those of the Town, that they sent an assurance that they would open their Gates; provided they might be protected from being Plundered and maintained in their ancient Priviledges, which was granted to them; and the Constable being got into the Town, began to besiege the Castle. At the first, the Governour pretended a Resolution to defend it, discharging several shot into the Town, beleeving that the Castle could not be battered, and supposing there were not any points of Rocks, upon which any Cannon could be mounted to com­mand it; but the Constable soon let him see that there was not any thing impossi­ble to the courage of the French; for in a few days he had raised a Battery upon cer­tain Rocks, which did so awe him, that he was forced to surrender upon Composi­tion on the last of April. Some Spanish Relations say, that the Governour was rather frighted with Pistol shot, then forced by the Cannon to surrender; but their anger was at the Constable, who had made himself Master of the place. After these happy exploits, the Prince of Piedmont took ten thousand men of the Army, to go force the Passages of the Mountain Griego, where the Genoveses were intrenched, and to make way for the Siege of Savonne. He presently forced their Trenches, so that he had full Liberty to march as far as Pleve a Town scituated in the Mountains, defended with a good Castle, and several small Forts, his courage made him resolve to carry it by assault, after he had taken in those little Forts, though it seemed capa­ble of holding out a longer Siege, which was executed with so much resolution and good successe, that the place was won in an instant, the besieged yeelding them­selves (as soon as they found the Gates and Walls were already secured) upon condition of saving the lives of all such as should be found without Arms. All which was done with no small resistance, for there were at least two hundred killed and taken, together with seven Colours, which were sent by the Prince, to the Princess of Piedmont, and afterwards to the King, together with those three and twenty others, which were taken at the defeat of Ottage, and the Staffs of two Masters of the Camp, Caracciolo and Catanda, fent by the Duke of Savoy, as the the fruits of those Victories, which his Majesties Armies had obtained, with a Let­ter in answer to that which was brought him, by the Marquess de Saluce. The Prince of Piedmont having suffered his Army to Pillage for about six and thirty hours in Pl [...]ve, he destroyed the Country towards Albengua, the Magistrate of which place, sent to offer to him the obedience of the Inhabitants; accordingly, he entred into the Town with some few Troops, and from thence went towards Orvietta, which the Genoveses had newly surprised, but he forced it in a few dayes time. After this once [Page 70]done, he summoned the City of Ventimelia, the inhabitants made some shew of re­sistance, but the Prince being come within a League of it, they soon sent their de­sires to be admitted to Composition. The Castle made some difficulty of surren­dring, but when the Governour had once seen a Battery raised on the points of the Rocks, where five hundred Nissars had drawn the Cannon by the strength of their Arms, he resolved to do as the Town had. Thus in the moneths of March, April, and May, did the Armies of Savoy, over-run in the State of Genoa, all that did resist them, and made themselves Masters, not onely of the places by us na­med, but of divers others, to the number of one hundred seventy four, strong and weak, so favourable is Fortune to those who undertake any thing with extraordina­ry boldnesse and courage.

Politique Observation.

FOrtune, or to speak more properly, Divine Providence doth commonly favour those, who being truly generous do attempt any great enterprise. Not that God worketh miracles, for the crowning them with successe; but indeed, because couragiousness giveth them great advantages; especially, when it is accompanied with Prudence, and that the Divine Providence co-operating with second Causes, doth assist their indeavours, Courage begetteth a certain hope which like a Spur stirreth up to great attempts, from which Fear had formerly diverted them; cou­rage alone is sufficient to strike terrour into an enemy, who fighting more by con­straint then good will, do usually give ground, when once they find themselves vi­gorously assaulted. Who knoweth not that it is courage which perswadeth to invade and subject other Countries. Experience hath often evinced, that an invading Prince hath a great advantage over him, who is onely intent how to defend himself; especially if he be Prudent in falling on him, in a favourable conjuncture of time, as when his forces are diverted into other imployments, or worn out or unarmed. They who have most judiciously weighed the Victories of Caesar, do much ascribe them to his native Generousness, which carried him on to attempt any thing, with­out the least fear; insomuch that he despised the un-relenting fury both of the Sea and Winds, which spare no man, and commanded the Pylot who conducted him, not to fear, since he carried Caesars Fortune in his Boat. Never did his Souldiers shew their backs, no danger could affright him, well he knew death to be the end of life, but not that it was a mis-fortune. He built his Glory upon Conquests, and the difficulty of his enterprizes re-doubled the Force of his Courage. Fortune was alwaies his friend, and he made it apparent, that nothing was impossible to a man of Resolution.

The Prosecution of War in Italy.

FOrtune indeed did much adde to the Courage of the Arms of France and Savoy, for the obtaining such great Conquests in so little time, but much of the honour must be ascribed unto the Cardinal, who first advised the expedition, who issued out all Orders under the Kings Authority, who executed them in so happy a conjuncture of time, that neither the Spaniards or Genoeses, could possibly defend those pla­ces which were assaulted, by reason of their want of Forces: And lastly, who had so good intelligence in the States of Genoa, that he did not a little contribute to the good success of this design. Yet however Fortune, or rather Divine Providence, which over-ruleth Armies, doth but laugh at mans Wisdome, and seemeth to de­light in distributing both good and bad success to their designs: Thus was it, with the French and Savoyards, for the Scales seemed to turn against them, and their Con­quests came to a Period. The Fame of these great Victories did so trouble the house of Austria, that extraordinary preparations were made in Germany, for the sending of a Potent Army, under the command of Feria, Governour of Milan, for the assisting of the Genoeses. The Marquess de St. Croix, was likewise com­manded [Page 71]to put to Sea, a Fleet designed for that purpose, who had imbarked neer four thousand Souldiers, in twenty five Gallies, and five Gallions of Sicilia. These Forces of the Enemy came with a great advantage, the Plague having consumed at least two thirds of the French since their arrival in Italy. The Marshal de Crequy fell sick of it, and not long after the Constable. Besides, divers Cities of Genoa, seemed to shake off the yoke of their Obedience, with joy and delight, they turn­ed about, and before the end of June, rise against their new Governours and Ga­risons with great violence, as if Fortune had purposely done it, to shew that mis­fortunes seldome come single. And lastly, the ill-management of the Artillery, and want of Waggons for the Carriage of Provisions for the Army (of all which the Duke of Savoy was in fault) occasioned more disasters then all the rest; be­sides the jealousies which grew between him and the Constable, did not a little add to compleat them. Things being in this posture, did much incourage the Spaniards, and the Duke de Feria, that he might not lose the advantage of it, entred into Montferrat, about the beginning of July, where he took Spione by force, and not long after Acqui, which the Constable had made his Magazine of Arms, and had therin placed 3. Regiments to guard the munitions which he had there stowed up. The taking of this place necessitated the Prince of Piedmont, and the Constable to recall the Forces then marching towards Savonne, that they might joyntly fall on upon the Duke of Feria; but they found him incamp'd so advantagiously at Ferzo between Bistague and Acqui, that they could not possibly come neer him, the Passages being so narrow, that onely two men could march a Breast.

At the same time, the inhabitants of Albengua, Novy, and Acquy, revolted against the French Garisons; and shortly after, divers other lesse places, and six thousand Genoeses comming before Gavio, the Governour and his son, cowardly surrendred the place, upon condition to be carried safely into France. The Genoe­ses received them upon this Composition, and conducted them accordingly; but being there arrived, their Treachery was not long unpunished by the Parliament of Provence; Gonvernon the son being hanged, the Fathers body taken up, burned, and his Ashes thrown into the Ayr (death having prevented the execution of judg­ment upon him.) True it is, Courage doth oftentimes compell Fortune to be fa­vourable, and the French Army, though thus persecuted, did yet make head, against the Duke de Feria, and prevented his further progress, so that he was forced to make some other diversion, by entring upon Piedmont, and lying down before Ast, with design to besiege it. The Constable was yet there, very weak, it being thought he would have died, so that he went off, and the Marshal de Crequy, upon the thirtieth of August, came into his place with four thousand French.

The same day he made a Sally, with the Prince of Carignan, forced the enemy from a Bridge, which they had kept six dayes, and made them run away with shame, though they had eighteen thousand foot, and seven hundred horse. Was not this a generous exploit of the French, and did it not sufficiently testifie, that had they been near enough to have had recruits and ammunitions from France, or had the Duke of Savoy caused those refreshments to have been brought for the Army which by the Articles of the Treaty he was obliged, they had not so easily lost, what they had so happily obtained. But they were induced to under goe those disasters which are incident to all men, who invade a Forraign Country upon the hopes of a League.

Politique Observation.

ALthough those Wars, which are begun by Princes leagued together, have of­tentimes happy beginnings; yet it seldome comes to passe, that they do end in a good success. There need no other proof then that of the Wars, which our Kings have made in Italy, for six score years last past. But that we may not dwell upon examples, is not that Prince who trusteth in the promise of his Confederates, like the man who exposeth all his Goods upon the Sea in a leaky Vessel? Experi­ence [Page 72]hath shewed us in a thousand incounters, that Princes have so many overtures made, by which one may win upon them, and with-draw them from Leagues, that it is almost impossible to have any absolute assurance of them. One of the chiefest ties which holdeth them fast, is to have in possession some strong place, for a gage of their Fidelity; but there are few who will thus dispossess themselves; doubting least he, into whose hands it be intrusted, will retain it for good and all, by saying or perswading them that they have been defective in their word, in some one thing or other; as Charls the eighth did, after he had received the Florentine Towns in deposit. It is likewise dubious, lest the several Troops or divers Princes in an Ar­my together, should grow jealous of one another, and then the least distrust or broyls which might arise between them, were enough to withdraw him, who ima­gineth himself offended; and if there were nothing else, there need no more but this to draw off Confederates from a League, barely to satisfie them in their parti­cular Interests; for seeing that is it, which is the onely end and aim of all Princes, they will no longer hold together, then it may bee for their advantage. There do oftentimes too happen very great inconveniences; especially, when their united Forces are to march into far distant places, they who border upon those Countries which are to be assaulted, take no care to refresh themselves, either by new troops or necessary provisions for the War, for that those who inhabit further off, not be­ing easily able to provide for this defect, fall into ruine of themselves, or else their enemies quickly put them to flight. Many united Princes are never comparable to one alone, nor ever capable of encompassing such great enterprises, as a single Prince with his own Subjects, though much inferiour to them in point of numbers.

The Hugonots by the Spaniards Instigation, Arm themselves very potent­ly against the King.

WHilest Italy served as a Theater for the acting of several Warlike exployts, the Hugonots inspired not onely with that mutinous humour, which is common to them, but also incited by the contrivances of Spain, used their utmost indeavours to divert the Kings Army, as also to fortifie and strengthen themselves both in Languedoc, and Poictou. The Duke of Rohan, and the Sieur de Soubize, were the chief of the Revolt, the former took the Command upon himself of those Forces in Languedoc, the latter those in Poictou. Now though the Sieur de Soubize, had been repulsed from before the Port of Blavet, yet he got no small advantage by it; for by that means he made himself Master of six great Ships which were the Kings, and the Duke of Nemoure, which gave him opportunity of doing very con­siderable damages. He had formerly got together, about eleven Ships of War, all very good, and a greater number of Shallops, and small Boats which being assisted with these, he had the ambition to hope he might become Master of the Ocean: In conclusion, he roved up and down upon the Coasts of Poictou and Guien, and committed such savage Cruelties, that more the Turks could not possibly have done, and to secure himself of a near and safe retreat, he seized on the Islands of Ree and Oleron, where he hastned on with the Forts which those of his party had began to build: Withall, finding the Duke of Espernon, drawn off towards Montauban, whither he was gone to ransack as shall be anon declared; he assembled together a Fleet of about seventy four Sails, of all Sizes, and entring into the Girond towards Bourdeaux, they landed about mid June, three thousand men in Medoc, and seized on the Castle, a small place scituated on the Rivers side, where he intrenched him­self; and so over-running the Plains, where the Burdelois have several houses of Pleasure, he Pillaged them, and committed all other imaginable outrages. But he soon found the Sieur de Thoyras in Front of him, to whom the Cardinal had given Orders from the King to fall upon them, in case they should make any incursions thereabouts, who presently went to find them out with his Troop of light-horse, and [Page 73]thirteen others of the Regiment of Campagne, one Company of the Garrison of Bergerac, commanded by the Sieur de Plessis, sent by the Duke of Espernon, and some few others, who had been raised thereabouts for the same purpose. Now the Sieur de Thoyras finding himself backed with these Troops, fell upon him so reso­lutely, that he forced him to give ground, and to weigh their Anchors, and flie to­wards Rochel, leaving good store of Arms, Cannon, Ammunition, and their Bag­gage in their Trenches behind them. This Rebuke was so sensible to him, that he was possessed with an extream desire to be revenged for it; so that seeing the Sieur de Thoyras retire, he let go some of his Ships, and sent them under the Conduct of Verger Malagn [...]t, to make a second attempt on Medoc; who accordingly landed about the Point of Ambes, and committed great Devastations about the plain Coun­try. But the Cardinal had caused Order to be given to the Country people, to bee alwaies in a readinesse, against any who should attempt upon their goods, who com­pelled them presently to re-imbark, and joyn with the others under the Sieur de So [...]bize; by both which it was apparent, that there was no accident, which the Car­dinal did not foresee, and apply a remedy to before they did appear.

Politique observation.

A Grand Minister is obliged, incessantly to watch after the necessities of the State, for prevention of any enterprizes which may be made, it will escape him very narrowly, if (taking an especial care to be informed of all Passages in the Provin­ces) he be not acquainted withall the Combinations and Contrivances which are on foot, as also the preparations which are in agitation for a Revolt, it being im­possible that those several Artifices, which are used for the gaining in of divers and many men, and the most secret preparations of War should be concealed from him; which once comming to his knowledge, he ought in a trice to dispatch forces to that very place, where the Insurrection is designed to be. The onely sight of them may perhaps break the neck of the whole design; and if not so, yet they will at least prevent the enemies Troops to joyn together, and wi [...]l cut them in pieces one by one, before they will be in a capacity of attempting any thing whatever. Without th [...]s diligence he will soon find the State, and his own reputation exposed as a Prey. An Eye watching over a Scepter, and the Lyon King of Beasts, who sleepeth not but with oyen eyes, were the Hieroglyphicks, which the Egyptians made use of, to ex­presse fore-sight, and to teach Grandees that it ough [...] to be inseparable from their Authority, if they would not have their people exposed to great mis-fortunes both by Domestick and Forraign Wars. The Sun which governs the Elementary World in the highest Heavens, goes every day from one end of them to another, that hee may make all here below, sensible of the Effects of his Influences; and that Mini­ster who hath a State in charge, ought to imploy all his cares, all his mind upon every City, upon every Province, and indeed upon the singular houses of every great man, that he may know what is done there, and apply a remedy to their con­trivances. Me thinks they of Syracuse, gave a notable example of this kind of Conduct, when they had received intelligence, that the Athenians would war upon them, and that they already were upon the Sea with a Puissant Fleet, making to­wards the Coast of Sicily. Hermocrat [...]s a great States-man, was not backward in exhorting them, to give necessary Orders for their defence, and to presse the Se­nate accordingly: Whereas Athenagoras on the other side, descried it as much, and shewed them sundry reasons, why the Athenians could not arrive to the end of their design and demonstrated to them that it was impossible, indeavouring to disswade them from making any preparation of War. But the Senators, somewhat wiser then himself followed Hermocrates his advice and resolved to give necessary Or­ders for defence, that they might not afterwards be forced to do it in a huddle, or to continue in the danger. They began to discusse the business, that in case the news of the Athenians Fleet were true, it would then be needfull to make some pre­parations; if it were false, those preprrations would no whit dis-advantage the [Page 74]City: And that last of all, it is better to suspect then to slight dangers, but not to shew the least Fear, by doing any Action unbecomming a Generous Courage.

The Duke of Rohans Attempts in Languedoc, with the Process in the Par­liament of Tholouse, against him, and all his Adherents.

ABout the same time in the end of April, the Duke of Rohan, having con­trived several Cabals in the Hugonot Towns of Languedoc, began the Warre, and got together about two thousand men, near Castres the chief place of his Re­treat, and where he had a full Power, by means of those Consuls whom he had procured to be elected. He gave out, that the Rocheloiis had taken Arms, and sworn a League with the Churches of his party, that he might by this pretence get a like Interest in some other Towns, which he had an eye upon; and accordingly, he went to Puilaurens, Ruel, Soreze, St. Pauls Leviate, & Briteste, and made the Consuls swear to the Confederacy, afterwards came before the Gates of Lavaur to surprise it, but his design took no effect.

The Cardinal having sent out Orders from the King, to the Governours of the Provinces, to fall upon him, as soon as ever he should appear in the Field. The Count of Carmain Governour of Foix, was presently upon his skirts, and impe­ded not onely the Progress of his Rebellion; but also, getting into Ruelle and So­reze, after the other had forsaken them, he so dealt with the Consuls, that they confessed their fault, and protested not to take part with him any more. And as the Authority of Parliaments on such occasions, ought to uphold the Courages and Fidelities of those who Conduct the Kings Armies; so that of Tholouse, was not wanting to command the Souldiers who were assembled with the Duke of Rohan to separate themselves, and to give Orders to the Nobility and Commonalty to fall up­on them, to forbear all sort of Commerce with those of Castres, and to translate the Royal and Ecclesiastique jurisdictions, and the Receipt of the Kings Monies un­to the Town of Lautrec, with command to all the Judges and Officers to come thi­ther, as well to prevent the Kings monies from falling into their hands, as also to preserve Justice in its Integrity, and to diminish the Force and Power of that Re­bellious City. The same Parliament too, granted an Arrest for the seizure of all the Goods, any waies belonging to those who were revolted, both to punish them, and deter others who were ready to follow them. The Half divided Chamber of Beziers, half Hugonots, and half Papists, did as much, and declared (according to the Kings Edict, of the 25th. of January the same year) the said Duke to bee guilty of Laesa Majestatis, to be a troubler of the Publick Peace, as also all his Ab­bettors and Adherents, and Prohibited both Cities and particular persons, to hold any communication with him, and injoyning all his Majesties Subjects, to fall upon any Troops that should injure them, to cut them in peeces, and to pull down the Houses and Castles of such Noble men as were of that Faction.

But the Order which the Cardinal perswaded his Majesty to send was more power­full then all those others; for the preventing the further progress of this Rebellion seeing it was accompanied with an extraordinary diligence. The King sent a Com­mission to the Marshal de Themines, whom his Majesty sent to those places, to ob­serve what passed, to raise such Troops as were already in the Province, and to ad­vance such others as might form the Body of an Army, which might cut off the growth of this Rebellion in its Cradle. The Marshal had the Marquess de Ragny, and the Count de Carmain for Marshals of the Field, and that no longer time might be lost, he soon after came to the place, where he had designed the Rendezvouz for the whole Army, and upon his way forced the Castles of Blauc and Dovac, which served for Retreits to those who were revolted. After the Companies were assembled together, and a review taken of the whole Army, he made his Forces be­fore Castres to Plunder the Country. The Sieur de Ferrieres who commanded the [Page 75]Rebels horse, made a Salley upon the Marshal, as soon as he came within view of the Town, but they were forced to turn back again with more hast then he came out, and not onely so, but himself and three or four more of his own party, were lest wounded upon the place. The Pioneers and Plunderers played their parts un­der the Protection of the Army, which countenanced them in it; and notwith­standing the many shot and skirmishes, in which many were hurt and slain, both of one side and t'other, they did their work so exactly, that there was not a Tree, Vine, or Stalk of Corn standing any where neer the City. In this interim, the Duke of Rohan attempted to become Master of Sommieres, and led up his Army to it, and comming thither just upon day breaking, hee approached it by one of the Gates, which being soon thrown down, made way for his entrance; but thinking to surprize the Castle too, Masillac the Governour of it, repelled all his Attempts with such Courage, that having received the succours of ten thousand foot, which the Sieur de Valensay had sent to him from Montpellier, the Duke was forced to re­tire to Anduze, where he was not well received. After this, the Marshal de The­mines went without more adoe to besiege St. Paul and Miatte, which lie upon the River Langoust between Castres and Lavaur; when he had Quartered his Army before St. Paul, he forced it in few dayes, and rifled divers of the Inhabitants that were got into Miatte; but they had small hopes of any comfort, so they sent to the Marshal to desire Articles, which being granted, he entred and took possession of the Town.

But all this was nothing worth, if he did not attempt to fight the Duke of Rohan, and cut off his Forces, so he resolved to follow him, and over-taking him at Vianes in Albigeois, he set the Army into Battalia to fight him. The Duke was Quartrred in Vianes, and about two thousand of his Foot were at Peyresequade, which is at the Foot of the Mountains whereon Vianes is scituated. The Count de Carmain went to view them, and having reported to the Marshal the Condition in which he found them, it was resolved to fight them. The Marshal with his Sword in his hand mar­ched in the Head of the Army. The Marquess de Cragny and the Count of Car­main, took their Stations one upon his right, t'other upon his left hand, and at the same instant, the whole Army couragiously advanced towards the Enemy, with so much Resolution, that nothing more could have been wished, but onely that they had made a little more resistance, for that there was not one single man of them sa­ved; for whilest those who made the first encounter were at it, the rest got into Vi­anes, who were however so closely pursued by the Marshals forces, that the Regi­ment of Normandy was hard at their heels, entring into the Town with them. Thus he remained Master of Peyresequade, where there were about one hundred and fifty of the Rebels Souldiers killed and hurt, all which the Duke of Rohan beheld from a Fort in Vianes where he then was, from which time forwards he began to despair of doing any great matters for the future, especially since he saw himself so closely followed, and that the Cardinal had taken such a course in Languedoc, that the King could have raised more men in twenty four hours, then the Duke in a whole moneth.

Politique Observation.

HE who revolteth against a great King, seeketh his own ruine. He cannot hope for Glory from his enterprise, seeing hee is neither accompanied with Prudence nor Justice, and he cannot expect any profit by it; for besides that, the weaknesse or indeed impossibility, unto which he is reduced by the quality of a sub­ject, he forceth as it were his Soveraign to punish his Rebellion, by making him lose both his Life and Estate. Mahomet Prince of the Turks, had all Rebels in such de­testation, that he cut off two Falcon's heads for having stooped at an Eagle, the King of Birds, that he might by this teach his Subjects, who durst have the rashnesse, to follow that example, that they must expect the like punishment; for both Prudence and Justice oblige a Prince to chastise those, who shall take up Arms against his au­thority. [Page 76]Some Grandees puffe up themselves, with the Greatnesse of Alexander: who with a few Forces which he drew out of Macedon, overthrew the Power of Persia; as also with that of the Romans, who from being at first Masters but of one City, became Lords of the whole World: But they ought to know, that nei­ther the one or t'other of them, were presently set upon by any great Prince, but extended their Power by little and little, ever proportionating their Attempss to their Forces. It is true, Fortune and their own Courages did not a little contribute to their successes; but seeing Christianity teacheth us, that this same Fortune is not any thing else but divine Providence, with what reason can he who revolts against his own King, hope for favour from heaven, whilest he doth act against the Laws, and indeavoureth to subvert that order which this Divine Providence hath establish­ed in all Kingdomes.

The Spoil made about Mountauban by the Duke d'Espernon.

THE Duke of Espernon was neither wanting in the Testimonies of a good Con­duct or successe in the Pillaging of Mountauban. According to the Orders which he had received, he made his Approaches near it about the beginning of June though there were good store of Souldiers clapped into the Town, for defence of it, this being next to Rochel the greatest prop of the Revolted Party. His design could not be brought to any good effect untill after several skirmishes, and sustain­ing divers Sallies out of the Town. That of the fifteenth of June gave them some advantage over him, for they then killed ten of his, and carried with them as many Prisoners, amongst whom were the Sieurs of Miraude, & de St. Omer; but they were soundly payed with Interest too in those following conflicts; especially in that of the twenty seventh of the same moneth, when they left about two hundred dead, besides wounded on the place, and about forty prisoners; shortly after the Duke caused a fair Meadow to be mowed about a quarter of a League from the Town, to draw out the Rebels, but they had not the Courage to make any more Sallies as as yet. But understanding that the Duke had layed up good store of Corn about a League off, they contrived to surprize it, by the help of a dark night, hoping that it would fall out for their advantage. Now some Scouts of the Dukes about the Town, having perceived what passed, gave intelligence of their being gone out, so they were quickly snapt: The Fight indeed was hot, but at last la Roche who com­manded them, being hurt with three Carabine shot, and taken Prisoner too, they presently fled, and left about one hundred dead and wounded on the place. In­somuch that not being able to Reap any Wheat or Hay thereabouts (so exactly had every thing been Pillaged) that at last they began to bee in very great ne­cessities.

Politique Observation.

AMongst the several wayes to reduce a Rebellious Town under Obedience, the devastation of al fruits which are upon the earth neer thereabouts, is one of the best and most absolute. The Losses which the Rich receive by it, will ingage them to master the Commonalty, and to repel Mutineers by force, and to bring them un­der the obedience which they owe to their Soveraign. There are but a few who can resolve to lose their Goods, to satisfie the rage of an unbridled People. Common­ly none but they who are like to get by it, do follow any Revolter. Man is natu­rally so carefull of his own Estate and Goods, that there is hardly any thing which he will prefer before them. But if Devastation bee not able to reduce Revolted Towns into their Obedience, without using other force of Arms, who knoweth not that by a close besieging of them too, they will come to find themselves so destitute of Victuals, that it will be impossible for them any long time to hold out? And thus one need not doubt, but that it will in fine bring them down unto their Obedi­ence, either by Force or for their own Interest. As for Rules to be observed in [Page 77]Forraging there are not any; onely to destroy all the Fruits thereabouts, to Reap if possible all the Wheat, else to burn it; to make the Grapes into Wine, or else to cut up the Stocks, as also all other Trees that bear Fruit, or from which they may make any advantage. It should be done as near the Walls as possible might bee, to take away all conveniences from them; and whilest that the Pi­oneers are at Work, the Army ought to bee at hand to defend and shelter them, but in such places where the Cannon shot may not reach them.

A Victory Obtained by the Duke of Montmorency against the Hugonot [...].

THese Victories which the King got against the Revolted, were not inconside­rable, but that which the Duke of Montmorency got, assisted by the Sieurs de St. Luc, de la Roche Foucaud, & de Thoyras, was much beyond them all. The Marshal de Preslin, had been the most part of the year in the Country of Aunis, and the Sieur de Thoyras had been in Fort Lewis before the Gates of Rochel, both to pil­lage round about that Rebellious Town, whereby to reduce them to such want, that they might not long hold out, as also to prevent their making of any attempts there­about.

The Sieur de Soubize finding little assurance on the main land, had fortified him­self in the Isles of Ree and Oleron, it was the more important to remove him thence; because else it would be impossible to reduce Rochel into its obedience, so easily and abundantly might he recruit them with necessaries from those fertile Islands. But to give a good success to the business, there was need of a Fleet: To which end his Majesty got together good store of ships, of which one twenty were lent him by the Hol [...]anders, according to the Treaty which had been concluded with them the fore-going year. His Majesty committed the Government of it to the Duke of Montmerency Admiral of France, with order to fight the Sieur de Soubize, and to cause the Sieurs de St. Luc, de la Roche-Foucaud, & de Thoyras, to passe over with some part of their Forces, into the Isle of Ree, to drive out those Rebels, who were in Garison in the Forts there, and to fortifie themselves. The Sieur de Soubize who had then great and small onely thirty nine Vessels, would not expect the comming of the Admiral Montmorency to the Kings Ships, though he had procured a promise from the Sieur Hautyn the Hollanders Admiral, under favour of the conformity of their Religion, and had likewise passed his own Parole, that neither part should at­tempt any thing untill the Treaty of Peace, which was agitating at Court, were ei­ther absolutely concluded or broken off; which he did not faithfully perform on his part; for taking advantage of his promise given, hee took occasion to come upon him unprovided, and on the nineteenth of July he put forth to Sea, and having the Wind and Sea favourable, in half an hour he came up to the Hollanders Ships, and sent two Fire-boats chained together full of Artificial Fire-works, to fall on the Ad­miral, whom they burned quite down in a very little while, not giving liberty for to save any but such as could swim, so that above a hundred were drowned in it.

This Action full both of Insolency and breach of Faith, ingaged the Kings Na­vy to pursue them four hours together. The Ayr did ring again with the Cannon shot, which sunk some of their Vessels, and killed divers of their men: But the sea­son was so favourable to him, that he got into St. Martin de Ree, and to Chef de Bay. The Duke of Montmorancy after the first news of the Encounter, was ordered to speed away, and to give them Battel. He was received with a great deal of joy by the whole Fleet, who were very impatient to be revenged on Soubize, for the affront he had put upon them. The Duke put forth to Sea, the Sieurs de Saint Luc, de Roche-Foucaud, and de Thoyras made themselves ready to go on shore, under the favour of the Admirals Arrival. And on Sunday the fourteenth of September about eleven at night, the Duke having given the sign for falling on, they went to At­taque [Page 78] Soubize's Fleet, which lay at Anchor in Loys Channel, under the Island of Re. Upon the first approach near the enemies Vessels, there were so many Cannon shot discharged on them, that they were forced to retire to the further end of the Channel, and the Sea falling off, they all stuck on the Shelf. The Duke finding them in this Condition, made his Ships advance to shelter the landing of the Sieurs de St. Luc, de la Roche-Foucaude, & de Thoyras, amid'st the smoke of the Powder, which hindered the Rebels from discovering it. There were also ten other Ships sent out, who were to go to the Road of Chef de Bay, to take order, that the Roche­lois might send no new Troops to the Isle of Re, who forced back into the Port the Count de Laval, who was going out upon that design. The Kings Army being landed, the Enemy quickly perceived it, and as soon came to receive them, and u­sed their utmost to repel them. The Combate lasted three days out-right, with a great deal of obstinacy on both parts, the Rebels defending themselves in every place, that was never so little tenable, but it ended to the great advantage of the Kings Army, which must be ascribed to the Valour and Conduct of those who com­manded it; for that they presently made themselves Masters of the Isle of Re, cut­ting some part of the Enemy in peeces, taking other some Prisoners, and letting the rest escape into their Ships. The Sieur de Soubize was one of those, who escaped into Oleron, such care he had, that he might not be taken, that he never came into the Fight at all. They who had got clear into their Ships, would have tried one bout more to have had their revenge, the wind being fair for them: But the Duke kept the Army in a readiness to fight, gave the signal and fell upon them; the Seamen were so dexterous, that they got the wind of them in lesse then two hours, there were above two thousand shot made; and though the night came on, yet the Fight ended not; for the Duke perceiving nine of the greatest Ships retiring towards Rochel, pursued them with such good successe, that hee came up with them about day break, and two others of their biggest Ships, were not able to get off, for want of water, and so stuck on ground, but long they did not so continue before they were taken. It is true, those of the Army who were got upon the Orelop, and ha­ving killed all they met with, the Souldiers who were in the Hold, set fire to the Powder, and blew up all above with such force, that the Splinters of it were carried a quarter of a League off, three of the Kings Ships were burned with it, and above three hundred men lost, amongst which were the Count of Vauvert, the Sieur de Ville Neufeu, and Veilon a Captain of Holland. This accident did much take off from the content of the Victory, yet it cannot be denied but that it was glorious enough for the happinesse of France, in reducing the Rebels to that passe, that they could not any more make any attempts by Sea. Thus the rest of their Vessels which were of no great consequence retired, some to Rochel, and some into other places, accor­ding as the Wind did drive them, but never durst afterwards appear any more. These things thus ended, the Duke of Montmorancy, landed at Oleron, where he met with no resistance, the Sieur de Soubize having withdrawn himself into England, so that the whole Province was setled in quiet both by Sea and Land, of all which his Majesty was very certainly informed, who received the newes with much joy.

Politick Observation.

WHatever joys or delights Fortune insinuateth into those who revolt, yet it is usually seen, that all their designs end in ill success. Experience hath made it often manifest, that such Crimes seldome go unpunished, and that Heaven hath used to sacrifice them to example. They cannot more properly bee likened to any thing, then to those high Mountains, the points of whose Rocks seem to hreaten Heaven, and which sending forth store of Clouds out of their Bo­somes, seem to obscure the light of the Sun, though at last they are all dissipated by that fair Planet of the day, who making those very same Clouds into Thunder-bolts, causeth them to fall down upon them for to chastise their Insolency: And is it not [Page 79]the same thing with Grandees who revolt and Rebell? After they have made some attempts upon the Authority of their Soveraign, are they not in fine ruined and brought into extremities by the Power of his Armes, who takes occasion to crush them to peeces with that Power, which they would have usurped themselves, and did not of right belong unto them? History abounds with exemplary Proofs of this Truth, the many that are, would spoil the design of quoting two or three onely. But for the greater illustration of it, I shall say thus much, the injustice of a Cause, is almost an infallible sign of an ill successe, seeing Heaven doth commonly con­found what Man hath wickedly built: If at any time they shall become so powerfull, as to secure themselves from the hazards of Battels, yet they can never obtain a re­mission from Heaven. They who attempt to grow great by unjust means, will in fine meet their utter ruine. God doth peradventure suffer them for the punishment of States, to obtain advantages for some time; but at last, the violences which they Act fall upon themselves, and they become a just subject for their Soveraigns Revenge.

The Arrival of Cardinal Barbirini in France, as Legate from the Holy Chaire, for the Affaires of the Valto­line.

WHilest the Fire of this Civil War was burning up of Languedoc. The Car­dinal Barbarini Legate from the Pope, arrived in France and came to Mar­seille, where he was received with great honour, as also at Lyon, according to the Orders sent by the King. He came to Paris the one and twentieth of May, and his Majesty caused his entrance to be made with the most Pomp that hath been seen for a person of his condition. I shall not need insist on the relating that he is bound by the Laws of the Kingdome, before he Officiate the Function of a Legate to pre­sent the Brief, which the Pope hath given him for the imployment to the Parliament of Paris, which is a Custome so ancient, that I shall omit speaking any more of it; but I shall observe that the Pope having ommitted in the Brief, to give the King the Title of King of Navar, which could not be denied to him without Injustice, the Parliament refused to acknowledge it, and obliged him not to make any further pro­cedure in the businesse untill it were amended. The Legate comming to Paris, alighted at St. James de Haut-pas, where the Clergy of the City, the concourse of the Court, and other Officers to the number of twelve thousand went to salute him and receive his Benediction. After this, the Prelates of Paris came to do their res­pects to him; there was a little dispute in what habit they should appear before him, the Legate desiring they should be in their Rockets and Camail covered over with a Mantlet, as a mark that they had no power in his presence; but the Prelates not be­ing able to stoop to this Order, by reason it was contrary to the Rules of the French Church, it was concluded in the middle way between both, to give some satisfacti­on to the Legate, that they should go so habited to salute him, and that they should accordingly accompany him in the Cavalcade to Nostre-Dame, where being come, they were to take off their Mantlets, but all was done under a Proviso of saving their ancient right. The King sent the Duke of Nemours, the Sieur de Bonnevil, the Introductor of Embassadours, and several other Lords of great quality, to receive him at his first arrival.

At night Monsieur the Kings Brother, waited on him with a great number of Lords, and saluted him with extraordinary respects, and one his entrance accom­panying him, gave him the right hand. The same day he had Audience from the King, where nothing passed onely Complements; but the next day he proposed what the Pope had given him in charge, hee exhorted the King in general terms to Peace, he urged his Majesty to restore things in the Valtoline to their former State, as they were before the Army of the confederated Princes entred into it, and besee­ched him to grant a Cessation of Arms in Italy. His Majesty answered to these [Page 80]three Propositions, that he was ever inclined to Peace, and that he would still be in­duced to it; provided it were for the Publick safety, and honourable for him and his Allies. That as to what concerned the Valtoline, the Treaty of Madrid made but a few years before, had made provision for all those difficulties, which have ri­sen ever since, and that he desired the execution of it, as to the Cessation of Arms, that he could by no means hearken to it, by reason of the prejudice it would bee to himself and his Allies and the great advantage those of the adverse Party might make out of it. This was the sum of what passed on both sides. The King adding in con­clusion, that he would send some one of his Councel, to wait on him, and try if there might be found out any way of accommodation.

Within a few dayes the Cardinal, the Marshal de Schomberg, the Sieur de Her­bant▪ Secretary of State, went to wait on the Legate from the King▪ and upon a conference he came to these two points: The first was, to demand the cessation of Arms in Italy; and the t'other concern'd the giving his Holyness satisfaction, pres­sing that the places in the Valtoline might be delivered into the Popes hands, and that the King should make some excuses to him for the proceedings of the Mar­quis de Coeures.

M [...]nsi [...]ur the Cardinal answered, that the King had declared openly enough in his audience his intensions concerning the cessation of Arms in Italy, and that if he should submit to it, it would be a means of giving his enemies time and leisure to gather their forces together, and to fortifie themselves against his Majesty and his Allyes: That the Peace would as easily be concluded on as the War, if either party would but hearken to Reason, seeing the principal difficulties of State had been concluded in the Treaty of Madrid. That there need nothing but some pro­vision to be made in point of Religion, to which his Majesty was much inclined: That as to what he desired satisfaction in to his Holyness, his answer was, his Ma­jesty never having consented to the deposit in his Holyness hands any longer then the time limited, in which he ought to have caused the Treaty of Madrid to have been executed, his Holyness had not any reason to complain▪ and especially too considering the several declarations which had been made by the Sieur de Be­thun in his Majesties name, That the King could not any longer suffer the Grisons to be dispossessed of those Forts which did belong unto them; Declarations which his Holyness himself thought to be reasonable, for that he had upon them sent for the Spaniards to chide them for it: Besides the respect which the Marquis de Coeu­res shewed to his Holynesse's Arms and Ensigns in the eye of the whole world, did defend him from any blame which might be layd to his charge, for having been defective in giving due honour to the holy Chair. But that notwithstanding all these things his Majesty did bear so great a reverence to his Holyness, that he would cause his Ambassadour, to say all those words of respect and civility which should be thought fit; as also that after the peace should be concluded, his Maje­sty would consent to deliver up into his Holyness's hands, the Fort of Chi [...]nuennes, provided that the Spaniards would at the same time do the like by that of Rive, to the intent both of them might be demolished, which once done, he would deliver all the rest up, one after another, until they were every one razed, and that this was the most could be hoped for.

The Legat had other audiences, and other conferences past between him and the Ministers, where nothing more was proposed nor answered: But the King being at Fountainbleau, the Legate made a third proposition, which concerned the security of the Catholique Religion in the Val [...]oline, requiring for that purpose that the Soveraignty of the Grisons over the Valtolines should be moderated, without which he supposed there could be no settlement. His Majesty clearly declared unto him, that the Interests of State and Religion were not to be mingled, and that he would never grant any thing that might impair the Soveraignty of the Grisons, his Allies, over the Valtoline.

A while after he caused a conference to be had betwixt him, and the Ministers upon that subject, where having made the same proposition, the Cardinal delated [Page 81]hmself upon the reasons of the Kings answer, and told the Legat, that his Maje­sty having taken the protection of the Grisons, he could not consent to the dimi­nition of their Soveraignty, especially since it had been conferred unto them by the Treaty of Madrid, since which time nothing had been altered in point of Re­ligion: That the Treaty was to be observed, and that his Majesty could not depart from it without staining his Honour and Reputation; offering notwithstanding his authority to give all sort of security and freedom to the Catholique Religion. The Legat then declared the Pope was Head of the Church, and could not suffer that the Valtolines should he reduced under the dominion of the Grisons, and that his Holyness having consulted with some of the Clergy at Rome, they had told him, that in conscience he could not consent thereunto.

The Cardinal was not wanting to tell him, that the divine Laws did oblige the Re­delivery of that which did justly belong to a Soveraign, of what Religion soever he be; so there could be no scruple of conscience for the restoring of the Valtolines to the Grisons, their lawful Masters, and that in effect the Treaty of Madrid, by which it was granted to them, had been approved of at Rome by the Pope, as also the sayd Treaty had not been resolved on, but after a consultation with the Clergy, who found no difficulty in the thing, and that the truth being still the same, his Holyness had not any reason to be scrupulous of it at this present.

This the Cardinal spake so smartly, that the Legat perceived that there was no more to be expected in that particular; so that from that time forward they were finding out new waies for the security of Religion; yet still declaring, he would not recede from his first Proposals, but under the Pope and holy See's censure. He proposed several Articles upon that score, to which the King assented; That leaving the Soveraignty to the Grisons which lawfully belonged to them, there should be such provision made for the safety of the Catholiques in the Valtoline, that the Grisons should give them full liberty for the exercise of their Religion; that they should not send any Governours amongst them, but such as were Roman Catho­liques; that all degrees both Secular and Regular might inhabit there with all kind of Freedom; that no Heretiques, or their Adherents should buy Houses, nor that those who had then any in possession, should any longer live there, or enjoy their goods but onely in the behalf of Catholiques. To be short, that there might be a perpetual establishment of the whole businesse, his Majesty promised to become pledge for the Grisons, and to perswade them to consent to the utter loss of their Soveraignty in the Valtoline, in case they should break the conditions, of which the Pope and his Majesty were to be joynt Judges. Nothing more could be desired. But however the Legat, whether it were because he was somwhat cautious, or re­served, or because he had not as yet any great experience in businesses of impor­tance, or whether it were by reason of his Instructions from the Pope, which per­adventure might be limited, was very fearfull to engage himself to any thing in which he suspected he might be disclaimed; and more especially seeing Count Gon­damor, the Spanish Ambassador, then at Court, declared openly, that he was prohibited by his Master to meddle or make in the Treaty; for that his Catholique Majesty would never treat at all untill those places were restored into his Holyness's hands. The King had no great reason to be satisfied with this manner of the Le­gat's proceeding, seeing he every day created new difficulties. It was well known that the Orders which he received from the Pope, was one cause of it. His Holy­ness apprehending that in case he should consent to the delivery of the Valtoline to the Grisons, the Spaniards would disable the Counsel, in regard several of the Ro­man Clergy were of opinion, that he could not with a safe conscience allow of it, as also the continual suggestions of the Spaniards, did mightily molest and trouble him.

The unexpected departure of the Cardinal Barbarini from the French Court.

NOtwithstanding all this the King did him all honour, caused him to dine with him, sent to visit him in his lodging at Fountainbleau, and made his Officers treat him with extraordinary splendour: But at last they were to settle upon some resolution. The King pressed him, but he instead of facilitating the business, stood firm to his first demands: to which he was answered, that his Majesty had conceded as much as could be reasonably expected, so that he might not hope for any further condescending to them. Whereupon the Legate on a sudden resolves to return to Rome, and having publick Audience on the two and twentieth of September, hee took leave of the King, giving him great assurances of his Passion for the service of his Crown. His Majesty likewise testified to him, that he had a great kindness to­wards his Person, a great respect for his Holiness, and an extraordinary devotion for the Holy Chair. And lastly told him, that the Affairs which he had been treated withall, were so important to the publick good, that he would gladly before he had made his Final answer, have assembled together the chief Officers of his Kingdom, and of his Supream Courts to take their advices▪ and that he would gladly have seen him once more to have acquainted him with their resolution. It was hoped he would have expected the result of them, but he departed before it was suspected, and his Officers who were left behind him, could give no other reason for it, but that he did it to avoid the usual Complements at parting.

Politique Observations.

GOD hath established two sorts of Powers, for the Government of the Uni­verse, and he hath had so great a care over mans vanity (as the learned Hino­mar, writing to Carloman, and the Bishops of France, saith) that to the intent hee might preserve them in obedience, hee would totally separate and distinguish the Functions of their respective Authorities. The Persons who have their powers are subject reciprocally each to the other, Kings to Ecclesiastiques, and Ecclesiastiques to Kings, yet not that their Powers have a reciprocal dependance upon one ano­ther. It is true, the Spiritual is superior to the Temporal, according to the order of dignity▪ but not according to the rule of Subjection and Authority; insomuch, that who is indued with it, may not despoil Soveraigns of their Temporal Power nor moderate it. It is very necessary to distinguish between the Subjection of Persons, and that of Powers; for though Jesus Christ hath resolved that all persons of the World should be subjected to his Ministers, and all his Ministers to Kings; yet hee hath not ordained that these two Powers should be subject in the same manner; but he hath given to them both an equal Authority to discharge their Functions, with­out bestowing on either power to destroy the other.

Which being so, the head of the Church may not assume to himself any other Quality with Temporal Princes, but of a Mediator to end their differences. He hath Power indeed over their Consciences, but not over their Estates, or that Au­thority which they have received from God for the government of them. It is to no purpose for him to snatch away the Scepter out of their hands, and whatever Propo­sal he shall make to them, can be received but as Councels. It is Glorious for him, as we have said, to accommodate differences, but he may not pretend to do it by his Authority: Out of zeal he is bound to fore-cast the difficulties which he may meet with, in the perswading both Parties to agree to his Proposals; seeing those which are commonly made to two Princes at Enmity, are like a Medicine which ought to be administred to a person whose Liver is very hot, but his Stomack extreamly cold and weak; for the ordering of which, the Physitian findeth himself much puzzeled, by reason of those remedies which refresh the one, are commonly stark nought for [Page 83]the other. And thus it is seldome or never seen, that those Propositions which are made by Arbitrators do please both parties. The highest point of Prudence in this case, is to imitate the discreet Physitian, who cannot bring to passe his intent of cu­ring his Patient, but by prescribing to him such things as may comfort one, and not annoy another part; for thus it is, unlesse those Propositions which a Mediator shall lay down, bee weighed with Justice; Equality, and Moderation, they will rather provoke, then allay the angers of those Princes who are concerned in them.

An Assembly of the Nobles, by the Kings Order, upon the businesse of the Cardinal Barbarin's Legation.

ALthough it were not very needfull to take any further advice for a resolution to those Propositions made by the Legate, so evidently dis-advantagious were they to France and her Allies; yet it was not thought amiss to call a Chief Assem­bly, where the chief Lords of the Court, and the principal Officers of the King­dome, might understand the true state of the case; and to prevent that the keeping of it secret, might not give the Spaniard the liberty of reporting over Europe, that Cardinal Barbarine had made very reasonable Proposals of Peace; but that the King had absolutely refused them, by which he did declare his resolution of continuing the War. Which was not onely clear contrary to the Truth, but against the ho­nour was due to the Kings Justice, which had ever induced him to settle Peace among his neighbours, when he might do it without offence to his Reputation, or the In­terests of his Allies; as also in regard of the great respect which he had shewed to the holy Sea upon this very occasion, as also in all others which presented them­selves, so that it was not reasonable to let his glory lie under such a blemish. Now the onely way to secure it, was declaring the whole Passage before a Councel, where should be the major part of all the Nobles; and the Cardinal perswaded the King, that they should be assembled in his Majesties Presence. They who received this command, were carefull to be there accordingly: and the Councel being met, the King told them, that he had caused them to be called thither, to consult on the Af­fairs which might relate to the Publick good, upon such Proposals as the Chancel­lour should make unto them, who beginning at the Treaty made with the Grisons, and renewed from time to time, by which they tied themselves to give a free passage thorough their Countries at all times, for his Majesties Armies to go into Italy; as also, not to accord the same to any other, without his permission, shewed at last to them, how the Spaniard to the prejudice of these Treaties, had ever indeavoured by fair and foul means, to procure the same Passages might be granted to himself, to further his intended Conquest of the rest of Italy, as occasion should invite him to it; to which purpose he had usurped the Forts of the Valtol [...]nes, and that his Maje­sty for the recovery of them, had been constrained to send the Marquess de Coeu­vres thither with an Army, that before his Majesty had made use of any force▪ hee had consented that the places should be deposited in the Popes hands, for a certain time, and upon certain conditions; which conditions being accomplished, and the limited time expired, the Spaniards had however found means to perswade the Pope to retain them yet longer, though of right he ought not so to do, for that they were onely deposited with him. That his Holiness had been often urged to return them unto the Spaniard, and that his Holiness had moved them to receive them, which they had refused to do, for that they esteemed them more secure in his Holinesses, then in their own keeping: After which his Holiness being unwilling to disseise him­self of them, the Marquess de Coeuvres was forced to enter upon them by strength of Arms: That but very lately the Spaniards had also induced his Holiness to send his Legate, to try if he could obtain from his Majesty, out of the respect which he did bear to the Holy Chair, that he would surrender up the Forts again to his Holiness, and suffer the Grisons to be deprived of their Soveraignty of the Valtoline. That [Page 84]these Propositions seemed to be so much the stronger, in regard it implied, that his Majesty must give way to the Grisons (who were his Allies) losing of that which was their indubitable right: That his Majesty had still indeavoured to preserve them by the strength of his Arms, and to surrender up into the Popes hands all that did not belong to them. But that to return all, which did belong to the Grisons could not be done, unless to the great prejudice of the Grisons, to the advantage of the Spaniards, and to the absolute loss of his Majesties Reputation. That it was upon these Proposals his Majesty did desire their advices, to know whether it were fitter to condiscend to them, or to continue the War; desiring every one of them to speak freely what he thought proper to be done, that a conclusion might be had and sent to the Legate, who would not stay to take along with him the Result of this Councel though he had been importuned to it; but however, he had promised to expect it at Avignon.

The Marshal de Schomberg took hold of the discourse, and amongst other things told them, That having several times been by his Majesties command to treat with the Legat, he had smelt out, that his designs were alwaies in the Spaniards behalf, as much as possible could be, of which there needed no other proof, then the two Propositions which he had made to deprive the Grisons of their Soveraignty, and to restore the Forts to the Pope, that the Spaniards might gain time to draw their Forces together, and retreat them, and his sudden departure after he had been re­fused, though it had been as shamefull for the King to have granted them, as it had been hurtfull to the Grisons to have indured it. That for his part he was of opini­on rather to resolve on the War, and that for divers reasons, which he there alled­ged, which testified as much Courage as Prudence, then to make a dishonourable Peace, by assenting to Propositions contrary to the Honour and Justice of his Ma­jesty. The chief President of the Parliament of Paris, speaking in the name of all the Officers of the Soveraign Courts, said onely thus much, that the King had ever made such good choice of able worthy Ministers, that it would bee a peece of Prudence to follow their opinions, and particularly, that he thought what the Mar­shal de Schamberg had said, was very just and reasonable.

The Cardinal de Sourdis was of a particular opinion by himself, and proposed for the Cessation of Arms, alledging the inconveniency of the season: But they con­sidering it as a thing which was earnestly desired by the Spaniards, onely that they might get time, and draw their Forces together both in Italy and the Valtoline, it was hearkned to but by a very few persons, nor seconded either by the Cardinal de la Valette, or the Marshal of Bassompierre, who were both of them well acquainted with the Spaniards Interests and designs, the one by his being at Rome, and the other in Spain; & so delivering their opinions against him, carried it in conclusion for the war. The Cardinal that he might give them the more liberty to speak freely, with-drew a little aside, and comming near the King, testified to him how much he esteemed Peace: That it was his opinion alwaies to prefer it before War, if it could be ob­tained with safety to his Majesties honour and reputation, and without hazarding the good of the Kingdome, which was inseparably united with that of his Allies: But that he perceiving nothing in the Legates Proposals, which did not undermine both one and t'other, and which onely designed the procuring of Glory and ad­vantages to the Spaniard, and which tended to the ruine both of France and his Maje­sty, or the detriment of his Allies, he could not submit his thoughts to Peace. That for his own particular, he was more against it; for that every one who had never so little acquaintance with the affairs of Spain, well knew, that their chief drift in for­cing the Valtoline out of the Grisons Power, was onely that they might bring what Troops they had a mind to into Italy, and that by this means they might become Masters of it: That this their design was of no small importance to the Crown of France, which would have somewhat to do, to defend it self from his Arms, if he could once bring it to passe. For a place once taken on the Borders, will serve the enemy to fortifie himself and strengthen against him. After this, he gave his Ma­jesty to understand, that he was not ignorant of the many difficulties which would [Page 85]arise for the continuance of the War, and that peradventure the Rebellion of the Hugonots might divert the sending of some part of the Power of France into the Alps. But he added, that the Reputation of a King being to be preferred before all things; for that once gone neither his Authority nor his riches, nor his Arms would be regarded: he was of opinion, and it seemed most expedient to him, that the War should be continued for the preserving his Crown in its lustre, rather then conclude a Peace, upon such shamefull Conditions, as those which had been propo­sed by the Legate. That his Majesty should send such recruits, as should make his Army be feared. That the Super-intendents would assure his Majesty, he had Trea­sure enough for the discharging of four Musters, without touching any thing of the present Incomes. That the Clergy offered six hundred thousand Crowns as a Contribution towards it. That the Hugonots were so abased by those signal Vic­tories which his Majesty had obtained over them that they could never rise again, and that seeing every thing did thus contribute to the carrying on of the War, it was his advice to conclude on it, before any other thing whatever. After he had ended, no one spake any more, judging that there could not bee any other thing worth further Consideration in the businesse, so the King told them he would give notice of their Result to the Legate, and intirely prosecute what had been then and there concluded.

Politick Observation.

WHat ever great parts a King or his Ministers may have either by nature or experience; yet he ought not to ateempt any important affairs; espe­cially if they carry any danger along with them, without assembling the Grandees of his Kingdome, and consulting with them on it. This I think to be profitable not onely for the good of the State, but also because it cannot be doubted, but that Counsel hath been ever found and adjudged by wise men, to bee the most assured stay, not onely of Kingdomes but of particular families. Salust writ to Caesar, that not onely Kingdomes but private Towns too, injoyed prosperity, whilest good Counsels were in force; and that nothing but mis-fortunes had befallen them, after that compliance fear, or pleasure had been introduced amongst them: Not that a Soveraign is bound to resolve with a great number of Councellors, of what he should do, but I say he should deliberate with them, and afterwards resolve with his Mini­sters, what is fittest to be done. He need not fear, that in so doing he doth disco­ver any weakness, or insufficiency for that he is bound to it, by the very Lawes of Prudence, & it is argument enough of his ability if he ground his resolution upon the advices and consultation of several persons. Though the Sun be cloathed with a won­derfull brightnesse, which ravisheth the eye to behold it; yet God hath not for­bidden the Stars from partaking of the government of the Universe; because they have particular Influences which though inferiour to those of the Sun, yet do they not cease to be usefull for the perfection of the World: Just so too, though Coun­sellours who are called to deliberate on Affairs, may not be compared for under­standing or Soul, with the King or a grand Minister; yet as the Earth brings forth several Plants which are particular and proper to it, so their apprehensions and minds may be replenished with such thoughts, as would not perhaps have fallen under the considerations of others; and yet do not for all this become lesse usefull or unpro­fitable to the common good. But besides this Consideration is it not evident, that Councel is necessary to be taken by a grand Minister, if only for his discharg? The most part judge of Advices by the Events, though no rule can be more uncertain, whence it happens, that if any one alone shall pretend to advise his Soveraign, and things fall out contrary to expectation, hee will bee infallibly blamed for it: And in case there be no great difficulty in affairs, yet it were not amiss to do so, for the satis­faction of the Grandees of a Kingdome. Grandees for the most part, though ve­ry expert both in Politick and Military Affairs, are of such a humour, that nothing will like them, nor no Resolution please them, unlesse they have a hand in it, and [Page 86]they will be most commonly sure to work advantages against that Minister, who shall have perswaded his Soveraign, if the Affairs fall out otherwise then was expected. They are of the same humour, as Cornelius Tacitus saith Cornelius Lacon was of, who being Captain of the Emperour Galba's Guards, was an enemy to all Counsel how good soever, if it came not from himself. Nothing can be more proper to de­fend a mans self from this blame which is sometimes very troublesome, as also im­portant to ones fortune, then sometimes to assemble an extraordinary Councel, when there is any question doth arise: As once when the Spartan Embassadours came to Rome, accompanied with a certain Captain, whom Porus had sent to give a true accompt of the affairs in Armenia, though it was not at all needfull to call any ex­traordinary Councel to resolve on the War, for that the condition of Affairs did oblige to it; yet Nero called the Principal men of the Town together, as Tacitus re­porteth it, and deliberated with them, whether it were more proper to run the ha­zard of a doubtfull War▪ or make a Peace with the Enemy; where it was unanimously concluded to carry on the War, and not a man of the contrary opinion.

The Deputation of the Valtolines towards his Holiness.

IF those Proposals made by the Legate were repugnant to the Glory of France, those which the Valtolines Deputies made at Rome, to his Holinesse, and the Sieur de Bethune, were absolutely unjust. The Spaniards had excited and wrought the Catholiques of those Countries upon the score of Religion, to offer the Soveraign­ty to his Holiness, and to declare by their Deputies to the Sieur de Bethune, that it was not to be hoped they would ever submit themselves to the Government of the Grisons, a thing they could not do with their Consciences. They also framed a long discourse, in which they pretended to shew by many reasons, that the two Crowns of France and Spain, not being able to agree upon the Interest and Right which either pretended in those Countries, there could not be a more proper, more plausible or just expedient found out, then to put themselves into his Holiness hands, who treating the two Kings as a common Father, might grant them passage, as it should seem best unto him, and when hee should find it proper for the good of Christendom. This discourse conducing to the Popes Interests, did not a little ele­vate his thoughts, and he had made no great Bones to consent to it, had not the Sieur de Bethune once and again dexteriously hinted to him a reason which could admit of no reply, which was this, That the Valtolines could not with Justice assume the liberty of putting themselves under the domination of any one whoever he were, they being born true and natural Subjects to the Grisons, and that the King his Master would never give way to it. He well knew, that to put the Valtoline into the Popes hands, would be the same thing as if they were given up to the Spaniard, for that the Popes are either by affection or fear, more inclined to the Spaniard then to the French. But it was very ridiculous to see the Artifices which the Deputies did use to perswade the Sieur de Bethune, that the Proposal they had made was for the Kings advantage. They several times protested to him, that they themselves and all the rest of the Valtoline, did bear so great a submission to his Majesties judgment, that they would wish for nothing else, but onely that his Majesty would pass his word for the Grisons accommodation, which if he would, they would then do what­ever he would command them. But in conclusion, they added that his Majesty would be pleased with their resolutions of neither submitting themselves to the Gri­sons or Spaniards. Because they evidently knew, there would be little security or advantage to the French, either in one or t'other of these expedients; withall, that to oblige them to come under the Grisons, were to force them to flie to the Spani­ards, which if his Majesty should do, they must of necessity run to them for assist­ance; for that they could not trust themselves under the Dominion of the Grisons, for that there was not any other Prince neer them, from whom they might receive a more ready or favourable relief. That they would full willingly have desired his Majesty to protect them; but that they doubted it would be a means to ingage his [Page 87]Majesty in a perpetual War in their Country against the Spaniard, who would ne­ver consent to it; and that all these considered, there could not any other party be found out more proper or fit then the Pope, and that France had some reason to accord to it, in respect that the Pope shewed himself very favourable to the French Interests. The Sieur de Bethune, answered them with Civilities, nothing inferior to theirs, assuring them of the affection, which his Majesty did bear to their concerns, and obliging them to be confident he would never abandon them, and that his Majesty would never consent to any Peace, by which they should not have a full and perfect Freedom for the exercise of their Religion: But as to the ground-work of the business he discovered to them, that in case they could find a means to be assured of this Liberty, that then they had no reason to exchange Masters; and especially, seeing they were not in a condition to dispose of themselves. He open­ly professed to them, That his Majesty did not pretend in the least to the Supream Power over them, but that his resolution was to preserve them to the Grisons, pro­curing to them full Liberty for the free exercise of their Religion, and that he would never consent the business should be ended upon other terms. This answer was both resolute and full of Justice; but however, as Passion takes away the use of Reason, so they seemed not to apprehend the reasonableness of it; as also they thought good, That the Spaniards should cause a second discourse to be writ, by a Prelate of Milan, in which they indeavoured to clear by several reasons, which were willingly assented to by the Pope. That the King had no right in the Valtoline to hinder their giving up themselves to the holy See, so unjust and unreasonable is the inconsiderate zeal, into which men do sometimes suffer themselves to be carried for Religions sake.

Politique Observation.

ZEal is a Passion very commendable, when it is confined within the limits of knowledge and Charity; but without this it passeth onely for an unreasonable fury, not a vertue. The Apostle would have it accompanied it with these two quali­ties, and judgeth it to be blame worthy if without them. Indeed it is like Oyl cast in the Fire, it provoketh and raiseth up such heat in their Courages, that it hurries them, both beyond Reason and Justice. That people which knoweth not how the son of God hath commanded to honour all Kings of what Religion soever they be, as they who are established by his hand, of which himself shewed an example, as al­so his Apostles do animate themselves with an indiscreet zeal, for the Interests of Re­ligion; if they follow any wayes contrary to them, they do easily suffer themselves to be hurried on to shake off the yoke of Obedience to take up Arms to resist them, to conspire against their persons, to ruine all with Fire and Sword, and to over run the whole land with those mis-fortunes which ever attend on Civil Wars. This is that which made the learned Origen to say, the zeal of God is nothing worth, if it be not accompanied with the knowledge of God, introducing the Jews for an ex­ample, who by an inconsiderate zeal for Gods glory, made themselves culpable of the most horrible Sacriledge that ever was yet heard of against his Son. I shall add onely this, that such a zeal is not onely unprofitable for Gods service; but also ve­ry dangerous and prejudicial to the good of those States and Churches where it is, by that heat of it which hurries on to extremities, and serves for a Torch to kindle Civil Wars, which undermines the Foundations of States, and Religion it self, and furnisheth them whom it possesseth with pretences for the doing of any thing, which Fury it self can be capable of.

The Hollanders send Deputies to his Majesty to ingage him in a League offen­sive and defensive against the Spaniard.

VVHilest the Legate was at Fountain Bleau, the Embassadour of Holland came thither upon very different thoughts he onely designing to bring things to a peaceable conclusion; but they to ingage the King in an Offensive and Defensive War against the Spaniards, and desire him to fall in upon their Coun­tries. There had been a Defensive League made with them the fore-going year, which was sufficient to entertain all the Spanish Forces in those Countries, and to give advantage to the States to make some further progress. But as it is troublesom to continue a War any long time, without obtaining some Victories, they having lately lost the Town of Breda for want of good Conduct, made it their earnest de­sire to the King that he would declare a War against the Spaniards, that they might be revenged on them, The Embassadour represented to the King and the Cardinal that the States Signiories and Lordships, were not the onely places the Spaniards had designed to invade, but that France too was comprised in the same design; that the attempts which they had made but lately in Germany, in the Valtoline, and in Italy, were onely to make sure of the out-skirts, that they might afterwards with the more ease make themselves Masters of France: That he would not enter into any further proof of it, seeing he was assured it could not be unknown either to his Majesty or his Ninisters; onely he beseeched his Majesty to consider, that it was more proper to go find them out in their own Quarters, then to stay untill they en­tred upon theirs. That that which gave them so great advantage in their Conquests was because none had attempted any thing on them, every one keeping himself up­on the defensive posture, but that when any thing should be attempted on them, the Palms of their Victory would soon be snatched out of their hands; that they are not really so potent, but onely because they dare affault the whole World, and that they have the Courage to fall on others, because none fall on them: Which was too evident to be doubted, That it was impossible to let them any longer follow the course of their Victories, without being a Trophee for their Arms. He did ex­cite and stir up his Majesty upon the score of Glory, representing to him the lives of Cyrus, Hannibal, Alexander, Caesar, and divers illustrious Roman Captains, who had been eternized and made famous by invading of their enemies. That there was onely this wan [...]ing to add to his Majesties glory, whom Heaven had created for the onely good of all Europe, and to preserve the Liberties of his neighbours. Their Artifices were so great, that nothing more could be wished for, onely that he would imbrace the design. He alledged that England would Potently assist it, That Flan­ders being subjected under the Spanish Yoak, would gladly be delivered out of it, and would be induced to do any thing which might tend that way; and that for the expence there need no great care be taken for it, seeing the French Souldiers were not harder to be pleased then those of Hannibal, who being asked upon his putting off from Affrica, with what he would pay his Army, answered with the Army it self; for as soon as ever he set foot in Europe, the Ayr, the Earth, the Fire, and all the Goods of those who inhabited it, should be common to them; and in the progress of that affair, he made it evident that he was not mistaken; for during eighteen years that he maintained War both in Spain and Italy, he never received any Supplies from Affrica. The most part of these reasons were so true, and the rest so specious, that the King must needs have wanted Courage, had he not been perswaded with them; and especially-seeing his Majesty had often spoken to the Cardinal upon this very point, and that he was sufficiently convinced of the necessi­ty for the Princes of Europe to assault the Spaniard, that they might at last put some limits to his Ambition; as also in relation thereunto, that he had assaulted him in the Valtoline, by stopping the progress of his proceedings. But on the other side, his Majesty was not ignorant, that those enterprizes which he had already commen­ced [Page 89]were very great, considering in what condition France then was, and that it would be difficult to undertake any more, untill the Hugonots who took advantages of his Wars abroad, and who stayed part of his Forces at home to keep them in obe­dience were totally ruined. That withall it were absolutely needfull, before any thing could be attempted on Flanders, to imploy the Arms of the House of Austria, in Germany, and to secure the Passages, by which releef might be sent to them, so that it might be impossible for them to hinder the Conquest of it. His Majesty relying on the Advices of the Cardinal kept himself off from ingaging himself in this same offensive League: And the Cardinal took upon himself the trouble of making the States Embassadour understand the reasons of it, who found them so strong that he had not a word to reply against them; but the King desired the State to be assu­red, that he would never be deficient in sending them men and monies, according as hee had promised by the Treaty of Alliance; as also; that when a fit oppor­tunity of Time should present it self for the taking of any advantage, he would most certainly ingage in it, for that his own glory and their good way inte­ressed in it.

Politique Observation.

IT is a small matter though a Soveraign have a generous resolution, which leadeth him to make War, if he have not discretion to chuse a fit opportunity for the ta­king of advantages upon his enemies. It is not alwaies seasonable to take up Arms, and to make Leagues or to break Peace. Before a design be attempted, it should first be known whether it be sure, profitable, and honourable, and if it may be effected with little or no hazard to the person who adviseth it, and whether he runs any part of the danger, and above all it would be known, and that exactly too of what force the enemy is, what succour he doth expect, the diversions which he hath in other places, the advantages which he may have in Combats, by what wayes those Troops must passe which come to defend him, from whence he may draw Provisions for his Army; and in short, all the particular estate of the enemies Affairs. A War ne­ver ought to be begun, but with Prudence, that it may be ended with advantage. A resolution ought not to be taken, but on the present State of Affairs, ballancing Reason with hope, comparing the present with past, and never proposing those things for easie, which are seen but by halves, otherwise the successe will demon­strate, that it was began with too much heat, and too little Prudence. The French never did so ill as when they broke the Peace with Charles the Fifth, in the year one thousand five hundred fifty five, in confidence of the Counsels and Promises of Pope Paul the Fourth, of the Family of the Cara [...]fi; for having done it upon like reason and without consideration of his Power whom they set upon in that conjuncture of time, the successe of it proved more to their losse then advantage. Hannibal was much to be commended, as T. Livy saith, that in all his Conduct he was acquain­ted with his enemies intentions, as well as with his own. That Prince who ingageth himself in a War, without such a knowledge seeks after his own ruine; and if there be any affair from which he ought to retain himself, certainly it must be when a Pro­posal is made to him, grounded on a League; for that offensive Leagues do not al­waies end according to the hopes of them who are Interested in it. If the enter­prize will be of long continuance, then onely the different Interests of several Uni­ted Princes, will force them to break off. Besides Time, alteration of Affairs, and the Artifices of the enemy who is assaulted, do commonly work some change. In short, the difference of things and Nations do breed jealousies, and then every one retires to his own Quarter, so that after a great attempt, there is but small successe.

The Hugonots finding their weakness to their own costs, have recourse to the Kings Clemency.

THe signal Victory which his Majesty had obtained by sea before Rochel, and the Isle of Ree, together with the impossibility whereunto the Duke of Rohan was reduced, of attempting any thing in Languedoc, so closely was he followed by the Marshal de Themines, forced the Hugonots to have recourse to his Majesties Cle­mency. They begged his Majesties pardon by their Deputies, whom they sent to him, to testifie the sense they had of their fault, and to assure him of their future fi­delity and obedience. His Majesty was well pleased with it, and the Deputies com­ming to him at Fonntain Bleau, about the end of August, whilest the Legate was there, there was no kind of acknowledgements and submissions, which they did not make; both in behalf of themselves, as also of the Duke of Rohan, and the Sieur de Soubize who sent to supplicate him by their particular Deputies, that he would be pleased to imploy them in the War of Italy, that they might testifie by their Passion to serve him, that there was not any danger in the Sea or Land, to which they would not chearfully expose themselves, to contribute to his Glory. After they had made their speeches, they presented the Paper of their Complaints, humbly beseeching his Majesty to have regard to it; for that they were grounded upon se­veral Graces, which had been conferred on them by the Edict of Nants, and seve­ral other Grants. The King received it, and appointed it to be examined.

Now although the sweetnesse of Peace, which charmeth the mind, the Poverty of the people, and those enterprizes which the Spaniard made upon the Allies of France, did generally invite all the French; to wish, that his Majesty would accord to them the pardon which they desired, yet some there were, who were divided in opinion, what was most fit to be done upon that affair; one part conceiving, that Rochel having received so great a rebuke, and finding themselves without Island, without Sea, without Souldiers, and without Vessels, they ought not to let slip such an occasion: The reason was, that in so doing they should loose a very advantagi­ous opportunity, to force the City by a Siege which could not hold out above six moneths, to demolish their Forts, and reduce them under the Kings obedience; which once done, the whole party of the Hugonots would be quite ruined; their other Towns disabled to make any resistance, and that thus, the Regal Authority would not onely receive a great accruement of Power, but the Church too would receive a very great benefit by it.

These were the opinions of vulgar thoughts, which look on nothing but what is before them, and just in their noses, but want discretion to look a little further; they considered not that it would alwaies be in his Majesties Power to take up Arms against the Heretiques, seeing now they behaved themselves otherwise then they used to doe, as hath been often seen; and that his Majesty might easily keep those advantages which he had upon Rochel, by fortifying the Isles of Ree and Ole­ron, and keeping a small Army in Fort St. Lewis, and in the Country about Rochel, but that it would not alwaies be seasonable and timely, to oppose the Ambitious design of the Spaniards upon the Grisons or the Valtoline. That the King could not without dishonour, leave off those glorious enterprizes which he had already began, and that in case he should, it would give full Liberty to the Spaniards, to make themselves Masters of the Valtoline, as well as of the rest of Italy, where they had already sent their Armes, and had also strongly fortified themselves. That this affair was more important then that of the Hugonots, for that a more favour­able opportunity to gain a happy successe could not be had when one had a mind to it. Besides that it was not sufficient to be hurried on by an inconsiderate zeal, without any regard had to the Interests of the Kingdom, seeing that their Religion made a part of the Estate; and that also it very little concerned Religion to defer for some time the ruine of the Hugonots, for that War and Violence, did never yet [Page 91]conduce to their Conversion: Heresie being like Saffron, which grows the faster, the more it is trodden under foot, that when Heretiques have been burned, they have lived like Salamanders in the fire, when they have been cast into the Water, they have increased like Fishes, and when their heads have been cut off, they have like Trees, put out more new branches then were taken off; so that there was no talk of ruining Heresie, but onely of the Party, which was stil free for the King to do, considering the frequent grounds they gave for it; for that mutiny was naturalized in them; but that it was far otherwise in the affairs of Italy and of the Valtoline, which might not be abandoned but with extream great shame, and without ever hoping for another opportunity to root up the Spaniard, if he should be now let alone to grow up and gather new strength. These were the important reasons re­presented by the Cardinal to the King, and which induced his Majesty to grant a Peace to the Hugonots, that he might carry on his designs in Italy and the Valtoline. After the paper of their grievances had been examined, his Majesty confirmed to them, whatever had been granted by the Edict of Nantes, granting them free Li­berty for the exercise of their Religion, in such Towns where they had Churches and Church-yards, and an Act of Oblivion for any thing done in the War, but he would not consent to the demolishing of Fort Lewis, as being too important for the keep­ing of Rochel in aw and obedience.

These favours were accepted by the general Deputies of the Hugonots, in the name of all the Hugonot Towns, excepting those of Rochel, Mountauban, Castres, and Milhana, who having been gained by the Duke of Rohan and Sieur de Soubize, and finding that their Leaders had onely obtained a single pardon, without any other advantage, and without being imployed in Italy, according as they desired, they in­treated his Majesty upon other pretences, that he would be pleased to grant some time, till their two chief Officers, and those four Cities, were joyned with them. The King granted to them that delay, upon condition it were not over long, who presently sent away the Heads of those Resolutions which had been taken.

Politique Observation.

THough the weakning of a Party in a Kingdom, which hath been long breeding, so that they may make no more Insurrections, be a thing much to be desired, yet it will not be peradventure alwaies seasonable to attempt it; it is the duty of a wise Minister to take all occasions for the doing of it, according to the state of Af­fairs of the Kingdom. Suetonius Paulinus, one of the most experimented Captains of his time, made it appear in an an excellent discourse, upon the beginning of the Civil War between Ottho and Vittellius, as Tacitus reporteth it, that it would be necessary for Vittellius to be diligent: but that Orthoes Party would get advantage to execute their designe by delaying of it, until they had nothing else to do. The Dictator Cneus Sulpitius, after a great deal of consideration, resolved not to hast­en on the War against the Gauls, upon this reason, that he would not hazard any thing upon an enemy, who was every day declining, and out of his Countries too. Indeed he had endangered himself, had he fought when they pressed him to it; whereas shortly after he might overcome them with ease. He which gives good ad­vice for the State, ought not to be blamed for it; but the discreet Minister deser­veth more praise, who not onely knows that it is not enough to consider by the re­solutions of State, that which is just to be done in the Theory, but also that which the time permits, and complies with opportunities and necessity.

The Kings Army in Italy is recruited with six or seven thousand men, under the Marquis de Vignolles.

THough the peace with the Hugonots was not fully concluded, yet the Cardinal being informed of the necessity of recruiting the Army in Italy, was not de­fective [Page 92]to procure his Majesty to give orders for it. The Marquis de Vignolles was dispatched with six or seven thousand men: Who coming into Piedmont with his Forces, found the Siedge still before Veriie, a small Town upon the Po, very slen­derly inhabited, but defended by a Castle built on a Rock, at the end of a little Hill, which was none of the worst. The Duke of Ferià, drawing his Troops out of Ast, had brought them up thither, hoping for a good success in it: But the Duke of Savoy having intelligence of his resolution, caused the Marquis de Saint Reyran, a Gentleman of Prussia, to march up within view of the Spaniards, with a thousand Foot, and by the advice of the Marshal de Cregny, he likewise caused his Army to advance and Incamp at the foot of the Hill, in certain Intrenchments, which were much stronger then the place it self.

Above three Moneths were spent in continnual Sallies and Assaults. The Duke of Feria intrenched himself to his greatest advantage: The Cannon thundred on the place with a great deal of fury; and having made at several times six or seven great breaches: The Spaniards did as often assault them, and were repulsed with a great deal of courage. They opened several Mines, one of which had seven mouthes, which they called the Hydra: but every day brought them some misfortune, so that they lost more then the besieged. In short, they got not one foot of land, which was not assoon retaken from them. In the mean time, the ill weather began to come in, and the Po to swell up, which did not a little perplex them, for they were forced to quit one part of their Trenches, by reason it was filled with water, which brought their Battery into such disorder, that most of their Cannon stuck in the Mud, and much adoe they had to get them clear off again. These disgraces hap­pening to them, did much add to the French courage: So that on the seventeenth of November, the Constable, the Marshal de Cregny, and the Marquis de Vignolles who was but lately arrived, having considered together what was to be done; cast their thoughts on those Forts which the Spaniards had in the Plain, and resolved to assault them. The Constable gave orders for the attaquing of them; and the Troops being put into Battalia, they began a Combate, which lasted above three hours, with such heat and success to the French, that they carryed all the Forts in a trice.

In the interim, the Duke of Savoy arrived, and the enemy having drawn up three great Squadrons of Foot, and two of Horse, came Matching up in good order against the French, to try if they could recover what they had lost; but they onely retook one single Fort, which was resolved to be quitted and the night coming on, ended the Fray; in which they lost above two thousand men, and the French not above one hundred. After this Disaster, they being in great want of victuals, and having small hopes of being Masters of the place; Don Gonsal [...]s de C [...]rdova, raised the Seige privately in the night, without noise of Drum or Trumpet, and without giving the Horse any other signe, but by beating certain flint stones one against the other. They lost before this paltry Town an Army of forty thousand men: Their Commanders lost their honour, their Armes got no little discredit by it; and it should seem, God was pleased to abase the vanity of their glory, which hurried them on with extream ambition to the attempting of unjust designs,

Politique Observation.

AMbitious Princes can never raise their designs so high, as that God who hum­bleth the Proud, and abates their power, should exempt them from divine Justice; which is pleased to pull down the mighty. His Providence doth always confine the [...]r force, by keeping their Interests and those of their neighbors, in an equal Ballance, for the tranquillity of the people. He who is born with a fix­ed and contented mind, and is satisfied with those limits which he may justly pre­tend to, and in the protection of his Allies, is not subject to these misfortunes. Ho­nour and glory never depart from him: whereas he who resteth not within his own bounds, but attempteth all ways, tryeth all means to extend them, is usually liable [Page 93]to ruin, for that every one runs upon him, to oppose his designs, and God too is delighted to abase him. The divine wisdom cannot be enough admired in this par­ticular, which having placed two great Kingdoms near one another, maketh the one serve to moderate the ambition of the other, and to break the neck of his de­signs, for the preservation of his neighbours: It usually endeth in nothing when one shall take from another to enrich himself. The divine wisdom doth bound in the ambition of such, and brings all their designs that way tending to confusion. It is true, God is sometimes pleased to chastise a Soveraign, and permits another to destroy him, but it is but seldom, whereas he doth commonly throw down him who raiseth himself upon the ruines of others. Darius was so insolent, that he caused himself to be stiled, the King of Kings, but what befell him? Did not A­lexander, whom he had scorned and undervalued, take away his Life and Estates too? In the same manner it was with Arphaxates, King of the M [...]des, who after he had brought divers Nations under his Empire, and built the famous City Ec­batan, became so proud, as to think nothing was able to resist him; but how quickly God did let him see the contrary, by suffering him to be chastised and conquered by the King of Niniveh? How is he delighted to shew by these examples unto So­veraignes, that Humility in their conduct, is that which makes their designs sub­sist, and end in glory; whereas Ambition exposeth them to misfortunes, losses, and utter ruin?

Recruits sent to the Marquis de Coeuures in the Valtoline.

THe Cardinal was no less careful to send supplies to the Valtoline then to Italy: For besides those several French Troops which had orders to march thither, those others which were raised by the Grisons, and those which after much ado were sent from Venice, he caused two Regiments to be advanced in the Can­tons of Ʋry and Ʋndernal, making it appear that nothing could over-match his Prudence, for that these two Cantons are close Leagued with the Spaniards, and that the Marquis d' Ogliang the Spanish Ambassador, as also Scagy the Popes Nuntio, had used their utmost endeavours to prevent it. These Recruits arrived very seasonably; for the Spaniards had but very lately before received a very great supply, which gave them the means to execute an enterprise, which they made under the Conduct of Papenheim, upon the Terze of Sotto of the Valtoline, and to make themselves Masters of those Trenches which had been committed to the cu­stody of the Albanois and Capelets, amongst whom it struck such a terrour, that there was no possible means to make them stand to it; and besides the Army too was at that time very much weakned. The Marquis de Coeuvres who could not let them go away with this advantage unreveng'd, resolved with the Council of War to retake it; and on the seventeenth of October, having appointed Pont de G [...]des for a Rendezvous, he gave order for the Assault. The Fight was stoutly begun, and after two houres continuance, the Intrenchments were re-taken, which had been formerly lost, but with greater advantage then the Enemies had when they first took them, and with more honour, for that they were at that time exceedingly strong. After this Expedition was over, the Duke of Candale received intelli­gence, that eight hundred foot, and four hundred of the Spanish party, had seized upon the Fortress of Chaumont amongst the Grisons, which being once known by the Marquis de Coeuvres, he presently dispatched two thousand to reprise it. The Duke mustered his Army, the better to know his own forces, and so went to in­vest Chaumont, and the Spaniards within it made shew of defending themselves, but the Duke having finished a Battery of six peeces of Cannon, soon made a Breach fit for an Assault, and commanded whole showres of Musquet shot to be poured in upon them, who should appear to defend the Breach, and also clapt two Petards against one of the Gates, which forced them in peeces, so that two com­panies of French entred the Town, and compelled them within to yeeld upon composition; which was, that they should march away with their Arms onely, and [Page 94]leave behind them what Ammunition they had brought into the Town: So accor­dingly they went out, and left the Town to the Duke of Cand [...]le. There remain­ed onely Morbeign [...] to take in the Valtoline, and the Marquis de Cuvres had twice called a Council of War to contrive a means for the taking of it, but the major part of them alledged, and that very judiciously, that the place was strongly scitua­ted, and very hard to be come to for any who would assault it guarded by good store of men, both within, and in the Country thereabouts, that it was impossible to shut them up, for want of Vessels upon the Lake of Come, which was the way which they had all their provisions; and withall they concluded, it was not much mate­rial whether they had it, or not; seeing it did not at all help to serve the Spaniards, either to shut up, or open the Passes. Their advice was followed, and their cou­rages submitted to the Laws of Discretion; which made it appear, that it was not wisdom at all time to attempt great Enterprises. Others did wish, that the Conquest of the Valtoline had been begunne in this place (as afterwards it was done) for that it is the most important of all the other places, not in rela­tion to the Passages, but the securing of the Valley, and to keep all the rest in their dutyes; for the Allarm being once taken in the Vale, there are immediately store of Forces clapt into it, for the keeping of it, as being the most considerable of all, and that once done, impossible to be taken.

Politique observation.

THE greatest Courages are bound to submit to the Laws of Prudence, when there is a question in hand for the attempting of any great Enterprise. Their Glory is not considered by the successes of their Victories, or the taking of Towns, which many times have no dependencie upon them, but by their Resoluteness, and Constancy, which they make appear without the least dread, in doing all that can be done to vanquish. Impossibilities defend them from all blame when as they have done their utmost; for no one can be obliged to do that which is above his power.

In the making of War in a Forraign Country, it is needful (if possible it may so be done) to begin it by assaulting of the strongest place first, especially if it may not otherwise be taken, then by a surprise. The reason is clear; for what ever assault is made elswhere, gives an Allarm to the whole Country, so that that the Prince who stands upon his defence, presently claps in both Men and Ammunition into the principal place, that afterwards it will become impossible to surprize it. Let us first seize on Rome (said the Enemies of the Roman Empire, in Herodatus) which is the heart and Castle of the Empire, and we shall quickly have the rest with ease. The like did Caesar say that the Romans could never promise themselves any security in Gaul, untill they had become Masters of Authun, which was the chief City, and on which the Conquest of all the rest depended. And as it's true, that the chief Head of an Enterprize having once made himself Master of the City Gates, may at his own pleasure enter upon the whole, so it is likewise most certain, that he who hath once taken the chief Fortress, hath a curb on the rest, so that he may do what he will himself, especially if he can but so order his business, that he may keep it in his power.

The Duke of Rohan excuseth himself from accepting of those Articles which were granted to those of his party.

THese were the most remarkable passages, both in Italy and the Valtoline, during that year; but let us now return to the Affairs at home. The Duke of Rohan could not be drawn to conclude a Peace without making some advantage by it, so that he desired to be excused from giving his final Answer unto those Articles which the King had granted to those of his party, untill he had conferred with an [Page 95]Assembly which he pretended to make of the high and low Languedoc, insomuch that his particular Interests and private Ambition were the causes which retarded the Peace. In the interim he did his very utmost to surprize some places in Lan­guedoc, either that he might get some advantage, whereby to make himself the more considerable, which might induce the King to give him that employment in Italy which he desired, or some other favourable conditions. He made an attempt upon Tillet in Albigeois, sending five hundred men to surprize it by night, but they were stoutly repulsed, and forced to retire. He had sometime before caused the Towns of Masdazil, Pamiers, and several others of Foix to revolt; from which places he sent out his Scouts, who committed great havocks in the plain Country. Now the evil treating of the Country people, forced the Consuls of some Towns there­abouts, to desire the Marshal de Themines, to come with his Majesties Army to assist them, and make himself Master of those Towns. Divers were of opinion, that this Proposition ought to be rejected, because admitting it should be follow­ed, it would leave the Duke of Rohan at liberty to go whither he list, whom at that time the Army kept in such awe, that he durst not stir a foot, or attempt any new design. But however, the Count de Carmain, considering this proffer of the Consuls, and in regard they undertook in behalf of the Towns to contribute to the charge of the War, and to refresh the Army which was much distressed before Castres, he let himself be perswaded by their entreaties to go and assist them, and taking some small Forces with him, he went and fell on Calmont, a little Town near Mazeres, from whence several of the Rebels would make fre­quent excursions, and pillage the neighbour Country. They endured the siedge onely three daies, and then finding themselves ill handled by the Cannon, they ran away in the night, but the Marquis d' Ambres, who was not farre off with his Troop of Light Horse, hearing the noise of their flight, charged them, and cut the most part of them in peeces. Shortly after, they took six or seven other small places, some by storm, and some by composition. They of Masdazil, hearing of these successes, began to be afraid, and sent for a Pass to the Army, to make their Accomodation: But the Duke of Rohan found a means to conveigh in some Forces to them, which made them resolve to hold out, so that they chan­ged their former resolution, and defended themselves, which drew down the Marshal de Themines, and the Count de Carmaine to besiege them. On the fif­teenth of September the Town was encompassed round about, and shortly after the Cannon made a Breach, but whilst the Question was in debate, for the giving an Assault, the Breach was repaired, so that a second was made, and they within grown very resolute, repelled the Kings Army with great loss; and that which was worst of all, was the Rains falling encreased the River, and so filled up the Trenches with water, that Siege was forced to be raised, which much troubled the Marquis; but it was somwhat moderated, by that advantage which the Marquis d' Ambres got over the Duke of Rohan's Troop of Light Horse, which he killed, took, and put to flight. The Duke of Rohan was much afflicted at the loss of them, and seeing that the holding out of Masdazil did not serve his turn, for that it would at another time be taken with ease, and that the could not make any fur­ther good progress, he went to the Assembly at Milhaud, where he made those of his party send a Courrier to the King, to accept of the Articles of Peace, which his Majesty had granted to them. His Majesty confirmed them, though they had rendred themselves unworthy, by their new acts of Rebellion. But it was necessary so to be, for the better opposing of the enterprises of Spain, though Rochel was still excepted, by reason of the little inclination they had testi­fied of keeping themselves within their duty.

Politick Observation.

THE Ambition of Grandees in a State is oftentimes cause of many evils, and every one knows that they are the principal motives, either to begin, or con­tinue a War. There is not any excess into which Ambition doth not hurry them, to attain those ends which they propose to themselves. It loveth none but it self, and it will easily violate all the rights of obedience, for the procuring of a happy issue to all their designs. It never makes a question of the equity of any cause, but looketh on the advantages which will follow it, if it succeed well. Whence it cometh, that the first thing it doth, is to shut close the eyes against Justice, that it may the more confidently begin, or continue it's design. They who are possessed with this same Ambition, never look on any thing but through a false glass, which doth still represent things either more specious, or bigger than really they are: And by this device it so charmeth their thoughts, that they begin to presume, that Fortune which hath bestowed some favours on them, will never forsake them. The rash and fond confidence of their own abilities, makes them despise any fair overtures of Peace; but they ought to remember, that Fortune is like a Glass, which falls down when a man thinks he hath it fast enough; and that God too, who delighteth in peace, doth often send down upon them, those troubles and calamities which they proposed amongst themselves to measure out to others. The Huntsman that he may take the Panther, knowing that he loveth Henbane, hang­eth a good quantity of it up in the air, somewhat out of her reach, whence it happens, that she having once seen it, never leaves off leaping and frisking up and down, untill she become at last so weary, that she falls down unable any longer to stand, and so dyeth on the place. May it not safely be said, that Fortune doth the self same thing with Grandees? And that she useth the very same artifices to de­stroy ambitious persons? She proposeth advantages to them, Victories and Con­quests, but which are beyond their reach, and above their power, and knowing this to be the surest way to allure their minds, and that for the obtaining of their extravagant ends, they will use any endeavours, or run into any rash heady attempts, she still draweth them further on, untill in fine they are forced to sink under the weight of them, and meet with their shame and confusion in those designs, where they well hoped for Honour and Glory.

Prosecution of the History.

IT was matter of astonishment, to see the Hugonots so reduced, considering the strong resistances which they had made against the King but a few years before, and those great Armies which had been kept in Languedoc, all little enough to quel them. But they who will but reflect on the strange alteration, which the Cardinal brought with him, will not much wonder at it. I might safely say, that the Army which he caused to be maintained about Rochel, was one cause of it, seeing it did in effect keep under the Country of Aunis and Poicton, that neither of them durst to stir. I could likewise attribute those effects to the sending of those Com­panies into Languedoc, upon the first beginning of the year, who might be in a readiness to fall on them, in case they should appear, insomuch that they had not the least opportunity to doe any thing; and this is really the most certain preven­tive remedy for all Revolts. But however you may behold another Reason of State, which is the more considerable, for that it did by little and little, and with­out being perceived, undermine the greatest prop and force of them: The little Authority which the Ministers, who preceded the Cardinal, had caused his Majesty to take upon him, and the Licentiousness which the Grandees were left at, either of running into the Hugonots party, or of abetting them, whensoever any thing went contrary to their humours was the true cause of their greatest strength. The Princes would openly levy Troops to ayd and assist the revolted, and either them­selves [Page 97]would go in to them, or at least lend them monyes, to make more Levyes. But now the case was altered, and things did not run in their former channels. This Grand Minister perswaded his Majesty to make himself Master of Affairs. His Majesty wanted not dayly oportunities to effect it, and at last brought it to such a pass, that the Princes and Grandees lived very quietly, and every one of them was so well satisfied with those Fav [...]urs which were bestowed on them, that not a man of them would nourish a thought tending to dis-union or combinations. Formerly the major part of them carried such a sway in matters of concern, that unless every thing which they desired were granted to them, they would forthwith retire in discontent to their own houses, as not thinking themselves obliged to serve the King any longer.

But things began now to be carried in another way, and they began to live after another sort, and to be sensible of the obligations which lay upon them to keep themselves within the limits of Respect and Obedience. They now began to per­ceive it was to no purpose, to think to have that by a high hand, which could only be granted to them by way of Gratification. All the Parties and Factions which formerly were so rife, began presently to fall back, there having been certain peo­ple removed from the Court, who made it their onely business to embroyl things, and like Wasps, sucked up the best of the Treasures, which they employed only in the sowing of discontents amongst the Grandees, who lived at the Kings costs and charges, and yet did altogether rayl and quarrel with the Government. The ta­king away of these abuses was the true cause of the Hugonots weakning, who were never strong, but when assisted elswhere. Thus it was apparently seen, that the King having overtopped them by the sage advice of the Cardinal, they were after­wards compelled to live as true Subjects in the obedience which is due from that qualification.

Politique Obseruation.

AUthority is the soul of a Kingdom: A State cannot but be happy, when he who governeth it knows how to rule as he ought, be it either in not ordaining those things which are improper, or by bringing his Subjects to be obedient; so that as a Physitian endeavoureth most of all to comfort his Patients heart, a Ministers ought to study no one thing more, then how to encrease and strengthen his Masters power and authority. But if he hath once suffered himself to be dispossed of it, he hath lost the Rudder by which he steered his vessel, the yoke wherewith he kept the people in obedience, the splendour which made him be honoured with re­spect, How will he be afterwards able to retain his subjects in their duties, seeing they will slight his Authority? And how shall he be able to receive respects from them, when as he is no longer Master of that which should preserve it in their souls? Authority is to a Soveraign the same thing that Light is to the Sun: And as that fair Star would not be respected by man without that splendid lustre which dazeleth our eyes, so having once lost his light, he is no longer admired or respected. The Princes of the Blood divide it amongst them, and make it evident, that the dis-esteem and weakness, whereunto he is fallen, serveth for a footstool to them to advance their own power. The Governours of Provinces too, they take some share, and thus every one acteth as best pleaseth himself; every thing is attempted without controul, and they do not fear to endeavour the getting of that by force, which they cannot by justice. The Publique Monies are turned aside, the people oppressed, and at last all things brought into confusion. Theopompus King of the Lacedemonians answered a certain man who told him, Spa [...]ta was governed with a good Discipline, because the Kings knew how to command, That it was rather, because the people knew how to obey: But for my part, I imagine that the hap­piness of a Kingdom proceedeth from one and t'other; and that both of them are dependent on the Authority which giveth Soveraigns the Liberty of well com­manding, and the necessary disposition of Subjects to obey them. Which if it [Page 98]be true of Kingdomes in general, it is most assuredly so of France in particular, seeing the Government of it hath been so absolutely established upon a King, see­ing there is not any thing more proper for the setling of any State whatsoever, in its due order, then to restore him the self same qualities, with which he took his Birth.

The Cardinal is extraordinary careful to make a good understanding between the King, Queen Mother, Monsieur, and the Princes of the Blood, and others.

AS the Tyes of Birth are but of small force, if not cherished with Affection, so the Cardinal could not be satisfied with setling the King in his Authority over the Princes, but took extraordinary pains, to continue them in a good un­derstanding with his Majesty. The Queen Mother was the chief of all those who had the honour to be of the Royal House, so he used his utmost power to tye her fast to the Kings will. He did the more readily undertake this trouble, because he had for several years, received sundry testimonies of her favour, and he would gladly have acknowledged them by his services; and it sorted so happily, that it may safely be said he did in it repay all her obligations a hundred times over; but it was no smal matter to be brought to pass; for he was to combat with the Queen Mothers in­clinations, & the jealousies which the King had with some reason entertained against her. From the time that the Queen Mother had govern'd France in the quality of Regent, she had not as yet renounced the Conduct of Affairs; though the care which one is bound to take for the Government of a people, be accompanied with a thousand pricking vexations, yet so it is, that the splendour wherewith it is atten­ded, hath such powerful charms, that the discreetest souls, and least ambitious, have much ado to defend themselves against them. The knowledge he had of her inclination still to conserve that power to her self, was a great impediment to his work: And the King, in whose hands the onely supream power resides, was so much the more jealous of it, for that it is ordinary with Grandees to be suspitious of their powers; and that with so much the more reason, for that Justice doth not permit that one should divide the command with them.

The Cardinal meeting with things in this conjuncture, used his utmost industry to overcome the Queen Mothers inclinations, being assured that it would be after­wards easie to dissipate those suspitions of the King. He insinuated into her soul with all sweetness and address, the truth, which ought to be the foundation of their good correspondence, letting her see, that she ought not to think it any strange thing, that the King should desire to be Master, or that all Affairs were revolved by his order, for that by his birth the Laws of the Kingdom did give him that Authority which no one had any right to deprive him of. He used indeed his ut­most address to impress this truth in her, letting her see, that she ought not to pretend to any part of it; That the King quitting all his suspitions, would give her more then she could wish, seeing he was so naturally inclined to pay her all manner of respects. The Queen Mother, who did then much esteem of his counsels, did beleeve him, and she received such advantages by it, that by letting his Majesty see by her conduct, that she did no longer think of the Government, he restored her into so absolute an Authority, that she had all sort of power in the management of Affairs.

This was a very great advantage, procured to her by this grand Minister, and which surpassed all those favours which he had at any time received from her Ma­jesty. The State too did not receive less profit by it; for that this good correspon­dencie which united the Affections of the King, and Queen Mother, did put an end to all those Cabals which had formerly divided the whole Nation, so that the Forces of it would not now fly out any more into parties, but remain entire, to op­pose the Ambition of Strangers.

The Cardinal, that he might the more confirm this Union, and make it the stronger, perswaded the King to take Father Suffren for his Confessor, who had been so for a long while to the Queen Mother, assuring himself that this good person, whose soul was so affectionately inclined to Peace, replenished with Piety, and voyd of Ambition, being the Depository of the secrets of their Consciences, would not be a little conducing to the dispelling of those little suspitions which might arise between them, and that he would have somwhat the more power, in regard women are naturally addicted to be perswaded by their Confessors.

Next to the Queen Mother, Monsieur was the most considerable person in af­fairs, as also the most capable to raise Divisions in the Kingdom, as many Princes of his Place and Birth had done, who not being able to stay for command untill the time prescribed by the Laws both the Nature and the Kingdom, run out at the perswasion of those who were near them, to seise on the Government. The Car­dinal therefore was no whit less industrious to tye him too unto the Kings Interests. There was no great need of any extraordinary diligence to bring it to pass, Justice having infused into him with his birth, all those inclinations and dispositions which were proper for him to have towards his Majesty. All which the Cardinal very well knew.

Neither was he ignorant, That Princes of his condition are usually carried away from their duties by those who are attending near upon them; so that he likewise made himself sure of the Colonel d' Ornano, who had the honour to be nearest to his person, and upon whose advice Monsieur did more relye then any others. Now knowing that this soul naturally ambitious, was not to be captivated by other tyes then those of Greatness, he perswaded the King to bestow on him a Marshals Staffe of France, conceiving that this Qualification would force him to become his Majesties very faithful servant. Monsieur the Prince, had the honour to be the first of those of the Blood Royal, and the Cardinal thought it no lesse expedient to gain him, and satisfie his humour, by giving him a part in Affairs, and the content which he might pretend to in his Interests. He had a great conflict with the Queen Mothers spirit, but at last with a handsom address, he let her see, that there could be no certain quiet and repose in the State, without a good understanding between the King her son and him, and that it was to contribute to his own greatness, not to leave the Prince in those discontents whereunto he had been reduced, and which might in time carry him on to the making of Cabals, and raising of new emotions. But whatever reasons he could then alledge, she would not be induced to assent to his coming to the Court; nevertheless the Cardinal so dealt with the King, that his Majesty in some Letters to him, gave him extraordinary expressions and testi­monies of his Favour, sometimes by asking his advice, as occasions should present, as also by taking a particular care for the expediting of his Affairs, which was ac­cordingly effected; and the King writing to him, assured him of his kindness to­wards him, and desiring his opinion of the Affairs of the Valtoline, of the Hugo­nots, and the War of Italy. By this he received an entire content and satisfaction, so that from thence forward he began to order himself with more affection to his Majesties Inclinations, then formerly he had done. This strait union which the Cardinal tyed in the Royal Family, was an assured foundation of the Nations Peace, and cut off all hopes that any troublesome spirits might have to embroyl it.

Politique Observation.

THat Minister who would attempt any great designs abroad, is bound to settle all at home, by a strong uniting of the Royal house. The harmony of the prime Qualities is that which preserves our bodies in a convenient health: If one should assault the other, the Natural Justice is violated, and the Union dissolved; which once so, the whole frame falls to nothing. Who knoweth not, that the Union of Grandees, especially those of the Royal Family, is the most sure founda­tion of Peace and Welfare to a State? They may not be disjoyn'd from their King, [Page 100]neither may any one of them attempt upon his Crown, but Justice will be offended, and their Union broken, which once so, the State is soon exposed to manifold dangers and misfortunes. This was the opinion of Misipsa in Salust, and Cyrus instructing Cambyses his own Son, advised him alwaies to be in friendship with his kindred, and to give them such advantages as may content them, because it will make him be well beloved by his Subjects, who imagine that a Prince, who doth not affect his own Kindred, deserveth not the affections of any others; and will also give more assurance to his Government, by defending him from any insur­rections which might be made by them. And this is the more considerable, as Ta­citus saith, for that it is ordinary with the people, to have a particular affection; for the Kindred of a Prince, when they shall see them hated without any just cause or reason, exemplyfying the Love which the people of Rome did bear to Germani­cus, which increased in them by the hatred which was born to him by Tiberius; and it cannot be doubted, but that the particular affection with which the people love them, may give them great advantages to embroyl the State, and may serve for a strong prop to their revolts. It cannot be avoyded, but that Princes nearly rela­ted to a Soveraign, must have some hand in the Government of Affairs, and must partake with him in the Honours of the State; how can it then be done in a good order, unless they live in a fair correspondence with one another? What way can a vessel goe, when as they who guide it, do some row towards the Poop, and others towards the Prow; despising the Pilots orders, so that the vessel becomes ex­posed to be wracked. And what may there be expected from a State, where the Princes of the Blood Royal, who have the Government of the Provinces, fall off from his Majesties designs and interests, engaging themselves in Factions and Par­ties? Doth it not by this means absolutely expose the State to Civil Wars, which being left at random by this disunion, becomes a prey to strangers, who will be sure to take advantage of it?

The sending of the Sieur de Blainville into England in the quality of Extraordinary Ambassadour.

THough the Allyance which had so lately been contracted with England, seemed to be indissolvable by the confirming of it with the Mariage of the Princess; yet it was not long before some grounds did arise to obstruct their good corre­spondency. The great confidence which the Queen of England had in certain Ladies, who had been a long while near, and about her, as also in certain Ecclesia­stiques, a little too inconsiderate in their zeal, was in part the occasion of it; for they giving her advices which were not alwaies accompanied with Prudence, did clash with the King her Husbands humour, and were upon the point of breeding some differences between them. The King did not much wonder at it, having of a long time known, how little considerable womens counsels ordinarily are, and how they commonly end in some broyl, unless there be some one near them, who may prevent it by the reputation and credit which he hath amongst them. But however it did not hinder his Majesty from dispatching the Sieur de Blanville, his Extraordi­nary Ambassador to the King of England, that he might take some course before the inconsiderateness of those persons who were about the Queen, had caused any more mischiefs; which was the easilier to be done, in regard the Queen want­ed neither Respect nor Love for the King her Husband, and was onely to be bla­med, for having relyed a little too much upon those who were given to her to be her Counsel. But this was not all, there was another cause of difference between the two Crowns, which was this: The Sieur de Soubize, having fled into England, and there saved himself, had taken in times of Peace, and against the approval too of those of Rochel, a small vessel, called the little Saint John, at the Port of Blavet, which he afterwards carried to Plymouth. And not long after the English had de­tained and unladen another Ship at Dover, called the Merchant Royal, full laden [Page 101]with goods to the value of twelve hundred thousand Liuvers. This kind of acting was as strange as unjust, and a great noise it made. The French Merchants not be­ing able to get a satisfactory answer in it, because the Sieur de Blainville's demands were sent to the Council of his Majesty of Great Britain, seised upon some En­glish Ships, which exasperated them afresh, and hindred the resolution of any thing untill the following year.

Politique Observation.

ALthough the common end of private Mariages tend to concluding of Peace a­mongst Families, yet it is not alwaies the same thing with Princes. They do ne­ver make up any Matches but on the score of Interests, and if any cause of difference arise amongst them, they do not at all value their Alliances; but it is well known, that those Wars which have been between such Princes, have ever been the most bloody. It was imagined, that those many Contracts which had been made be­tween the Princes of the House of Orleance, and those of Burgogne, would have extinguished the fire of their Quarrels, but the sequel made it apparent, they all served to no purpose.

Lewis the Moor, Duke of Milan, was near a kin to the Arragonois of Naples, yet he undid them by his intreagues: And who knoweth not that France never had such great Quarrels either with Spain or England, as when they were allyed by some Mariage? And indeed it ought not to seem strange, for a Soveraign hath no Kins­man so nearly related to him as his State. A private man may govern himself ac­cording to the Rules of Friendship, but it is otherwise with a Soveraign, who is obliged to preserve the Rights of his Crown against every one. His reputation is of so great concern towards the good of his Affairs, that he may not suffer any injury to be offered to it, which he is not bound to repell by any wayes what­soever.

The Treasuries are better regulated by the Cardinals care.

THey who have had particular knowledge of things ever since ten years last past, could not sufficiently wonder at those vast charges which the State had been put to both by maintaining so many Armies together, in Languedoc, in Poictu, in the Valtoline, and Italy, as also in the Match with England, and defraying of Ambassa­dors expences, together with Alliances with States, considering that the Cardinal entring upon the Administration, had found the Treasury not onely exhausted, but likewise much indebted, so that they lived upon the next years Revenues. This was an effect of that great Ministers prudence, who knowing how necessary it was for a State to have a good mass of Mony in reserve, had quickly so setled the Trea­suries, that there was great plenty succeeded that former want. The Secretaries of State were commanded not to seal any more Orders, but by express command from the King or his Chief Ministers: The Superintendants were also ordered, not to au­thorize those which should be presented from the Secretaries of State, but upon good and just consideration. There were divers persons removed from Court, who attended there to no intent or purpose, but only had sometimes the honour to see the King. Rewards were kept for those who deserved them by their services. There were also new orders taken at the same time concerning the Treasuries, which were so exactly observed, that it was impossible any more to abuse the Kings Monies as formerly they had done, so that the Treasury was not only acquitted of those advances which had been made, but was afterwards filled with such great sums, that France had never seen the like.

Politique Observation.

THe King who designs great matters, and wants store of monies to execute them▪ doth onely attempt vain enterprizes. The most part of Politicians have alwaies been of opinion, that the Riches of a Prince are the Nerves of War; be­cause as it is impossible for a man to go or stand without Sinews; so it cannot be expected that an Army should subsist, or that Souldiers should do their duties, if there be not good store of monies to pay them, and to provide all necessaries for them. There is not onely Machiavel, who denieth this Position against the Au­thority of Dion, Quintus Curtius, Vegetius, Cicero and Plutarch, who is of opini­on that money is not a Nerve in War. But besides that the Judgement of these great Sages of Antiquity, is at least as considerable as his opinion. So I find not that those reasons of his are solid enough to overthrow so commonly received a maxime. I must confess with him, that War may sometimes have a good successe, though the Souldiers be but ill payed, because the Authority of a grand Comman­der, and their own Courages may very much animate them; but as that doth but seldome happen, so there cannot be any certain conclusion deduced from it. There is hereof a notable example in the Battel of Pavy, where the Imperialists despair­ing to perswade their Army to fight by reason they were so ill paid, the Marquesse of Pescaire took the resolution on himself to exhort them, and infused such mettle in­to them, that they went on with great Courage, and got a great honour over the French. But that Prince who would deduce an absolute Rule from this example, or any of the like nature, and shall follow them in his Conduct, shall onely prepare himself for his own Confusion and Ruine: Experience having made it evident on a thousand occasions, that it is unreasonable to hope for a happy success in matters of War, though never so inconsiderable, without great practice. I know that it is not money onely, which conduceth to the carrying on of great exploits, but that good Souldiers are also necessary; an experienced old Commander, courteous, generous, able in Counsels, quick in executions, beloved by the Souldiers and indued with se­veral other qualifications necessary for command: But besides all this, though a General and Souldiers should be thus accomplished, yet unlesse there be good sums of monies, nothing can be really attempted: For how can a Prince without this, sa­tisfie several Souldiers and Commanders? How can he without this make his pre­parations of Victuals, Provisions, Ammunitions, Artilleries, and other things which cannot be had without great expences? And in case his Forces shal be cut off or destroyed, how can he make Recruits or new Levies? Charles the eighth having great occasions for Souldiers to raise the Siege of Navar, sent the Bayliff of Dion to raise it, but having no money he could procure no Souldiers. In the mean while, the King accorded with the Florentines for the restitution of Pisa, and several other Towns in Hostage, by which means he received great store of monies, of which he sent a small part into Swizzerland, and the Bayliff who onely demanded ten thou­sand men, brought twenty thousand with him.

The Assembly of the Clergy for the Condemnation of certain Libels, sent abroad by the Spanish Ambition.

ALL the rest of the year at least after May, the Bishops and Clergy of France, were assembled at Paris. The chief intent of this meeting was for the renuing of that contract which they made every tenth year with the King, for the payment of those Rents which are imposed upon them. But this was not the onely worthy imployment which entertained them, the affection which they alwaies had for the King, would not let them give way to the permitting those infamous Books, abor­tives of the Spanish Ambition which had been sent into France. There need no more then onely to read them, and it would soon be apparent that they were full of [Page 103]seditious Doctrine; That they were published onely with design to diminish the Kings Authority, to detract from his Majesties glory to raise Wars amongst stran­gers, to stir up the people to sedition, and to kindle a flame of War in France: The Contents of them were replenished with a thousand specious pretences of Re­ligion. These generous Prelates soon discovered their designs, and made it ap­parent that they were like Apothecaries, or Mountebanks Boxes, which are mark­ed on the outside with the title of some healing Medicine, but have within nothing but what is very dangerous and hurtfull: They condemed the Authors of them as enemies to the publick quiet, and seducers of the people to sedition, putting them in mind that God had commanded them to honour Kings as Lieutenants of his power, and required them to be in a straight obedience, by shewing honour and respect to his designs and Justice, whom God had placed over them, for the good and happiness of France; and not contented with having thus verbally expressed their affections to his Majesty, they testified their zeal and fidelity to him by gran­ting him six hundred thousand Crowns upon the Churches of France, as a contri­bution toward the Wars in which the State was ingaged, as also to preserve Re­ligion in its splendour, and to maintain the glory of the Crown. It cannot be denyed but that many poor low spirits grumbled at it, who considering but one of those ends for which Lands were given to Churches, began to oppose it, as if the Church, which is part of the State, were not bound to contribute to the good of those Corporations of which they were members, and as if the publique necessities were not more considerable than the private profits of some particular people who often employ their Revenues to bad uses.

Politique Observation.

KIngs may lawfully compel Eccleasiastiques upon an important occasion to con­tribute to them some part of their Revenues for the maintenance of the State, seeing the goods of the Church are upon such necessities in the same condition with those of others. They are not exempted from ordinary contributions either by the Son of God, or his Apostles; for when as they lived on the earth, the Church had not any immovable Goods, and it is from the favours of Emperours and Kings, that she hath since obtained that priviledge; it was never granted to her, but only that they might be employed on the publique extraordinary necessi­ties of the State. They are only tyed by Religion not to exact it, though they may by absolute authority force it; for if they might not make use of the Churches Goods in a case of urgency, their Soveraign power would be of little worth: And Soveraigns not compelling them in this harsh manner, doe so much the more ob­lige them to do it; for the entreaty of him who may enforce, is a greater tye then his command: And is it not very reasonable, that as all the parts of the Body, even the most noble, do contribute to its conservation, so all the members of a State should doe their utmost to preserve it, and to establish the glory of it. The Emperour Gratian ordained, That every one should serve on publique occasions, and first of all addressed himself to execute it, not pretending any exemption to due to the priviledge of his dignity; and Plato saith, No man but ought to obey necessities, seeing the Gods themselves submit to them. And admit that Ecclesia­stiques should deny, or make any difficulty to assist the King on such occasions, might they not with reason be reproached, as the Emperour Dioclesian once did a Philospher, who petitioned him to hold him excused from some Levy which was layd upon the rest of the people. Thy request, quoth the Emperour to him, is contrary to thy Profession, for that thou pretending to overcome thy Passions, and to tread under thy feet all that which the world delighteth in, doest however, suffer thy self to be possest with covetousness. So Ecclesiastiques professing to be Imitators and Disciples of Jesus Christ, who recommendended no one thing more then Pover­ty, and who prohibited his Disciples to heap up Gold and Silver, would do an act much contrary to their profession, if they should pretend to be exempted from [Page 104]those charges which their Kings are forced to lay on the rest of their Subjects in any urgent occasions.

Troubles in Lorrain hapening upon the Will of Henry Duke of Lorrain.

IT remaineth that I should now write of some Affairs which passed about the end of this year in Lorrain, and which have such a dependance on the concerns of France, that I may not let them slip. Henry Duke of Lorrain, a little before he dyed, finding himself without Sons, did by his Will invest his eldest Daughter Madam Nicole, whom he had married to Charles de Lorrain, eldest Son to the Count of Vaudmont, his younger Brother, giving her to understand, that Lorrain and all that which belonged unto it, did really appertain to her, and that Charles her Husband had no right to it, but onely in consideration of her. However the Count de Vaudmont, desirous to preserve it to his Son, in case he should outlive his Wife, pretended himself to be heir to the Dutchee, by virtue of the Will of Rey­nard, King of Sicily; and Duke of Lorrain, his Great Grandfather, dated the twenty fifth of May, in the year one thousand five hundred and six, which untill then he had never heard of; by which the said King foreseeing the ruins which u­sually happeneth to great Houses, by subdividing those possessions which once be­longed to them, had incorporated the Dutchees of Lorrain and Bar, the Marqui­sate of Ponta-Mouson, and the Earldom of Vaudmont, and constituted his eldest Son Anthony, late Duke of Lorrain, sole heir of the said Soveraignties and Lord­ships, willing, and ordaining, that his descendents should succeed him from Male to Male, gradually, and one after another, and that the Daughters should not at all pretend to it. He left in division to Claudius his youngest Son, the possession of Guise, Elbauf, Aumalle, Mayenne, Joinville, and several others which he had in France, substituting and ordaining his Heirs Males for ever to enjoy them, and ex­cluding all Daughters. The original of the Will was very authentique, and Copies of it in divers places to be had. There was moreover an Instrument of Approbation, made by the States of the said Dutchie assembled for that purpose, after the de­cease of the said King, upon the thirteenth of February, in the year fifteen hun­dred and eight, before Madam Philip of Gueldres, Queen of Sicilie, Dutchess of Lorrain and Bar, who declared, they were contented to conform themselves to the said Kings Will.

Now the Count de Vaudmont supposed, that upon consequence of this substitu­tion and order thus established by Will, and confirm'd by the States, himself was the onely and true Heir of Lorrain, and that his late Brothers Daughters could pretend to it, but that they ought to be married to persons correspondent to their Qualities.

At last he declared, by a publick Instrument, that in consideration of his Sons marriage with Madam Nicole, his late Brothers Daughter, he was content to dis­possess himself into the hands of his said Son, and that he did invest him with it, requiring that he should be honoured and obeyed in that quality by all his States, which he renounced to him in his behalf; and that after his decease they should de­scend to his next Heirs Males, excluding all Females, and still preferring the eldest, who were to give the youngest Pensions, and the Daughters Portions according to the Honour of the House.

The King, though somwhat concerned in this agreement, did not oppose it, but esteemed it as frivolous, it being free for him not to take any notice of it, because it was not presented to him for a ratification, though the curious spirits of the time, who are pleased to discusse the Interests of States, not at all concern'd in them, but onely by the faithfulness of their Affection, did talk diversly of it: Some maintaining that the Will of Reynard the second, upon which the Count de Vaudmont grounded his pretensions, was absolutely voyd, as also the Contract [Page 105]of disseisure. They alledged for their chief reason, that it was contrary to the Laws and Customes of Lorrain and Barr, observed in the Successions of those Dutchies and Lordships which ever preferred the daughters before the Males who were far remo­ved; and secondly, that it was contrary to the Laws and Customes of France made at Orleance, in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty, and at Moulin in one thou­sand five hundred sixty and six, which prohibit such substitutions for ever, but re­strain them to the second degree [...] Besides the institution which was passed, if it should so stand, it would follow of consequence, that the substitution in behalf of the Males for ever, could not be vallid, especially in relation to Barr, and that which depends on the Crown of France, where his Majesty ought to be consider­ed, not onely as common Soveraign, but as Lord Paramout to whom belonged the cognizance of causes of Appeal, and to whom Faith and Homage ought to be paid, as also service with and against all others, it being not allowed to a Vassal, to alter (without the Kings authority who is chief Lord) the nature of the Fee, a­gainst the Order established by Custome. Thirdly, they added for the confirmati­on of their opinions, an example very considerable which was this. It had been concluded and agreed upon in a Treaty made at Guerand, in the year one thousand three hundred sixty and four, between John the valiant Count de Montfort, after­wards the Fifth of that name Duke of Brittain, son of John Count of Montfort, of the one party, and Jane Dutchess of Brittain, daughter to Guy Count of Ponthieu, elder brother to the said Count of Montfort, of the other party. That as long as there should be Males of the said House of Brittain, no Female should inherit the said Dutchy: They did not apprehend this Agreement to be firm and good, unlesse Charles the Fifth who was Soveraign of the said Dutchy should ratifie and confirm it, for that it was contrary to the Custome; by vertue of which said Custome, the said Jane had obtained the said Dutchy by a solemn Judgement, against her said Unckle the Count of Montfort in being preferred before him, as being the neerest, and daughter to the eldest Brother; and that therefore they intreated the Com­missaries and Deputies, who were the Arch-Bishop of Rei [...]ns, and the Marshal of Boucica [...]d, to ratifie and confirm their Award, which they did: That upon the score of this Ratification, the Males of the House of Montfort had alwaies succeeded in the said Dutchy of Britain, by being preferred before the Females. That Rai­nard the second in not having followed this order, for the Dutchy of Barr, and those other Lands which depended on France, had made his said Will and Substitu­tion absolutely void in it self. Fourthly, the best Historians did moreover alledge, That this same Will of R [...]ynard the second, was not deemed to be vallid in the House of Lorrain, but had been abrogated from time to time: As for those Lands which related to France, they answered, that the said Duke himself had about ten moneths after, dis-owned his said Will by a solemn Act, whereby he beseeched Lewis the twelfth to grant his consent, that his Heirs Males and Females, might suc­ceed to inherit those lands in France, though the said Claudius was born out of the Kingdome, as may appear by the Letters of Naturalizing, granted by the said King at Lyons in the year one thousand five hundred and seven, in the moneth of May, preferring by this Act, the Heirs females of Claudius, before Anthony his eldest son whom he had created Duke of Lorrain, and the sons of the said Anthony. That in Prosecution of his said Deed of Abrogation, the said preferrency had been gran­ted to the daughter of Claudius, in reference to the Dutchies of Guise and Aumal­le; as also in the Principallity of Joinville; in which it is declared, that the said Daughters should be admitted to inherit the said Lordships and Lands, excluding the sons of the late Duke, at least from all which related to France. Sixthly they added, that as for what hath dependence from the Empire, the Will ought not to be valid, neither for that it is directly contrary to the Custome received and used in all Principallities thereunto belonging, which are upon that side of the Rhine, and particularly against the Custome of Nancy it self: By vertue of which, the daugh­ters have ever succeeded, excluding the Males when ever they were nearer related, and that it was not in the power of Raynard to abolish the said Custome without [Page 106]the Emperours consent to that purpose, first had and obtained. On the other side there were some others who were of opinion, that the Will of the said Raynard ought to be good and vallid, there being no disposing Power which can exceed a Priviledge; that it was true the said substitution was contrary to the Customes, but the Soveraign Liege having power at least with his States to make and to constitute such Ordinances and Laws which might regard the good of his people; provided alwaies that the Supream Authority from whence he depended, were not injured in it, he might abrogate such usances, and that no one could pretend to oppose it, no not the Lord Paramount himself, for that he was not at all concerned in it, ad­mitting his particular Rights were preserved to him, seeing as the Lawyers say, That whatsoever is resolved by the States of a Country, for the reformation of a Custome ought to be deemed and observed as a Custome of it self. Their main reasons were, That it was necessary to distinguish between a Soveraign Paramount, and a Liege Lord; that indeed it was granted, a Liege Lord had not power to make any Orders or Laws in prejudice of his Superiour Lord, but that it is not the same thing as to what concerneth the Powers which appartains unto him, and that he may at least dispose of them with his States, not to alienate; but certainly to substitute and appoint them. That it were indifferent to a Lord Paramount, whether they were Males or Females who succeeded in the Government, it being not any thing of con­cern to him, provided his rights were preserved to him, and that his Homage, Ser­vice, and Obedience were paid him. That if at any time they should oppose such Orders and Laws as were made by a Soveraign Liege and his States, their oppositi­on however were not of any validity, for that no one hath any right to oppose any thing which doth not clash with his own Interests. That withall this reason was so much the more considerable, in respect of those States which have depen­dance on the Empire; because they are held with much lesse Subjection then those of the Crown of France, for that the Duke of Lorrain is not at all obliged to pay Homage to the Emperour, but onely to serve him, and contribute to the ne­cessities of his State.

They alledged one very considerable reason, as to what concern'd his Majesties interests, in relation to those Signiors which depended on his Crown, making it apparent, that he was so far from being prejudiced by those constitutions made in favour of the heirs Males, that rather on the contrary, his Majesty would receive a notable advantage by it, seeing by this means, the States of Lorrain, would al­waies remain in the Possession of some small Prince, whose weakness alone, if he should at any time be minded to fall off from his Fidelity, would force him to con­tinue in his duty; whereas if the daughter were admitted to a succession before any Males further removed, it would of consequence fall out, that those Females might fall into the hands of some Potent Prince, from whom his Majesty might probably receive more dis-service then service, as it happened in the case of Inheritrix of Lorrain, who married Raynard, it is apparently known to every one, of what great concern it is (without being beholding to examples) for a King to have small Princes to be his neighbours.

As to that which concerneth the Ordinances of Orleance and Moulines, which restrained all substitutions made to the fourth degree; besides the first institution, that is to say, from the Institutor, and the instituted, who succeedeth the intestate, they pretended it did not exclude Francis Count of Vaudmont from the substitution, seeing he was the fourth from Anthony, who was the first instituted. For this An­thony left his State of Lorrain to his son Francis, which Francis left them to his son Charls, and Charls to the late Duke Henry his son, who was father to Nicole, which Henry having no sons, Francis Count of Vaudmont his brother ought to be admitted to the succession, he being within the fourth degree of the Ordinances, and that reducing Liege Princes to the condition of ordinary Vassals, that which is permitted to ordinary Vassals, ought at least to be granted and allowed unto them. They likewise answered, in reply to the Treaty at Guerrande, that that ex­ample could not prejudice the right which Francis Count de Vaudmont had to the [Page 107]succession, for that a single example createth no Law, as the Lawyers say; because particular persons not well informed may be defective in using their own rights in their utmost extension of Power.

And lastly they said it was easie to answer all those Allegations brought to make void the Will, and that Reynards own Act could not nullifie it, for that no Testator whatever, contradicting any one Article of his Will during his life, doth at all hinder the standing good of all the rest.

Besides that, the Ratification made by the States two years after, did sufficient­ly evince that he did not at all pretend to abrogate those Lands which he had left to his son Anthony, and that it might safely be said, he had onely desired Letters of Naturalization from Lewis the twelfth, that he might make the daughters of his Son Claudius, capable of succeeding in those Lands which he had left him, not that he did pretend by it to prefer them before the far remote Males; but because it might happen in time, that they alone might remain to enter upon their Fathers Possessions, and in that case it would be needfull, that their Father were naturali­zed to bring them into Possession. That the same thing might be said, in answer to the Dutchies of Guise and Aumalle, and the Principallities of Joinville; as also of the Treaty made between King Charls the ninth, and Charls the second Duke of Lorrain; for that there was no colour of reason to beleeve, that the Messieurs de Guise, who drew on the said Treaty, would act against that Will which called them into the Succession of Lorrain, by excluding of the daughters, seeing it had not as yet been contradicted, there not having hitherto been any daughters, who could pretend to the Succession of the Dutchies of Barr and Lorrain, in exclusion of the Males, but onely Madam Nicole, and Claudius of Lorrain, who were then in competition. That as to the form of renunciation made by Anne, daughter to Duke Anthony, and Christian daughter to Duke Charls, they could not null the Will, for that both did protest to be maintained in those rights which did really belong to them, which thing did not however give them any right at all. These answers seemed plausible enough, whence it followed, that those exceptions made against the Will not being considerable in their Judgements, they presently con­cluded that the Will ought to be in its full force, and put in execution, and these were the reasons alledged by both Parties; but the King could onely judge of them, as to what related to his Crown; for that he alone is Soveraign judge of all that concerneth his own interests, and he hath no power but God above, which can Ar­bitrate concerning it.

Politique Observation.

THe substitution of Soveraignties made in favour of men, seemeth to be so much the more lawfull, in regard it is conformable to the Order of Gods Providence, who hath created women onely to obey; who knoweth not that Moses the Law-giver of Gods people, whose Councels were inspired by the holy Ghost, hath not permitted the daughters to accept of the Succession, but in default of sons. And doth not Plato in the second book of his Laws say, that it is reasonable that they should fall to the nearest of kin, still observing this Order, The Male should be preferred before the Female, and that at least the Testator should chuse one of the Males for his next heir? Sol [...]n one of the wisest Law-givers of Antiquity, made a Law to establish this rule in his Commonwealth, as Demosthenes testifies in his Oration against Leocrates: And the Law of the Athenians gave not any right of succession to the daughters, if the sons should present themselves to accept of it, as it may be seen in the Book of Theodosian. Euripides giveth a good reason of it in his Iphigenia, when he saith, the Male children are the Pillars of houses; that to them it belongeth to take up Arms for the good of the People, that the Sacri­fices are made in their names, that it belongeth to them, to transact Publick affairs, and the daughters instead of preserving those Families into which they are born, do weaken them by dividing the inheritances of them, and carrying them into other [Page 108]places. And if this priviledge of Males hath been judged heretofore reasonable amongst private families, it is incomparably much more in Soveraignties, where the daughters have been alwaies esteemed uncapable by the most discreet. It is true that Liege Lords, being onely to gather the profits of their possessions are bound for the making of these substitutions valuable to procure the consents of their Estates in whom the proptiety remains: But an absolute Soveraign ought not to make any difficulty at all of it, because it is very advantagious for them; especi­ally if it be done in the favour of those whose greatnesse is not to be suspected. This will be a means to preserve the Estate that belongs to him in the hands of a small Prince, whose power he will never have any reason to fear, which is no small ad­vantage to him, whereas letting it fall into the hands of daughters who may marry with Potent Princes, they may become their Masters, and may not onely not ren­der that service which is due by Liege men; but on the contrary, may bring such troubles to them, as may oblige them still to attend them as enemies, who may make a War upon him: It seemeth likewise to be without any ground, that he should pretend a power to hinder them, seeing his right extend onely to the investiture, to the Homage, to the Tribute, to the Service of War, and fidelity, in which he can­not be damaged if they are preserved to him. Of what importance is it then, whe­ther it be a son or a daughter, which payeth him his Homage Tribute, and other du­ties as a token of submission. In that case it ought to be indifferent, for it hath onely relation to the Liege Prince, whence it comes that every one being in a ca­pacity to dispose his rights, as shal best please himself, especially when no one is preju­diced by it, there can be no impediment for the substituting his estate in the favour of the Males. Provided he alwaies oblige them to pay that that is due to their chief Lord without great reason no alterations ought to be made, in fundamental Customes of Countries; and as it seems not to be allowable in France to abrogate the Salique Law, which excludeth the daughters from the Crown; so it is very doubtfull whe­ther it be in the Power of the States themselves of some Countries, to change such Customes as have been received there time out of mind for the successions of Soveraigns.

Anno 1626.

The Duke of Savoy's Design to continue the Warre against the Spaniards.

WHo so hath at any time beheld the Sun shining through a black Cloud, dissipating those darknesses that cover the earth; dispelling fear out of their Souls who had been affrighted with the Thunder, and rejoycing the World by the presence of his rayes, hath seen the Image of that happy Peace which entred upon the beginning of this year, in concluding the Wars wherewith Italy and the V [...]lte­line were so much afflicted: But to go on with the prosecution of that which hap­ned after the raising of the siege of Verrue, untill the conclusion of the Treaty; I must tell you, that after those advantages obtained, the Duke of Savoy being sug­gested by those happy successes, and the Devastations which the Spaniards had made in his Country, desired passionately to fall upon their Army which was retired to Pand sture, as also to enter upon Mallan, that he might ingage the two Armies in a long War, and by that means be revenged of them. This was according to the temper of his Soul, who could not indure any quiet, but the Constable ae Lis­diguiers, and the Marshal de Crequy, who desired not to attempt any thing which [Page 109]might not sort to their Masters glory, opposed his design, representing to him that there was no sence of reason to assault the Spanish Army, which consisted of fourteen thousand men effective, intrenched in a place very advantagious with Can­non, and where they might be releeved with all necessary provisions, and that neither the season nor condition of their forces, would consist with the besieging any place in Milan, without hazarding the Kings Army and Reputation. These reasons were very considerable, and the Constable without losing any more time, and seeing his presence would be needlesse during the rest of the Winter in Piedmont, withdrew himself towards Granoble, after he had put the Troops in Garison, un­der the Command of the Marquis de Vignolles and Ʋxelles. In the mean while, it being necessary to give his Majesty an accompt of the condition of affairs, and to receive his commands, he forthwith dispatched the Marshal de Crequy towards the Court. This journey of the Marshal did much perplex the Duke, because hee doubted, that he would induce the King to Peace; as also, least he might make complaint to his Majesty of the little care which was had for the satisfaction of the Treaty of the League, and least he might lay all the faults which had happened in his dish. This moved him to resolve upon sending of the Prince of Piedmont towards him, as well to defend his Interest, as to perswade the King to carry on the War in Italy; and having dispatched him a few dayes after, they both arrived at Court about the beginning of February, where after they had entertained his Majesty according to their own desires, they were obliged for the better conside­ration of their Propositions to put them down in writing; accordingly, they pre­sented them to his Majesty, who assisted by his Ministers, examined them with great deliberation; and at last resolved in order to that Prince his designs; and withall, the more to oblige him to have a greater care in performing his promises, hee was assured of having the chief command of his Army, though the effect of it was di­verted by that unexpected negotiation of the Sieur de Fargis in Spain, which ended in the Treaty of Mouson in Arragon.

Politick Observation.

HAppy is that Prince whose Councels in War become unprofitable by a favou­rable Treaty of Peace, who can doubt but that the one is the source of all miseries, brings all things into necessities, deprives the people of their liberties, maketh the land barren, destroyeth the most glorious Pallaces, tieth up the hands of Justice and bringeth the Country men under the barbarous insolency of souldi­ers; and that on the contrary, the other is acknowledged to be the Mother of Plenty, the beginning of the happinesse of Kingdomes, and the joy of Nations, that it giveth all Liberty of Commerce and Labour, leaving to every one the power of injoying his own Goods, making Arts to flourish, Justice to Reign, and banish­ing all fear, which keepeth the mind in hell and in a continual unquietness, whilest there are any troubles. It is not much more pleasant to behold the earth, decked with its verdure, painted with all sorts of Flowers, inriched with the diversity of Trees, which either nature or the Labourers hand had Planted, replenished with all fruits and spices, and flowing with Milk and Honey, then when it languisheth by the insufferable hardnesses of Winter, converted into Snow and Ice, become stiffe and dis-coloured, and the Land Barren, and over-flowed with Water. So much more satisfaction ought a wise Prince to receive, when Peace commeth to deliver his Subjects from those miseries into which War had precipitated them, to restore them the free use of their own Goods, to give them the means of exercising their own Professions with quiet, to drive away necessity from them, to open the Ports of Trade from one Coast to another about their affairs, then to see them remain idle, and without exercise, in the want of the greatest part of necessaries, not daring to go out of their Gates, besieged by War in their Towns, and slaughtered in their own houses by sickness and famine.

The Conclusion of the Treaty of Mouson.

FOr the better understanding in what manner this Treaty was concluded, It will be needfull to look a good way back and to take the first rise of Affairs from Count Olivares the chief Minister of Spain, who finding that the Legat could not bring his business to that passe as was expected, resolved to use his utmost to accom­modate things in a peaceable manner, and accordingly made several overtures that way tending, to the Sieur de Fargis, Ambassador with his Catholique Majesty, who was not wanting to give speedy notice of it hither; and at the same time the Marquis de Mirabel, Ambassador for the Spaniard certified to the Marshal de Schomberg that his Master desired a Peace. Whereupon orders were sent to the Sieur de Fargis, that he should answer to such overtures as had been made, that his Master would not be unwilling to embrace it, if it might be made upon Honora­ble and safe conditions; and he was also acquainted with the Kings desiers in that particular which were reduced under three principall heads. First, that the Span­jards should renounce all pretenses to the Passages in the Valtoline, next that the Soverainty of the Valtoline should be preserved to the Grisons, and last related to the safety of the Catholique Religion, he acquitted himself of their directions very diligently, but with so much heat, that after several meetings and conferences had with the Count d'Olivarez, they at last set down their several proposals in wri­ting, which being agreed upon, they were signed by them, though the Sieur de Fargis, had no power so to do. The Sieur de Fargis conceiving he had dispatched a great affair, presently sent away the Treaty to the King, who was not a little surprised, as also his Ministers, to find a Treaty of peace concluded by his Ambassa­dor, who had no Authority for it, nor had ever sent any word of advice about it. His Majesty seemed by this precedure to be obliged to recall him, and at his return to treat him according to his deserts: but his prudence guiding him in it, he would not presently conclude so to do, but proposed the business to be debated by his Ministers. Many were of opinion absolutely, to reject this pretended Treaty, not onely because the Form of it was ill, but because it was likewise an offence to the Kings Allyes, it being concluded without them; and withall, the haste and eagerness which appeared in the Spaniards was a manifest sign of their weakness, which might not be passed by without taking some advantage of it.

But the Cardinal taking hold of the discourse, told his Majesty, that prudence did not so much tye men up to consider the Forms as the substances of things, and withall told him that he thought it more proper to stand to the conditions, of the Treatie, then to dispute the manner of the Treatie; and how the Sieur de Fargis had concluded it; He confessed that those Termes which his Majesty had desired, were not expressed with all the circumstances and limitations, as was to be wished, and yet he represented to him, that it was no small matter to have obtained of the Spaniards, the chief points which were demanded; for they renounced the passages in the Valtoline; they were contented the Soverainty should remaine in the Grisons, and in conclusion he freely declared, That to his apprehension it were not proper rashly to reject that Treaty, for that the Spanish Ambassador had lately told the Marshal de Schomberg, that in case there were any thing to be altered in point of form, or if any of the Articles were too harsh, it would be more proper to review and amend them, then to neglect the reuniting of the two Crowns. Then he in­formed his Majesty, how that his taking up Arms was for the establishing the Grisons in their Soveraignty and to preserve the passages of the Valtoline for France, in excluding the Spaniards quite from them, and that his Majesty obtayning both one and t'other he might both with advantage and reputation, hearken to the peace. That true it was his Allyes might complain of it, but without any sea­son, if once those ends were obtained, for which the league was made, and with­all the small successe of the Army in Italy made it apparent, there was little to be got by it. In short, he beseeched his Majesty to weigh one thing of great conside­ration, [Page 111]which was that Rochel not being yet reduced under his obedience, it would be an easie matter for the Spaniards to stir up the Hugonots to revolt, who finding themselves countenanced and supported by several Princes of the Court, would divert one part of his Forces, and would impede his sending of so many Forces as would be needfull on t'other side the Hils, so that instead of expecting a good Issue of the wars in Italy, there was great fear of many dangers in it. The Prudence of this incomparable Minister, urged so many strong reasons, that they were impossi­ble to be answered, so that his Majesty resolved to lay hold on those advantages in the Treaty and to amend what should be thought fit in it; To which purpose Orders were dispatched to the Sieur de Fargis, with command to induce the Count d'Olivarez to agree to them, and in case he should make and difficulty of it, that he himself should presently take his leave and return home, to give an accompt of his business.

The Sieur de Fargis having received them, on the fifteenth of February, ad­dressed himself with all dilligence to repair the fault which he had committed, and also in his letters to his Majesty testified a great deal of sorrow for it, which how­ever did not with hold him from running into a second, for he concluded upon and signed another Treaty with the Count d'Olivarez, somewhat better indeed then the former, but not strictly conformable to his Orders and instructions, so that sending them to his Majesty, they would not be accepted of unlesse once more amended: and also his Majesty that he might take away all suspition from the Marquis de Mirabel, that he did approve of this manner of proceeding in his Ambassador he wished in a publique audience, that Fargis had been but as discreet as he was; that the first time, he did a thing of his one brayn, without any autho­rity, and that in the second he had not followed his Orders and Instructions, for which he should exemplarily be punished. But that in the mean time both him­self & the King of Spain did reape some benefit by his Folly, in that they might both discover one anothers minds to be without gall, and to be well enclined to peace, of which that he might give an evident testimony, he would send a Treaty to his Ambassador with the least alteration that could be, and such a one as the King of Spain, would not make any scruple to accept of.

The Treaty was drawn up, and before it was dispatched the King gave one part of it to the Prince of Piedmont, and to the Venetian Ambassador who both having several particular designs quite different from that of the league, neither of them did approve of it, either in substance or form; and the Prince himself took his leave of the King to return into Piedmont. The Marquis de Mirable, was informed of their resentments, who seeming to suspect an absolute breach, pressed very earnestly for a quick dispatching of the Treaty away towards Spain, in such manner and form as his Majesty desired it should be amended, and gave great hopes that all things would be concluded in a happy end. So the Treaty was sent away to the Sieur de Fargis who received it at Barcelona, and as his own Interests as well as those of France did excite him to it, so he played his part so dexterously with the Count d'Olivarez, that it was soon after signed and concluded between them, and antidated from the fifth of March at Mouson, to evade any complaints of Cardinal Barbarini, who had bin at Barcelona, before the Treaty was signed and had no hand in it, for fear onely of some great delayes, which he might have raised, because he had no other answer made him to those overtures of his for peace, but onely complements and thanks, & assurances that the peace was concluded. The chief Articles were, That the Affairs of the Grisons and the Valtoline should be restored into the same state, they were before the war, in the year one thousand six hundred and seventeen, preser­ving by this means the Soverainty to the Grisons, and the absolute disposing power of the Passages to France, in whose actual possession they then were; that there never should any exercise of Religion be established in the Valtoline, but only the Roman Catholique and Apostolique, that the Valtolines might elect their own Governors and Magistrates, all Catholiques either of the Grisons or the Valtolines. That such elections should be confirmed by the Grisons, who should not however [Page 112]have any power to refuse the Ratification of them: That all the Forts in the Val­toline should be restored into the Popes hands, to be forth with rased and de­mollished that the two Kings should proceed with all sincerity, to settle peace be­tween such of their Allyes as had ingaged in the wars with them, and that neither of them should openly or privately give any abbetting or assistance, to the continuing of the war between them, without having first used all fair means and wayes, for the setling of a peaceable and friendly agreement. Thus were all the grounds of diffe­rence between them ended and concluded, to the great Happiness of Christendom, though by away in it self extravagant enough, and contrarie to all usual Forms.

Politique Observation.

IN all Treaties of great Importance. It is more material to adhere to the sub­stances then the formalities of conditions. Formalities are indeed, necessary as means to abtain that end which is proposed, and there is great reason to rest satis­fied when that same end is once obtained. What sence is there not to accept of that which is aymed at when occasion doeth present, but to leave it off to the ha­zard of time and Fortune, and all to finish it, with certain Ceremonies, which at last cast do not at all advantage the thing doing? The end say the Philosophers, hath this propertie, That it terminateth all motion; and so a stone resteth when once arrived at the center of the Earth, the end which the Creator of Nature hath a­scribed unto it.

So the Artificer, when once he hath perfected his workmanship, forbeareth any further labour about it; and it is most certain that all causes whether natural or ar­tificial, do prefer rest before motion, if it were not necessary to admit of Actions for the attaining that end whereunto it tendeth.

Who knoweth not that Publique peace is the end of a wise Prince, and the very thing too for which he doth attempt any war, and that he would never design war but only for the obtayning of a quiet sure rest? The sick person would never have any recourse to the Phisitian, if he had no need of putting his distempered body into a good order.

And what Reason could there be for continuation of the war, when there is an over­ture offered for accepting of an honorable and advantageous peace? to do so were point blanck against the prescribed rule of Justice, of which both art & nature giveth us examples. Admit there be some formalities wanting in the Treaty, they ought to be considered in the order of negotiation, in the same manner, as the motions of nature; and as no one maketh any esteem of motion when as the pretended end is once obtained: So the wisest Polititians doe lay by the considerations of all for­malities, when once they are arrived at that pitch which they propose to them­selves.

The Pope is very glad of the Treaty of Peace, between France and Spain.

AS soon as the Treaty was concluded, his Majesties next care was to induce his Allyes to ratifie it; The Pope was first of all acquainted with it, who was overjoyed at it, and openly declared to the Sieur de B [...]thune that he took no no­tice at all, of the extraordinary manner had bin use by concluding it without interesting him or letting him have a hand in it, only that he might rejoyce with the more liberty to behold the two Crowns of France and Spain in Peace: I shall also add that his Holiness excused himself too, for the Resolution which he had taken of sen­ding six housand men to Pepeinheim, for the guarding of the Fort of Rive, assuring him that he had not done it, but only to vindicate the injurie which had been done him by the Spaniards, who were come to that point of Boldness as to say his Holi­ness favoured the Grisons against the Valtolines; as also in some sort to repell the [Page 117]injurie which had been offered to the Holy Chair, when as those Forts were taken which had been guarded under his Ensignes, and that he did moreover pretend by this means to get a greater power over the Spaniards, that he might afterwards the more easily force them to accept of a reasonable Treaty. But he was much more overjoyed at the news of the last Treaty, for he heard at the same time from the Si [...]ur de Bethune that his Master the King had also accepted of it, and that the Peace was by that means absolutely concluded.

The sending of the Sieur de Bullion towards the Duke of Savoy, to perswade him to assent to the Treaty before mentioned.

NOw as this Agreement was the principal thing which could be desired from his Holiness, so the Sieur de Bethune, satisfied him with it, by representing to him, with what respects the King his Master had treated him, by his admitting the Forts should be restored into his Holinesses hands to be by him demolished. All the Princes of Italy, who were not entred into the league, did testifie a great deal of joy at the news of the accomodation; but it was not so with the Duke of Savoy, and Common-wealth of Veniee, who upon the first hear-say of it seemed to be much discontented, for that the Treaty had been concluded without them; though in real­lity, they had no reason to be troubled at the foundation of it, seeing his Majesty had obtained those ends for which their Armies and Forces had been united and leagued together: But in regard the form of the Treaty was contrary to that Order which was usually observed, his Majesty resolved to send his Ambassadors to them, to recompense by some extraordinary [...], the default which might be omitted in prejudice of their right. The [...] de Bullion was sent towards the Duke of Savoy, by reason of that credit and acquaintance which he had of a long time had with the said Duke. His Instruction consisted of three particualrs, The first to induce his Highness to assent unto the Treaty of Mouson, and to qualifie his resent­ments for that it had been done without him. The second was to dispose him to­wards a cessation of Arms, with those of Genoa, and to refer the business of their differences to arbitration, and lastly to treat with him, concerning the interests of his house, and withal to proffer him his Majesties assistance to raise him, to the greatest point of glory, that he could aime at. Upon the first of these three points, the Sieur de Bullion had orders to give his Highness to understand, that the manner of Sieur de Fargis his proceeding in it, had deprived his Majesty of all possible means to communicate it to his Highness, and that his Majesty having had advise upon it, was counselled to lay hold on peace, in regard of the disposition of Affairs both within and without his Kingdome, considering the small progresse the Arms of the League had made after two years time in Italy, and lastly for that those very things were obtain'd in the Peace, for which the League had been contrived, all which things were much more considerable then any Formalities and Punctilio's of honour. Upon the second point the Sieur de Bullion had expresse charge to tell his Highness, that his Majesty had so much the more willingly consented to the Treaty of Peace, that he might be capable of ending his differences with the Com­mon-wealth of Genoa by arbitration, in respect his Arms had so little contributed to advance his interests as yet, and that if his Highness would be pleased to make known his pretentions. The King would embrace them very affectionately, and as his own; and would also concur with him for the procuring him all possible satis­faction and content, either by disputing the business by reason, and if need were by Arms. Upon the third point, which had no relation to any thing of the League, and yet was no inconsiderable thing neither, for that it was designed only to al­lay and take off from the Dukes anger and passion, that his Majesty well knowing the courage and magnanimity of this Prince, and that it was his high mind which made him esteem glory above all things, as also that eminent Titles of honour have a great influence on the Souls of those who are touched with greatness, and that it [Page 114]doth bring them to that point which is pretended, commanded the Sieur de Bullion to humour this inclinations, and to let him know that his Majesty had by the Sieur de Bethune proposed to the Pope, to cause him be Crowned King of Cyprus, as wel in re­gard of the pretensions which the house of Savoy hath upon that Kingdom, as also in regard of his particular valour, which was risen to so high an admiration and credit in the whole World, that this Title could not with Justice be denied him, and that there was not any King in Christendom, which would not be wel satisfied with the admissi­on of a Prince of his Birth and recommendation, into that degree and quality.

The Dispatch of the Sieur du Chasteauneuf to the Common-wealth of Ve­nice, for the Affairs before-mentioned,

THE Sieur de Bulloin made use of his Reason with so much Judgement and Prudence, that he obtained all he could desire: The Cessation of Arms was consented to; and accordingly, proclaimed in Milan, Genoa, and Piedmont. The referring of the businesse to Arbitration was well approved of, and his Highnesse delivered a breviate of his pretensions to the Crown of Cyprus, to the Sieur at Bullion, who assured he would recommend that businesse particularly to his Majesty; and told him, that most assuredly his Majesty would be very careful of it. On the other side the Sieur de Chasteauneuf was at the same time sent to the Com­mon-wealth of Venice, to induce them to accord to the Treaty and accommodati­on of Mouson, and from thence for the same purpose to the Grisons, the Valtolines, and the Swisses. Those first Reasons which were given in charge to the Sieur de Bullion, to represent to the Duke of [...] were also included in his Instructions, and he had likewise particular order to ad [...] to the Common-wealth of Venice, That they had great reason to be well satisfied with the Peace, seeing it freed them from a chargeable War, subject to many accidents, and in which well they might lose much, but gain little. And because the Venetian Embassador declared that he did imagine the assurance of the Treaty to consist in the keeping up of those Forts in the Valtoline; the said Sieur de Chasteauneuf had Order to let them know, that such a pretension as that was, would most assuredly have broken off the Treaty of ac­commodation, and that all that was to be wished, was sometimes impossible to be effected: Besides that, the keeping up of the Fort; would be a great charge, ei­ther in relation to the necessary expences, for the giving of a full satisfaction, or else for the maintaining of a strong Garison, and who at last cast too, might not peradventure be able to keep out the Spaniard, if at any time hee should have a mind to enter upon them with an Army. He was also charged to let them perceive that the natural inclination of the Valtolines, was not to indure any Rule or Go­vernment, and that they would never have indured any long time together, that those Forts should remain in the power of a stranger, and that the Spaniards know­ing their natures to be such, would alwaies be inciting and assisting them under­hand to retake them; so that the keeping up of the Forts, would instead of secu­ring the Treaty, onely become an absolute ground of troubles to the Common-wealth; as they who are nearest seated to the Valtoline, who are in perpetual fears and jealousies, and forced still to be upon their Guard against the Spaniards at­tempts, which would put them to vast charges, and force them too at last to yeeld to reason. And he was commanded by his Majesty, that he might humour the Commonwealth in its Interests, to tell them, that the King would willingly grant them the Passages of the Valtoline and Grisons for ten years, he knowing how passi­onately they desired it; and moreover, that his Majesty would in case they should request it, enter into a defensive League with them.

The Sieur de Chasteauneuf prosecuted these Instructions so luckily, that the Com­mon-wealth was sensible of the honour the King had done them, in sending to them an extraordinary Embassadour upon their Affairs; and left it to his Majesty to consider, whether all those advantages which were to be wished for, were com­prised [Page 115]in the Treaty, and that for their particulars, they thought themselves much obliged for his proffer of a defensive League, assuring the said Sieur de Chasteau­neuf, that they should be ever ready to continue those testimonies of affection and observance, which they had alwaies had towards the Crown of France, which was as much as could be desired from them. Then the Sieur de Chasteauneuf went to­wards the Grisons and the Valtoline in prosecution of his Embassiy: The Instructi­ons which he received from his Majesty concerning those parts, was to joyn him­self with the Marquesse de Coeuvres and to swear those people to a solemn observa­on of the Treaty. The Valtolines made not any difficulty at all at it, but accepted of the Treaty, as also to pay every year unto the Grisons, five and twenty thousand Crowns, which had been imposed on them: But as for the Grisons, there were many meetings and Assemblies held amongst them, without any resolution; but onely in general terms they thanked his Majesty, for his assistance, and acknow­ledged themselves infinitely obliged to him. But as to the Treaty, they desired they might send their Deputies towards his Majesty to represent to him the difficul­ties which did arise in their acceptation of the said agreement, by reason of the al­teration of Justice, seeing the Magistracy and Authority, was given into the hands of the Valtolines. They accordingly sent their Deputies to make their com­plaints, but after they were once fully informed of the Justice of those reasons which invited them to accept of the Treaty, seeing otherwise it would be impossible to preserve the Soveraignty of the Valtoline to them, or to defend themselves from a perpetual War with the Valtolines, who being under-p [...]pped by the Spaniards, would never submit to their longer government of them; as also that the Sove­raignty of Justice was well payed for by a great sum, and that themselves too might be chosen into the Magistracy as well as the Valtolines, they did at last accept of it, and were content to receive the Treaty. So the Sieur de Chasteauneuf con­tinued on his journey towards Switzerland, for the satisfying of his Majesties pleasure, who had commanded him to induce the Cantons both Catholick and Pro­testant to accept of the Treaty, seeing they had not a little contributed to the re­covery of the Valtoline, by those Troops which they had sent thither, and that it were not amisse to ingage them in the execution of those Articles of Peace, for that they might be very much assisting towards the preserving of the Valtoline in that condition as had now been resolved on. To the Catholiques he represented, that they had great reason to be satisfied with it, seeing the Catholique Religion was established so firmly in the Valtoline; and to the Protestants he alledged, that considering the Soveraignty was maintained to the Grisons, they had reason to rest contented; accordingly, the Catholicks resolved to subscribe to it and to perswade the Grisons to do the like. And the Protestants after some difficulties at first, being shortly after assembled at Aran, resolved likewise to imbrace it, excepting as to what concern'd Religion, and delivered their Declaration at the same time to the Sieur de Chasteauneuf. And thus the Treaty being accepted of all hands, that were any wayes concerned in it, there remained onely the putting it in execution.

Politique Observation.

AN Embassadour who is imployed to make a Treaty of Peace, is chiefly bound to represent to them, with whom he treateth, the great inconvenicences unto which thich they expose themselves by continuation of the War. For as Interest is the onely rise from whence all the motions of Princes do flow, so he need not doubt but that Interest too will lead them to any thing, if he finds a means to perswade them that War will be prejudicial to them. He ought not to be unmindfull of letting them know, that a Prince may not either with Justice or Prudence make a War, but onely that he may obtain a most certain and advantagious Peace; as also that that Prince who would continue a War, after a Peace is offred to him, with those two conditions annexed, is as unreasonable as an Artificer, who after he hath given his work the best most curious form, that it is capable of, should however [Page 116]still continue his care and pains, to perfect it, though unable to give it any other or better form then he hath already done.

This once done, it behoveth him to tell them in words tempered both with Prudence and Courage, that the successe of War is uncertain, and that many Princes have fallen down from their great hopes and victory into misfortunes and losses: That the divine Providence hath often permitted those Princes, who are over ob­stinate for the continuing of Wars, to be rebuked with disgraces and shame. That the Holy Scripture giveth us a notable example of this truth in that of the Tribe of Benjamin, who refusing these overtures of Peace, which were made to them, by the rest of the Tribes, when they intreated them to abandon the Gibeonit [...]s, who had offended them, were shamefully overcome, and their Cities Pillaged; That many having given way to their Ambition to perswade them to the Conquest of their Neighbours. Have seen their own States exposed as a Prey to their particular enemies: That many things appear easie in discourse, which are difficult to be put in execution. That they are not the most generous Princes, who suffer themselves to be led on with Passion, to inlarge their Borders, but they who im­ploy their powers with prudence and equity; That a Prince hath glory enough, if he can but give his Subjects the means of injoying that felicity which is the end of the Politique Government; which happiness being linked with Peace, he ought not at any time to refuse the accepting of it when proffered with advantagious condi­tions: In fine, he will make a great impression upon their Souls to incline them to conclude a Peace, when to as he shall discourse to them, that Princes who are ambi­tious of their neighbouring States, are like unto hunger starved appetites, who never satisfied, but desirous to devour all, do weaken and destroy their natural heat by the excesse of those meats wherewith they fill themselves; and that in the same manner it is with those, who not contented with that state and condition whereto their Birth or Fortunes had assigned them, suffer themselves to be hurried away with an insatiable desire of usu [...]ping upon others; and in fine, onely weaken and impoverish themselves, and their Subjects by a continuation of Wars, which layeth them naked to the cruelty of their enemies, inforceth them to leave their Lands untilled, squee­zeth from them all their means towards the Contribution of the War, and some­times too casteth them into rebellion, when as once they begin to be weary with the violences of the Souldiery: and adding to these misfortunes the constant attend­ants upon War the want of all those good things which are so plentifully injoyed with Peace, it wil be a most efficacious means to cause them to lay down their Arms and to accept of that peace, which is so offered to them.

Prosecution of the History.

IF it was a businesse of some difficulty to perswade the Allies to accept of the agreement, it was no whit lesse troublesome, to execute those Articles which had been concluded particularly for demolishing those Forts in the Valtoline: The two Armies could by no means be drawn off untill the Forts were slighted, which was no small charge to the two Kings as well as to his Holiness, who had carried six thousand men as far as Milan; whence is followed that it was treated both in France, Spain, Rome, Milan and Valtoline, in what manner it should be done, and so many difficulties did arise, that it was November before any thing was re­solved on; and the execution of it deferred untill February in the year one thousand six hundred twenty seven. The Treaty was to this effect, that the Forts should be restored into his Holinesse hands to be forthwith demolished; but the Pope made some difficulty of charging himself with the doing of it, and onely desired that the Forts might be delivered up into his hands, for reparation of the injury, which had been dore him as he perswaded himself, when as the Marqueis de Coeuvres took them from him, and that afterwards he would cause the Spaniards to rase them. France did not at all stand upon re [...]oring them into the Popes hands, but the King would be well assured that the Pope should not deliver them over into the Spaniards [Page 117]hands to be by them demolished, to which effect he desired that his Holiness, would only send in so many Souldiers, that in appearance only they might seem to be Masters, which his Holiness would not be drawn to, and the Spaniards too disswaded him from it, as hoping that when his Holiness should have them in his absolute power, they might find some way or other, to get them into theirs and so demolish them, which many amongst them thought to be very honourable, though divers others were of a contrarie opinion, as imagining it to be a work ignoble for their Master, who had first caused them to be built.

The Final agreement for the demolishing of the Forts in the Valtoline.

AFter many contestations off and on, the King to end all differences, gave full power to the Sieur de Bethune to conclude at Rome with the Pope and Spanish Ambassadours, any thing that was reasonable to be do, and between them it was at last concluded, that the Forts should be delivered into the hands of Torquatus Conty, who commanded the Popes Forces: that in the mean while the Kings Forces were to quarter in such places, as were not included in the deposite, That as soon as ever the Forts were delivered up, they should presently demolish them; That the Arms, Artillerie and Ammunitions of war, which belonged to the Spani­ards, should be restored to them and that the discharges being granted, his Holiness Forces, as also those of the two Kings should withdraw themselves at the same time from the Valley and the Earldoms of Bormio and Chiav [...]nnies; These were the principal Articles resolved upon for execution of the Treaty, which after it was ra­tified by the King, the Marques de Coeuvres presently trealed with Torquatus Conty and Don Goneales de Cordua, whom the Spaniards had sent in Ferra's place as a man more enclined to peace, concerning the form of the redemise and demolition of the Forts. There were Commissaries likewise appointed for the giving in of true Inventories of the Artillerie, Ammunitions of war, victuals and the deposit, and to make a general discharge which ought to be given to the Pope, upon his en­trance into those Forts, which had formerly been delivered to him in deposit. Upon the fifteenth, the demolition was began, and so many labors came to finish it, that in six dayes it was all ended. The Marquis de Coeuvres gave order to the Marquis ae Tequiers to retire with his Majesties Forces towards France, and his Majesty, for a just and worthy recompence of his services, bestowed in him the Ho­nour of Marshal de Campo; and thus the respect and reference, which the two Crowns made to the Pope, were an assured means for settling them in peace with one another.

The Reasons which oblige great Princes to shew an extrardinary honour to the Pope.

THere are divers Reasons which invite great Princes to pay an extraordinary respect so the Pope. They are bound to it by duty, seeing as St. Bernard saith, he is the high Priest, the Soveraign Bishop, the Prince of Bishops, Heir to the Apostles, that he is like Abel in his Priority, Noah in his Government, Abra­ham in his Patriarch-ship, Melchisedech in his Order, Aaron in his dignity, Samuel in the excellency of his Judgement, St. Peter in the Power which he received from the Son of God, seeing he is the cheef of Christians, the Shepheard of the people, the Rod of the Mighty, the Hammer of Tyrants, the Father of Kings, the Light of the World, and the Lievtenant of God upon Earth: And who seeth not that all these eminent qualities, do make him amongst other Potentates here below, the same that the Sun is in comparison of the rest of the Stars? And then looking on his Per­son, and beholding the Object whom he doth represent, which is no other than [Page 118]God himself, ought not every one be perswaded to treat him, withall imaginable respects for the love of God the Almighty Lord, who governing States by the hand of Providence, doth most commonly blesse them in that proportion, as Prin­ces respect those for his sake who belong unto him. To speak truth, this honour­ing them is a Loadstone, which draweth down all kind of blessings from Heaven, which conduce to the Happiness of Kingdomes: And if neither of the two consi­derations should be potent enough, over the minds of Kings, to perswade them to bear a great reverence to the Pope; yet in my opinion they are bound to it by a ve­ry Politick and considerable reason, which is to preserve themselves in Peace. For that it hath been alwaies judged necessary that amongst Princes there should be an Impartial chief, and a general father of Jesus Christs family, who might accom­modate their differences, and might by his Counsels moderate, the violence of those, who make unjust attempts, and who might unite their Arms and Powers to defend the from the violences of its enemies.

If it should so happen that the Pope should become contemptible by the little respect which is rendred to him, what credit could he have, to conclude or effect such things amongst them? what esteem could he have to end their differences. They might force him to contain himself within the limits of his spiritual jurisdicti­on, without medling in temporal affairs, but in the interim, the fire of war would often break out amongst them, with such fury that both themselves & estates would be consumed in the Flames of it: Whereas did they but receive his Counsels with res­pective honour, and admit of his perswasions with esteem, his dignity would then become venerable amongst them all, and he might with ease accommodate their divisions, by his allotting to each one what belongeth justly unto him, he might re­store peace to the Nations, and stop the course of all violent proceedings.

Articles of Peace granted to the Rochelois.

AS Peace is the most sure Foundation of the happinesse of Kingdomes, so the Cardinal was not satisfied to have setled it abroad, but indeavoured the procu­ring it for those of Rochel, and to establish it in France, both for the greatest good of the people, and the highest glory of his Majesty that could be aimed at. Hee quickly set on work divers persons of the Town, whom he had gained by opening their eyes, and who were potent enough, with several others, to perswade them to follow the example of the rest of their Party. So that the Deputies who had been sent by the Assemblies of the Hugonots, comming to Court to present to his Majesty the Ratification of the Articles of Peace, which it had pleased his Majesty to accord to them the year last past, were accompanied with those of Rochel, who came in their behalf to offer their submissions, and to beseech him that they might obtain the same grace and favour which had been granted to the rest of that party. It is true, they did not so much repent for their Rebellion, as they were sorry for those inconveniences, which the Kings Army had put upon them, then command­ed by the Marshal de Themines, who succeeded the Marshal de Plessis, and who pressed so close upon them, that they could not peep out, but in danger of being taken: For that they no longer had the liberty of injoying their Goods, and that all their Traffique was spoiled. Affliction doth at last open the eyes of those Re­bels, whom insolency and ambition had but lately closed up, of which they gave assured proof, by those earnest intreaties which they made to his Majesty, to forget the Rebellion of which they had been guilty. The same reasons which invited his Majesty to shew his Clemency to the rest of that party, did also perswade him to do the like to them of Rochel; as also the Cardinal hinted one more to him, some­what powerfuller then the rest. There had then been newly discovered a Combi­natiyn between divers Princes and Lord, of the Court as shall be anon declared, and amongst others, one of their designs, was to ingage Mensieur with the Hugonots Party; so that if Peace had not been granted to Rochel as well as to the other Towns and Cities, it were the ready way to let open a door for War, and to give [Page 119]those Rebels the more means to execute their designs by a high hand; for it were an easie matter by the means of this one City, to raise all the party. And last of all, this great Minister laid down before his Majesty, That the English (being as they were picking a quarrel with us, to which they were inclined) would upon a word speaking find Rochel ready to let them into France. These reasons of State were of great weight, and fit to be considered, of which his Majesty being sensible, he did at last grant the City of Rochel the favour which was desired, and the Car­dinal was not a little diligent to watch that this Peace were not concluded upon such shamefull Articles, and full of basenesse, as formerly they had been. The King consented that the Town should be delivered into the hands of the Corporation, on condition they kept no Ships of War; that they observed those Orders for Traffique which were established in the rest of the Kingdome: That they should restore to the Ecclesiastiques all the Goods which had been taken from them: That they should suffer the Catholicks to live freely and quietly in the exercise of the Roman Catholick and Apostolick Religion, and in the injoyment of those Goods which appertained unto them: That his Majesty should leave what Garison he thought fit in Fort Lewis, and the Islands of Ree and Oleron, onely promising that out of his bounty and goodnesse, he would settle such a course in it, as those of Rochel, might receive no trouble by it, either in their Commerce, or the injoyment of their goods. These Articles were agreed on about the beginning of February, and the next day the general and particular Deputies ratified and confirmed them, thinking them­selves happy, for having obtained this end from his Majesties Bounty. By this years injoyment of Peace among the Hugonots, his Majesty did with the more ease detect and break the designs of those who were factiously bent, as also he as­sisted his Allies in Germany, he eased the people, and went on labouring in the means, for restoring of that happinesse and glory, which had been so long wished for in the Kingdome. I shall onely adde, that his Majesty for the surer execution of the Treaty, sent Commissaries to Rochel, who were received there with great honour: Those of Rochel having sent their Deputies to Surgeres, for the establish­ing the exercise of Religion, and setling things into such order, that there were very great hopes of a true Obedience and long Peace, had not that people been extream­ly much inured to Rebellion.

Politique Observation.

ALthough the Rebellions of subjects force a Prince to punish some for an example, yet prudence doth oblige him sometimes to dissemble it, and to give them peace, when as there is any fear of a greater mischief to follow, by any new revolt, which joyning their flames with the former, might endanger the putting of the whole into combustion. It could not be any weakness of heart, or necessity (to which as an Antient saith, the Gods themselves are obedient) will force him to it. It is no fault to fear, when as there is a just ground for it, but it is rather a great piece of prudence, and a vertue, without which there is no enjoyment of happy success in war any long time together of this. Marcellus heretofore gave us a good example, when as Badius, that he might acknowledge the favour which Hanibal had done him, in saving his life, and giving him back his Ransom, made the most part of the inhabitants of Nole revolt against the Romans in the Battle of Cannes. This Captain seeing the conjuncture of Affairs, did oblige him rather to allay then exasperate, used his utmost power to regain Badius, by assuring him, that if he would but return to Rome, those wounds which he had that day received, would bring him great rewards: Badius was much taken with the generousnesse of the Message, and Marcellus the more to accomplish his design, sent him a very goodly Horse, and five hundred drachma's of Silver, which did so oblige him, that he was ever after very loyal and faithfull to him, so that from that time forward he would never in­flict any punishment upon those who were revolted. It was more by Prudence then by Force that the Romans became Masters of the Universe. A discreet Mini­ster [Page 116]ought much rather to induce his Master to accommodation on such occasions, then to hazard the State in any eminent danger, by too much stiffenesse in resolu­tion, for the punishing of those who are revolted, when they are upon the point of having a strong assistance, by which means they may hazard the successe of the War.

An Edict against Duels.

JT was no small happinesse for France to be thus at Peace abroad, and with the Hugonots at home, but the Cardinal could not imagine it sufficient, if not setled amongst the Nobility, who were every day cutting one anothers Throats in Duels. It was impossible to perswade them by any reasons, that it was one of the greatest parts of glory, for a wise man and a Christian, to overcome his own emotions of anger, and to forgive his enemies. So this great Minister insinuated into his Ma­jesty, who was already zealously desirous of Justice: That nothing was so contra­ry to the Law of God, and the welfare of his own State, as Duels, in which there every day perished many of the Nobility, and which hath been alwaies known for one of the greatest Incendiaries of France. It was no hard matter, to perswade him to stop the further course of it, by the terrours of those punishments included [...]n an Edict against all such, as should bee found guilty of the breach of it. The Edict contained, that all such as should for the future fall into that crime, either challenging or challenged, should be ever after deprived of all their Char­ges, Pension or other gifts, notwithstanding any letter of favour or grace, which they might procure or obtain, either by surmise or otherwaies; and that in case they should afterwards attempt any thing against those who should be placed in their Offices, they should presently be degraded out of the Nobility, declared not to be Gentlemen, but Yeomen, and punished with death. And besides, that a third part of their Goods should be confiscated: That the person who carrieth a Chal­lenge should under the Penalties abovesaid be banished three whole years: That all such as should assault or fight with one another▪ upon any occasion, should be proce [...]ded against and punished, as if the design to fight had been premeditated. That all such as should fight out of the Kingdome should be punished in their Goods during their absence, and in their persons after their returns in the same manner, as if it had been committed in France. And lastly, that such as should take with them either a Second or Third, should be punished with out more a do, with death: As also all such, who should the second time carry any one a challenge for Duel.

These were the chief punishments included in the Edict, and upon the publica­tion of it, his Majesty took a solemn oath, not to she any favour to those who should break it, and commanded his officers, that if it should happen that his Ma­jesty, might by importunity be drawn to grant any pardons for it, they should take no notice of it, and enjoyned the Marschals of France to have a great care in en­ding any difference which might arise between the nobility, giving them authority, that in case any should refuse to give that satisfaction, which should by them be injoyned, they should presently besides those punishments of imprisonment, and such others as might be inflicted on them, be forth with degraded of their nobi­lity▪ It was however much to be doubted, lest those, who should be challenged and did n [...]t fight would be esteemed as cowards, but to prevent that disorder, his Majesty did also by the same Edict declare, that such refusal to accept of any Challenge should be esteemed as a mark of courage, generous and prudent conduct, and deserving to be imployed in Military commands; and hee did likewise promise by oath before God, that he would reward such as should forbear to accept of any such challenges.

Politique Observation.

PRinces may not permit Duels without partaking in the Crimes of them; for who so hath the Authority in his hands, and maketh not use of it, to punish those offences which are committed against the Laws, is no lesse guilty, then they who are the absolute Authors of such misdemeanors. The people do not only violate the Law in the persons of their Kings; but the Kings themselves in not punishing the offenders, are guilty of the same crime.

How unjust is it to leave Duels unpunished, seeing they are condemned by the Judgment of God, when he said, his Blood shall be spilt, that spilleth the Blood of his Neighbour. And under the new Law who so shall take the Sword in hand shall perish by the Sword. I may safely say, there is not any Crime so enormous as this, for the man who commiteth it, taketh that Authority which God hath reserved to himself, according to that saying of Saint Paul to the Romans, Ven­geance is mine, and I will repay it. And it is not only an attempt upon Gods pre­rogative, but also one of the greatest miseries that a Common-wealth can be af­flicted with: For as a great losse of Blood, extinguisheth the vigor of our bodies, maketh our faces become pale, and rendreth nature weak and languishing: So likewise is it with Duels, which draw out the most couragious Blood of the nobi­lity, in which consisteth the Chief strength of the State, which mightily impair the force of it, exstinguishing the lively colours of its beauty, and bringing it into a lan­guishing condition: And if the State be injured in it, those particular persons who perish in such combats are much more exposed to many unhappinesses; for with, the life of their bodies, they likewise lose that of their Souls, by the losse of which the utmost they can hope for is to become objects of Gods Just vengeance, who is sel­dome wanting to punish even those who escape with the victorie, with some no­table chastisement, unlesse they pacifie him by a true repentance: For can it be otherwise then very displeasing to him to behold his workmanship so destroyed, which cost him so much, and to see such Souls ruined by the enemy, which have heretofore invited him to shew such effects of his power, and such miracles of his love, and all for their sakes?

The cause of this misfortune is no other then a false and damnable tenent, which finds wayes to perswade men, that it is glorious to be revenged, and that to suffer an injurie unpunished by their Swords, is a great losse to their Honour. But can there be any reason to think an Action honourable, which is so contrary to God's Laws? It cannot be denied but that the nobility do draw there Chief glory from their courages, but there is a great difference between this vertue of generosity and the Passion of Revenge. This same vertue is no fury, and transportation of the mind, to things against both humane and divine Laws: But it is a vigorous reso­lution; commendable in a generous Soul which maketh him despise dangers, especi­ally when his Prince commandeth him to fight against the enemies of the State. Valour hath it's limitation as all other vertues, and who so goeth beyond those bounds, falleth into the extremity of vice, whence it hapened that Agesilaus said, according as Plutarch reporteth it, That valour ought not to be regarded, if not accompanied with Justice. Now that which is shewed upon private authority, is it not quite contrarie to it? Reason obligeth a man to overcome himself at private and particular quarrels, just as he would his enemies. In Common-wealths well governed Revenge is an Act savouring of a Brute. Socrates once answered a certain man who beat him, If I were an Asse I should run upon thee too, but being a man I must endure it with patience. Is there any reason or sense to fix honour upon an Action prohibited by God, and forbidden by nature? Honour would be but ill grounded, if it had any dependance, upon an unruly passion; it cannot be linked to any thing but vertue, and none but they who are overswayed by passion do pretend to attain it, but by vertuous wayes.

The Condemnation of a Book composed by Sanctarellus the Jesuit.

WHilst his Majesty was using these just and prudent means, for the esta­blishing of Peace in the State, There did arise very great disputes in the University of Paris, especially between the Doctors of Divinity; and all about a certain book composed by a Iesuit, one Sanctarellus by name, which treated of the power Popes had over Kings, which book had been approved by their Chief President, by his Holinefs Vicegerent, and by the Master of the Holy Palace. His Doctrine was very strange, teaching that Popes had a Power of direction, or ra­ther correction over Princes, that they might not onely excommunicate them, but deprive them of their Kingdomes too, and absolve their Subjects from their Oaths of Allegiance, whether it were for Heresie, Apostacy, or any other great publick Crime, whether it were for the insufficiency of their persons, or for their not de­fending the Church; and that his Holinesse might at last give their States to such as he should think fit. They who were clear sighted, attributed this work to the Spa­niards Ambition, which useth all devices to stir up commotion amongst their neigh­bours, and fish their own ends out of the troubled Waters, and who did at that time chiefly aim to draw the hatred of all Christendome upon the King, by reason of the succours which he had given to the Grisons and Hollanders, and of some as­sistance which the Princes of Germany, who were oppressed by them, did hope for from his Majesty. These tricks of theirs are so ordinary, that it might easily be concluded this in particular was shot out of their Bow, and that it was onely a piece forged in the Fire of their Ambition. But that we may not be longer stay­ed upon the consideration of the promoters of so strange an opinion. I shall only add, that for the present it made a great noyse amongst the Doctors, and was opposed by several books, which were then set out; and that the whole Body of di­vinity did condemn it; some indeed of the old league seemed to favour it; But the Parliament, which is the depositarie of the Kings power, that they might not let his Majesties Authority rest Idle, called the chief of the Society of Iesus before them, and obliged them to sign a Declaration, by which they should condemn the said Book, and to cause another of the like to be subscribed by all the Provincials and Rectors, and by six of the most ancient of every one of their Colledges in France, and so ordered the said Book to be burn'd by the Hangman, with prohibition to the Sta­tioners to sell any of them.

That the Kings of France may not be deposed by the Pope.

IT is very often no lesse important to prevent the offending of the Regal Autho­rity, by the publishing of any pernicious Doctrine, then to oppose any vio­lences which are offered to it by Arms. In my opinion he spoke very learnedly, who likened this authority to the apple of the eye, which may not be touched though never so little, but the whole man is suddenly troubled and hurt by it; for to say truth, it can hardly be expressed unto how many inconveniences a State is exposed, when once the authority is entrenched upon, or shaken, though it be but a very little. But would not that Magistrate be very much to blame, who should suffer, that the authority of our Kings should be brought under any other power, which might despoil them of it? Were it not the only ready way to open a gate to the revolts of Grandees, who would find means enough to embroyle the State as often as they pleased, if the people might but once be perswaded that the King were guilty of any great sin, uncapable of ruling, suspected of heresy, or a favourer of heretiques? were it not the ready way to furnish the ambition of strangers with a pretext for entring upon and invading the Nation, when and as often as they [Page 123]would, or had power so to do? Besides, what appearance of any reason were there to tollerate so dangerous at enent, and which all the Fathers of antiquity have condemned as erroneous, & which too was but now late risen up again, in these last ages, and in the time of Gregory the seventh, who first attempted to make it vallid? The King never ceaseth to be King, until he be deposed by him, who first consti­tuted him to be King, or unlesse he falls under those conditions which his first Con­stitutor hath declared should be the means he would use to throw him down from his authority; Our Kings are only appointed by the hand of God: He hath made use of their courages to set the Crown upon their heads, and God hath not appoin­ted, that either Apostasie, Heresie, or any other Crime should be the condition, which should shake them out of their Authority, for that both good and bad do equally raign, as we have heretofore said, and by consequence they cannot be deposed but by God himself; nor can they be deprived of their Authority, for any crime whatever. Besides, if they could be deposed by Popes; it would necessarily follow that the Pope must be superior to them in Temporal Power, for that such deposing must needs be the Act of a superior Iurisdiction, now the Popes are so far from being above them in this particular, that rather on the contrarie the most ingenious and able writers of antiquity have confessed that they are inferior to them. Pope Gelasius writ to the Emperor Anastasius, Polagius the first to Childebert, one of our Kings, and St. Gregory to the Emperor Mauritius, and that in such express terms that their meaning cannot be questioned; The most mo­derate of them who uphold this error, cannot maintain against these reasons, the power of dispossing Kings, which they ascribe to the Pope; they say indeed it is not an absolute and direct power that they have, and that they do not so much excer­cise it in despoyling them from commanding, as in dispensing their subjects from their oathes of allegiance which they had made to them; But how frivolous is this evasion? For the Popes cannot dispense with divine right, and the obedience from subjects to their Princes is commanded by divine right in an hundred express places of Holy writ; But I shall passe farther on, and say that it is not in the power of a King to bring himself under such a condition, as that their subjects can be discharged from their duties and oathes, by any means or way whatsoever, for they may not do any Act which is prejudicial to the Regal Authority, entrusted in their hands, but they are bound to leave it entire, not maymed to their successors. Whence it hapned that Philip the Long, intending to make a Treaty with his subjects of Flanders, granted to them for their security of his observing the league, that they might rise against him, and withdraw themselves from his obedience, if he should faile in that which did belong to him or his part, but he was hindred by those of his counsel, who represented to him, that it was unlawful for him to make any such condition.

The subtil means which the Cardinal used to joyne the Princes of the lower Saxony, into a league with the Auseatique towns against the house of Austria.

THough Peace was very necessary for France, yet it was no lesse needfull to prevent the rising of the house of Austria, in Germanie, which had usurped the Lands of divers Princes there and oppressed their liberties, especially since the Treaty of Ʋlm. For the same reason it was that the King of great Brittaine sen­ding Count Mansfeld with an Army, to endeavour the restablishment of his Bro­ther in Law the Palatine, his Majesty ayded him with two thousand Horse and a good summe of mony, but these Forces were not enough, to oppose those of the Emperor, but it was requisite to send more and greater; England would have en­gaged the King to have joyned in an Offensive league, and declared the war against him, but it was improbable his Majesty would hearken to such proposals, for that affairs were not in a condition fit for such an attempt, so they were rejected: But [Page 124]the Prudence of Monsieur the Cardinal, which is never deficient in the finding out expedients fit for the greatness his Master, and did give life and heat to that designe which the Princes of Germany, had heretofore resolved on, of putting themselves into the field, in defence of their liberty, and for the restablishing of those, who had been forced out of their States.

The King, who hath a most admirable apprehension to Judg of those counsels which are given, quickly conceived the goodness of this, and in order therunto he sent about the end of the year, last part, the Sieur de la Picardiere, to the King of Denmark, the Princes of the Lower Saxany and the Auseatique Citties; His in­structions were to represent to the King of Denmark, and those other Princes, that the King his Master did hear with much joy their resolution to take up Arms, for the establishing of the Prince Elector and his Brothers, and to repel those menaces wherewith they were threatned, and the ancient friendship, which had al­wayes kept their States in good Union, obliging his Majesty to be sollicitous, of their Interests, had induced him to send a proffer unto them, of what ever was within his power. They had beseeched his Majesty, not to engage himself in any league with Germany, without giving them notice of it, which he had not only order to assure them of, but also to promise them, the summe of a Million of livures in two years time, and French Troops besides. He had moreover express order to excite them to a quick dispatch, because experience hath made it evident on a thousand occasions, that the successe of most enterprises doth usually depend upon the rea­dy and dexterous excecuting of them, and that when as much time is taken in deli­beration, the most favourable oportunities are lost by it. But these reasons were needless, for by that time that he came to them, he found them with their Arms in their hands, and the King of Denmark had already sent some Forces by Sea, to joyne with those of the other Princes, who began to threaten the Empeour, and forced him to send Count Tilly to advance towards them for the opposing of their designs: Yet he did not a little heighten their resolution, setting them on, by pro­posing to them what a glory it would be to them, to restablish their Allyes, and also by telling them with oportunities of advantage, they had against the Emperours Forces who were but weake, and much dispersed, by reason of the warres in Italy and the Valtoline, whereas their Army was fresh, and numerous, and all their Forces met in a Body together. He had particular order not to demand any thing in pre­judice of the Catholiques, His Majesty having no other end in his intentions, but the setling the Liberties of Germany and the restating of those Princes. Who had been clapt out of their States; And whereas of lower Saxony is composed of several Auseatique Citties, as well as Princes, which Towns and Citties were no lesse against the war, then the Princes were for it, by reason their Traffick was into Spain, and they much suspected, least if they should declare against the house of A [...]stria, the Spaniard would then stop their Ships and break their Trade; He was commanded to visit them in his progresse, and to perswade them, to associate themselves with the Princes in the league, as also to contribute toward the mainte­nance of the Army, and to represent to them that in case they should refuse to joyne in the designe, they would then run a very great hazard, least the King of Denmark fall upon them, who had an old grudg to them, and only wanted such a pretence to be upon them, especially now that he had his Arms in his hand: and that if he should be to weak to force them, he might however easily enough ruin their Trade particularly that of Danzik and Lub [...]c, and of other places too by stop­ping up the straight of the Zound by which their Ships must necessarily passe, and also that of Hambourg and Breme, by building some Forts on the Rivers Elve and Vezel, which do belong unto him; That in case such a misfortune should befal them, all their Allyes, would undoubtedly abandon them; That the King of Spain could not assist them, he being to far off, that he had not one Ship upon that Sea, and that as for himself and the King of great B [...]itt [...]ige, they could not in conside­ration of the King of [...]en [...]ark, take care or notice, to hinder the Hollanders from seizing on their vessels between Calis and Dover, which should make any voyadge [Page 125]into Spain, which being so their Commerce would be for ever ruined and decayed; so that it would bee much better for them to league themselves with the Princes, which if he should do his Majesty would undertake their protection against all their enemies, and that the King of England, and Hollanders too would give them the same assistance: These were the chief Instructions which the Sieur de la Picardier re­ceived, and all which he effected with so great judgement and good successe, that he he went not from them untill he had seen their Army march into the field, and per­swaded the Auseatique Towns, to joyn in League with the Princes. This was not a work of small importance; for the resolution of this Enterprize, was one of the chief motives which induced the Spaniards to conclude the Treaty of Mouson, for­ced them to abandon the Valtolin [...], and to relinquish the designs, which they had in Italy, and leave all the rest of the Allies of France remain in peace and quiet. His Majesty testified to him that he was well pleased with his conduct and management of the businesse, for carrying on to that perfection, the design of uniting the Au­seatique Towns and the Princes of Germany, and accordingly his Majesty sent them Troops and Forces and such monies as he had ingaged to them, as also to keep an Army of twelve or fifteen thousand men upon the Frontiers of Campaign, to in­gage some part of the Emperours forces to stay in Alsatia, by which means he might give the more advantage to those of the League, who did in the revolution of the year, make a great progresse by this means against the Emperours Armies.

It is the highest peece of Prudence to assault ones enemy by a third Person.

IF it is advantagious for the King to settle a Peace at home in his own Kingdome, it will be no lesse needfull for him to drive on some War among his neighbouring Princes, to the intent that they being forced to defend themselves might be so pre­vented from attempting any thing against France. It is one of the best peeces of Policy for which Lewis the eleventh is commended in History; for he knowing the designs which the English and the Duke of Bourgogne had contrived against him, did raise them so many new broyls, that he hrought them to an impossibility of ex­ecuting their wicked intensions against him. Above all this one means ought to be made use of, when as a Soveraign doth once begin to grow so Potent by his Arms, that he becomes terrible by reason of his Victories. The safety of States doth consist in the equality of the neighbouring Princes, and there is great reason of fear, if any one of them shall grow to be too Potent; for that Ambition which is natural to all Princes, cannot well contain it self within bounds when it is once accompanied with Power.

It is the highest point of Wisedome, to assault ones enemy by a third hand, to raise a League against him, in which one is not any thing concerned; but onely to contribute some monies, or send some Troops thither, which may be as occasion serves disowned; for is not this the way to obtain the end which a man doth pro­pose, without any great expence, and without putting any thing in hazard or dan­ger? An Enemy is sometimes overcome by this way with more advantage, then if the whole force of a State had been imployed against him; at least he will by this means be so busied, that he will not have any time to think of attempting any thing on his neighbours, but rather how he may best defend himself, and yet one is not all this while forced to break with him, but preserveth Peace in his own Country, one is at little or no charge, and the Souldiers will be spent who under go many great inconveniences in strange Countries: The Embassadour who is to negotiate such a Treaty, after he hath resolved upon, and set down this truth for the founda­tion of his good successe. That Princes have no other motives in their designs then their own particular Interest is obliged, to induce them to whom he is sent to have a good opinion in his Audiences, and to represent all those things and rea­sons which may further and countenance the design which he would insinnuate and [Page 126]perswade them to. He ought to let them know, that the Peace in which a great Prince is left, doth raise great suspicions, and serves to no other end, but onely to augment his Force, and establish his Power, that not long after he may attempt new designs. That many Princes have in fine been ruined by being two great Lo­vers of the Sweets of Peace: That it is much better to prevent an Enemy, then to stay in expectation of him; by which means he may be taken unprovided, and consequently be the easilier ruined, whereas staying for him, will give the lesse abi­lities to our selves for our defences, by letting him take what advantages he plea­seth against us: That those who love quiet in an over great measure, do never sub­sist long; for it is to their enemies a most evident sign of little courage, and lesse resolution, to repulse any attempts which may be made upon them: That nothing is more shamefull then a Peace which giveth way to our enemies, to fortifie them­selves for the commencing a War, and that he who neglecteth first to fall on them, when he hath reason on his side, both but adde to their Insolences and Courages: That a false glosse of Peace, will at last deprave into a base and true servitude: That after all, it will be easie for them to vanquish and overcome their enemies, if they will joyn and unite their Forces; for by every ones contributing the to War, they will have a greater power, and with lesse charge then their enemies: That it will be very honourable and glorious for them to have curbed his Ambition, whose Arms begin to strike a terrour into all the World; and by thus insinuating to them the glory, utility and facility of the design, they cannot but let themselves be per­swaded to ingage in it with a great deal of readinesse and affection.

Combinations of divers Grandees of the Court against the King and State.

IT is as impossible long to keep France in quiet, as to prevent the agitation of the Sea by Winds. The humour of the French is full of Action, and they are no soo­ner clear of one broyl or War, but they are desirous of beginning another. The Cardinal had used his utmost indeavour to settle the Kingdome in quiet, but divers young Princes and Lords of the Court, not able to relish the sweetnesse of such a Calm, did still ingage it in some new Commotions. Peace indeed did not so much grate upon their humours, as the cause which gave it, which was nothing else, but the Authority with which his Majesty dispatched the Affairs of the Realm, and the necessities which he layed upon them to live within the limits of their duties: Now as they had much adoe to submit after they had many years lived in an intire licenti­ousnesse, they resolved to employ all their indeavours to shake off the yoke. The most expert amongst them, acquainted the rest how the Cardinal was the man, who had perswaded his Majesty to take this power into his own hands; whence if fol­lowed that they layed their heads together and contrived, how they might bring him into some disgrace, or remove him by what means soever it were from the Stern. As their design was extravagant, so the wayes which they proposed to ac­complish it were extreamly difficult. They despaired of doing any good upon the Kings mind towards it, for that he was too clear sighted, not to be mindfull of those signal advantages which he had received from the sage advices of this great Mini­ster, and too too indulgent of his States good, to deprive it of so prudent a supporter; so that they concluded there remained onely 2 ways, proper to attain their end. The first was to put all things into confusion, & then to force the Scepter out of the Kings hand, by which means they might bring things to that passe, that they might have none above them, but God to Pray too. The other was to form so powerful a Party a­mongst the Princes, that they might be able to give the Law to his Majesty, to con­strain him to banish the Cardinal, and to compel him to be ruled by their directions. This Cabal consisted of a great many persons, which as it could not be done but with a multitude, so there wanted not some who spake very rashly of it: There were di­vers reports spreadabroad of what they intended, which were published, though whisperingly, with a great deal of insolency, and at the same time it was known [Page 127]that a Favourite of Buckingham's, said openly in England, That there was so great a Faction contriving against the King, and carried on by Monsieurs Councellours, that all the Catholicks of the Queens house might be driven out without any dan­ger, and Heretiques placed in their room, though contrary to the Articles of mar­riage. There were some two of the Bourbonnois ingaged in this Combination, who talked so openly and confidently, that notice being given of it to the King and his Ministers; it was adjudged that they intended to carry things to extremity, and that it would not be much amiss to give Commission of Enquiry to the Vice-Se­neschal of the Bourbonnois, to make enquiry of the truth, who gave a great light of the whole matter, by his informations. It was likewise discovered that Madam de Che [...]reuse, being discontented that her private intelligences with the English Embassadour were so publickly taken notice of, did not a little promote the un­dertakings, by her animating of Monsieur the Grand Prior, and Chalais to execute it; both which were ingaged by love to her; as also that the Colonel de Ornano, abusing Monsieurs goodnesse, and the credit which his place gave him, did abso­lutely divert him from the marriage which his Majesty had so earnestly desired should be celebrated.

The Cardinal on the other side having been acquainted that Louvgry who was one of the cabal, being deeply in love with a Lady of quality; had discovered to her the summe of their design, and amongst other things had assured her, that Chalais was one of the chief instruments in the enterprise, he resolved to go passe away some time at Chailliot, in Chalais father in Laws house, that he might the better make use of his prudence to discover more particulars of the business. His design took effect, and as there are few things in his wish which the greatness of his prudence cannot accomplish, it is said that he found a device to learn several things from Chalais own mouth, and that he assured him both of his own assistance and his Majesties favour in case he should do that which was desired of him in this busi­ness of discovery. He likewise found out how the Colonel d' Ornano, was the Ringleader of the Plot, hurried into it by like for fear lest if Mounsieur should marry, his Princesse would assume to her self, those advantages which he then had over his Spirit; That their chief end was to unite all the Princes so close together that they might enforce his Majesty, not to remove any of them from the Court, and with all to permit them to live in the same licentiousness that they had a long while formerly enjoyed; That to this effect, they endeavoured the brea­king of the match between Monsieur and Madamoiselle de M [...]ntpensier, and to bring on that of Madamoiselle de Bourbon, which would more neerly ingage Mon­sieur to their Interests; or else to perswade him to marry some other stranger Prin­cesse, which might be a means to shelter, and defend their designs by the Forces and assistances which they might reasonably expect from such a family. That this once effected, they intended the Count de Soissons should marry Madamoiselle de Montpensier, that the Houses of Guise and Bourbon might be united together, and in this manner, they would in a moment huddle up together almost all the leading potent persons of Court. It was no small advantage for the Affairs of the State to know that end this Cabal did drive at. The Cardinal was not defective, in acknow­ledging the services which Chalais had done in that particular, and he might cer­tainly have made very great advantages by it, had he not relapsed into former contrivances and designs.

Politique Observation.

IT is a very great Imprudence, to ingage in any Faction against the Prince of State, under hope of not being discovered. It cannot be denied, but most ill-doers do believe their disorders will lye concealed; For who would commit them, if he thought he should be detected? But who knoweth not, that there is a cer­tain blindness which attendeth on sin, like a thick curtain spread over the eyes of the Soul, which obstructeth the seeing such things as are most in themselves perspicuous [Page 128]and hurrieth the mind into excesse of Rashness? Whosoever will suffer himself to be reduced by the Error, must of necessity be ignorant of what the Son of God hath said in the Gospel, That there is nothing hid which shall not be found out, nor nothing how secret soever, but time shall discover, God who over-ruleth King­doms, and watcheth for their conservation, will not permit, that those Plots and conspiraces which are contrived against them by some particular persons, should remain concealed; and it oftentimes so fals out, That Justice being guided by his Providence, causeth the very Authour himself to become the discoverer before he be aware of it. All great secret is a great Burthen to the Bearer, and experience hath often shewed, that it is almost impossible, for a man to keep it any long time without disburthening his Breast of it: If perchance a man hath the power to bridle his tongue from discovering it, yet can he never forbear the discovery of it, by some Actions, which will speak it to those of understanding. And truly it seem God permitteth it so to be for the glory of innocence, under whose Laws, few would enforce themselves to live, if Treachery had discretion enough to conceale it self.

Aristole, did judiciously answer him, who demanded what was the most diffi­cult thing in the World? when he said, that it was to conceal that which was not fit to be made known; since no man could be thought capable of keeping a secret, but he who could indure a burning Coal upon his Tongue. Indeed whatever is once known to three persons, is quickly after made common to all; for that each of them having an itching desire to speak of, relateth it to his friend, and so from one to another it comes to be published. According to which, History too hath recoreded many wicked designs closely contrived, yet at length brought unto light.

Plutarch saith, that in the Cyprian War one Aristocrates chief of the Messe­nians, was the cause of their being cut in peeces by a notable peece of Treasons, in­to which the desire of rule had ingaged him, and that twenty years after it pleased God to permit his wickednesse to be found out, and himself severely punished; and it were needlesse to produce any the like examples, for that History is full of them,

The Marshal of Ornano Arrested at Fountainbleau, and carried Prisoner to the Castle of Bois de Vincennes.

[...]T were a dangerous folly to give them who contrive against the State, time to execute their designs. Accordingly the King resolved with advice of his Coun­cel to secure the Ring-leaders of the conspiracy, yet still pretending ignorance both of the persons and their intentions. He had been ever since the beginning of the Spring at Fountainbleau, not so much for his recreation, as because it was ea­sier to dive into the bottome of those Intreagues in such little Towns then at Paris, the vastnesse and confusion of which is sufficient to hide and shelter the greatest wickednesses. The whole Court attended him, and the cheef of that Faction fai­led not to be there. But his Majesty needed no other witnesse then his own eyes to discover their frequent meetings, nor other proofs but his own ears to convince the Marshal de Ornano to be the chief of that Cabal, and of the extream Passion that they had to hinder Monsieurs match by his frequent discoursing with his Ma­jesty whole hours together upon that Subject. He was not ignorant, that Princes were jealous of no one thing more, then of their own authority, and upon that ground it was, that he principally indeavoured to incite the King, by making him be­leeve, that those who perswaded him to marry Monsieur were not very affectionate to his service, that this marriage of Monsieur would quickly raise him up Children, and as soon as hee should have a Male, every one would consider him as a ri­sing Sun, that the Grandees would forsake his Majesty to follow him, and that he would soon find a power set up in the State, able to confront his own Authority. [Page 129]This Artifice was subtle, and fitted to cast a Myst before his Majesties eyes, had he not been before hand well informed of his design; and if after mature considera­tion of the reason, he had not concluded it of lesse consequence then the breaking of his wicked devices. His importunities the true witnesses of his excessive Passi­on, made his Majesty conclude that it was not safe any longer to defer the secu­ring of his Person, and he thought it so much the more necessary, from the rule which he had learned in Tacitus, that for the hindering the progresse of a Conspi­racy against the State, it would be needfull to make sure of the cheef; because most commonly all the others are then left with as little motion, as the Members of the body, after the head is once cut off; besides imprisoning of him, Monsieur too was in a manner secured; accordingly his Majesty returning from hunting up­on the fourth of May, gave command to some Companies of his Life-guard, to beset the wayes between Fountain-bleau and Paris, to seize upon those of the Ca­bal, if they should indeavour to save themselves by flight; in fine, his Majesty cau­sed him to be Arrested by the Sieur de Hallire Captain of his Guard, he was im­prisoned in the Castle, and from thence guarded to the Bois de Vincennes, where a few moneths after he died of a stoppage in the Bladder.

In the mean while his Majesty, who never speaks openly any one sillable, which may be of consequence in affairs, kept close the reasons which obliged him to re­strain him, neither did he shew any coldnesse in his carriage to his Complices, as well that he might prevent their running into extremities, and oblige them to quit them­selves of wicked designs; as also that hee might have an opportunity to seize on Monsieur de Vendosm, who was suspected to be of that party, his Majesty was plea­sed to signifie to the Queen his Mother, that he had imprisoned him by reason of-some broyls he had intended to raise between him and his Brother: Monsieur having notice of it, went presently to wait upon the King, who assured him of the truth of it, and told him the same reason which he had sent the Queen his Mo­ther; to which Monsieur answered, that if he should be convinced of the truth of it, he would be the first that should prosecute Justice against him; but withall, that it were proper to consider whether his enemies had not made this contrivance against him; but he could not contain himself upon this occasion, as in divers others from testifying his displeasure at it.

Politique Observation.

[...]T is expedient after the discovery of a Conspiracy, to wink at those who are guilty, for the better preventing of them, and seising on their chief instruments: The reason is, because they soon draw their necks out of the Collar, if they have the least suspicion of being detected; and sometimes so fortifie themselves, that it becomes almost impossible to hinder the execution of their intentions, or to secure their persons. Lewis the eleventh was very dexterious in this particular, as Philip de Consinus relates in several places of his History, particularly in the reception he gave the Constable of St. Paul, when he came to him near Noyon in the year one thousand four hundred seventy three, he received him with so many endearments, and gave him so many fair words, that the Constable thought himself bound to beleeve him. The King dissembled for two years together, the hatred which hee bore unto him, because his other affairs did not concur with his resolution of cha­s [...]ising him; but at last he cut off his head, it is likewise reported, that hee would let his son Charles the eighth, learn any other Latine then the Proverb, Qui nescit dissimulare, nescit regnare, so much did he esteem dissimulation to be a quality ne­cessary in a Prince, which amongst private men passeth most commonly for a Vice. The wise Fowler spreadeth not his Nets for one or two Birds, but expects until the whole flight, or the greatest part of them light together, that he may take a great many at once; and so a wise Prince who would secure himself of the chief heads of a Conspiracy, knows well how to dissemble with them, till such time as occasion presents it self, that he may snap them all together, or at least those without whom [Page 130]the rest are not able to attempt any thing considerable, that he may bring in prac­tice the saying of Seneca the Tragedian, that hee who takes notice of a Conspi­racy before the Complices bee imprisoned, looseth the occasion of punishing them.

The Cardinal beseecheth the King to permit his retirement from the Court.

THE Soul of Monsieur the Cardinal did like the Palm undergo with Courage all those burthens which were imposed upon him, neither was he much moved at those pernicious contrivances, though he knew his own ruine was the principal which they aimed at. However to remove all pretences which his enemies might raise to asperse him. That his fortune was built upon the losse of divers men of quality, if they should be punished according to their deserts, and to take off any pretext for their making of Factions in the State, should they but arrive to the end which they proposed to themselves, he resolved to beseech the King to give him leave to retire himself from the Court. He could not be reproached for this Act without injustice, seeing the discontent of all those Factious persons was onely grounded upon the Power, Authority, and Glory, which he had acquired for his Master, and the good Order and Government which he had established in the State. Great and Noble Souls, cannot endure that Envy her self should have the least occasion to detract from their Glory; and accordingly, he testified to the whole Nation, that he did not at all consider his own Interests. Now that hee might the easilier obtain his request of with-drawing himself, and that he might the better dispose his Majesty to grant it, he entreated the King being then at Foun­tainbleau, that he would give him leave to passe away some few days at Limours, by reason of some indisposition, which he found growing upon him, which the King gave way to, and being there, he was visited by Monsieur, what resentments soever he had for the Marshal de Ornano's imprisonment, as also by Monsieur the Prince of Condy, whom he had perswaded the Queen Mother to Caresse; not­withstanding all her aversions from it, that he might ingage him in his Majesties in­terests, and divert him from taking part with those of the Cabal. From thence it was, that Monsieur the Cardinal writ to his Majesty, beseeching him, that he would be pleased to let him withdraw himself. He presented to him, that for his own part he never had any other designs in his service, then his glory and the good of his State; but was now extreamly much discontented to find the Court divided upon his occasion, and the fire of dissention ready to flame out, and all with design for his ruine. That he would little esteem his life, if imployed in his Majesties service, and for the good of his Crown; but that it could not but trouble him, to see him­self basely Butchered in the midst of the Court, as it was almost impossible for him to avoid it, he being every day attended by a multitude of men, whom he knew not, and not having any one near him, who could defend him from any violence which might be offered to him, that in case his Majesties pleasure were such, that he would command him to continue neer him, and in this danger he would most gladly obey him without the least repugnancy, because there was not any thing which he would prefer before his Majesties Will. But the confidence he had that his Majesty could not take any delight to behold him, ending his dayes by such a death, to which he could not be exposed, but his Majesty must remain injured and offended; did ob­lige him to think good to retire himself from the Court. He added, that his want of health too which was much impaired, by that great concourse of people, with which he was dayly over-pressed; did make him beleeve, he could not long hold out in the management of Affairs, and that his Majesty had so much the more reason to grant him his request, in regard his weaknesse would in a little while make him use­lesse in his service.

He writ to the same effect unto the Queen Mother, and begged her to imploy her [Page 131]Power with his Majesty to obtain his requests. But their Majesties were so far from having the least inclination to admit of his retirement; that on the contrary, the King openly declared, he would never give his consent to it, he being sensible enough of those great happinesses which he had procured to the Kingdom alrea­dy, of that credit and esteem, which he had raised his Arms unto amongst stran­gers, of the submission to which he had reduced the Heretiques, of the good Or­der which he had established in the Treasuries, and of the great height whereunto he had advanced the Authority of his Scepter. The Queen Mother too, conside­ring over and above these reasons which were not unknown to her what a losse it is to a State, to be deprived of a grand Minister, how usefull the Cardinal was to her Counsels and Interests, at the same instant resolved to oppose his removal, so that it was by their common advices concluded to command him, no longer to think of absenting himself, and to let him know that his services were too well known, to procure an assent for his departure; and lastly, that he need not be af­flicted at the sense of those wicked designs which were contrived against him, nor at the inconveniences which he suffered in point of health, for that it were easie to remedy both one and t'other. Monsieur the Cardinal who prefers nothing in re­spect of their Majesties will and pleasure, submitted all his resolutions accordingly. The King too, that he might provide for the safety both of his life and health, as­signed Guards to him, who were to wait on him every where, and defend him from any attempts of his enemies, he commanded the Sieur de Folain, to have an especial care, that his health were not prejudiced by the multitude of people who made addresses to him, but that entrance were onely permitted unto such as had occasion to speak with him, about some urgent Affairs. These Provisions of the King were so many certain testimonies of the good Will, which his Majesty did bear towards him, and I think that the honour he got in this Action, was more considerable then all the rest; for by it he evinced to the whole Nation, that hee was not tied to the Court; but onely for his Majesties service, and that his own par­ticular intrests and concerns were not valued at all by him.

Politique Observation.

IT is impossible to prevent that the splendour of an extraordinary vertue, ho­noured by a Prince with a great power, should not raise up the Envy of those who have never so little Ambition in them. The Sun doth not more naturally attract divers vapours from the earth, which afterwards become Clouds and darken his light, then a grand Minister doth ordinarily see his own merit, and the great­nesse of his Genius draw upon him the hatred of the Grandees, that they make use of factions and divisions against him. We have elsewhere said, that Fortune was never yet seen to defend them from this infelicity, and I shal now adde that the cheef and ready way for great men to exempt themselves from the blame and the troubles which envy may stir up against them, is to manifest, that their medling in affairs of Publique concern, is free from all manner of self-interest, which may easily be done, by their desiring to withdraw themselves from the trouble of Go­vernment, to lead a private life. This moderation will stop the mouths of the most imbittered men, who after this, cannot find any thing to object against the power wherewith they are honoured, and are forced to convert their hatred into admiration. Lucullus finding that the glory of his Triumph, had laid him open to the hatred of some leading men in the Common-wealth, withdrew himself from the management of Publick affairs, to spend the time in studying of Arts; but he was instantly intreated by the wiser sort, not to follow his own inclinations in that particular, and at such a time, for it was not unknown, that he was only able to curb the ambition of Pompey. And Augustus (as Suetonius reporteth) did often de­sire to quit the Empire, when he found how difficult it was to deal with the people of Rome. The Pope St. Gregory the Great, in the like manner, knowing that the course of his life, did offend many persons, who could not indure that his exam­ple [Page 132]should oblige them to live retiredly and reservedly, and had designed to chuse another Pope in his place, he declared to them; that he for his part should be ve­ry much afflicted to find any storms arise in the Church upon his score, and that he would much more willingly surrender the Government, then see any Schism arise amongst them. But this his modesty and humility, represented him so venerable a person, that those very men, who did not resent his Government, were obliged to acknowledge the greatnesse of his worth. Lastly, although it be commendable in a great States man to make shew of such moderation, to the end he may silence that Envy to which he is exposed; yet a King is bound to make some difficulty in ascenting to his retirement, on such an occasion. No Counsel can better bee followed, then that of the wise man (who said) he who hath found a faithfull servant, ought to cherish him like his Soul, and to esteem him as a brother; and it cannot be denied, but that to deprive a Kingdome of the assistance and guidance of a Soul highly generous and understanding, were to take away the Sun from it, and to fill it with horrour and confusion.

The Imprisonment of the Duke de Vendosm, and the Grand Prior of France his Brother, at Blois.

IT had been little to the purpose, barely to have imprisoned the Marshal de Or­nano, if some others too of the chief Complices had not been secured, and es­pecially, the Grand Prior, who was much to be feared, he being a person of grea­ter abilities to carry on a design then all the rest. His Brother too, the Duke of Vondosm was not to be neglected, considering the intelligence which his Majesty had but newly received of his indeavours, to withdraw the people from the obedi­ence which they owe to his Crown: That he had caused himself to be called Mon­sieur the Duke without any other Title: That he had commanded this form of Prayer to be used in the Church, Pro famulo tuo duce, domino nostro: That he had sundry times attempted by money to corrupt the Sieur de Cange, then Lievtenant of the Castle of Nants: That he felt the Pulse of the Nobility, the Parliament, and Chamber of Accompt, that he might the better fortifie himself in the Province; an intelligence which ought so much the more to be looked into, in regard two brothers do not usually enter upon any great design, but by a joynt consent; that some pretensions they might have (though weak ones) upon Britain, and that nothing doth sooner ingage great men in the Factions of a Court then Ambition. Now although it was very needfull to arrest him, yet it was difficult to be done in Brittain, by reason of the great Power he held there, so it was thought fit to with­draw him, and ingage him to wait upon his Majesty upon some pretence or other. No way was imagined to be more expedient for it, then to work upon the Grand Prior, by feeding him with hopes of the Admiralty, concerning which he was to treat with the Sieur de Montmorancy, or at least by perswading him that in case that charge were taken away, as it was then intended, he was the onely man who should have the Commission to discharge that Office.

These Proposals were made to him, with so much addresse, that they made sure of him, and absolutely convinced him that there was not any suspicion in the least of him, and the King going to Blois, where it was not known that he intended to passe on any further, his Majesty told him how glad he should be, that the Duke of Vendosm would come to him, so hee presently tooke upon himselfe to goe to him, and to perswade him to come and pay all signes of obedience [...]o his Majesty. Some have said, that hee being doubtfull, lest his Ma­jesty had already conceived some apprehensions against the Duke of Vendosm, did demand assurance for his bringing him to his Majesty at Blois, and that his Prudence returned such an answer, which though it obliged him to nothing, yet it gave the Grand Prior satisfaction enough to ingage the Duke to undertake the journey. I passe my word to you (quoth the King, as is reported) that he may come to me, [Page 137]and that he shall have no more hurt done him then your self, though for my part I cannot but much doubt of this particular passage; but true it is he went from the Court and shortly after brought the Duke his Brother with him to Blois, where his Majesty received them with so many, embraces and endearments, that they could not in the least suspect the resolution which was taken for securing of their persons.

Before I proceed to the manner of their being taken. I cannot but observe, how very recessary it is, that the Chief Offices of the administration, be supplied with persons of courage as well as of Integrity, The King sent for the seal to the Lord Chancelor Haligie, the very same day that the Grant Prior went to fetch the Duke of Vendosme. The Honestie of his Minister was not unknown to all the world, but it could not be denied, that his mind was low and full of fear which he did sufficient­ly make appear▪ wen as upon the taking of the Marshal d'Ornano, he had not the courage to justifie his Majesties counsels in that particular before Monsieur, although the thing it self were one of the most important accidents, that had a long time happened for the good of the State. This passion of timerousness, is a very im­proper quality in a supream Minister of Justice, who is bound to make head against all wickedness, and not only that, but also to use courage and force to resist and overcome it; this was it which obliged his Majesty to take the seal from him, and to intrust it with the Sieur de Marillac, superintendent of the treasury, whose loyaltie was then in great credit amongst all well affected men, and who had testified a great deal of resoluteness in the dispatch of those affairs which presented them­selves unto him. The super-intendency was bestowed on the Monsieur d'Effiat, whose judgment and discret conduct was well known in sundry occasions, particu­larly in the late affair of the Match with England. But that I may now return, to the two Brothers, who were come to wait on this Majesty at Bloys, his Majesty be­ing retired to his bed, sent about two howers after mid night to find out the Sieurs d'Hallier and the Marquis de Moicy, Captains of his Guards, and commanded them to go into their Chambers, and make sure of their persons; accordingly they seized on them and it is reported that, the Duke of Vendosm, beginning first to speak should say, looking on his Brother, well Brother, did not I tell you in Britain, that we should be arrested? and that the Grand Prior should answer, would I were dead, upon con­dition you were safe there again, and then that the Duke should reply. I told you the truth when I said the Castle of Blois was a place fatal to Princes. They then made a thousand excuses, each telling the other that he was the cause of their im­prisonment, and that they themselves confessed, that they were advised that even­ing by a letter how they should be imprisoned, but that they could not believe it. That whole morning, they had liberty to disburthen their miracles by their com­plaints, of the misfortune in which they found themselves imbroyled. Afterward they were carried to the Castle of Amboyse, and thence to the Bois de Vincennes. This blow gave the allarum to the whose Cabal, though his Majesty who would content himself with punishing of some few, pretended to be ignorant of the rest: He also sent a commission to the Count de Soissons, to command during his absence in and about Paris, for the securing of it. It's true he would not trust himself there, but chose rather to passe away, some little time either in Savoy or Italy. A cer­tain Princess took the boldness to say unto some who went to visit her that notwith­standing the assurance, which the King had given to the Grand Prior, in behalf of his Brother the Duke of Vendosm, yet that both of them were arrested; which did clearly evince, that those were near his Majesty did perswade him to break his pro­mises; which being reported to the King, it is said he was pleased to answer, that the was not well informed of the whole passage, and that he was not concerned to entertain such discourse, for that if they knew themselves innocent, they would never have thought of demanding a security to come and wait upon him: and that who so doeth require an assurance for his attending on his Soveraign, doeth in effect condemn himself to be guilty, and that the promises which are made on such an occasion ought not to be his warrant, unlesse they be very clear and expresse to that purpose.

Politique Reflection.

ALthough all absolute promises which are made by Kings, ought to be kept, and that even with seditious persons; yet it is not the same thing, where a divers sence may be imposed on them, or where there is an apparent good will shewed on purpose to draw them on into a snare prepared to arrest them. To punish them and hinder their troubling the repose of the Kingdom, cannot be denied for an Act of Justice, which if it cannot be done but by giving them fair hopes and good words to a muse them, then such means are to be made use of accordingly, provided alwayes, that there be no expresse promise granted unto them. King Antigonus having understood how that Pitho Governour of Media, did raise Soul­diers, and money, to revolt against him; pretended not to believe those informa­tions, but gave out, that he would send him an Army to command upon some ex­ploit or other, designing that Pitho when he once heard how affectionately he was esteemed, would peradventure come to wait upon him; which indeed hapned ac­cordingly, for he presently repaired to the Court, shewing himself highly pleased with the Honour which the King did him, and that he came on purpose to receive his Majesties Commands, whereas Antigonus finding him within his power chasti­ced him according to his deserts.

Pope Leo, made use of the self same device, to imprison John Paul Baylloni and to punish him for those Crimes which he had committed, and he answered those who complained of being deceived by his promises, that evil doers could not think themselves deceived; when they were chasticed for their fals, but that they were deceived, when as there were permitted to continue Scot free in their Crimes, and when their liberties and lives, of which they were unworthy were continued and granted to them. The proceeding of Artaxerxes King of the Persians towards Artaban is not improper to be remembred on this occasion. This Prince having un [...]e [...]s [...]ood how the other had contrived to kill him, and seize upon his Kingdom, resolved to prevent him; but he being cunning and alwayes well guarded, he had recourse to his wit dissembled the suspition which he had against him, and that so handsomly that Artabanus, imagined himself to stand very right in his opinion; To compleat his designe, he gave out that he intended a certain forraign invasion, and gave him order to levy his Troops, and draw them together, which being all assem­bled, Artaxerxes desired to see them mustered in his own presence, and comming up to him in the head of his Forces, seemed to be much taken with the handsomness of his Arms, and desired to make an Exchange with him, Artaban finding himself obliged to put them off, forth with disarnied himself, and presented them to the King, who seeing him naked would not loose that opportunity, but fell on him, and killed him with his own hand. I know there are some Politicians, who are of opinion that there need not any great care be taken concerning performance of promises, nay not those which are absolute and expresse, though made by Princes in the way of assurance and security; and that it is sufficient for them to answer those who shall complain of the breach of them, as Agesilaus did a friend, who taxed him upon a promise, which he afterwards had found to be unreasonable. If what you demand be Just, I have promised it, but if it be unjust, I am not obliged to be as good as my word, and when he was answered that a Prince, ought to perform whatever he promiseth, yes Quoth he, and a subject ought not to request any thing of his Soveraign which is unreasonable. But for my particular I am of opi­nion, that a Prince is obliged inviolably to observe all expresse promises, and that it is only permited to his Ministers for Justice sake to be lesse then their words. I should rather imagine that a Prince should on such occasions make use of all vio­lent means, rather then delusions, because Force is reputed for a vertue, when backed by authority, and nothing can be alleadged against it; whereas deceipt can­not be taken for any other thing, then a kind of mallice unbecoming the Majesty of a Soveraign.

The Assembly of the States at Nantes the King being present.

UPon the Duke of Vendosm's imprisonment, it was mistrusted least divers per­sons, whom he had won to his Interests in Brittain might stir up some Com­motion with hopes to enforce the King to grant him his liberty; but as his Maje­sties presence only was sufficient, to deprive them both of the means and liberty to do so, he went to Nantes, and shortly after summoned all the States to meet there, where such as were any wayes suspected were not suffered to appear. The King was pleased to be personally present at their first Assembly, and the Lord keeper gave them to understand, that his Majesties design, was only to consider of what means and wayes were most proper for setling the peace of that Province, which was the principal thing there debated, and at last it was so happily concluded by the Kings Authority, and the Prudent conduct of the Marshal de Themines, (to whom his Majesty had committed the Government of it upon the Duke of Vendosm's imprisonment) that there did not any difficulties arise in it. The chief means to settle all was to disarm such as were suspected, and to deliver them to others who were known to be right and honest. To destroy some strong places, many of which belonged to the Duke of Vendosme, and served only to countenance a revolt. Which being thus ended, The King began to debate with the Queen Mother and his Counsellours, whether it were proper to marry Monsieur or not; for that was one of the main pretexts of the Cabal, who had endeavoured to possesse Monsieur with the opinion, That having no other liberty or freedome, he might chuse his own wife, and in that particular follow his own inclinations; but it was easie to undeceive him, by laying before him, how the liberty incident to Marriages was civil, that it is ordered by the Laws of the Kingdome, which do prohibit any Prin­ces to marry themselves, without the Kings consent, and that he for his part could not do better then to be governed by the King, who loved him very dearly, and would undoubtedly match him, which such a person as would be most proper for him. Divers reasons were urged both of the one and t'other part, all sorts of In­terests were considered with great deliberation, and all the consequences incident upon his marrying or not marrying, were examined to the full, and in conclusion the King of his own motion said, he indeed apprehended several reasons which were sufficient to take him off from any thoughts of marrying him, but with all that the Quiet of his State, seeming to oblige him to marry him, he resolved to do accor­dingly: That his intentions in it being good, he could not but hope Heaven would blesse it with good successe; and in case the enemies of the publique Peace should attempt to raise contrary effects out of it, that he had power enough in his hand to remedy and defend it.

It is reported, That Monsieur the Cardinal, did only represent to his Majesty those reasons, which might seem either to invite or disswade the marrying of him, without inclining more to the one then to the other, as well because he knew his Majesty to be prudent enough, and not to want any advices in what did so neerly concern the power of his Authority, as also because it was a business in which his Majesty ought to follow his own will and pleasure, and was not obliged to conclude off or on but with his own satisfaction and content, it is very dangerous to second too strongly such counsels, whose effects are lyable to the changes of Fortune, and it were a great folly for a man to think himself safe and sure, of that, which is often perverted by the wickedness of some men, who by it raise advantages to them­selves.

At last it being generally resolved, the Queen mother passionately desirous, that Monsieur should marry Madamoiselle de Montpensier, sent to Madam de G [...]ise, to come forthwith to Nantes, and to bring her with her, as also she presently pro­posed to execute those Articles which had been so long since concluded on. This Princesse, who indeed was the richest match of France, had been betrothed to the late Duke of Orleans, in the year one thousand six hundred & eight, whilst the King [Page 136]was then living, and the young Prince dying about the year one thousand six hun­dred and eleven, both the King and Queen Mother, had pass'd their words to marry her to Monsieur who was to succeed in the quality of Duke of Orleans. Both being now of an age fit to be married; Madam de Guise did oftentimes urge that the promises which had been made to her, might be performed, and Monsieur who had alwayes preserved himself, in a total resignation of his own to the Kings will, was the more easily induced to effect it, in regard of those most excellent qualities wherewith Heaven had blessed both the Person and mind of that Princesse; but however, the liberty which is usually permitted to Princes of his age, did allay the over hasty execution of it neither did his Majesty presse it, until he had discovered by the dangerousness of the Cabal, that one of the onely means to shop the farther progress of them, was to hasten on his marriage. The King did not approve of his marrying any Forraign Princesse, least it might prove an in-let for Factions in the State, and least it might open a dore for strangers to invade the Kingdome, as often as they would raise any discontents to themselves; but he liked well of this Match with Madamoiselle de Montpensier, her Birth and vertue rendring her worthy to be admitted into the Royal family. The Queen Mother, who could not be heartily perswaded to love Monsieur the Prince did not like of the Match between his Daughter Madamoiselle de Bourbonne, and Monsieur, though the Cabal did much drive it on: Withal Madamoiselle de Montpensier being left sole inheritrix of her whole house, was extreamly rich, and would very well serve to make up Monsieurs affairs, as also ease the Exchequer of great Pensions which otherwise must of neces­sity be bestowed on him. They of the Cabal were vexed at heart, to find things so carried on, but they were necessitated to be quiet and to hold their peaces too▪ Shortly after, the King declared some part of his thoughts to Monsieur, who an­swered him that if it were his Majesties pleasure to marry him there, he should to­tally resign himself to his Majesties will; By which and in several other occasion, he hath alwayes shewed, That Heaven did with his birth infuse into him extraordi­nary respects for the King, which had doubtlesse inseperably linked him to his Ma­jesty, had not the mallicious devices of those, in whom he placed some confidence diverted him. Monsieur sent M. le Coigneux his Chancellor to Madam de Guise, to assure her of his kindnesses, and particularly of the affection which he had to conclude the Match, between himself and Madamoiselle her daughter, and charging him afterwards to wait upon Madamoiselle de Montpensier, he commanded him to assure her on his behalf, that he would be a better Husband, then he had been a Servant, He was received with a great deal of Honour, both by one and t'other, and with as many testimonies of joy, as the modesty of that sex could allow of, and the next day Madamoiselle de Montpensier going to wait on the Queen Mother, the called her Daughter, and made her sit down neer to her. To conclude, the mar­riage was celebrated soon after to the quiet and content of the whole Kingdome: And thus the King assisted by the sage counsels of Monsieur the Cardinal, did dispel all those small contrivances which were designed to oppose it, and brought to no­thing all the Cabals which divers Princes and Lords of Court had projected upon that occasion, both with England, Spain, Holland and some places of Italy, with the Hugonots, nay with the very houshold Servants of his Majesty, and some of them were such as had neerest accesse to his person.

Politique Observation.

THe Marriages of Princes of the Blood ought to be contracted with a great deal of freedome, seeing that liberty is an essential part of marriage; but they ought to be mindful, that this same liberty doth not consist in a power of marrying whom they pleace, and when & upon what terms they think fit. Liberty in general (as Vlpian saith) consisteth barely of a power to do what the Laws do permitt, and speaking more particularly concerning Marriages, he saith; That the Liberty which Lawyers do allow of, can be grounded upon no other thing then the meer power, of contracting [Page 137]ones self in that manner as the Laws do approve of. And the old Law allowed of none to be legitimate, but such as were conformable to the Laws of the State. Ci­vil Liberty keeps a medium between those two extremities of servitude and licenti­ousnesse, and is neither one or t'other of them; for as it hath no absolute depen­dance upon Slavery; so is it also limited by Laws not to do whatever it shall think fit; it consisteth in a Liberty of doing that which is justifiable by the Law, whence it follows, that the Princes of the Blood in France, being by a fundamental Law pro­hibited to marry without the Kings permission, they are deprived of the Liberty to conclude any match upon their own heads or power. The great St. Basil saith in the first letter which he writ to Amphilochius, that those contracts which are made by them who are not masters of themselves, ought to be esteemed for void, if not confirmed by the power upon which they depend. But what may bee the reason hereof? It cannot be said that they are not voluntary, for then they could not be termed contracts, which is so evidently clear, that it cannot be denied; but however it is true, they are not concluded with the Civil Freedome, that is, not guided by the Law, and for that reason cannot be accompted valid. The reason of this Custome is grounded upon a Maxime of Law, which saith, what belongeth to us cannot be taken away without our consents, whence it followeth that those who depend upon another, and who have not any thing which doth not belong to those upon whom they depend have not any lawfull power to dispose of themselves, and in case they should do it, it were only an Act of licentiousnesse, and is declared void by Law. Moreover, what St. Basil saith, speaking of Contracts in general; in his first, he doth more particularly set forth, concerning his marriage in his second let­ter, when he declareth in expresse terms: That such marriages as are made without the Authority of those upon whom they depend are absolute Fornications, of which no other reason can be given then this, that they who contracted themselves did not consent to it with a lawfull power, and that they could not dispose of them­selves, in regard of their dependency upon a superior Authority. He who is not ma­ster of himself, cannot give himself to a wife, and it will necessarily follow from thence, that the marriages of the Princes of the Blood of France, cannot be estee­med valid, when they are not accompanied with their Kings consents, for that they do absolutely depend upon their Majesties.

The Sieur de Chalais is Imprisoned.

I Shall not put an end to this discourse in onely acquainting you with the Mar­shal de Ornano's imprisonment, or the arresting of the two Brothers, with their confidents Modene and Deagan; for that suddenly after Tronson and Sauveterre were removed from the Court, for having contrived many devices for hindring Monsieurs marriage; as also Marsillac Governour of Sommieres, was sent Pri­soner to the Castle of Ancennis, for having talked too boldly concerning the same subject: But as the greatest part of all these designs were discovered in the pro­cesse against Chalais, presently after the finishing of the marriage; so I think it proper to treat more particularly of it. Chalais had the honour to be the Master of the Kings Wardrobe, and to be brought up from his Infancy near his Majesty; but his Soul being over-mastred by ambition, he every where discovered a great dis­content against fortune, openly saying, that it would be needfull for him to seek out a more liberal Master then the King, if he did intend to better his own condi­tion; it was thought that this Passion was that which ingaged him in the Faction then at Court, but it is true, that the love which he bore to Madam Cheureuse, did no lesse ingage him in it. The King was informed of his Intreagues from Pa­ris, and though his Majesty had pardoned him upon the assurances which he had gi­ven him, and Monsieur the Cardinal; of his future living in loyalty, yet he did not cease to re-embroyl himself, so potent are those two troublesome and giddy Passi­ons, and so great a power have they over the Souls of those, whom experience hath not well instructed in the affairs of the world.

It was known, that upon the first imprisonment of Monsieur de Vendosm, hee had dispatched a Messenger from Blois to Monsieur and the Count de Soissons, by which he gave them intelligence quite contrary to his Majesties interest and service. The King had good reason to be offended at it, yet his Clemency carried him on to command the Cardinal onely to tell him, that he did run counter to those protesta­tions of Fidelity which he had formerly made, that his Contrivances were better known then he was aware off, and that he should be carefull of his Actions. Cha­lais was informed at the same time by others, that the King was angry with him, and finding himself guilty, he desired to discourse with Monsieur the Cardinal to disguise his faults. The Commander de Valenhay, was the person who accompa­nied him to Beau-regard, where the Cardinal then lay, and being come thither he attempted to surprise the Prudence of that incomparable Minister, by divers de­vices; but Monsieur the Cardinal well informed of his ill deportment, advised him to beware of himself and become more faithfull to the King his Master, giving him to understand, that he was the more obliged to do so, in regard the King being well informed of his actions, gave him so much time to look back into himself, that he might not destroy him. He seemed to be very ready to withdraw himself from those imbroyls, and also took occasions to speak unto the King, whiles he was ma­king of him ready, to assure him that he would never be defective in his duty; yet notwithstanding all this, his turbulent Soul was not able to contain it self in this re­solution; for it was known, that a certain messenger sent by some one from the Cabal, was kept private in his lodging at Tours, while the King stayed there, and that Louviece who belonged to him, being one in whom he much confided, was gone upon a private message for him, these things gave reason to beleeve. That he still persisted in his first designs, and being a person of a bold nature, and ready to run into all sorts of extremities, the King was councelled to secure him at Nants.

Politique Observation.

IN concernments of State it is dangerous to rely upon the promises of those who are over-mastred either by love or ambition. These two Passions do so hurry away the Soul, so animate it with violent ebulitions and so blind it, that they prepare it for any wickednesse. We have hereofore shewed what attempts ambi­tion maketh upon the valiant, and we have evidenced that there is no sort of wic­kednesse which it will not perswade for the attaining of its designs. And it is not more easie to verifie the same concerning lusts, which corrupteth both the mind and understanding, which beleaguereth and burneth up the heart with a bruitish heat, and which doth so alter the nature and complexion of the most temperate, when they are once ingaged by it, that there is not any unlawfulnesse into which it doth not transport them; it is a fatal sore from whence arise horrours, sacriledges, wars, perfidiousnesse, murthers, Paricides, and cruelties, untill it leads them to the act­ing of such things, as both Heaven and Earth do blush at the sight of. The Histo­ry of Italy, furnisheth us with a memorable example, to evidence that there is not any abhomination whatever, into which these two Passions are not able to preci­pitate a man; it is in the person of Caesar Borgia Cardinal de Valence, whose Am­bition not brooking the Popes giving the charge of General of the Church Ar­mies to the Duke of Candy his elder brother, an office which he himself aimed at, and who likewise was passionately enamoured of his wife; his Sister in Law, caused him one night to be assassinated, as he rid alone through Rome, and his body to be cast into Tyber. And that we may particularly look into the wicked effects of a dis­honest love, Antiquity hath afforded us a notable testimony of the disorders which he is liable to, who permits himself to be blinded with this Passion, when it saith; that Jupiter himself the first of their reputed Gods, could not be both wise and in love at the same time. And one of the best advices which can be given to those that attempt to raise their fortunes at Court, is, that they forbear to ingage them­selves [Page 139]in the love of women who are factiously bent; for admitting them to be ingaged in any Cabal, they have so powerfull an Art to perswade what they indea­vour, that it is impossible to defend ones self from them; and as they have no small Passions, they blindly ingage themselves in prosecution of their malice and revenge, that a man insensibly finds himself upon precipices, from whence it is im­possible for him to get off.

The Cabal of Chalais, punished by Arrest from the Chamber of Justices at Nants.

CHalais being once arrested, condemned himself as guilty, and desired in or­der to making of his peace, that he might speak with Monsieur the Cardinal, the Duke de Belligard, and the Marquesse de Effiat, who were placed near the Car­dinal. The King was advised of it, who commanded them to go to him: Twice they went, and the Cardinal never spake to him, but in hearing of the Sieur de Belligard. At first Chalais desired and indeavoured to justifie his innocence, but finding by the Cardinals discourses that his faults were but too well known, so that that was not the way to do his work; he afterwards freely confessed to him those Delinquencies which could not be excused, he acknowledged the advice which hee had given Monsieur upon the imprisonment of the Duke of Vendosm, and the grand Prior his brother, and confessed that he was then of opinion, that Monsieur should withdraw himself from the Court, and discovered several other things of con­cernment. But having twice abused the Kings Grace, his Confession now avai [...]'d him little. The King gave Commission to the Lord Keeper Marillac, and the Sieur de Beauclere, Secretary of his commands, privately to inform themselves of the whole Plot, and his Majesty desired that Monsieur would declare in their presence, that which he had discovered to him in particular, after he had been sensible of the little justice and reason there was to ingage him in their embroils. At first, he made some scruple at it, but at length having considered of the duty which he ow­ed his Majesty, and how much reason Princes themselves have to chastise them who ingage them by their evil councels in designs against the State, without any other motion then their particular discontent and private interest, he resolved upon it, and discoursed the whole to them in the Kings presence. That M [...]nsieur de Soissons was the correspondent which he had at Court to inform him of all the news that passed there, that Chalais was the Internuncius, that his advice had been to gain Madam Villars, by means of Monsieur the grand Prior, to the end he might make sure of Haure if occasion should be, and that he should indeavour to obtain the go­vernment of Pont de l' Arche, for the Marquesse de Coeuvres, with hopes that the grand Prior would at Monsieurs request deliver up that place which was upon the way to Haure, and might serve for a retreat in case he went thither: That Chalais did likewise perswade him to deal with the Hugonots, and to make use of them for a revolt in the State, and that he had lent him Louviere to be sent towards the Duke de Lavalete, to ingage him in the businesse, and to make sure of M [...]ts; in fine, that it was he who had advised him, that the King had ten thousand men about Nants to stop his going from Court. This Declaration was signed by the King. the Queen Mother, the Lord Keeper Marillac, the Sieur de Beauclere, Monsieur the Cardinal, and the Marquess de Effiat; insomuch that for the chastising these insolent and rash actions the King set up a Chamber of Justice in Nants.

Politique Observation.

THough Clemency be one of the worthiest Ornaments in a Soveraign, yet it is not permitted him to make use of it, when it is prejudicial to the publick. That gentlenesse which is shewed to the Ring-leaders of a Conspiracy, is a dangerous cruelty to the State. Cato was of opinion, that they who did not hinder evil-do­ers [Page 140]when they might do it, by chastizing them, ought themselves to be punished. For that were to encourage their abettors to follow their evil examples, it is true Aro­stole saith, The subjects love is the chief foundation of Royal Authority, and that they are not easily induced to love Kings, unlesse upon their owne advantage. And it is very necessary for them to punish the factions, without which they would be hourly exposed to the dangers of civil war, which are the cause of the greatest misfortunes, that can afflict a State. And the same Philosopher in his Morals, esteemeth him uncapable to command, who is never angry, but affects to shew himself merciful, on all occasions whatsoever. To speak truth, a King is bound to shew as much severity to them, whom the publique Interest obligeth to be cha­stised, as bounty to them that keep themself within their duties. It is the onely means, saith Tacitus in his Annals, to render him as well feared by the wicked, as esteemed and honoured by the good; who receive no lesse satisfaction in the punishment of crimes, than in the receiving of those rewards, which art due to their virtue.

The Sentence of death passed against the Sieur de Chalais.

THe King comitted the tryal of Chalais rather to a Chamber of Justice than any private Court not onely because he would have it expedited, it being improper to be delayed, but also to keep private the names of his Confiderates and their designs, which were dangerous to be published. His Majesty made the Lord keeper Marillac President, and appointed for Judges the Sieurs de Cusse and Brie Presi­dents of the Parliament of Britain, The Sieurs Fonquet Marchant, Chriqueville Master of Request, and six Councellors of the Parliament of Britain. They met several times for instruction of the Processe. Chalais was often times examined, and having found by discourse with several people with whom he conversed, that there was full information made of all his wicked designs, he confessed not onely what was conteined in Monsieurs Declaration, but withal divers other things of which Lorrain accused him, and which were testified by Monsieur de Bellegarde, Le Sieur d'Effiat, by the Maust exempt, who had the charge of his person, and by one of the Life-guard, to all which he made no denial being brought face to face. He discovered the Major part of his Associates, he confessed that he would have carried Monsieur from the Court, that he would have perswaded him to take up arms, to hold Intelligence with the Governours and Hugonots, to make him­self Master of Havre, Mets, and diverse other places of the Kingdome, and with­al that being once at a Council, where the grand Prior and those of his faction were present, he proposed to them to take the Marshal d'Ornano out of prison, to poniard the Cardinal, and then to fly into Flanders; thinking that this once done, they might easily obtain all their desires. There were several other charges pro­duced against him, and amongst others, certain letters from the Sieur de Moison the Kings Resident with the Countesse of Hanault in Germany, and of the Sieur de Vatembourg his Majesties Resident with the Emperour, by which they gave advice of the Marshal d'Ornano's conspiracy, of certain letters which Chalais had writ to the Dutchesse de Chevreuse in Biscay, in which there were discourses to the Kings dishonour, and also certain letters in characters to the same Lady, the Declaration of Monsieur the Kings Brother, and the informations of the Vice-Seneschal de Moulins.

These enermous crimes rendred him guilty and worthy of death, in regard he was the Kings Domestique Servant, and that he had the honour to be in a charge, which obliged him to be alwayes near his Majesties person. Justice could not save him, and the several relapses, which proceeded from the fiercenesse and ambition of his Spirit, tied up the Kings Arms from mercy. So this Chamber of Justice con­demned him to be attainted and convicted decrimine lesae Majestatis, and to be be­headed in the Befroy of Nantes; That his head should be put upon a spear over the [Page 141]gate of Sanvetour, that his body should be quartered into four parts, and hung upon the four principal places of the City, that his posterity should be ignoble and of the Yeomantry; His houses raized, and that for the farther discovery of all his Abettors, he should be put on the Rack. But the Kings clemency, seconded by the affection, which he alwayes had for him, moderated the judgment, and onely commanded his head to be cut off, and that they should shew him the Rack, but not torture him.

They, who understood not, that the whole Intreague was discovered, or that there were sufficient poofs to convict him, were astonished, that he should so freely confesse those crimes, whereof he was accused, and withal some were so bold, to report, that he had confessed his crimes thus frankly, upon the Cardinals sug­gestian, and perswading him to believe, that it was the onely means to obtain the Kings favour, the attainment of which, he gave him great cause to hope for. But there need no other proof for conviction of this lye, than the answer which Chalais made to the Sieurs des Cartes & de Lourie, Councellors of the Parliament, both persons of a clear reputation, and entrusted to exame him: after judgment had passed upon him; who having told him, that a report was spread abroad, that he had con­fessed his crimes wherewith he was charged, partly through fear and partly through hope of life, conjured him, he being now shortly to render an account of his actions before God, to discover, if it were so or not, or if he had impeached any one in prejudice to the truth and his conscience; and had no other answer from him, but that, what he had said, was truth, excepting onely, where he had in anger spoke too hardly against Madam de Chevreuse, who had given him no reason for it▪ and that he should be very wicked and sencelesse to discover so many horrible crimes, to clear himself and charge innocent persons, and all for the satisfaction of another mans passion. This proof was so much the more certain, in regard it proceeded from the last passages of his life, in which he testified, that he would dispose himself by a true repentance, to obtain pardon from God of his faults. There was hereupon great reason to admire the Kings clemency, seeing that he might in justice imprison and punish diverse Grandees of the Court, whom he had accused, who were no small number; but his Majesty in stead of Publishing their design was pleased to punish all their great faults in one man onely, keeping some in prison and sending Madam de Chevreuse into Lorraine, not having ground to hope that she could live in the Court and not raise new broyles.

Politique Observation.

ALthough it be expedient to detect the chief contrivers of a compiracy either against the Publique quiet or their Kings person, yet wise Politicians have not thought it proper, to prey too exactly into all the complices, or the plot it self, if any great number of potent leading men have ingaged in it. It being to be feared, least either their quality or number, might draw others in, or that the pretences of their design might be so specious, that many persons might be concerned in it, who never knew at all the true depth of the business. It was upon this accompt, that the Senate of Rome, condemned Lucius Vectius, and Tarquinius for discovering, that Caesar and Cressus, were parties in Catalines conspiracie, it being by them feared, and that with reason, least a greater number who were admirers of those two eminent persons, might betake themselves to the same party: A little dissem­bling upon such an occasion, will be more, then the strictest inquisition as Pompey made appear, upon Sertorius his death; for Perpenna having sent him a great chest full of Letters, which the Romans had sent to Sertorius, ingaging themselves in his quarrel, he would not read one of them but cast them all into the fire, fearing least instead of one Sertorius, twenty might spring up in Rome, when they should find themselves discovered; and for his part it was not his desire to force, or oblige them by violence to unite themselves together, for their own defence. Thus Alexander, having intercepted some of Darius his letters, by which he had in­couraged [Page 142]certain Grecians of his own Army to kill him, was in a great doubt, whe­ther he should suppresse or discover them, at least to those to whom they were di­rected; but having asked Parmenios advise in the business, he was counselled not to speak of it to any one whatever, because in a multitude there are never wanting some seditious persons, who only lack a head and prop, to make the wickednes of their hearts apparent, and are naturally so base-minded, that the bare report of a Faction, is ground enough to ingage them in it.

Certain Broyles sprung up in the Court of England, by the ill Counsel of some of the Queens household.

THe Court of France was not the only Scean, of Factions: England was no lesse pestered with imbroyles by those divisions which happened between the King and Queen, but ended by the returning into France, all the Queens officers, though by the Articles of marriage it had been concluded, That her Majesty should be attended by officers who were French and Catholiques. But it was most certain, the English never intended long to keep them, which they sufficiently shewed, by the entertainment, given them at Dover, where they could hardly get meat for their mony, and soon after their arrival, they laid hold on several occasions to put what that had concluded on in execution. It is reported that some Ecclesiastiques and women, did sow jealousies and discontents between the King and Queen, which exasperated the King very much against them, whereupon the Duke of Buc­kingham designed that his Wife, Sister, and Niece, might be her Bed-chamber Women, which being contrarie to the Articles of Marriage, which did prohibit any to bear office in the Queen's Family, who were not Catholiques, it was denied him; which angered him the more, in regard he had used to dispose of all affairs in Eng­land with a great deal of Authority: It was indeed proposed not long after to do that Honour to his Mother, who was a Catholique, and to his Wife, who was that way inclined, but he being unsatisfied with it, did from that time forward use his utmost endeavours, to foment and revenge it. But it is on the other side reported, that Madam de Cheuureuse, discontented in the French Court, and having got a good acquaintance in England, blew the Coales of this division, only to be revenged; and withal that Buckingham, was much blamed by the Parliament of England, for having admitted of divers Articles the Treaty of Marriage, which were prejudicial, to the Religion of the Country, and threatned to be called to an accompt, for a vast summe of mony, which was pretended he had diverted to his own use.

Now to satisfie the Parliament, who are of great power in England, he made it his business to fall upon the Catholiques, especially the Queens officers, and all that he might testifie to the Parliament, how he would conform himself to their pleasure in every thing: But he was vexed most of all when he went into Holland, upon some affairs, with design to passe to the Court of France, and the King gave the King of England to understand, that he did not like of the Journy; The Earle of Holland too, did not a little set on those divisions, for that the French, who were neer the Queen, had hindred him from being over-seer of her Majesties Re­venue, and had perswaded her to bestow that place upon the Bishop of Mande, which exasperated him very much, so that he made use of his power both with the King, and Bukingham, to drive on the business to such a height, that it was at last concluded, that all her Majesties officers should be returned into France, which was accordingly performed, and about the beginning of August, they were forced to crosse the Sea.

Politique Observation.

IT is Common upon the marrying of great Princesses with a Forraign King, to give them officers of their own Country, but it is seldome seen, that they con­tinue any long time neer them. It cannot be avoided, but that there will jealousies and heart burnings arise between them and the Natives of the Country, concerning their enjoying those offices, which they believe are due to themselves? which jea­lousie doth usually raise such storms; that their ruine is included in it: but admit, no jealousie did arise, yet the meer diversity of their language and Customes, were enough to create differences and divisions between them; Forraign officers cannot forbear discoursing together in their own language, which createth suspitions in those who understand it not. By reason of the diversity of their fashions, they laugh at one another, which commonly breeds quarrels between them; and withall, let a man be never so complaisant in his humour, yet there is alwayes a jea­lous eye upon them, that they contrive some thing against the State. Of this, there are divers examples in all times, as particularly in the raign of Francis the first, in which Bellay reporteth that Affairs were very much imbroyled by strangers, in­stancing, the Bishop of Liege, the Prince of Orange, the Marquis of Mantua, and Andreas Doria; hence Bodin in his Commonwealth, doeth much blame the Vene­tians, for admitting of all kind of strangers amongst them, Lypsius observeth, That as when many crickets come into a house, it is one assured sign, of their sodaine de­struction, so when a great multitude of strangers shall live in a Nation, it is a cer­tain, Index of some revolution neer at hand. Indeed, they have not usually any great deal of affection, for the Country where they live, so that they do not heartily embrace the Interests of it, and in case a war should break out, none would be so ready as they to entertain intelligence and give advices to the enemies. They are also easily provoked against the natural inhabitants of the Country, upon any su­spition, that they are lesse esteemed by them, then others, which induceth them to stick close together and to raise Factions against the State: withal their bodies may not be punished, though there be some kind of reason for it, least they should ge­nerally resent it, and raise up a thousand Broyles. These are the chief reasons why it is impossible to preserve a Family of Officers, Strangers in a Queens Court. This was it which did oblige those of Sparta, as Xenophon reporteth it, not to suffer any strangers to live in their Commonwealth, which made the Athenians take the same resolution, as Plutarch observeth in the life of Pericles, and which made Sue­tonius commend Augustus, that he would rarely grant to any the being free or na­turals of his Kingdome, and which induced Polydore Virgil to say in his History of England, That it was not the custome of English to admit of many strangers amongst them, least the difference of their customes and fashions, might cause them, not to live in a good intelligence with the natives of the Country.

The King sends the Marshal de Bassompierre into England.

THe Queen Mother, having been acquainted with the disorder which had hape­ned in the Queen of Englands Family, first sent the Sieur de Barre to her, to testifie to her that she was sorry for her and took part in her discontents; and shortly after, there being no reason to put up such an injurie, the Cardinal advised his Majesty to dispatch the Marshal de Bassompierre as extraordinary Ambassador to the King of England, for a redresse in the business.

Amongst divers others he was more particularly made choise of for that employ­ment, because there had been many of his near kindred retained near the Queen, who were now all sent back again; So that it was thought considering the near Interest of his family, that he would be the more zealously affectionate, in dispatch­ing such instructions, as should from time to time be sent to him. He was but coldly entertained in England, because audience had been denied to the Lord [Page 144] Montague, who was sent into France upon the return of those Officers; however he was no whit discouraged, at it, knowing that any Ambassador, ought to shut his eyes, at all little difficulties and obstructions, so he may carry on his Masters work to a good issue. The King of England appointed Commissioners to treat with him upon that affair, who being met together, he represented to them, in order to his instructions, that amongst other things comprehended in the Articles of Marriage, it had been concluded and agreed on, That the Queen of England should have free excercise of her Religion, that she should have a Bishop and a certain number of Priests, to exercise the Offices of her Religion, That all her houshold should be Ca­tholiques and French, and that all the English Catholiques should in general re­ceive greater priviledges, then had been granted them, if the Treaty with Spain had been effected: That the late King James, and the present King Charls his son then Prince of Wales, had confirmed it by oath, and that King James had com­manded his Officers, not to trouble or molest the Catholiques any more, where­upon that the King his Master, had conceived great hopes of prosperity and happi­ness, for the Queen his Sister, neither could he believe that the King of England his Brother in Law, would break his word given upon the consideration of Royal Marriage, who until then had amongst other virtues the reputation of being Just to his promises. That this new Alliance instead of reuniting their persons and In­terests would now rather, breed great divisions between them, and at such a time, when they had most need of being in amity with one another, both for assi­sting of their Allyes, and their own particular preservation. And that notwith­standing all these premises, the King of England had sent back all those Officers, of the Queen, contrarie to the Treaty, which had been confirmed by oath; that he placed about her, Officers who were English, and of a Religion contrary to hers; and besides all this that the Catholiques in General, were every where troubled and ill treated for their Religion sake. So that the King his Master, unable to abandon the Queen his Sisters Interest, had sent him to his Majesty of Great Bri­tain, to put him in mind of his promises, and to perswade him. That her Majesties Catholique Officers might be re-admitted to her, as also that his Catholique sub­jects might be more favourably dealt withal, The English Commissioners could not deny what had been concluded in the Treaty; but they would lay the fault of the Officers return, upon their own shoulders, pretending that they had raised troubles in the Kingdome, in his Majesties own Family, and that of his dear con­sort the Queen, but they did not produce any sufficient proofs upon the business: And as to that which concerned the English Catholiques, they pleaded, that it had only been granted for formalities sake, and to satisfie the Pope. But the Marshal producing before them the late Kings Oaths, confirmed too by another of the pre­sent King, then Prince of Wales, they could no longer tell what to say to the busi­ness, but fled to other complaints, not material or any wayes relating to the matter in question. The Marshal replyed and that very tartly, that he could not sufficient­ly admire that the Articles of Marriage, and confirmed by Oath, were not ob­served: That the Queens Officers were sent back, under pretence that they trou­bled the State, without giving the King his Master any notice of it, and without acquainting him in the least with those crimes which were presented to be commit­ted, That presently thereupon, English Officers and those Protestants, should be placed in their rooms, That indeed those accusations were to be esteemed as frivo­lous, and admitting them for just, yet ought they to be chastised only, and others French and Catholique put into their places, by the rules of the Treaty. But that indeed those pretended quarrels or Jarrs raised by the Queens French Officers, were so far from being the true cause of their return, that on the contrary, the Lord Mo [...]ntague had been at Nantes, not many dayes before their being sent over to congratulate the King and Queen Mother, concerning the good understanding, which was between their Majesties of Great Britain, and concerning the great sa­tisfaction which the King received at the Queen his wifes behaviour. That of the suddain and unlookt for discharge of her Officers happening so immediately upon [Page 147]the neck of this joy, could not but appear strange, and that as it did much wound the King of Englands Reputation, so it likewise injured the King his Masters Gene­rosity, who was not resolved to put up such a wrong; who after he had tried all fair means to get satisfaction done to him, would, if not granted, use all lawfull means (of what kind soever) to procure it. These replies were so just and resolute, that in reason they should have produced those effects which were expected. But the before recited Passages had so exasperated Buckingham, that he obstructed the procuring of that satisfaction, which France did so earnestly expect.

Politick Observation.

IT is very unseemly that a Kings Officers should perswade him to be worse then his word, onely to satisfie their own Passions. It were the ready way to subju­gate the glory of the Master, to the Will of the servant, and to suffer the least Stars to eclipse the splendor of the Sun, who have no light; but what they borrow from his rayes. Private affections have ever been hurtfull to publick consultations, as Titus Livy recordeth, neither was his judgement to be questioned, when he said, there are cereain Clouds which do darken the Soul, and make it like a dis-temper­ed eye, which seeth all things far different from what they really are. The word of a Prince is a sacred pledge, and his glory is linked with it. The Minister who is to see it performed, is obliged to effect it with inviolable respect, much lesse, not to abuse it for his own particular anger and Passion. How can it seem lawfull for a Minister to obstruct it by so prophane an abuse, when it is not permitted to a King himself to recede from it, though the good of his State were never so deeply con­cerned in it. Good Princes, as Traian saith, are more bound to perform what they promise, then to effect what themselves desire, so that it is not permitted them in a Treaty to be worse then their words, under pretence of the publick good; or to say their Counsel doth imagine the contrary to be more proper, or that the ne­cessity of their affairs doth require it. If once a Prince should do so he would ever passe for a Prince without Faith, which is the greatest misfortune can betide them, and thus Mimus Publicanus saith, he who hath once forfeited his Faith, hath no­thing else to lose, because all the Goods and Honour of a man depend thereupon. It is indeed fit to consider of Treaties with deliberation before they are entred into, but when once a Prince shall have passed his word to observe them, there cannot then be any starting hole to creep out at. It is a shamefull excuse for them to al­ledge they did not think of it. Bias saith, they cannot make no lawfull excuse, for he that loseth the credit and glory of being esteemed faithfull, hath a more con­siderable damage, then if he lost the thing which he promised. After Cinna had sent for Marius, he made a question whether or no he should receive him; but Sertorius understanding he had sent for him, told him it would be unfit to propose it to him; for (quoth he) the obligation of Faith, doth not allow of the conside­ration of what is once promised. But certainly it is a very great abuse to the Ma­jesty of a King to break his Oath, for by it he doth seem to mock God, whom he invoketh as a witnesse of his promise. Cicero saith in his Offices, that an Oath ne­ver ought to be broken, and the Egyptians punished Perjury with death, because they who were guilty of it, did not onely violate the worship of God, but broke faith which is the greatest and strongest tie of humane society.

The Traffique at Sea established.

DUring all these civil and forraign broyls, the Cardinal was intent upon repai­ring those losses which France had sustained in the late Wars, and upon setling such an Order in the three States, that happinesse might succeed their miseries and abundance those wants which they had undergone; in this, he imitated the wise Physitian, who having recovered his Patient, maketh it his work to restore his for­mer strength. There onely wanted this one thing to the compleating of it. That [Page 146]they upon whom the executing of his designs did depend, would lend their assist­ing hands to it. Now Commerce at Sea, being one of the chief Fountains of a Nations riches, he made it his first care to settle that in a safe course, which his Ma­jesty having assented to, he gave notice of it to the Undertakers, and that he should be glad to see them enter into Companies and Partnerships; assuring them, that they should have all possible assistance from him, and that he doubted not but they might in time, receive as great advantages by it, as the Hollanders did by that which is setled amongst them, or as the Spaniards did from the Mines of Peru. There wanted not divers who were ready to adventure on such a design, Montmor in the name of one hundred others, presented to the Councel, Articles of esta­blishment for a Company, to Traffique both into the East and West, by Sea and Land. He proffered in their behalf to raise a stock of six hundred thousand Livres, and that the moyety of the profits thereof, should stil go towards the increasing of the said stock: That he would expend the sum of six hundred thousand Livres in building of ships and setling the ground-works of their Trade. These Proposals were very advantagious; his Majesty approved of them, and commanded the Car­dinal to conclude upon the Articles with the Company. So they had divers Privi­ledges and Liberties granted to them, in regard of Forraign Wars, and the Wealth which followeth Traffique, as also in consideration of the accruement of power and shipping by Sea, which was no slight matter, for that the Spaniards, English, and Hollanders had become very potent at Sea, by this means, and have often there­upon fallen in upon our Coasts at their own pleasures. The Cardinal withall, per­swaded his Majesty, at the same time, to lay out a great sum of money, to buy Ships both at Amsterdam, Denmark, and other places of France, to defend themselves from the like incursions.

Politick Observation.

TWo things chiefly are necessary to render a Kingdome flourishing, Govern­ment and Commerce, and as without the former it is impossible that it should long subsist, so without the latter, we find it want many things important to the life of man, and that the Nation cannot attain unto any great riches. Those Politicians have deceived themselves, who measure happinesse by vertue alone, and think that all their cares and dangers whereunto they expose themselves, are to no purpose. We are not now in those times, when men lived on Acorns dropping from Oaks, or when the Fruits of the Earth were the greatest delicacies without art or labour. Ma­ny more things are now require to entertain [...] [...]en heretofore, and the neglect of Commerce were to deprive ones self of them by lazinesse. And admitting it were not so, have not sundry Philosophers used Traffique as a means to attain the experience of many excellent things. Sol [...]n amongst the Athenians rendred him­self capable of giving Laws to his Country. Thales one of the Sages of Greece, made no difficulty to imploy part of his time therein, and Plato himself did the same thing to get the charges of his voyage into Egypt, by carrying Oyls thither to sell, that he might purchase knowledge. Withall, we live not now so much by the Com­merce of Elements, as by that of Gold and Silver, those are the great Springs which more all the rest, and without them, Kingdomes can neither be Potent in War, or flourish in Peace. Politicians acknowledge them for the Sinews of War, and as for Peace, never any poor State was yet considerable, or ever came to any great height, and what brings greater riches then Commerce? France aboundeth in many sorts of Grain, but wanteth Gold and Silver. Now the onely means which it hath to come by it, is to send abroad to its neighbours who want many of those commodities, what it can well spare by way of Commerce, a means so powerfull, that sending onely what is superfluous, it may bring in the greatest part of their wealth.

Monsieur the Cardinal is made by the King, grand Master and Super-inten­dent of the Traffique and Commerce of France.

IT was necessary upon setling the Company of Trade, to appoint them a head, who might have a full power amongst them, and whose reputation and knowledge might countenance their undertakings, it being most certain, that such designs as are out of the common road fall to nothing, if not upheld by some particular favour or an extraordinary understanding. To the Admirals care it could not be commit­ted, unlesse their speedy ruine had been intended, for that he assumed of late so great a power over all Traders, that instead of assisting, he undid them. The one­ly difficulty was, that it being fit the head of this Company should be absolute, there would every day arise some disputes between the Admiral and him; but the King to avoid this inconvenience, was of opinion, rather to cease the Admiralty, then to break off the setling of Trade; for that the Admirals were no lesse charge­able to the State then to the Merchants, they drawing at least one hundred thou­sand Livres out of the Treasury every year, without any advantage by it. Here­upon the King resolved about the beginning of the year, to take the Admiralty out of Montmorency's hands, who seemed willing enough to part with it, by his readinesse to treat thereupon, and in conclusion, he had a good round sum paid him for it. This resolution was of such concernment, that without it, not one­ly the Trading of France had been quite broke, but the Kings Subjects had been lyable to dayly Inroads and Pillagings, for that of late years, above four thousand Christians, had been been made Slaves by the Turks, above one hundred Vessels taken, sunk, and burned, by which means a great many families were brought to Beggery.

The King too good, just, and generous to suffer such injuries, which by dimi­nishing his Peoples goods, did no lesse take off from his reputation and glory, re­solved to contrive some remedy for it. It was ordered that the Admiralty should be suppressed, and that a chief, grand Master, and super-intendent of Commerce of France should be set up instead of it, endowing him with full power to execute the Office of Admiral, in such cases as might advantage the benefit of Trade, or the Kingdom, and cutting off all other power which might prejudice either of them. There was now onely wanting a person of quality to execute this charge who ought to be resolute and clear from all private Interest, in regard of honour, or the pub­lick good. The Cardinal had made it apparent that these qualifications are emi­nent in himself, so his Majesty made choice of him, who accepted of it, but in re­ceiving the Office, he would not take those Allowances and Pays which had for­merly been due to the Admiralty, for that his Majesty had suppressed that Office, partly to save the expence of it, so that instead of contracting any charge in this new Office, his Majesty saved above one hundred thousand Livres per annum, heretofore assigned to the Admiralty, besides he had now the power of command­ing his Fleets wheresoever he pleased, but before the command of them was an­nexed to the Admirals, though they were not indued with qualifications necessary. for such a charge, and which is most to be observed, that though the Cardinal might as easily have obtained the Office of Admiral, and executed it with the same advantage for the King, the benefit of France, and Trade, as that of super-inten­dent of the Sea, yet he waved that honour and contended himself with the means to serve him in a condition lesse honourable, and lesse subject to emulation.

Politique Observation.

IT is great discretion in a Minister to wave those Titles, which onely serve by reason of their noise, to expose him unto Envy. They are but low Souls which affect ayry Titles, neither do they consider how that by ambition they do provoke [Page 148]Fortune, and instead of making their authority respected, they do most commonly render themselves ridiculous in the eyes of all wise men. Modesty is the thing which makes greatness honoured, whereas ostentation offending every one, atracts the hatred of all the World, and becomes insupportable. Who so is advanced to any eminent pitch of Honour ought to imitate great Rivers, which glide a long, with little murmuring, though great profit to the people; whereas torrents being lesse profitable do perpetually vex the head with their noise. Great men ought more especially to shun such titles of Honour, as may render them odious. Scipio Affricanus, a man who wanted neither courage nor discretion, gave us a notable example of this particular, as Titus Livy hath observed, when as the Spaniards called him King, and he refused that little, which he knew would be dis-rellished by the Commonwealth, and told them that that of General of the Army was the greatest Honour, he did aspire to, That having indeed a royall soul he should not much take it amisse if they thought him worthy of that Honour; but he beseeched them to forbear the other, least that might breed a jealousie upon his Person.

Did not Augustus in the same manner testifie a great deal of Prudence, when in taking upon him the Emperial Crown, he refused to be called Emperours, and con­tented himself with the name of Prince, which could not exasperate the Roman people, it being a name in use amongst them, and a fashion to create a Prince of the Senate? his discretion told him, That the Romans would easilier undergo sla­very it self, then the name of it: and therefore he would prudently sweeten the displeasure which they might apprehend at their being brought under his command by a Title full of modesty, He also aimed at the names of Consul, Father of his Country, Tribune, and High Priests, only because the people did not mislike them, designing rather to add a new power to an old Title, then to assume upon himself such odious qualifications as would only render his power feared and redoubted.

An Assembly at Paris, to redress disorders of State.

THe setlement of Trade was sufficient to bring great profit to the Kingdom, but it was likewise necessary, to use divers other means, for the raising of it to it's height and greatness. The King had long before concluded on it, but finding himself unfurnished of a Minister, to put it in execution, the affairs had still con­tinued in some lameness, until at last seeing himself assisted by the Cardinal he re­solved to assemble the Chief Officers of his Kingdom, especially those who had acquired most experience and shewed best conduct in affairs. And for the better resolving upon the means, he appointed them to attend him a Paris, where being met together, his Majesty himself opened the reasons of their Assembling, upon the second of Dece [...]ber in the Thuill [...]ries; He was pleased to tell them, That he had called them together to provide some remedies against the disorders of the State, and that the Lord Chancellor should farther acquaint them with the rest of his de­sires; and the Lord Chancellor beginning his speech, represented to them, the great disorders that had crept into the Kingdom, whilst the King was imployed abroad to repel his enemies and the great expences he was at for the keeping up of his Armies: and then told them that his Majesty was resolved for the establish­ing of the Kingdom in its ancient splendour, to employ powerful redresses, and so to regulate his Treasuries, that there might alwayes be a sufficient foundation to supply the occasions of the State, without being forced to overcharge the people as of late: He gave them to understand, that the King was contriving to lessen the expences of his house, and even those which he was at for the paying of several Garrisons in places of no importance which he was resolved to dismantle: To settle Trade with [...]ll possible advantages, for the enriching of his subjects: So to govern his Souldiers both in garrison and the field, that his subjects might be no more op­pressed; upon which it chiefly was, that his Majesty had desired their advices. When he had concluded, the Cadinal made a most excellent speech, in which his eloquence was no lesse to be admired at then his prudence. He laid before that [Page 149]Illustrious Assembly, how visibly God had made use of his Majesty to atchieve that in a little time for the publique good, which many thought impossible to have been effected in an age. He gave them to understand, that as there had been great charges and expences, so the King and Queen had received very great advantages by it, in relation to that Honour and Glory which is due to them; and that if any good successe had at any time happened, it was only the dawning of those resolu­tions which his Majesty had taken, for the easing of his people, and restating the Kingdom in its former Splendor. That as only God can make something out of nothing, so it was necessary to lay a good foundation in the Treasury, and to that end, to cut off from the extravagant expenses, and add to the receipts, or in­deed to do both at once. He shewed them, how that every one, regarding the advancement of his own private Interest, it might possibly provoke some to anger, if their expences were moderated; but he added withal, that no one could justly complain at it, since nothing was to be preferred before the Publique good, and that the King and Queen Mother, were both resolved to give a good example, by contracting the expences of their families.

He told them, that if in great tempests there was sometimes a necessary to part with the goods, to ease the vessel and defend her from shipwrack, prudence did direct the like thing in a State; Which ought not to be cast away for the preserva­tion of any ones particular good, and that they themselves were bound in reason to conform themselves to the resolution thereof, for that it is impossible private and particular mens plenty and Riches, should long last, when the State is poor and needy, in fine, he told them, that setling a good government in the Affairs and Treasuries, they would in a very few years find, both the King and Kingdom raised to a greater pitch of glory, then ever it had formerly been, but he added, it would not be so necessary to order such things unlesse they were really put in execution; That the glory of setling the Nation being reserved for his Majesty, they who were deputies ought to esteem it a great Honour done them, in that he gave them part of it, and that for his own particular, he should esteem himself most happy to dye in the prosecution of so glorious a design.

After this first overture, the King sent divers proposals to the Assembly by his Solicitor General, upon all which such courses were resolved, as were thought most necessary for the setlement of the State. But it was first of all concluded, what order should be observed in the levying of men, as also for the maintaining of them, in such order, that the Country man might not be injured by them. It was thought fit to keep two Armies in readiness of between eighteen and twenty thou­sand foot, and two thousand Horse, as well to secure the Publique Peace, as to support the Kings Authority, and also to keep Forreigners in a due respect. It is true, there were sufficient means found out to prevent the peoples damage, but it was to be doubted, that the Souldiers would not so readily observe those commands which his Majesty had been so careful to order. Next of all it was considered, what unnecessary expences of the State should be cut off, as well to pay off two and fifty Millions of Livers, which the Exchequer was indebt, as also to acquit the charges of the Nation without increasing the taxes. In order to which it was thought fit to contract the expences of the King and Queens Families, according to the resolution taken before the late Kings death: Not to exceed the sum of two Millions in Pensions, which was the sum appointed by the late King Henry the Great for that business, and lastly the Assembly proposed to his Majesty, the dis­mantelling of a great number of strong places, which being in the heart of the King­dom, or at least remote from the Frontiers, did only serve to countenance Rebel­lions, and consume a vast sum of mony for payment of the Garrison Souldiers, and building unnecessary Fortifications. There was also care taken, (with refe­rence to his Majesties good pleasure) for the relief of divers poor Gentlemen, Cap­tains and Souldiers, wounded in his Majesties service; And at last the Assembly made earnest request to his Majesty, that he would for the future prevent, those revolts of the Grandees, which were commonly made every year to the great trouble of [Page 150]the State, and that he would punish some for example sake, who had the Bold­nesse, to take up Arms against his Authority, or to divide the State into Factions. They also proposed to his Majesty to admit into his Council, a certain number of Gentlemen, to bring them up to do him the more service, by the knowledge which they might get in State affairs, and in conclusion, they gave his Majesty most Prudent Counsel concerning the ordering and decreasing of the taxes, for the sup­pressing of divers useless Officers, for the redemption of his Lands which were in Mortgage, by paying them in whose hands they were; the monies lent upon them, or full Interest, out of the account of the Revenue, to settle an order in the Trea­sury to prevent all future relapses for the settlement of Commerce both by Sea and Land, for the distribution of charges as well millitary as others, which have dependance on the Chief Officers of the Crown, it being improper that they should be bestowed by any but the King himself. And these were the Chief things then brought into debate before them, and resolved on. So their was a Paper drawn up of those things which they proposed to his Majesty, the most part of which, ap­peared so reasonable and judicious, that they have ever since served for Maximes and a Rule for the Goverment of the State; The Cardinal having put them in practise one after another, as fast as ever the Civil warres, the Factions at Court, and the attempts of the house of Austria upon France and it's Allyes would give way for it.

Politique Observation.

HE who would settle a discomposed Kingdom must resolve upon the course whereby to do it, with the advice of the States, or at least of them, who have gotten a great reputation of by experience in Affairs, by their qualities and conditions or the great understanding they are Masters of. On such an occasion, divers have had recourse to an Assembly of States: which because they are ordi­narily accompanied with confusion by reason of the multitude, besides the great expence which they draw on, I should think it much more proper to make use of a selected Assembly, who are the only persons, whose opinions serve for guides to the rest, now no one can doubt but that their advices will be very necessary for a State on such an occasion, for that those great persons are like so many twinkling starres, whose counsels are replenished with so much light, that they soon make their Judgments of with is fit to be done, to shine forth. Not to need Counsel, is to be more then man, and not to make use of Counsel in affairs of concern, is to be lesse then man. God is not contented only with overuling the Elementary World and to make it fruitful in all kind of Science, by the influences and light of the Sun, but he hath imparted some share of his Luster to the other starres, and hath asigned so considerable a proportion of work to them that every one reputeth them in part to be the universal causes of all sublunary things; so it may safely be said too, that God creating a Minister in a Kingdom, whose Souls he replenisheth with any extraordinary part of understanding, doth not however forbear to be­stow some light upon others too, though peradventure inferiour both for suffi­ciency and quality, that they may contribute with him to the General good, by the particular knowledge which he may infuse into them, and by the Counsels wherewith he may inspire them. And if their advices may be of use in a Kingdom, they cannot be lesse advantageous, unto a Minister, on such an occasion, in which the angring of divers persons, cannot possibly be avoided. There never yet was any reformation for the publique good, but many particular private persons were angred at it. They who Judg of all things by their own private Interest, are ever discontented, and conceive no little ill will, against that Minister who is guided only by his own will, and direction: Whereas if it were done by those, whose wisdom is esteemed, and whose Prudence is respected, it would silence all men, and make that sweet and easie, which else would be bitter and insupportable. It is very dangerous it, for a Minister to undertake great enterprises upon, his own head only? [Page 151]For good successe is not inherent in any man, seeing all are subject to Deficiencies in Actions and inconstancy; withall it is not to be doubted, but that the greatest part judging of things by the event, would charge him home with blame if any misfortune should happen. How many great men who promised themselves high matters, have seen the successe fall contrary to their expectations, and have been exposed to the disgraces of their King and People for their ill successe, which might have been secured too, had they but proposed their designs, and taken good advice upon them in a Counsel of the most considerable Grandees in the State? Hee who attempts nothing without good advice, secures himself from any ill accident whatever. Tiberius thought in no derogation from his honour, to acquaint the Senate with every affair, though never so little considerable. Anthony the Debo­nair never took any thing in hand either in Peace or War, which he did not first communicate to several wise men, protesting that it was more reasonable to accom­modate his opinion to their advices then to oblige them to follow his Will.

The Sieur de Baradas removed from Court.

ABout this time was Baradas removed from the Court, a person who had been much in favour with the King: He had been the first Gentleman of his Cham­ber, and chief Querry of his Majesties little Stable: And as great favours puff up the mind, and destroy the judgement of many, if not qualified with a great under­ [...]anding, he did so much forget himself, that he would oftentimes make himself Master of the Kings Will, and interpose in matters of concernment, in which he had neither ability or authority. His Majesty was much grieved at it, being a Prince who did not delight to see that they whom he favoured should abuse them­selves, and be defective in that respect which is due unto him; but it one day fell out, that he being too importunate to perswade his Majesty to bestow a very great place upon a certain Kinsman of his, who must of necessity be dayly attending up­on his Majesty, being a person too whom his Majesty did mislike, his Majesty re­solved to deprive him, not onely of his Offices or Charge which he held neer his person but of that extraordinary familiarity wherewith he had formerly honoured him, and accordingly commanded him to retire to his employment in little Bour­bon of chief Querry, an Office of no small advantage. But as nothing is so dis­pleasing to Favourites as to find themselves cast off, he was so transported by it, that he suffered himself to be deprived by despair, of that little judgement which he had: There need no other indiscretion be alledged, but that one thing which he did in his Majesties Chamber, when the Governour of Souvre came in thither, whom he supposed one of the causers of his discredit; he began to quarrel with him, and told him that he should be very glad to meet him with his Sword in his hand: Which so insolent discourse being before his Majesty, he told him, that he did not remember the p [...]ace where he was, and that he deserved to be sent to the Bastile, there to be punished according to the Act for Duels, but he only comman­ded him to get him gone, from which time forward hee was no more seen at Court.

Politique Observation.

THere are but few Favourites who know how to moderate themselves, and so to manage their Affairs, that they may preserve their Masters good affection. A man ought to be of an excellent temper, well to digest any very great favour. It is most certainly true, that as excesse of meat stuffeth up the stomack, and choa­keth the natural heat, so an extraordinary favour depriveth most men of their judgement, intoxicateth them, and makes them loose the exercise of their reason And for this cause it is, that they injoy those favours of fortune to their Graves, as it hath in all ages been seen, that the most part having been led in Triumph as it [...]ere unto the highest point of Glory, have precipitated themselves into the greatest [Page 150]gulfs of misery, and have so bruised themselves against the favour which they pos­sessed, as if it had been purposely turned into a Rock for their ruine. The wise man considereth that an indifferent favour is much more certain then those great ones, and contenteth himself with what his Master bestoweth; Fortune doth no sooner raise him up but his discretion presently tells him, that her smiles are incon­stant, and that nothing can so much contribute to his preservation, as to use them with moderation. He oftentimes reflecteth on that memorable passage of Sosistra­tus, who being drawn in his Triumphant Chariot by four Kings, entertained him­self with observing the motion of the Wheels, how that which was now uppermost presently became lowest, and being asked the reason of his contemplation, answer­ed, that he delighted to remark the turning of his Wheels, and was by it put in mind of the inconstancy of humane Affairs, and that the same Fortune which had raised him to that height of prosperity above those four Kings, then sub-jugaged to him, might shortly bring him to the same condition. The wise Favourite fixing his mind upon the inconstancy of Fortune, as upon a sure maxime, never permitteth her to blind his mind with vanity, but keeps himself upon his Guard, not putting himself on in matters of State, but as his Master calls him, and payeth him the grea­ter respects, as his obligations increase. He is industriously carefull not to abuse his Masters favour▪ by assuming too great a power on himself, remembring how Calisthenes lost Alexanders good will, by reason of his too great presumption, and the vanities which he did commit in the Emperors presence: nothing doth so much destroy Favourites, as their affecting too great an Authority, and taking upon them too much power over their Masters: He likewise knoweth, that it is with them as with the Moon, who hideth her self when ever she approacheth near the Sun, it being from him that she receiveth her light, and that so Favourites ought not to exercise any kind of authority when they are near Kings, but are rather bound to shew them in their requests all imaginable respects whatsoever: it is his care not to intermeddle in the administration, nor doth he ever attempt to adde the power of governing the State, to that of his Masters good affection: But on the contrary, he takes so much the lesse upon him, when the Testimonies which he re­ceiveth of his Masters Favour seem to give him most power, and it is his dayly fear to be raised to too eminent a degree, least he should by it be exposed to too great a fall which might totally destroy him.

Differences between the Bishop of Verdun, and the Officers of the City.

ABout the end of this year, great differences did arise, between the Bishop and the Officers of Verdun. This being a Frontier Town was then looked upon as somewhat considerable, in regard Monsieur de Lorrain, seemed to be active and able to attempt something upon France, which obliged the King to go on with the design which he had long before resolved of, building a Cittadel there. The Abbey of St. Vannes was ever reputed the most proper place of all the City for that purpose, whence it happened, that in the Charter of the said Abbey, as was to be seen, there had been divers Articles concluded between the Bishop of Verdun, to whom that place hath ever belonged, in which they bound themselves to build their Church in some other place, if it should be found necessary to make use of some part of it for the raising of a Cittadel. However the Lines were so contrived, that the Church was saved, but that of the Capucines was forced to be taken down, which was afterwards done, and rebuilt in another place.

Now the Bishop of Verdun, being a Kinsman of Monsieur de Lorrain, had no other motion but what came from him, so that not considering what dependance he had upon the King, suffered himself to be ingaged by the Duke to prevent with his utmost power, the building of the Cittadel. His Temporal power was but weak to manage his design, so he had recourse to his spiritual; and accordingly on the l [...]st of December, he published a Monitorium, fixed upon all publick places, against all such as should labour about it. But as the spiritual power hath no authority [Page 153]over the Temporal to deprive it of its rights, so this procedure was looked on as a strange thing by the Kings Officers, who wanted neither courage nor loyalty in this affair. The Sieur Guillet Lievtenant at the Royal Siege in the Town, presently called a Councel of his Majesties Officers of the Town, to consider of what was to be done, where it was concluded to tear down such Papers as had been any where Posted up, and to set others in their places of a contrary tenour in the Kings be­half, which was presently put in execution: The Bishop was much offended at it, and to be revenged for it he thundred out an Excommunication the next day against Gillet, which he fastned in divers places, and having given Orders to his great Vicars not to act any thing in prejudice of his pretended Authority, he departed from Verdun, and rid Post to Cologne. In the mean while the Sieur Charp [...]nti [...]r, his Majesties President in Mets, Thoul and V [...]rdun being acquainted with the whose proceeding, and considering how Derogatory it was from the Power who was So­veraign of the Town, and consequentially, had absolute authority to fortifie it, as himself should think fit, as also to give such assurances to his Officers who should execute his royal commands, as might secure them from any Bishop, Excommu­nication, onely for doing their duties, he declared the said Monitorium to be abu­sive and scandalous, and commanded it to be torn and burned by the Hangman: That for reparation of such a proceeding, the said Bishop should be sent Prisoner un­der a safe conduct to Paris: That his Benefices should in the mean time remain in his Majesties hands; and that he should pay ten thousand Livres fine for his said fault. The Judgement was put in execution with the usual form, excepting onely, as to the Bishops being sent to Paris, so that he resolving not to suffer himself to be thus despoiled of his Goods, thought his best course to send to the King to paci­fie him for his rashnesse, as also he gave order to one of his Vicars to absolve the Sieur Guillet, and to license the going on of the Fortifications.

Politique Observation.

AMongst the sundry Priviledges, which our Kings bestow on those whom they call to their service, one of the most just and ancient is, that they may not be Excommunicated by the Prelates for such actions as they do in discharge of their duties. There need no other evidence of it but reason it self, and the order esta­blished by God between the Spiritual and Temporal Power, which is such, that ei­ther reserving himself within his prescribed bounds, ought not to attempt upon the others Power. And doth not History furnish us with divers examples, which are as so many proofs in this particular. I have seen an Act resolved by an Assembly, selected in Normandy, dated the year twelve hundred and five, which containeth, that no Arch-Bishop or Bishop, may Excommunicate any Barons, Bayliffs or Ser­jeants without his Majesties permission; and the Arch-Bishop of Roijen, thereup­on promised his Majesty in the year twelve hundred and seventeen, not to excom­municate any of his Officers without his consent. The Bishop of Chartres in the year thirteen hundred sixty nine, having attempted to Excommunicate the Kings Officers at Manto, was condemned by a Judgement to recall the Excommunicati­on, or lose his Temporal Goods which were taken into Custody. The Official of Roijen in the same manner too, having thundred out an Excommunication against one of the Kings Bayliffs, in the year thirteen hundred and seventy, who refused to deliver a Clerk to him whom he had taken Prisoner in coloured cloaths, was con­demned by a judgement of the same nature to take off his Excommunication. And was not a Cardinal Bishop of Mans condemned by an Arrest in the year one thou­sand four hundred sixty and five, to absolve those Officers of his Majesty, whom he had attempted to excommunicate with an inhibition, not to attempt the like any more hereafter. The Parliament of Grenoble, approving of the Cardinal de Cler­monts power, who was the Popes Legate in Avignon, in the year fifteen hundred and sixteen, declared, That the Kings Officers who were in his jurisdiction, should not be any ways liable to Ecclesiastical censures or interdictions. And when the [Page 154]Bishop of Castres excommunicated two Councellours of Tholouse, in the year one thousand five hundred sixty six, was he not adjudged to pay ten thousand Livres fine, and to repeal his Excommunication besides. And of latter time. when the Cardinal de Sourdis, attempted to excommunicate certain Counsellours of the Par­liament, Anno one thousand six hundred and six, his Temporalties were seized on, and himself condemned by Arrest of the said Parliament to call in his Excom­munication. It were easie to alledge many more like examples. But besides (though there are proofs enough to convince that this priviledge doth really be­long unto the Kings Officers.) It is expresly said in the Arrest against the Bishop of Chartres, made on the year thirteen hundred sixty nine, and in those Articles proposed to the Assembly, Anno, fiteen hundred eighty three, at St. German en Lay, that they have injoyed it time out of mind.

Neither is this priviledge particular to them alone, for Matthew Paris saith, in the life of H [...]nry the second King of England, that the King of Englands Officers could not be excommunicated, unlesse the Prelates had first obtained his Majesties leave for it.

Anno 1627.

The Insolent Revolt of the Rochelois.

EVERY one verily beleeved, considering the Peace concluded with the Spaniards and Hugonots: That France which had a long while like a floating Vessel been Weather beaten, would now cast An­chor in a quiet setled Harbour: It was every mans hope, now to injoy the fruits of so many labours, and that the Clouds passing away would make room for Serene Calms: But just as it was go­ing to this Port, the Hugonots and most of the neighbour Princes, appeared on the shore to prevent its settlement on Land: They raised new stirs, they cast up Shelves of sand upon one another, and beat the Waves with such violence and fury, that the end of one storm was but the beginning of another, and that a greater then the former. Those of Rochel having been of late accustomed to live in an insolent licenti­ousnesse, could not indure to see the Articles of Peace which the King had accorded to them, put in execution; and Rebellion had taken so deep rooting in their minds, that the yoke of Obedience was become insupportable to them; they could not per­mit, that the Rules of Commerce, observed over all France, should be taken no­tice of amongst them. The cutting off of that absolute authority which they had made use of, in the Isles of Ree and Oleron, and other places bordering upon their City was looked on, as an outrage; the excercise of the Catholique Religion be­ing settled amongst them, was esteemed as a great slavery, and as a rigorous con­straint imposed upon that whereof they made profession. They complained of those Souldiers in Fort Lewis, and the Isles of Ree and Oleron, left there only to pre­vent their relapsing into their former insolencies, as a most insufferable tyranny. They resented his Majesties Commissaries Acts in order to the execution of the Treaty, as so many unjust attempts upon their Liberties, and would needs have it be believed, that the continuation of Fort Lewis, was a breach of those promises, which had been made to them. These were the Chief complaints which they every where spred abroad; These were the Griefs which filled their Manifests; These were the Motives which they made use of to perswade the rest of the Hugonot Towns, to revolt, to form themselves into a Commonwealth, and to obtain that by force from his Majesty, which with Justice they could not expect: But these complaints were [Page 155]made with little reason for that subjects, cannot pretend any thing for their at­tempting on their Kings authority: and accordingly the answer which they could have, when they had the boldness to present them either to his Majesty or his Mini­ster was, That being born subjects to his Majesty, they neither ought or could pretend to any exemption from the Laws of obedience; That their complaints of violencies offered to their Religion, was groundless; for that they had a full li­berty of conscience under his Majesties protection and that all such, as troubled them in it, were chastised as disturbers, of the publique Peace: That true it was, by the Treaty of Monpellier, Fort Lewis ought to have been demollished but with all, That they had made themselves unworthy of it, by their refusal, to execute several Articles of the Treaty, and amongst others, to establish, the excercise of the Catholique Religion, in their Citty as they had engaged to his Majesty: and moreover, that the Honest's men of the Citty, the most sufficient, and such as had most to loose, having represented to his Majesty, that in case the Fort were sligh­ted, They should be exposed to the mercy of the Rascality, who would put a thou­sand outrages and affronts upon them, he could not deny their so just a request: Besides the sixth Article of Peace granted them in February last year did expresly say, that his Majesty would not assent to the destroying of that Fort: They were also told, That being subjects of his Majesty, they had no cause to complain, of the Commissaries being there, especially seeing one of them too, was of their own Religion, and that they had not been then there, but for those delayes which were by them made, in the execution of the Treaty: As to the quartering of Troops about their City and the adjacent Isles, it was answered; That they had no reason at all to complain of it, for that they gave the occasion, by their daily mutenies, by their slow proceedings in the demolishing of Fort Tadon, and which they did so slightly too, that it was an easie matter to repair it; and that last of all, those Troops living very civilly, they enjoyed the self same liberty which his Majesties subjects did many other Town, where there was a garison and that they could not think it strange, his Majesty should so watch them, who had so often revolted after several protestations of obedience to procure his pardon for their faults. But nothing would satisfie them, so that finding they could not procure their desiers, they concluded to prosecute it, with Arms, and to form themselves into a Com­monwealth.

Politique Observation.

JT is neither safe nor Just for a City, born under a Regal power, to shake off that obedience and become a Commonwealth. The injustice of them who should attempt so to do cannot be defended, seeing Kings are the Lively Images of the God head, Livenants of his power, and that he hath subjected people in such dependancies, that no one but himself alone, can revoke their Commission. I ad­vise thee, saith the Wiseman, to have a care of the Kings mouth, and to keep the oath, that thou hast sworn unto him: beware that thou withdraw not thy self from his power or slight his commands, for otherwise he will deal with thee as he li­steth and no one can say unto him, What doest thou? And as this Procedure is very unjust, so it is not safe for them who would ingage in it, for that no Government is so bad as a Popular. There is indeed a certain kind of apparent liberty, which charmeth, and worketh upon the Souls of them, who do not under stand it, but it is most sure, that it is a liberty which exposeth a City, to the greatest misfortunes, that can befall to it. All Kings propose Honour and the Publique good for the end of their Government knowing all their glory depends thereupon; whereas in a Popu­lar State, every one proposeth his own particular advantage, and by that he mea­sureth the Weal Publique, and then comes Honour in the very rear of all other thoughts. Wise discreet Counsels are so little esteemed in Popular States, that they cannot remedie any inconvenience though accompanied with a very little difficulty. For though in State affairs most voyces ought to be considered; yet it [Page 156]is not to be thought in point of number, but the Prudence of them who Judge: whereas admitting the people to be Master, most voyces carrieth it clear from the rest though better grounded, by far. The Senate of Rome chose rather to allot Tribunes to the people, by whose mouths they might deliver their opinion, then to leave them in a Licentions power, concluding that though the Authority of those Tribunes would be in some sort superlative, yet that it would be much more supportable, then that of the people, that many headed beast which having no Judgment, loveth change, and mooveth more by impetuosity then reason. This Beast, nourisheth it self with a thousand vain hopes, its designs are accompanied with fury, when the danger is farthest off; but soon looseth his courage when brought upon peril; and as it hath but a small portion of abilities, so it knoweth not who are men of understanding, or who do them good service. Whence it doeth ordinarily well reward, such as do them ill service, and ill reward such as do them good service. Was it not heretofore seen that the Athenian banished Mil­tiades, ordered him to pay a great fine, and kept him in durance until he had paid it, as a reward for having with ten thousand men saved their City from a dange­rous siedge, and beaten one hundred and ten thousand Persians, by his good Con­duct? The like they did to Themistocles, Arist [...]der, Alcibiades and divers other Captains, who had served them, very eminently without any regard had to their services. He that would esteem a Popular Authority, ought not to know what it is: And Agesilaus did wisely answer one who would have changed the Gover­ment of Parthia into a democracy, when he advised him only to set up a Demoraty in his own Dominion, which would discover to him, the rashness and disorder of a Popular Government.

The Designs of the Duke of Rohan in Languedoc.

THe Duke of Rohan, discontented for that he had made no advantage by the Peace▪ at least to render himself the more considerable, did not a little foment those Mutinies of the Rochelois, to which end, he under hand sowed divi­sions among the Consuls of the Chief Hugonot Towns in Languedoc, and some he made for his own party; that they might lead the people to rebel, when ever he should hold up his finger; but finding that his design did not absolutely take in those parts, he resolved to accept of those proffers, which the King of Great Bri­tain had made to the Duke of Sonbize his Brother, and the deputies of those of his party, presently after the Treaty of Peace which had been then newly concluded, about the end of the last year. They could not away with the putting off the Treaty in execution, as to many particular Articles, which the discreerest men among them, had perswaded them to agree unto; They dispatched certain Deputies, towards the King of England, to beseech him that he would use his power and Authority with the King his Brother in Law, to perswade him, to demolish Fort St. Lewis which kept them in a wonderful subjection; who being presented to him by the Duke de Sonbize, who retired himself into England in the year one thousand six hun­dred twenty and five, they were well received and had promises given them of a strong assistance. Now the Duke of Rohan not to lose these hopes, sent amongst the Deputies the Sieur de Blancard a person of quality, to procure a quick dis­patch, they had many fair promises made them, and a confirmation of whatever had formerly been resolved on, so that the Revolt was now concluded on; It was so much the easier to obtain those succours, for that of late, England had con­ceived some ill designs against France. It much troubled them, to see the Hugonot Party, and those of Rochel, reduced to greater weaknesses then ever, and they took so great a share in their Interest that one of the Chief Ministers of State there, said in full Counsel, that it was less considerable to his Majesty to lose Ireland, then to suffer Rochel to be taken by the King of France. Withal Buckinghams particular Spleen, which carried himself and swayed most of the great ones there, did not a little encrease it, who were all mad to be dealing with France; so much [Page 157]do Courtiers follow the inclinations of Favorites. We have in the former year laid down the causes of his particular hatred, I shall now only add the resentment which he took, at his Majesties denial to let him come into France, was that, and only that which incensed him to that height: But the Cardinal foreseeing what effects, that refusal would in reason produce advised his Majesty to permit him to come to the Court, assuring him, that it would be easie to raise some advantages, out of that earnest passion which he had to come thither, and that at last he could only end as Icarus did, who perished for aspiring too high. Yet however the Queen Mother seconding the Kings resolution for his non-admittance, she became Mistres of the Counsel, which so exasperated Buckingham, that he vowed shortly to come into France so well attended, that they should not be able to deny him entrance Madam de Cheureuse, who was discontented too, and then in Lorrain, did not a little blow the Coales of his passion, and serve to nourish his anger; but as it would have been more to his discredit then Honour, to have openly declared it, so he wanted some pretences to cloak it. He pretended that the King of England his Master had been surety for the performance of those promises which the King and his Ministers had made to the Hugonots upon the conclusion of the Peace. Now the Chancellor having told their Deputies, in presence of the English Ambassadours, that though the King could not be induced, to assent unto the demolition of Fort Lewis, yet that they might hope for it from his Bounty in Time, in case they lived within the bounds of a due obedience. These hopes would he needs have passe for absolute promises, and for Articles agreed on with Ambassadours, and in prosecu­tion of them, he would fain have it be believed that the King his Master, was bound, by way of caution to see the demollishing of it put in execution. He had likewise the boldness to let the King know from his Master of Great Britain, by his Am­bassador, that he was likewise ingaged to see the performance, of a certain Decla­ration made to the Hugonots by the Earle of Holland and the Lord Charlton; Ex­traordinary Ambassadours then at that Treaty, in which they had construed the Chancellour Haligres words in that sence, as was most agreeable to the Hugonots, and all, that they might ingage them the more unto their Interests, and not want a pretence to imbroyle things when ever they had a mind to it. But it was abso­lutely denied, that the King of England did ever become engaged to see those promises made to them of Rochel, performed, or that he had been treated with, or his Ambassadours, in any sort whatever; But on the contrary, it was represented to them, how it was not forgotten, what message his Majesty then sent to the Earle of Holland and the Lord Charleton, by the Duke of Cheureuse and the Bishop of Mande which was, that in case, they should pretend to intermeddle in the Treaty, the King would not give his consent to any thing, but if upon condition that the King of England would engage to assist him with a strong Fleet to compel the Ro­chelois, if they should fall back from their duties. This had been told them once and again, and that plainly enough, as also confirmed by Monsieur the Cardinal, so that their pretences of the King of Great Britains, being Pledge for Performance of those Articles granted to the Rochelois, were groundless: as also that frivolous pretext; of making use of the Earle of Hollands and the Lord Charle [...]ous Declara­tion, which being a thing of their own drawing, and done as best pleased them­selves was of no value. However it was one of the chiefest Arguments they made use of, in their Declaration to justifie their Arms, when they entred upon Ree; And the Duke of Buckingham manifested to all people, that his only design was to protect the Rochelois and reformed Churches of France, though it was not un­known, that his private Spleen, was the true cause of his design; yet he was cun­ning enough to dissemble it to the King of England, and pretend assisting of the Rochelois, and withal to assure him that the whole party of the Hugonots, would revolt and upon the arrival of his Fleet put such and such Towns into his hands, that he might set on foot his old pretences upon France, and enter upon it with security and advantage. Upon these scores the King of England, laboured very industriously for the rigging out of his Fleet, all April, May and June; not at all discovering his [Page 158]design though both his Majesty and the Cardinal, were not so ill informed but that they perfectly knew it was prepared for France.

Politique Observation.

KIngs when they have a mind to make a war, never want pretences to disguise the injustice of it; however it is an absurd rashness to ingage in any, without urgent necessity. I like well of T. Livius Judgment who saith war is then Just, when it is necessary; and that Arms are never attended with Justice, but when there are no other hopes but from them. And who can think otherwise of it, see­ing war is followed by all sorts of miseries? War it is which ushers in disorders, and evil customes, which taketh away the lives of the Innocent, which bringeth the Rich into want, and which generally banisheth all the pleasures of life to set up troubles and afflictions; So that a man can hardly fancy any thing more to be de­plored then war, from whence it followeth, that who so begins it, without abso­lute necessity, may be well compared to those Chymists, who administer such po­tions to their patients, that they thence suffer more griefs and pains then from their sicknesses and diseases. A wise man will abstain from war, saith Xenophon, though he have some reason for it. Craesus did ever prefer peace before war, if onely for this reason, because in war Fathers did burie their Children against the Laws of Nature. The He Wolf is so ravenous according to Pliny, that having seized upon one Prey, and discovering another, he presently leaveth his first and pursueth his second game, though he be uncertain of taking it: He who would un­dertake a war without being absolutely necessitated to it, doth not he do the same thing? doth he not hazard the pleasures and certainties of Peace, to obtain victories by his Arms, which by the opinions of all Wise men, depend rather upon Fortune then Valour? He who designs anothers ruine, is himself often included in it, and that Prince who would blemish his Neighbours reputation, doeth often find his own exposed to those disgraces which he had provided for others: He doth not only exhaust his own Treasures, but maketh himself hated by his subjects, in drawing from them contributions, for the carrying on of his war, in leading them to slaughter, and exposing his Country to ruine; for that the divine Providence is well pleased to chastice arrogances and Publique in Justice, and raiseth such a flame as may destroy perchance his own Country, instead of his Neighbours. The flames of war are not so easily extinguished as lighted, and many Grand Monarchs designing to employ them, for the subversion of others, have only raised them, for the last piles of their own glory and Honours. It is no lesse unjust to raise a war, not necessitated to it, then infamous to remain within dores, when the Publique Interests oblige the undertaking of it.

The King animated by the save Counsels of the Cardinal, resolves on the siege of Rochel.

THe Cardinal must of necessity have had lesse courage and zeal for his Majesties service, then hitherto he had expressed, longer to have [...]ted the Roche­lois to go away unpunished, for their insolent mutinies; S [...] Grand Minister who was eminently endued with those two admirable qualities, openly told the King, (who chanced to discourse with him upon that affair) that there was not any reason longer to put up their indignities, and that he thought it expedient for him to make use of his Arms, for the curbing in of the Insolence of those Rebels, who hourly disturbed the Repose of his Country. He briefly represented to him, the several insurrections which the Hugonots had of late years, raised up in the King­dom. That of all the Towns, Rochel was the support, of their Revolts, as also the fierbrand, which Forrain Princes made use of to enflame the Kingdom with war, That that one City was an obstacle to the undertaking of any great designs, That [Page 159]it was a shame to see those Edicts how just or necessary soever, not regarded or observed in their City. That it served for a Road to discontents, and a retreat for Rebels: That Peace could never be certainly established, in the Kingdom nor abroad, whilst that place was in a condition to second a Faction: That France could not be in security from strangers, whilst that place was in its own power to set open their Gates: and on the contrarie, that there was reason to hope; for a happy and prosperous Peace, that place being once disarmed and their Forts redu­ced to nothing, by which they would be forced to live in their obedience. This discourse once ended, it was no hard matter to resolve his Majesties inclinations, for the reducing them to the rules of obedience by a potent siege, especially see­ing he was not of so little courage as to suffer such obstacles and indignities unpuni­shed any longer: But though it were regretful longer to suffer it, yet it was no lesse, difficult to prevent it. The reason he had to puni [...]h them, was apparently visible, but the means how to do it, not easily found out; But as difficulties serve only to augment great courages, who are carried on by any extraordinary sense of glory, so the King animated by the generous Counsels of the Cardinal, fixed upon the Re­solution of making strong preparations for the siege of it.

I shall moreover say, That the Cardinal knowing that no one ought to shut his eyes in dangers, but rather to look upon them, exactly to consider them, and if possibly apply preventive remedies to overcome them, so he did not disguise any thing to the King which might happen in the siedg. He represented to them, the strength of the Hugonot party, grounded upon many strong places, fortified with intelligence from abroad, cemented by the Interests of divers Grandees of the Kingdom; and supported by their own Forces; that whatever the Precedent Kings had gained in many Battailes, and a long tract of various war, served only to make Treaties of Peace, which are as so many marks, of their uncomptrouled insurrecti­ons. He desired him to remember the Ambition of Grandees, the Passion of Ministers, the insolencies of them of this Faction; their Plots, Cabal; and animosi­ties, and he clearly told him, That it was the more necessary to remove all these obstacles, with his very utmost power, in regard if he did not, instead of healing it would fester the wound, and diminish instead of making his Arms more conside­rable. But withal he assured him that in case his Majesty, thought fit to do his utmost upon this rebellious place, there was reason to hope for a good successe, see­ing he had Peace with Germany and no enemy to divert him, the English only ex­cepted, who at that time were not strong enough to be much feared; That in case any one should attempt upon France, there might however be means found out to put off or hinder their designs; which being so, he did not find any difficulties, but what were under his own power. That the Sea Port of this City might be block­ed up, if he would go to the Charge of it, and that making a line about it with Forts and Redouts, all hopes either of men or victuals would be cut off from them. That bringing good store of vessels which might be drawn out from several ports of France, the English attempts in case their Fleet should arrive, would be to no purpose seeing his Majesties Ships would be all under the shelter of his Forts and Batteries, which might be raised at the mouth of the Channel; by which means Rochel would in a little while be reduced to necessity, forced to deliver upon mercy and then so ordered, that they should never be in a condition, but of obeying for the Future. The [...]e considerations were laid down with so much discretion and proposed with such clearness, that his Majesty could not be ignorant of the just grounds he had to hope for a good successe in his design upon this City. So he resolved about the beginning of the year to go on with it, and his whole thoughts were bent upon the preparations for the siedg, though it were very secretly car­ried that they might have no suspition of it, before all things were ready for to assault the place,

The Cardinal caused almost exact Plat-form of Rochel to be drawn out, and of all the adjacent places. He saw all their Forts, their Form height and bigness, the breadth and depth of their ditches, and whatever was strong or weak in the whole [Page 160]Fortification. The wayes and passages of the whole Country were not omitted, nor the length and largness of the Channel, the places where Batteries might be raised, with Forts for defence of the Port, and oftentimes considering this Map with the Marshal de Schomberg and other able Ingeniers for such exploits, he framed so perfect an Idea of all that could happen in the siege fore-seeing effects in their causes, That he did no longer doubt of the victory; And having discoursed more at large with his Majesty concerning it, he told him, that he could now al­most assure his Majesty of a good successe in this design, if it pleased God to Pro­sper it with his blessing, as there was great reason to hope, seeing he acted for the good of the Church, and the glory of his own name. The King was over­joyed at it, and from that time forwards preparations were made in all the adja­cent Provinces, of warlik amunitions, great store of Cannon were sent before hand towards the place that they might be in a readiness when time should serve; divers means were thought on, to block up the Channel, and to begin with those of lesse charge, to prevent greater expences, in case they might do the work; a pri­vate computation was made of what horse and foot, would be requisite to invest the place, and secure the neighbouring Isles, and to be short, every thing was disposed to the best advantage for the carrying on of the siedg.

Politique Observation.

HEE who shutteth his eyes at those difficulties which he shall meet with in war, deceiveth himself: Commonly they that do so, are quickly reduced to an im­possibility of executing their designs, If there be any one Action which ought maturely to be deliberated, in its beginning, progresse and end, without doubt war is chiefly the thing, it being as Scipio saith, absolutely important, not to begin it, unless Fortune presents a favourable occasion, with advantage: but when the means necessary for it's continuation are certain, and when there is a sure way to come off with Honour. Though Fortune should be crosse, yet after so many consi­derations, it can hardly end in a bad successe, whereas with blinded eyes and no considerations had of the means to overcome such obstacles may arise as nothing, but confusion and disorder and ruine can fo [...]low: Tiberius is very much commen­ded in Tacitus, for having so great knowledge of his enemies Plots, designs, and re­solutions, in so much, that those very subtilities which they proposed for to get a victory, he made use of for their destruction: And T. Livy saith of Hannibal, that one of the principal causes which gave him many advantages in war, was, the knowing his enemies Counsels as well as he did his own resolutions. A discreet Pilot foresees a storm and secureth himself, neither doth a Grand Minister of State attempt any thing of concern, but he foresees the difficulties which may happen in it. It is for Fencers, not Princes to resolve on a suddain. A wise man, ne­ver brings himself within danger of repentance, and as he knows his designs may be countermined, so he is accordingly carefull not only to provide all such means as may carry his business to a happy issue, but also such remedies as may overcome any obstacles which may chance to be made in opposition of it. He never lets his courage be quelled with difficulties, but makes them only serve to fix his resolution the more strongly against all resistances; by this means he will see all things fall out according to his own forecast, and he will force Fortune her self to become favoura­ble to him.

The Duke of Lorrain comes to the King at Paris, to complain of his Maje­sties Actions towards the Bishop of Verdun, and to do him Homage for the Dutchee of Bar.

GReat enterprises are not to be ended in a moment, so that some months had passed before the English were in a condition to make good their promise to [Page 161]the Rochelois; during which time, divers remarkable things intervened. The Duke of Lorrain about the beginning of the year came to his Majesty at Paris, and made great complaints of his Majesties Officers Actions against the Bishop of Ver­dun his Kinsman, how that they had seized on all his Goods, translated the charge of his Offices to other persons, that they had Posted up Papers against him, and had resolved to have seized on his Person, if it had been in their power: But as he had not to do with such Ministers, who had either fear or weaknesse, or knew not how or when to maintain their Masters Interests, so he was quickly answered. That Bishops of what condition soever, being his Majesties subjects, owe as much res­pect and obedience to him, as others of his degree, that when they fall off from their duties, it is then the more just to punish their faults, their Delinquency be­ing an ill example, to which most people are apt to follow: That injoying their Temporal States onely in order to the Oath of Allegiance, which they all swear to his Majesty, they do most especially deserve to be deprived of them, when they break their said oath; That his Majesty was more especially obsigned to maintain his Right in Verdun, which was a Fontier Town, and in regard too, that the Bi­shop had attempted against his Royal Authority in hindring the building of the Cittadel, though it were a thing only relating to the Soverainty, and in which he was not all concerned: These answers were so Just and grounded upon such sollid reasons, that nothing could be replied against them, so the Duke had recourse, to his entreaties and beseeched his Majesty for his sake, to wink at with was past, to order restitution of his seizures, and to command the Bishop Officers to be re-esta­blished in their former charges. He was very urgent in his behalf, and because at the same time the Emperour having writ to his Majesty in his favour, the King had returned him answer, That at his desire, he should willingly grant him any reaso­nable favour, the Duke obtained his request but upon condition however, That the Bishop should first send a Commission to one of his Vicars, to revoke the Censures which had been given out against his Majesties Officers, and them who worked on the Cittadel, and that in fature he should comport himself with more respect and moderation. The Duke did willingly become bound for his perfor­mance, and having sent the Commission the King discharged the seizures and set­led all things in their former state. But notwithstanding all the Duks seeming affection & forwardness in this affair, yet that was not the chief end of his Journey. He had been newly put into possession of the States of Lorrain and Bar, by vertue of Reynard the second King of Sicilies will, and by the resignment of his Father, the Count of Vaudmont pretending to hold them of his Liege in his own proper name, though the late Duke of Lorrain his Predecessor had, and that with reason declared, by giving him his eldest Daughter to wife, that she should be the true Inheretrix of his States, and that he should only enjoy them in her right.

He also made his entry into Nancy, with Balls and publique rejoycings in his Court, and all that he might celebrate with the more Honour his arrival to the Crown of Lorrain, hereupon he pretended to do Homage to the King in his own name, for the Dutche of Bar, as appertaining to him in Fee, and not in right of his wife, but he therein met with greater obstacles then in that of the Bishop of Verdun.

It was presently given him to understand, that he had not a little offended his Majesty, in that he had upon his own head assumed upon himself the Investiture of Bar, and not expected his Majesties introduction, to whom the Soverainty did be­long. That he had expedited all letters Patents in his own name, without men­tioning that of the Dutchess his wife, for that no vassal hath any thing by descent in his Fee, until he be invested by his Soverain to whom he doth Homage; That he gave a just ground to be disseised of it, if he should possesse himself thereof, be­fore he were lawfully introduced; That he had also committed no small fault when as he attempted to alter the quality of Tenure of Bar, and so create it Masculine, whereas the Chief Soveraign could only alter the nature of Fees, and dispence with Customes. The inconsiderate and lofty humour of this Prince, was such, that he [Page 162]could have wished he had not been dependant on any other, and gave him not leave to consider the Justice of these reasons; he answered those Ministers with whom he treated, that it being indifferent to his Majesty, whether the Homage of Bar were Masculine or Feminine, he imagined that R [...]ynard King of Sicily his great Grand­father, had lawfully constituted it upon the Males, in exclusion of the Females; and that in consequence it was become his own right, that he was ready to pay un­to his Majesty that homage which is due unto him; and lastly he added, that in his judgement he had no power to annul the right which he had acquired. He made use of the Duke de Ch [...]ureuse, who made many journies too and fro, to make his argument passe amongst the Ministers for good, and some others too, which be­ing inconsiderable I shall passe by. But he was ever told that his Majesty had rea­son enough and interest withall, to oppose that an Homage dependant upon his Crown might be altered in quality; that the Customes of Countries and succession of States, were not at all altered, seeing such changes are reserved in his onely power and in no other whatever: That he ought to know the Customes of Bar were ne­ver changeable but by his Majesties permission; and moreover, on condition that they were confirmed by the Parliament of Paris: That he could not be ignorant how the custom of both Bar, and all those lands bordering upon the Rhine did grant the succession to daughters; in exclusion of any Males descended from a second Brother, they be [...]ng daughters of the eldest, and that he had so much the lesse rea­son to change this custom without the Kings Authority, in regard this one Article was of greater concern then all the rest; that such a change was contrary to the fun­damental Laws of Lorrain, and that he debarred the Dutchesse his wife, of the right which indubit [...]bly belonged to her. Now as he could not possibly make any satisfactory answer to these objections, so he was forced to return without doing any thing at all in it, onely he procured some time to make out his pretensions, and to furnish himself with Titles and Reasons to second and uphold them.

Politique Observation.

THE wisest Politicians have thought it dangerous to the good of the State, to al­ter any Laws without urgent occasion, or unlesse the change carry some great advantage with it. Aristotle saith, it makes subjects slight rules and powers, and doth much diminish their Authority; Thucydid [...]s hath gone a little further, think­ing it safer and more proper inviolably to continue the Laws of a Country though ill ordered, rather then set up new ones and better in their place. St. Austin saith, that as in sicknesse it is good to continue the use of those medicines, which till then the sick person had used; so likewise, it is the effect of a great discretion, to pre­serve the observation of those Laws which had formerly enough in them to remedy any inconveniences in the State: Which if true, of Laws in general, is then, much more necessary in Fundamentals, which have been the establishers of a State, see­ing they are no lesse conducing to its preservation, then the Foundation of a house for the subsistence of it. To speak ingeniously, such Laws are the Pillars which uphold Authority, and as a building, if the Foundation be undermined and sha­ken, soon falls to the earth; so a State too quickly comes to ruine, if those Laws upon which it is established once come to destruction or alteration. For this rea­son, Adrian ordained that no one should intraduce any new Customes into Rome. Plato in his Common-wealth, prohibiteth the changing of any thing in it, even Childrens-play; for novelties alter manners, and bring antiquity into dis-esteem, a thing of great consequence. I should like well of the alteration of some rules of Justice, because the manners of men are variable, and the punishing of Crimes too may admit of change, according to the disposition of men and times. But it is not the same thing in fundamentals, which rule the government, and which settle the election which God hath made of a Soveraign, which do authorize the order esta­blished by former Princes, for the ordering of the people, and which are the known rules for the preservation of the common good; indeed such ought no more to be [Page 163]changed then the Laws of nature, for both are equally founded upon Gods Law: He it is who divideth the earth amongst Nations, who establisheth Kings families and inheritances, so that without his will no alteration may be intraduced to change those Customes which have been anciently in use.

The Dutchess of Orleans death, upon her lying in of a Daughter.

THE King was much troubled soon after the Duke of Lorrain's departure for the Dutchess of Orleans his Sister in Law. We have in the former yeart related, how many broils the marrying of this Princess did raise at Court, and how most of the Princes of Christendome indeavoured to hinder it, now we are come to won­der at the blindnesse of Grandees, who turmoil themselves in extremity, who move heaven and earth by their broils, and all for those things, which death, and the in­constancy of humane affairs cause to vanish in a moment. The marriage was con­cluded but more for discretion than love in his part, yet God so blessed it, that Love had quickly united both their affections very strongly; notwithstanding all the indeavours or devices of Monsieurs Favourites and Creatures, to make him dis-esteem her, and her not to love him; the particular merit of this Princess gave great reason to beleeve, that Monsieur could come to be sensible of it, and would by his esteem and affection give her a great power over his Soul: Now his Favou­rites finding if things went in that way, it would be a great prejudice to their affairs, and lessen the power which they pretended to have in his house, left no stone un­turned, that they might ingage his affections elsewhere, at least lessen his kindness to the Princesse; but Monsieurs good nature animated by the vertue of this Prin­cesse, was above the malice of those Factious Interests: So that love having joined their wills in a true affection, death could not separate them, but to their great griefs. The Princesse growing big in a few moneths after her marriage, was about the end of May brought to bed of a daughter, but so mis-fortunately that there was little hopes of saving her life. Monsieur was every hour with her, so that it could not be concealed from him, and he unable to dissemble the greatnesse of his affecti­on, she was forced to comfort him, by testifying her readinesse to submit to what­ever God should c [...]dain. In the interim, the Physitians imployed their utmost Art but to little purpose, so that after she had disposed her self to leave this world, by all religious actions which might make her fit for heaven, she died and by her death taught all great men, that in greatnesse nothing is more certain then inconstancy, and that greatnesse ought to be considered onely as a game of Fortune, which af­ter a fair flourish, bring all to nothing in a moment. The King who did no lesse honour her virtue then Monsieur, was much affected at it; but above all the house of Guise. They saw all their hopes and the great designs which they had projected upon her Marriage, to be brought to nothing, which made them continue along while in their discomforts.

Politique Observation.

HE spoke very wisely concerning worldly greatnesses, who said they are ob­tained with much peril, kept with no lesse vexation and inconstancy; and lost with as great prise; What ever luster and dazeling the Sun makes in our eyes yet we see him set everyday, and though men attain to never so great glory, yet must they be laid in the dust. The same cause which gives us life, leads us on to death, yet as the same Sun which ushers in the morning light leaveth us in darkness at his departure. The same Sun going out of the first degree Aries, resteth not until his return; and we too, once borne, are hurried on to death. Nothing is here beneath more certain then incertainty, more constant then inconstancy. Though Fortune be so favourable as to let us enjoy greatness some little time, yet then comes death and snatcheth all away, forcing us to pay that duty which we own, what ever resistance we make against its assaults, it will at last force us to stoop [Page 164]under its Laws; its dart is unavoydable, so that there can be no greater wisedom then to resolve of being overcome, and to enjoy that without regret which For­tune prepareth for us. In our expectation of deaths comming to deprive us of all we ought to attend it, with the greater care in regard the Limites of man's life are so uncertain, and when it comes, we ought not to think it hath made too much hast, since no death is precipitated upon us: and considering the uncertainty of the time, when it will come, we ought however to be assured, that one day it will come, and carry us out of this World. Let the World flatter it self with all it's glories, yet death will cut all down: After the earth hath been enameld with Flowers, replenished with a thousand sweets, arrayed with infinite plants, and laden with rich Harvests, yet a few months, and her beauty withers, she becomes covered with snows, hayles and storms, she is glued up with frosts and drowned in raines. So shall the greatest Princes find their luster and glory terminated by death in the grave. Their Splender shall fade like Flowers, their prosperities melt like snow, and though like Torrents they have astonished the world by their noise, at last they shall passe away like a flash of lightning.

A Duel between the Marquis de Praslin, and the Sieur de Bouteville severely punished.

THough the King had made so strict an Edict against Duels, yet such was the blind fury which had seized on the souls of the Nobility, that some of them could not refrain fighting. This Errour which had built glory upon Revenge, and caused Duels to passe for a teste of courage, had taken such deep roots in most of their thoughts, that it was impossible totally to extirpate it: and as heretofore among the Macedonians, he was accounted an unworthy fellow, who had not slain some of his Countries enemies, so in France, he who had not killed one or more in Duelling, could not be thought valiant. The King had made rigorous Edicts against this lamentable evil, which had untimely ravished a number of Brave men out of France, since Henry the second's time. But as it is to small purpose to make laws unlesse they who violate them, be punished accordingly, so his Majesty was very strict in chastising those Gentlemen which should offend in that particular: The Marquis de Praslin, son to the late Marshal, had the boldness to fight with the Baron du Bar; for his punishment he was deprived of his Livetenant Generals place in Champagne, and forced to live some years away from the Court. About the same time there was some suspition upon the Sieur de Liancourt, for having challenged the Sieur de Cressia from the Duc d' Alvin, and though there were only conjectures of it, yet the King forbid them the Court: and also resolved to dispose of the place of first Gentleman of his Bedchamber, which belonged to the Sieur de Lian Court, and had accordingly done it, but that some persons of quality, who served them in that affair testified that there had not any challenge past in it. This was so exemplary a punishment that every one began to hope, the Nobility would at length, be undeceived, of that belief which they had, that the Laws of Honour were contrary to those of vertue and Christianity. But rashness hath no bounds, The Sieurs de Bouteville and des Chapelles carried themselves to such excesse, that his Majesty was forced to make use of his Justice to punish them, with more then ordinary severity, being unable to pardon them, without giving way and counte­nancing the neglects of his Crown, and a madness which cryed for Justice from Heaven and Earth.

The Sieur de Bouteville was indeed to be commended for his good courage, as his very enemies would confesse, but it not being guided with discretion, it depra­ved into such a fury, that there was hardly any one at Court reputed for a stout man, but he must needs meet him with his Sword in his hand; Not a day how holy soever, but he would profane by his Duels, no place how publique soever which he would not bath with the blood of some one or other, so little reckoning did [Page 165]he make of the Kings Prohibition; after the comming out of the Edict, he had fought with the Count de Thorigny and slain him: about the end of the foregoing year, and the begining of this he had another Duel with la Frete, where his second was killed, which quarrels of his were so much the less to be connived at, in regard those of the best quality were still parties in it. So the King resolved to punish him, which he having notice of withdrew himself into Flanders, where he found means to perswade the Archduchess to Interest her self in his affairs upon the score of the Damoizelle de Montmorency her favorite, who writ to his Majesty to beg his pardon, The King took advice of his Confessor, and as there was no reason to forgive such offences, so he counselled him not to grant it, and made it evident to him, that he could not do it, with a safe conscience; but that his Majesty might not seem totally to deny the Infante, he sent her word that at her request he should not be questioned for what was past, provided he came not either to Paris or the Court. This was as much as a Just Mercy could well do; But the same fury which had formerly ingaged Bouteville in those quarrels, did so provoke him upon his Majesties denial of a total pardon, that he openly vowed he would ere long fight in Paris, nay, and in the Place Royal it self; accordingly not long after thither he came, and having given notice of it to the Marquis de Beuuron, with whom he had a quar­rel, that he was ready to give him satisfaction for those differences between them, which he had not the liberty to do in Flanders, whither Beuuron had come to find him out, by reason of the promise which he had ingaged to the Infante, not to fight on any of her Territories: So they made choise of the Place Royal for their combats, where being met three against three, Bouteville, des Chapelles and La Berte, against Beuvron Bussi, d' Amboyse and Bouquet, they fought and Beuvron was killed out right, by Chapelles, La Barte desperately wounded by Bouquet, and Bouteville with Beruuron close grapling together, with a good will to be at it with their daggers, but having cast away their Swords, it is reported how in this equality of advantage they mutually asked one anothers life, to go part their friends. This was all that could be got from their neglecting the Kings will, and the fury which led them to entertain such detestiable offences. The King heard of it, and soon after that, Bussy's Mother had arrested Bouteville, by a Gentleman of hers, and des Chapelles at Vitry, from whence they were conducted to safe Custodie to Paris and there de­livered over to the Parliament, to be proceeded against, his Majesty having abso­lutely refused to shew them any favour, though their kindred made great re­quests for it, and at last their heads were struck off at the Greve, by order of the Parliament.

Politique Observation.

HE who defendeth the wicked, and he who offendeth the good, are both in equal abomination before the Lord, as Salomon saith in his Proverb's, I should therefore submit to that of St.Chrisostome who saith, That as Justice without Mercy is not Justice, but cruelty: So Mercy without Justice, is not Mercy but extream rashness. It were not lesse improper, to pardon all Crimes, then to use on all occasions the extremity of Justice. Both ought to be moderated by discretion, without which there are as many inconveniences which will follow gentleness as severity. Philip advised his son Alexander to be very courteous to his subjects, whilst he was not King, for it would not be fit for him to use so great indulgence towards them, when as he should arrive to the Throne; Judging, with great wisdome, that it is impossi­ble for him who ruleth, to treat all with clemency; not only because the Interest of his subjects doth sometimes compel him to be severe, but also because unlesse he punish the wicked, it will be a dimination of his own authority: The Heathens say, Jupiter himself cannot raign without Justice. And Plutarch in the Life of Demetrius saith, nothing is more becoming a Prince, then the excercise of this vertue; and doth not Solomon who is much more authentique, say, The Throne of a King is established by Justice. St. Cyprian in his Tract of the twelve abuses, [Page 166]saith the Justice of the King, is the Peace of the people, the Nurse of Children, the defence of the Country, the comfort of the poor, and himself the hope of Heaven to come. And if a Soveraign ever may make use of it, he ought not to let it lye idle, when it sends to the purging of his Court from such seditious companions, as engage his nobles daily to cut one anothers throats.

It is a Crime more then Brutal; for the instinct of nature, forbideth beasts to fall upon one another. It is reported that Neurians are Wolves one six mouths of the year, & men t'other six mouths, but I should with more Justice imagine their swash bucklers, not to be men at all, but that by their greediness of spilling mans blood, that are beasts Wolves and Tigres, all their lives. Their courage is not courage but a fury, which hurrieth them on to dip their hands in their brothers blood, not a courage but a Rage which maketh them madly expose their bodies to death, and their souls to damnation. It is not any just Law of Arms which obli­geth that to be thus barbarous, but a Devilish Charm which deprives them, of their reason. The foolish passion of an imaginary honour which animateth them, is a monster begot by vanity, brought up by fury and nourished by blood; as it is said of that in Habacuc, the greatest, the noblest and most courageous serve it for a prey. What apparency of reason can there be alledged, for renuing the old Butchery of Haman flesh, before the images, not of a Moloc; a Saturn, but a vain fantasie of honour? What Justice to tollerate that, which God hath so ex­presly forbid and condemned to be punished with death, which heaven abhors, which the Laws detest and which is only worthy of Hell fier? But above all things, it ought not to be permitted, when committed in dirsion of the Regal authority, for once admitting a Kings power to be trampled on, the next thing which fol­lows, will be the peoples revolt, and a general confusion in the whole Kingdom.

The King of England's and divers other Princes endeavours to divert the King from his resolution against Rochel.

THough the design of besieging Rochel were kept very secret, yet some little suspitions there were of it which allarumd all the neighbouring Princes. The English who had already concluded upon their entring into France, resolved to redouble the Forces which had been alloted to take shipping, and others too were no lesse jealous of it. They knew how much it behooved them, to uphold the Hugonot party in France, which would disunite the Force of the Kingdom, and so employ the King whenever they had a mind to it, that he should not be able to march out of his own Frontiers, to oppose any designs of theirs, or attempt any thing upon them: They well knew France was not a little to be feared, when as it was at it's full liberty, and no remora at home to hinder, the going out of their powers. That it hath pretensions upon all her neighbours, and that if the Hugo­nots were but once quashed, and Rochel their strongest support destroyed, his Ma­jesty would then be at full liberty, to prosecute his pretences. So every one pre­ferring his own Interests before Justice and Religion, sought for opportunities to divert his Majesties Arms and force him, instead of assaulting others, to defend himself, they consulted together by means of their Ambassadours, and made a league to assault France in divers places at one and the same time. The King of Great Brittain being Chief of the league took care to send from one place to ano­ther, to resolve particularly what should be done.

Politick Observation.

POlicie obligeth Kings to foment the beginnings of division amongst their neighbours, but it ought to be accompanied with Justice, else it cannot passe for a vertue, and is to be used onely towards enemies. The Laws both of nature and Christianity forbiddeth the doing of that to others, which we would not have [Page 167]done to our selves, they who deal otherwise do invert the rules of humane society. Bajazet the Turkish Emperour was to be pardoned for that answer of his to Sigis­monds Ambassadours, (who remonstrated to him that having no right or Title to Bulgaria, he was bound in Justice to withdraw his Arms from it) that he had such Guns in his Arcenal, as gave him a right not only to Bulgaria, but as much as he could finger too, in any other place. An answer I say excusable in a Tyrant, who openly professeth to trample all Equity under foot, but not so in Christian Princes, whose victories ought alwayes to be bounded in with Justice. That which Antigo­nus the Great, replyed to one, who would needs perswade him, that whatever Kings had a mind to, was lawful, was much more praise worthy, he told him true, it was so, but amongst Barbarian Kings, not them who professe Justice, and to whom all injustice is an abomination. God hath in the Scriptures apointed di­stinct Laws both for Princes and private men; and as particular persons may not do any thing against the Common good, so Princes cannot attempt any thing of injustice without offence. Plutarch blameth Marius very much, for not executing Justice, but when it was advantageous, and because he alwayes took profit to be honest, not regarding truth so he might be stronger, but measured the worth of the one by the value of t'other, and attempted the executing of that by craft which he could not obtain by Force. God, saith Isaiah, reproveth the counsels of them which are not conformable to his Laws, and Princes do but in vain hope to bring their designs to a good passe, when as there is no resistance of Gods decrees.

Prosecution of the Historie.

THe Abbot of Scaglia was one of the Prime men in this confederacie, by the Duke of Savoys means, who desirous to reveng himself, because the Treaty of Mouson had been concluded without his knowledge; made choise of him, as a person capable to embroyle things, who went about it the more passionately, because he was offended with the Cardinal, for having driven him out of France, for making of cabals, against the State. His first voyage was into Holland, to see how they stood inclined, and to draw them into the league. But meeting with some there who negotiated his Majesties affairs, he could make but little progress in it, his reasons not being seconded with that mony which theirs was. Thence he went for England where finding their minds according to his own desire, he still used his best endeavours to drive on the quarrel; which being once con­cluded, The King of England sent about the month of April, the Lord Moun­tagu, to take particular orders for execution of it, both in Savoy and Lorrain, and with the Duke of Rohan. It was needful to have some pretence to disquite Mon­tagues Journy, and no one was thought more fit, then for him to pretend he was desperately in love with Madam de Cheurcuse then in Lorrain, with whom he was to discourse, that he might be fully informed of all the Factions at the French Court, the Chief of which kept a strict correspondence with her. So he began his Treaty with the nearest State first and that was Lorrain; besides Buckingham had a particular intercourse with Monsieur de Lorrain by Madam de Cheureuses means, and all that he might fully know the State of the Intreagues of France, He having found the Duke much exasperated, and that he only wanted an oportunity to let the King feel effects of his anger, he ingaged to him to enter upon France, at the same time that the English Fleet should land there: The Duke also gave him hopes, that his attempts should be the more considerable, in regard the Emperour, who he was assured did blow the coals of the French Faction, would send him Forces for his assistance being at last fully instructed, and having disposed the Duke of Lor­rain to the doing whatever he could demand, he went into Languedoc, where meeting the Duke of Rohan, he gave him an accompt of their whole design, who being thus filled with hopes of potent succours from England, Savoy and Lorrain, he resolved to rise at the same time with the rest. Thence he went to Savoy where [Page 168]the Duke animated against France, and particularly against the Cardinal, his only work there was to receive the Dukes assurances, of entring upon Dauphine as soon as the English put to Sea, to which purpose part of his Forces, were already upon their march: He presently dispatched one to the Duke of Rohan, to assure him of the assistance of six thousand foot, and five hundred Horse, exhorting him to be careful and courageous, for that their business was in a good condition. They fancied to themselves, that they did all ready cast that thunder bolt with which they ruined the whole Kingdom of France. Mountagu shortly after returns through France to Lorrain, but the King was not ignorant of his Intreagues, having had a continual watch upon him foure months together, that he might snap him upon his return, and learn more particularly, by the contents of his Papers, the quality of his negotiations; and accordingly he was very fortunatly taken upon the Borders of the Kingdom by the Marquis de Bourbonne, whom his Majesty had commanded to apprehend him. About him was found a little cabinet of papers which con­tained the depth of his employment, and it was the happier for France, that he was so improvident to carry such papers about him, which could only serve to cause him be taken and put to great trouble, It was about the end of September that he was arrested and at first carried into Coffie. The Duke of Orleans hearing of it, took his part, made a great noise, about it, and fancying to himself that the En­glish were landed in the Ile of Ree, that they and the Marshal de Thoyras were close ingaged together, he dispatched the Sieurs de Ville and de Leven-Court, one in the neck of t'other to the Queen Mother, then at Paris in his Majesty absence, to demand Mountagu of her; and in case she did refuse it, to let him know it within foure and twenty howers time, protesting withal, that he well knew how to carve his own satisfaction, for this injurie which he pretended had been done him, because he said Mountagu had been taken in his territories. He had at that time his Arms in his hand to second the English and Duke of Savoy, and at the same time that he send to the Queen Mother he resolved to besiedg Coffie, where Mountagu was then Prisoner, as also to assault divers other Frontier Towns, whilst his Majesty was busied in resisting the English: But the dilligence used in removing of Mountagu from Coiffie to Paris, together with the defeat given the English at Ree, as shall anon be declared, made him and the Duke of Savoy too, change their resolutions for that they found the King in a condition able to deal with both of them at once.

They were likewise told that in case they would oblige his Majesty to come out of Poictou, they might both of them pay the charges of his Journey: So the Duke of Savoy turned his design upon Genoua, which he thought to surprise, by a Stra­tugem which had been contrived, and the Duke of Lorrain was contented to be quiet upon assurance given him, that Mountagu should be set at liberty, soon after his Majesties return to Paris.

His anger was like storms which after much noise, are quelled in a moment she resolved without any great intreaty, to expect the Kings return to Paris, whither he soon after arrived: Mountaigu's Person not being so considerable as his Papers, from which there had been discovered as much as was desired, his Majesty brought him out of the Bastile and delivered him up unto him reserving that punishment for another time which he had resolved for the Duke of Lorrain, and which he had deserved by his engaging in such intreagues. In the mean time the King was very glad to see in these Papers, that the Duke of Savoy knew of the English design to land in Ree, that he had promised to assist them; That he had perswade the Duke of Rohan to revolt; that he had assisted him with succours; That he had ingaged to fall upon the Dauphine with six thousand foot, and twelve hundred Horse. There was by them likewise discovered the design which the English had projected against Toulon, for the sending certain Ships pretending to trade in the Levant, and how the Duke of Savoy engaged to assist them with men and Gallies; That the same Duke had a hand too in that attempt which was afterwards made against Mont­pelier; That he had intended to have surprised Brecon and Valence, and besides all [Page 169]this there were amongst them divers bloudy Manifests against the King, his Ministers of State, and the Government of his affairs.

Politique Observation.

TO be imployed without good cause for the troubling of a Forrain Princes State, is a Commission, as little happy as honourable. If it tend to the Arm­ing of his subjects against him, It hath ever had such ill successe, that one may say of him who arms them, that in shaking the Pillars of the State, Justice, and obe­dience, he only burries them in their own ruines. If it be for the making of confe­deracies with neighbouring Princes to make a war upon another, they last so little, that there is not any hopes of more expectation from them: Either of the Chiefs would have more power in the Army then his companion. Then comes distruct between them, no one obtains any glory, which t'other doth not envy, nay and hinder too if he can; Great designs raised upon such weak grounds fall to ruine, like structures built upon a foundation of sand. War is of it self so uncertain, that he who begins it, is not sure to gain any thing by it. A Command mis-appre­hended, an Order ill executed, an enterprise not well timed, an inconsiderate rashness, and in short one poor single word may sometimes put a whole Army to the rout; Besides negotiations being often considered, by their Events, all the blame will be assuredly laid in his dish, who first perswaded to the design. On the other side, God favoureth Just Arms, and vallour signifies nothing saith B [...]llisa­rius, without Justice, so that he who ingageth any, without a lawful cause, may expect nothing but mis-fortune and confusion.

But to waht dangers doth he expose himself whilst he passeth thorough his States, against whom he attempteth to make a war? Not to stop him, were a madness in any Prince, and a greater, not to punish him for his rashness. But ad­mit he escape that mis-fortune, his very Commission is contemptible seeing it usu­ally brings trouble and charge to his Country. I have ever much esteemed of Phocions words in Plutarch, to Leosthenes, who in an Oration endeavoured to en­gage the Ethenians in the Lamian war after Alexanders death; Thy speech quoth he is like a Cypres large and full, but beareth no fruit, for just thus thou makest the people conceive victories and thy words puff them up with signal advantages, but indeed there is not any just ground to hope for any certain fruit, from such a war tending to the States good, so inconstant misfortunate and expensive are all wars whatever. What did all those turbulent Souls carry away but blame and misfor­tune, who employed their whole time, provoked to it, only by their particular passions any unjust reasons, to raise wars amongst Princes. The Count de St. Paul may serve for a notable example in this kinde. After he had spent all his dayes in Broyles and turmoyles, his glory vanished like smoak, and at last he payd for those Treacheries by death which he had put upon Lewis the Eleventh. In the same man­ner Savanorolla had passed for a Saint amongst the Florentines, but for that sedi­tious Spirit, which animated him against the house of Medicis, and excited him to make a war even against his own Cittizens; but the blame he reaped by it, sullyed all his glory, and in my opinion whoever engageth himself in such a Commission may not expect any greater honour by it.

Turbulent Spirits clapt up in the Bastille.

THese Forrain designs were not a lone to be feared, there were divers other Grandees of the Kingdom sediously disposed who had some notice of the in­tended siege of Rochel, The Major part of them foresaw that in case Rochelle, were taken, they must then of necessity live in an exact obedience, That it would carry with it an absolute ruine to all the Hugonot party; and that there would be no more means left them to rise up against the Kings authority in future, when they had a mind to procure any thing by force: neither were they a little startled at the [Page 170]assurance of the design his Majesty had resolutely taken, of carrying the place. The Grandees have alwayes thought the encrease of the Royal Power, a diminution to their own private authorities, and they of France were not ignorant, that in case the Hugonot party were destroyed, they had then no game left to play but that of submission. This induced some of the most factious to cast out such discourses, as could only be deemed the Symptoms of a Revolt, though as yet there had not been any apparence of a formal contrived design. The King had learn't from some of the old Court, that that which hindred the taking od Rochel, when as Charles the ninth besieged it, was only, the little inclination which many of the Grandees then at the siege had, that it should be taken as the Marshal de Montlue testified on the place by divers letters: So that he resolved to prevent this inconveniency; neither was it lesse needful to prevent the growing of this cabal, least they should by joyn­ing themselves with the Hugonots and strangers force his Majesty to draw off his Armies and to attend their motions. The wise and discreet resolution which his Majestie took, to give an assured remedie hereunto, was, to clap up in the Ba­stille several sedicious turbulent persons, who began to speak aloud such things, as neither the Laws of obedience or respect could allow of, but with order that they should be well treated and want nothing, it being his Majesties desire only to pre­vent them from doing any hurt. The Marquis de Rouillat de Bounivet, de Mont­pinson & d' Oy, were first of all secured, and shortly after Fancan and La Mille­tiere, with other inferiours to keep them Company, which made them perceive, who had the good Fortune not to be interressed in any of these Broyles; that the King was no more to be dallyed with and that it would become them to live with­in their limits, and that they could not avoyd lodging in the same place, if they gave any cause of suspition by their behaviour: Thus every one for love or fear was quiet, and the King had the freedome to continue his preparations for the siege of Rochelle.

Politique Observation.

A King is no lesse obliged to search after those who are able to trouble the re­pose of his State, then those who are able to serve him; It is needful for him to have certain marks both for one and t'other that he may judg of either. Now amongst them who are able to ingage in a Faction, he ought to make little account of such who have great stirring Spirits, but little Prudence, for they of his Temper are usually wicked, ambitious, Lovers of Novelties, insurrections and all sorts of intreagues. Grobus would needs have us esteem Alcibiades for a person of this condition, when he represented him to be as exquisite in his vices as his virtues, and T. Livy puts Hannibal amongst the same number, when after a recital of his ver­tues he addeth that his vices were full as eminent. On the other side, he ought to be vigilant over those, who are ready to undergo any meannesses, upon hopes of getting any advantage or greatnesse; as Caesar did according to Dions report, who condescended to bestow imbraces beneath the quality of his person, on mean and base men, if he found them any ways conducing to the advancing of his Power. In this last age M [...]ns [...]eur ae Guise hath done the same thing, in the eyes of all men, but was slain at Blois in his attempt of making himself Master of the French Crown. Withall, he ought no lesse distrust those persons of quality who are grown poor, or who have been laid by from imployments and affairs. For Tacitus on the life of Ottho saith, there is not any one thing which persons of Courage and Quality do suffer with more regret then that of poverty, do we not read that poverty was it which gave so much boldnesse to Sylla in his attempts. That Cneus Piso was inga­ged in all his undertakings, by his being reduced to extream necessity, and of doing those things which were unworthy of his Birth: Then hee ought to be no lesse watchfull of those who comporting themselves to the present times, change their Fashions when they please, who of Lyons turn to be Lambs, and from Lambs be­come Lyons again, and this with much facility, all to make advantage of whatso­ever [Page 171]comes uppermost, to swim with the stream, and to join their Interests with those onely from whom they have expectations of gain and advantage: He had need be jealous of those who under pretence of their own private Affairs passe from one Country to another, without any apparent reasons for it, of such as onely con­verse with turbulent minds; of such as seem to be discontented at affairs, of such as are in debt, or have received some distasts in their private interests. I could pro­duce examples to fortifie the reasonablenesse of all these several propositions, and how that all these sorts of persons ought to be suspected, if the brevity of these Maxims would give way to it. But making profession of being short, I shall one­ly for conclusion say, that both Prudence and Justice oblige to make sure of such persons, especially on the least occasion given to suspect, that they are disposed to ingage themselves in any Intreague. The least delay which shall be given them, will onely fix them so much the more, whereas the dispatch in securing of them ra­ther sooner then later, is a kind of Pitty, for that it warranteth them from a more severe chastisement, by preventing them from falling into greater Crimes. Am­bition, Covetousnesse, Revenge, and Poverty, meeting in a turbulent Factious Soul, never let him be at rest, or free from some embroyl or other, if he be not curb'd in either by force or necessity. And when it shall so happen that he may be of himself perswaded to keep within his duties, yet it will be lesse inconvenient to make sure of him by a just rigour, then to leave him in a licentiousnesse of ill-do­ing by too imprudent a compassion.

Differences between the Duke of Espernon and the Parliament of Bourde­aux, reconciled by the discreet fore-sight of the Cardinal.

THere was about the same time, ground enough to suspect lest the bitternesse which had about a year since disunited the Duke of Espernon, Governour of Guyenne, and the Parliament of Bourdeaux, might prejudice his Majesties service in this juncture, where it was needfull that all his Arms and Justice might concen­ter to stifle rebellion in its birth, and to keep the people in their duty. Monsieur the Cardinal spake to his Majesty, and perswaded him to send the Sieur de Leon Councellour of State to Bourdeaux, to indeavour their reconcilement, and such a correspondency as might befit his Majesties affairs. The ground of their difference was this, the Duke of Espernon had caused the Edict of Peace, granted by the King to the Hugonots, to be proclaimed by the Jurats of the City before it had been re­gistred in the Parliament. Whereupon the Parliament had turned one Minuelle out of his Office of chief Jurat, fining him 1500 Liures, and ordered the rest to appear in Court, and suffer such punishments as should be imposed upon them. The Duke of Espernon would not put up the businesse, but pulished an Ordinance to prohibit the execution of the Parliaments Arrest, and confirmed Minuelle in his Office, grounding himself upon certain pretensions in publication of Treaties of Peace. The Parliament hereupon condemned the said Ordinance as an attempt contrary to the Kings Authority intrusted with him; but the Duke of Espernon be­ing not of an humour easily to submit to any others will, then that of the Kings, persisted to prohibit by another Ordinance the execution of the second Arrest. The Parliament made a third; so did he too to hinder Minuelle's displacing, and that the Jurats should not assist at the publication of the Peace, which was then made by the Parliaments Authority. In sine, an extream feud rise between them, and the Parliament came to that point, that they ceased to perform their Offices in the adjudging private causes, yet not without taking care for all that concerned the Kings service. This quarrel made a great noise in Guienne, and had it continued untill the Hugonots next revolt, they had doubtlesse taken advantage of it, it being certain that every one lives as himself pleaseth, when Magistrates are together by the ears in their particular quarrel. The King finding of what consequence it might prove, dispatched the Sieur de Leon to Bourdeaux, to dispose the Duke to give the [Page 172]Parliament satisfaction, and to continue the correspondence which they ought to hold together for the publick good. The Sieur de Leon came thither, and finding the Parliament resolute, that the Duke should give them satisfaction for his fault, could gain nothing more of the Duke then onely this, that he would go to the Par­liament and pay them some complements of honour and respect. The Parliament was not contented with it, so their accommodation was deferred, till at last the news being come, that the English Fleet was at Sea, every one addressed himself to serve the King, and to hinder their landing in Guienne: And then the Cardinal de Sourdis, Arch Bishop of Bourdeaux interposing between them, perswaded the Parliament to be satisfied with those respects of honour and complements which the Duke of Espernon would pay unto them. At last unto the Parliament he came, and having complemented them with great civility; they answered him in the like, without the least mention of any thing past, and thus this great storm was allayed.

Politique Observation.

JT is not dangerous sometimes for his Majesties service, to permit Parliaments and Governours to fall out amongst themselves; for they discovering one ano­thers defects by their division, give occasion to redress them, and withall, each one feareth to offend, that he may not give advantage to the other to impeach him. It keepeth affairs in an equal ballance, and produceth the same effects, as a weight equally divided in two Scales, which hindreth the over-ballancing of either part. If they alwaies should continue in a strict intelligence, each of them would do that without contradiction which best pleased himself, and their Soveraign never the wiser. Thus said Cato to them, who thought the quarrel between Pompey and Cae­sar had ruined the Common-wealth. It is true, it did not a little contribute to that disorder which was then on foot, but the friendship which had formerly been be­tween them, was the first and chief cause. Their good intelligence gave Caesar means to grow the greater, who afterwards finding it begin to break by the decea­ses of Pompey and Crassus, their wives which served to preserve it, there fell out great broyls between them concerning the Government; Caesar being unwilling that Pompey should have more authority then himself, and Pompey that Caeser should be his equall. The Senate finding that divers Magistrates of Rome neglected their duties, and that every thing went to decay, chose Pompey sole Consul, giving him an extraordinary Authority to ballance the power of the Magistrates, and to redress those Delinquencies which they might or had committed. Seneca with great rea­son compared this division among chief Magistrates to the Stones in a Vault, which do so much conduce to the strengthening of it, that the more weight is laid on it, the stronger it bears it up; whereas it would easily be broken, if made of one stone alone. In fine, this little emulation is much conducing to the discovery of abuses, to the looking more strictly into things, and the keeping every one in his duty. It is to be wished that Parliaments and Governours were firmly united toward his Ma­jesties service, and that there were no way but this for the well governing of a Pro­vince; but it is not possible long to preserve that temperative in their authority no more then in the four humours of mans body; and it is more expedient to search for means of advantage from their disorder then to study waies to settle them in an immutable intelligence. One of the chief is, when a Parliament pretends to assume too great an Authority, to oppose the power of a Governour, and if a Governor abuse his power, to prevent him by the Authority of a Parliament: And thus was it according to Tacitus, that the Roman common people, ballancing the Nobili­ties power, did along while prefer their liberty. Yet above all, it would be neces­sary to hinder such dissentions from too much clashing, and that the Parliament and Governours be not left alone to flie out into extremities, from whence strange accidents might follow. If heat or any other quality of mans body super-abound, either death follows, or at least great sicknesse; and doubtlesse such contests hap­ning [Page 173]among Governours, either in Kingdomes or Common wealths are sufficient to destroy them, or at least breed great disorders amongst them. The divisions which so often grew hot between the Roman people, and the Senate, caused great evils; and when the quarrels of Marius and Sylla, Pompey and Caesar did break out, every one siding with some party, took up Arms, from whence followed strange murthers, and Tragedies, and the Peoples Liberty became inslaved to the Emperours Will.

The King going from Paris towards Rochel, falls sick at Villeroy, after the first day of his setting out.

VVHilest these different affairs happened within the Kingdome, the King was not ignorant of those great preparations made by the English to in­vade France. The happy addresse wherewith Heaven had blessed Monsieur the Cardinal, enabling him to discover the most secret of Forraign Affairs, gave him to understand all the particulars of their designs; his Majesty thus informed of their resolution, suddenly hoised Sail and resolved to go from Paris to Rochel, that he might incourage his Souldiers, to whom nothing is invincible when he is in presence. But God who over-ruleth the designs of all men, did not permit the effecting of it, so soon as his Majesty desired. It pleased his Providence to visit him with sick­nesse from the first day of his departure from Paris, which encreasing, forced him to stay at Villeroy: His fits were so violent that his recovery was questioned. The Physitians imagining that the sense of Affairs did increase his Feaver, beseeched his Majesty to dis-burthen his thoughts of it; and experience having told him, that it was but reasonable, he committed all to the Queen Mothers and the Cardinals ma­nagement. But the Queen Mother was so troubled at this accident, that her sad­nesse would not give her leave to think on any thing. The whole burthen then lay upon the Cardinal. Not but that grief too had made a great impression upon his Soul, as well as upon the Queen Mothers; but as great spirits quit not the helm at the violence of the storm; so he behaved himself in the giving such Orders as were necessary and conducing to prevent the English Fleets attempt, together with the Rebellion of the Rochelois, that it seemed Heaven had preserved all his sences to him to increase his glory. It cannot be denied, but that this was one of the most con­siderable affairs that had a long time happened to the Kingdome. It was a part­ing blow, upon which depended the settlement of the publick quiet, and which particularly concerned the glory of his Master. So he gave himself up to imploy his utmost industry in it, and his prudence effected such things, which cannot passe but for miracles.

Indeed it was so much the easier for him so to do, since the King had comman­ded him to ease himself, as much as possible he could for his health sake, which did not well agree with the continual cares of this Grand Minister: He had induced his Majesty to think good, that he should take for his share, the care of what related to his Majesties glory, or the conduct of his State. This moderation of his was to be admired at, and such as few are indued with. In that he represented to his Ma­jesty that having intrusted the Seals with Marillac, who was a person Active, Live­ly, and full of Understanding, he might absolutely depend upon him for the Ju­stice, and on the Marquesse de Effiat in matters of the Treasuries of which he had made him super-intendent, which being thus, he could apply all his care to the go­vernment of the State, and give a happy dispatch to all his Majesties commands. And lastly, that he did not think it either proper or profitable for France, or any other State, that one man alone should have the over-seeing of all manner of affairs, for that imploying one part of his mind on those of Justice and the Treasury, hee must have so much the lesse ability to look after the rest of the Kingdome, which in France too would take up one mans whole care and time. His Majesty did not a [Page 174]little esteem both his judgement and modesty; far different from the Ambition of divers other Ministers, who are never satisfied untill they rule all, so he was pleased to admit of his request, which he did the more readily grant, in regard hee thought it might much conduce to his health, which could not long subsist under the care of all things, though he knew he had a Soul able to govern the whole world. From that time forward, he medled onely in matters of State, and left all the rest to the other Ministers.

Politique Observation.

A Prudent Minister who knows the work of well-governing a Kingdome, never burthens himself with the care of all manner of Affairs. He who pretends to a super-intendency of all businesses, is a rash inconsiderate man, and he will find nothing but confusion in his Government, and hatred upon his person. The Soul of man of what quality soever he be, is like a River whose course runs but weakly and slowly when exhausted into several little Brooks; and true it is, who so divideth the strength of his Genius, in the management of all affairs, can act but feebly in those of great weight, and by consequence to the detriment of the pub­lick good. It is with Souls as with Appetites, they who suffer themselves to bee drawn along by sawces and delicate meats, over-charge themselves, and convert the greatest part of their nourishment into ill humours, thus those minds which would govern all, leave all in disorder. Plutarch speaking of the Government of a Kingdome saith, that the Prince ought to be like a hand, which should imploy several Ministers under his Authority; the hand hath divers fingers to work. There need no other proof of this truth, then that knowledge and prudence which is re­quired in the Conduct of a State; besides the administration of Justice, and the su­perintendency of the Treasuries. A chief Minister ought to have his eye not one­ly upon all things, affairs, and persons of concernment in the Kingdome; but like­wise upon all the bordering Princes and Allies; yes, and upon their Ministers too, to discover if possible their designs, and either by policy or force to break such, as may be any way prejudicial to his Master.

He ought to have his Engines on work, to dive into the Counsels of the Pope, the Emperour, the Spaniard, and all other neighbour Princes. He ought from time to time to acquaint himself with their humours, their inclinations, passion, exercises, and all that may conduce to the Government. In case any of them at­tempt a design which may make them too potent, he is bound to oppose it. If his Allies be set upon, he must be as careful to defend & protect them, as the out-guards of his Kingdome. As for that which is considerable at home, the King his Master will take up a great deal of his time, either in his applications to preserve his favour, or to dissipate such jealousies as his enemies may have infused into him, or to pro­pose to his Majesty such expedients and counsels, as may be proper and profitable together. The Princes of the blood too, will find him some work to keep them in such a condition as they may not trouble the publick Peace; but that they may however live in some kind of satisfaction, it being true, that either the good or bad Fortune of a Kingdome, doth most commonly depend upon them: He ought al­so to have an eye upon the Clergy and Prelates, to keep them in such decorum, that they clash not by any mis-understandings to the bringing of Religion into contempt: That they do not so greedily swallow down the respects which are paid unto them as to abuse that power of Souls which is intrusted with them, in prejudice of the Kings royal authority. What care ought he to have to maintain the chief Offi­cers of the Crown, the Governours of Provinces and Towns, and generally all the Grandees of the Kingdome in their duties, doth it not concern him to know what ever considerable thing is done amongst them, their designs, Cabals, Interests, Abilities, and their very inclinations, that he may take order with them according to their dispositions, and the common good, and to divert such Mutinies as they may in time raise? ought not his duty lead him to look into the Commerce and [Page 175]Trade, that it be preserved in it's greatness as the Fountain of the Kingdomes wealth? The Common Rabble will call upon his thoughts sometimes to be reset­led in the duties they owe their King and Country: But what proportion of his time then will the affairs of war take up, when there is a necessity of raising Forces? Will it not behoove him to give all necessary dispatches, either for quarterings or marching of Regiments, or to lead them on to fight with courage either for amu­nition, or the exact observation of militarie discipline? It would need a long dis­cours particularly so set down the great duties of a principal Minister, but the Briefness which I have proposed to follow, gives me not leave to describe them, These are enough to guesse that he will have somewhat to do to go through with them, and that upon these considerations a Chief Minister ought to be satisfied and totally to acquiet himself, of the Burthens which accompany both the Justice and Treasuries.

The English Fleets arrival before Ree.

DUring his Majesties sickness about six in the morning upon the 28 of July the English Fleet appeared about Olonne between 18 and 20 Ships. At first it was supposed they were Dunkerkers, who might have perchance some design upon the Dutch Fleet then in the Road. But when they were perceived to draw neer the Ile of Ree, that their number encreased, and the Hollanders not affraid of them, it was easily concluded that they were the English Fleet, of which there was quickly a greater assurance, when they saw all their Ships at anchor at the mouth of Breton neer the Cape d' Ars. The rest drew neer one of the Forts in the Ile of Ree called La Pree, against which they shot very much all day long, and the next day too until night in so much that the Ships encompassed the Point of Sablanceau, within half musket shot of the Land, and some of them adventured within Pistol shot: Which made the Sieur de Thoyras, then Governour of the Cittadel St. Martin in the Ile of Ree, Judg that they intended to there abouts, so he drew out as many of his men as he could well spare to prevent their designs, and carried them as neer as possibly he could to that place, that he might fall on them in their disbarking. But their Landing being favoured by above two thousand peeces which shot continu­ally. They had the oportunity to set on shoar about ten thousand men. The Sieur de Thoyras had not with him above two hundred Horse and eight hundred foot, yet it being for his Majesties Honour to welcome them at their first footing, he resolved to assault them, notwithstanding the incredible violence of the Can­non, which beat down every thing that did but appear upon the shore. He hoped for a good successe from the Justness of his cause, and that his Souldiers would force Fortune to be favourable unto them. He divided his Horse into seven parties, five of which were commanded to give the Charge, and break the English ranks, and the foot had order to follow on; the two other parties were to keep off for a re­serve, upon the first signal of the Fight, The first went on in good order, but were forced to Gallop off again, for that the English Cannon put them in such con­fusion, that the most part of them were routed before ever they came to en­gage, some killed, some wounded and others unhorsed; but their courage who were in a condition to march on, stood firm, so they advanced up to the English Batta­lions, and there did what ever could be expected from high resolutions. The English astonished to see the French come thundring in that manner upon them thorough the midst of the Flames and Cannon shot, were put into such disorder, that many of them swam to their Ships. The French now finding they were not pursued, and seeing that they were not in condition to fight, they rallied together and charged them once more, before ever the foot came up; but at last they came and fell in, doing more then could be expected; but the violence of the Cannon was such, that it was fit to sound the retreat, and to expect a more favourable occa­sion to fight with them. Rostaincler the Sieur de Thoyras his Brother, the Baron of Chautail, Navailles and divers other Gentlemen and light Horse, and about one [Page 176]hundred and fifty Souldiers were slain in the excounter, most part of the Officers being wounded: neither had the English a lesse loss. Fifteen Officers of their Army were killed besides divers Livetenants and Ensigns. They likewise lost one of their Collours, and upon a vew taken they found between five and six hundred killed and wounded. So they had but little stomack for that present to advance any farther into the Ilaud: but in 3 dages time they fortefied themselves on the shore side, keeping under shelter of their Ships, neither would they stir one foot, till they were informed that the French intended to defend the Cittadel of St. Martin, and not meet them any more in the field.

Politique Observation.

I Think it impossible to prevent a strong Fleet from landing in an Iland, where they may come on shore in sundry places unfortefied. The night alone is enough to favour their landing, and admitting there were Forces enough to meet them in all places, yet the Canon would make such havock, that at last there would be a necessity of giving them leave to come on shore. Thus hath Machiavel, and the wisest Politions observed, That it seldome happened, that ever any Fleet especially if accompanied with a good Army, was hindered from opening any passage if un­defended by a good Castle. When Francis the first undertook the war in Italy, The Spaniards being on t'other side the River Beuchamby, with very great Forces to hinder his passage, were forced to make way for him, when they saw Monsieur de Guise, with his Sword in his hand followed by all the Troops to take water that they might come fight with them. In the like manner Philip de Valois having com­manded Godemar du Fay to keep the Passage of the River Somme at Blanchetacque with a thousand men at Armes besides the Bowman of Genoa, and six thousand foot did quickly notwithstanding all this see the English Army force the passe, and in lesse then six howers, to be all over, whilst the Sea flowed back again. It were easie to produce many the like examples. But I rather think the wisest course which can be taken on such occasions is to make them pay dearly for their Landing by cutting good store of them in peeces, and to adventure on them at their first foot­ing with courage and resolution. The first attempts are they which make way for all the rest. An Enemy finds himself astonished at the death of some of his party, and at the great resistance which he meeteth. The difficulties which are forseen in obtaining of victories disheartens all those who have but a little courage: and it hath been often found that an enemy will more willingly retier himself, then run the hazard of a second rout. Cruelty is allowable in such occasions, to strick terrour into an enemy, to shake their resolutions, and to affright them, for many from fearfall to despair of victorie, whilst they judg, considering the strong resistance made in defence of a pass, it must needs be a mark of the assured resolution they have taken to defend themselves in a place when once they are besieged.

Prosecution of the Historie.

THE newes of the English Fleets arrival was soon brought to the Court, but the Cardinals Prudence was such that he would not let the King be acquainted with it, least it might encrease his Fever, neverthlesse his Great Genius, who fin­deth remedies for all things, did take wonderful care by his orders to repel them. The King had already, upon Intelligence that the English were setting out, com­manded many Regiments of Foot and Troops of light Horse and dispatched several Commissions to raise more Forces with order to all Officers, to come to the rande­vous at Poictou, and there to be in a readiness, for such imployments as occasion should require: He had also given the charge of this Army to the Duke of An­goulesme, who at his first comming, gave all necessary orders, for the safetie of Brouage, and the Iles of Oleron, relying entierly as to the Ile of Ree, on the cou­rage and Loyalty of the Sieur de Thoyras, Monsieur d' Angoulesme had also put into [Page 177]Fort Lewis, all kinds of Ammunition with great diligence, whereby to repel the English, if they should come to assault it and he made use of a Stratagem, which was the probable cause of staying the English at the Ile of Ree, as also of prevent­ing them from coming on the Mainland. His devise was this; He gave order, upon his first comming to the Quarter Master General of the Army to go to all the Boroughs and Villages there abouts, to provide Quarters for an Army between fifteen and twenty thousand men, though he had not in all; above the half of that number.

The Rochelois hereupon swallowing this fiction for a truth, presently advised the English of it, who apprehending the encounter of so great Forces, went to the Ile of Ree. He also observed the order given him by the Cardinal, not to provoke the Rochelois, nor give them the least jealousie of any thought to besiege them. This Great Minister well knew, That the people are easily transported to all extre­mities, when they fear any severe punishment to fall upon them, and particularly that the Rochelois having called in the English to vindicate their Liberty, would never be induced totally to give themselves up to them, whilst they did not fear a siege, and that therefore it would be proper, not to give them any suspition. And for the same reason it was, that the Duke of Angoulosme, did so favourably receive their Deputies, assuring them, that the King intended nothing else, but to let them enjoy their priviledges, on condition they deserved it by their submis­sion; he also suffered them to gather in their harvests thinking it lesse inconvenient to let them make that provision, which at best could not much prolong the siege, then to give them occasien, by declaring their design to deliver up themselves to the English.

This disposal of his was accompanied with great Prudence, yet not sufficient to drive the English out of the Ile of Ree, or hinder them being Masters thereof to go on the Mainland. Monsieur the Cardinal, who had the Charge under the Authority of the King and Queen Mother, to provide against this necessity, em­ployed more effectual means, for the procuring those happy successes, which for­ced the World to believe, that the King could bring such things to passe, as his predecessours could not aspire to; He used extraordinary deligence to hasten the Levies, and to draw together good store of shipping, to succour Ree as also to hinder the English from entring into the Channel of Rochel, in case they should at­tempt it, one of his Chief cares was to prohibit by an Edict all sorts of Maritine commerce; and at the same time he sent into parts, to man those vessels formerly employed, and with all speed to bring them neer Roch [...]l; he sent to Havre de Grace and Diepe Commissions and mony, for the dispatching of the Ships which he had there prepared, and unto Oleron, Brouage and [...]uyenne, to have victuals and ammu­nition in a readiness. He gave Charge to the Abbot of Marsillac, to passe by the Coast of Olonne to raise Marriners, and to the Sieur de Beaumout Chief Comptroler of the Kings house, intimate friend of Monsieur de Thoyras, to emyloy his utmost care and industry to put provisions into the Cittadel of Ree. Withal, Touredes was dispatched to St. Mallos to rig out three great Ships, and Beaulieur Courcelles, with Cant [...]lona, Sea Captains unto Ol [...]nne, to contrive away how to clap victuals into Ree. Beauli [...] Persac was sent to execuse a design he had proposed to set fire on some of the English Ships, and to throw himself into the Cittadel of St. Mar­tin, but he could not effect it. La Rinterre, after Greffier was sent along the Coast to presse all the Shallops, that went with oare, he sent Magnac to the Duke d'Espernon, and several Couriers, to the Towns upon the Garronne, to draw toge­ther all the Barks, Galliots, and small vessels which might be serviceable. He sent post into Holland to the Commander de Gouttes, who commanded the Kings Ships to come away with all speed, and at the same time understanding that the Hollan­ders were sollicited by the English to assist them with their shipping, he set a Treaty of renuing alliance on foot by his Majesties Ambassadour there, whereby to divert them. Which was soon agreed upon by giving them certain monyes, and so the Articles were signed; amongst which this was one, that they should assist the King [Page 178]with their shipping, if need were. This Grand Minister excercised with admirable Prudence the advice of an Ancient, who counselled him that had two enemies, that he should compound with one of them, the better to make war with t'other: He likewise employed the Bishop of Nismez, Monsieur de Thoyras his Brother, and Monsieur Desplan one of his best friends, to advance those succours with all dilli­gence. He made divers promises of ten thousand Crowns to them who should convey victuals into Ree, in short from July to the end of August there was no­thing to be seen but Couriers of all qualities poasting up and down the Country, and others to advance the succours which at last arrived as we shall hereafter de­clare, and relieved Ree, to the shame of the English and the Kings immortal Glory.

Politique Observation.

PRudence is a Helmet which secureth a Kingdom from all sinister accidents which may betide it. It is the Eye of a Minister, of State which helpeth him to see all that is needful to be done, as his valour is the hand which serves him to put it in execution. Without it, he were more feeble then a Blind man; and might expect nothing but confusion from the resistances which he shall make against the ene­mies of the State; whereas with Prudence every thing is possible. Antiquity hath said that a Wise man is Fortunes Master, and that there is not any thing in the power of that blind Goddess, but is subjected to the Laws of vertue; and which may not be diverted by the prudent Counsel of a Wise man. Plutarch on the life of Fabius saith, God only gives good successe to mens actions, according to their being messured by vertue and Prudence; and the Example of the Emperour An­tonius the Debonnaire, may serve to Illustrate this truth; He had so many good suc­cesses in all his undertakings, it is said he never repented of any his resolutions, and that he saw all his designs come to passe according as he contrived them; Now a certain Roman Senator taking the boldness, to aske him the reason of it, after he had testified how much he esteemed his conduct, and with what wonder he was possessed to see so happy an end crown all his endeavours; he was answered that he did as much as was possible, foresee all those accidents which might fall out and thereupon he prepared proper remedies for them: That he spared neither his care nor discretion, to bring his designs to passe, and that he committed the executing of them to person fit for it: This is the Rule of Prudence, and true it is that as the light of the Sun shews the way to any place where a man would go; so this vertue when possessed in any eminent degree, inlightens the Soul of a Minister with so much Splendor, that it gives him a means to obtain whatever he can propose to himself. It discovereth to him infallible wayes to arrive unto the ends of his under­takings, guideth his motions, ordereth his Counsels, regulateth his affections, composeth his Actions, Governeth his wisdome, appointeth his orders, and dis­covereth to him, whatever is able to stop the course of his designs: And as it teacheth never to attempt impossibilities so it is a most certain way to arrive unto whatever is within compasse of being brought to passe. And thus it may safely be said, that by Prudence it is, that God doth prepare the wayes of happiness and good successe for mankind.

Buckingham stormeth the Cittadel of St. Martin.

NO one but God alone moveth in an instant. The succours could not be put in­to Ree on a sudden, and the English finding no body come to trouble them, in the fortifications upon the shore, resolved to besiege the Cittadel of St. Martin. The Duke of Buckingham, conceived such great hopes of making himself Master of the place, that he writ to his Master of Great Britain, that in eight days he would set up his Colours in it, and his Majesty published a Declaration inviting his subjects to go and inhabit the Island of Ree, promising them great priviledges and freedoms, [Page 179]and that he would take care to hunt out all the French. That which made Buc­kingham thus confident was, he found himself on the Island very strong, and knew there were but few French in the Cittadel, and his Engineers assured him of making such devices, that it should be impossible for his Majesty to relieve it. To which purpose, he made his approaches upon the Cittadel on the sixth day after his arrival, and on the seventh commanded six peece of Cannon to be planted upon the Port of St. Martin, who began to batter the place from day break with such effect, that beating all down where the Mills stood, they wantest but little of bearing them clear away; but the besieged laboured with that dexteriousnesse and diligence that they covered, and so saved them; and withall their Battery shot at that of the English, so luckily, that they soon dismounted all their Cannon. This discredit madded the English, who the next day raised another Battery to be revenged of it, and drew their Trenches about the Cittadel, that they might make their nea­rer approach.

Now the Sieur de Thoyras not acquainted with letting his enemies make their avenues, without going out to meet them, fell upon them in their works; and the English were no sooner at their labour, but he sallied out upon them with great vi­olence and courage. But above all, on the very first day he made use of one for to secure a Haven where such Barques as came to releeve him, might land in safety, and raised a work round about it upon the shore-side, which he kept as carefully as the Cittadel it self, and from thence it was that he received those succours which afterwards delivered him out of trouble. The enemies Trenches were not such, but that he had intelligence with those of the Island, especially the Catholiques, who were a good number, and such as might furnish him with many necessaries for the Cittadel; which the Duke of Buckingham perceiving, sent them all away in Boats, so that there was now no other hopes of relief but from the main land. The English in the mean time trifled out a moneth more, without doing any thing, but at last growing impatient; they resolved to assault a Half Moon, not quite fini [...]hed, and by favour of the night fell upon it; but being got on the top of the Wall, they were knocked off again by the Halberds, and so ill-handled, that after the losse of about one hundred and fifty men, they drew off again, whereas we had onely four souldiers hurt. This vexed them indeed, and made them resolve to try once more what good they could do upon the same Half Moon, but they were then also bea­ten off with good successe. The Sieurs Montant, Praron, Montandre, Caisac, and Saint Previl received the assault with a great deal of courage; of the French party Beauli [...]u onely miscarried, and the greatest hurt which the English did, was this, they poysoned a certain Well near the Half Moon, that they might the more incom­modate the besieged, who to say truth, did very much want water, and thereupon they resolved not to stir any more, but to force the place by Famine, and to put them to all imaginable inconveniences, which might compell them to sur­render.

Politick Observation.

A Passe being once forced, it is discretion in him who is repelled to retreat un­to some strong hold, especially if he be too weak to keep the Field. Pericles when he saw his Country assaulted by the Lacedemonians, did thus for though they burnt and pillaged the whole State, yet would be not stir out to fight them; choo­sing rather with safety to preserve, then hazard those few Forces which he had. In the defence of a Place four things ought to bee observed, The Governour, the Souldiers, The Fortifications, and the Ammunitions. As for that which concerneth the Commander in Chief, he ought to be a person of an unquestionable fidelity, not to be corrupted by mony, one whose courage is invincible, and who knoweth not what fear is; His vigilance ought to be extream great, and uncapable of surprise, he ought to have a body enured to labour, and used to undergo the Inconvenien­cies of a town and ill diet; to have a confidence in his Souldiers that he may lead [Page 180]them on whether ever he pleaseth. The choise of Souldiers is no lesse observable, and it were a madnesse to make use of new raised Troops, unacquainted with trou­ble or the business of war; None but old experienced Souldiers ought to be put in a place of concernment; For this reason was it that the Romans alwayes disposed such old Soldiers as could no longer keep the field, into Garrison: For all Fortifi­cations how strong so ever, are to little purpose, if they be not animated by the courage and vallour of the Souldiers within them. Courage is a thing so potent, that by it we have seen many places defended against most great Armies; Fortifica­tions however ought not to be neglected, but on the contrary, in case they be not regular and in good order, when a place is first besieged, then he who is overseer of them ought to work day and night with extraordinary care and dilligence until they be brought to a condition, of not fearing any assault. It is impossible whole to defend them from the violence of the Cannon, but the Governour ought alwayes to have in readiness good store of Baskets Faggots, sacks of wool, and Hogsheads filled with earth to make up any Breaches, which shall be made. Now as to that which relateth to Munitions of war and victuals. The care of them is not lesse con­siderable, for that the Souldiers who are to defend a place must both eat and fight, and he who is Governour of them must make sure of such provisions, as may suffice to endure the siedg to the very utmost. No exact measure can be set down, but they ought to be proportioned to the places themselves, so that if the place be Te­nable for a long siedg there ought then to be a greater quantity of provision made, and if it be lyable to a surprise by assault then the lesse will serve turn. If in case there should be any defect in making of necessary provision, he is then obliged to use his utmost care and endeavour for the bringing of it to the place, his ruine being unavoidable, if he want means to prevent it; and that he may secure away to re­ceive such provisions he must as much as possibly he may make sure of the Avenues of the Port, if it be a Sea Town, and if it be an Inland place then those passes which lye next to it. Thus did Corbul [...], when he was besieged as Tacitus relateth it by King Tyridates, he contrived away to make sure of those passages by which he re­ceived his Provisions and Recruits from the Pontique Sea and the City of Trabesond, by building a certain Fort upon an adjoyning Mountain, by which means he had all necessaries brought to him, so that his enemies attempts prooved all to no purpose.

Prosecution of the History.

THis procedure of the English brought the besieged in the Citadel of St. Martin to great necessity. When the siedge first began, they were furnished with store of victuals butter, and wine, but there were for many Gentlemen volunteers to be fed, so many footmen and Officers besides the R [...]giment and a grea [...] many Catho­lick inhabitants of the Hand that in a short time they were reduced to bread and water. Their greatest trouble was to be six weeks without hearing any thing from the Main Land; all the boats which had attempted to come to them, to assure them of a strong succour, had been stopt by the enemy, excepting one only which brought them some victuals upon the thirteenth day of [...]ugust, so that they knew not what to hope for. That which most of all perplexed them was, that the En­glish made several inventions, to stop up the mouth of the haven, and to prevent the means of their succours; they first of all built a certain Fort upon three or four great Ships fast tied together, upon which they planted eight or ten piece of Can­non, to hit between wind and water any boats that should attempt to passe: they made a certain raing of Ships before the place, which shut up the passage: Withall they tied great Cabals from one vessel to another, upon which they hung certain barrels to keep them up above water, and hinder any relief. The Sea indeed and the winds laugh'd at their devises, overwhelming them in the water, so that the English were forced to unty their Cables, seeing in what danger their Ships were, when the wind began to rise and the Sea to be troubled; But however, they having [Page 181]blocked up the passage, so that it was impossible for the besieged to send or receive any boats to or from the many Land, it the much troubled them, and diverse Sol­diers of the Cittadel annoyed with hunger and other necessities found means to get out and surrender themselves to the enemy, discovering the straits to which the be­sieged were reduced: Whereupon the Duke of Buckingham, that he might make use of this advantage, writ to the Sieur de Thoyras, where after he had highly com­mended his courage, he invited him to surrender himself and deliver up and place upon honourable conditions, that he might withdraw himself from that imminent peril to which he was like to be exposed, by the evil treatment, which if van­quished, he would force upon himself. The Sieur de Thoyras endured this necessity with delight, because it was accompanied with glory, nor was he at all moved at the receipt of the Letter; but he returned answer to the Duke, that neither the despair of relief, nor the fear of being ill treated, though to the greatest extremity, should ever be able to make him quit his design of defending the place; That he confessed himself obliged to him for his civil proposal, but that he should think himself unworthy of any of his favours, should he omit any one point of his duty in this occasion, the successe of which could not but be very honourable unto him, However, that he might take off from the impatience of the English, he thought it proper, and that by the Councel of his friends to pretend a Treaty with them, which he continued with such addresse, that his enemies verily believed that his thoughts were enclined rather to surrender than to gain time in hopes of relief: The Duke of Buckingham supposing it impossible that they should be relieved, considering his engines, and the great number of his Ships, which lay in the Roade before the place, sought rather to face the besieged by famine than to run new hazards by assaulting them after his first ill successe. In the mean while as necessi­ty doth quicken industry, so the Sieur de Thoyras found means to send three Sol­diers to the Main Land by swimming, to give his Majesty notice of the condition in which he was, & to hasten away relief. One of them called Le Pierre passed the Sea, forcing its waves to yeild to his resolution. He came to the Army before Rochel and delivered the Letters which he had for the King, and others the Sieur de Thoy­ras his friends. The Duke of Angoulesme dispatched that to his Majesty, then at Villeroy, and his cares for sending the relief were doubled; so that the Sieur de Thoyras his friends, knowing in what condition he was, and how important it was to the Kings honour to assist him, did use their utmost endeavours to heasten away his relief.

Politique Observation.

ONe of the greatest difficulties, to which a man can be brought in ordinary seiges is the inability of sending intelligence to them, from whom he doth expect relief; and one of them greatest cares of the who besiege a place, is to stop all wayes that nothing way passe in or out. Some have made use of the night for this purpose as the Goths did, when they would send news to Vitigez, being besieged in Ormuz, by Belligarius; they made a great noise at one of the Gates, pretending as if they would sally out upon their enemies, to the intent that Bellisarius might draw all his Forces theither and leave but a few at that quarter, by which they designed to send away their Messenger. A Stratagem indeed very advantagious, when mana­ged with prudence. The same Goths, as Procopus reports, used another devise upon the same occasion to send news to Vitigez, which was, They corrupted some sentinels for mony, an invention easy to be practised in civil wars, where both par­ties are acquainted with one another. But that which is the most certain way, which they who are besieged may make use of, to send a broad intelligence, ought to be guided by discretion, according as occasions present themselves, and exe­cuted them with all possible addresse; for it is an art, not to be laid down by cer­tain Rules, neither can it be learned by precepts; but natural industry infuseth it by diverse instincts, and experience teacheth it in war. I shall onely add that there [Page 182]are sundry and divers means to be met with in History, which great Captains have used on this occasion. The Campany being besiged by the Romans, sent a man, who counterfeyted himself mad, with letters for the Carthaginians in his girdle, Hircius Consul, writ to Decius Brutus then besieged in Modena by Antonius, and sent his Letters made up in lead, fastned to the Arms of those who swam over the River. The same man did some times keep up Pidgeons in the dark without giving them to eat, and then finding them almost famished, carried them as near the place as possibly he could, then let them go; which flying to the houses with their letters about their necks, were either taken down or killed by Brutus. Justine reports that Harpagus, that he might conveigh Letters to Cyrus, put them up in the belly of an hare and sent them by a faithful Servant, who passed through King Arbactus guardes for an Huntsman.

Others have used as many different devised, as their wits and opportunities could attaine to. That which ought to be observed, is this, that such Letters ought not to be writ in Characters or such cyphers which are legible. We are not now in Caesars dayes; who designing to send Cicero word that he was at hand to relieve him, writ to him onely in Greek: At this time there are no cyphers, which are not easily found out. It were fit that they were like the Characters of Chinenses, which signifie things not Letters, who writing as many different Characters as there are things, it must needs be an hard matter to decypher them. These Cha­racters, too for the greater security should be writ with the juyce of Limmons or Onyons between the Lines of Letters, in which there is nothing of concern, be­cause that which is writ with this juyce cannot be read, but by water or fire. It were not amisse too, if he who is Governour, before the siedg, agree with him to whom he would send intelligences of the manner he would write to him, and there might be onely certain words in each line, which composed together should dis­cover his thoughts, and yet taken with the rest, would be thought to treat of other businesse than that which is really intended.

The Ile of Ree relieved.

THE Relief of the Island was due to the Cardinal after his great or rather ex­tream care. One of the chiefest means he used to effect it was this, He sent to Bayonne for 15 flat vessels, called Primaces, built both to sail and row and withal very fleet, and able to endure a storm, He judged by his prudence, that the En­glish having none of this fashion, they might easily get to Ree in the night, with­out being discovered. The order was dispatched to the Count de Grand-Mont with command to put them under the conduct of the Sieur de Chalar Captain of one of the Kings Ships, then in Spain, and in case he should not be come back, then to whom he thought fit. The Count provided the 15 Primaces with all haste, he armed then with Musquets and piks the best he could, in each of them he put 20 seamen, and took care if nothing was wanting. The Sieur de Chalar not being re­turned, he committed the conduct of them to Captain Baslin, one of the most ex­perienced and stoutest Sea Captain in those Parts. About the end of August, he came with his Primaces to the Sands of Olonne, where the Abbot of Marsillac re­ceived him with great joy, and his vessels being well stored with victuals add am­munition, he lent him six score men of the Regiment de Champany with some Vo­luntiers, to put off upon the first occasion. Upon the fifth of September, he set sail in the head of his little Fleet about 6 of the clock at night. Soon after he knew that he was near the Enemies Fleet, he spead abroad his great sailes, and was pre­sently discovered. But the Primaces going very swift could not be stopped by the English Vessels; they went without losse, onely some sails and one or two Masts were shattered, and one shot through with a bullet. Baslin having thus passed the Enemies, fell upon the Baracado which they had made, to hunder relief, which consisted of great Masts linked together with iron chains and tied with Cabels fast­ned to great Anchors; however many of the Primances by reason, of their light­ness [Page 183]and swiftness passed over, the rest as it pleased God did light upon a certain place, where the foregoing night a tempest had broken part of their Baracado, through which they passed without difficulty; so that about two in the night they ran ashore near one of the Bastilions of the Cittadel, a place where the English could not hurt them. The relief was great both for their reputation and assistance; It came so opportunely, that it gave them new courage, who were till then hardly able to breath, and it may safely be said that this one action was the deciding of the controversie. The passage was afterward clear, The besieged perswaded them­selves that they should now want nothing, and the English were so astonished at it, that they sent to his Majesties Hab [...]rin the Duke of Buckinghams Kinsman, to see if he would make any propositions of Peace; but he was sent back as he went, without speaking with the King, who could no more resolve to see him, than to suffer the English to go away without treating them as they deserved, that they might have no great will to come another time.

Diverse other vessels attempted to passe unto the Island, but being heavier than the Pinnaces, they were forced to go off, some one way and some another through the English Fleet. It was then resolved, that 10 other Pinnaces should be got from Bayonne, which the Count de Grant-Mont rigged out and sent under the Com­mand of Captain Audoum, upon the 4 of October they came upon the Sands of Olonne, They were soon laded and accompanied with 25 other little Vessels, 300 Soldiers went abroad them and 60 choice Gentlemen. Upon the 6 of October they put off. The Sieur de Cusar, and Captain Audouin were Commanders of the Squadron. But the wind changing, as soon as ever they were at Sea, two dayes past before they came to Ree, and that by day too. The English Fleet soon dis­covered them, and engaged them in a rough fight. Musquet and Canon shot were not spared, but their courage surmounting their danger, 29 of the Vessels got clear to the Cittadel, where they run ashore on Friday morning the 8 of October; five of their Vessels were forced to give back: One onely in which were the Sieurs de Beaulieu and R [...]zilly, was taken by the Enemy. The English were so incensed at it, that they made in 24 hours above 2000 great shot upon the Port St. Martin so that there were onely 5 Pinnaces and one Traversin in condition to sail; but the vessels were unladed, and the Gentlemen and Souldiers happily landed in the Cittadel.

Politique Observation.

THE Relieving of a place is of such importance, that without it no place is able to hold out, when the besiegers appear to be resolute before it. He who relieves them, is acknowledges for their deliver, and does considerable service to his Prince. Although Sea-Ports are more easily assisted than Inland Towns, espe­cially with a strong Fleet, because it is hard, if the winds, which with their incon­stancy have an absolute Empire over the Sea, should not at some one time or other present a favourable occasion to break through all the obstacles, which their ene­mies Ships can make; yet it is not the same thing when there is a want of great Ships to fight with those of the Enemy. When it happens thus, Prudence joyned with Fortune must surpasse all those difficulties, which oppose the relief of the place. There must of necessity be an expectation till Fortune presents a favourable wind, without which, what were it but rashly to run into danger? But when the wind sits right, the opportunity ought not to be lost, and then a wise Pilot guided by his industry, may hope for a good successe from his enterprise.

The Chief points, which he ought to observe, are, to provide store of light vessels, which may passe the quicker. For besides that deligence, the Mother of good successe, it is particularly needful, when a strong Fleet is to be broke through; and it gives great advantages, in regard the Enemies great Ships cannot sail so nimbly. It is true the light ones may be stopped by the Enemies which are of the same bulk, but it is an hard matter, if carrying a great number for the suc­cour, [Page 184]some should not escape, especially, because the smaller vessels of the enemy are usually dispersed abroad upon the guard and cannot so quickly come into the fight; for that wind which is good to some, is contrary to others, and the succours having no great number of Ships for fight, one part advanceth through, whiles the others bears the brunt.

Besides, it were necessary to be very secret in providing the Convoy, and la­ding the Barques; and if it be possible to prevent the Enemies knowledge of it, they will not be so strict in their watch, a dispersing their small vessels abroad. Withal an Enemy taken unprepared is not so terrible as when advised, and in rea­dinesse. The night gives a great help, and ought chiefly be made choise of, as well for its darkness, which hinders their being discovered, as because then great Ships dare not be too bold lest they run on ground, so that the little ones are they which must pursue the fight. But above all the Command ought to be given to a couragious prudent Captain, followed by choise Soldiers, Victory being obtained more by vallour then multitude. Such men ought to be chosen, who neither fear Musquet nor Canon, but are resolved to run the hazard. Canons indeed are not much to be feared in the night, because they can hardly be levelled a right by rea­son of the darkness, and the swiftness of the vessels motion.

Prosecution of the subject.

THe King unable to come to Rochel so suddenly, as his courage perswaded him, resolved to send thither Monsieur the Duke of Orleans his brother; those succours conducted by Andonin, were an effect of his care and vigilance to serve the King on this occasion; for having seen that the first Pinnaces guided by Baslin had happly arrived at the Island, he thought it would not be amisse to pro­cure others to send a fresh supply, and therefore he dispatched away a Servant of his, one Sainct Florent to the Count de Grant-mont to entreat him to make ready ten others, and to send them by some Captain, of whom he had a particular know­ledge: The Gentleman departing the 14 of September, arrived the 4 of October with them to the Sands of Olonne. To speak some thing of the power which Monsieur had before Rochel, it was an effect of the Kings Prudence and the Cardinals councel, who was not ignorant how that certain persons, whom he confided in, had craft enough to raise some discontent in him, if he had not been employed in the war; And the King thinking it necessary to send a Chieftain in his absence of such quality, whose presence might animate the Souldiers, and whose condition might oblige the Grandees to obey him without jealousie, chose Monsieur and sent him full power as Livetenant General of the Camp at Rochel, of his Forces in [...]oicion, X [...]in onge, Angoumois and Aulnis. Monsieur shewed in several en­counters that he had no lesse Vallour or conduct, than those who had spent all their time in Arms: Insomuch that he once engaged his Person in a skirmish with the Rochelois, where they had much a do to bring him off. He was extream care­full for the bringing up of the Forces to the Camp, and oftentimes attempted the relief of the Isle of Ree, and to keep the Army in discipline. The King arrived at Rochel. and testified a great satisfaction at his extraordinary conduct by Caresses, sufficient to have obliged him, to have expected the issue of such glorious designs in his Majesties company, had not his confidence diverted him from it and per­swaded him after the defeat of the English to return to Paris. They made him be­lieve that the Cardinal had all the authority and that himself had onely the name, although this Grand Minister was never deficient in paying him all respects. These seditious Spirits were so pricked with envy to see him act such glorious things. It is true they likewise found that the Cardinals design was, by thus employing Mon­sieur in an affair whereby he was obliged to be every hour with the King, to make a good understanding between them; a thing no whit desired by them, who rather endeavoured continually to sow distrusts between them, which would render them­selves the more considerable by their seeming to be loyall and usefull. This proce­dure [Page 185]is ordinary with them, who serve great Princes for their private Interests; they still fear, lest their Master should confide more in others then themselves, and there is no device which they make not use of to prevent it. This was the true reason, which carried Monsieur back to Paris, his Highness having given more credit to their councels, which he thought were accompanied with faithfulness than to his own passion, which carried him on to the wars, when he might testify his cou­rage to be no way inferiour to his birth.

Politique Observation.

IT is necessary for the good of a State so to employ the Princes of the blood, especially him who is Heir apparent to the crown, that they live contented, but withal that they affirm not too great authority in affairs Alexanders procedure was very barbarous, when passing into Asia, he killed all his kindred, excepting one of his Bastard brothers, of whom he had no suspition: A Barbarousness onely received among Turks, where it passeth for a piece of Policy. I cannot lesse blame the Kings of Orinus, who before they were beaten by the Portugals, took away the lives of most of their kindred. The Kings of China too are no lesse to be blamed, who shut them up in a place, from whence they never are permitted to come out, excepting onely him, who is to succeed in the Empire: Christianity hath Laws more moderate, and approveth not of this rigorous tyranny, but it well li­keth those prudent counsels, which Kings take, so to treat them that they may not have any grounds of discontent which might carry them to broyles, and that they become not too powerfull in the State. It is wisedome to be kind unto them, to deal favourably with them as occasion shall serve, to employ them in the Court with honour and in such Offices, which have more credit than power, not to give them the Authority of a great province, of any strong places, or the command of an Army, at least for no long time, without a faithful Livetenant, who by his credit with the Souldiers may hinder them from abusing their power. If but a little be added to the greatness of their birth, they become too potent and assume too great authority. The desire of Command, which their birth hath given them, doth blind their minds, when they find themselves with their Swords in their hands. Command saith Titus Livy, takes off from the Loyalty of the nearest relations, and makes their Counsels prejudicial to the publique good.

Artaxerxes had no sooner caused his son to be chosen King but he was in danger, of being killed by him. So Selimus being made partner of the Govern­ment by his father Bajazet slew him, that he alone might have the sole command. And Don Charles would have had done as much to his Father Philip King of Spain, not being able to stay until his natural death should make way for his comm [...]g to the Crown? Hardly an Age passeth, but some examples of this kind have ap­peared, which have made it evident, that great power in the Princes Royal, is in­compatible with the Publique Quiet, or the safety of a Soveraign.

The King after his Recovery comes to Rochel to beat the English out of Ree.

THE first succours, which had been sent to Ree, had been to little purpose, if the [...]ing had not come in person, and sent over an Army to drive out the En­glish; It was an enterprise ful of hazard to expose all the Forces which his Majesty had on foot at Poictou, to the mercy of the Sea, to dis-garrison all the Ports of the Main Land, to relieve a Fort half lost, and to land in an Island in sight of a potent Army; seeing especially that in so doing, Rochel would be in some sort left as a prey to strangers. However necessity perswaded to wink at all hazards; it was im­possible to overcome them but in the Kings presence, at whose sight there is not any difficulty, which the courage of the French would not surmount. His Majesty [Page 186]having recovered his health, forthwith resolved to depart from Paris. He forgot not before his departure to provide for the safety of those Provinces, from whence he departed to which end, he sent the Duke d' Elboeuf to the coasts of Picardy and the Duke de Longueville to those of Normandy, with Forces and power to oppose the English, if they should make any incursion there about. He sent other Com­missions to diverse Lords to raise new Troops and to hasten them away with the first, toward Poictou. He dispatched the Duke de Guise to command the Fleet, part of which was already drawn together. He accepted of the offer made by Don Diego de M [...]xie from the King of Spain, of a Fleet to serve him against the English, but the truth was with design rather to hinder the Spaniards from assisting his Enemies under hand, than for any great help he expected from it. In fine, he gave power to the Queen Mother, to govern, during his absence, the Provinces in and about Paris; and then he set forwards toward Rochel, that he might be there with the first. The news of his departure did much encourage the besieged, as also the Army, which lay in expectation of him, before Rochel. They were all on fire to be at it with their Enemies. His Majesty knew with what earnest desire they ex­pected him, so he would not make any stay in his journey, onely at Saumer where is the Church De Nostre Dame des Ardelliers. The King knew that victory was the gift of Heaven, that it is rather Gods than the Souldiers hands which procure it, and that men do in vain attempt if not favoured by his providence. He com­manded publique prayers to be made over all Franc [...], for the imploring of Gods assistance. He rested one day at Saumer, where he fasted with such devotion and confidence, that every one hoped for an happy successe from his fervent prayers. Neither was it in vain, for shortly after Audouin got into the besiedged Cittadel, the newes whereof came to his Majesty then at Niort upon the 9 of October, from whence he forthwith departed toward Rochel.

Politique Observation.

AS God is the Authour, so his Providence is the Governour of Kingdomes. His wisdome is an all seeing eye, to look into whatever is necessary for them: and his hand is omnipotent to provide all waves for their glory. That Creature which is born in the Sea, finds his livelihood there. The Tree which grows on the earth, is nourished there. The Fruit which owes it's birth to the Tree, owes also it's maturity. The Sun compleateth the Gold which he formeth, and thus States established by God ought to expect all their happiness and good successes from his providence. That is it which infuseth into Kings the knowledge of what is proper to be done, both in Peace and War: It is he who holdeth the hearts of all subjects in his hands, who inspireth them with respects due to their Authority, and keepeth them in obedience. How easily can God humble at his own pleasure, the minds of Rebels, abate their Fury, pull down their courage and force them to live, within their limits! And is he not the God of Battailes too, who bestoweth victory where he pleaseth, defendeth Justice by the Arms of the Souldier, striketh terror amongst his Enemies; and many times gives greater successe, then reason and the means would admit to be hoped for? To him it is Kings ought to have recourse in matters of concernment. David never went to war, but he con­sulted with God. Constantine the Great, in that war which he made with the Per­sians, caused a little Oratory in form of a Church to be carried with him, that in it he might do his devotions, and every Legion had its Templum Mobile wherein the Priests and Deacons said Masse, to implore Gods assistance. By Prayers, is Peace continued, and Enemies by it are overthrown. Every Prince who is inga­ged in any great enterprise, is bound to believe it, and to have recourse to God, by Prayers, by works of Piety and Religion, assuring themselves upon his promise, of giving them what ever they shall heartily request, because he is just, and will be near them, who shall call upon him; that he will fulfill their desires who fear him; Exalt the faithful, who hope in him; and keep those who love him.

Ree is relieved.

UPon the Kings arrival, all thoughts were bent to execute the resolution taken at Paris, to send a strong relief, into Ree, not only that the English might be forced from the siedge, but quite driven out of the Island; The Kings courage would have carried him to go fight his enemies in person at Sea, but the Cardinal and his Generals by their intreaties, foreseeing into how great danger he run, perswaded him to the contrary. His Majesty would not by any means give leave, that the Cardinal should go, but desired, he might stay behind, to take the Chief care of sending the relief upon him, it being easie to judg, that if his coun­sels were so succesful in his absence, he might obtain by his presence what ever could be desired. Hereupon the Cardinal commanded, that some of the vessels designed for the business, should be made ready with whatever was necessary for the sick and the sound, with store of Munition, and the day following the Sieur de Beau­mont commanded them to Fort Delapree, which place the English did not much se­cure; for they had victuals sufficient for six months for one hundred men that kept it; the same day he likewise sent order to Oleron, for the conveighing part of the Regiment of Plessis-Prasilin, to begin certain Trenches, and to draw certain lines and redoubts about the port which might favour the comming of the great re­lief; They all got safe in and lost not a man; this good successe put the rest of the Souldiers in heart who were to passe thither. Without loosing more time the Duke of Orleans was sent by the King to Plumb, that he might put aboard the Ships Le Sieur de Canaples, seven hundred men of the guard, the Regiment of Beaumout, some Voluntiers and good store of Munition, who though he were then only eighteen year old, yet disposed all things so prudently, as if experience had made him grow old in arms; After the five and twentith of October, the King who knew the names and persons of most of his old Souldiers, had filled up all the Troops, the Masters of the Camp, Captains, and all the rest, who were to go. His Majesty knew, that it is not the number which gets the victory but courage, and therefore he would not have one man amongst them of whom he had not some experience: These Forces commanded by the Sieur de Canoples, came all safe within two howers to the Fort De La Pree; The aire was of a light fire with the shot which were made at them, but not a Ship persued them, so they received no losse. St. Previll seeing them approach, went out to discover who they were, and told the Sieur de Canoples, that the enemy informed of their imbarking, were in ambush behind cer­tain old houses with intention to fall upon them at their Landing; hereupon he commanded the Sieurs de Fourille, de Malicy, de Tilladat and de Porcheus present­ly to Land their Souldiers, he shewed Serjant Major Brierees the several Posts where every one should be, and gave orders for the fight. The Duke of Bucking­ham, who commanded in his own person hearing the noise of their landing, drew out his Forces into three divisions, and leading them towards the Port, they were not discovered until they came just upon the Kings Forces, and that only by the light of their Matches, so dark was the night. Tillades's Chief Serjant, who led on the forlorne hope first espying them gave them a salute which laid some of them on the ground, however the rest came on; The Sieur de Canoples seeing them not above fifty paces from Fourilles Squadron, resolved, after he had proposed it to the other Captains, to fall on them, which put an end to the business. Fourille went up and that so near them, that not a Musquet was shot off but at push a Pikes. The two Battalions of the French and English discharged at the same time, the fight grew hot, Both Commanders and Souldiers, were at emulation with one another to shew that, it was not without reason, the King had made choise of them, in this occasion. Their Courages saved them, for the Enemy was much more numerous then they were. Indeed the Sieur de Canoples good conduct did not a little further the business, for knowing the strength of the English, he had commanded the Cap­tains to draw all their Souldiers, into the Counter Scarps of the Fort, but he had [Page 188]not so ordered his businesse, had it not been in the night; for Buckingham seeing his first Battalia in disorder, and thinking he had onely met with the Forlorn Hope, commanded a retreat. He left six and thirty on the place, and of his Majesties par­ty, there were onely six and twenty killed and wounded, amongst the rest, Mausan, Tourilles Lievetenant, was found dead of a Musket shot, and two cuts with a Halberd.

Politique Observation.

WHen there is a necessity at first dash to fight an enemy, it is more discre­tion to fall on him, then to expect him; and especially being inferiour to him in force, for then pure valour must carry it. Souldiers are ever more coura­gious in assaulting then receiving an enemy. An assault distracteth an enemy, ma­keth in suspect some further stratagem, and puts him often into disorder. Julius Caesar made an experiment hereof, when passing the Hellespont in one onely Galli­ot, he met Crassius, Captain of the contrary Faction, with ten Gallies. A cou­rage lesse resolute then his would have endeavoured to save himself by the lightness of his vessel, but in stead of flying be put himself into a posture of defence, went directly up against Crassius, and so terrified him, that Crassius delivered up him­self. When such encounters are foreseen, it is needful to be accompanied with choise resolute Souldiers, such as know not what fear is, for fear is repelled by any the least resistance. A timerous Souldier never yet did any thing worth notice, but to a resolute man, every thing makes way. It is said of Cajus Marius that in his youth, he was so hardy in all his enterprises, that nothing could resist him, but that in his age, his Vallour decreased, with the heat of his Bloud which lost him some part, of his reputation. Bertrand du Gueslin was both one of the most vali­ant and Fortunate, of his times; But every one doth ascribe those great advan­tages, which he obtained in Battails to that resolution of his, which would some­times so transport him, that he would with a dozen Souldiers, fall into the midst of his Enemies, who unable to withstand the effects of so admirable a vallour, would presently be put to disorder. Robert de La March, hath afforded us one more notable example of the successe which attendeth on vallour: it was in the Battail of Navarre, where being touched with a fatherly affection, he rushed into the Battail of the Swisses then victorious, that he might save his Sons Florange and Jamets, who lay upon the ground much wounded: Which resolution of his was so succesful, that though seconded but by a few Horse yet it so terrified the Swizzers, that they could not prevent his bringing of them off in safety.

Prosecution of the Subject.

THe Duke of Buckingham finding it would be a difficult thing for him, in future to prevent the accesse of relief to the Island, as well because divers Vessels of his Fleet were lost, as also by reason of the small successe he had hitherto had, re­solved to make his last attempt upon the Cittadel of St. Martin. He was not ig­norant of those other and greater preparations which were in agitation upon the main land, to send a stronger supply then any yet; so that there was a necessity of taking the place, or hazarding a sharp conflict. The Sieur de Thoyras had divers conjectures of his design, and that he might put himself into a condition of defen­ding himself he sent advice to the Fort de la Pree, desiring them to have their For­ces in a readinesse, to assist him, when he should discharge three Canon shot, for a sign that the enemy began their assault. Presently hereupon, the Sieur de Ca­naples called the Officers together, to consult of what was proper to be done, and it was unanimously concluded, that all their Forces should be put into Battalia by break of day: That they should march towards Abbay, and that upon hearing of the Signal, they should go directly to the enemy to divert them from the Assault. This Order was exercised accordingly, and they were no sooner drawn up toge­ther, [Page 189]but the Cannons gave them notice of the assault: the Sieur de Canaples went directly towards the Cittadel. It is reported, that there were between four and five thousand English at the assault: However, they made but two conside­rable attempts, one upon the Bastion de Thoyras, which was not quite finished; they got up upon the Rampars, but were so ill treated by the Besieged, that they were forced to give back, and to make such hast down their Ladders, that some of them never touched but the last round. The t'other Attempt was at the Bastion Antioch, where the English had no better successe, for many of them were killed with Musket shot, Stones, and long Staffs which were in the Half Moon, so they fled and were pursued home to their Trenches. That which forced them most to fall back, was to see the Forces which were come out from Pree so neer them. The Duke of Buckingham gues [...]ing their design was to fall upon his Trenches, and to charge them in the Rear, drew off his forces, and set them in order to receive them: But the Kings forces finding the assault given over, and the enemy embattailed made an halt, the Sieur de Canaples being unwilling to undertake any thing but the defence of the Cittadel, until the great relief were arrived, that he might not ha­zard his men to no purpose. The two Armies lay in view of each other, the rest of the day, without doing any thing, and night comming on, they of the Kings party, withdrew to Pree. In the mean while, the Sieur de Canaples unwilling as hath been said to attempt any thing, was inform'd how the besieged had taken all the Ladders of the English, fifty Prisoners, most of which were Captains and Offi­cers, that they had killed between five and six hundred, without losing above eigh­teen or twenty men, and some few wounded, amongst which were the Sieurs de Sardaignes and Gran Val, who being shot through the Bodies died in a few dayes after. This Victory did much rejoyce the Kings Army, and his Majesty himself too, who was diligently informed of it. The English doubting their Trenches would not secure them, forsook the one half of them, and shortly after resolved to go back for England.

Politique Observation.

TWo things are chiefly necessary for the repelling of an assault, men and fortifi­cations. It cannot be denied but that fortifications are needfull; for it were a vanity to beleeve, that a few men blocked up in a place, should be able to resist a whole Army, if they be not defended with Bastions, half Moons, and other Forts raised up to a sufficient height to protect them, whence it follows, that his chief care who doth command a place when he fore-sees an assault, ought to be, to pro­vide his fortifications, that they bee in a condition proper for it, and that hee have preparations in a readinesse to repair the breaches. He will find it too no small advantage against his enemies, since it is much easier to repulse an enemy, who attempts to enter a place by Scaling-Ladders, then if there were a Breach where many might come in a Breast, or his Fortifications should be in want of re­pair. But whatever advantage it is to have good and strong Fortifications, yet the valour of the Souldiers, is that which is most of all considerable. What said Pompey? It is not Walls or Houses which makes Towns, but men, neither can they be defeated, be they what they will, without the help of men; we often see the very strongest places soon delivered up, when not defended by men of heart and courage. Azarius being besieged in Quiers, by Vastius, had indeed notable good Fortifications, and had also placed in the Breach, store of combustible matter, with Fire-works, but all would not hinder the Town from being taken, for that no one man appeared to withstand the Assault. Archimedes his Engines could not defend the losse of Syracusa: Engines and Fortifications are all in animate, and their Pow­ers are limited to certain effects, in despight of all which, a Besieging Army, will soon take in any place, if there be not men of resolution and courage to resist their attempts. But that we may mention some order which History teacheth in endu­ring a Siege, or sustaining an Assault, it ought to be known, That he who com­mandeth [Page 190]a place, must not then draw up his Souldiers, when the enemy appears at the Breach, or mount their Ladders; but he ought so to dispose them into every Quarter how strong soever it be, that no part be left without a sufficient number of men to guard it. Caesar when he committed this fault, by staying untill Pharnaces was at his Elbow, found himself much perplexed and troubled. Jugurtius as Sa­lust reporteth it, having been defective in this one point, gave Marius opportuni­ty to become Master of one of his strongest places. Thrasybulus took Sicyonian's Port, finding it dis-furnished of Souldiers, who were all gone to a certain Breach which he had made, and where he onely pretended he would assault them. Vege­tius? adviseth, that the first assault be sustained by the most experienced and stoutest souldiers; because an enemy when he meets with resolute opposition, and finds himself ill handled, loseth his Courage, and few have any mind to march over their Companions dead bodies unto a second assault. But I shall refer the prosecution of this discourse to them who have written whole Tracts upon it.

Prosecution of the Subject.

THE King having been informed of the good successe in the late encounter, dis­patched in great hast the remayning four thousand five hundred foot and Horse, allotted out for the Relief with good store of Munitions. It cannot be ex­pressed how careful his Majesty was for the shipping off of them, how dilligent in choosing the Officers and Souldiers one by one; animating by his presence those who carried the provisions into the Ships, and incouraging those who went aboard on this expedition; telling them, they might be confident of victory, seeing they fought for God's cause. The Marshal de Schomberg was appointed Marshal de Camp. The wind changing about just as they were put off to Sea, they were forced to give back again, some one way, some another; But the Marillac came at last to the point of Sablanceau without being hindred by the Enemy, and passed with­out difficulty to the Fort De La Pree: and the next day the Marshal de Schomberg came with fifty Barques about three in the morn being the eight day of Novem­ber. He Landed very fortunately being not discovered by the Enemy, and his Souldiers being all upon the shore, he forthwith ranged them into four Battali­ons, and his Horse likewise into four Squadrons, which he extended into two wings, and in this order they marched up to the Fort. About day break they came up, where he found all the Forces which had formerly been sent thither draw into order, according as he had instructed Marillac. When he had been informed of what had passed, he sent out to discover the enemy, and put all things in order to fight. But first he would hear Masse, that he might implore Gods assistance, without which, there is no hopes of good success, as also he caused the general Prayers to be made, which are used in all Battailes.

Then he caused his Souldiers to eat, that they might be strong, at which time, he was informed that the enemy had drawn part of their Forces, out of their Trenches and made as if they would retreit, whereupon he concluded there was no more time to be lost. So he reviewed the Army, to see if every one were in readiness, and then marched upon the head of them, toward St. Martin. The Sieur de Thoyras came out to meet him, with as much joy as a person delivered from such eminent peril could expresse, for the Enemy had forsaken their Trenches and left him the liberty of comming forth. The Marshal having likewise intelligence, that the ene­my had quited the Town of St. Martin, presently called a Counsel of war, to consider of what was fit to be done. The Sieur de Thoyras proposed to march up directly to them, being confident, that in the fear they were, it would be easie to cut them in pieces; The Sieur de Marillac, was of a contrary opinion, thinking that nothing ought to be hazarded, seeing the successe of Arms is uncertain, That his Majesties Army was not sure of a victorie against the Enemy, though they re­treited, and concluded it improper to fight with them. But the business having been debated, it was resolved that a Medium should be taken, that without quitting [Page 191]the Station they had taken, the Motion of the Enemy should be observed; and that in case they should passe unto the Ile d'Oye, (where it was not unknown that they had prepared a Passage for their re-imbarquing) then to follow them in order of Array, and charge them when they were half over, but without putting any thing in hazard.

This resolution accompanied with prudence, was excecuted with Courage, for the English advancing towards the place of their retreit; the Kings Army marcht up to them in Battalia, and being arrived to the Marsh, The Sieur de Thoyras could no longer suffer them to go away, without paying for the trouble, which they had put him to; but concluding that the Honour of France obliged him to have a par­ting bout with them, and that it would be a wrong to the Kings Arms to let them go clear off when such an advantage was offered against them, went on, and the Command being given, the Horse had order to begin. Piedmont and Champain followed, and each of them observing their respective Commands, put the English to the Rout: Their Horse were all lost in the ma [...]n, their Cornet and 24. Colours, and four Cannon were taken The French did nothing but kill and slay, in so much that there lay above six hundred dead upon the place, besides what were drowned in the Sea. Divers of their Collonels, Gentlement of quality and above one hundred and fifty Officers of all sorts were killed, above three thousand Arms taken in the field, and above fifteen hundred Souldiers laden with their Spoyles. Thus the Marshal de Schomberg in the same day, landed, saw the siedge raised, and beat his Enemies. It is reported that the English had at their first setting foot on the Island at least seven thousand men, and that a recruit of three thousand came afterwards to them, but they carried off only eighteen hundred, the rest being either dead with sickness or killed, and of them too the greatest part dyed soon after their return to England, by reason of the discommodities they there suffered.

Politique Observation.

JOhn James Triuulae, Marshal of France saith it is a great imprudence to give Bat­taile in a man's own Country, if not invited to it, by some great advantage or forced by necessity. He who adventureth to do it, runs no lesse hazard then the losse of his Kingdome: Darius saw himself despoyled of his Kingdome, by being guided by his Courage; and fighting a Pitch Battaile with Alexander. He might well have harraised him with his Horse on many occasions, as the Partheans did the Romans: whereas being eager to meet him in the field, and fearing least he would return into his own Country, and not be fought with, he made after him to give him Battaile. Alexander seeing him near at hand, assaulted him, and reduced him to that deplorable condition, as is not unknown by History to every one; Fa­bius was wiser then so, he was contented, only to follow Hanibals Army, and to pull him down in divers conflicts, and by the great Inconveniences which an Army endureth, when it passeth through an enemies Country, destitute of Towns to re­fresh them, and where they meet with resistances on every hand; By these delayes he discomfited Hanibal, without endangering his Souldiers lives, a thing very con­siderable among the Romans, who thought it a greater Honour to wear the Civi­que-Crown, bestowed on those who had saved any Citizens life, then that which is called Muralis, given to them who had first scaled the Walls of their Enemies: or the naval Crown granted to such as had done some notable exploit at Sea, hence Guiccardi [...] tells us, there is no victory more beneficial or glorious, then that which is obtained without hazarding the bloud and lives of the Souldiers: when an Enemy hath entred upon a State, he is sufficiently beaten and overcome, with Glory and Honour, if he be only wearied out and tyred so that he have but little mind to return a second time. In fine, the Title of victory and the Honour of a Battail, doth not appertain to him who killeth most enemies or taketh most Priso­ners; but to him who obtains the end of his design. Which made Don Alphonso King of Naples say; When he was provoked by Monsieur d' Anjou to give him [Page 192]Battail; That it was the part of a Captain to overcome and not to fight. Philip de Valois fought a pitcht Battail with the English at Cressy, but he was overcome. King John confiding in his Forces, chose rather to give the same English Battail near Poictiers, then to vanquish them by famine, and those other Incommodities which an Army undergoeth in a strange Country, but he was taken and died a pri­soner. Charles the fifth following the advice of Fabius, would never be drawn to hazard a Battail with them, but deprived them of all provisions, and by that means took all Guyenne over their heads, and made himself Master of most of the Duke of Bretaigns Chief Citties.

Prosecution of the Subject.

THE English were hard put to it in the Marisb, so that divers of them were taken prisoners, and amongst others, my Lord Mountjoy the Earle of Hol­lands, Brother, Gray Livetenant of the Artillery, The General of the Horse, thirty five Captains and Officers, twelve Gentlemen, and one hundred or sixscore Soul­diers; but they served for an object of the Kings Bounty and Clemency, For hear­ing many of them were strip'd, he caused them to be cloathed and shortly after causing the chief of them to be brought to him, he paid down their ransomes to those who had taken them, sent them on their words to the Queen of England, Commanding de Meau to present them to her with this assurance, that it was only for her sake he had given them their Freedoms, nothing could be more noble, and the Cardinal had no small share in it. But it was an usage much different from that of the English, towards the French, whom they had taken in divers encoun­ters. For the English would not stick to deny them meat for money, some of whom assured his Majesty, that in case My Lord Mountjoy and some others had not been taken, themselves had been starved to death: He was by others informed that they had seen the English throw some Prisoners into the water, whom they so tyed that they could not save themselves by swimming. Indeed his Majesties Civil treatment of the English, engaged the King of England, to deal better with the French, for presently after they were more courteously entertained and so re­turned into France.

Politick Observation.

IT is no little Glory to treat Prisoners of War with civility either by testifying a sence of compassion for the condition whereunto they are reduced, or by doing them all the good Offices they might expect. It as a mark of true generous­ness in a Prince, and that which sets off his Glory and Clemency with Luster and Splendor, the two best flowers in his Crown. He ought to remember himself to be Gods Image here on Earth, and that as nothing is more essential to God then Bounty, so likewise his Glory can never appear more Illustrious them by confer­ring favours on them, who are taken in fight by the Chance of War. It is repor­ted that Cleomens being asked what a good King ought to do, answered, that he must do no good for his friends and all the mischief he could, to his Enemies: But Aristo answered him with much reason, that it was much more commendable to do good, not only to friends but even to Enemies; For by that means a King makes himself beloved by all the World. It is no small advantage to be esteemed merci­ful to the conquered. Plato gives a good reason for it, for saith he, it doth encrease the Souldiers Courage, for admitting their Enemies should take them, yet they were obliged not to deal harshly with them. Besides Prisoners do become so sen­cible of those kindneses which are heaped on them, that they often are the Instru­ments of Peace Lewis the Eleventh found it so, when as he kindly entertained the S [...]ig [...]eor de Conty his Prisoner of War, who concluded the Treaty of Peace with Charles de Bourgogne. A Prince is obliged to it, if it were only by the Compas­sion which a noble Courage ever hath of them who are overcome. Haloyoneus [Page 193]Son to Antigonus, having after a victorie lighted upon Heleneus, Phyrrus his Son, in a sad deplorable condition, cloathed with a Mantle unbefiting his greatness, embraced him with all possible kindnesse, and having so brought him to Antigonus his Father, he did the like: But withal he told his Son he had not done all which he was bound to do, in leaving that cloak upon his shoulders; And at last having restored him to an honorable attendance, and treated him with great kindness and humanity, he returned him safe to his Kingdome of Epire.

The Siege of Rochel.

AFter the King had obtained this signal victory against the English, he bent all his thoughts towards the besiedging of Rochel, that with their Wals he might destroy their pride. This town as others, was at first but little, yet the Port being commodious, it grew great by Commerce, and so insolent after heresie had set its standard there, that they would make those priviledges, which our Kings had from time to time granted them, passe for contracts, and to destablish a kind of Com­monwealth in the State. They durst not openly declare this pretention to the King by their Deputies, but their manner of proceeding was an assured proof of it, a procedure the more insupportable in that it was the support of all factions, both of the Hugonot party and the Grandees of the Kingdome upon any discontents. Their Rebellion was become natural, and shortly after this, they auguented their Crimes, by calling in the English to protect their offences. Some rich Merchants indeed there were who having somewhat to loose, would have been contented to be quiet, but on the otherside it was filled with store of Sea men surely and proud, as also very poor, who having nothing wherein to employ themselves, proposed, that they might be at more ease to make an insurrection in the Town, concerning their priviledges. In order to this design, they made a Manifest, to spread abroad their complaints, as a poyson in the minds of the Ignorant People of the Hugonots party, which might induce them to take up Arms, and to shake of the yoak of obedience. This resolution of theirs took them off, from paying any respect to the King; They drove out the Sieur Doux Maistre des Requests, sent by his Majesty to them, in quality of super intendent of Justice, with so much violence and outrage, that they threatned to throw him into the Sea.

They openly assisted the English in whatever was within their power, They so­lemnly buried the English Lords and Gentlemen, and such French Rebels as were killed at the Landing on Ree. They sent Londriere with three hundred men to se­cond the English, when they found themselves too weak in Ree.

They received Madam de Rohan the Mother, and the Sieur de Soubize; who assisted at their assemblies and enflamed them more and more. There was no rea­son longer to suffer these things unpunished. The King about the beginning of August, when they declared themselves so openly for the English, made his ap­proaches upon the Town, several companies of the Regiment of the guard, with two other Regiments and two hundred Horse, were sent before it. The Duke d'Angoulesme began to work upon the Fort De La Moulinette to lodge Forces there, as well as in that of Fort Lewis. They requested the Sieur de Commings Captain of the Regiment of the guard, that he would come to their assembly to advise upon some means of accommodation; and as they saw no Declaration of an absolute siege, until the English were forced from Ree, they thought to be excused as heretofore by renewing their Protestations of fidelily: But their words were not to be believed. All their proposals tended onely to comfirm their resolutions against the King. His Majesty thereupon, after the defeat of the English, took his last resolution of forcing them to acknowledge their faults, and to live within their bounds by a strong siege. The Order of the whole circumvallation was pre­scribed by his Majesty; he raised 13 Forts and several redoubts upon the Trenches the circuit of which were three Leagues or there about, all out of musquet or fal­con shot, but not of Cannon. The Kings design was by making these works, to [Page 194]compel them by famine and necessity to surrender, neither did they much trouble themselves to hinder their work by their Sallies, upon hope of being easily relee­ved by Sea; forsomuch as they were soon, finished by the care of the Cardinal, and the Marshals de Scomberg, and Bassompierre. His Majesty being well assured of their faithfulnesse, would not imploy any other persons indifferently, as former­ly had been done in Charles the ninth's time, and that so inconsiderately, that the very Commanders of the Siege had no desire to take the Town. This circumral­lation thus finished, cut off all releef by Land, and it happened that having suppli­ed the English with a good part of their provsions, they had been quickly brought by necessity to surrender, had they not been assisted by Sea. But shortly after, they were so close blocked up there too, that they durst not shew their heads.

Politique Observation.

IT is equally base and inconsiderate to suffer the insolencie of a City, which not contented to revolt against its Soveraign alone, doth also call in strangers to up­hold their Rebellion. After the reducing of them by fair means hath been tryed to no purpose, then ought all forcible means be used, to bring then within their bounds. That King, who is deficient in this particular will soon find himself ex­posed to scorn, both in his designs at home by his neighbours, and in prosecution he will inevitably find both one and the other take up arms against him. His neigh­bours, if they know his aversion to war, and how unwilling he is to appear in the field, will soon rush in upon him; and a party once accustomed to revolts, and permitted to attempt against the Soveraign authority, will soon shake off the yoak of obedience. He ought therefore equality to be disposed both for peace and war; He ought to intend nothing more than the chastising of Rebels upon such an occa­sion. The expences, dangers, and cares ought not to be considered by him. It is equally dangerours for a Prince, to be more inclined either to war or peace. Hence Marius was blamed because he exercised not his authority in times of peace, by which means he could never keep the Common-wealth in quiet.

Perseus lost his Kingdome by slothfulness, and to much loving of mony, desiring rather to keept in coffers than to expend it, in paying Souldiers necessary for his defence; Thus he lost his Kingdome, and his treasures were ransacked before his face. Pipin had never been so bold, as to have put his Masters Crown upon his own heads, had Childerick loved arms, as well as himself, and opposed those first attempts which were made against his Kingdome. Francis Sforzza from a private Souldier, became Duke of Milan, and his Children who were Princes and Dukes, became private Gentlemen, for want of experience in the war, and because they would deceive others by their cheats, rather than render themselves famours by battles. Lesse than this cannot befall a King, who suffers the Rebellion of a strong Town to go away unpunished, especially when it serves for a prop to uphold the revolt of any great party, or to countenance the attempts of stangers. He ought to be in the field as soon as they begin to declare themselves, and to take up arms with so much the more courage, for that Trasan saith, God doth usually overwhelm the enemies of peace, and those who are the disturbers of others by war; as hereto­fore in the example of Pyrchus and of later ages, in that of Charles Duke of Bour­goign, I shall add, that for the quicker and more secure reducing of his subjects to obedience, he ought not to expect till their revolts make Levies. He ought alwayes to have Regiments ready in Garrisons, as the Macedonians had their Argyraspi [...]es. the Romans their Legions, the Sultans of Aegypt their Mammalukes, and the Turks their Janisari [...]s By this means, a Town shall no sooner seem to mutiny, but it will be assaulted, and if any of their Forces shall appear in the field, they will be soon cut in pieces.

Prosecution of the Historie.

IT were of small consequence to have shut up the Rochelois by Land, had they not also been blocked up by Sea. The Cardinal acquainted the King with the ne­cessity of it, and those contrivances formerly resolved on for that purpose were put in execution. The Cardinal had the Chief conduct of it, because he had exa­mined with an extraordinary care all the means of finishing the siege with good successe, and was more capable than any other to effect it. He was so modest that he suffered himself to be directed by Pomp [...]jus. Targon an Italian Ingineer, who had wrought with the Spaniards in blocking up the Channel of Ostende, he thought good to make a chaine of Masts and other great pieces linked together, with Harping Irons and Cables, but the first shot forced them in sunder, and spoiled the work. He built certain Castles upon Ships some floating, and some fixed in the Sea. He contrived other engines which were Square, and of great pieces of timber, such as he called Bridges, for the planting of Cannon upon them, le­velled just between wind and water. But all these inventions were more for shew than use, though very chargeable, so the Cardinal was forced to follow his own thoughts and the design which himself had contrived for stopping the passage: and as there is no soul like his, so no invention could equal that, whic [...] himself had pro­jected. It was to raise a certain banck, thwart the Channel, leaving onely an en­trance in the middle for the ebbing of the Sea. This design seemed difficult for that the Sea is uncapable of any obstacles, which humane industry can raise against it. But as the starres obey great Souls, so it was unjust that the Elements should resist his will. Two things induced him to judge, that this banck would easlier be raised than divers imagined. First, the advantage of stones which might be had on both sides of the Channel, and the great multitude of labourers, which might be drawn out of the bordering Countries and from the Army it self for a quick dispatch of the work. It was began in a place where the River is seven hundred and forty fathom broad, where the Cannon of Rochel could not reach but at random, so that the work could not be hindred. The Cardinal allowed 12 fathom of depth, which quickly passing over, they left a stoping in the bottome, and made a plat form of four fathome upon the surface, which should be raised to such an height, that the highest tyde could not reach it. It was built of dry stones laid upon one another, without other morter than what the Sea brought, and to strengthen it the better at every 12 foot, there was an addition of great timber.

This grand Min [...]ster knowing the taking of Rochel depended on this Bank, did oftentimes go to see it, not regarding the Cannon shot which the Rochelois continu­ally made: He spared no money for the encouragement of the work-men, and he obliged them by the charms of his words, which carry men on to whatever he plea­seth. It was so advanced in two moneths time, that the Rochelois who had hoped that it would onely serve for a laughing-stock to the Ocean, could now onely at se­veral times passe four or five small Vessels over it. However, it was a vast work such as passed beleef, neither was it finished, till 7 or 8 moneths were ended. Be­sides this, the passages in the middle, for the ebbing of the Sea, was to be stopped up, to hinder the going in or out of any Vessels. Three great Fences were found out, such as could not be bettered. The first was a Range of about 40 Vessels fil­led with Stones and sunk to the bottome. The second was a kind of Pallisado made about as many floating Vessels linked together with Chains and Cables, which were guarded by a whole Regiment. The third was of great stakes, fastned in the bot­tome of the Sea, made Taper waies which for that reason were called Chandelie [...]s. Thus was the Passage quite blocked up, and there was no other way for the Roche­lo, to be relieved by Sea, unlesse the English whose assistance they implored should send them a puissant Fleet, which might break through all these obstacles.

Politique Observation.

IT of so great importance to hinder the comming in of Provision to besieged Towns that that being once secured the taking of them cannot be avoided, & they who have forced them by famine, have by the Ancients been more honoured then those who have taken them by the sword, because they are lest subject to hazards, and their Souldiers lives not in danger. A thing very considerable. In long sieges the onely thing intended, is by necessity to force the besieged to open their Gates; the truth is, most commonly this is a work of time, and consequently of great expence; but on the other side, it saves a great many Souldiers lives, which is a recompence great enough. It was one of Caesars advices, in forcing of Towns rather to do it by Famine then the Sword, as the Physitian saveth his Patients more by abstinence then forcible Medicines. The truth is, I imagine this to be the better and safer way, in regard necessity is such a thing, as nothing whatever can resist. Now as it is a way very advantagious, so is not lesse difficult, especially in Sea Towns, here­tofore esteemed impregnable because of the incertainty of the Sea, and weather, which seldome lets a Fleet lie long in safety, to prevent relief, as also by reason of its violence, which commonly laughs at all those inventions contrived to stop up a Port or Haven: Though this latter opinion, is at present but weak and frivolous, seeing men have by industry found out several means to overcome all manner of ob­stacles of this nature. Alexander the Great besieged the City of Tyre, stopped up the Channel by a Bank, took away all hopes of relief, and at last forced them to surrender to his mercy, after they had refused to deliver up upon fair and honou­rable terms. Caesar did the like before Duras; as also St. Lewis upon the R [...]s be­ing a Branch of the River Nile, the Prince of Parma at Antwerp, and Spinola at Ostend, all which by some invention or other found means to hinder any shipping to come neer the places which they besieged. But amongst all, none is like a Bank, because in Tempests the Sea doth usually spoil and break all their Engins, of Masts, Cables, Timber, or the like. Neither are Chains to be trusted in such occasions, for that small Vessels may passe over them, as C [...]eus Duellius the Roman Consul did, who being blocked up in the Court of Syracusa, caused all his men and lug­gage to be removed into the Stern of his Galley, and his Oarmen rowing with all their strength passed them half over, and then removing all his goods and men into the Prow, they rowed over the other half and so got clear away, the like did the Spanish Forces at Marcellia, when they found their enterprise was dis­covered.

The Sieur de Macheville, is sent to the Electors of Baviers and Tre­ves, to dispose them towards the settlement of a Peace in the Empire.

THose great cares which the Cardinal was necessitated to undergo, both in op­position of the English Forces, and in the reducing of Rochel, did not prevent him from providing for the Interests of those German Princes, who were Allies to the Crown of France. His great Soul (like universal causes) produced a tho [...]sand several effects, at the same time, nor could the m [...]nagement of any one important affair, divert him from being circumspect in several others. He advised his Maje­sty to dispatch the Sieur de Macheville, towards the Electors of Baviers and Tre­ves for the negotiating divers affairs, particularly to induce them to settle Peace in the Empire. His Majesty had learned that the Emperour had designed to have his Son King of Hungary elected King of the Romans: That the Electors did much desire his Majest [...] would invite the P [...]ince Palatine to retire himself into France; That the Elector of Treves was well inclined to league himself with the French In­terests, and th [...]t divers P [...]inces of the Catholick League, did wish his Majesty would imploy himself to negotiate either a Peace, or a Cessation of Arms in Germany. [Page 197]Upon these four points it was, that he gave the Sieur de Macheville instructions to treat with them. As to the first, he was forbidden to thwart the Emperours de­sign. His Majesty not thinking it fit to declare himself against the Emperour, to the end he might have more power and freedome towards the setling of his own affairs. But he was commanded to flatter the Duke of Bavian upon that accompt and dexterously to humour him, in his imaginary hopes of the Empire, by repre­senting to him, as likewise unto the rest of the Electors, That it would very much concern them to promote some subject of lesse greatness then those of the House of Austria unto that dignity, by which means the head of the Empire having a nearer equality and correspondency with the rest of the Members, their union would bee the stronger, and their conditions the more secure. And in case he should find the Electors averse from that Proposal, he was then commanded quaintly to hint unto them, but not too openly; that the Emperour not being troubled by Age, or Sicknesse, it would not be amisse to defer their Election of the Roman King unto some other time, seeing by this delay they would render themselves the more con­siderable towards the Princes of Germany, and the Emperour himself who would be the more carefull to preserve their friendship, it being so conducing to his design; whereas having attained his ends, and finding himself in a condition of being no more beholding to them, neither for himself or his, it was to be feared least hee should indeavour to extend the limits of his Ambition to their prejudice. This was he expresly charged not openly to declare, because the King thought it more pro­per, to insinnuate into the minds of those Princes, the resolution of excluding the King of Hungary from the Empire, or at least to defer his Election, rather then to discover himself. However he was commanded to advise them, in case they were peremptorily resolved to chuse him, that it would concern them to take advantage of this affair, in which the Emperour was necessited to make use of them, that they might draw him to condiscend unto such conditions as might settle a firm Peace in the Empire, which it would concern them to do before the Election, least he might be the more averse to peace, when he should find the Empire once assured upon his Son.

As to the second particular, which relateth unto the Palatins retreat unto this Kingdome, he was commanded to tell those Princes, that his Majesty, could not assent unto it, whatever proposals they made, of entertaining him at their Costs and Charges; His reasons were these, That it was not beseeming the Dignity of a King to capiticlate concerning the Pension of any Prince, unto whom his Majesty pretended to be a refuge; and likewise that there was no reason, why he should draw upon himself so great a Charge, not being necessitated thereunto; and in case they should offer to pay all his Pension without any treaty, he was then com­manded freely to reply unto them, that their Promises did not at all make sure the Pension, and if it should chance not to be paid his Majesty could not then avoid the entertaining both of him, and his whole family. Besides if the young Prince should come into France, his Majesty was in Honour bound, never to consent unto the Peace of Germany until he were restored unto his States, and that he could not give him a Retreat, without promising to protect him, which he knew would not sort with their Interests. That which concerned the Elector of Treves was not so diffi­cult, seeing there wanted nothing but the assuring him of his Majesties affection and good Will. He went accompanied with that which gave him a very particular satisfaction; but the secret management of it, being of great consequence that he might serve his Majesty without suspition, the knowledg of this hath not been disco­vered unto any one but themselves. As to the fourth and last which concerneth the Peace, at least a Cessation of Arms, it was in relation to the enterprizes of the King of Denmark, and the Princes of the Lower Saxony, which had but ill successe; so that he had Order to negotiate it the more effectually, not onely because his Ma­jesty was desirous to give a period unto those calamities, which had brought Ger­many into so miserable a condition, but also for the Interests of this Crown, which being concern'd with those Christian Princes who are not tied to the House of Au­stria, [Page 198]oblige him to hinder the Emperours becomming absolute unto which the war seemed to contribute, by weakning the Princes Electors, and ruining the Protestants. This was the more considerable, in regard his Majesty, was not then in a Capacity to redresse their aggrievances by force of Arms; he was likewise com­manded to procure an Electoral Diet where the Electours comming to treat toge­ther, would doubtlesse resolve and conclude a Peace; whereas if they should ma­nage their affairs by their Doctors, who for the most part were Pensioners to the House of Austria, there could be but slender hopes of a good successe. His In­structions Charged him, to acquaint them, that he was commanded to negotiate the cessation of Arms, both with the Emperour, the King of Denmark, and them­selves, and that he should effectually endeavour to accomplish it, provided that they would, ingage unto his Majesty, by Instruments drawn up in form, that they would, after the King of Denmark should assent unto it, procure the Emperour to do the like, and that themselves would do the same on their parts, and lastly that they would call an Electoral Diet, where the Peace should be ratified as also a con­firmation of their Alliance with France.

These were the Chief Points of the Sieur de Macheville Instructions; in which he bestirred himself with such diligence, that he prevailed upon the Princes Ele­ctors (without discovering his Majesties Intentions) to defer the Election of the Roman King, That he perswaded them to think it improper for the Prince Ele­ctor to retier into France; That he tied the Prince Elector of Treves unto his Majesties Interests, by Chains of Gold, and that he at last procured them to meet at Mulhausen. He himself came thither, and represented to them, those great miseries which the war had brought upon Germany, in such effectual language, that they became more inclined to Peace, then formerly they had been. And the year fol­lowing the Peace was accordingly concluded, which the House of Austria would have found means to prevent, had not France interposed in the business.

Politique Observation.

IT is a piece of great Prudence in a Prince to procure a Peace for his Allyes, when the war is not favourable to them. It cannot be doubted but that his endeavours will redound to his Honour and Glory, seeing it is no small reputa­tion to become an Arbitrator between Soveraigns, for God himself, who overuleth the whole World hath styled himself, The God of Peace. But besides this consi­deration, those Princes who have gone by the worst in a war, are mutually bound to assist him, in his occasions, he having preserved them from destruction, withal the quality of Allie doth oblige him to become a Mediator for them, it being a means proper to preserve their Union, and an Act necessary for their conservation. The Laws of Charity which command all Christians to lend a helping hand unto one another in dangers and necessities, do more especially injoyn it unto Princes seeing their downfals cannot but carry greater consequences with them, and that after many frowns of war, their ruin cannot be avoided. When once they are reduced to extremity, it is no longer seasonable then to treat of a Peace; for victory pufs up their Enemy whose insolency will hardly give way, to loose the ad­vantages he hath gotten; and if he should be drawn to lay down his Arms, it must be upon hard and shameful termes. It is easie to conceive, how dangerous it is, long to expose them unto the uncertainties of war, seeing that Prince: who once looses either part of his reputation or forces, doth for the most part undergo duly crosses, and seems to have been made the laughing stock of Fortune. It was not without great reason, that Scipio said unto Antiochus, The Majesty of a King is not so easily reduced from the height of their power, to a more indifferent degree, as it is precipitated from an indifferent degree, unto the lowest ebb of Fortune. Hereupon it was that Hannibal desired Peace of Scipio, the African before the last battail which he fought, in which he was overcome; and that he Etolians were blamed for not accepting of it, when offered unto them, by the Romans, after [Page 199]they had been often worsted by them. I might hereunto add, that a King who in such occasions procureth a Peace, for this Allyes, doth not a little serve his own Interests, for that a Kings Power consisteth as much in the force of his Allyes, as in that of his own subjects. There is so strict an Union between the States of Allyes, that no one of them can receive any considerable losse, but the effects of it will soon appear in all the rest. The Power of Allyes is like the strength of the Fron­tiers to a Kingdome, and as an Enemy, having once gotten the suburbs and out Quarters, hath a notable advantage against the Town, it self, so the Allyes of a King can neither be weakned nor ruined, but himself is in danger of being assaulted in his own Dominions, and is rendred the lesse able to make resistance in regard his Allyes are not in a condition to relieve him. It was for this cause that Thucydides said, he who dis-respecteth his dangers of his Allyes, is carelesse of his own safety, and I conceive, that a Prince who sees his Allyes groaning under the hand of War, is equally bound to assist them, by mediating a Peace for them, least his ruin follow theirs as every man seeing his Neighbours house on fire, is obliged to use his utmost endeavour to extinguish it, least his own house come into the like danger.

The Marquis de Saint Chaumont sent to Vincent, the Duke of Mantoua in quality of an Ambassodour Extraordinary.

AT the same time that the Sieur de Marcheville went into Germany, His Ma­jesty who thought himself equally concern'd in the Interests of his Allyes, as the Affairs of his own State, sent the Marquis de Saint Chaumont Extraordinary Ambassadour to the Duke of Mantoua. The Duke had by letters express given his Majesty notice of his Brother Ferdinand's death, and also begged his assistance to second by his name and officers as Rome, the suit which he made there, for disso­lution of the marriage, which he had lately contracted with the Princess de Bossolo, who though she had charms enough to perswade him to marry her, yet was too old to bear Children. The King could have answered him by letters, but it being necessary to look after Monsieur de Neuers his Interests, who only hoped for his Majesties assistance, he thought it more proper to send an Extraordinary Ambassa­dor thither. The Marquis de Saint Chaumont was chosen for this employment, and commanded to signifie to the Duke how sensibly displeased his Majesty was at the late Dukes death, but of the Joy he had in this accident, to find the succession de­volved upon him, whom he esteemed a Prince endued with all excellent Qualities, and from whom he might receive the same respects, both as to his person and the Publique good as he had heretofore from his Predecessor. He had order to proffer unto him, his Friendships and Royal assistance, of his Credit, Name, and Authority, assuring him that he should find the effects of it, not only at Rome and in his Affairs depending there, but also, in all other things, when-ever occassion should be: next of all he was to inform him, of the design which the Spaniards had, to marry him, after dissolution of his late contract, to one of the Emperours Daugh­ters, and then dexterously to observe to him, that the States of Mantoua and Montferrat, being very considerable in Italy, for their scituations and fertility, as also the strong hold wherewith they are defended, were continually watched after by the Duke of Savoy and Governour of Milan, that they might take some advan­tage over them, and that he not being able to defend himself against them, but by the Union and Correspondencie which he held with France, and the Princes of Ita­ly, was obliged so to carry himself, as neither of them might be jealous of him: Moreover that his Enemies who well knew all these things, would pick out all occasions whatever to make a Breach between him and his friends, by carrying him to such Actions as might provoke them against him; but in case he should so change, that instead of the Free and absolute Soveraignty in which God had now settled him, he would find himself reduced, to a perfect dependance on the Spaniards, who would expose him to the scorn of others, and cause him to loose his reputa­tion [Page 200]of friendship and fidelity: that all things considered he could not do better, then to remain Neuter, to hold an equal correspondency with the house of France, Austria, and the Princes of Italy, without doing any thing which might incense ei­ther one or t'other; but perceiving an intire affection for France, as for him who desired his good, prosperity, and settlement, and from whence he might be sure of receiving all assistance and protection without any prejudice in the least. But above all, the Marquesse was commanded to lay the foundation of the Princess Maria's marriage Neece to Duke Vincent, with the Duke de Rethelois, and to dispose the Duke to declare him successor to his States after the death of Monsieur de Nevers his Fa­ther. However he himself was inclined to marry her, could he but have procured the dispensation of his first contract at Rome. He had instructions likewise to tell him, how much his so doing would settle his affairs, and authority, against his neighbours designs, who peradventure if his succession were not declared, would be the bolder to attempt upon him, and not unlikely on his person too. These were the chief points of the Marquesse his Commission, upon his comming to Mantua; he was resolved with all kind of honour, usually shewed to an extraordinary Am­bassadour of France. After he had entertained the Duke upon those particulars contained in his Instructions, the Duke testified to him a great acknowledgement of the honour which the King did him; telling him withall, that he received it with the greater respect; in regard he was French both by inclination and Obligation. He discovered to him the great desire he had for the dissolution of his marriage, that he might afterwards wed, not one of the Emperours daughters as was suppo­sed, but the Princesse Maria his Neece, whom he passionately loved, and from whom he had great hopes of having a Son who might succeed after him. As to that which concerned the Prince de Rethelois, he ever spoke of him with great res­pect, as a Prince whom he loved and esteemed, and whom he looked on as his suc­cessor, in case he died without issue. The Marquess de Saint Chaumont, thought it improper to propose to him, when he found him so inclined, the marrying of the Princesse Maria to the Duke de Rethelois, it being an unseasonable motion to one who earnestly desired her for himself: But talking in private with the Marquesse de Strigio, chief Minister of Mantoua, he discovered it to him, and ingaged him to contribute his assistance to it, in case a dissolution of his present contract could not be obtained, as the onely and principal means to preserve his Masters Life, giving him withal to observe that this once done, the house of Austria, and Duke of Sax­ony must of necessity cease their pretensions, which whilest the Duke was without a Successor were too many, any longer to be permitted. He pressed him too the more earnestly, in regard, the Marquesse de Strigio told him, how that the Physi­tians had assured that Duke Vincent could not long subsist, his body being sickly. The Marquess de Strigio was sensible of the importance of that particular, and faith­fully promised to use his utmost diligence and power to effect [...]. As to the neutrality which the Duke was obliged by interest to observe between the two Crowns, the Duke would oftentimes tell the Marquesse that his heart was French, that he was totally disposed to pay all respects and services to his Majesty which could be expected from him; and that by the natural inclination he had for France to be gratefull in acknowledging the protection which his Majesty had given his late Brother Ferdinand; and he added that his Majesty should never have any cause to be offended with him. The Marquesse having thus dispatched the greatest part of his affair, took his leave of the Duke, to return to his Majesty, and to give him an accompt of what he had done.

Politique Observation.

A King is no lesse obliged to he carefull of his Subjects Rights among strangers then of the particular affairs of his own Kingdome. He is to his Subjects as the head is to the rest of the members, which ought to provide for their conserva­tion, Kings are bound to maintain their rights who are under their protection ei­ther [Page 201]by fair means or foul. This made Theopompus, answer one who demanded of him, how a King might raign in safety. That he ought to fear nothing, but per­mit all reasonable things to his friends, and be carefull of his own Subjects, that they received no injury from any one. Divers Princes have been ruined by their tolera­tion of injuries against those who have depended on them. We have a remarkable example hereof, in that of Philip of Macedon who was killed by Pausarias, for having been deaf in his behalf, in not defending a wrong which had been done un­to him. Nothing is indeed more glorious to Kings, then the observation of this thing. It is an action resembling the divinity, to protect the weak against the mighty, and to defend them from oppression. Great Monarchs are not in any thing more considerable them little Princes, but onely in the Power of Arms which they have to defend and protect the execution of Justice: Besides they have by so doing a great and notable advantage to themselves, in abating the insolent and am­bitious pretensions of those who would usurp their Subjects rights, and become ter­rible to their neighbours by their too great power. If this rule be worth conside­ration in general, it is much more to be observed in respect of the rights which may befall his Majesties Subjects in Italy, where it is absolutely necessary to prevent the increasing greatnesse of the house of Austria. They have already become Masters of the greatest part of Germany, and there is not any more certain way to ballance their growing power. then by Alliances with the Princes of Italy, by finding out some means to set foot in their Country, be it either by gaining some of their States, as divers of our late Kings have attempted, or by establishing such French in them, as want not pretences to them, and which might be able to let in the Arms of France, when the Princes of Italy should have occasion to make use of them, and there is no doubt, but the Princes of Italy would be very glad to see the Arms of our Kings in their Country, opposing those of the Spaniard whom they hate because they fear. To speak the truth, it is an action which doth beget, both glory and af­fection in those who shall succeed; the honour which is to be atchieved in so doing will shine thorough all parts, and render them venerable amongst all stran­gers.

The Marriage of the Prince de Rethelois, with the Princess Maria, the Inheritrix of Mantua.

UPon the news which his Majesty recived by the Marquesse de St. Chaumont; that there was little hopes of Duke Vincents long life, he concluded it to be very necessary that he should use his utmost indeavours to make up the Match, be­tween the Prince de Rethelois, and the Princesse Maria, as also to procure that he might be declared the Successor to the States of Mantua and Montferrat, after the decease of his Father the Duke de Nevers. The Cardinal by his Councels, second­ed his Majesties judgement, and that with the more eagernesse, in regard the Duke of Savoy, and Governour of Milan, did both begin to declare their pretences. This made his Majesty resolve upon sending away the Marquesse de Saint Chaumont into Italy. The Instruction which he received was onely of two particulars, in which he was to bestir himself: The first was in his Majesties name to make an end of those differences between the Duke of Savoy and Mantua; to which end, he was to passe by Turin, to dispose Duke Ferdinand to the making of some other overtures for their accommodation, and then to propose them to the Duke of Man­tua, to see if any conclusion could be had; withal, to let them both know, that a good correspondence were not amisse for the good of their States; in regard their enemies by their divisions, would be furnished with opportunities to make attempts upon them: The second was to labour very earnestly with the Duke of Mantua, for the concluding of the Match between his Neece, and the Prince de Rethelois, and that he might be declared successor to his States, after the decease of his Father the Duke of Nevers. At that present it was the easier to be effected, in regard the [Page 202]Pope had solemnly protested he would never grant a dispensation of his first mar­riage. He was also commanded to shew unto him, that as this marriage was of great advantage and benefit to the Duke of Nevers, and Rethelois whom he loved, by assuring them of the succession, so it was not lesse necessary to defend and secure himself from the attempts which the Spaniard, and Duke of Savoy might make upon his life and State, for that they did already begin to discover their intentions against him. He was farther Commanded, That if Duke Vincent should chance to die, whilst he was near him, then to animate in his Majesty name the Chief leading men of the States of Montua and Montferrat by all arguments of reason and perswasi­on, to preserve the liberties of their Country, to keep the faith obedience which they did owe unto Monsieur de Nevers, as their Lawful Prince, and to de­clare him for successour to Duke Vincent, according to the usual Forms of those Countries; and lastly to assure them, that his Majesty would protect them against any Forces that should molest or trouble them, that himself would invite the Pope and all other Princes of Italy to joyne with them in defence of their liberties. These were the Chief Instructions in the Marquis his Commission.

In order to them, he went to the Duke of Savoy to perswade him to some agree­ment with Mounsieur de Mantua. He told him how the report went of his being in league with the Spaniards, for the deviding of Montferrat, But the Duke seemed to be angry at it, and wondred that after the having done such good Offices to his Majesty be should imagine such a thing of them. Yet he did not disown his appre­hensions of the advantage which he might now take during Duke Vincents sickness, to regain that which did belong to him in Montferrat, adding withal, that it would be much more for his Majesties Interest, if it were is his hands rather then the Spaniards, and that at last in case he were joyned with the Spaniards, yet it was no more then his Majesty himself had done, seeing they sent him a Fleet to Rochel; But the Marquis that he might lay the foundation of an agreement, proposed to him, to renew the Treaty which had been between the late Duke Ferdinand and himself, as to that which was in dispute between them, in Montferrat: all the answer he could get was this, he demanded fifteen thousand Crowns rent, for his pretentions there, and twenty thousand for the Damages he had sustained for want of executi­on of his promises made of marrying his little Daughter with the Cardinal his Son: By these his unreasonable demands he evidenced that he only sought an occasion to justifie his breach with him; and the Marquis finding after divers other confe­rences had with him, that there was no good to be done, made no longer stay there, but went to Mantua, he came thither so opportunely, as if Fortune had lead him by the hand, for within five dayes after his arrival there, the Duke dyed. He found that the Marquis de Strigio had disposed the Duke, with a great deal of addresse to all that could be desired, That he had stirred him up, on the designs which his Enemies might set on foot both against his life and State, to declare by his Letters Patents, the Duke de Nevers his only and Lawful successour, in all his States, and the Duke de Rethelois his Livetenant General, ordering him to marry his Niece the Princesse Marie before his decease, and to cause the Governours of all strong places faithfully to keep them for the Duke de Nevers. There wanted indeed a dispense for the marriage, but the Duke sent in all hast to demand it of his Holy­ness; When the Marquis de Chaumont came thither. It was not as yet arrived, but hourly expected, and though it was not brought but only a very few minuts before his death, yet the Marquis of Strigio who knew how necessary it was for the State of affairs, told the Prince de Rethelois and the Princess Maria, that they must forthwith marry, or else be assured never to enjoy the States of Mantua. It was a bu­siness of so great importance, that it would admit of no longer consultation, so that it was concluded, and married they were about nine in the night, on Christmasse Eve; the marriage was consummated, and not long after the news of Duke Vin­cents death was brought unto them. This accident was of very great concern to the Duke de Nevers. Who without it, might perchance never have enjoyned the Dukedom of Mantua. At that present he was in France, but hearing of it, he [Page 203]took post and about the end of January came to Mantua, where finding all things according to his own desire, he took proffession of the State, and the Marquis de Chaumont return'd back to France. He passed by Thurin, and used new endea­vours to perswade the Duke of Savoy to an accommodation, but it would not be: yet he served the King in this occasion, by withdrawing divers of the Nobility of Dauphine, from the Duke of Savoy's Army, who had ingaged themselves with him, not knowing his design was upon Montferrat which the Duke hearing of, was much offended, and told him, it would not be safe for him to stay any longer in Turin.

Politique Observation.

THat Prudence, which obligeth all Soveraigns to provide against such accidents as may trouble the present State of their affairs, doth equaly direct them to make sure of such remedies as may prevent the future disturbance of their Peace and quiety which cannot safely be effected, without the assurance of an Hair to succeed. Augustus affordeth us a memorable example in this particular, who governing an Empire not Hereditary, would however, joyn with himself some one of his nearest kindred, in the conduct of affairs, to the end that ingratiating himself with the Sena­tors, Souldiers and people, he might by that means seem to deserve the Soveraignity. For this reason it was, according as Tacitus hath well observed, that he finding himself destitute of Sons, and that Fortune had taken from him, first Marcus Agrippa, and afterwards Cajus and Lucius his Nephews, advanced Tiberus, who though he had a Son then grown up, he caused to adopt Germanicus, to the suc­cession of the Empie, and this he did as the Historian observes that the Crown might be assured upon divers supports. By this means he cut off the Senators hopes of reforming the State into a Republique, and from his Enemies the means of aspiring to the Crowns.

Adrian in the like manner, seeing he had not any Sons, which exposed him to the fury of some ambitious mind or other, who for the Empires sake might be perswaded to attempt upon his Person, adopted Antoninus and also required that Antoninus should in the like manner, he having no Sons neither nominate two more successours, as Dion hath observed in his life; and all this was, with intent, that they who were to succeed in the Empire, might be alwayes ready to receive it, and to prevent his Enemies from attempting against his person in hopes to obtain it for themselves.

To how many misfortunes have they, who have been defective in this Care, ex­posed their Countries? Jane the second, Queen of Napels dying, without nomi­nating her successour, d' An [...]ou, whom she had once named, being deceased before her, left her Kingdome cruelly torn in pieces by War, and him whom she least of all desired, to inherit after her. It is very rarely seen, that a Kingdome changeth its Family, without great wars, and that Prince, whom God hath not blessed with Children will find many attempts made upon his person; whence it follows, that he who would secure his Life and State from misfortunes, ought betimes to appoint his successour, to keep him near to him, with Honour, to instruct him in all affairs but not to admit him unto the partaking of the Soveraignity, for that were to cure one evil by a greater, seeing the ambition which usually attendeth young Princes, might perchance ingage him in some ill design, to be master of it, before his time.

Cabals of the Duke de Rohan in Languedoc, and the Succours wrought by means of the Duke de Soubize his brother in England for the Rochelois.

THE Duke de Rohan was by his brother assured of the English assistance; and long before their landing in Ree, he did nothing but contrive Cabals in Langue­doc, [Page 204]that he might place Consuls for his own turn in the Hugonot Towns, and engage considerable persons in his private interests. Presently after their landing, he openly declared himself, strengthned his party with Men, perswaded some places to rise, and sollicited others to do the like. He gave them great hopes of high and mighty advantages by the inundation of strangers and he provoked them the more by insinuating into them the ruin of their Religion and divers other imaginary evils. That he m [...]ht the better strik these Panick fears into them, he sent them a Manifest, filled with all those specious apparencies mentioned in the beginning of this year; But may it not be said, that he imitated those Pirates, who seeming to instruct the course which Ships ought to keep in the Sea, set up Lanthorns upon the tops of Rocks to draw Pirates thither and so to wrack them? For thus did he lay before the sight of them, who were sufficiently enclined to [...]action, diverse seemingly fair reasons of the preservation of their party and Religion; by which means he drew them into that revolt and engaged them in those misfortunes, which have since been the cause of the ruining of their Towns and of levelling their Wals and fortifications with the ground. Now that he might the more strictly bind the Hugonot towns to his designs, he [...]ound means to make an assembly in the Vi [...]e d'Ʋsez, where diverse of their Deputies met together, and as he had no lesse eloquence then courage, he perswaded them to whatever he had a mind to. They approved of those succours, which he had negotiated in England, as just and necessary, they commended his prudence and zeal; and gave him a thousand thanks for it: But this was not all; They assured him not to enter into any Treaty of Peace with his Majesty, without the King of Englands consent, and his own in particular. Hereupon they deputed some of the most seditious of their faction to go to the Towns of Languedoc and Guyenn [...]; withal they writ to those of Dauphine and Vivarez to encourage them to unite with them, for the good of the cause: They drew up a form of oath to be sworn by the Consuls, the Governours of Towns, Lords and Gentlemen who would engage with them. An union very strange, which divided the members from the head, and so separated subjects from their Prince. After the Duke of Rohan had used all his devises, and seen the En­glish Land at Ree, he took up arms and appeared in the field. He summoned the Duke of Savoy to send those Forces, which he had promised, but he could not ob­tain them, because the Spaniards, who never wanted a good will to fall upon him, had at that time an Army in Milan, as we shall here after declare, which made him jealous: besides desiring to attend the English successe, he saw them ruined in their designs at Ree; All that he could draw from him, was a promise of fifty thousand Crowns. Those Towns; which delivered up to him, were Nismes, Ʋsez, St. Ambrose, Alets, Anduse, Le Vignan, St. Hippolite, St. J [...]an de Granda­m [...]nque, Samens, La Salle, and other smaler places; and joyning the devises of his prudence with those Forces, which they had drawn together, he took during his year Realmont, Renel, Naves, Mazeres, Pamiers, Castres, Soyon, and other Towns upon the Rhofere and in Vivarez, and more he had done, had not the Car­dinal by his care under the Kings authority prevented him. It cannot be imagined with how much care and trouble, he kept those together, who were engaged in his party; how low he was fain to stoop to work upon the meaner sort of people; how many impertinencies he was forced to bear; how many inconsiderate discourses he was necessitated to hear, and yet seem not to understand them, and to how much constraint he was compelled to subject himself. He hath since protested to diverse of his friends, ingeniously confessing to them, that there is no care like that of re­tayning a mutinous people in that order, which is necessary for him to make them follow, who would raise any advantage to himself by their revolt.

Politick Observation.

HE who makes himself head of a Rebellious party, ingaged himself into an Action full of hazzard, and from which he cannot expect either good suc­cesse [Page 205]or honour. Whatever advantages or victories he get, yet he is still branded with the Title of Rebellious. But though we wave this last consideration, and I am of opinion, that every one will conclude with me, no man would imbarque himself, into such dangers, did he forsee what cares vexations, and troubles, he un­dertaketh. If there be any person of quality of his party, he must court him with all kind of respects, for in Revolts, every one would be Master & Command. They who are of an inferior condition do often carry themselves to extremities, as thinking themselves the most necessary, in the vanities of their Inconstancies. He may be assured, that as they are tyed to him, only by Interest, so they will forsake him, when they once perceive it best to adhear unto their Kings mercy. It is indeed a difficulty to believe, how low he must stoop, and what mean Acts he must do to keep them together. Rebellions withal, being for the most part amongst the vulgar sort of people, it is impossible to imagine how many dangers and hazards he will be forced to run with them. He who in war depends on the Common people, builds upon sand. They are hardly eight dayes together in the same opinion. Their fury is like that of Sea, they are only guided by the Inconstancy of the winds. The least disaster is enough to turn them quit about; and they are so fickle, that they presently slight him, whose Fortune is but a little averse: They ascribe all their good successe to themselves, and their bad to their General. They are ever suspi­tious of those who love them, and when ever the disorders which are inseperable from war, chance to trample on them, they can as soon fall back, as they came on; The least injurie which they apprehend though really it be not any, is enough to lead them to other resolutions. Neither will they in their Passion stick to sacrifice him to their rage, whom not long before they had chosen to govern and direct them. The History of Flanders hath an example of this very kind, in the person of James d' Arteville every one knows the power he had in Gant, and how well the people there loved him, yet for all that, a little jealousie which they apprehended of his fidelity, precipitated them to kill him, neither would they hear his reasons to satisfie them, of the contrarie. The Admiral de Chastillon, one of the bravest men of his Age after he had experimented the misfortunes of this quality, was glad and thought himself happy, in that he could withdraw himself; he had much ra­ther expose himself to all the hazards of Fortune, then put himself upon the mercy of an unbridled people, who like a Proteus, change every moment, and who speak bigg words, when they are far enough out of danger; but sneak in their Hornes, when they find their Master once comming near them, with his Sword in his hand.

The Deputation of the Sieur Galland, Privie Counsellor to his Majesty towards these Hugonot Towns which the Duke of Rohan had attempted to revolt, that he might confirm them in their obedience.

THe Cardinal, whose Vigilance was such, that nothing passed in the King­dome, which he was not acquainted with, having discovered these designs of Monsieur de Rohan, represented to his Majesty how necessary it would be to take some good Course to prevent his future attempts, either by opposing his progress with Forces, or by confirming those Towns in their obedience, which he had solli­cited to revolt. As to the first, It was needful to form the body of an Army, which should be in those parts; and for the second, it was requisity to dispatch thither some person of ability and credit with those of the Hogonot party. The King soon apprehended how expedient this advise was, so he made choise of the Sieur Galland, one of his Counsellours of State who was qualified for that employment, besides he was one of their own Religion, which gave his Majesty reason to hope, they would be directed by him. His Commission was dispatched, with all necessary Instructi­ons, for his Journy into Languedoc, Foix, Lauvaguez, Vivarets & de levennes, that he might hinder the Duke of Rohans contrivances of raising the Hugonot Towns up [Page 206]in Arms; This was a great Honour, unto this old Servant of the King, having re­ceived his Commission, he presently set forward, and went directly unto Montau­ban, the Chief Town of their party, next unto Rochel and by which most of the other Towns would be guided. Upon his first arrival, he called the Inhabitants to­gether; he acquainted them with his Majesty pleasure; gave them his letter of Credence, writ by his Majesty unto them, and began to confirm them in their obe­dience. He layed before them in a speech, (wherein he ommitted not the least par­ticle, that might move, and perswade them to what he desired) the duty of sub­jects towards their Prince; The miseries and Calamities, which they had suffered, whilst they fell off from their obedience; he represented to them the disasters which would infalliby fall upon them, if they should suffer themselves to be led away, by some who endeavoured it; he informed them, of the small reason or hopes they had to believe the Duke of Rohan's promises, or the assistance of the English Fleet, which could not hinder the relieving of the Ile of Ree; his words thus animated, what with his address, and the confidence which they bad in him, so wrought on them, that they subscribed a Declaration which they delivered to him, in which they protested to live and dye, in that Loyalty, which they owed unto his Majesty. This was as much as could be wished; for all the other Towns great and small, un­ingaged in the Rebellion, did the like, and his Prudence was so succesful, that the Towns of Briateste, Castres, Pamiers, Puyl [...]urens, Mazares, Sainct Amand, Cabarede, Maz [...]res, Masdazil, [...]alat and many others made the like Declarations under their hands and seals. But the misfortune was, that having left divers mu­tinous and factious Spirit, of [...]onsieur de Rohans Party in Castres, Pamiers and some others of those Towns, before named, they did not remain firm to the Re­solutions he had insinuated to them, by which means the Duke of Rohan, soon after became Master of them.

Politique Observation.

IN Publique exhortations, Prudence is many times as effectual, as Force. But for the safty of Towns, the Inhabitants ought to be prevented, their Arms taken away, and the most Factious amongst them, turned out from them. To prevent them, is of great consequence they being like the Camileon, which taketh any colour, that is laid before it. Sometimes a very little matter will settle them, if applied in time, and before Faction hath got any great power in their minds. One man well prepared and esteemed by them may easily stop their violent proceedings by laying the miseries which follow war before them; by acquainting them with their own weaknesses, and by assuring them of enjoying their goods in Liberty and Peace. A mutinous people may at first be wrought upon by their own Interests, the Rule by which they Judg of all things. For they naturally think well of nothing but what pleaseth them, and reject that for evil which putteth them to any pains or trouble. To believe their promises and not disarm them were a madness; seeing they never hold long in the same humour; the least shew of liberty charmeth them: They are alwayes Enemies of the present State of Affairs: Lovers of Novel­ties; moved with any winds nay those of their own raising: They do more affectio­nately embrance those things which are prohibited, then those which are permitted them: Great friends they are to innovations: Infidellity is a Quality which they eat and drink, not to be seperated from them: insomuch that to leave them armed, when a revolt is mistrusted were to permit a Sword in a mad mans hand. The ap­prehending and securing of seditious persons, is the next thing considerable, which ought especially to be done. A discreet Phisician, doth make it his first work to draw out all the ill humours from his Patients body, which serve to nourish his Fever: and the first thing which a Minister is bound to observe, in a place where Rebellion is like to break out, is to withdraw all such discontented, mutinous and Factious persons as are any way likely to carry the people to revolt.

That rigor which is used to such persons ought to be esteemed as a Commenda­ble [Page 207]Pitty. If they should complain of their condition, it is much better, to suffer the Insolencies of their words in a place, where they cannot do any hurt, then to run the hazard of their mutinous Actions in a City which they may probably cause to revolt.

The King unable to stop the Duke of Rohan's proceedings by fair means, maketh use of force.

THe way which his Majesty used to hinder the proceedings of Monsieur de Rohan, was very advantagious, but it did not totally to the businesse. The King fin­ding it, commanded an Army to be raised, and committed the Conduct of it to the Prince of Conde, sending him a Commission of Lieutenant General of his Forces, in Languedoc, Dauphine, Guienne, and Lyonnois. He had upon the first rumour of those revolts there, expedited certain Regiments thither; but finding there would be need of a greater power, to stifle the Rebellion in its Cradle; he dispatch­ed this Commission to the Prince of Conde, with order to raise new Levies, and to take the Field with the first. He presently hereupon came to Lyon, but upon bet­ter consideration, it was found proper to divide the Army into two parts, because there were several places to be looked after, and far distant from one another, so the Prince of Conde had the better half, the t'other being committed to the Duke de Montmorency's care, then Governour of Languedoc. Monsieur the Prince, mar­ched out of Lyon about the beginning of December, [...]nded by the Marquesse de Bourg and de Ragny, Marshals of the Camp, the M [...]quesse de Nangis, Comte de Tournon, Comte de Charlus, Vicomte de l' Estrange, Montreal, and divers other Gentlemen Voluntiers. He had two Troops of Carabins, and near about two thousand foot, with these he lay before Soyon, a strong place upon the Rhone, which did very much trouble the passage of the River; he assaulted it, and in two dayes forced them to deliver.

There was likewise another little Town not far off Saint Aubin, which did much infest those parts, the Prince surrounded it, took it by storm, and put all the Soul­diers in it to the Sword. From thence he went to Aiguemortes to confer with the Duke de Montmorancy who was then there; and having sent for ten Companies of the Regiment of Normandy, he commanded them to march against some certain places, which the Duke of Rohan by reason of their importance had resolved to de­fend; but the very fear which the Inhabitants and Souldiers, apprehended on sight of the Army, made them open their gates so they entred without resistance. At the same time he commanded the Marquesse de Fossez Governour of Montpellier, to go and besiege Corconne, and the Sieur de Ornano to secure Aubenas, both of them behaved themselves with courage in it, and performed his commands, the for­mer taking Corconne a place strong of scituation, being the Key to Seveunes, and the second making himself Master of Aubenas, by perswading the Nobility of those parts to fall into it. In the mean while, the Duke de Rohan, was in the Comte de Foix, whether the Duke de Montmorency pursued him, as well to fight him, as to oppose his designs. They followed him some dayes, without doing any thing worth notice: But the Duke de Montmorency who had too much courage, came up so near him near Castel Naudau, that he could not avoid the fight. Orders were ac­cordingly, and the Duke de Rohan being charged on the left, by the Sieur de Arpa­geon, seconded by the Company of the Baron de Lignieres, & Monsieurs de Van­tadours Guards, and on the right by the Comte de Bioule, and the Sieur de Enox who led on Monsieur de Montmorency's Company, and the Sieur de la Croix who com­manded his Guards, seconded by the Comte de Bioules Regiment, he was at last con­strained to give ground, yet he maintained the fight above two hours, and saw about one hundred & six score Souldiers, fifteen men of his guard, and seven or eight Cap­tains of his Troops killed, and divers others wounded: And in conclusion, he found to the mis-fortune of his Rebellion this other added, of being beaten in the [Page 208]Field, and saw at the years end, that he had very little, or not at all, advanced his design.

Politique Observation.

TRue Religion giveth a very great advantage to them, who fight for the defence of it. He hath Justice for his second, which is the Bulwark of strong place, the Rampard of Towns, the upholder of Crowns, the Pillar of Authority and the Chain of obedience; an Engine it is, much stronger then any of Archimedes seeing it brings down God himself upon Earth to assist it. The Divine Providence, or­dained that the first Assises of Justice, should be kept under Palms, to teach them, who make any enterprises, as Philo observeth, That Justice is the most assured pledge of victory. What can that Prince fear then, who fighteth to uphold it, see­ing God fighteth for him? No power can resist that of God, who hath alwayes, overthrown the designs of them, that rise up against him unlesse when he hath de­signed a people to be the Instruments of his Justice for punishing the wicked.

In the old Testament he causeth himself to be called the God of Battails, and the Lord of Hosts, to teach the people, that he is Master of them; and that he it is who turneth the victory where he pleaseth. What did ever the greatest Souldiers bring to passe, who have risen up against him? They have only felt his power, and seen their own weakness: And every one may observe in History that their Counsels have not only been vain and ridiculous, but have likewise precipitated them into great ruins: They are like Icarus, who designing to counterfeit wings, by joyning certain Fethers together with wax, melted them at the Sun Beams; just thus their rising up and soaring a lost, only serveth to make their [...]ls the greater, and their ruins the more certain.

And who knoweth not that the cause of true Religion maketh Souldiers coura­gious? Hence it happens that valour being the ground-work of victorie, is in this particular infallible. Machiavel in his discourses upon T. Livy sheweth us, That Religion is a wonderfull Foundation and Instrument of great Actions▪ That the Romans made use of it to govern their City, in the carrying on of their designs an [...] in pacifing all tumults and seditions which did at any time happen in their Commonwealth. Now if the false Imagination of a false deity, which this peo­ple did believe were the punishers of Crimes and Rewarders of good Actions, by a quiet repose in the Elysian fields, could make such great impressions, upon their courages, what may not the true Religion cause us to hope for, which promiseth unto us the infinite rewards of Heaven, when the belief of it is truely imprinted in the Soul? The Souldier who fighteth for Religion, obeyeth his Prince, as the Image of the God head; he will never spare this life, which passeth away, in con­fidence of another which shall be eternal. If the Champions who heretofore fought in the Olympique Games, were delighted to see their skins flayed off, their bloud run down, and their bones broken before a Laurel Crown, the reward of their pains, what would they not have done, into with dangers would they not have cheerfully run, had they but apprehended with the Eyes of faith, the Saviour of the World, at the end of the course, the Gate of Heaven open, and a Crown which shall never fade, as a reward of their Loyalty and Vallour? We have at all times seen, that those Emperours who have been most Pious, have had the greatest victories. Constantine became great by his embracing of the Christian Religion: It served Pepin for a Stair-case to lead him up to the Throan. It bestowed the Empire on Charlemaine; and the Turkish Nation which seemeth to have been born for Armes feareth nothing so much as Christians Ensigns.

Anno 1628.

The Rochelois send to the King of England to de­mand Succour.

THE Heathenish Antiquities relate, That Pandora, going to meet the Rebel Epimetheus in behalf of the God's, carried him a Box filled with all sorts of Evils, amongst which he had only hope left him. It is a Fiction, yet may it be aptly applyed to the Dutchesse of Rohan the Mother, who being come to Rochel, to encourage the Rebellion, brought all sorts of misfortune with her, inso­much that there was not any kind of misery, which the inhabitants did not under­go, and without any other hopes but only of relief from the English, which they retained to the very last. In order to which hope, they finding his Majesties re­solved to force them to live in the rules of obedience, had sent their Deputies to England, with full and ample Power, to treat with his Majesty of Great Brittain, To beseech him to take them into his protection, and that he would assist them, with a second Army which might force the King of France, to raise the siedge. Their Deputies were received, with great kindness; The King of Buckingham be­ing much exasperated against France, for the late repulse given to the English at Ree. They had audience granted, and after examination of their Proposals, The King made a Treaty with them, by which he obliged himself to assist them with such a number of Souldiers as should be sufficient for their defence; To send them all sorts of Provision; and to permit a Collection to be made in his Countries for their present relief. The Deputies obliged themself in the name of the Rochelois to give an happy successe to the English Army, promising they would rigg out the greatest number of Ships they could possibly procure, that they would provide Pilats and places for Magazins for all sorts of provision in the Town; that if occa­sion were their Port should be a place of retreat for their Fleet; that they would not hearken to any accomodation with the King their Lord and Master, but by and with consent of the King of great Brittain, and also that before France should at­tempt any thing against England, they should declare themselves for the English, and should divert to the utmost of the power, all designs tending to their preju­dice. The King of Great Brittain was not absolute enough to conclude upon great enterprises, his power somewhat depending on the Parliament, so he was forced to call one to authorize this, and to consent to such levies of mony as would be need­full for this business; The anger which every one there bore against France, and the desire of revenging the affront which they had so lately received, perswaded them to a general consent. They wanted onely the third Vote, upon which the Levy depended, where upon they refused to contribute any money, colouring their denial by diverse complaints, which they made against the Duke of Buckingham, and most part of the Chief Ministers in England, which made a great noise in the Parliament, and so incensed the King, that being constrained to give way to the insolence of their requests, he told them that he would examine their demands and complaints, and give them answer accordingly; However be gave order for the rigging out of a strong Fleet in behalf of the Rochelois, and gave the command of it to the Earle of Denbigh the Duke of Buckingham's brother in Law. This was all the Rochelois could hope for, yet it blinded them to all respect and obedience, They shaked off the yoak of Loyalty which they owed to the King; they carried them­selves to the utmost extremities that possibly could be imagined; they trod under foot the Kings Authority, and chose him for their Protector, who was Declared Emeny of his Crown.

Politique Observation.

ALthough a People never hath any lawful reason to become, disloyal to their Prince, or to cast themselves into the Arms of the Enemy of his Country; yet it is a thing easily resolved on, when there are no other means to secure them from the fears which they apprehend, and which have engaged them in their re­volts. In Philosophy it is held for a Maxim, That granting one absurdity, a thousand others will follow by consequence; It is no lesse certain among Polititians, that a people carried into one fault, which is the taking up Arms against their Prince, will be exposed to great extremities, and every day augment the number of their Crimes. Their Custome is to promise to themselves great matters, in despe­rate affairs from strangers, and such means as are without all apparence of reason, probable wayes, or ordinary instruments: They are great lovers of Novelties and with a little wind carried to extremities; and new thoughts, if they find their for­mer resolutions and designs not come to the accompt they expected. They easily follow those, who put them in hopes of liberty; If any seditious person in credit with them, do but tickle them in the eare, with telling them that they do not enjoy their full and perfect liberties under their lawful Prince, nothing is then more easily perswaded then to revolt, nay to throw themselves, into the Armes of their very worst enemy, never considering whether the remedie be not worse then the disease. Being once revolted they never return to their duties, but by force of Armes, and the fear they have of paying the punishments they have justly deserved, inviteth them rather to run, and hazard, then that of confessing their errour, and repen­ting. An Ancient Authour said very wisely when he likened them to day-labou­rers, who are at every ones service, that will make use of them; ready they are to subvert all things, not for the publique good, but in order to their own design, and under pretence of liberty. The greatest part of such Revolts are commonly accom­panied with some Intelligences and encouragements from strangers who offer their assistance, not for any love to them, but themselves, that they may make advan­tuge out of their divisions, discord is their Musique.

The History of Italy furnisheth us with a notable example of this particular in that of the Pisan's, who having been perswaded by one of our Kings and Lewis Forza, to withdraw themselves from the obedience of the Florentines, presently banish their Officers, gain'd many rich Merchants and began to live as free peo­ple; but finding themselves too weak to hold out, at that rate, they emplored the ayd of their neighbour Princes, which was not denied to them, by reason of the jealousie which all those States are in, of one another. Ge [...]oua, sent them men and Munitions, Lucqua mony, and Sienna which was in hopes of great advantages from them, sent both one and t'other. Neither is this the last degree of a muti­nous people, for if they cannot attain unto their desiers by a Forraign protection, they will rather totally deliver up and sell themselves▪ the return to their Princes power especially if they be but a little perswaded, of being hardly dealt with, and that they shall be reduced to a slavish subjection; such difficulty will they find to stoop under their former yoak, after a tast of licentiousness and impunity.

The King of Spain sendeth Don Frederick de Toledo High Admiral with a Fleet to his Majesty.

THe King finding what need he should have of Ships, had as hath been rela­ted, accepted of the proffer which was made to him at Villeroy, by Don Diego de Maxia, in behalf of the King of Spain. But their design in that propo­sal, being only to engage France, in an open war with England, that they might the better carry on their designs in Germany and Italy they were careful, not to be at Ree to assist his Majesty to expel them.

At last Don Frederick de Toledo High Admiral of Spain, after many delayes came about the end of December with his pretended Fleet to the Haven of Morbian in Brettaign. The King commanded the Duke of Guyse to receive him with all possi­ble Honour; and indeed such it was, that Don Frederick could not enough admire, at the manner of his entertainment. Shortly after he departed towards the Ile of Ree, where at that time was no great need of him: But however he proffered his service unto the King, who received him with great kindness; His Majesty sending to visit him, but his vessels were found so unprovided of victuals, men and necessaries, that those things together with his long delay considered. It was easie to Judg, they had no great mind to fight for France, and that the King his Master would be very sorry to contribute to the taking of Rochel; a place which might be made use of to raise a war in the Kingdome, and that with a little charge, if he had a mind to send any Forces to them. At last he gave an assured sign of the truth of this su­spition, when not long after he went to his Majesty, and took his leave of him, to return towards Spain, telling him that he could not now be any more serviceable to him. The King would have much wondered to see him so hasty to be gon, consi­dering he came so far, but that he knew they had more mind to ingage France in a war with a third party then adventure on it themselves. His Majesty on the other side knowing; That strangers and Forraign Forces ought not be employed but in urgent occasions, and at last cast, did so much the easilier consent to his departure, and in regard too that the Cardinal had assured him, That great store of vessels would very shortly come before Rochel; So he finding the wind fair, hoysed sail about the end of January to return to Spain.

Politique Observation.

THere may such occasions in war fall out, that it may be absolutely necessary to make use of Forraign Forces, and the very greatest Princes are subject here­unto, because at some one time, or other, they may chance be so surprised, that it may be impossible for their own proper Forces to repel the Enemy who assaults them. But without doubt, he that can make a shift without them, does wisely not to make any use of them at all, for relying on the Forces of strangers, he doth in some sort make himself dependant on that Prince who assisteth him, and also, they cannot in reason be so loyal, faithful, and courageous in any his affairs, as his own subjects. Forriners fight more for gain, and their own particular Interest, then for any good will to him, unto whom they are sent; insomuch that could they find any where else more advantageous conditions, though it were in the very adverse party, they would make no scruple of running in unto them. This hath been formerly evidenced by the Celtiberi, who having bin first suborned by the Ro­mans left the Carthagians, and not long after were regained by those of Carthage, and did as soon forsake the Roman Army, and return to their first Masters. Do not the Swisses often do the same thing? Their Profession is not to fight but for mony. It once fell out that Lew [...]s the Eleventh, for some reasons of State being unable to pay them so precisely as he promised, they resolved to seize on his Person and the Chief of his Court, and to keep them, until they had received the last penny, and he fearing to fall into their hands was forced to flie for his safety.

The Baylif of Dion, who had raised them, together with some others could not escape their fury, they were taken by them, and could not get off until they were satisfied to the utmost farthing of their due. Whereas on the other side, a Princes own subjects are tyed to him, by the fidelity which they owe to his Crown, and though not punctually paid, yet do they continue Loyal and courageous; and whilst they fight for their own Interest and glory, no doubt but they will shew them­selves more resolute and daring then strangers, who have not any of those concerns. All Princes who ever obtained any signal victories, have been beholding to their own native forces for them. The Turkish Emperour, useth no other. Alexander by this means in a little while made so great a progresse in Armes, as never any one [Page 212]did the like. I suppose that it is with Armies, composed of a mans own subjects as with the natural clean strength of a mans own body, which is much more to be esteemed, then that which is infused by art into sick persons: That Prince who useth strangers, cannot more fitly be compared to any thing then a man in a lan­guishing condition, whose natural heat is decayed, who to warm and comfort his stomach hath recourse to spices, which instead of preserving him scorch up his bloud and destroy his life; for just so do strangers, to him that depends on them, advan­tage him they cannot, but will (it may be) ruin him, as before is manifested by divers pregnant Reasons.

Marquis Spinola, his Son, and the Marquis de Leganez come to see the siedge of Rochel.

THE same day that Don Frederich de Toledo set sail for his return, came the Marquis Spinola from the low Countries, and having passed by Paris, where the Queen received him with great Honour, arrived at the Camp before Rochel, with his Son his Son-in-Law and the Marquis de Leganez, Ambassador Extraordi­nary from Spain. The Marshal de Schomberg went a League out to receive them, by the Kings desire, and after he was arrived, the King Commanded him to be visited with great Honour. His Audience was granted very shortly thereupon, with all the endearments that possible could be expressed. Amongst other things the King told him, that he came into those parts against his Phisitians advices, be­ing not yet quite recoverd of a troublesome sickness, but he was forced to it, to drive out the English, from his Teretories, who indeed had not made any long stay; That having perceived his subjects of Rochel, to have been the Bringers in of the English, he resolved to punish them for it, and to take them by siedg, in which he observed for a pattern, that which was made at Breda; and then he invited them to see the Works, though at that time they were not quite finished. The Marquis highly extolled all his Majesties Actions, especially that of beating the English from Ree. He told him, that his Presence made his Nobility invincible, and withal, that indeed nothing was so glorious for a man of quality, as to fight in his Princes sight; That for his part it grieved him never to have had the King his Master, for a witness of his Actions and that he should willingly dye, to obtain that Honour. After he had gone the round, he went to see the Banck, which he much admired, and openly said, that if they finished that work of shutting up the Chan­nel, and keeping the Souldiers in good order, it would be impossible for the town to escape taking. He well knew, what place the Cardinal was in, neer his Maje­sty and that the King had not engaged himself in this design, but by his advice; he observed that the admirable order kept in the siedg, was an effect of his Conduct; so he went to visit him, with great Respects. The Cardinal received him with the like, they continued a long while in discourse together, during which they inter­changably contracted a very great friendship with each other, which was the cause, that afterwards meeting in Piedmont, one in the behalf of France, and t'other of Spain they carried on the war with courtesie and courage: shewing that civilities and kindnesses might be used amongst Enemies, without prejudice, to their Masters Interests.

Politick Observation.

THE entertaining of strangers, who passe by a Princes Court, with Honour, if they are considerable either in their Births or Actions, doth much advantage the glory of a Prince. He who would be esteemed a generous Prince as well abroad, as at home, is obliged to it; The Honour which he doth to such Persons, is a Ray of Glory, which by reverberation doth reflect on himself, for they who receive his kindness are bound to be the Trumpeters of his Praise. Though the Romans [Page 213]slighted all strangers, esteeming them Barbarous, yet they had a Law, whereby they were bound to receive them, with greater Honour and respect when they came to the City of Rome. And that I may a little open the quality, of their reception. I shall first observe that it ought to be with all kind of civility and courtesie; For this vertue is a Charm, so powerful, and so captivating the soul: That as Lewis the Eleventh said, it doth sometimes of the greatest Enemies raise up the perfectest friends; whence it hapned that he himself, took great care and delight to caresse such strangers, as at any time passed through his Court; besides it passeth for a mark of Courage and Resolution, whereas, insolencie is only an Index of lowness and meanness of Spirit. This courtesie ought to be accompanied with magnificence, that it may be the more considerable, for words and behaviour, do lightly passe away, if not followed by some other effects. This magnifience consisteth, in Treating them with splendor, for that the good entertainment which is given them, serveth no lesse to testifie the affection, then the great and noble mind of him who maketh it. Paulus Aemilius was very industrious in making all people wel­come, who came to visit him, and being one day asked the reason of it, he an­swered, that there was as great prudence in the well disposal of a feast, as in the Marshalling of an Army for the Battail, for the one is to become terrible to ones Enemies and t'other agreeable to his friends. Next, he is bound to make them presents, according to their qualities. A little expence of this nature gives Princes a great reputation amongst strangers; for they on whom it is bestowed are care­ful of preserving it in their families, as a testimony of the Honour which they have received by such a head, which they keep as Proofs of his magnificence, and I should think it much better, to cut off from any other expences, then from this. Agesi­laus said, That which appeared most Illustrious and glorious in all Kings, was, the doing good to divers persons; the Ambassadors of Corinth refusing to receive Dionysius of Siracusa's Presents he seemed to be much offended at it, and told them, that this was one of the chief means which Kings had to make themselves glorious: In fine, who so wants liberality, is never heartily served by his own nor honoured by strangers.

The Duke de Rohan despaireth of doing any good in Languedoc.

THE Duke of Rohan finding that his Majesty began to raise works about Rochel, to take it, prosecuted his designs with the more vigor in Languedoc, that by ma­king a Revolt he might if possible oblige his Majesty to it quite designs. But the Duke had several misfortunes which crossed him, and that in the beginning of the year at Montpellier, was none of the least; He had Commanded his Kinsman the Baron de Bretigni to come to this Town, under pretence of a certain suit of Law in the Court of Aydes there, but with design, to surprise the Cittadell if possible it might be effected; Bretagny set his engines on work, so gain the Baron de Millay, last Captain of the Regiment of Normandie, and one of his old acquaintance unto his purpose: He pretended himself very willing and ready to heaken to his propo­sitions, and to serve him, in that particular design; But in the mean while the Baron de Milay, gave notice of it, to the Marquis de Fossez, who was very glad of this discovery, and advised him not to loose the oportunity of getting advan­tages from his Majestie by this piece of service. The Baron assured him by all pro­testations of his fidelity and zeal; and in fine he got out all the designs of the Duke de Rohan, by which he pretended to steer himself; and he behaved himself in this affair with so much addresse, that the Duke Imagined, he had not a more faithful friend then the Baron was. In this confidence the Duke advanced his Troops about the beginning of the year, towards Montpellier, giving out he intended to besiedg Corcown, and about two or three at night, came to execute his design: But the Marquis de Fossez, who had punctual Intelligence of all his designs, made preparation to receive him, according to his deserts. He ordered every thing in [Page 214]the Cittadel, that nothing could fall out amisse, and then he hid in Ambush neer the Gate by which they were to march in, the most choise Souldiers which he had; he ordered one of his Souldiers, to cut the Cord of the Port-Cullis, when they were once got in, that he might make sure of them, and cut them off. In this interim the Duke of Rohan sent one of his Captains to the Baron of Millay, to be informed of the State of the place, and to learn what order should be observed for their coming in: The Baron, shewed him all the City, and every place adjoyn­ing, only excepting that where the Souldiers were hid; The Captain fully informed and satisfied returns to the Duke, gives him an accompt, of what he had seen and concluded. The Duke, hereupon advanceth his Troops, to the Counterscarp, and Bretigny leading them on, the Baron de Mellay, forthwith opened the Port. Bre­tigny enters with fifty persons of quality and the Baron d' Aubes, following of him with the second train of fifty more, all which got in at the same dore. Now he who was commanded to cut the Cord of the Port-Cullis, did it sooner then he should have done, which vexed the Marquis de Fossez to the very heart, for had he let it alone but a little longer, the Duke had lost at least four thousand men: But however to punish those who had been so hardy as to enter, the Souldiers in Ambush, let fly at them, and cut them all off; thirty nine of them were Officers, and of good quality; and the Marquis Spinola being then at Rochel, when the news came, openly said, that this blow was of greater concern to the Duke of Rohan, then if he had lost two thousand Souldiers. Neither was this all, for the Marquis de Fessez made the great Guns be shot off at random upon those Troops which had not come in, and the morning following there was good store of bloud to be seen in several places, which made the Marquis conclude there were many more killed and wonded, but that the Duke had caused them to be carried off with him.

Politique Observation.

NAture, which hath given Arms to all Creatures to defend themselves, hath bestowed on man understanding, that by it, he is able to protect himself, from any dangers which threaten him, which Arms are more to be esteemed then those of Force. One of the greatest perfections of it, is, to deceive a publique Enemy, and to repel Force by Force, and Mines by Countermines. Amongst other Inventions which it affordeth; That, of pretending as correspondence, with an Enemy, is not one of the least considerable, as Zenophon saith, It being certain, that a pretended Intelligence with an Enemy, and well mannaged, doth often effect, greater things, then Force it self. I shall add too, That they are much more glo­rious, and that the greatest reputation of a Chieftain is to break an Enemies strength, by Plots and contrivances, and to destroy him by his own designs. It is indeed commendable to repulse an Enemy from an assault, by valour and cou­rage, but much more, to ruin an Enemies intents and purposes, by designs, in which the Souldiers lives are not endangered. In Sparta he was much more esteemed, who gained a victory by pollicy, then he who carried it by Force of Arms. It can­not be doubted, but that this is the safest way of dealing with an Enemy, provided it be managed without breath of any oath or Promises, passed between Coman­ders of both parties, for otherwise, Stratagems only pass for infidelity, yet it is law­full to use all devices, and win them to a Credulity: and thus did every one com­mend the procedure of the French Army at the siedge of Gisonne, neer Saint Seve­rin, against the Army of Ferdinand. The Arragonois wearied out with the Inco­modities of the siedge, had recourse to their devices, and endeavoured to practise with some French, to deliver up the place; The French too generous, to be so cowardly, and too faithful, to be corrupted, would not however loose the advan­tage, which they might make by this proposal of theirs: they seemed to approve of it, and assigned the hour for execution. In the mean while they inform the Governour of it, who laid some certain Souldiers in ambush neer the Gate, by which they were to enter, by which means he slew about a hundred on the place, [Page 225]took divers Prisoners, and by this losse brought Ferdinands Army into a great dis­order and trouble.

The King goes from Rochel to Paris, to dissipate those Factions which be­gan to rise thereabouts, by the Hugonots in Pircardie, Champagnie and Brie.

THE Cardinal who dived into the Counsels and designs of Forraign Princes, acquainted his Majesty with those promises the English had made to assist the Rochelois, and that his presence would be very needful in the Camp, both to in­courage his Souldiers, as also to hasten on the works where every one in his sight would labour in emulation of one another. But on the other side his Majesty was in­formed that his being so far from Paris had given opportunity to the Hugonots, of the Provinces neer adjoyning to make assemblies, and to incourage the people to revolt. He was advised of several meetings which they made in Picardie, Cham­pagne and Brie, under divers pretences, as sometimes of Civility, of a wedding, or some quarrel, in all which meetings, there were means used to perswade the people to rise and take up Arms. He was also wel acquainted that they designed to seize upon some strong place, or other, so that his Majesty was obliged to return to Paris, that by his presence and authority, he might dissipate these growing mis­chiefs. In the mean while, that no time might be lost, and that the Rebels might have no advantage, order was sent to the Queen Mother, to secure the Counts de la Suse, and de Roussy in the Bastile. The former she arrested by an Exempt in her Antichamber, and the second at Roussy by the Duke d' Elboeuf. The King having resolved upon his Journy, thought it necessary, to commit the care of the siedge, of finishing the works and the Bank, and of keeping the Souldiers in obedience and from disbanding, which they formerly used to do upon his Majesties removal, unto some Person, whose dilligence and credit might be capable of giving successe to it. Besides it was necessary, that this person should be exceeding Loyal, for the pre­venting that misfortune which befel Charles the ninth, when he lay before the same town, where he was put unto infinite trouble and charge, and all to no purpose, because they whom he trusted with the Chief commands and orders were not faith­ful and true to him. It being very difficult to find all these three qualities in any one Person, the King cast his eyes on the Cardinal, as the only man, in whom he could totally confide for carrying on of the siedge, and all other things, in order thereunto. His Majesty discoursed with him to that purpose; now the Cardinal although he was not ignorant, that the absence of the Court, is commonly a great disadvantage, to such as are in favour, by reason of the oportunity which they who are envious of their condition, have to work them a mischief, yet he readily accep­ted of that employment, and protested to his Majesty, that he would not spare any pains or diligence to bring it to a happy issue, though it cost his blood and life, which he should think well sacrificed in his Majesty service; so the King gave him a full power to dispose of all things during his absence, and gave him the command over the Duke of Angoulesme, the Marshals de Bassompierre and Schomberg, the Mar­shals of the Camp, the Master of the Artillerie and all other Inferiour Officers what­ever: But I cannot omit with what reluctancy his Majesty went from him to Paris, For it is very remarkable, that his Majesty having received the Adieux of all his Officers, rid up apart to a certain person of quality, who was then to receive his Commands for Italy, and keeping close with him said not a word for a good while together, so troubled he was at his departure, until at last my heart quoth he, is so sad and heavy, to leave Monsieur the Cardinal, for fear least some mishap befal him, that I am hardly able to speak for grief; and therefore tell him from me, that if he would have me think he loveth me, that he must be careful of himself, and that he adventure not hereafter into any of those dangers, which he usually doth: That he consider in what state my affairs would be, if I should loose him: I am not ig­norant, [Page 216]quoth he, how that there are many people who endeavour to obstruct and hinder his bringing of his business to effect, but tell him, I do so much esteem his service that I shall never forget it. These words were very obliging, and assured testimonies of the great affection, which his Majesty had for him. The glory too which this Grand Minister did every day obtain, by his happy services in his Ma­jesty behalf, was a tye very powerful to continue those affections of his King and Master.

Politique Observation.

THE love of a Prince is a great Honour to a Statesman, and that not only in respect of the particular Benefit which floweth from it, but also in regard of the Publique good which he doth watch over: Where he is not beloved, he wan­teth authority, without which he cannot do any thing worth consideration: For the obtaining of this love then he ought to use his utmost art and diligence, and he is bound to prefer it, before his own or any other Interests whatever.

Alcomiaas the Grecian, Servant to King Philip, being told that the Atheni­ans and Thebans, wished his death with a great eagernesse, replyed, he was sorry for it, yet that he regarded it but little, so he could preserve his Masters affection. This ought to be the Rule of a Chief Ministers conduct, when he finds himself in his Masters good esteem; For to hope, that he may please his Soveraign and the Lords of his Court too, is a vanity, and can never be brought to passe. Now to the In­tent he may enjoy his Masters love in an eminent degree, I should advise him not to rely too much on Fortune, but to follow Plato's advise, who in his Book de Repu­blicâ saith. That to be a King and to Rule, to serve and be beloved, to fight and overcome, are three such things as a man need not trouble himself to look after, they being the Guifts of Fortune and only subjected to her power, who granteth them to whom the pleaseth. I am not of his opinion, but do suppose that a Mini­ster is bound, having once obtained any great credit in his Masters soul to uphold it by all the cares and diligences, which may render him beloved. Philosophy teacheth very well, That to obtain ones desire, there ought to be causes applied to the subject, by which a man designs to work: whence it followeth that those qua­lities which make a man perfect and accomplished, are the true causes of love, so that he is obliged to let his Master see he is endued with those and the like recom­mendations and vertues; amongst which, I place that of a faithful servant in the Front; For as an ancient hath observed, services have a particular attractive power in them, which insinuate affection, and charm the mind: Those subjects which are most useful, are most beloved: and as nothing is beloved but for Interest; so those persons who are most conducing to the good of the State, and the preservation of their Masters Authoritie are ever best affected. And to speak the truth, I believe that necessity maketh them more considerable then any other quality whatever; For as the Bough of a Tree, is in considerable in respect of the whole Body, yet it is of great use to him, who without it, were in hazard of being drowned: Just so is it with him, he is beloved, embraced and esteemed above all things, when there is a need or want of him. But a Minister, what necessity so ever a Prince hath of him ought not, if he would be dear to his Master, become importunate or craving, either by being alwayes in his sight, on by begging any favour or boon of him. Too great a Familia­rity will bring his qualities into contempt, how eminent so ever they be, and the consideration of his services would be much diminished by his importunities. L [...] ­cullus one day asking S [...]neca his intimate friend, what course he should take, to render himself acceptable unto the Emperour Nero, in the Goverment of Sicily, was thus answered by him: That he is most in Princes favour who doth him most services. The surest Rules which in this case is to be observed, is this, To see him but seldome to speak but little to him, unlesse when occasions of State require it and then too, with great respect and submission, and in such terms as may never clash with his Masters thoughts and mind. If there be any ill news to be discoursed let [Page 217]others, first acquaint him with them. The Souls of great men hate ill tidings, as of Broyles and Insurrections, things which diminish the respects which are due to their Authority. He will not a little Fix and settle himself in his Masters favour, by testi­fying a good courage in his occasions, and affairs. The Reason of this is, Princes do naturally love those who are men of resolution, they look on such as the suppor­ters of their State, Authority, and lives, and they who are themselves the greatest cowards, do yet love such as are courageous, stout and hardy. Phalaris the Ty­rant hath given us an example of this particular, when he writ to a certain emulator of his; I confesse thou art a good man, and thou canst not deny but all in thy house are bad, whereas if thou doest observe any vice in my person, yet thou wilt find me still attended by wise learned and courageous followers and attendants. These are the Chief Buttresses, which support a Ministers favour: to these I will only add, That seeing there are not any qualities how eminent soever, which the envy of some or other, will not attempt to disguise unto his Prince, he therefore ought with great care to remove such persons from him, and that with the more Authority, in regard Justice alloweth of the punishing such who requite services done for the Common good with Ingratitude.

Cardinal Richelieu Commandeth the Army, in his Majesty absence.

THE Prudence of a King is no lesse demonstrable, in his choise of Officers, than in his Commands: and in particular, the King acquired no lesse Glory in com­miting the care of the siedge of Rochel, unto the Cardinal, then if he had been there in person. The whole management of affairs did evidence, how judicious a choise his Majesty had made. For Monsieur the Cardinal every day animated the Soul­diers by his presence; payed them weekly; gave them cloths to preserve them from the cold; every day oversaw all his Officers and Commanders, to give them ne­cessary instructions, and to redouble their courages by his words and Actions; by these means he so hastned on the works both by Sea and Land, that his Majesty at his return, found the first finished, and the second in such forwardness, that it de­served to be esteemed the eighth wonder of the World. The Souldiers who are na­turally addicted to mutinies, and plunderings, lived in such decorum, that they had lost their very inclinations, to one or t'other; the Country men brought their pro­visions into the Camp, without fear, and received ready mony for them. The Marchants kept open their shops, as if it had been in a well governed City; drun­kenness and swearing, were criminal faults: And the Religious Persons, whom his Majesty had sent thither of all sorts, and orders, were respected, and held in such esteem, as if they had been in a Church. The most experienced in Military affairs, could not sufficiently admire the Cardinals conduct, in so much that they who knew him not, would have imagined he had been bred all dayes of his life in the wars. Some certain Persons there were, who flattered the Ambition of those Grandees then under his Command, by telling them, it was unfit for them to obey a man of his Profession; seeing their Offices gave them power to Command in his Majesties absence; But the wonders of his conduct and courage were such, that they were forced to confess, nothing could out do him; and that considering how many ha­pinesses he did atchieve unto France, by one and t'other, it were unreasonable not to obey his Majesties choise of him, every one in particular acknowledging, that no one but himself, could under go those daily laborious knotty difficulties, which he so easily did.

Politick Observation.

MIlitary discipline ought the more carefully to be observed, in order to good successe, because without it, nothing followeth, but confusion. Vegetius, a man well versed in such affairs, saith; The Romans had never been so potent, but [Page 218]by their continual order and exercise, in Arms. The strength of a Fort, consisteth more in the Form, then the matter: the Power of an Army is undoubtedly as great by the good order amongst them, as by their numbers. Discipline is one of the Chief sinews of war, and as a Body soon fals to the ground, if those nervers which are destinated for its Motion, be cut in sender, so is it with an Army, they soon moulder away to nothing, if not kept together, in good discipline and order, and on the other side, where they are so disciplined they bring wonders to passe, with little care or trouble. Alexander being asked, by what means he became Master of the Universe, said, by the discipline and good order, which his Souldiers observed, by the good Counsel which they had, and the eloquence he used in animating them, and withal he added, that he knew not any means more powerful to execute the greatest exployts in warfare. Domitius Corbulo, with ten thousand Roman foot, and some few of his Allayes, sustayned all the attempts, of a multitude of Parthi­ans, and this he did only by the good order and discipline he caused them to observe. The Chief points of this order were according to Tacitus, first to prevent any of their disbanding; a thing of so great importance, that without it, the greatest Ar­mies melt in a little whiles to nothing, and this ought to be effected, either by fur­nishing the Souldiers with all things necessary, or by severly punishing such as offer without leave to forsake their colours. The second was that, no one durst go out to fight without Command given for it: a thing of no lesse importance then the first: For they who fight contrary to, or against their Commanders order, are easily overcome both because they are not as wel informed, as because they ever fight in disorder.

The Germans, which went to relieve Ferdinand King of Napels, may serve for an example of this kind, for presently upon their arrival, being provoked by an extreame desire, to make themselves famous by some exploit or other, they adventured to sally out of Troye, contrary to the order of Fabritius Colonna Governour of the Town, that they might joyne themselves with King Ferdinand, and fight those Ene­mies who opposed their passage; but Monsieur de Montpensier perceiving it, fell upon them in a place where they could neither fight, nor save themselves by flight, by which means not a man escaped. The third was, that all guards, day labourers, and sentinels, should stand to their Arms, day and night he having put two Souldiers to death, for having found them at work in the Trenches the one without his Arms, and t'other only with his dagger: The reason hereof is, because by this means, an Army cannot be surprized by an Enemy, and that in case he should attempt any thing on the Camp, he would alwayes find them ready to resist him. Avidius Cassius esteemed all these three points of so great concernment in Arms, that he thought such as did not exactly observe them, deserved to be cruelly punished, he usually cut off their legs and Arms, who left the Army without leave, and he forbore putting them to death, because quoth he it is a greater example of ter­rour, for a man to living in misery and shame, then to dye. It one day hapened that his Souldiers discovered the Sarmatians kept no very strict watch, so they sur­prised them, fell in upon them, and killed three thousand of them, but for their punishment he crucified all the Captains, alleadging, that the Sarmatians might have had some ambush for them, unknown to them, which if it had so been, they might by their rashnesse, have discredited the Roman Honour and Glory: Neither was he lesse sever, in punishing those, who had stollen any thing, from their quarters. The Emperour Aurelian, was so strict in this particular, that he writ to a Tribune, that as he tendred his life, he should suppresse his Souldiers from stealing, but told him, they must look to enrich themselves, by the pillaging of their Enemies, not by the tears of his and their friends. I shall only add, that the Souldiers ought to be trained up to the use and exercise of their Arms, which both keeps them from Idleness, and worse things, and maketh them perfect in their Trade; and if they have any other leasure time over and above, it were not amisse to find them out some diversi­ons or entertainment, it being otherwise hard to keep them from disbanding. Marcus Aemilius, finding his Souldiers lazy and in want of employment made them pave the way between Plaisance and Riminy: and Julius Veter, made his work in a Channel, to joyn the Sarna with M [...]lessai.

The Cardinal de Richelieu attempteth to retard Rochel.

DUring his Majesty absence, the Cardinal, disirous to save him the trouble of returning back to the siedge, and knowing how needful it was to prevent the English arrival, besides his great courage being impatient of delay, attempted all means to make some enterprise upon Rochel. He proposed the breaking open one of the Gates, and then the falling in with so great force, as might carry the place, and having discoursed it with the Marshal de Schomberg, he at last concluded on it, and carried his design so close and private, that had not Marillac, Marshal of the Camp, in the Duke of Angoulesmes quarter been faulty, he had doubtlesse succee­ded in it. The Cardinal had get together, whatever was proper or necessary, for the whole business. He gave out orders for the execution of it, the night being come, he assigned the Rendevouz, The Marshal de Schomberg sent divers Com­panies thither, with ladders and bridges to cast over the Ditch: The Marquis de Roselia Grand Master of the Artillery, brought with him Petards, Granadoes, and other Artificial Fier-works; The Cardinal was there in Person, within Musket shot of the Town, that he might shew some marks of his courage, upon the first open­ing of the Gate, and be ready to command in the assault, not like the Cardinal Ximenes at the taking of Oran, who was all the while at his Prayers in a Chappel, but like a General indeed, and such a one as would incourage his Souldiers, by his own words and Actions, so that every one did plainly perceive he was no lesse, Souldier and Captain, when occassion should require it, then Cardinal in the Church and Counsel: He so behaved himself, that Historie need not make any ex­cuse for him, upon the score of his profession, as for that same Minister of Spain. But Marillac, who had the charge for the bringing on the most part of the Forces to Rendevouz, not comming to second the courage of his General, rendered his Conduct and Valour, uselesse. He was sought after most part of the night, indeed, but could not any where be found, but about day break he appeared, with more ex­cuses though, than courage: he endeavoured to excuse himself, by many frivolous pretences, which the Cardinal was contented to put up, in consideration of the Queen Mother, whose creature he was; yet was it a great displeasure and vexation to him, when he came to draw off, least the Rochellois should have discovered them and beaten him off with losse.

Politique Observation.

FAint hartedness is an Enemy to all good success: they who let it Master their courages, do shun all dangerous honorable attempts, and if shame be that which receiveth them, yet however they will never do any thing considerable For­tune is a lover of vallour, favourer of the daring, and courageous, and com­monly crowneth their attempts with successe. Great fears, meet great hazards, and great Resolutions, great successes: it being as Salust saith, most certainly true; Great Resolutions are like Rampards in a Battail, every thing gives way to their attempts: and a lasse every little thing repulseth a party, possessed with fear, and want of courage; To fear is to be half overcome: If any one should aske the rea­son of it, there is only this to be given. They fancy precipices, in plain wayes; they are ever upon the business of consultation, never that of execution; they love to recede from all obstacles, which seem to oppose them, not to vanquish or break through them; and if perchance they are forced to fight, they do it so coldly, that they give their enemies al kind of advantages by it: Fear seemeth to have dispossessed them of Life and Soul; and whereas the face of dangers should serve to stir them to generous Actions; It rebates them to an immovableness, as if they were voyd of sence or motion. I may well liken them to the Timerous Hindes, which retain their Fruit to the very last for fear of the pains, which they endure in bringing forth, and [Page 220]would not then produce their young ones, but for fear of a greater mischief; or else I may liken them unto the Elephant which is ten years in breeding, or to the Palm, which according to the Naturalists is a hundred years before it yeeld any Dates, for eyer thus it is with them, the apprehensions of dangers maketh them fearfull, and to seek cut any occasions to avoid fighting, and if it should happen, that they cannot prevent it, they do it so lamely, that they onely do it for fear of death. But to speak a little too of the seditious Rascal, he doth nothing else, as the Chancellour Olivier observed, but imitate Apes, who comming to a Tree, get up Limb by Limb to the top, and there sit them down shewing there Posteriores; for just so do they who are of this temper they are willing to be raised up into high imployments and commands, where being once arrived, their Artifices must co­ver the defects of their courages; but be it so, yet when occasion is, the resoluti­ons and glorious actions of others, shall become demonstrations of their cowar­dize, and expose them for laughing stocks to the whole world.

The King hearing that the English were come before Rochel to relieve it rosolveth to return thither.

THe King had not long been at Paris, but he understood the English Fleet was ready to hoise Sail for Rochel, which made him resolve upon his return thither: I cannot omit observing how this resolution of his, was a mark both of his wisdome and courage, who as he is not to be cheated out of his Authority by Cabals and Intreagues, so is he not to be retarded by any fear of danger, from those occasi­ons where he might acquire an accrument of glory. At this time it was, that the Lord Keeper Marillac, and those of his Faction, began to lay the foundation of the Cardinall intended ruine; but it onely served to convince and shew unto his Majesty, that one of the greatest mischiefs whereunto a Soveraign can be exposed, is to be incompased with such persons as are passionately bent against his chief Mini­ster. The malice which they did bear against his glory finding him much advan­ced, before the siege of Rochel, of which he was the first contriver, did much insti­gate them against him. They were angry that he had finished his works in such good order, though the enemies of the Kingdome could not sufficiently admire them: it grieved them to see the place in a condition of being taken by his means; and to prevent it, they now resolved to use their utmost indeavour to raise up the Hugonot party, that they might force the King from the siege of it.

Now as it was easie to judge, that in case his Majesty should return to Rochel, he would repulse the English, and being followed by many of the Nobility and Lords, who are alwaies observed to be the Authors of victory and successe, that he would likewise infallibly force the Town, so they used a thousand devices to stay him at Paris. The Lord Keeper Marillac told him with many expressions of an extraordinary passion for his service, that considering how strong the English fleet was, in comparison of his Majesties, the issue of the battel ought to be doubted, how great resistance they would make, and a thousand other inconvenien­ces he alleged would follow, in case they should get the better of the day. O­thers indeavoured to disswade him by a tacite discommending the ayr of Rochel, which might much indanger his health, especially during the moisture of the spring every one commending the Valor and Conduct of Monsieur the Cardinal, the bet­ter to disguise their malice, and petswading his Majesty totally to rely upon his care in the management of the siege. But they found the Pannick fears; made no im­pression upon his Majesties resolutions, which made them design to affrighten his Majesty and the Queen-mother, as one whose Sex is most capable of fears, per­swading themselves, that in case he could be prevented by some apprehension, she might then have power enough over the King, to stay him at Paris. Divers La­dies who had the honour to be neer her, were won at that time to work several con­trivances to that purpose, but all to no purpose. It is true their design was not [Page 221]onely to hinder the Cardinal from reaping the glory due unto him by the taking of Rochel, but totally to ruine him, as hereafter shall be shewed. Now was it not a little conducing to that purpose, to stay the King at Paris, for his Majesty not going to animate his Army by his presence, they would not onely have made lesse resistance to the English, but also many Lords and Gentlemen obliged to attend his person, would not have been there, by which means, the English would have had the advantage of releeving-Rochel, and the whole blame of that mis-fortune would have been laid on the Cardinal, which they thought enough to disgrace him, and save his Majesties honour. These were the first foundations which this Cabal projected against the glory and favour of this grand Minister. But they were all too weak, to surprise the Kings mind, who no wayes ignorant how necessary his presence was in such an encounter, would not refuse it, to the honour of his Crown and the repose of France, which did much depend upon it. He called to mind the example of the late King his father, who deliberating whether or no he should go to the relief of Calais, so powerfully assaulted by the Spaniards that there were small hopes to hinder their taking of it, said, the place would assuredly be taken, if he went not in person to releeve it, and that it might so happen that his presence might save it; and therefore that it was better to hazard this latter, then to leave the former without remedy, preferring his honour and the publick good, before the particular consideration of his person. The same courage carried his Majesty to the most glorious and honourable design, that his good fortune, with that of France could lead him to undertake, which was, forthwith to depart. Upon the third of April he set forward from Paris, and arrived at Rochel on Easter-munday. Upon his arrival the Artillery both of the Forts and Ships saluted him, and his pre­sence so revived the Army, that every one redoubled his courage and affection to behave themselves with resolution: There were but the Marilacs and those of their faction, who were troubled to see him on the Theater of his glory; but the Laurels which his Majesty gathered there, did serve to set forth unto what mis-for­tunes a Prince is reduced, when he is councelled by passionate advisers.

Politique Observation.

ONe of the most dangerous qualities, that he who is Councellour to a King can have, is to suffer himself to be transported with envy, hatred, anger, or any passion whatever. Wise Council is an affect of Prudent reason, and it can be no longer Prudent when it is once darkned, with the Clouds of some irregular moti­on. The Irascible power, being once master of Reason, doth so obscure it, that maketh men see no objects in their true colours, and that Passion carrieth it away where ever it pleaseth with the same impetuousnesse as a hot metled horse draws a Chariot into Precipices, that it is impossible to stay him. It is reported, that the Flowers of Egypt, being watered by the vapours of Nile, which are for the most part gross and earthy, yeeld not any smell, and it is no lesse certain, that a States­man, with how great a Genius soever he be indued, is no more capable to give good Counsel, after he hath once given himself up to envy or hatred: His Passi­on maketh him quarrel with truth it self, and to approve of those Councels which are most prejudicial to the State, that he may satisfie his own self-will. The dis­graces of others are his delights, Factions are his joys, and the ruine of those whom he would destroy is his sweetest and most pleasing spectacle; neither is he concer­ned at the rise or fall of any one, so he be satisfied in his own particular. To this purpose the Poets feigned, that Hercules being transported with anger knew not his wife or children, insomuch that he tore them in pieces. But how many other true and assured proofs doth History afford us? That of England tels us, how the Duke of York, Henry the Eighths Favourite, being dis-affectionate to Spain, al­waies gave his Master advices in prejudice of Charles the Fifth; and on the other side, being full of good will towards France, perswaded him to such resolutions as might continue the friendship which was between them. Antiochus his Favou­rites [Page 222]being incensed against Hannibal, caused him to be banished from the Coun­sel, though he were a person very necessary and usefull to him. In fine, he who is mastered by Passion, onely thinks of satiating himself for the obtaining thereof, he disguiseth the disloyalty of his Counsels, with so many fair glosses and specious colours that he may draw his Prince, to that end he aimeth at; by this means if his Prince have any confidence in him, he will easily deceive him, and quickly dead him into those mis-fortunes which he will soon perceive, but too late to get clear of them. All Soveraigns are not so fortunate as the Pisans, who refused to make a War against the Florentines being invited thereunto by the Arch-Bishop of Milan, for that Francis Gambacortij gave them to understand he onely advised to it, out of hatred to the Florentines, and not out of any advantage to their interests.

The Rochelois are summoned by a Herald to surrender to the King.

THe King being returned to the Army, caused the Rochelois to be summoned by a Herald to surrender, but their minds and answers were full of insolency, so that his Majesty bended all his thoughts to make preparations for the fighting with the English Fleet at their first comming. Divers Lords and Gentlemen of the Nation came from all parts to the Army, for this occasion, and to partake of the glory of his Majesties Arms; every one of them were on fire to be ingaged with the English and the Rochelois, that they might obtain a second victory a­gainst them. Now it being expedient that he who commandeth an Army, should exactly know the condition and number of his forces, that he may the better re­solve upon that which is necessary to be done, the King thought fit to make a muster and to take a strict view of the Army. He caused them to muster in his own pre­sence which was no small satisfaction to him, especially when he observed how du­tifull they were, and how well Disciplined, not stragling up and down as formerly they were wont to do, all which was an effect of the Cardinals admirable care, Con­duct, and Prudence. The Order which he had caused to be observed was this, every eight days there was a muster of all the Souldiers, every Regiment having a Commissary appointed to it, to whom the Souldiers pay was distributed, and not to their Captains, as formerly had been the custome: By this means the Captains were deprived of the power of mustring any foisted hirelings, and every week there was an exact number of the Army, that new recruits might be sent for, if occasion did require. This alteration you may imagine did much trouble divers Captains; especially such as preferred their own Interests before his Majesties glory; but it cannot be expected how advantagious it was to the Kings service, who thus review­ing his Army, found it composed of nineteen Regiments of foot, and eighteen Troops of Horse; besides a very great number of Volunteers; insomuch that they were five and twenty thousand men compleat. The King likewise took a view of all his Vessels, and finding them to be in good order, and enough to secure the Channel from the English, he began to be impatient to see them appear, that he might make them pay for the rashnesse of their attempts, and signalize his own for­ces by a second Victory.

Politique Observation.

ONE of the chief cares a General ought to have is, that he keep his Forces in good order, that none of them run from their Coullors, or muster any hire­lings. It is a businesse of so great importance, that oftentimes Victorie dependeth on it: as at Pavie, where the ill successe which befell Francis the first, is by divers Historians attributed to the defect of this particular, for onely looking over the Commissaries Roules, he thought there had bin full as many Souldiers as were there listed upon which the fight was begun, but lost, and the King taken prisoner. Now for [Page 223]the staying of Souldiers in an Army, one of the best ways according to Alexander Severus, is this, pay them well, clothe them well, shoe them well, arm them well feed them well, and so order the businesse, that they may alwayes have some mony in their purses: and when they be thus well used, such as run from their Collours must then be severy punished; Corbulo beheaded all such, without mercy, and it was observed, that this severity of his, was of great advantage to him, for by it, he kept all his toopes neer at a stay in point of Number: Neither is it lesse needful, to pre­vent Captaines and Commissaries scroles, who can by a dangerous miracle, revive dead Souldiers, in their companies, and make more to appear then really they have. This is an inconveniency, of which the losse of the Kings mony, is the least conse­quent evil; for if it happen that a Prince assure himself according to the Roles, is thereupon become confident in attempting any enterprises, he may perchance, when it comes to a trial, find himself much weaker, then he expected, and by that means run into the same premunire, that Francis the first did at Pavie. The best preventive Course in such disorders is that which Darius used, who notwithstand­ing the vastnesse of his Armie: and the Extent of his States was however so careful of his Forces, that he would often review them in his own presence, pay the Soul­diers with his own hands, and be perpetually in company with them, not onely that he might be particularly acquainted with them, but that he might take care to pro­vide necessaries for them, encourage some, and reward others who had wel deserved of him. If after all their cares the Captains shall still presume to make false musters, both they and the Commissaries who admit of them ought to be punished, with so much the more rigor, in regard their faults are of so dangerous a con­sequence.

The English Fleet cometh before Rochell.

THE perpetual instance which they of Rochel made to the King of Great Brittain, at last wrought on him, to send out his Fleet to Sea, upon their first being ready for it, and about the eleventh of May they were discried two leagues off the point of Coreille. The light Vessels which the Cardinal, (in his Majesties ab­sence, being then at Surgeres) had sent out to discover, the Coast brought intelli­gence that their Fleet consisted in four Pinnaces, seven men of War, of about one hundred and fifty Tun a peece, twenty smaller of neer one hundred Tuns, twenty Barques of about thirty and forty, and divers Fire-ships. There was such order ta­ken to repel them, in case they should attempt to passe the Bank, that it would be almost an impossibility for them to effect it: For besides there engines which were at the mouth of the Bark, there was also the Kings Fleet, composed of good store Men of war, and divers other Vessels which lay in the Channels. The Chevalier de Velencay was in the formost Ship of the vant-guard, and commanded as Vice-Admiral, who had order to grapple with the first Ship of the Enemies, and to fight those who were in it; The others were to follow his example, and every one had or­der to beat the Enemies as neer to the Shore, as possible they could, where they would find it a hard taske to get off in regard of the great shot from the Forts and Batteries thereabouts. If the Enemie should break through all those obstacles, of the greater Vessels & shot from the Batteries, yet they would find themselves en­tangled amongst fourscore other Vessels, Gallies, Galliots, and Barques, from whence it would be difficult to get off, and at the worst they would be stopped by those vessels which had been sunk, or the first Pallisade of three and forty ships which were next to them. The Cardinal who knew that his Majesties courage would lead him to every thing, presently gave him advice of the arrival of the English, and his Majesty presently took horse and came the same night to the Camp. The strength of his Army, the Batteries which were built on the shores, and the good order which he observed both in his Land and Sea forces, banish'd all causes of fear from him, neither were his resolutions lesse fortified by the confidence which he [Page 224]had in God, for whose glory he did fight, more then for the Interests of his own Kingdome, to whom he caused publick Prayers to be made for his blessing on this occasion. In short, as he was not ignorant that the presence of an enemy, ob­ligeth him who commands to be the more vigilant, he sent to discover the enemies Fleet at a nearer distance within Musket shot, then lying in the road of the Chef de Bay; he likewise called a Councel of War, where he resolved upon the following order for his own Fleet: He commanded that upon the first motion of the enemy no Vessel should weigh Anchor untill they were neer at hand, and that then they should board them before they came neer the Bank. That no Vessel should re­leeve his Companion being ingaged with the enemy, that in case any Vessel were in pursuit of an enemy, and should fall foul upon one of his own party, not yet pro­vided, then the first vessel should cast Anchor to the end to stay the enemy, that both might fall upon him; that if any vessel were fired the Shallops should present­ly come to assist, and that in case she were grappled with a Fire-ship, they should remove the Wedges from the Cannons that they might shoot over: That in such case too, they should knock out the ends of their Barrels of Power, and pour in some Buckets of Water: That they should not make ready any greater number of vessels then the enemy should bring in between the two points: That the ships should every day send their Boats to watch before the Fleet, and that their chief care should be to prevent the enemies Fire-ships, by surprising their Shallops in case they had any, or by casting an harping Iron whereby to draw them off from the vessels: That for the more readinesse every vessel should have a grappling hook in the stern, and that when-ever the enemy should hoise sail, they should have their long boats armed, and ready to advance with assistance against any fire, where it should happen. This order was resolved on by the King, assisted with his Gene­rals and Sea Captains, and so delivered to the Commander of Valencay Vice-Ad­miral, who distributed it amongst the Officers. Lastly, his Majesty took a review of all his Quarters and Batteries, to see if all were in condition to fight and repel the enemy, when-ever they should appear.

Politique Observation.

OF all the Arts none more becommeth a Prince, than the Military, which not onely preserves his own State to him, but gives him means to increase it and raise his power to a higher degree. It cannot be doubted but that it is one of the steadiest Pillars of his Authority, seeing neither subjects or neighbours make any difficulty to assault him, whom they find negligent in Military Discipline. For this reason it was, that the wisest amongst the Romans, were against the ruine of Carthage; fore-seeing with much Prudence, that that City being no longer able to oppose the Roman greatnesse, their Commanders would no more regard the trai­ning up of their Souldiers in the exercise of War, and by consequence, put the Emi­pire in danger of a total ruine. I shall hereto adde, that the Prince unskil'd in this Art lies at the mercy of his Captains when any War befalls him, and his Power sub­jected to their Fidelity; an evill so much the greater, as the Grandees of a Kingdom holding for a maxime, that the weaknesse of their Prince is the most assured founda­tion of their Authority, would make no scruple of letting themselves be overcome, when thereby they might hope for some advantage. Besides it is not to be imagi­ned to what contempt he doth expose himself, whilest he is in an Army which he knows not how to govern, how to quarter, how to give order in a March or a Battel. I have formerly said, that that Prince is very unfortunate, who is necessi­tated to make use of strangers for his assistance. But what good successe can he expect, who is not able to guide his own Subjects in War? To deal ingeniously, if the Army which he hath got together be the Body destinied for his defence, hee is then their head; but if he chance to be unable to do the Offices which belong to that part, his Army will fall to be like the body of a man, whose head by the many wounds it hath received, is no longer able to govern or direct the inferiour [Page 225]members. Amongst the many wayes to make a Prince Master of this Art, no doubt, but the reading of such Books as discourse concerning History and War, may be very usefull, for by it may he observe the atchievements of great Captains and what orders they have followed in matters of fight: But yet the Practique part is that which in military affairs is much more advantagious. Neither ought a Prince to expect a War that he may accustome himself to the attaining of this ha­bit; for this is the time, when he must teach his Souldiers to execute that which himself had formerly learn'd. The exercising and training up of his Souldiers in time of Peace will be of a double advantage to him, for he not onely learns the manner of conducting them, but accustomes and habituates them to his own rules and conduct, and maketh himself beloved by them, so that when occasion shall serve they will not easily leave or forsake him.

Charles of Anson was esteemed a fortunate and good Souldier, but yet his cre­dit was much diminished for his disusing his Souldiers to the exercise of their Arms in time of Peace. An Army not train'd up to feats of War in times of Peace, can­not do any great actions in War when occasion requires, saith Julius Caesar; but on the contrary there are great hopes from them who are well Disciplin'd. Upon this accompt it was, that he made so little difficulty to go meet with a handfull of men, Pompey and his vast Army in the Thessalian Plains, they being for the most part untrain'd and without skill; so that he himself said, he onely went to fight a head without a body. Scipio the Affricans greatest care was in this manner, conti­nually to exercise his Souldiers, that he might teach them to be victorious and cou­ragious. Philopaemon was much commended by antiquity, for that in times of Peace, he was diligently intent upon the exercising of his Souldiers for War, if oc­casions should so happen, that there might be any sudden need of them, many times would he lead them into the Field, and propose these and such other questi­ons to them. If the enemy (would he say) were incamped upon yonder Hill, who had the greater advantage by it, he, or me? how should we assault him? what course were proper to be taken if he should stay to attend us? If we should be put to retreat, how should we do it with most advantage? Thus he knew their opini­ons, and shewed them his own, which used them to a readinesse of all manner of exercises. In fine, he who accustometh himself to this kind of action, may say what Camillus did to his in a great Battel which he had with the Tuscans, at whose numbers his souldiers were astonished: Companions and Fellow Souldiers (said he) put not your selves to the trouble of doing any thing else, then what you have so often done before my face. These few words gave them a confident assurance, and doubtlesse a Prince whoever he be, shall banish all fear from his Souldiers, and much increase their Courages, when he hath train'd them up to the use of their Arms, and to the knowledge of what they ought to observe, he shall come to say those or the like words unto them. Use makes perfection, maketh Cowards sencelesse at the greatest dangers, and enables them to do all things, who before could do nothing.

The English attempt the Relief of Rochel, but in vain.

THE English Fleet lay eight days at Anchor, without moving a Ship, they ha­ving agreed upon the order of fight with those of Rochel, who had promised by their Deputies to sally out both by Sea and Land to second them; but they could find no opportunity to send them notice of it; besides the ill welcome they recei­ved at their first entertainment, made them resolve to attempt nothing without a good information how they might escape those obstacles, which they understood were prepared ready for them in the Channel. For being come near about the Chef de Bay, they were received with a Volley of about fifty short from the Point there; forty of which did execution upon them; especially upon one, in which and English Collonel and divers of his Company were killed. This Battery indeed consisted of 9 peece of Cannon, and was raised there by his Majesties own direction, though contrary to the advice of his Generals.

But for all this, there was one Captain Braignant a Rochellois, in companie with them, who offered to attempt the passage in a small Boat with Oares, crosse the Kings Fleet, and over the Channels, to give those of the Town information of what orders they were to observe: The English approoved of it, who making use of the darkness of the night, went and mingled himself with those of the Kings Fleet under pretence of enquiring out for a Galliot, & so well played his part, that he got into Rochel. Presently the Rochellois made Bonefiers upon the tops of their Towers; The day following, they set up three Ensigns, one white, t'other red, & the third Blew; the English did the like. The King seeing of it, presently drew out his Armie into Battalia; which had bin during the eighth dayes last past much recuited, by the accesse of divers Volunteers, who had come in from all parts; and his Majesty had the pleasure to behold with what eagernesse, every one desired to be engaged with the Enemies: Hereupon the English Fleet seeing the Sea smooth, and their Ships mooved with a fair Gale, came up toward his Majesties Fleet, about Cannon di­stance; turned about their Ships and discharged their Broad-sides, the like did the Rochellois; and the Kings Ships were not long before they set out to receive them, where they behaved themselves with such courage that the English had no reason to believe, they had lesse resolution now, then they had lately shewen at the Ile of Re; that which most of all troubled them was, they were not ignorant, with what obstacles they were to encounter, in the Channels that they were to break through three Rayles, two of Vessels floating on the Sea, and linked toge­ther by Chains and Anchors; and a third several Vessels filled with stones and sunk before the Bank; the Channel too was covered all over, with Vessels full of Soul­diers and Voluntiers of the Nobility, all eager of fighting with them; besides they were to avoyd the shot which would thunder in upon them from both sides of the shore, by the Bank; al these difficulties made them dispair of doing any good upon it, and that time the water was too low, for their Ships, in which their chief strength consisted, and their design could not be excused, but at high-water, because when the Sea began to ebb, their Vessels of burden would remain as the mercy of his Ma­jesties great Guns, insomuch that all things duely considered, they concluded it im­possible for them to break thorough.

On the other side the Rochelois who had promised them to Sally out, and do miracles, did not appear at all, for they had found, that it would be impossible to make way thorough to the Bank, there being so many Vessels full of Souldiers & Volunteers, to be fought with; insomuch that the Earl of Denbigh what out of an­ger, and what out of despair, resolved to draw off: many complaints he made against the Rochellois, as that they had deceived the King his Master, in assuring him that it was easie to passe into their Port, and not informing him, of those ob­stacles, which he was to provide against, and with forces the King of France had a board his Ships, & Vessels to fight with his Souldiers; but yet al his complaints could not secure him, from being much blamed: all that he did, before his going off, was, he had sent out a Fire-ship with Petards and the like, from which he expected great matters, as that it would burn all the Ships it came neer: but it happene to work sooner then his enginers imagined; so that they being unable to get of the Barque which was fastened to it, they burnt their Vessels, and themselves, without any re­lief or succour.

Politique Observation.

IT is unsafe to believe a unrevolted people, or to build any designe upon their promises; They themselves do commonly ground all their rebellions upon vain hopes, of which being despoiled, they have present recours to such, from whom they can expect assistance, without considering into how great disasters, and to what little purpose they engage them; They want fore-cast to prevent those inconve­niencies into which they are throwing of themselves and Friends, and they judge of events by their own desires, rather then by the rules of War. They never misdoubt of a good successe, in that which they wish with passion; & as nothing is so [Page 227]dangerous as rashnesse, which carrieth people blindfold into disasters: so they fre­quently fall into those misfortunes which they did not foresee, and in it ruine all those whom they have perswaded to become companions of their enter­prises.

Artaxerxes suffered himself to be guided by the fair words of Themistocles, who being discontented with his own Countrey, perswaded him to a War against Greece, where being arrived, he soon found Themistocles could not make good his word to him; whereby he came exposed to many dangers; Themistocles indeed was so ashamed of it, that he poisoned himself but what did that advantage Artaxerxes's, It neither defended him from the discredit and blame, nor saved him those expences which he had bin at. In the same manner the Sieur de Chaumont one of our Kings Generals in Italy, let himself be guided by Bentivoglio, in the assalting of Boulognea, from whence he had bin banished, upon the hopes he gave him, that the Citizens and No­bility would revolt; but being come before it, he was forced to retire with dishonor, all those promises of Bentivoglio, which were founded more upon his passionate de­sire, than reason, being vanished into that ayr which gave him the first conceipts of them. I might add for another reason, the facility wherewith a people revolted, do submit to their soveraigns, when they find themselves reduced to an impossibility of executing their designes. For as they have not prudence enough to foresee those dangers into which they run, neither have they generousnesse enough, to ob­serve their promises made upon any accompt whatever.

Thus Alexander King of Epire, invaded Italy upon some assurances, which a re­volted people called the Lucani, at this day inhabiting the Basilicate of Naples, had given him, of a speedy subduing the whole Kingdome, and that they would never forsake him, but he soon found it quite otherwise: For they having made their Peace, with the rest of their Country-men, to enjoy their goods and liberties, upon condition that they slew him, forthwith fell upon him, and by an extream breach of Faith killed him, which might serve all Princes to beware, how they credit a revolt­ed rebellious people, both because they will usually promise more then they can perform, feign and pretend several impostures to draw any one in to their assi­stance and last of all, if they find it for their advantage, make their own ac­commodation, and leave those whom they engaged with them, to shift for them­selves.

The English having attempted their utmost to relieve Rochel, resolve to depart.

THE sodain departure of the English pass'd for a miracle, not only amongst the most Religious, but the wise too; and indeed it was apparent to be seen that Heaven it self, did fight against them, and would that his Majesty should be victorious over them, his thoughts being accompanied with so much Piety and Ju­stice. And was it not indeed a miracle to see so great a Fleet set sayl from England, with undanted courages, resolve to consume whatever should oppose them, and on a sodain, seized with fear, insomuch that their Armes seemed to drop out of their hands, and they could not be perswaded to fight? was it not indeed a real miracle, that, on the third night after their arrival, in the Road of the Chef de Bay, the Wind being favourable for the Rochellois to sally out, according as had bin assigned between them, should presently turn about, and that just as they were at the Oar? was it not, I pray, an absolute miracle, that when at another time the same Rochelois were embarqued, after the exhortations of their Ministers, and their Captains had solemnly sworn, to passe the Bank in dispight of all oppo­sition, or die in the attempt, just then they should be struck with such faint hearted­nesse, that not a man durst stir his hand, and their Minister Vincent who exhorted them, could no longer speak unto them, as himself confessed in a Letter to a Friend of his? was not that a real miracle, which hapened two dayes before the English de­parted, [Page 228]when there fell so thick a myst, that one could hardly see his hand; which opportunity they intended to make use of to force the Bank; and on a sudden to see it dissipated, though it was thought that it would have lasted three hours at least, and the wind which was at that time fair, to change about, and that into so vio­lent a storm, that one of their Vessels was forced on shore, neer Pont de la Pierre? Was it not miraculous to see the Kings Army clear from all contagious diseases; notwithstanding that the Rochelois had often sent out infected persons, on purpose to infect others? Was it not strange that the Sea should grow so rough at the first laying the foundation for the Bank, and break it open without doing any other hurt then enlarging of the ground-work, a thing necessary in it self, and too narrow to uphold so great a bulk? And besides was it not a miracle that whilest the Bank was not yet finished, the Sea Floods which yeeld to nothing, should not do any hurt to it? They who are eye-witnesses of so many wonders could not but confesse that Heaven fought for his Majesty, and that the Winds which observe nothing but inconstancy, were by God subjected to him, to become favourable to his de­signs. Who can refuse to acknowledge these things to be the effects of Gods ex­traordinary power; for his Majesty, at the same time, did a great and evident mi­racle upon a child of 12 years old, who never having spoke word, onely Ay and No spake perfectly as soon as ever the King had touched her. She was born at St. Jean de Angely, and brought by her Parents, who confidently beleeved that she would be well if his Majesty did but touch her.

Politique Observation.

THE Piety of a King avails much in the obtaining of Victorie. Who can doubt it, seeing God is the Authour of them, and that Piety is a charm which capti­vates him as the Royal Prophet hath said, To hear the Prayers of them who fear him, and to defend them from their enemies? Antiquity used to say (according to Plutarch) that Fortune gave to Demetrius those Towns which he took in Nets of Gold: Mercurius Tresmegistus saith, that he whose Piety puts him into Gods protection, is not easily surprised by any ambush, and St. Augustine writeth in his Book de Civit. Dei, That the Romans had not been Masters of the Universe by Force and Prudence, but by the Virtue and Piety which they practised: The Vi­ctories they obtained being the rewards of their deserts; indeed Justice and Piety are the strongest weapons a Soveraign can imploy to suppresse his enemies: And if any one ask the reason of it, I shall onely alledge this, that Piety renders them worthy to obtain Victories from the hand of God, who hath promised in a thou­sand places of holy Writ to imploy his power in the behalf of those Kings which are righteous. And how often hath God made the Winds and Tempests to fight their Battels who have been carefull to walk in his ways? How often hath he ope­ned inaccessible places to them, and calmed the Sea for their sakes? Hath it not been often seen that an handfull of men by his assistance have brought strong Ar­mies to confusion, and became Masters of places thought to be impregnable. To speak truly, nothing is so strong, so powerfull, so invincible, nor so generous as that valour which marching under the Banners of Christian Piety, submiteth its self to Gods protection, the true strength of all Christian Princes: And as it were in vain to seek for Light without the Sun, Water without Fountains or Rivers, and heat without fire; so it would be ridiculous to expect true strength from any other then his protection, who is the God of Battels. The more a Prince is in favour with him, the more courage will he give him, especially when he fighteth for his glory, and this is a maxime which may serve for a foundation to the happinesse of all Kings, and who so observeth it not, buildeth his designs upon the sand. Alphon­sus King of Sicily and Arragon taught his son Ferdinand, in such terms as were ve­ry proper to be learned by all young Princes in their infancy. It was then when he sent him to revenge the injuries, which he had received from the Florentines, Be­hold his words:

My son (said he) That which I chiefly command you, is, Trust not so much upon your souldiers courages, as upon your hopes of assistance from Heaven, learn to day from me, Victory is not the effect of the Discipline or industry of men, but of Gods power, who is the judge of Battels. The Military Art can ne­ver assure of an happy successe in our designs, if we be once defective in making God our friend by the Piety and Innocence of our actions. In fine, all the max­ims of War, not link'd with the Laws of God are weak foundations; and all the fortunes which are not grounded upon him, who turns the Globe of the Earth with his hand, are nearer to destruction then advancement. The Greeks though brought up in the darknesse of errour, did they not design to teach us, when in their fables it was said, that Mercury who was adored by them for the God of Prudence, was nursed by the hours? For to what end was it, if not to teach their people that all humane wisedome, if not regulated nor sustained by the measures of Heaven could not have any nourishment or subsistance.

The Dissentions amongst the Rochelois upon the Departure of the English.

THE departure of the English cast the Rochelois into such despair, that they had doubtlesse set open the Gates to his Majesty, so much were the inferiour sort op­pressed with necessity and want, had it not been for the Dutchesse of Rohan, and the exhortations of their Preachers, who never ceased from crying out unto the people, that they never ought to despair of assistance from Heaven, which never forsaketh them who are the Protectors of the Gospel. There presently did arise great dissentions between them, but the prevalent party, imprisoned some, and executed others, whom they found disposed to an accommodation; insomuch that from that time the poor people were ready to perish by famine, and durst not com­plain of it. They were perswaded of a new succour from England; for the procu­ring of which, they sent new Deputies to his Majesty of Great Brittain, with in­structions to incite him upon the score of honour, representing to him that he could not suffer their Town to be lost without injuring of his own glory, they be­ing thus under his protection; withall to provoke him to it by a sense of pitty; to which end they acquainted him with the extream necessities and miseries to which they were reduced, and to perswade him that there was not any such impediment in the Channel which his Fleet might not have overcome, if they would but have attempted it; that for their parts they had not been wanting to make a Salley, if his Forces had but once began the fight; and lastly, they astonished the people by the thundring noise or the Cannon, which they discharged more in six days, then they had done in six weeks before, to perswade them that they had now found an infallible way to break the Bank, and to destroy all the Kings ships that lay in the Channel.

In the mean while his Majesty that he might not lose the advantage which their divisions offered to him, sent to summon them by an Herald, but they rejected all proposals of a surrender: however famin, pressing-hard upon the poorer sort, & som of the better too, they began to murmure, insomuch that a Counsel was summoned to satisfie them, and to consider of what was proper to be done: the Counsel being met, most of the members were of opinion to accept of his Majesties bounty and one amongst them openly said, that they were now within six weeks of their last provi­sions, that every one had reason to rejoyce, seeing it pleased his Majesty to be so gracious; as that he would preserve the exercise of their Religion to them; the en­joyment of their goods, and the walls of their City, all which they had reason to hope for, from his Majesties clemencie and goodnesse: That on the other side, he saw no reason to expect any relief from the English, as well by reason of the losses they had already sustain'd as by the little courage they had testified to fight for them, as also by those great difficulties which were to be remooved in the Channel: [Page 230]and so saying, he did much settle and confirm the rest in their resolutions of Sur­rendring. But the Mayor hearing this discourse came to him, and gave him a Box on the ear; in answer of which another of the Connsellors did so much for him, and thus they had falled into some greater sedition had they not bin dissolved very quickly. The Councel was much offended with the Mayor, and issued out an or­der to seize on him; but he encouraging the people, made them rise, and take arms, so away he went to the houses of those two Counsellors, to have slain them, as doubtlesse he had done, had it not preserved by their escape out of Rochel, unto his Majesty at whose feet they cast themselves, imploring his protection, which was not denied unto them.

These divisions, did not a little advantage his Majesties affaires, & the Cardinal per­swaded his Majesty to foment them as much as possible he could, by sending another summons to them to yeild; whereupon Breton Herald at Armes was commanded to do it in Form, with his Coat of Armes, who went into the Citie, required them to lay down their weapons, assured them of pardon for their past crime & follies, and threatning them with the contrary, in case they should now refuse it. It made no little impression on them, who were reduced to want and extremity, but they being animated by their Preachers, the town still continued resolute in their insolencies, The obstinate wilfulnesse, which is natural to such people feeding them with fair hopes until the last.

Politique Observation.

THE people, saith T. Livy, unable to govern themselves by reason, soon run into extremities, and dangers; they are ever either too low or too high, too forward or too backward. Another, and for the same reason likens them to the fool-hardy, who know no medium between the extreams of fear and audacious­nesse; as soon as ever they despair of effecting their designs to advantage, they break out into mutinies; but in case they find them in a condition of bringing them to a good issue. Oh, how fierce are they? how insolent in their expressions & actions? There need no other reason for it, but onely this Passion is naturally the Mistress of popular spirits, which are neither capable of reason or generousness the two known causes of civility, modesty and valour: Experience too hath made it evident that they who are born with narrow low hearts are terrified at the least dangers, and care not what evils they commit if they have but the power to defend them. It is the pro­perty of passion, either to yeild to soon, or not at all; and by the impetuousnesse of their motion it is, that many people have chosen after the suffering of a thousand miseries, to dye within their City wals, rather then open their Gates, to their besie­gers. Calagurva a City of Spain, being besieged by Pompey, the inhabitants of it, were so obstinate in defence of their Walls in Sertorius his behalf, that after they had eaten up all their living creatures, they were so sencelesly cruel, as to kill their Wives and Children, that they might eat them: And the Saguntines too, who were of the same Nation after they had suffered the utmost extremities, turned their rage upon their own selves, insomuch that their fame became a proverb, for having no­thing left to eat, they made a great fier in the publike place, where they first burnt, whatever they esteemed rich, and then threw in themselves, choosing rather to pe­rish in the flames, then to let the Carthaginians become Masters of their Town and Persons, rather to follow the impetuousnesse of that fury which tormented them, then to be guided by reason, which would have taught them, that it had bin no in­famy to yield to a Conqueror, when he hath reduced such as resist him, to an im­possibility of escaping.

A Feigned Treaty between the King and the Rochelois.

THE Mayor of Rochel seeing this fury of the people; who seemed unable longer to endure the extremities, whereunto necessity had reduced them, and that that party, who were enclined to surrender the Town, were grown strong, he resolved to feign a treaty with the King. He had wit enough to know that the people love rather to be deceived than forced, upon which thoughts, he prayed the Sieur Arnoult by the Sieur de Fenquieres a prisoner, that he would come into the City to advise upon such wayes of accomodation, as might he thought reasonable. The Sieur Arnoult procured leave for it, and upon discourse had with the Mayor, he spent two dayes time in going & coming, after which he purposed to the besieged to have recourse to his Majesties mercy, as the most assured way of pardon which they could fancie to themselves; so the Sieur Arnoult went to meet the King at Tailbourg, & Monsieur de Cardinal at Chast [...]liers near Fontenay to give them notice of what had passed. These apparent submissions brought them both back to the Camp, from which they were a little retired by reason of the infections which are in the Army. Now the Sieur Arnoult being returned to Rochel, and having assured the inhabi­tants of the inclination his Majesty had to pardon them, if they would really con­fesse their faults, and give him reason to beleeve that they would in future live with­in the bounds of their duty, they named Deputies to wait upon his Majesty, who commanded them to acquaint the Cardinal with what they had to say. They went to wait upon his Eminency at Rousay, at the Quarter de la Bergery, where they were in conference full two hours with him, after which every one guessed by their cheerfulnesse that they were very well contented, they desired a safe conduct to wait upon him two dayes after in the same place, which was not denied them, and being come thither they testified a great resolution in the people to deliver them­selves up to his Majesties mercy, seeing that notwithstanding their Rebellion, he had been pleased to let them live in the exercise of their Religion, the injoyment of their goods, and withall the preservation of their Walls; the Cardinal sent them back to the King, whom they found upon the Bank they were afraid to appear be­fore his Majesty, but being brought into his presence they cast themselves at his feet, and begged his pardon and mercy with as many apparent submissions, as could have been desired. His Majesty said to them, you deserve to be severely punished; but since God hath given you the grace to confesse your fault, I pardon you your lives. The Deputies returned to Rochel with great joy, promising to be ready the next morning to conclude upon the particular Articles of the Treaty. But the Mayor and those of his party had onely pretended this Treaty to gain time, that they might work upon the people by possessing them how important it was to their liberty to keep up their fortifications; which otherwise would be levelled with the ground; and at last having moulded them to their own temper, all the Treaty vanished to smoke: Nay their insolency was such, that being confident, during this intercourse of parley, his Majesties Army would not keep so strict watch as usually they did, they had the boldnesse to send out a fire-ship about three in the morning, amongst the Kings Vessels near the Bank, which guarded the Passages, and at the same time shot off divers great pieces, but without any execution. The Cardinal who knew that an enemy ought never to be trusted, caused the watch to be kept in as great strictnesse as ever, so that the Boats which were upon the guard perceiving the fire-ship drew her aside into a place, where she burned down without doing any hurt.

Politique Observation.

VIgilance is the savegard of Armies, and he who commands a siedge is the more obliged to watch that he may sustain the enterprises of the besiedged, in re­gard the wisest then attempt them, when they are least suspected. Negligence [Page 232]and Victory do never any long time go hand in hand together, and the least care­fulnesses do often turn the scales in War. Those campes which are garded with most circumspection, are the most secure, and he who is not alwayes in a way of defence, puts himself into eminent danger; That General who lets his forces sleep without good gard, commits the care of them and their lives to fortune. Iphicrates one of the most famous Captains of Athens was far enough from committing this fault, for his Souldiers kept the same gard in peace, and with the same stricttnesse as in War, their arms being alwayes ready by them to fight. At first it was woundred at, but the reason he alledged, was, That a man may be never surprised, he ought always to be in fear. By this means after the shame of a rout, he will not be forced to say, I did not think there had been any thing to fear. If a General hath reason at any time to be upon his gard, more especially ought he to be so then, when there are propositions of peace in treaty; for one of the most usual wiles, which great Captains use, is that of proposing some treaty whereby they might make advan­tage. Thus Pope Julius the second, that he might gain time, to prepare himself against the Duke of Ferrara, amazed King Lewi [...]h the twelfth with the apparencies of a fair accommodation. In the like manner Ferdinando Arragon sent Philip Arch-duke of Austria to amaze the same King by a treaty of Peace, which they swore unto, that they might hinder him in consideration thereof from making ne­cessary preparations for the assisting of his own party; who by reason thereof were forced to leave the Kingdome of Naples; and Ferdinand made it evident that to that purpose was his designe, for he could not afterwards be perswaded to ratifie the treaty. Nothing is so safe as to treat a pear with distrust, and he who so doth, hath a double advantage by it, first by depriving his Enemy of all hopes to surprise him, and secondly because the good order in which he keeps his Forces, gives him the credit to obtain more beneficial articles.

The Rochelois are reduced by famine to extream miseries.

ONE of the remedies which the Rochellois used to relieve their necessities, espe­cially after the English were returned, was to turn out all the unnecessary mouthes; they found means by the help of a dark night and in a tempest, which had broken in sunder some of the floating Vessels which stopped the mouth of the Bank, to passe a Barque laden with women, which the Kings vessels then in gard did not perceive time enough to prevent: but this was the onely time they could procure that advantage, but on the contrary, their insolency being come to the height, they forced the Kings Justice Severely to punish such as attempted to save themselves by Land; about the end of August above three hundred persons of all ages and both sexes came out by the Channel at low water, and being got to Land, fell to eating of roots and herbs with such greedinesse, that it was easie to judge how much the inhabitants of the Town were necessitated by famine. They had been fit objects with compassion, had they been lesse insolent; but as nothing except ne­cessity it self could bring them to their duties, so the Sieurs de Brisfac, de Fourille and the other Captains of the gards when they lighted on them, forced them back into he Town, to augment the famine of the inhabitants. This just severity was oftentimes used towards them, by which means their miseries were such, that having neither bread, pulse, nor any thing usually edible, they found out an invention to boil Beefs-hides in tallow & such other things. They were oftentimes seen to go into the Salt-pits to gather herbs and cockles, and such other stuff as they could frie, which they presently devoured as delicates. They eat bread made of thistle-roots, and their hunger not so satisfied, turning into fury came to that passe, that they eat dead bodies, and some perswaded the mothers to embrew their hands in the blood of their innocent Babes for their present nourish­ment.

Had it not been seen, it would hardly have been beleeved, that after such extre­mities [Page 233]they should long hold out: however they remained obstinate; so that his Majesties justice, guided by his prudence obliged him to prohibit the coming out of any of them, yet how ill soever they were dealt with by his Majesties troops, when they came to the trenches, diverse of them daily came out, which were still beat back again. It is true for their greater confusion the men were driven back again naked, and the Women in their smocks forcing them with forks and lathes to return: as for those who attempted to passe the trenches in the night, or by any other devise, they were all hanged without mercy, if it were their misfortunes to be discovered, because some of them hand been taken with Letters and Tickets to ha­sten on the relief from England, and this prudent Severity was at last the true case of their repentance.

Politick Observation.

IT is an equitable cruelty, to hinder the besieged from running out of a Town, when their necessities begin to presse upon them. If the War be lawfull their deaths must needs be just. It is true in point of sieges the inhabitants are first to be gained by kindnesse, but when perswasions will not do, force and rigour ought to be made use of, and this ought to be done with the lesse difficulty, in regard the death of Rebels doth well suit with Justice and the publick good. Famine is one of the chief weapons which forceth a Town in a long siege. It is that which takes them, where the Artillery cannot make breaches or ruines enough to force a sur­render. Now as this Famine is augmented by their number, he who shall suffer them to get out and avoid the necessity which presse upon them, acteth against himself, and depriveth himself of the most assured means to take them. The more people that are in a besieged Town, the sooner will their victuals be consumed, and they sooner reduced to famine, and then follows death in its hideous and de­formed visage, producing every day spectacles of horrour, which they who have any reason and find a necessities of being forced, had much rather surrender then behold; famine makes the weapons fall out of their hands. The Emperour Au­relian speaking of the Roman people (said) Nothing is so gay as they are when their Bellies are full, and their bones at rest; and on the contrary, nothing so cowardly as when they are reduced to want and penury. Who knows not what violences they use upon the Magistrate to free them of this necessity? Hath it not been heretofore seen that in a time of Famine, the Roman people went after the Empe­rour Claudius injuriously reviling him, and throwing crusts of bread at his head? and they of Constantinople, did they not in a great dearth throw stones at their Em­perour, Theodosius the first? The people do become so furious by famine, that no­thing can hold them, and as they prefer nothing before life, they at last resolve to force their Officers to open their Gates and surrender. Indeed they are the more excusable for it, in regard necessity is become their reason, the power whereof is unsupportable either by one or the other.

The miseries of Rochel by Famine.

THE common people of Rochel had indured great miseries from the beginning of May; however the hopes they had of succour from England, perswaded the best provided amongst them to sow all sorts of little grain, as Pease, Beans, Bar­ley, and the like, about their Walls in all their spare places; it was discretion in the Kings party to let them alone in it; but a great imprudence in them to dis-fur­nish themselves of that whereof they had such present necessity, and were likely to have much more in a very little time. They had indeed the pleasure to behold what they sowed to spring up and grow; but just when they thought to gather the fruits of their labours, the Kings Army came up and cut all down, and so deprived them of the refreshment which they expected from it.

Politique Observation.

THE usual rule in Sieges, is to keep the besieged close up, and to deprive them of all kind of liberty; for by consequence, liberty which is one of the most de­lightfull things in mans life being once stopped, becomes very displeasing, and is a sufficient reason to perswade those who are under that restraint, to do any thing for the inlargement of it. However this rule admitteth of some exception, and ought not to be used when a besieged people pretend to sow any grain, or the like about their City Walls; For as the Corn which they put into the earth doth not a little diminish their main stock, so the freedome which is permitted them, thus to cast it away, serveth the sooner to bring them to want and famine, and so to surrender. The chief end in long sieges, is to famish the besieged, and as the sowing of their ground doth not a little contribute thereunto, so Prudence forbiddeth that they should be hindred in their work; and indeed commandeth that they should rather be invited and allured to it, by winking at them if they attempt it. For this reason it was, that Fabius Maximus having depopulated and wasted all the Country of the Campani, retired about seed-time, that he might give them the liberty of decrea­sing their store by sowing, which he never intended they should reap; which hap­pened accordingly, for comming upon them before Harvest, they were easily fami­shed and forced to surrender.

The Rochelois Salley out upon his Majesties Forces.

THough there was but a handfull of men in Rochel, compared with his Majesties Army, yet the mutinous humour which transported them, incouraged the in­habitants to make divers Sallies. It is true they made fewer then had been seen in any so great siege, in hopes that the English would come and force open the Bank but however some they made, and those great ones, but were repulsed with losse, It was the Sieur de Fouquierres mishap to be taken Prisoner by them in one of their Sallies, which they made about the beginning of the year; there were divers of theirs too taken, which were kept in durance for exchanges, if occasion should be, and they of the City had notice given unto them, that in case they did him any inju­ry, his Majesty would cause all his Prisoners of theirs to be hanged without mercy; so they dealt civilly with him, and when their Victuals began to grow scarce, they permitted one of his servants to bring him some every day from the Camp. Their insolency likewise carried them to make several Sallies by Sea, especially upon the arrival of those ships from Bourdoaux, which they attempted to have fired, but they had never any good successe in them, onely once they took a small Galliot which belonged to the Sieur de Thoyras; the Cardinals care and diligence, setting such a watch over them, that hardly-a man could peep out, but he was presently discovered.

Politique Observation.

THose Sallies which the besieged make upon an Army lying before them, are still accompanied with danger to themselves, for the least losse of their Souldiers is of great concernment; because they being once gone, it is difficult to have a re­cruit or relief of others. The valour indeed which they have opportunity of shew­ing in such incounters, may perchance quell the resolutions of the Besiegers; es­pecially if the place be well stored and likely to receive fresh supplies; but that not being so, the Besiegers by standing still in their Forts and Works, and keeping good guard in their Trenches, will be sure every time to lessen their number of some few, and in fine reduce them to none at all. Philip de Commines saith, all Sallies made without necessity are to be blamed; for they cannot without it be al­lowable, that which sometimes maketh to vanquish against hope, by the cou­rage [Page 237]which it infusethinto the most cowardly, for there is not any danger which they are not easily perswaded toattempt who are convinced of the inevitableness of their present death. This is that which all those who are besieged ought to consider; be­fore they make a salley: now as for the Besiegers, they have onely two ways to avoid all misfortunes, the first, the well ordering of their works, the second, the good watch of those works. If the Trenches are well contrived, not any where at too great distance from the Town, if they flank one another, if they be high enough to shelter the foot, if their Parapets be Faulcon proof, if they be so well fortified by Forts and Redouts, from distance to distance; if they be large enough to fight in; and so disposed, that one be not surprised behind they will bring great matters to passe; they ought also to be lined with Souldiers, well accoutred, well disciplined, and such as wil be careful to keep good watch day and night, neither is it lesse needful, to place Sentinels, upon the Avennues, and all along upon the Trenches; and at last when the Enemie doth appear, then is the time to repel force by Force, then ought the most resolute of the Souldiers, be placed in Front, to sustain the charge, as like­wise in that quarter, which is neerest the Town, because they who bear the first brunt, are the men that do the work; and upon whom all the rest doth depend, and in those places it is, that the first assaults are alwayes made: But above all, he who commandeth in the Trenches, ought alwayes to have Forces in a readinesse from the out-guards, for seconding courage with numbers doth much conduce to the re­pelling of an Enemie, with advantage: and if he find that those who are up­on the guard, be not either proper or able to sustain a charge, if the Enemie should come out, then ought he to place them in the strongest Redouts, from whence it will be more difficult to force them, until recruits shall come up; and this was the order which Caesar observed in besieging the City of Alexia, as is to be seen in his Commentaries.

The Duke of Rohan continueth his designes in Languedoc.

WHilest the Rochelois were acting these pieces of Rebellion, the Duke de Rohan was no lesse intent upon carrying his designes in Languedoc, for the gaining of such Towns where the Hugonots had most power to his party. About the beginning of the year he attempted to make himself Ma­ster of Briateste, by means of one Toubze, but the inhabitants who desired nothing more then to live in peace, and under his Majesties obedience, hearing of it, layd hold on that seditious brother of theirs, and sent him to Thoulouze, where he was shortly after hanged for his pains; Rohan was much displeased at the ill usage his for­ces had received at Montpellier, whereupon he commanded the Seneschal de Castres to send ten or twelve Horse and fifty Musqueteers about the Castle of Clermont de Lodove, knowing that there were divers Lords and Gentlemen met there together, that he might intice them to come out, and be revenged on them. The Sentinel of the Castle, gave notice to the Count de Clermont, that he saw eight or ten Horse eye the Castle, in such a manner, that he conceived them to be Enemies: presently the Count and those that were with him, issued out in their doublets and hose, with their Swords and Pistols, and fell upon them. These Horse-men as soon as ever they perceived them made as if they fled towards a Wood, where they had left their fifty Musqueteers in Ambush; being come up to them▪ they faced about, and dis­charging all together upon the Noblemen, who pursued them, within Pistol shot, they killed twelve of them; The Baron d'Ambre being then with the Count de Clermont, seeing his Cornet killed, vowed he would be revenged of them for his death, and turning about again to charge them, he was in an instant so surrounded that he saw it was impossible to escape: he asked them if ten thousand Crowns would save his life, they told him no, and bid him remember Montpellier. This seemed onely to be a stratagem of War, but their cruelty was in processe evidently [Page 238]to be seen, for not contented with this advantage, they cut off the noses and ears of all they took. Not long after his exployt, the Duke de Rohan ingaged the City of, Rohan to revolt. Those of his faction in Montauban, where no lesse insolent, there they forced out of their City, the Lieutenant Paxticulier, the Doyen of the Senechil, two Councellours and the Lieutenant General, and presently perswaded the people to rise. Those of Nismez, Cosne, Saint Sever, Saint Frigue, and divers other places, of Languedoc, Vivarets, and Dauphine, did the like, neither were these the onely Provinces, in which they had their Intelligencers at work. Mosieur the Car­dinal, had bin acquainted, about the beginning of March, whilest his Majesty was at Paris, that certain Gentlemen of his party did endeavor to make factions and divisions in Limasin against the Kings service, he not ignorant that such fiers ought to be extinguished on their first births, sent the Mareschal de Schomberg, Lieutenant General; of that Province, to take order in it, who no lesse prudent then valorous, soon dissipated them, that not a man durst shew his head. About the same time, he had also by some device or other gained one Le Parc, Son to one of the Captains of a Gate at Callais, to deliver the Town to the English by letting them in at a Bastion, which was somwhat decayed, and delivering them up the old Castle, where there was only one old Souldier of his acquaintance, who lay in gard. But this contrivance being discovered by the Vicompte de Fruge, Le Parc, was ap­prehended, his Processe, drawen up and finished and himself broken alive. On the other side the Sieur de Maritignon, found out some correspondencie between cer­tain Hugonots of Normandy, and the English, and how they had contrived to let them in by a great Tower which stood in the Sea belonging to the Sieur de Brique­ville, as also into the Town and Haven de Vire, in hopes that they of their party who were at Caen, Falaise, and other adjacent places, would rise in a body together, and so force the King to leave Rochel, that he might retake these places of so great im­portance.

Politique Observation.

REbels at their first rising may perchance get some advantages, either by intel­ligences in strong Towns or surprisal of those which are but ill kept, but in fine they do moulter away and are reduced to nothing. It were to be wished, that before they attempted any thing, they did but know, what is the true Reason hereof which it this, they are to seek for those things which are necessary to continue a War, with good successe, for the beginning there need little or nothing, but those beginnings must of necessity terminate in disasters, if he who is the first mover, have not store of Forces, and power to recruite them, if he be not furnished with ex­pert Officers and Treasures, if he have not very good intelligences with the Lords & Princes bordering upon those places which he pretendeth to assault, & lastly if him­self too, be not endewed with a soul & courage truly great that he ought of necessity to have Forces and power to recuit himself, cannot be doubted, because otherwise, his soveraign will presently crush him, the inconstancie of his Souldiers will by di­sbanding leave him naked; and sicknesses will help to take away some too, so that in fine he will be reduced to nothing, if he cannot repair his losses by recruits, and new fresh Regiments. That which gave the Romans such advantage over other Na­tions, was, first their discipline of War, but secondly their Numbers; now the means used to get such great Armies, was to exercise those Enemies whom they had over­come, in their Militia, as Tacitus observeth on the Life of the Emperour Claudian, and on the other side the Lacedemonians, and Athenians, not entertaining any Strangers, though by them subjugated, never brought any great considerable Armies for number into the field, and consequently could never attain unto so great an Empire. Next to the great numbers of Souldiers, which he ought to have, comes Treasures, without which it is impossible to prevent an Army from wanting victuals, clothes, and necessaries, and by consequence from disbanding, Quintus Flaminius seeing Philopoemon Captain of the Grecians, with a great Army, both of Horse and [Page 239]Foot, but without any mony, laughed at him; he hath indeed, quoth he, store of Legs and Arms, but no Belly; meaning, by like, that he wanted wherewithal to feed them. Caesar how great a Souldier soever, and how valiant soever his Souldiers were, brake open the Treasure Gate at Rome, contrary to Motellus the Tribunes will: for he wisely foresaw, that it would be impossible to give a good account of the War, without he were provided with store of Treasures. Next of all I come to expect Officers who are not lesse needful, because they are as the soul of the Soul­diers; and as it is true that a Body cannot move without it's soul, neither can any Souldiers do any thing considerable, if not conducted by the example of their Commanders and instructed how, where and when, they ought to fight. And then ought he to hold good intelligence too with the Grandees, and those places which border upon that part which he designeth to attaque, for otherwise, his Convoyes will be stopped, every day will make some hole in his Coat, and they will serve for retreits to his Enemies to contrive Ambushes and designs against him. For this Reason it was that James King of Scotland, contriving to make War upon Henry the eighth King of England, was careful to hold intelligence, with the English, who else might have endangered and troubled his Forces; & that Hannibal assaulting the Romans; first made sure of the Spaniards, French, and Africans; and that the Romans bending their powers against Philip of Macedon, first sent their Ambassadors, to make a League with Ptolomei King of Egypt. Lastly, and most especially he himself ought to be of a genius and courage, every way truely extraordinary, for every day he must be exposed to new dangers; the successe of the greatest part of his affairs, will depend upon his own prudence and addresse; the least distrust or fear that shall appear in him will drive away whole troops from him; extraordinarie designs re­quiring a proportionate conduct to carrie them on, in regard Revolts have the more need of Fortunes assistance, because they are the most hazardous exploits in which a man can ingage, never any mean Low heart arrived to any good succusse or Fortune by them. These are the chief things necessary for a great enterprise, and they that engage themselves, without these, do rashly run the hazard of their own destruction: It is only by the want of these supports that so many Authors of Revolt have gone out with shame and confu­sion.

Divers Religious persons, settled in the Hugonot Pro­vinces by the Cardinal's diligence and industrie.

THE Cardinal was not idle, though he had weakned the Hugonot Towns, di­minished their power, and clipt the wings of their Rebellion, but he enden­voured at the same time, their conversion. To this end his Majesty was perswaded to settle divers Preachers, and Religious persons, who behaved themselves with great zeal and courage. The Cardinal was not indeed lesse expert at Theology, then Policy, so it was unreasonable, but that he should be stil careful as well at this as at his Arms. His Piety let him so seek out occasions for it, and having at last found out by divers conferences, which he had, with the Duke of Trimouille, that he was not averse, from being instructed, he himself would needs take the pains to become the chief instrument of his conversion. He bestowed divers houres of his leasure time, to that purpose and there being nothing which is equal to his doctrine, and the clearnesse of his soul, he soon discovered such lights to him, as quickly cleared all his doubts, and dissipated those mists which error had laid up­on his eyes.

The Duke of Trimouille converted to the Catholique Faith by Monsieur the Cardinal.

THE Duke of Trimouille was a person very moderate, and temperate in all his actions, his very youth was without heat and passion, neither had he any of the pride and insolency which is too usual with those of his birth; and as moderate so­ber men, are more desirous of instruction then the contrary sort, so he was con­tented to be guided by the hand of God; yet would he see the truth, and first be con­vinced of certain scruples and difficulties which did arise, in which till then, he could not be satisfied: but having bin so happy, as to be instructed by the Cardinal, it was the easier for him to see and leave his error, in regard the incomparable soul of this grand Minister, did so clearly evince the Catholique truth to him, and his own error, as himself hath since often acknowledged. It was not riches nor honor which in­duced him to change his Religion: for he was both born rich and great: but it was the only knowledg of Truth which perswaded him to it, neither did he that, until a most particular and exact satisfaction in all things. The King was overjoyed at the newes of it, never was any spoil or Trophee of an Enemy so welcome, as this Victory, and the more to testifie his real joy for it; his Majesty promised him, that the next Feast he would receive the Communion with him; as also the Sieur de la Curee, being dismissed of his Charge of Master de Camp, which his age had made him uncapable any longer to perform, his Majesty honoured him with it, studying to shew to all his Subjects, in his person, how dear their salvations was un­to him.

Politique Observation.

IF it be a work of Justice to chastise rebellious Heretiques by the sword, it is no lesse charitable to labour for their conversion by letting them see the truth; for the bet­ter discovering of which, much charity, clearnesse of spirit, and profound Doctrine are required: a Soul not well informed instead of allaying, raiseth more doubts; insomuch that knowledge hath as great a part in the Church, as the Sun in the Fir­mament, and just as it is difficult to restore a Traveller into his right way, during the night, untill the Sun appear to instruct him where he is, so neither can a man of understanding be disabused, unlesse it be by Doctrine, at whose light a know­ing Genius makes him perceive, that he is at the brink of a Precipice, and far from be­ing in the right way to Heaven. But amongst those for whose conversion it is re­quisite to labour, no doubt but the chief men are first to be attempted, for if the Stars continually follow the motions of the Heavens, unto which they are affixed; it is in like manner as common for men of mean quality, to follow as well the Re­ligion as the interest of the Grandees. The people of Rome being once in a Mu­tiny, retired to the Capitol, upon an accident which befell Virginius, were easily appeased by the Senate; by reoson as T. Livy saith, that they had no Leader there that durst speak a word in answer to those who had been sent unto them. For my part, I hold it for certain that it will be no more difficulty to reclaim an Heretique Faction, who should rebel without a powerfull Commander: But I likewise think it necessary besides Doctrinal instructions, not to spare either money or dignity for the gaining of those, whose Birth renders them capable of such qualities. Tem­poral interests do much conduce to Spiritual, and though the advantages of For­tune be not the chief motives of conversion amongst them who are strictly Religi­ous, yet it is most certain they are no mean inducements thereunto. Thus Justini­an (according to Evagrius) converted many Heretiques by dispersing store of mo­nies amongst them. And the Emperour Leo the sixth, made use of the same de­vice for the gaining of many Jews, and there need no more but the example of Constantine de Bergo, the Portugal Viceroy in the Indies, who drew a number of those [Page 239]people to the Christian Religion, by the carresses and favours which he shewed to them that were newly baptized.

Soubize and the Deputies of Rochel, obtain a third saccour from the English but in vain.

WHilest the Duke of Rohan was making divers attempts in Lauguedoc, and used his utmost indeavours to preserve those Towns, of which he was be­come Master: The Sieur de Soubize and Deputies of Rochel, were negotiating in England for a third assistance, they hoped to obtain it without any great difficulty, for that Buckingham incensed as hath been formerly related, did every day rig up move ships and raise new Forces; but they found it a hard task, both in regard of the troubles in which Buckingham was then involved by reason of the complaint made against him in Parliament, as also of the impossibility to remove the obstacles in the Channel, according to what the Earl of Denbigh had related; yet at last Buckingham having overcome all his enemies devices and contrivances; by the fa­vour in which he was with his Majesty of Great Brittain, had perswaded him to Em­bark the Army then on foot, and to give him leave to command them in his own person; to which end, all things were put in order for a present dispatch: But as God over-ruleth mens designs, he was pleased by Buckingham's death to put an end to this storm, he being assassinated by one Feltou an English man, disconten­ted, because the Captains place of the Company whereof he was Lievtenant, had been twice vacant, and both times given over his head to another, and who by hea­ring what complaints there were made against him by the Parliament, imagined, that by revenging his own quarrel, he should likewise do his Country good service in it; yet for all this, the Deputies would not be denied, they continued their instan­ces, perswading the King of Great Brittain, that the forcing of the Bank was easie, if resolutely attempted, and that the glory of his Crown did in some sort oblige him to make one more attempt, and that more vigorous then the former. The Fleet was then resolved to put forth, and there were added three other ships full of stones, and some other with dung, which were to be set on fire when they entred the Channel, to the intent the smoke might hinder them from the sight. The Sieur de Soubize, the Comte de Laval, and all the French Rebels then in England, compo­sed the Van-guard, next to them followed those Vessels which were for the relief of Rochel; next went the Body of the Army, commanded by the Earl of Denbigh, General of the Expedition, and on the twenty eighth being Thursday, they arri­ved at Glonne. The Cardinal having notice of it the very same night, dispatched a Courier to his Majesty to acquaint him with it, who presently made himself rea­dy, got on horse-back, and came to the Camp, and after some discourse with the Cardinal, he sent to discover the Enemy, as also to call the Voluntiers who were disperced, some here, and some there, to be in a readinesse together. This once done, his Majesty visited all the Quarters of the Army, that he might put every thing in good order, and got himself an immortal glory by his travel, labour, and diligence, by those dexterous orders which he dispatched both as to the Sea and Land, by his raising of Batteries, designing of Plat-forms, and levelling of the Cannon with his own hand. Upon Saturday the thirtieth, the English Fleet came up to the Road of the Chef de Bay and some few of them came before to draw out the French to fight; but the Kings Vessels having order not to stir, because they were onely to hinder the Passage into Rochel, not one of them moved on Anchor, onely both parts exchanged some Broad-sides, and the King being in person upon one of the Batteries, caused about thirty to bee lovelled at them, which did not a little indamage them.

Politique Observation.

ALthough shame be the Child of evil Parents, yet it begetteth excellent effects. It proceedeth from some Actions which have a certain infamy with them, and leave behind them some ill tincture upon the reputation; but then the grief which a generous mind apprehendeth at it, when he findeth himself disgraced, ma­keth him redouble his courage, and carrieth him to glorious actions. A thing ve­ry remarkable in the persons of Soveraigns, who being jealous of their glory, the fairest flower of their Crowns, cannot indure that it should be sullied by any misfor­tune, which may seem to carry a faith-heartedness with it: It grieves them, and not a little, to find themselves deficient in those successes which have Crowned their equals. Hereupon it was that Caesar reflecting on himself, how that during two and thirty years time he had not signalzied his Courage by any one great exploit, fell into tears before an Image of Alexander, which seemed to reproach him, by those great Acts which he had brought to passe in a lesse time. But who can ex­press, the lively impression which it maketh, when it hath been seen to inflame the most cowardly an faint-hearted, with resolution and courage? History affordeth us many examples of Armies, which after a shamefull rout have been possessed with the Army of the Persians when they saw their wives come to them holding up their Coats, faced about and charged the Army of Astyages, which then pursued them, with so much Courage that they gained the Victory; and in the same manner, the shame which the Romans conceived, upon their defeat by the Samnites, at the Forges of Caudine, did so sensibly excite them, that they could not rest till they had been revenged; they marched to Capua, but so sad that they could hardly speak, which they of least understanding attributed to their despair; but Offili [...] Ascalanius, more judicious then the rest told the Citizens, that this silence and confusion, which was in their Countenance, did presage no great good, for he could not be perswaded, but that the resentments of such extraordinary grief would transport them to strange attempts for the recovery of that honour, whereof for­tune had bereaved them, especially seeing shame, when it spurs on a resolution, is an hope of safety. The Roman Consul Agrippa, that he might incourage his Ar­my, would oftentimes take one of his Ensigns, and cast it into the middle of his enemies, to the end the shame which his Souldiers should conceive at it, might animate them the more, and oblige them for the regaining of them, to shew all proofs of an extraordinary Courage.

The F [...]ight between the Kings Fleet, and the English.

AFter the English had stood in this Posture two dayes they sent out between Sunday even, and Munday morn, 10 or 12 floating Petards to set fire on the Kings ships. The Composition of those Petards was of Lattin filled with Powder, laid upon certain peeces of Timber, crosse which there was a spring, which touch­ing any Vessel would flie off and give fire to the Petards; but onely one took ef­fect, which did no great hurt, onely cast water into the ship, and that was all, the rest being taken by the Kings Boats; their Petards were answered by good store of Cannon from the Kings ships, yet their Fleet continued still in the same posture, insomuch that many beleeved that they would either return that day, without any more ado, or else land their men. Now as he who commands an Army is obli­ged to foresee all accidents, and to prevent them; so the King commanded the Duke of Angoulesm, and the Marshal de Scomberg to guard the Point de Coreille, and the Duke de la Trimoville, and the Comte de Alets, to stand their charge with the Light-horse and the Cavalry, and took his own station at the Point of the Chef de Bay with some foot and divers of the Nobility, which he intended to defend in his own person. His Majesty further gave order to several Voluntiers to go aboard [Page 243]the ships with his Souldiers; and which was done in sight of the English Fleet, which had no great mind that day to ingage; but the day following being the 30 of Octo­ber, and considering that the reputation of their Master was too much ingaged in the defence of the Rochelois, for them to go away without doing of any thing; and having the Wind favourable, they hoised Sails, made ready, and came up to the Kings Fleet, which presently met them in good order. The fight began at 6 of the Clock, and in about four hours time they discharged between them near 5000 great shot, but never came nearer one another then Cannon distance. The Kings Fleet commanded by the Commander de Valencay, did as much as could be desired; and though the English had the wind of them; yet were they but ill treated by the Cannon; one of their great ships being so torn, that they were forced to retire to the Isle of Oye to mend her.

A Cessation of Arms for some days between the two Fleets.

IN the mean while the King being in the Batteries of the Chef de Bay, which he had but raised two days before, caused his Cannons to be discharged by his parti­cular Order, without the least fear of the danger whereunto he did expose himself, in regard of the many Bullets which fell at his feet, and came very near him, he took a great delight to see his Guns do that execution which he intended, the Ele­ments fight for him, and the English betray their fear of his presence, good for­tune, and courage. And was it not much more glorious for him, to give order for the standing of this assault, and to be himself present in it by offering his life to God, then to have been in his Chamber at Paris, where those of Marillac's fa­ction would have staied him? Was it not a greater pleasure to him, to behold the Sea all on fire, bringing flaming Vessels to his feet, as if they did him homage, and to command in his own person amidst the Batteries, then to have been idle in the Louvre? In my sense he had been as much too blame to have been at Paris whiles these affairs were acting, as it was now glorious to see him here reducing Heresie to his obedience. And this was as much as was done the first day.

The next morning the wind being still fair for the English, they set their Sails, began to shoot but durst not come nearer the Kings Fleet, then before; they were answered in the same language, and for four hours together, the Ayr seemed to be all on fire. The little more which they did worth observation was this, they sent 9 Fire-ships, seconding them with Ships filled with Stones and full of dung; to which they had set fire with intent that the smoke of it driven by the Wind to the Kings Fleet might cover them, and give the English means to passe the Channel. But his Majesties small Boats went to the Fire-ships at the mercy of the great shot, seized on them, and diverted their execution, onely losing one man, without any greater hurt, and the Vessels which followed them durst not advance; which the English Fleet seeing, and how much the Forts did trouble them, they drew off to the Road not without great disoder, leaving the Rochelois to despair. Neither was this the onely mis-fortune that befell them; for at that very instant so great a storm arose, that they were forced to let themselves be carried at the mercy of the wind. The English finding how unlikely they were to do any good, proposed un­der hand that some accommodation might be made; they thought it would bee more advantagious to retreat after the making of a Peace, then to run the hazards of a worse successe. Monsieur the Cardinal desired his Majesty to observe that his onely aim being the taking of Rochel, this accommodation would much contribute to it; for then the Rochelois would remain without any succour at all, which in­duced him to give ear to those Proposals which should be made. But their souls being yet exasperated, the Peace could not so suddenly be resolved on, and all the conferences which were had to that purpose, ended in a Cessation of Arms for some few dayes.

Politique Observation.

ALbeit, they who have been once vanquished in War, may recover the ad­vantage which they have lost, either when their forces are recruited with a sufficient strength, or when shame shall excite their courages, yet so it is, that when neither of these two conditions happen, there is a great reason to apprehend the successe of their second attempt. Fortune hath sometimes smiled on those, who formerly never saw but her frowns, but after she hath been once and again discour­teous, it will be needfull to imploy more force and greater courage; for she is a pro­fessed friend to the bold and prudent. Great Routs are attended with dangerous consequences, whence Titus Livy, speaking of a certain faction of Marcellus, against Hannibal at Nola, said that it was much more difficult to worst an Army fleshed in Victory, then that which begins to lose its credit. He gives the same rea­son for that victory, which the Romans under the command of Consul Manlius, obtained against the Gauls in Asia, where he saith, that as Victories do heighten the courage of the Victorious, so they do much abate that of the vanquished; and withall the Victorious are desirous onely to fight as may be observed in the exam­ple of Pompey's Souldiers after the advantage which they had of Caesar as Plutarch reporteth upon the life of Pompey; whereas they who are worsted, are hard to be drawn to the Battel; for being seised with their usual fear, and the most part of them fighting by constraint; they behave themselves with so little mettle, that they are easily overcome a second time. Thus the Duke of Guise returning from Italy after the Battel of St. Laurence, to command those French Troops which had been rallied and new listed, writ to his Majesty that he had more ado to put them in heart and courage, then to beat the victorious enemy, and therefore he judged it neces­sary before he hazarded a second Battel, to cure them of their first baffle by getting some little advantage upon the enemy, an advice which he well knew how to exe­cute, as he did in the taking of Calais, Guines, & Thionville.

The Deputation of Montague to the King from the Earl of Denbigh General of the English Forces.

DUring the cessation of Arms, the French Rebels who were in the English Fleet finding they had lost their courages, and despaired of forcing the pas­sage, concluded themselves utterly lost without obtaining the Kings grace. To which purpose they beseeched the Earl of Dexbigh to employ his power with their King, in the behalf of his Master the Earl of Denbigh thought it reasonable, and upon deliberation had with the Officers of the Army what was fit to be done to pro­cure them this satisfaction, they agreed to send Montague to his Majesty in the be­half of the King their Master to endeavour the making their peace for them. M [...]tague came to his Majesties quarter, and having audience, declared that he was sent from the King of Great Brittain his Master to begge a pardon for the Rochelois, that he would be pleased to promise them the liberty of their conscience, to forgive the Sieur de Soubize and the Comte de La Val, and to give quarter to those English which were in Rochel. The King answered them, that as for those of Rochel, they were his own subjects, and that the King of England need not in­termeddle in their interest, and as for the English who were there in garrison, that they should receive the like usage as the French prisoners in England, yet his Ma­jesty received him with a great deal of honour, shewed him the Forts of the Camp, the Batteries, the Bank, the Pallisadas and the range of Vessels which over-spread the Channel. The truth is it was not done so much to gratifie him, as that upon the relation of what he had seen, the rest of his party might be discouraged from making any further attempts. After he had been an eye-witnesse of those things, he returned to England to the King his Master to reduce him to some accommoda­tion.

A Treaty between the King and the Rochelois.

THE Cessation of Arms being expired, the English to testifie it was not out of fear, that they retreited, or had made those proposals, renewed the fight on the twenty third of October, which lasted above two houres, yet all this while had they not the courage to come up to his Majesties Fleet; whereupon those French who were with them resolved to send some Deputies to the King in their behalf, to cast themselves at the Kings Feet, and to emplore his mercy; First of all they sent four to Monsieur the Cardinal, who humbly requested him, that he would be pleased to obtain the Kings favour and grace for them, which they heartily beseeched, with all real acknowledgements of their faults. The Cardinal answered them, he would speak to his Majesty concerning it, and commanded they should be kindly entertain­ed, and put into some place apart, that they might not enter into discourse with any one; The King was easily perswaded to grant them what they demanded, the Cardinal having told him, how necessary it was to win them off from the English, which if he could once bring to passe, the English would withdraw of their own accord, and leave Rochel, to shift for it self. He then acquainted them how his Majesty had granted them the mercy and favour, which they had beseeched of him, yet however he thought good, that two of them, should remain with him, whom he would make use of as I shall hereafter declare, for the regaining of the Rochelois, to their former duties and obedience. Those Rebellious mutineers when they saw there was no hopes of succour from the English, and that they died by thousands of the famine, made divers proposals of accommodation. Hereupon his eminency told them how that those of their party on board the English Fleet had withdrawn themselves, and had obtain'd the Kings pardon; that the English finding it impossi­ble to force the Bank & relieve them, had interceded for them; that they had more­over sent Montague to make proposals of peace unto his Majesty: who had kindly received him, that thereupon he was return'd into England, to encline the King his Master, to hearken to an accommodation, and that things being thus, they had no other hopes, but, to die by famine, if they had not recourse to his Majesties mercy by a true confession and humble acknowledgment of their faults. This news gave an Allarum to the whole City, The discreetest of them represented to the rest how the Rich did now begin to dye of famine: as well as the poor, having sold the greatest part of their victuals to those that had none, upon hopes of the English relief, that death made an harvest of them, that since the last six moneths there had died between eight and ten thousand of famine, insomuch that not having where withal to bury the dead, and indeed having hardly any people strong enough to make their graves, or carry them, insomuch that they were forced to draw them with cords into the Church-yards, and there to let them rot, that diverse had been seen to crawl with much ado to the Church-yards and there lay down and dye; hereupon the rest of the people languishing, and touched to the quick, with the remembrance, or indeed the present image of so many horrible spectacles, resolved to try their fortune to appease, if possible, the Kings just indigna­tion by imploring his mercy: They entreated the Sieur Arnoult to procure a safe conduct that they might send their Deputies to his Majesty, which upon his Request was graunted; But his Majesty would that they should first make their proposals to Monsieur the Cardinal, to whom they went with an unspeakable joy, & therupon this grand Minister producing those Deputies which he had kept to that purpose, let them discourse with one another who having assured them that they themselves had obtained the Kings pardon, represented to them that they likewise had nothing now to hope for, if they did not totally submit themselves to the discretion of his Majesties mercy; but miserably to dye by famine, his Majesty being resolved never to depart from thence, till he was Master of the Town.

They were much surprised at this newes having not heard of it till then, yet they were insolent enough to make propositions of peace, still relishing of their for­mer mutinie. This grand Minister declared to them, they must not think of any other [Page 246]conditions, than absolutely to submit to his Majesties will, but however promised them that he would employ his utmost power in their behalf; so they returned pro­mising to dispose their Fellow-citizens to it, as much as in them lay, testifying as much satisfaction and joy as they who are reprieved from the Galleys. After this meeting they published all over the Town, how kindly the Cardinal had entertain­ed them with assurances he had given them to employ his interest with his Majesty to obtain the same grace for them, which he had for those with the English, whose Deputies they had spoken with, conjuring every one to accept of it: The height of that misery to which they were reduced did at last quash their mutinies, although some of their Ministers not ignorant that power was the worthiest stipend of their insolencies, animated them by the hopes of glory, which they should obtain by dy­ing for the liberties of their Religion; so they could not presently resolve to sur­render to the Kings mercy, but proposed to make a general peace for all those of their party that they might choose a Governour, that they might choose a Mayor, and Sheriffes, and generally the preservation of their priviledges, to which end their Deputies made diverse journeys to and fro, but Monsieur de Cardinal, who never omitted any thing that concerned the glory of his Master, and on the other side knew the extremities to which they were reduced still told them; They must either all dye by famine, or submit to his Majesties discretion. This plain dealing of his did at last force them to stoop, whereupon they chose twelve of the principal amongst them, most of which could hardly creep to beg his Majesties pardon, to as­sure him that they would live and die in the obedience which they owed unto him, without demanding any other conditions, then what his Majesty should please to give them, and one of the bést Orators amongst them made their speech, which was all to that purpose. The King graunted them the pardon which they de­sired and the Sieur d' Herbant Secretary of State read the Pattent to them, by which his Majesty pardoned their Rebellion, discharged them of all acts of Hostility ordained that they should be restored to their goods, graunted them the exercise of their Religion in the City, and commanded that all the Souldiers in the City should enjoy the same grace; and that the chiefe Captains and Gentlemen should go out with their Swords by their sides, and the Souldiers with Cudgells in their hands, but first they were to swear, never to bear Arms against his Majesties service.

Politique Observation.

THough Rebels have been so stout, as to let themselves be forced by a long siedge and with great expence, yet it is more glorious for a King to deal mer­cifully then severely with them. It is enough that they have already suffered great miseries, unlesse there be a necessity of continuing the War against others of their party, for in such case the evils they suffer are examples to terrifie others, and get moderation toward them is a charm which may reduce those who are un­conquered to reason. This moderation is sometimes like a precious balm, which takes away the pain of any would how mortal soever, whereas too too strict severi­ty drives to despair, I should not be of this opinion where Rebels are forced in a few dayes, but where they have endured the miseries, which accompany long siedges: Then I must confesse, it were not amiss to expiate the crimes of all by the lives of some, which were a cruelty too suparlative after the rigors & unconceivea­ble miseries of many moneths; for then, a true courage is rather touched with com­punction than revenge. The Roman Valour is often comnended for this by Antiquity, and who knoweth not how sensibly compassionate they were at the sight of their miseries, whom they had vanquished? Marcellus having ma­stered Syracusa, and considering the ruine to which it was reduced, could not for­bear weeping: Neither could Pompey endure that Tygrances King of Armenia should remain Prostrate before him, whatever War he had made against the Roman people, but raised him up and restored him his Crown; and the Emperour Titus seeing the calamities of Jerusalem, caused by his siedge the multitude of dead car­kasses [Page 247]which filled up the Citie, protested he was not the Author of it, and that he was onely the instrument of Gods justice.

His Majesties Entrance into Rochel.

VPon the thirtieth of October the Duke d' Angoulesme, the Marshal de Scom­berg, the Sieurs de la Curee, Vignolle, Hallier, St. Chaumont, and divers other Lords, fourteen Companies of the Regiment des Gardes, and six of Swisses, began about six in the morning to enter into Rochel. The Cardinal perswaded his Majesty for prevention of any confusion which might arise in the Town, by reason of some curiosity, or other that the people might have to go into it; to command, that none but they who were appointed should presume to go within the Gates, or into any Houses, until leave obtained, both to secure the inhabitants from being pillaged, as also for purifying of the place, and men, who were most infected by dead Bodies, insomuch that the ill air, bred many diseases. The King placed him­self upon the Fort de Beaulieu, to see the Forces march into the Town, and having seen a certain Souldier, not belonging to the Companies appointed to take possessi­on of the Town, but of that of Sourdis, he commanded him to withdraw, testifying by this procedure, that he had a most particular knowledg of most of his Souldiers. They who commanded these Forces, seized on all the Gates of the Town, the Ram­parts, Cannon, and munition, and sent away the Souldiers, the English by Sea, & the French by Land, who looked more like Ghosts then Men. There were as many Citadels as Gates, and as many Castles, as Towers, and this was it, as made the City be esteemed impregnable, especially seeing it had an out-let by Sea, which could never have in broken up, but by his Majesty extraordinary power and prudence, yet all served but as Trophees, raised to his Majesties glory.

Monsieur the Cardinal entred the same day with divers Lords and Gentlemen without any fear of infection, because his presence was very necessary both for his Majesties service, and to settle things in order, but he beseeched his Majesty to for­bear his own entrance untill All Saints day, that his Quarters might be purged from all ill ayr, and that every thing might be made ready to receive him, according to his quality and that occasion. The day being come, his Majesty made his entrance not with that magnificence which the ancient Emperours and Kings used, into such Towns as they had taken, according as History hath observed, but cloathed with Piety and the Mercy of a most Christian King, Virtues however, which made him shine with so much splendour, that those poor Rebels prostrated themselves as he rid by them, that they might the more acknowledge the mercy and favour he had done them: He had his Arms on, and rid in on Horseback without any Ceremo­ny, onely four Companies of his Guards, two of Swisses, his two Troops of Light­horse arm'd Cap-a-pe, his Dragoons, and the Life-guard marched before him, all the Nobility following him, without any order to avoid the disputes of Pre­cedency.

The inhabitants cast themselves on their knees, as his Majesty passed along the streets, crying, God save the King who hath been so gracious unto us: And he fre­quently saluted those who seemed to be of the better sort amongst them. They re­doubling their cries and acclamations, protested they could not sufficiently admire his Majesties Bounty, who instead of putting them all to death, as their Preachers had perswaded them he would, did even receive them with respect and honour. But those submissions and acknowledgements were much more increased when they received the tend thousand Loaves of Bread, which his Majesty distributed amongst thē the same day, together with divers other Alms which his Ma. bestowed on them; but when they beheld that there came three thousand Carts laden with Wheat and Provisions into the Town with a proportionate number of Beasts, & Cattel, which his Majesty commanded to be brought as sold at the usual rates of the Army, they could then no longer forbear to confesse, that he knew how to pardon, as well as vanquish. They did not so much admire that his Majesty should be victorious, as [Page 248]that he should Crown it with an Olive branch of so great mercy. The King went and alighted at Saint Margarites Church, which had been consecrated by the Bi­shop of Bourdeaux, and where Monsieur the Cardinal with divers Ecclesiastiques, had that morning celebrated Masse by way of Thanksgiving for the happy Victo­ry, which Heaven had bestowed on the Crown of France, he was received by the Arch-Bishop, assisted by the Clergy and divers other religious, who sung the Te Deum, and he himself too sung it, with so great devotion, that a certain Gentle­man who saw him, and one of the Townsmen, professed they would shake hands with Heresie, protesting they could not beleeve but that so fervent a devotion must needs be the Index of a better Religion, then that in which they had till then lived. About two days after his Majesty caused the Holy Sacrament, which had of late been so much scorned and neglected in the Town, to be carried in Procession, which was performed with as much Devotion as Pomp.

Last of all, that he might render thanks unto God whom he looked on as the chief giver of this Victory, he writ to the Arch-Bishop of Paris that a publique Thanksgiving might be made, and himself returning to Paris passed by Nostre Dame des Ardilliers that he might pay his vows there; for to his devotions there he ascribed his first Victories, as that of the releeving Ree, upon which the whole successe depended.

Politique Observation.

JT is but reasonable to give God thanks for a Victory, which is his own gift. But he much more loveth those who do it in effects, not by words. There can be no greater return of thanks then to imitate his bounty which is pleased to do good unto us. A generous Conquerour ought not to spill the Bloud, and destroy the lives of those whom he hath overcome. Amongst the Pagans it was a usual thing to succonr and assist the wounded, to relieve them with their own hands, and do good unto them: how much more reason have Christian Princes then, to imitate so Christian like a verrue? It is not lesse glorious to overcome an Enemy by Cle­mency and meeknesse, then by Force and Prudence. Jesus Christ hath promised a reward to such as do good for evil, and he saith, Mercy is that which maketh men known for the Sons of his Father, who hath made the Sun to shine both upon the good and bad; and Kings had need make themselves acceptable to God, whose Image they are, by reason they have a greater accompt to render him then the rest of men. God Almighty saith, With the same measure that you measure, will I measure out to you again▪ insomuch that the vertue of Clemency & mercy used towards poor vanquished Creatures, ought no longer be esteemed a vertue, but a necessary means of salvation. I should add one more reason out of Polybius his History, which is, good deeds are a Chain of Gold, which do much more fix and establish the inte­rests of Kings then those of Iron; and if Religion seem to invite them to practice it, neither doth reason of State any whit lesse; what was it which tied the Celtiberians so strictly and affectionately to the Roman interest, but that generous and noble Act of Scipio the Affrican, who restored a noble Lady his Prisoner to her husband, without doing her any violence or injury, and returned him all the Gold which had been brought for her ransome? Did not Cyrus gain by his handsome treating of Cresus, after he had vanquished him? Did not that tie up the hands of all Greece, who would out of the great affection they did bear to him, have highly resented any injury done to him? The Roman Senate did much blame their Consul, Popilius for his rude treating of the Genois, and commanded reparation to be made them, because they esteemed the honour of a Victory, not compleat, where it was atten­ded with any cruelties or rigours. Those Princes who are good to their Prisoners, and those whom they have vanquished, are not onely commendable, but delight­full to those they rule over. The Romans having reduced Capadocia to a Province diminished the Tax which they used formerly to pay unto their own King, because [Page 249]they knew that the clemency and sweetnesse of their Empire, would invite others to submit to them with the lesse reluctancy and resistance.

His Majesties Declaration for estblishing of the Catholique Religion in Rochel.

IF it be glorious to overcome, it is no lesse important to take such care as may confirm the Victory. To this purpose his Majesty before he left Rochel, publi­shed a Declaration comprehending that order which he would have observed there for the future, both to establish Religion, and to prevent this people from relap­sing into their former Rebellion. This Declaration contained, that the exercise of the Roman Catholick and Apostolick Religion, should be freely exercised there, both in the City and Government of Aulnis; that the Churches which had been lately destroyed thereabouts, should be re-edified and restored to them in whose possession they formerly were, together with all their appurtenances; that a suffi­cient maintenance should be given to such Curats as had not means to live on, out of those lands which belonged to the Town-house. That the Religieux de la Cha­rite, & Les Religiouses Hospitalieres, should be re-established in the Hospitals of the Town, to attend upon all sick persons. That a Crosse should be raised in the Castle-yard, at the foot of which an Inscription of the taking the City should be in­scribed; and that every first of November a Procession general should be made, to give God thanks for his mercies; that the Church-yard consecrated in the lands of Corcille, where those of the Camp, who died during the siege had been buried, should still he conserved to that use; that a convent of Religieux Minimes should be built there, who might pray unto God for them, and perpetuate the memory of the thing; this is that which his Majesty did for thanks-giving to God and the con­solation of the Catholick party in the Town.

The Course his Majesty took to keep Rochel in Obedience.

IF his Piety were so admirable in that particular, his Prudence was no lesse in com­manding all such things as were necessary for the preservation of the Town in its duty. He deposed the Mayor, who had fomented the Rebellion with such inso­lent stubbornnesse, and discharged the Shrivalty and Commonalty of the Town without hopes of restauration. He ordained that the most seditious persons of the city should forsake it, and amongst others, G [...]ison Mayre, God [...]ray, Sal [...]bre [...], and Deserbr [...]res, not so much as excepting the Dame de Rohan, who was carried to Niort, by the Sieux de Lannay Lieutenant des Gardes des Corps. Next he revo­ked all the Priviledges and Charters heretofore granted to the City He commanded the Walls, the Rampards, the Bastions, and the rest of the Fortifications to be razed, and the Ditches to be filled up, leaving only the Tours de St. Nicholas, de la Ghai [...], & de la Lantern standing, with that part of the Wall towards the Sea, to preserve the Town from Pyrats. He further constituted and appointed, that no stranger should have a house or family in the Town, without his Majesties permission had and obtai­ned, or that any Heretiques should return to their former dwellings: To be short, he ordained for the better keeping them in their obedience, that there should be an in­tendent of Justice in the City, Country, and Government of Aulnis, who should see the execution of his Ordinances, and have an eye to that which concern'd his service, all which was inserted in the said Declaration. He then commanded the inhabitants to be disarmed, and that certain Regiments should remain in the Town until it were quite demolished. After all these things thus appointed, he return­ed to Paris, where he was received in great magnificence, the Companies of the Ci­ty, making Orations unto him: But I passe by the particulars of those Ceremo­nies, and confine my self to my design of writing nothing but what relateth to the Government of the State.

Politique Observation.

HAnnibal was discommended for not knowing how to pursue a Victory when obtained; and that Soveraign doth little or nothing, who after a reducing of those Rebels that attempted to shake off the yoke of their obedience, neglect­eth to fix and settle them by all necessary orders and rules, for the continuation of them in their duties. His orders ought to be proportioned to the quality of the vanquished; who if they be Rebels, ought to be treated in another manner, then such as were under another Government: It ought likewise to be remembred, whe­ther they who are vanquished be of the same Religion with the Conquerour; and in case they are not, then to establish divers such persons there, who professe the same with his own, and this he is obliged to by Prudence as well as Piety: It being an assured remedy of weakning a people if they be divided, and that a party be made sure of amongst them. The ancient Kings of Aegypt did wisely tollerate and esta­blish all sorts of Religion in their Countries and Kingdomes to the intent the diver­sity of opinions might dis-unite them from any Revolts: On the other side, if those whom a Soveraign overcommeth be his own natural Subjects, he ought not total­ly to destroy their Cities and Towns, for that were to weaken his own power. Which is the same thing that Craesus perswaded to Cyrus, when he had been van­quished by him, do not (quoth he, I beseech you) destroy the Towns of Lydia, for by it you will not destroy me but your self, to whom by right of Arms they now belong; but however this rule admitteth of exception. For if a Soveraign hath the least suspicion that they may revolt a second time, he is then bound to deprive them of all possible means to effect it, be it either by disarming the inhabitants, or dismantling their Fortifications, nay by levelling their very Walls too, if they are of any considerable strength. Thus did the Romans destroy Velitre, by reason of their frequent revolts, turned out the Senate, and commanded them to live on the other side of Tyber. The strength and Fortifications of a Town do often invite the people to rebel, as Tacitus observeth, speaking of Hierusalem: To which same purpose did Xerxes prohibit the use of any Arms to the Babylonians, and Cyrus to the Lydians, both of them commanding those people to study Arts which might divert them from War. It were not much amisse to deprive them of the means of making assemblies. The Romans have shewed the way of it, by destroying all form of Government amongst those of Capua, after they had overcome them, whereby they had not any occasion of assembling any more together as formerly they had used. To this same end too hath the Turks inhibited the use of Clocks, amongst the Christians, or any others over his whole Empire, to prevent the meeting of any Assemblies, which might be contrary to his will, and the obedience he requireth from them. But they who are Victorious ought alwaies to accompany their com­mands with some sweetnesse, which may tollerate to them the exercise of their Re­ligion, the assurance of their goods or the like, but then at last he must be sure to take from them all possible means of a future Revolt and Insurrection.

The Honour which his Majesty got by the taking of Rochel.

THE most ingenious of men, & even the Pope himself, extolled the glorious [...]tchiev­ment which his Majesty had obtained; indeed he could not be praised enough, considering he had defeated three English Fleets, releeved the Isle of Ree, and overcome a City which through all Christendome was thought impregnable, and by such a means too as was no less admirable then the taking of the Town it self and without the losse of almost one man, although Charles the ninth lost the lives of ma­ny great Commanders, and shot ten thousand great Guns at it, and could do no good upon it. How glorious was it for him, to have restored this Monarchy to its ancient splendour and lustre, by destroying a Faction which had so often armed some of his Subjects against the rest, which hindred him from being assisting to his [Page 251]Allies, and prevented him from regaining that honour and esteem in Europe, which his Predecessours had held as their due. This rebellious Town had for above two hundred years banded against their Kings, whenever they were upon any great ex­pedition, as against Lewis the eleventh, during the broyls of the Duke de Guienn his Brother against Charles the Eighth, when all Italy expected him at Fornove a­gainst Lewis the Twelfth, whilest he was in the Wars for the Milanois, against Francis the first, whiles he was ingaged with Charles the fifth, against Francis the second, and Charles the ninth, doth in his minorities, against Henry the third, ar­ming his brother to oppose him, against Henry the Great, just as he was ingaging against the Duke of Savoy: And lastly, against his Majesty himself, upon whom they had thrice mad War; but now their strong Walls being overthrown, served for Monuments of his eternal glory.

Monsieur the Cardinal did much contribute to the ta­king of Rochel.

THe Cardinal being the chief Minister in this Affair as well as that of the State, it were unreasonable to deny him some part of the credit: They who writ con­cerning those Subjects made the lesse difficulty of it, in regard his Majesty attribu­ted the whole management of it to his Councils, as by divers Declarations publi­shed abroad was apparent, neither could it indeed be denied unto him, seeing he it was that advised the besieging of Rochel, who had contrived the means of relee­ving Ree, who had beaten off the English, who had first laid the Foundations of the siedge, who had drawn the Lines and Works, who had preserved them in good order, who had kept the Forces from disbanding, who had made them live in such a Discipline, as was formerly unheard of in France, who had contrived the Bank, and at last concluded a League with the English, who were come a third time to re­leeve the place. But as the most glorious acts expose men to most envy, so some malignant Pens there were who dis-esteemed and spoke lightly of him; nay would have made his greatest services have been esteemed for attempts against his Maje­sties Crown, yet all would not do, some impression indeed they made upon them of the Cabal, who could not behold without envy so shining a Star; they who are well acquainted with him, cannot but know how that he always, and upon all oc­casions, avoided what ever might expose him to envy, that he did ever ascribe all the glory of his conduct and government to his Majesty; and that on the other side, the most that he ever pretended to in his greatest Actions, was onely the ho­nour to have served him faithfully and not improfitably; they cannot but know he could not more fitly be compared to any one then unto Germanicus, Nephew and adopted son of Tiberius, who having obtained a great Victory in Germany, prepa­red a fair Trophy, at the foot of which was inscribed, The Army of Tiberius. Ca­sar, as Tacitus hath observed, after the reducing of the people between the Rhine and Elbe, raised a Monument to Mars, Jupiter, and Augustus, but mentioned not himself: And thus the honour of doing those glorious actions which he every day atchieved, was by him esteemed both his satisfaction and reward.

Politique Observation.

WHat ever honour is attributed to second causes, upon the effecting of great things, yet the chief glory redounds unto the first, not onely be­cause he communicates all the power which second causes have to operate; but withal, because those effects depend upon his particular influence. It cannot be denied, but second cause deserved commendation, and indeed without injustice, it cannot be gain-said, but that they have likewise much contributed. The Sun, in the Universal Principium of the generation of all Plants, he it is who extracteth the Germinative quality, wherewith the earth is replenished, who produceth the [Page 252]Flowers and Fruits, wherewith it is adorned it being most assuredly true, that with­out his influences the earth would remain fruitlesse, dry and barren: Which though it be so, yet what Philosopher did ever deny, that the earth was not one of the chief causes of all those effects? Have they not all confessed that the earth produ­ceth Lillies and Roses? And was not that Sophister esteemed a Novice who de­nied the Title of Mother to her? In the same manner, God is doubtlesse, the first Authour of every thing done in the World, yet no Philosopher will deny, but that the Sun and Man beget Man, that the Sun and Horse beget a Horse, they having some part of his glory, by the honour which they have of being his Subjects; and God himself jealous though he be of his own glory, as he protesteth in one of the Prophets, hath he not commanded us to honour his Saints, as the second causes of Miracles, to build Churches, raise Altars, make Vows unto them, and to publish their praises, for those Miracles which his omnipotent hand hath wrought by them his in­struments? And were he not besotted, who should refuse this honour to the Prince of the Apostles, when his very shadow cured so many diseases, though effected by a di­vine power, really lesse inhaerent in him, then that which grand Ministers have in themselves for the publick good? If perverse obstinacy should transport any one, to deny them this respect, may they not easily be convinced by Gods own example, when he spake unto Moses saying, Thou hast led my people out of Aegypt, though indeed it was the work of his own hand? God well knew that he had made use of Moses his servant, as the chief Minister of his Kingdome, and for the Conductor of his people, and therefore how jealous so ever he were of his own glory, yet he would ascribe it to him, as well knowing, that the honour attributed to second cau­ses, doth not at all diminish that which is due unto the first. This is the true image of honour which ought to be given unto Ministers, for the services which they pay unto their Soveraigns; and who need be jealous of it, seeing God is not? A King and his Minister are so strictly united, as the hand and instrument in the Artificer, so that nothing but malice and envy can oppose that praise which is due to a Mini­ster, who hath effected any enterprise with successe, tending to the publick good of the Kingdome. As the King is first and chief, so the first and chief honour is his, but then without injustice his Miniser cannot be denied the sharing of some part with him, who hath been his instrument to obtain it.

The expences of the Siege of Rochel, amount unto forty millions of Livres.

THe greatnesse of the expence before Rochel can hardly be imagined, without considering the particulars, as the punctual paying of the whole Army, the building of the Bank, Munitions of all sorts and the like. They who disbursed the several sums reckon it at forty Millions, but the particular diligence and care of the Marquesse d' Effat, Superintendent of the Exchequer to provide all, that there might not be any want, deserveth (and undoubtedly so will) to passe in History for a particular commendation. He entred upon the Treasuries at a time when they were fifty millions of Livres in debt, and the Treasurers hardly perswadable to assist his Majesty in any of his occasions, by reason of the review which had so lately been made amongst them; the Parliament too had much ado to be perswa­ded to rat fie Ed [...]cts for to raise money, yet he used such addresse and diligence, that not onely there was no want of money, but the charge was lesse then former­ly it had used to be, and in such expeditions where the Souldiers were hardly paid at all, such and so great care did he use in the charge of the Treasuries. There was a necessity of making some new Edicts, but the chief means he used were, accor­ding to the Cardinals instructions, to cut off all superfluous expences to commit the management of those sums which were expended unto persons of known fide­lity and trust. The Cardinal did not onely lend out upon this occasion what mo­nies he had in his own Coffers, but ingaged his credit as far as it would go, to raise [Page 253]more amongst his kindred and friends. He was not so sittle affectionate to his Masters service as the Cardianal d' Amien [...] was [...] who stil sent out of the Kingdom all those gratifications which he received, like unto those Courtisans who love the money better then the man, and measure their pleasure by their profit, whereas the Cardinal prefered his Masters glory, before the whole Indiaes, he studied nothing but the increase of it, and the continuation of himself in his favour, that he might to that purpose contribute his utmost care and devoir.

Politique Observation.

PHysitians tell us, that mans body could neither stand nor go without Nerves, Muscles, and the like, and it is no lesse certain, that the body of an Army can­not march or long subsist, without a great masse of money to maintain them. That Prince who hath no Silver, will presently want meat for his Forces, be can neither provide them Arms or Cloaths, and necessity once pinching upon them, away they all flie, if any perchance stay behind they are weak as water, faint and unable to do any service; whereas Plenty of money maketh an Army flourish, and in heart one of the greatest means the Duke of Parma used, to uphold the Wars in Flanders and France, was to see a dayly distribution of the Ammunitions and bread delivered out unto the Souldiers, to see them once a year cloathed from head to foot, and monethly paid, without which he could never have had preserved his ar­my so flourishing and victorious as he did. It is true indeed [...] was to blame, so highly to vaunt before Solon the Athenian, when he shewed him his [...] ri­ches; Solon told him he did not esteem him any whit the more potent, because war was made with Iron not with Gold: however it cannot be denied but that as Le­vies cannot be made without money, so in some sort money is as necessary as Souldiers.

A small Prince if he have great treasures, may have the command of a great ar­my though his Subjects are but few, others will willingly let him make Levies in their Countries; but he who wants money how great soever he be, can neither raise any or keep them long together whe [...] they are raised. I have alwaies much esteemed the advice of Pericles, one of the ablest Captains of his time, who said that Victories were commonly obtained by these three means, Money, Souldiers, and Councel; and to speak the truth, who is defective in either of the three must not expect an happy successe in his enter prises Caesar was not ignorant how ne­cessary a thing money was for the incouragement of Souldiers, as I have heretofore observed, and History reports of him, that he was liberal in distributing it among them, when by any exploit they had well deserved it; of which he hath left be­hind him one notable example, when after that his forces had indured much hard­ship before Berry, he made a Donative of 2000 Sesterces to every man. To con­clude, it is no lesse requisite to settle an order in the Treasuries, then to have as good foundation of money; for the effecting of which, it were good to imploy under­standing faithfull men, for the payment of Souldiers, and the punishing of those who commit offences, to make a weekly pay-day to all the Souldiers, it being more proper to pay them often and little, then seldome and by great sums, which they consume in a short time by a natural ill husbandry, without considering that that once gone they are liable to a thousand wants and inconveniences, which may happen by sicknesse to the very great decay of them Courages and Reso­lutions.

The Kings Forces are Masters of the Field in Languedoc.

THe revolt of the Towns in Languedoc, which the Duke of Rohan had gotten into about the beginning of the year, did at first make a great noise, but soon after Monsieur the Prince, the Dukes of Montmorency and Vantadour, who com­manded his Majesties forces, become Masters of the field, and before the end of [Page 254]it repossessed themselves of all those palces, which were capable of being forced in a few days; for they thought it improper to ingage themselves in any long sieges, because that might have given the Duke of Rohan opportunity to seize upon others. Monsieur the Prince presently took Poussin, and many other places upon the Rhone, which were of great importance in those Countries, by reason of the hinderance they brought to Commerce. Not long afterwards he marched towards Tholouze, that he might confer with the Duke of Montmorency, Vantadour, and d' Esper­non, who were to be there, to consider what was fit to be done. Now as he pas­sed by Tarascon he had intelligence given that those of Nismes, had seized of the Castle de Vauvert, belonging to the Duke of Vantadour, and he finding himself obliged by many considerations, concludeth to pursue them; but they of Nismes seeing him come up neer unto them, forthwith surrendred it up into his power. His Courage made his journey to Tholouze the longer, but having had the satis­faction of reducing this place, he arrived there with great content, and after some conferences had with those Lords who met there; it was ordered that the Duke of Vantadour should take some forces into Vivaretz, to impede the Duke of Rohans proceedings in the Sevennes, that the Duke of Espernon should march towards Milhaud in Rovengue, the Count de Carmain, with some Regiments to Foix, which the Duke of Rohan had much ruined, and that the Prince and Duke of Mont­morency should remain in Tholouze untill March. Whilest they were yet there, the Parliament made the processe against the Duke of Rohan, and condemn'd him to be executed in Effigies, declaring his Goods to be confiscated to the King, who bestowed them on Monsieur the Prince. The States of the Province were at the same time assembled together, as well to consult of the means for keeping their people in obedience, as to raise contributions and taxes for the maintenance of the forces. The Kings Officers pressed hard on the Rebels to ingage them to fight, and sometimes met with them; for they well knew that long deliberation is an ene­my to good successe, especially in matters of War. The Duke of Vantadour went from Tholouze towards Vivaretz about the end of January, and passing as near the Rebels as possibly he could, he had notice given him that all their Cavalry were issued out of Nisms, scouring up and down the Country, and that they committed all kind of disorder under the command of the Sieurs de Laignes, de la Chassagne, and d' Aubay. Hereupon he commanded his Troop of Curasiers, and that of his guard to follow him, whom he carried up so near and advantagiously to the ene­my, that he ingaged them broke their ranks, cut some in peeces, took divers Prison­ers, and put the rest to flight.

The taking of Pamiers, and other places, by the Prince of Conde.

ABout the same time, the Sieur de Perant Governour of Ʋsez, fell upon six hundred foot of Mamoirac's Regiment, seconded with a hundred Curassiers, and fought with them. Marmoirac two of his Captains, one Ensign, and about one hundred Souldiers were killed upon the place, the rest were pursued to the ve­ry Gates. As for Monsieur the Prince, and the Duke de Montmorency they de­parted from Tholouze, directly to Pamiers, where Beaufort the Duke of Rohans Lievtenant General in Foix, had built a Cittadel, which by the leasure he had, was made very strong; they led up the Army to it, and made their approaches so hap­pily, that they onely lost two men: Monsieur the Prince, raised a Battery, filled up the Ditches, and prepared every thing for a Breach, the Battery was so quick that in a few hours there was a reasonable way open, which the Prince having no­tice of, he would needs go with the Marshals of the Camp to view it, who drew out some of every Regiment to fall in upon the Town; which they did, and being got over, lodged themselves under the Wall, being unable to passe further on, by reason of the Trench they met with; but the standing which they had was so ad­vantagious, that the inhabitants could not offend them at all, and not a man of the Town could appear, but they presently fetcht him off with their Musquets, in­somuch [Page 255]that they forced them to demand quarter, which the Prince caused to be given unto them, from thence he went to [...]ealmont, a strong Town in Alki­geois, against which place he raised three Batteries, which thundring upon them, forced them to surrender upon composition: The next thing he did was to dispatch the Marquesse de Ragny with the fore guard towards Castle Franc, which they re­duced under his Majesties obedience, and thence he caused some Troops to face Cos [...] and Saint Seve [...], Brassao and Castebrian, which places were forced to open their Gates. The Harvest now was commin [...]on, and the Cardinal gave him and the Officers under him notice, that his Majesty thought it not amisse to Forrage round a hour Monta [...]an, Cas [...]res, Nismes, and divers other principal Towns in Languedoc: These orders drew the Prince neer to Castres, the Duke de Montmo­rency before Nismes, and the Duke [...] Espernon before Montau [...]. They [...] Ca­stre having notice of the Princes design, drew all the Forces they could make out of the neighbouring Towns and Garrisons to prevent the Forragers, and at first comming they made some skirmishes with his Souldiers, and upon those who came within shot, they le [...]flie their great Guns. The Prince was not dismayed at it, but onely looked on it as an occasion to increase his glory. They whom he com­manded to make the wast, fell lustily to their work, to the admiration of all those in the Town, who with their whole forces made a salley out upon them. Their first was a very violent encounter, and maintained with great courage, untill at last they were beaten back to the very Ditches; from which time they did no more attempt to beat off the Forragers from their work. The Duke de Montmorancy for his part, took Poussin in his march, a Town re-fortified by the Duke of Rohan and Mirabel, a place of importance, and then joyning his forces to those the Duke de Vantadour, and Marquesse Desporsez, he went to Forrage about Nismes, where the Duke of Vantadour cut off about one hundred foot, whom he fell upon at unawares in a Village not far from the Town. They were so fortunate that they did not onely bring Nismes to famine, but Ʋsez, Aletz, Aduze, and all the Sevennes, having burned above fifty Villages with all the Corn then standing on the ground, both old and new, neither durst the Duke of Rohan once attempt to prevent it. The Duke of Espernon did the like about Montauban, and not long after the Duke de Vantadours Troops of Curassiers, his Gardes and Carabines which were in gar­rison at Beaucair, being commanded to march up towards N [...]smes, that they might draw out their Forces to fight with them, went up and drove away all their Cattel in sight of the Town, on purpose to invite them out; they presently made their sally, and were so resolutely charged, that their horse was broken, and the Dukes Forces broke quite thorough to the foot, left threescore and seventeen dead up­on the place, and about fifty wounded. After this blow the Rebels durst not ap­pear any where, their lucks was so bad, so that the Kings Army were Masters of the field. The Prince finding his presence was no more usefull in those parts, ob­tained leave of his Majesty to return to Berry.

Politique Observation.

HE who hath perswaded any Towns to revolt, must not expect to keep them any long time, unlesse he be Master of the Field; his hopes of maintaining them in his own power will vanish, and he will soon see them re-taken by his So­veraign, before his face, if once he be master of the Country: For as there is not any place how weak soever, which doth not hold out some small time, especially if it be assisted: so there is not any place how strong soever, that can alwaies hold out it not releeved, that is, unlesse there be a sufficient power on foot, to force him who is sate down before it, to raise his siege, or at least to send Forces and Ammu­nitions into it. Places cannot defend themselves, but must have men to do it for them; neither can the men ever do it, unlesse they have refreshments both of vi­ctuals, munitions, and Souldiers, otherwise the troubles, necessities, and discom­modities of a Siege, will inforce them to surrender whether they will or no. It is [Page 256]evident that if the Soveraign be Master of the field, then the revolted Towns can hardly be releeved or assisted, because of his greater power, to prevent and hinder it. Those places I must confesse which are strong indeed, seem to command and keep the Country in subjection, but this power of theirs can be of no long date, unlesse their fellow Rebels have a potent Army to assist them with Convoys both of Men, Victuals, and Munition. The Tyrians were so insolent by reason their Town was so strongly built upon a Rock in the Sea, that they mocked at Alexan­der when he besieged them, and made a Bank about them to keep off any relief from comming unto them; they asked of him if he designed to make himself grea­ter then Neptune, by that device of his to overcome the Sea, his Souldiers they called Asses and beasts, because they laboured without ceasing in carrying matte­rials towards the Bank; but at last Alexander having reduced the neighbouring Country, finished his works which he had projected; and finally, forced them to render at his mercy. Which being so, the best advice that can be given to a So­veraign for the preventing of a Revolt or the progress of it, is, forthwith to make himself master of the field, and to fall upon them and their Towns, without giving them leasure to increase their numbers, or fortifie their Cities. For shewing a reso­lution to force them by Arms, if they submit not by fair means, is a most power­ful way to open the strongest gates whatever. Maharbal General of Hannibals horse, was not ignorant of this particular, when his advice was forthwith to march up to the Gates to Rome, after that famous Battel of Cannes, telling him, that there being hardly any forces at all neer or about the City, he would infallibly in a little while become Master of that too; Hannibal followed not his Councel, but those who perswaded him to give his Souldiers breath, but yet every one concluded he lost a most fair opportunity; it having been a most easie thing in that conjuncture of time to have carried his victorious Troops to Rome, and to have forced the Citi­zens to set open their Gates unto him. Caesar never did so, but when ever he found himself master of the field any where, presently went on to the perfecting of his Conquest, which he could not think compleat, whilest there remained any thing undone, or any small place untaken.

The Duke of Savoy enters into a League with the Governor of Milan, to fall upon the States of the Duke de Nevers and Mantua.

WHilest his Majesty was thus ingaged before Rochel and in Languedoc, the Duke of Savoy, and Do [...]n Joncales de Cordona, Governour of Milan, seeing the Duke of Nevers had taken possession of the Dutchesse of Mantua and Montfer­rat made a League together. The Articles imported that the Duke of Savoy should indeavour to make himself master of all the places in Montferrat, excepting Casal, Po [...]t Desture, Nice, Aqui, and some other places, and that the Mar­quesse de Montenigro, should fall in upon the State of Mantoua, and get what he could there. The Emperour being wrought to it, by the Spaniards, commanded without regard had to the Duke of Nevers submissions, which he had sent to him by the Arch-Bishop of Mantua, that those Dutchies should be in sequestration until the claim of Prince Gastles, who pretended himself heir to them, were ad­judged and determined, and sent the Comte J [...]an de Nassan, in the quality of an Imperial Commissary, to seize on them, and there to fortifie himself that the King nor Princes of Italy might enter upon it. In brief, the Duke of Savoy having his Army ready, upon the first news of Duke Vincents death, seized upon Albe, Sainct Damien, Dian, Trin, Gabian, and Motecalvo; Don Joncales, went with his Army to Casal, where finding himself opposed, he made himself Master of the adjacent places; and the Marquesse de Montenigro invaded Mantua to get what advantages he could. The Duke of Matnua hereupon, dispatched one in all hast unto his Majesty, for those succours which had been promised to him; and in the mean time he himself had raised an Army of about twelve thousand foot, and [Page 257]two thousand horse; part he sent into Montferrat the rest he kept in Mantua and thereabouts, to binder the Marquesse de Montiningro's progresse in the Man­tu [...]. The King being informed of these violent emotions, permitted all Mon­sieur de Mantua's friends to go to his assistance, and his Highnesse to ralse what Forces he thought fit in the Kingdome of France; insomuch that shortly after the Marquesse de Beuuron, carried with him store of French over the Mountains of Savoy, who cast themselves into Cazal, and so incouraged the inhabitants that Don Joncales began to lose his former hopes of so speedily taking it. The Sieur de Guron was likewise sent by his Majesty thither presently after, who so got the good Will of the people there, that they parted willingly with any thing they had; nay the Women would deliver up their Rings and Jewels, that the Souldiers might not want their pay. The Spaniards in the mean time were not idle, but used their best indeavours to gain the place, but were alwaies repulsed with such courage that they never went off but to their great losse. The Marquesse de B [...]uuron made divers Sallies upon them, and did as often put them to disorder, but was at last killed, af­ter he had on many occasions testified, that fear had no corner in his heart, and that his courage could have make him withstand a Puissant Army with a handfull of men. The Sieur de Guron commanded in the town after his death, where he so behaved himself, that the Townsmen were perswaded to hold out in expectation of relief from France.

The King having give leave to the Marquess d' Ʋxelles, to make Levies for Monsieur de Mantua, he had at last raised as many as he thought would be sufficient for the business, which was about fifteen of sixteen thousand men effective. The Rendezvouz was appointed in the Bailiages of Ambrun, Gap and Briancon, where be­ing all come together, they who had the orders to make the muster, and pay them, and make provisions necessary for their passage over the Mountains, were so neg­lectfull, that they were forced to stay thereabouts in those Bailiages about twenty dayes time, during which they committed many insolencies and wasts, which the Marquesse de Ʋxelles finding he was almost in despair, to see such disorders, all that he could do to remedy it, was, he procured the Country people to provide a certain quantity of Provisions both for Man and War, and to carry them after the Army over the Mountains, some part of their money he paid them down in hand, and for the residue he obliged himself in his own name to pay them, upon the first Muster. Whereupon he began to march, and on the twenty seventh of July, en­tred into the Mountains, where he no sooner appeared, but the Duke of Savoy came up to them and opposed them where-ever they went. The resistance which he here met, did not very much trouble him, for he often beat them before him; but it was his mis-fortune, that the Provisions promised by those of Dauphine, did not follow the Army; insomuch that the Souldiers having marched some dayes without any bread, he was at last forced to resolve upon returning back again; their retreat indeed was honourable enough; for the Sieur de la Ferte Marshal de Cam­pe facing the enemy with three Regiments upon the tops of two Mountains, gave op­portunity to the rest of the Troops to retire into Dauphine, which the Duke of Sa­voy could not perceive untill they were quite gone.

Politique Observation.

THE Laws of military policy require the preparing of great Magazines near the places designed for an enterprize, before the first attempt; and especially not to enter upon an enemies Countrey without making sure of a dayly provision for the Souldiers, that they are not brought to want. Armies are oftner ruined by hunger then by Battel; whence it happens that he who is not very carefull of carrying his Provisions with him, or sure of finding them where he comes, will soon see himself destitute of Troops; and in such confusion as will render him contempti­ble to his enemies, and despicable to his friends. This was one of the rules Cam­bises taught his son Cyrus, as Xenophon relateth it, and Cyrus was no lesse carefull [Page 258]to practise it in the Wars which he made against the Assyrians, as the same Au­thor observeth. The Turks are very exact at it, indeed their temperance gives them one great advantage, because the carriage of them is not very difficult, a­mongst them, who use neither Wine nor other dainties. It were to be wished that ours would follow their example, because the plenty in which most of our Com­manders have used to live, renders them unable for labour, or to make any great enterprizes upon the Spaniard, by reason of the difficulty of carrying provisions with them. The Romans were not ignorant of this truth, when their Empire was in its most flourishing condition; and for this reason it was, that they accu­stomed their forces to great abstinency, and those Nations which were least brought up in delicacies, were alwaies by them esteemed the most war-like. Thus Julius Caesar thought the Flemmings more valiant then the rest of the Gauls, because they lived upon harder fare. Hannibal to his cost found what losses befell his Ar­my, after they had been accustomed to a lithe ease and plenty, when after the bat­tel of Cannes, warring with lesse fear of the Romans, he permitted them to live in all pleasure and abundance, and afterwards being to make use of them, he found that by that means they had lost their courages. A Captain however in avoiding this delicacy, ought not to be defective in carrying that which is necessary for his Souldiers. The inconveniences which will follow by such neglect, are not onely as hath been said, that he will see them disband, but withall he will find them to run to his enemies Quarters, in hope to find there better maintenance. Thus did the most part of Afranius and Petrius souldiers flie to Caesars Camp, and those of Caesar upon the like necessity went unto Pompey; besides all this, want occasion­eth diseases, as the French found at Carignan (as Guieciardin reporteth) and sometimes causeth a Mutiny: In fine, it is impossible in such occasions but a Com­mander must soon see his forces in confusion among themselves, and vanquished by their enemies, as Vegetius hath very judicially observed.

The King takes care of the Affairs of his Allies the Grisons.

ALthough his Majesty was carefull of Monsieur de Mantua his affairs, yet did he not abandon those of the Grisons his ancient Allies; but indeavoured to put them into the enjoyment of that, which had been accorded them by the Trea­ty at Mouson: He had about the end of the last year sent a Declaration to the Sieur Nesmin, his Embassadour with those people; which imported, that according to a Clause of the first Article in that Treaty, the agreements made at Lindan and Coire, between the Arch-Duke Leopold, the Governours of Milan, and the three Cantons of the Grisons in the year 1617▪ until the day and date of the Treaty at Mouson, ought to be null and void, and that all the Embassadours assembled in Treating with the Spaniards, were promised as much; yet now the Spaniards would needs give other interpretations for their own advantage to that first Ar­ticle, though in it self nothing could be clearer, upon which great contests did a­rise between the Grisons, the Spaniards, and the Arch-Duke Leopold. Now the Grisons desiring his Majesty would clear the doubt, he could not onely not refuse them, but moreover promise them that they should enjoy the benefit of the said Treaty, and that he would assist them with his Arms, against any that should pre­tend to make use of revoked Treaties to their prejudice. They received this De­claration with a great deal of joy from the Sieur de Mesmin, but that was not the onely difficulty in the execution of the Treaty. The Deputies of the Grisons and the Valtolines, did presse his Majesty for an exposition of other Articles, each of them pretending to interpret it according to his own advantage, they that they ought to be established in the right of Soveraignty over the Valtoline. The Comter de Chiaveunes and Bormio which they had in the year, 1617, excepting what had been nominated in the Treaty; to wit, the Justice and civil Government over the Valtolines; for which they were to pay them the yearly rent of twenty five thou­sand crowns. The other were animated by the Spaniards, that they ought abso­lurely [Page 259]to be exempted from the Soveraignty of the Valtolines, without being ob­liged to any other duty then the bare payment of the 25000 Crowns. Now it was likewise agreed in the said Treaty, that in case any doubt should arise upon any words the interpretation of it should be referred to the two Crowns, who should freely declare their sence of it. His Majesty had oftentimes, by his Embassadours, requested the King of Spain his Brother in Law, that they might make a Declarati­on together for the quiet of that people; but the Spaniard who onely sought ad­vantage from their division, delayed the Embassadour so long, that his Majesty was at last forced to make a Declaration himself conformable to the true meaning of the intent of the Treaty, which implied, that not onely the Treaties made at Lindaw, Coire, and Milan, should be void and of no effect; but withall that con­formably to the second Article, the affairs of the Grisons and Valtolines should be reduced to the same state they were in, in the year, 1617. by which the Grisons were restored to the same Authority and Soveraignty, which they that year had over the Valtolines, and the said Comtes; and that consequently it belonged to them alone, and not the Valtolines their Subjects to make Treaties of Peace, Al­liances, War, to coin monies, to grant or refuse the Passages of the said Coun­tries, to imposeTaxes, Contributions and the like, and that the Valtolines could onely pretend to the Justice and Civil government, which for quietnesse sake had been granted to them under the yearly payment of twenty five thousand crowns to the Grisons, who had the power of confirming the Magistrates and Potestates by them elected. This Declaration was sent by the King to the Sieur Mesmin, that he might by his Prudence procure is to be accepted by both parties; to the end they might live in Peace; but with order however not to deliver it untill both par­ties had agreed, to submit to it according to the form and tenure of it; as also not to discover it to one or other, if he imagined both of them would make any diffi­culty to receive it, that he might not put his royal authority into their hands. This was a remarkable effect of the Cardinals Prudence, who knew that a Kings autho­rity ought never to be exposed to the contempt of his Allies; and not knowing clearly how the people were inclined, perswaded his Majesty to commit the execu­tion of it to his Embassadours discretion: The Sieur Mesmin finding the Grisons and Valtolines not disposed to accept the Declaration according to all its Clauses, after he had under hand discovered the pretensions and designs, which the Spani­ards had put into their heads to hinder their good intelligence, that they might not shut up the Passges of the Valtoline against him, did not propose it in publick to have their common approbation of it; onely gave his Majesty notice of what he had done, who approved of it, and left the deciding of those differences, untill such time as he should carry his Arms into Italy, and have that in his hands which might maintain the justice f the cause.

Politique Observation.

PRudence teacheth a Minister that distance of place doth hinder the knowledge of the particular inclination of strangers, and that thereupon it is necessary to com­mit many things to the Embassadours who are with them in the behalf of his Ma­ster; and especially concerning the form of executing such Orders as are sent him. It is a commendable discrecion to be perswaded that he hath not knowledge and power enough to do all things of himself; whereas, they who suffer themselves to be led by a vain presumption, upon their own parts, do usually commit their Ma­sters authority to the inconsideratenesse and inconstancy of neighbours, expose them to scorn by the little respect they give his Orders, and in fine leave them with­out effect. For this very reason a discreet Politician laughed at the Florentines and Venetians, who in his time would needs give themselves all particular Orders in their Army, even to the appointing of the places for their Batteries. We see in History that the Romans did commit the execution of their Commissions to the Prudence of those whom they imployed, were it in Peace or War. Caesar upon [Page 260]his resolution for an expedition into England, gave the command of three Legions and two thousand horse to Labienus, to look after France in his absence; but he gave him no particular Orders, onely to act as the necessity of affairs did require. Tiberius one of the wisest of the Roman Emperours did the like (as Tacitus reports) when he sent his son Drusus into Hungary, for the reducing of some revolted Le­gions unto obedience, giving him no other order for his Conduct, but that which himself should think proper to be done, when he was upon the place. He must needs be ignorant of the Roman custome, who knows not that it was their use to insert in their Commissions whom they imployed, a particular command that they did not interest in any thing which they did in the publick concerns of the State; and if any one should suffer him to be carried by his own will to do otherwise, they were never wanting for the most part; but to confesse that it was not possi­ble for them being at a distance, to know all that is proper to be done As when the Consul Fabius had beaten the Tuscans near Sutres, and had resolved to pursue them through the Forrest Simine to invade Tuscany; the Senate mis-informed of what he might do, sent two Senators to him to disswade him from the attempt; but before the Senators had come to him, they found he had already passed the Forrest, and obtained the Victory which he sought for, at which they were much astonished. This serves at least to shew that a great liberty ought to be left to those who are imployed, especially when by reason of distance there cannot be a particular information of all Occurrences; and that he who doth otherwise, loseth many advantages in War, and also in negotiations of Peace; and instead of getting glory, renders himself contemptible both in one and in the other.

Anno 1629.

NO one can with drie eys behold a Vessel in which divers of his friends are driven by a storm, beaten by winds and waters, now raised up on high, and anon cast down again, and sometimes ready to be swallowed up by the Waves: But when the Tempest is once over, then the whole pleasure is, to discourse in what danger they were, and the future remembrance of it is a satisfaction and delight. In the same manner, who could behold the violent emotions, in which France was agitated during this year, and not be moved to pity! Surely he must be devoid of a French heart, and destitute of all those resentments which nature infuseth into all men for their own Country: But now his joy and delight must be equal too, the storm is blown over, and it is become a pleasure to discourse the hazard she hath escaped.

The King after the taking of Rochel, releeveth Cazal in person.

THe King having reduced Rochel, his courage invited him to relieve Cazel in his own person. The enterprise was difficult, and there was no hopes of any good successe, but after great labours, hazards, and difficulties. There was a ne­cessity of passing the Alps, and that at a time when the Ice and Snow was enough to have stopped up the wayes; but besides this, the Duke of S [...]v [...]ys Army must be passed through likewise; many strong places were of necessity to be taken in, and an inevitable necessity of marching five or six days through an enemies Country, where they were sure to find no Victuals, where by reason of the ways, it was as hard to get any to be carried for the relief of the Souldiers. These difficulties would have troubled a resolution lesse couragious then his Majesties, but it being his [Page 261]onely desire to obtain glory, by the hardest things, especially where his Justice is concern'd, he was not so much as moved at it. He assembled his Councel to con­sider of it, presently after his return to Paris; some of them indeed were against it, as doubting lest the French falling thus directly on the Spanish forces, might make a Breach between the two Crowns, which experience had evinced to be very pre­judicial to the State. The Spanish power had by little and little become terrible, untill the Cardinal pulled away the Visard, and made it apparent, that those were onely Chimeras and vain Clouds, which would soon be dissipated by the lustre of his Majesties Arms; insomuch that his Eminency (who is not to be shaked in any thing where his Masters glory was concern'd) began to discourse the businesse, that at last every one of them submitted to the reasons which he produced; and it was then concluded that Cazal ought to be releeved, Sir (said he) seeing the taking of Rochel hath ended a most glorious enterprise for your Majesty, and the most pro­fitable for your State, that can possibly happen again in your whole life: Italy now oppressed for almost a whole year by the Duke of Savoy and Spaniards, at­tendeth a relief from your power, and a deliverance from their evils by your most victorious Arm: Your Honour obligeth you to defend those neighbors and Allies of yours, who are unjustly despoiled of their States: But besides these important rea­sons, your own interests do oblige you, to turn your thoughts and arms thither; and I dare assure you, that if your Majesty resolve upon it, and it be executed as it ought, the issue of it will be no lesse happy and honourable to you, then that of that rebellious City. I am not I confesse a Prophet, but I am confident that if your Majesty lose no more time, but carry on the design; you shall both releeve Cazal, and settle Italy in Peace before May; from whence returning with your Army into Languedoc, you shal likewise settle all there before the end of July; so that I hope your Majesty will in August be returned both safe and victorious to Paris. These were the chief points of his advice, spoken with such Grace and Cou­rage, that not a man in all the Assembly but approved of it, and I have the more willingly inserted them here, for the preservation of them to posterity, as an Oracle of his Prudence, which might indeed passe for a Prophecy, seeing that every thing fell out just as he had Prognosticated.

Politique Observation.

[...]T must be confessed that eminent Souls have extraordinary fore-sights, and some­what, I know not how, more then humane, they see all effects by their causes; they do commonly speak of things with assurance, and prognosticate things to come, as if they saw them presently acted before their eyes; they behold all dangers long before they happen, which they fear not, because their Prudence applies fit reme­dies; they know the weaknesse of their enemies, when and where they ought to be assaulted; they know all their stratagems, all their designs; and thus it is that their Prudence maketh them frequently judge of things with certainty.

Some have been of opinion that these extraordinary knowledges have been com­municated to them by their Genius, and to speak more Christian-like by their good Angles, which me thinks cannot well be denied; seeing the like hath befallen the Grandees amongst the Pagans, as Socrates, Brutus, and Caesar, and of latter ages divers other experiences of the same kind: But I may well add, the Angles do but seldome afford those their favours; and as seldome, as that eminent Prudence where­unto they add their fore-seeing quality, is rare.

Prosecution of the History.

THe Cardinal did clearly fore-see that this expedition being well managed, it would be impossible for the Spaniard or Duke of Savoy, to raise a force suffici­ent to oppose that of his Majesty: He knew that in all Italy there were hardly three thousand natural Spaniards; that their forces were but small, and divided; that [Page 262]they were monilesse, and harassed with losses on every hand; that there was such an inclination in the minds of most part of the Italians to revolt, that there need no more then to tell them they should be set at liberty, and discharged of their great burthens, and that this would be enough to make them take up Arms; that there could not a more favourable conjuncture be wished, then this, for the securing of Monsieur de Mantua from the violence of Spain, and that it were as great im­prudence to lose this opportunity, as it would be discretion to lay hold on it, This was that which made him deliver his advice to his Majesty with such confidence, and which induced his Majesty first to an assurance of it, and then to command an ex­traordinary diligence to be had for the raising of Levies, and providing all neces­sary munitions for the expedition into Italy.

Politique Observation.

THe discreet Pilot guideth his Ship, and spreads his Sails according to the Wind, that he may come in safety to the Haven; and a Prudent States-man, ought to make his resolutions and to regulate his Conduct, according to circumstances and the advantage of the time present, the former would be much found fault with, if he should lose the Wind when it is fair; and the latter would commit a deplorable over-sight, if he should neglect those advantages and opportunities which should present themselves unto him. Opportunity is oftentimes of greater advantage then several Troops; and Experience hath dayly evidenced to the World, that the advantages of time is the onely thing, which if laid hold on, carrieth great actions to a prosperous issue. Nature observeth her time to put forth her works, we ne­ver see her bedight with Flowers, but when the Sun smiles gently upon her; just thus is it with a Prudent man, he must strike when the Iron is hot, and not strike untill it be hot. For this reason it was, that the Pythagoreans held opportunity to be the first cause of all things; and it is but truth, that opportunity is that which giveth them all their perfections, and causeth them to terminate in a happy successe. Antiquity did much esteem of Pittacus his advice, which was comprehended in two words onely, know thy time, that is, lose not thy opportunity, but make sure of it, it being certainly true, that the least smile which she bestoweth is the ground­work of great successes, above all, an enemy ought to be assaulted at his weakest, before he be fortified, and that his other Troops come to joyn with him. The va­liant Scipio would no longer defer his fighting with the Carthaginians, when he fore­saw that if he gave them time, Asdrubal would come up and joyn with them, which would augment the difficulties to overcome them, Marius in the 25 Book of T. Livy, resolved to prosecute the enemy, because his Prudence fore-told him. that in case he deferred it, their whole force would in a small time joyn themselves together, and then instead of one Captain, and one Army, he must incounter with three Generals and three Armies. Caesar as himself observeth in his first Book of the War with the Gauls, having learnt that there were certain forces comming from the Swedes, which were to passe the Rhine, presently advanced to fight with Anovistus, as doubting least if those forces should come up to him, he might be too weak to encounter them.

The King having resolved upon his Italian Expedition, commits the Go­vernment of the State to the Queen his Mother.

THe King before he departed from Paris, would as reason was, settle the affairs of his Kingdome and State in the hand of a person, of whom he was well assu­red. He knew that Kings being out of the way, gives opportunity to seditious minds to act and stir, who in their presence, durst not think a thought that way tending. Whereupon he concluded it necessary to intrust the management of all things with some one person, upon whose Credit, Fidelity, and Ability he might [Page 263]rely. The Cardinal who was never deficient in procuring all kind of honour to the Queen Mother, advised his Majesty to fix upon her, as he had done at the siege of Rochel; though indeed he was but ill requited for his pains, it being at that time, that she conceived the first seeds of her hatred against him, and suffered her self to be deceived by the false Impostures of her and his enemies. That which did most of all clash with the Cardinals thoughts, in perswading the King to devolve his pow­er upon her, was, that she still was guided, by those very persons, who laboured nothing more then the increasing her Majesties hatred against him, and who would act to that purpose with so much the more insolency, when they found themselves supported by her authority: But as he ever preferred his Majesties before his own Interests, he did not long stick at it; but finding it most fit for the Government of the State, he advised his Majesty to resolve upon it. For, first the Government of the State could not have been left with any other, but it would have raised great broils in the State; and secondly, he had much rather have been thought impro­vident in fore-seeing that might hurt him, then ingratefull in not procuring to her all possible honour, lying in his power; and lastly, he had some reason to hope, that the absolute power which his Majesty left with her during his absence, might open her eyes, to discern with what zeal and fidelity he had served her. In fine, his Majesty give the Queen his Mother, full, and absolute power, and caused the Commission which he had made for that purpose, to bee read in the Par­liament.

Politique Observation.

NOthing doth so much allay the hatred of a woman, as to procure some ho­nour to her, for as they are naturally passionate of ruling, so there is not any thing doth more please them then power. It should seem, that nature having cre­ated them to obey, they become so much the more ambitious of governing both in private families and in States too, for either of which they are very improper. Hence it is, that they arm themselves with fire and anger, against all who oppose them, unlesse they are mollified and appeased by love; next to which, nothing doth so much please and satisfie them, as the procurement of some extraordinary power and honour unto them. It is a long while since a Philosopher said, no water doth so readily extinguish the fire of anger, as good deeds, which as they make a grea­ter impression on the mind, by how much they come nearer to their inclination, so there is nothing which doth more please or delight them; and hence it is, that they are the fittest and most dexterous ways to recall and reclaim their unjust and groundlesse anger and displeasure.

The King chargeth the Lord Keeper Marillac, to chuse out the best rules which had been esteemed proper, for the good of the Kingdom, by the States met at Paris, Anno 1614. and to propose them to the Councel to be drawn up into Ordinances.

AT the same time, the King who cherished Justice as the best Flower in his Crown, resolved to publish divers Ordinances, relating to his peoples good, such as he had chosen out of the best rules, which had been thought most proper by the States General at Paris, in the year one thousand six hundred and fourteen, and by the Assembly at Rouen, in the year, 1617. and at Paris in the year one thousand six hundred twenty six. His Majesty knew, that God who had put the Scepter into his hands, had not more commanded him any one thing than to admi­nister Justice indifferently to all, whereupon he gave order to the Lord Keeper, to pick out from those rules such choice ones, as might be thought most advantagious for his peoples good, to propose them to the Counsel, that they might be made Ordinances, after mature deliberation had upon them; all which was done accor­dingly, [Page 264]and thence sent to the Parliament of Paris, whether his Majesty went, to hear them read in his presence, as his predecessours had used to do, who have ordi­narily deposited their power into the hands of this assembly, as being the chief of the Kingdome, and that to which they have alwayes given most power and autho­rity; with intent that the people might the more readily give obedience to them. Now this Parliament consisting of a great multitude, which cannot be without many diversities of opinion, some of them made Remonstrances to his Majesty upon seve­ral of the Articles presented to them, and beseeched his Majesty would grant them time to consider of them. The Lord keeper, in his lofty humour thinking nothing like his own judgment, was offended with them who would contradict what he had resolved on, and believing he had another Egerian Nymph, which would not let him conclude on any thing but what was conformable to the will of Heaven; he per­swaded his Majesty with his utmost power, not to grant them the time they desired for deliberating on the Articles proposed to them: But his Majesty, who knew that the greatest Monarques, ought to accompany their Authority with Meekness as well as Justice, granted them their desires of six month's time, to consider of them, and to draw up their Remonstrances, which however were to be referr'd to his Majesties disposition and judgment.

Politique Observation.

AMongst the many and sundry powers which are in the Persons of our Kings, as so many Glorious Rayes which encompasse their Majesty, Justice is one, and one of the greatest Suster; The Scepter which they carry in their hand, is an Index of it, and seems to say, that their will is the Rule by which their subjects must be govern'd: whence a Lawyer defining Law, confoundeth it with the will of the Prince declared to his subjects. It is true, they hold Justice in their left hands, that they may remember their Commands ought alwayes to be accompanied with Equity. But besides all this, they are not bound to give an accompt to any one. It is onely God from whom they receive t heir Scepter, and it is to him only that they are to be accomptable for the Reason of those Laws which they establish: Their power is high and so absolute, that there is no refusing of what they ordaine; and indeed their Laws are of force and power, not so much because they are Just, as because they are by them commanded. However Prudence obligeth them to be advised by their Parliaments, whensoever they would make any Laws or Ordi­nances. This was the ancient form as History observeth, when any General Ordi­nances were to be established: and this is it which maketh the people receive them with the more submission and willingness; for nothing is so acceptable to them as that which carrieth the least shew of absolute Soveraignty; and besides Kings do no lesse Rule their people by Prudence then Power. Now this Prudence requireth, that nothing ought to be acted but by the deliberation of those who are to give a Credit to it, for the observation and obedience which is expected to be payd unto it. All our Kings have allowed their Parliaments to make Remonstrances, and give their opinions, as occasion should require: Indeed they have alwayes done it with great submission and respect, as being a thing without the limits of their power. S [...]lomon the wisest of Kings saith, It is a folly to play the Wise man before a Kings presence, in the seventh of Ecclesiastes; and Quintus Curtius, did much extol Ephestion, that giving his opinion or Judgment before Alexander, he alwayes did it with such great respect, that every one who beheld him, might know he did not speak as his due, but as an Honour permitted to him, and no more. Some Kings, it must be acknowledged, are not thus absolute, but are dependant either upon their States or people; and the reason is, because they first accepted of the Crown upon such and such conditions. But the thing is not so with ours, they are onely accomp­table to God for what they do, and do acknowledge no other Superior, in any thing which relateth to their Temporal Government; as St. Gregory said of our French Kings, they are saith he as Eminently above other Kings of the Earth, as they are above inferiour men.

The King before he goeth into Piedmont, findeth the Hugonots in Langue­doc ready to rise, he compelleth them to lay down their Armes, and to declare in form before his Parliaments and Judges, that they will live in all duties and obedience hereafter.

ONE thing more remained to be considered, before his Majesties Journy into Italy, which was this; The Hugonots in Languedoc could not resolve to live in that absolute submission which they owed unto his Majesty, notwithstanding they saw the proud Walls of Rochel thrown down before their faces, which might have served them for a sight of fear and confusion. His Majesty was advised of what assistance they had demanded from Spain, England, Holland and other places. That several of those Town's accorded to them for their security, were resolved to revolt, and resist his Majesties Armes, if he should attempt to ruine those Walls which were the Protectors of their Insolent Rebellions: Whereupon the Cardinal perswaded his Majesty, that it was obsolutely necessary to reduce those places to their obe­dience, and his own mercy, before he passed into Piedmon; as also to make a De­claration, importing an express Command to all Heretiques, who either were or had been in actual Rebellion against his Majesty, that they should lay down their Armes, return to their duties, and make Declarations of their future obedience, in ample manner and form before his Parliaments, or the Judges Presidiaux dwelling next unto them; and that all Towns should send their deputies, to make protesta­tions of their fidelity; promising them, on the word of a King, that upon their so doing, they should quietly enjoy their goods, and the Liberty of their pretended Religion; but protesting that if they should refuse so to do, and continue in their obstinacy and Rebellion, without regard had unto his grace and mercy, that he would then proceed to punish them as for de crimine laesae Majestatis, from the greatest to the lowest: ordaining and requiring, that their goods and persons should be proceeded against accordingly, and in the utmost rigour of his said Declaration. His Majesty caused his said Declaration to be read in Parliament, himself being pre­sent, which put a stop to all the Hugonots affairs until after the taking of Suze.

Politique Observation.

HAppy is that Kingdome, whose people live under one Law and the same Re­ligion; for the least Diversity which is in either of those two parts, breedeth unfortunate disorders in the whole. If any should be so unhappy, as to fall under either of those Afflictions, they may learn how to remedy it, by this Declaration of his Majesty, which produced most admirable effects, in hindring the progresse of the present Rebellion.

It cannot be denied, but that Kings have an absolute power to compell their sub­jects, who are Heretiques, to forsake their false, and turn unto the true Religion; and in case they become obstinate to punish them by the Ax. Heresie is a Crime laesae Majestatis Divi [...]ae; and as Heaven hath endued them with no lesse Autho­rity, to punish those offences committed against God, then those against their own persons, so it cannot be doubted that they have an absolute and Just power to pu­nish Heresie, with all the severity that it deserveth. But however, discreet Prin­ces have alwayes used much moderation in this particular, because they ever con­ceived violent means were proper in the first growth, and when it might quickly destroy Heresie, without any likelihood of its springing up again; but that being once spread abroad and increased, Rigors and Severities would more fix and con­firm it; besides the confusions and disorders which would follow in the State, by such cruelties and punishments. It should seem that for the confirmation of this their judgment, the Son of God prohibited his Disciples from picking out the Tares from the wheat, which grew together in the field, and were hard to be divided, it [Page 266]being most certain, that it is full as difficult, nay no lesse impossible to exterminate Heresie, when multiplyed, without great confusion even to the State where it is, and some trouble to the true Church it self. But granting all this to be so, yet the Laws of Prudence, do not allow, of at least, whilst a Prince may avoid it, that he should grant them any Towns or Places for the excercise of their Heresie; for that were to divide his Kingdome to nourish an Enemy, in his bosome, to foment a Re­bellion against himself, and to furnish them with arms and means to cut his own throat; It is also to give advantage unto strangers, who are still fishing in troubled States, and hindreth a Prince from assisting his Allyes, when their necessities and his own Interests invite him to it: and in fine it were to expose himself, the true Church and Professors of true Religion, unto a thousand affronts and tyrannies. That Prince, who allows them but weapons, submits himself to greater troubles the he is aware of, but he who employeth his power to destroy them, doth an Act not onely of Religion and Generosity, but also of great Prudence and discretion.

The Kings departure on the fifteenth of January, in the year one thousand six hundred twenty and nine, towards Piedmont.

THe same day, that his Majesty went to the Pallace, to publish his Declaration & Ordinances, and to cause the Power which he had comitted to the Queen his Mother to be read, he likewise departed out of Paris towards Cazal. But I may not passe by the observation of a singular act of Prudence, in his Majesty, who had already advanced the most part of his Forces to Auvergne, under the command of Monsieur de Thoyras, immediately after the taking of Rochel, that be might every day draw them neerer and neerer to the place, where he intended to make use of them, insomuch that he lost not one hours time, upon which he knew the successe of affairs did often depend. His Majesty, desired to go by the way of Bourgogne, and Champagne; as well to avoid the sickness, which was very hot, upon the Road of Lion, as also because he had not as yet, passed by the Towns of Troyes, Dion or Chaal us, Where he made his entrance with great Splendour and Magnificence shewing the people by this, what respect they were obliged to shew unto him.

Politick Observation

WIse Polititians have not thought it proper for a King to let himself be often seen by the subjects, yet they have all concluded it fit, that he should visit at least once the principal Cities of his Kingdome. This gives them an acquain­tance of the people, whom they are to governe, and the magnificence with which they are accompanied makes impressions of obedience in the thoughts of their sub­jects; Which magnificence doth so much the more contribute to beget respect, because the people are often guided by their own sences, and Kings ought not to neglect occasions of making themselves, reverenced and esteemed. The Sun is venerable in our eyes by reason of his lustre and Splendor, and with the vulgar no­thing doth breed so great a reverence towards the persons of their Princes, as the pomp where with they are accompanied: whence it comes to passe that many have been of opinion, that a King ought not to make himself be feared, yet none ever thought but he was obliged to use all means to beget a respect and obedience to­ward him. Humility is a virtue, which in this particular is to be dispenced with, be­cause the meanuess of his train or reception could diminish the respects of his people, and for this reason it is that God hath obliged them to enforce that honour, which is due unto them, and to maintain themselves in a State correspondent to their Ma­jesty, in reference whereunto the wisest Kings would not permit any to approach near their persons, but with great respects, and seldome would appear in publick, but when with great attendance. The ancient Kings of the Persians, Medes and Judians, required their subjects to salute them prostrate on the ground: Amongst [Page 267]those of China they are adored like Gods, others are served upon the knee and suffer themselves to be seen but seldome, and then with great Ceremony too, and men do the more readily reverence them in regard God Almighty hath stamped his image upon them for their greater honour, and that there is still something in their face that speaks them more than humane.

The Duke of Lorrain comes to visit the King before his departure and pro­miseth after his return to come and do him homage for the Dutchy of Bar.

WHiles the King was at Chaalous, the Duke of Lorrain came thither to wait upon him, hoping that by his bare complements & civilities he might satis­fy his Majesty without doing homage for the Dutchy of Bar, which was in his posses­sion by the death of his predecessour. The King had often called upon him to do his homage, knowing that as God had put the crown upon his head, so he was by it obliged no lesse to preserve the Authority which he had given him over stranger Princes, then over his own subjects. The Duke refused it not, but pretended that the Dutchy of Bar belonged to him in chief, as also that of Lorrain by virtue of a certain Salique Law, which had been likewise confirmed by those of his Family, and was yet to be seen amongst his old Record, and thereupon would do homage in his own name and not in his wifs to whom really it belonged. The King, who could not endure injustice, would not permit that the Dutchess his wife, who had put the Ducal Coronet upon his head should be so dealt with; but resolved that either shee should do the homage, or he in her name. Upon this account it was that he came to assure his Majesty, he would suddenly after his return acquit himself of the homage in that form, which should be thought reasonable, and in the mean while to beseech him, that he would excuse him for some little time. He presented unto his Majesty a Kennel of as find hounds as could be seen, which his Majesty kindly accepted of, and yet to let him see that he looked upon hunting onely as a diversi­on, when other important State affairs gave him some leisure time, he hereupon made him a discourse which is not amisse to be observed in this place, for the in­struction of Soveraigns, in what degree they ought to hold those recreations, which tend to their pleasure. ‘Cozen, said he, I have left off hunting, I must confesse, I de­light in it, when other affairs give me leave; but at present my thoughts are alto­gether taken up to show how affectinately I interest my self with my Allies; after I shall have relieved the Duke of Mantua, I may perchance return to my old re­creations, till some other of my friends may have occasion to make use of me.’ And most certain it is, his pleasures never withdrew him from theears of his State. He would be informed very exactly of all affairs how mean soever, neither would he allot any time for the recreations which other Princes used to allow themselves, because his piety forbid him, as knowing them to be contrary to the Laws of God.

Politique Observation.

HUnting is a kind of war, not onely, not misbeseeming, but sometimes very co­mendable in a Prince. It was Xenophons advice in his Cyropaedia, It teacheth them, saith he, to rise betimes, It inures them to heats and colds, habituates them to riding and all other labours. The resistance which salvage beasts make against them teacheth them to fight, and to use their Weapons seeing they ought to observe a time when to beat them, when to prevent them, and to have the free command of their body to cast themselves to and fro when once they come up upon the pursuit. Doth not the chasing of those who may endanger them accustome them not to fear any perils? I have often observed that those Princes who are great hunters, have been likewise esteemed very valiant. History tells us so in the examples of Ʋlysses, Pelopidas, Pompei, Alexander. The Prince of Roman eloquence, saith that a man at [Page 268]hunting useth a kind of military exercise. Plinius Secundus thought it the more agreeable for Princes, it being a solitary and silent exercise and giving them leisure to think on their State affairs; to which give me leave to add one effect more which renders this recreation very commendable in Kings, and that is, it keeps them from vice. It is reported that Hippolytus. Theseus his Son, did use this diversion to live chastly and avoid idlenesse, the source of all vices and evills. The Poets feigned that Diana spent most part of her time in that manner in the company of Arethusae, Calista, Cranae and divers other Nymphs, who were all desirous to preserve their virginities, each of them knowing, that they were exposed to many Shipwracks, by the divers companies with whom they conversed. Plutarch observed upon the life of Pompey, that this great conquerour imagined that Princes get no little honour by this exercise, and after he had vanquished Domitius in Affricque, and reduced all in those Countries to his power, himself spent some dayes in hun [...]ing Lions and Ele­phants, to the end, quoth he, that the stoutest beasts themselves might not be ignorant of the Romans good fortune and courage,

A Victory obtained by the Kings Forces against those of the Duke of Savoy upon the 14. of February, 1629.

THe King departing from Chaalons, passed by Lyons (but did not go into the Citie, by reason of the sicknesse) to Grenoble, where he staid 7. or 8. dayes, during which he oftentimes sent to the Duke of Savoy to acquaint him that he was come thither, resolved to relieve Cazal, and to demand passage through his States, which he was obliged by Treaties to grant, under assurance of not doing any acts of hostility or any other damage The Duke being engaged with the Spaniard, and having promised them to assist them in the taking of Cazal, as Comte Lou [...]s d'Ast, one of his Residents at Rome had openly declared, had recourse to his usual artifices, and returned many complements and fairs words: he beseeched his Majesty to give him leave to find out some expedient to dis-engage him of those promises he had made to the Spaniard: The Duke proposed several overtures, but so void of reason and Justice, that it was no hard matter to discern his intent was onely to stay the King until Cazal was taken▪ which as was well known, could not hold out above — dayes, but it was all in vain: for the King (a person not to be delayed but with just reasons, and who was well assured that Cazal would yet hold out in expecta­tion of him two full moneths) marched from Grenoble, and by great Journies came to Oux, a place bordering upon the Frontire and passage of Suze. The Duke having but ill intelligence, heard not of his Majesties advancing, for indeed he made such haste, that it was hardly credible but by them who were eye witnesses of it. The Duke thoug [...]t he had been still at Grenoble, when indeed he was not far off Suze: But for fear of that storm which threatned him, he resolved to send the Prince of Piedmo [...]t his Son to delay his Majesty, by giving him some hopes of opening the passages, not without expectation that Cazal would in the mean while be taken. The Prince was hardly come to Chamberry, but he heard the Kings Army was passed the Mount of Geneva, this made him return directly to Chaumont, where he found the Cardi­nal already arrived with the Vanguard. He had at that place a long discourse with his Eminence, who no lesse powerful in his words than arms, entertained him with a great deal of addresse, and pressed upon him such reasons, that he at last promised to do whatever should be desired of him. The Cardinal at first told him, he was much astonished that notwithstanding the Treaties between France and Savoy, that his Majesty and his Army should be denied to passe his Country, to assist one of his Allyes; Hee remonstrated to him, how injurious this procedure was to the honour of a Prince, it being contrary to his word and faith; that his Majesties Arms marched in a just cause, but that his did unjustly protect injustices; That if he should have the advantage at any time to hinder his Majesty from entring into Italy (which however he could not well hope for) yet it would be as great a discredit to him, to [Page 269]support an unjust oppression, as the design of a protecting a Prince would be glo­rious to his Majesty: withal that he did apparently deceive himself, if he imagined to raise any advantage by assisting the Spaniard in the taking of Cazal: that his hopes of sharing the Montferrat between them, was vain, and that they would suffer him to have no greater a part than in six hundred and thirteen, when they absolute­ly opposed him, and that the most he could expect▪ was some paltry Town: whereas adhering to his Majesty, he would find means to induce Monsieur de Mantua to let him have Tri [...], and other handsome places to the yearly rent of fifteen thousand Crowns. That withal he disobliged the Princes and extreamly much wronged him­self by favouring the growing greatness of Spain in Italy, upon which they had al­ready testified but too great a design: That Cazal would give him great advan­tages and that he had the more reason to be susp [...]tious of it himself, he being so near a borderer upon Milan; and that the Spaniard having drawn him off from France would quickly invade his territory, as being assured himself alone could not resist him. It were much to be wished that we knew the Cardinal', whole discourse in this conference, or that I could discribe the gracefulness and authority, with which he spoke. But that not being, I shall content my self to say, that it is impossible to defend ones self against his discourse, when he undertakes to perswade any thing, his words being accompanied with certain charms which in a little while force a surren­der. It is not possible long to deny him, his discourses are replenished with such an, I know not what sweetnesse, which insinuateth it self into the heart, his gesture and complasance do no lesse second his discourse, and they ought to be esteemed for such, as the best wits have confessed, it was impossible to defend themselves from him, whatever promises they had made of sticking close to any resolutions of theirs contrary to his desires.

Politique Observation.

ELoquence is an ornament, so much the more necessary for great States-men, in regard they are obliged more then others to perswade diverse things to the people, and those Grandees with whom they treat. The Roman Prince of Elo­quence saith, It is Rhetorick which raiseth men above beasts, and I may add that it i [...] Eloquence and a volubility of discourse gives a States-man great advantages over those with whom he treats. Prudence teacheth him good counsels, and the wayes to obtain his ends, but Eloquence is that which gives him the perswasive power, so that in some sence, it is the soul of Counsels. Rash Eloquence would do him no good, it being like counterfeit Gold, glisters indeed, but is worth nothing; and a mute prudence, where there is a defect of good expression, is of no great use, but is like a fair statue whose proportions and sculpture are admired by every one, but cannot speak, whereas Eloquence and Prudence joyned together work miracles. The Ancient Sages, saith Cicero, who have established the foundations and Laws of the most famous States, as Lycurgus, Solon, Pit [...]acus and the like were equally endued both with one and the other, with prudence for the invention of those just Laws, which they published, and with Eloquence for the perswading the people to re­ceive them. It cannot be denied but that Eloquence was one of those qualities which did insinuate into the peoples belief that Doctrine, which Jesus Christ preached, seeing the Gospel it self recorded it, where it is said, that the sweetnesse of those words which came from his mouth, ravished the people with admiration. And who can doubt of the power which Rhetorick hath on mens minds, seeing that tongues were the first Arms given the Apostles, when they were sent abroad to preach? Indeed there cannot be an handsomer ornament added to the dignity of great Ministers, then to discourse well, nor really stronger Arms to their Pru­dence. Their affairs will continually lead them to treat with Grandees, who must be satisfied with reasons, which when well expressed, are the more perswasive. They must know how to appease, to mollifie, or provoke passions by the addresse of their discourse according as occasion requires. Is it most certain that naked reason is [Page 270]commonly weak, whereas clothed with the ornaments of Rhetorick, it captivateth the soul, insinuateth into the most unreasonable, cureth the disaffected, softneth the most obdurate hearts, reclaimeth the most irregular actions; and in a word exer­ciseth an absolute empire over the will? The Athenians were not ignorant of it, when being oppressed by Alexanders Arms to deprive themselves either of their Captains or Orators, they chose rather to banish the former than the latter, pre­ferring the Gown before the Sword. Eloquence in the person of a States-man is then most powerful, when accompanied with affability and complasance, for these vir­tues rendring his person as well as his reason agreeable, do insinuate themselves with such power and charms, that it is impossible to hold out against them.

Prosecution of the History.

THE Prince of Piedmont had promised to return the next morning with the Duke of Savoy's ratification, but however he came not, his perswasions not having that power over the Dukes reason, as the Cardinals had over his. He only sent the Comte de Verrūe with Complements and Civilities, in stead of a positive reso­lution. The King was not satisfied with it, and Monsieur the Cardinal, who is in nothing more sensible, then that which concerneth his Majesties glory, took these delayes of the Duke of Savoy with a great deal of regret and Impatience; So that his Prudence telling him, there was no more time to be lost, he sent word unto his Majesty, that the next morn by day break he would secure the passages; who un­willing to let the attempt be made without him, told him he would make one of the patty; to which end he presently took Horse, and accordingly having taken order, and given instructions concerning the main Body of the Army then neer him, he came away about ten or twelve at night, and march't four leagues in so great a darknesse, that he was forced for the most part to walk on foot; yet at last he came to Chaumont, where he met the Marshals de Crequy, Bassompierre and the Schom­berg, with the Cardinal contriving every thing for the assault, and for carying of the Baricadoes upon the very first break of day, which they were all resolved to do, notwithstanding the snows, the wearinesse of the Souldiers, and the fight it self, which could not be but furious, in regard the Duke of Savoy had laid his choysest forces for the guarding of those passages, which of themselves were so strait and strong that a hundred men might defend them.

Politick Observation

IT is no lesse advantagious than seemly for a Prince to give Orders in his Battels, and to appear in his own person to see them executed as well by his example as command. I say it is seemly, in regard Kings have not received their swords from the hand of God, onely to devolve the charge and conduct of their Armies upon their Captains; Their crowns are not bestowed on them so much for the honour of their own persons, as to oblige them to maintain and encrease by the prudence of their counsels, and the force of their Arms, the glory of their States: they are like the Sun, who doth not onely communicate part of its light and influence to the Stars, to the end they might contribute to the generation and conservation of all things here below; but doth likewise himself daily go round the world to co-operate with all particular causes, and doth in some sence do all in every thing; thus like­wise a great Prince ought to watch whatever happens of importance in his Army; to passe from Quarter to Quarter, and to issue out all principal Orders from him­self, without relying on his Officers, but in things of lesse consequence; remem­bring the excellent Counsel which Salust gave Caesar, when he told him that they, who are advanced to an high degree of honour in a State, are obliged to be much more vigilant and careful than others. Who can expresse the advantage which happens to a King by being himself the Oracle of his Counsels, who obligeth his Soldiers to observe his Orders, as well by his example as command. The example [Page 271]of a King needs not indeed any words of command, for it insinuateth it self into their courages, and animateth them with such resolution, that it leads them to all enterprises how dangerous soever; his courage is the fire which heats all his Soldiers, and the least action which he shall do among them, will more powerfully perswade them to fight, then any words he can give them, be they never so many or fair. Was it not for this reason that Germanicus, as Tacitus relateth, used to open his Helmet in his Battels, that he might make himself known to his Soldiers; that the Kings of Persia went bare-headed, and that Cyrus, as Xenophon witnesseth, would often call his Captains and Soldiers by their names, and give them such Orders, as himself saw fit? and doth he not give a good reason for it, where he saith, that if a Physitian were to be blamed for not knowing the names of his medicines, and the artificer for being ignorant of the use of his instruments; a Prince deserves much more to be discommended, if he knoweth not the names of his Officers and Soldiers, the instruments of the glory which he acquireth in Armes?

The Prosecution of the History.

THe Duke of Savoy had great advantages in this fight, the passages were of themselves very strait and uncouth, that there was no great need of any forces to hinder their ascent; a few persons are enough to stop them, excepting against his Majesty, whom all things obey: he had placed for the defence of them the very choisest troops of his Army, whereas those of his Majesty were newly come off from the disorders of a siege, which had lasted above a year, and had also suffered the hardships of a march near 200 leagues long, during all which they had been fought by the rains, snows, and colds of a sharp winter. But his Majesty knowing what mettle his presence infused into his Soldiers, and seeing there was not a man amongst them, who thought not himself happy in being exposed to all sorts of hazards, he resolved that all those hardships should not divert him from acquiring fresh victo­ries: However knowing that it is Gods providence, which doth contribute more then mans force to happy successes, he would hear Masse before he engaged with the Enemy, to recommend his enterprise to God; then he came into the field with the Cardinal between 6 and 7 in the morning, and gave order what troops should make the onset. The Duke of Savoy had formed 3 Baracados before the passages, the first a Quarter of a league from Chaumont near upon the borders between France and Savoy, the 2 about a quarter of a league farther of, and the 3 under the Fort de Gelasse, scituated upon a rock, at the foot of which they must of necessity passe at the mercy of the Cannons and musket. All 3 were 12 foot thick and large, 20 high, the Ditch deep, and 8 foot over to defend the Avenues; He had likewise made between 25 and 30 Redoubts guarded by 2700 choise men. Upon the first discovery of their scituation, the victory was thought difficult, but as there is no­thing impossible to the King and the Cardinal, they lead up their forces at the first peep of day. The King had sent the Sieur de Comminges to the first Baracado, to demand passage for the Marshals of his Majesties Army, to the intent they might go to Suze, as friends, and under assurance of doing no hurt. The Comte de Verrūe ap­peared, and demanded some time to acquaint the Duke of Savoy with it, who was not then far off, and told him that he did not come to demand it with any shew of peace, but however they should be sure to guard their passages, and that they had not now to do with the English. The Sieur de Comminges replied, he had not any order to wait, and that he should shortly find the French knew as well to beat the Piedmontois as the English: at the same instant, it being no longer time to dally, the Marshals de Cr [...]quy and de Bassompierre, assisted by the Sieurs d'Auriac the Commandeur de Valençay and de Thoiras Marshals of the Camp, made ready for the fight. Le Comte de Sault advanced with the forlorne hope being about six score, next to them followed the Kings Muskettiers and the Regiment of the Guard, the Duke de Langueville being in the head of the Voluntier Nobility. The Dukes de la Trimoūille and de Halloin led up the files, as also the Sieurs de Lyon Court, de Breze [Page 272]and de S. Simon, the troups being seconded by the Regiment of Suisses, d'Estissac & de Navarre, who advanced upon the left wing. The Comte d'Essault falling on with his Forces, came up to the Barricado's, defended by Marc Anti [...]io Belon one of Piedmont, assaulted and forced them in the midst of a shower of musket shot which fell upon them. The Enemies endured the first charge with great courage, both parts being equally resolute; so that the one defended themselves as gallantly as the others assaulted them, till at last a party of the French foot opening one of the passages fell like lightning upon the Duke of Savoy's forces, and Barricado's, pre­sently forced them and became Masters of the passage, and also of Suze after they had slaine, wounded and routed whatever resisted them. Amongst those who were wounded, the Comte de Verrūe was observed to have a shot in his cheek, and the Marqu [...]sse de V [...]lle General of the Horse had his shoulder broken by a musket shot. There were 9 Colours taken which were without any great trouble presented to his Majesty because he was himself in that action, and amongst diverse Prisoners there were 10 or 12 Captains, Lieutenants and Ensigns.

Politique Observation.

A Generous mind is never dismaid at the fear of danger, or if perchance it make any impression on him, it is onely to oblige him to give necessary orders to overcome them. It is enough that he know he must vanguish and that his duty obli­geth him to make a virtue of necessity. He is more apprehensive of the discredit to loose an occasion of glory, then of the mis-fortune, and is alwayes more careful to preserve his honour▪ than his life, his courage fortifies him, and makes him confi­dent of the means dictated by his prudence; he doth not fight rashly with his eyes shut as the Andabates, or precipitate himself into dangers without looking what is necessary to secure himself, but guiding his courage by reason, he takes such Order as is fit and needful▪ and then engageth without fear. There is no courage so com­mendable as that which is accompanied with prudence, and when the heat of Anger exciteth an obligation to repel al obstacles, his reason ought to serve him in exami­ning his designs, his prudence to make choise of those means which are most likely to obtain an happy successe, and his Anger to make him quick in action. Last of all he delay, not the exposing himself to combates, where his prudence tell him there is not any danger, but knowing that fortune is the friend of courage, and doth often favour the bold, he assaults his enemies as soon as ever his prudence hath given Or­ders for the fight: he carrieth deeply engraved in his heart that saying of Salust, They who are most fearful, run most hazards; and sure it is, confidence is a ram­part, and every thing gives way to him who fals in with courage, as every thing re­pelleth him who is carried away with cowardize. To apprehend resistance is to be half overcome and he who scornes danger is half master of his enterprise. Valour is very needful for the obtaining of an happy successe in all af [...]airs. Fire is the no­blest of all the Elements, because it worketh quickest, and nothing resisteth it; and that man is most to be commended for his courage, who acteth the most boldly, and whom no dangers are able to affright: It is also true, that resoluteness doth oftentimes bring a good issue, where prudence and counsel had no part: whence it [...] appears that in many affairs of war, long deliberation is unnecessary and often prejudical in the successe of attempts, besides the diminishing of his honour, who conducteth them. Something must be ventured, and where there is no clear demonstration of a good successe, there a good resolution seconded with judgment will go far, which once concluded on, then comes action into play and the sword to execute.

The Prince of Piedmont comes to Suze with full power from the Duke of Savoy to Treat with the King.

PResently after this victory the King sent to summon the Governour of the Fort Jaillon, belonging to the Duke of Savoy, bordering upon Suze, to surrender: he refused it, but not long after fled with 300 men into the mountains, and left the Fort to the Country people, who left it to the King, who put [...]00 Soldiers in guard there. At the same time his Majesty caused some forces to march to Roussillon, a league and half from Suze, being in all about an 1000 foot and 2000 Horse, under the Command of the Marshals de Creiquy and Bassompierre, who were saluted by those in the Cittadel of Suze with about 1000 musket, and 200 great shot, but no hurt, onely the wounding of about a dozen men; This insolency of theirs made his Majesty resolve to assault the Cittadel, and for that purpose the Regiment Estissac was drawn out upon the top of Mount Brunet, which adjoyneth to it: In the mean while hearing that the Duke of Savoy began to repent his being engaged with the Spaniards, and opposing of the French, fearing belike (and that not without good reason) that his State would be seized on as a punishment of his rashness, his Maje­sty sent the Sieur de Seneterre towards him to understand with he did intend to do, and to let him know, that if he would hearken to an accomodation, that his Majesty out of his natural goodness, and in consideration of Madam his Sister, would forget what was past, without making any other advantage of his victories; onely for the assisting of his design to raise the siege of Cazal, he expected to be assured of the passages for the conveyance of victuals to his Army, and to be furnished with all things to revictual it, paying for what he had. The Duke thought himself very happy to be quiet upon such slender terms, and presently dispatched the Prince de Piedmont towards the Cardinal, to make the Treaty, inpowering him to give his Ma­jesty all content. The Prince came to Suze, and the same day it was concluded with Monsieur the Cardinal, that the Duke of Savoy should give free passage through his Country to the Kings Army, that he should furnish the markets both to Cazal and back again, that he should contribute to the revictualling of Cazal, by furnishing victuals and munition of war, for which his Majesty should pay him; withal, that in future he should open such passages as the King should desire, and should set out as many Soldiers for the securing of Montferrat, if need were, as his Majesty should think fit; that for the better assurance of his promise, his highness should presently deliver the Cittadel de Suze, a the Fort de Gelasse into his Majesties hands, and short­ly after things being thus concluded, he came to salute his Majesty, and rendred him all kinds of respect.

Politique Observation.

NOthing is so requisite in a Prince as to attempt all things with Justice, and such as are within his power, without this he will inevitably fall into confusion, and see himself exposed to as much shame, as he proposed glory. Imprudence is the spring of ill successe, and rashness throws a Prince into the Gulph of confusion; it inforceth the courages of those who have more heat than judgment, charming them with a certain show of glory, for which it makes them hope; but indeed, onely to engage them in greater disasters. True generosity consisteth not in a blind impe­tuous rage, which adventures upon all, without considering the power, or weighing the design by the Laws of prudence; but it follows a medium between defect and excess; Holding the head too high doth oftentimes throw down into praecipices: and the want of prudence is no lesse dangerous, for it oftentimes obligeth to dis­cover not onely a deficiency of power, but also of heart. That Prince is greatly to be blamed, who falls upon a King incomparably more powerful than himself, and who pretends with an handful of men to oppose that, which at last he will be forced [Page 274]to grant. It is no shame for necessity to take the Law of one that is more powerful, but if power prevail, the who is forced to it, is discredited with interest: besides, in passages, how strait or difficult soever they be, he cannot be able to defend himself from the danger which is falling on him, unless he be very strong seeing that enemy, who comes to assault him with a great Army, will at last force him, although they loose some men in the gaining it: Commonly there is not above one or two diffi­cult places in a passage, and it is impossible, but that a great Army of resolute men should gain them. In fine when they who defend them shall find an whole Army thundring in upon them, it strikes a terror into them so that they are forced to fly, and by that means destroyed, for this reason the Romans would never put them­selves to the trouble of keeping any passes, unless they saw it necessary to expect the Enemy, because they who were in the chief Stands, should be alwayes assisted: but it is not the same thing when a Garrison hath nothing to second it, or where there are no reserves to assist those whom an Enemy shall first have routed.

The Duke of Mantua is delivered from the Spanish oppression by his Majesties Forces.

DOm Gonçales de C [...]rdua, Governor of Milan, who commanded the siege of Cazal, upon his first hearing of this Treaty, resolved to break up the Leager; It had been concluded by one of the private Articles, for the satisfaction of him, That the Duke of Savoy, should give him information, how his Majesty upon the said Dukes assurance of him, that the Spaniards had not any intention to despoile the Duke of Mantua of his Estates, had been contented, that there should be some Swisses put into Nice de la Paille, who should declare they held it in deposit in the name of the Emperor, but upon promise and assurance, to restore it unto the Duke of Mantua, or his Assigns, at the end of one month, whether the Emperor should by that time have invested him in the said Dutchee or not; and that as to the rest, his Majesty had not any design to fall upon any the Territories, of his Brother in Law, the King of Spain, but did desire still to continue in friendship and a good Correspondency with him. This was the leaf wherewith this Spanish Pill was guilded. Dom Gonçales staid not long for any farther Illustration of this Article, but raised the siege before his Majesty came neer him, as doubting least his stay there, would only serve for an addition of glory to the French Army, which they had all ready got at Suze; so he marched away about the fifteenth or sixteenth night, leaving the City to rejoyce, that they were now delivered from those mise­ries, which for two months last past they had endured, in which time they had eaten all the Horses, Doggs and Ratts, which they could lay hold on: The Duke of Savoy relieved them, with those Victuals which he had promised, and thus his Majesty obtained all the Honor, and successe in this enterprise, that his heart could desire; this Fortune and Courage seemed in emulation of each other to conspire his glory, which indeed was a debt, due to the Justice of his cause, who though he might at that time, have over-run all Italy and made himself master of it, as was well known to every one, yet he contented himself, with the having delivered the Duke or Mantua, from the Spanish Tyranie and oppression.

Politique Observation.

ALthough Prudence have a great share in good Successe, yet the greatest Cap­tains have held, that Fortune, hath no small part in it; Prudence alone may indeed make some progresse towards it; but Fortune is at last needful to be joyned with it towards the obtaining of the proposed end: hence it was that Octa [...]ian ma­king wishes for his little Son, desired he might have the Gravity of P [...]mpey, the Courage of Caesar and his own good Fortune. For this reason likely it was that Seyravenaes a Persian, as Plutarch in his Morals hath recorded it; answered unto [Page 275]some who were admiring that his enterprizes should have such ill successe; seeing in his discourse he seemed to be a very prudent and discreet man. That he was one­ly Master of his Language, but that Fortune was Master in Military Affairs. And do we not for this reason likewise, say, that the discreet man is not obliged to ren­der an accompt of those enterprises which depend as much on Chance, as Conduct, but onely of his Councels, which is the onely thing that was in his power to dispose? It is sometimes onely Fortune which raiseth a siege without a stroke; it is Fortune which doth sometimes strike a terrour into an enemies Forces, that they have hard­ly the courage to defend themselves; Fortune it is which hath often opened the strongest places at the first Summons; and it is Fortune, which at the appearance of an Army, hath caused many Provinces to stoop under their Power and Obedi­ence. But notwithstanding all this, we must not conceive Fortune to be, as the Heathens did, a blind Goddesse, who over ruleth Battels, and giveth the Victory to what side she pleaseth; no, it is of the divine Providence, that I speak, which is usu­ally so called, when any thing befalleth us above our expectation, or beyond our hopes. God is the first cause of all good successe, and it is his onely gift, he it is who blesseth Councels, and it is by the favour of his influences, that we see good fruits or follow sage resolutions. Neither may we imagine, that the Prudence of great men doth not contribute to an happy successe; for they are the instruments of Gods power, but not such as are dead and void of life, or such as want motion and action to co-operate with the first cause. As it may be said that Alexander was fortunate in all his enterprizes: But this fortune was improved by Prudene, conserved by cares, preserved by Labours, and seconded by Courages. Most cer­tain it is, those extraordinary events which the vulgar attribute to hazard, do for the most part arrive by the Prudence and Conduct of wise, eminent men, who ope­rate by Springs▪ which are the more esteemable by bein invisible to the vulgar, yet such as procure no lesse glory in the minds of them who are able to judge aright of things▪ though they fall not under the Rules and Laws of mean and ordinary un­derstandings.

Prosecution of the History.

HIS Majesty in this Treaty had obtained as much advantage as could be desired against the Duke of Savoy, yet he desired to let him see, or at least some of his party who might relate it to him, that he had power enough to have forced it from him, if he had not done it by fair means. His Majesty laid hold on the oc­casion, upon Madam, the Princesse of Piedmonts comming to Suze to visit him, he entertained her with a great deal of kindness, according to the particular friend­ship which he had alwayes for her, and designed that the honour wherewith he treated her, and the Prince of Piedmont then with him might learn him, that he had no reason to ingage so easily with the enemies of France. His Majesty went before her, and causing part of the Army to follow him, he placed the rest in Battalia by the way side, in such places where they might best be seen; that the Prince of Pi­edmont might with his own eyes behold, that he ought not upon a small occasion, ingage so many of the brave Nobility and resolute Souldiers, to return a second time into his Fathers Country of Savoy, lest they made him pay for all his Treache­ries together.

Politique Observation.

IT is no lesse Policy in a Prince to make himself feared by strangers, then beloved by his own Subjects. To pretend that he is in friendship with them were a vanity, for they having no end but interest care not for any one longer then he is usefull. The greatest peece of their friendship, is, not to offend their neighbours, or attempt upon their Territories, and there are but a few who are thus reserved; whence it happens that he who sheweth them his Power, and sometimes lets them feel his [Page 276]strength, that he may curb them by fear, is the most of all to bee commen­ded.

I do not approve that he should make himself feared by abusing of his power, or by using any injustice or cruelty upon them as the House of Austria hath for a long time together; but that he should let them know he hath wherewithal to pu­nish them, in case they attempt to do any thing repugnant to their duties. There are but two ways to retain men in moderation, love, and fear, if the first be not sufficient, then the second must be made use of. No one will easily be provoked to offend a Soveraign, who hath ability to revenge it; and nothing is more natu­ral then to respect them whose power is feared. They ought to render themselves respected and feared according to the example of God Almighty, whose stretched out Arm is terrible through all the World, not because he imployeth it to do evil: but severely to chastise those who offend and provoke him to indignation and dis­pleasure.

Certain Intreagues of the Ladies at Paris, concerning Monsieurs preten­ded Marriage with the Princess Maria of Mantua.

DUring that little stay which his Majesty made at Suze, there happened a dan­gerous Intreague at Paris about the Queen Mother, she had designed to match Monsieur with a daughter of Florence; but finding how particularly he was inclined to the Princesse Maria daughter to the Duke of Mantua, she was much troubled at it, although that Princesse by reason of those admirable qualities both of her person and birth, was not thought altogether unworthy of so great a match. The King himself was much of this opinion, out of the particular esteem which he had for the Princesse although at that time he had not positively resolved on it▪ by reason it was so lately that Monsieur had buried his Lady. Now it happened that certain Ladie, of quality, who were alwaies near and about the Queen Mother, used their utmost indeavours to hinder Monsieurs marrying with the Princesse Ma­ria. Some of them because they had hopes of having him to marry into their Alli­ance and because it was against their particular Interests; othersome who did not aspire so high, made use of it to incense the Queen Mother against the Cardinal, pre­tending that he supported this of Mantua, in exclusion of her choice of that Florence, The Queen Mother had never discovered any violence in her Conduct; but she was at last so beleaguered by those of this Cabal, that they transported her so far as to command the Sieur de C [...]sac, one of her Gentlemen in Ordinary to take some Archers of the Garde, to go to Colummiers and Arrest the Princesse, with the Dowager de Longueville, and to Conduct them to the Boys de Vincennes, whither they were accordingly carried.

Monsieur was at that time at Fountainbleau, but so troubled at the imprisonment of the Princesse, whom he much respected; and especially, for her ill usage at the Boys de Vincennes, that instead of comming back to Paris; as the Queen Mother expected, he went in a discontent to Orleans; and true it is, the displeasure that he conceived at it, was one of the chief reasons which afterwards carried him into Lorrain, where all those wicked designs which have since been acted were contri­ved. The Queen Mother presently dispatched a Courier to Suze, unto his Maje­sty to inform him of the reasons which moved her to this imprisonment: And they on the Cabal having perswaded her to lay all the blame on the Princesse and Mon­sieur, she did so, though indeed their innocency might well have exempted them from any blame; besides the interests of the Duke of Mantua, were so joyned with those of France, that there was great reason to treat the Princess his daughter with all kindness and civility. The Queen Mother was easily perswaded to follow their advice, her honour being ingaged, not to be disowned by his Majesty, and also to lay the whose fault upon them who did not deserve it. They did use the [Page 277]more address to confirm her Majesty in her resolutions because they fore-saw that Monsi [...]ur the Cardinal must of necessity have a Breach either with the Queen Mo­ther or Monsieur, which would much advantage their own interests and designs; Oh damnable devices! not sufficiently punishable, though with the greatest rigors, but yet such devices as rendred the Queen Mother so much the less faulty, in re­gard, it was almost impossible for any, the most Prudent, to defend themselves from such baits, laid by the most dexterous persons in that Art of embroyling; so that I cannot but ascribe the whole blame unto those women of the Cabals.

Politique Observation.

AS all Womankind hath by birth received certain qualities contrary to the good conduct of a Kingdome; so it is very dangerous for them who govern, to lend an ear to their charms. I cannot more fitly compare them to any thing, then to the Sun in the Spring-time, who hath then power to raise and attract vapors into the ayr, but not to allay or dissipate them: Just thus it is with them, many are the broyls which they raise and foment in a State; but the remedying of any one of them lieth not in their power. It should seem that whatever is proper to trou­ble the repose of a State, is naturally imprinted in them; every one knoweth what disorders violence breedeth, and who can be ignorant that the heats and emotions of their Passions, are like impetuous torrents, which pull up Rocks, root up Trees, overthrow whatever standeth in their way? they do nothing by halfs, all their de­sires are accompanied with fire, and although few of their resolutions are grounded upon any consideration or foresight yet there is not any obstacle which they will not force themselves to overcome, in the executing of their Wills and Inclinations. Imprudence too carrieth no lesse broyls where it goeth; this is natural to them, and dayly experience sheweth us, that they have in all their actions more rashnesse then discretion. Pallas her self, the Goddesse of Prudence, was born of J [...]piters brain, to let us know (saith Lucian) that this virtue is hard to be met with in any wo­men, who are born the usual way. The spirit of revenge where it is Lord Para­mount, is enough to set a State on fire; for whilest they who are possessed with it, indeavour to execute their wills upon persons in power, upon the least resistance they she out into extremities, and by force attempt to repel force; but who are more prone to revenge then women? their natural fearfulnesse doth the more ea­sily ingage them, because they attribute the most part of their faults, unto some neglect or dis-esteem. They have not wit enough to dissemble those many defects which are in them, though it were most for their advantage, especially in such mis­carriages as happen more by their weaknesse then malice. Their Soul is offended at the least touch, whereas great personages ought to know, that it is more glorious to pardon then to punish; Briefly, the irresolution which they discover in all their actions, and which they cannot for their lives hide, is the cause of a thousand disorders, especially when any one ingageth to follow their advices and directions; now they counsel one thing, and by and by another, then they know not what to resolve, and the least difficulty they meet with, maketh them change a thousand times over. Not but that they have a reasonable Soul▪ as well as the greatest Prin­ces that have governed on the earth; but are, as it is said of the Flowers of Aegypt, alwaies soaked with the vapours of Nile, which being grosse and earthy, are the cause that they do not yeeld such fragrant smels as those in other Countries; just so their Souls being troubled with a thousand Passions, which proceed from their weaknesse and violence, are unable to produce such generous Counsels as those of men, who are endued with a stronger and more vigorous constitution. I could al­ledge several other reasons; but I shall content my self with that saying of God himself, speaking by the mouth of Isaiah the Prophet: The Government of wo­men (saith he) is one of those afflictions wherewith heaven punisheth Mankind: and that other amongst the Verses of the Sybils. A Womans Reign shall be esteem­ed as the overthrow of the whole world.

Prosecution of the Subject.

THE King both Prudent and Just, would not condemn Monsieur where he was not guilty; and yet that he might give some satisfaction to the Queen Mother, and not diminish the Authority, which he had committed to her in his absence, by a dis-owning of her, he resolved on a [...]edium, which was this, he sent the Comte de Noient unto Monsieur then at Orleans, to tell him, that his Majesty would be very much pleased, if he would send unto the Queen Mother, to beseech her to let the Princesse be freed from the Boys de Vincennes; and at the same time, he writ to the Queen Mother, that she had done discreetly to hinder Monsieurs marriage, for which he thanked her, and assured her he could not willingly consent to it: Whilest she was against it, onely he desired her to deliver the Princesse from the Boys de Vincennes, in case Monsieur should desire it of her. This was as respect­full and satisfactory as the Queen Mother could have desired; for the King did not condemn her proceedings but seemed to beleeve her information, that Monsieur would have married the Princesse Maria, without his Majesties permission; and did moreover so confirm her Authority, that he would not of himself order the Princesses being set at liberty, but referred it to her whole dssposal [...] and desired she would rather not do it, unlesse at Monsieurs intreaty. Yet notwithstanding all this, those who got the Mastry over her soul, were become so dexterous in putting into her such thoughts and motions, as were proper for their own interests and designs onely, that they perswaded her this answer of his Majesty was a disguisement, and not ample enough to justifie her Procedure▪ and that it was (in some kind) a dis­owning of her. They who were the craftiest amongst them, durst not openly as yet, accuse Monsieur the Cardinal unto her or [...]ot contributing his utmost power, in the procuring her a full satisfaction in this businesse, lest they should have split them­selves upon that R [...]ck which they designed for his destruction; but they insinuated unto the Queen Mother, that it had not been much amisse if the Cardinal had per­swaded his Majesty to send the Princesse Mari out of France, without any more ado, because now Morsi [...]ur might still watch his opportunity and marry her: By this they knew, that no Logick could so soon learn the deducing of consequences, as that of a Womans choiler and ambition, which can quickly do it without teaching; and thus it cannot be imagined, what, and how many contrivances and devices they made use of, to incense her against the Cardinal▪ who in the mean while, imploy­ed his utmost both of Prudence and Justice, to hide the violence of her Procee­dings.

Politique Observation.

VVHen it happeneth as oftentimes it doth, that Ministers are to redresse the disorders committed by Grandees, who are persons tenderly to be dealt withal, they ought to follow the example of the wise Pilot, who though the Wind be contrary, yet he so ordereth his Sails by turning and winding too and fro, that he neverthelesse goeth on in his voyage. It is with them as with Mettals, the no­blest are the most flexible, and if they want discretion and addresse to bend and comply, when occasion is, they will be sure to meet with enemies, who will stick upon their skirts. If there be any Ulcer in their minds, they must never open it with Iron, unlesse there be first of all some soft cotten tied about it, though in a case of extremity, I must confesse, they are bound to make use of fire and Rasors to cut and burn out that which corrodeth within them, or grateth without them. Great freedom of speaking the naked truth, is not proper in a Court, or amongst Gran­dees, with whom all kinds of devices and Artifices are to be used for the disguising of it; nay some, disguise it how you will, do not willingly love to hear it. The respect which is paid unto them in this kind, is not so much a bare complaisance or simple submission, as an effect of a good judgement, which knoweth that their dis­content [Page 279]doth often raise great broils in the State, which by this means are prevented, because it keepeth them from anger, and allayeth any of their heats and emotions. When Ministers are, as oftentimes it happeneth to treat with Women, who are persons of quality and concernment in affairs, they ought to remember there is no way to satisfie them, but by doing whatever they desire good or bad, their Souls being uncapable of bearing a denial, how just and reasonable soever, when as they are once bent upon it; wherefore it is not safe to discommend their Proceedings, unlesse they have a mind to have their eyes scratched out. But at last Prudence doth oblige them to do that which is fittest and most proper to be done; so that having once done that which is just and reasonable, they ought to sit still and leave the rest to Gods Providence, who is the King of Kings, and Governour of all Kingdomes.

His Majesty departeth from Suze towards Languedoc, after Cazal, and the strong Towns in Montferrat were revictualled.

HIS Majesty having stayed at Suze as long as was needfull for the securing of those advantages which he had got; as also for the conveying of Wheat and all other necessaries into Cazal and the places of Montferrat in case they should be again set upon after his with drawing back, he at last resolved to passe through Languedoc. His design was onely to bring the revolted Heretiques under obedi­ence, who had of late shewed their teeth against him, upon all occasions and op­portunities whatever. Notwithstanding his Majesties Declaration made at Paris, as hath heretofore been observed, they had made an Assembly at Nisms, where they published a sedition manifest, by which they indeavoured to represent his Ma­jesties gracious proffers, for so many snares to intrap them; and that notwithstan­ding his Kingly word, he intended to put them all to the Sword; whereupon it was resolved not to lay down their Arms, but by and with the consent of the King of England; to which effect, all they of the Town and Party, were to bind themselves by oath, which was as much as to say, they peremptorily resolved to continue the War as long as ever they could. The King of England being troubled for the affront which had been given his forces both at Ree, and before Rochel, desired no­thing more then to see France divided, and at War amongst themselves, which would be a great dimunition of his Majesties strength and power. Monsieur de Ro­han had likewise been with the King of England in the behalf of the Assembly, to implore his Protection, and to let him know that they of his party having built all their hopes upon the expectation of his succours, did humbly beseech him not to defer any longer his assisting of them. Were not these so many evident signs and tokens of an intended bloudy War, for the securing of themselves in those Towns which were strong, and in their own powers? did they not hope his Maje­sty would find work enough to be diverted in Italy, and that he might neither have time nor power to fall on them, or oppose their designs? And after all this what reason was there to give any longer way to this rebellious people, to fix and root themselves any more in their obstinacies and willfull perversenesse? Must not his Majesty in so doing have been defective both in Prudence and Courage? But the Cardinal was too industrious to suffer any such blemishes to lie upon his Masters glory; so that he perswaded his Majesty, that it was now high time, to call them to accompt, and that he should forthwith set forward to curb in their insolencies, and to set bounds to their unlimited Pride and Rebellion.

Politique Observation.

REvolts are the most dangerous Convulsions in a State, and as in mans body there are Symptoms which are as so many Prognosticks, to tell us the event of them, so those of States are most commonly accompanied with certain circum­stances, which give a just cause to fear, lest they may end in the ruine of the King­domes, [Page 280]where they are first born, without present remedy to prevent it. The wise Pilot when he fore-sees any storms, as usually he doth, by some secret Winds, and I know not what tremblings upon the surface of the Waters, provideth himself against they happen; and a wise Minister, discovering by a revolt, such signs which may make him suspect their consequence ought no longer to defer the imploying of his utmost power, to divert those mis-fortunes which are threatned. Now among [...]ll such Prognostications, none are more apparently evident then manifest Decla­ [...]ations, unlawfull Assemblies, Levies of men, keeping of watch in Towns and Ci­ [...]ies against their natural Prince. For these things are indeed the fore-runners of [...]aying aside all respect and duty; and in some sence the dividing their Kings Autho­rity and his Kingdom too. These are manifest Symptomes of a mortal disease which threatneth the State.

Now as a wise Physitian when once he discovers in his Patient any one, or more signs of death, doth no longer delay his applying of all necessary preventions. So a Minister when he finds any people either resolved or inclined to it, is obliged to make use of his masters forces to prevent it, and allay such storms in their first growth, which if delayed would perchance in danger the whole structure. In such occasions, he ought to use an extraordinary diligence; for if vigilance and care be necessary in such enterprises as are made abroad, much more is it in those nearer home; especially when it concerneth the keeping of a people (inclined to Rebel) within the limits of their duty. By this means was it, that Alexander prevented that general insurrection which was intended in Greece; for he appeared there in the head of his Army, before there was a word heard of his being upon his march. And how much recommended was that vigilance of Rhodoginus King of the Persi­ans, who being one day told whilest he was washing of his head, of a certain re­bellion newly began amongst his people, had not the patience to sit until he had made an end; but tying up his hair, mounted on horse-back to go and take care about it, well knowing that Rebellion is like a Viper, easily killed in the Birth; but much more difficultly overcome, if let alone until it gain force and strength.

The King of Spain treateth with the Duke of Rohan, for the raising of more troubles in France.

THey who have once delivered themselves up to a revolt, are easily led into all extremities, upon hopes of a good successe. Thus was it with the Duke of Rohan, he had so much forgot himself, as to demand assistance from the King of Spain, who glad of any opportunity to trouble the Waters in France, caused his Agent de Clauset to be received with honour, and assured him of all assistance; for which he could reasonably hope. A Treaty not long after was conc [...]uded, in which the Duke of Ro [...]an obliged himself to continue in the War in France so long as his Majesty of Spain should think fit; and generally to further and defend all the inte­rests and affairs of Spain. And lastly, that he should not treat or conclude of any League or Peace, without his Majestie of Spain's consent and approbation; and the King of Spain did reciprocally promise him all manner of assistance, particularly that he would pay him down at two payments six hundred thousand Duckets of Gold, towards defraying of the charge of the War, and to make a diversion in Provence, Languedoc, Dauphine and other such places, as his Catholick Majesty should think most convenient for his interests and designs; and besides, did grant unto him a Pension of forty thousand Duckets yearly, and eight thousand to his Brother the Sieur de Soubize, and ten thousand more to be yearly distributed a­mongst his Officers, as he should think fit. O most blind madnesse! thus to run into the Arms of France's sworn enemy, and to uphold a Rebellion against his own Country: But with what Justice could Spain pretend to protect such Rebelli­ous Subjects, and thus openly to maintain Heresie? What was now become of Reli­gion, that specious Cloak of theirs, which had so often been the stalking horse to their [Page 281]ambitious designs? Did he not herein evince to the whole World, that his pretended zeal and counterfeited devotion, was onely a Vail to cover the injustice and violence of his designs, seeing he did not stick to maintain Heresie, when it served to sup­port his pretences? He was no long while deliberating upon the giving this assu­rance to the Duke of Rohan; for that he clearly saw, if his Majesty did once absolute­ly overcome the Hugonot party, or reduce them to an inability of raising any more broils, that he would then soon bound in his Ambition, and force him to renounce those designs which he had so long contrived against France and our Allies; because if France should but once unite and become one, he would then find him self pre­vented in all his designs against them; nothing of good successe could in reason befall him, and besides there was no way left to secure himself from these and ma­ny more mis-fortunes.

Politique Observation.

JT is not lawfull for one Prince to support the Rebellions which another Princes Subjects raise against him, seeing he is no lesse bound to deal justly with his neigh­bours, then with his own Subjects. If Equity doth not bound in his Ambition, God who is the Judge of all Kings, dealeth justly with him, if he be whipt with the same Rod; and as there is not any Crime in a Subject, so bad as that of Rebellion; so neither can one Prince do a greater out-rage to another, then by protecting it; seeing it is that which woundeth the very heart of a State, and disordereth the most powerfull Spring by which Soveraigns govern their people. Justice is without doubt the strongest Pillar of Kingly Government; that which makes them long to Reign; that which secureth them from forraign enterprises, and the strongest Bul­wark to defend them, as the wisest of Kings hath said in his Proverbs; and it may be truely said, that, that is it, which renders their Government exempted from the Dominion both of Time and Fortune. That King who offendeth another, invi­teth him to retaliate the like; and he who supporteth a Rebellion, enforceth him who is so injured to arm himself with fury, that he may repay him in his own kind, and thus both a the ingaged (by this means) in one anothers ruine. God Al­mighty doth sometimes (indeed) permit the Ambition of a Prince to obtain great successes against his neighbours for their punishments; but although he doth per­mit it to be so, yet he doth not approve of it. That which is unjustly got, will not long last unlesse preserved by Justice: Kingdomes are said to be like Tortoises, which as long as they keep within their own Precincts are safe and secure; but in danger when once they are abroad. And I do verily believe, that, that which hath made the French Monarchy of so long a continuance, is, because it never yet carried its Forces without its own bounds, unlesse for the just defence of its Allies, or at least to preserve that which belongeth unto it. It hath imitated the River Nile, never over-flowed its own Banks; but it inriched those places where it pas­sed. Whereas, they of the house of Austria, ambitious of assaulting other Coun­tries, are now assaulted by every one, and receiveth notable decreases of its power, though it hath been but of a few. Ages; and they find that ancient saying, to be true, to their losse: That although Earthly power doth promise an escape for all Violences whatever; yet Heaven doth never grant any long duration of it.

His Majesty Summoneth Privas.

HIs Majesty being well acquainted with all these Passages, concluded that it was not fit any longer to suffer the Insolencies of the Heretiques; but that they ought to be prevented before their assistance from Spain were yet come unto them. This made his Majesty depart from Suze with some part of the Army, directly, to­wards Privas, the Capitol Town of the Vivarests, which place he resolved first of all to chastize, for the Rebellion of the rest; this having been the chief Fire-brand of the Rebellions, which had happened in sixty years last past; but in the interim, [Page 282](there being little or no credit to be given unto the Duke of Savoy's promises, who made no reckoning of his word, but when it stood with his advantage,) his Majesty thought good to leave the residue of the Army at Suze, with Monsi [...]ur the Cardinal, for the better securing of his victories, and gave the Marshal de Crequy full power to command all the Souldiers, who were designed for Italy, after the Cardinal had repassed the Alyes. Not long after, to the same purpose, the three Regiments of Villeroy Rabarac, & la Grange, were sent into M [...]nt [...]errat who were quartered in Nice de la Paille, Agoui, Pouson, and other neighbouring Places, under Command of the Sieur de Tho [...]ras, then Marshal of the Camp, that in case either the Duke of Savoy, or the Spaniards, should attempt any thing, those forces might be in a readiness, to make head against them.

Politique Observation.

THere ought not to be any Tye more indissoluble between Princes, then that of Treaties; but seeing there is little Trust in them, by reason that most Princes are apt when they have any mind to it, to raise pretences, whereby to break them; it is therefore great prudence so to conclude them, if possible, that a Prince be not alwayes necessitated, to keep upon his Guard. With a Prince, who hath formerly used, to break Treaties and Leagues, this care ought to be the greater, seeing he, who hath once been worse then his word, ought ever to be suspected. A Minister ought to know this for a certain Truth, that most States have ruin'd themselves, in the abundance of their co [...]fidence; That this is it, which hath been the inlet, to so many disorders, and that he who is the least distrustful is the easiliest surprised and ruined. He ought to be like the Lion, who sleepeth with his eyes open, and so to be upon his Guard, even after the conclusion of a Treaty, that he be not within the reach of a surprise. D [...]strust is the Mothe [...] of good successe, whereas Credulity, and the Confid [...]nce which one man hath or another, serveth most commonly to ruine. This san [...] Frankness of believing every one, is very prejudicial; It cannot indeed be called an offence, because it is grounded upon the esteem of others: but surely it is a great deficiencie, when it m [...]keth any one live in a secure neglect.

It seldome happens, that distrust brings any da [...]ger with it. Princes are the more obliged, not to rely at all on the promises or words of any one, because they have only interest for their end, and make it their profession, of being more faithful to their own Grandeur, then to their Allyes. As for those Princes, whose inclina­tions carry them to believe the promises of others, for Truths, and are not in league with this same diffidence, they are not to be discomended for it, onely I would advise them, so to stand on their Guards, as if no such promises had been made at all.

Prosecution of the Subject.

HIS Majesty being come neer to Privas, took up his Quarter in a House, where he might both see the Town, and his whole Army; within a few houres of his arrival, he commanded the Marquis d'Ʋxelles, to go view the place and its fortifi­cations. He went out accordingly; but perchance too well accompanied for his safty, for the inhabitants of the Town, shooting out upon them, he was wounded by a Musquet, of which he dyed within four or five dayes. But at last the place ha­ving been viewed, his Majesties Army, began to take up their Quarters, and after a hot sketmish the Inhabitants were beaten out of the suburbs, within the Precinses of their Town Walls. The Peace with England had been concluded and signed at Suze but not as yet sworn, so his Majesty thought good, (to the intent he might dispossess them, of all hopes from that part,) to cause it to be read a loud unto them, at such a distance, that they might easily see and hear the publication of it. They were not a little surprised at it: but that which more troubled them was, they saw two Batteries raised in an Instant, which so belaboured their Walls, that in two [Page 283]dayes there was a breach made, at which very time, the Cardinal arrived from Suze; who concluding the breach was sufficient, it was resolved to give an assault. All the Army was very resolute and high, every one wishing, it might be his good luck to fall on where most danger was, that he might curb the Insolence of those rebellious Heretiques. The assault was begun about eight at night, and lasted until ten, at which time, the Regiment de Falsbourg entered the Quarter where they fell on, and those of Champagne and Piedmont became Masters of Fort Saint André and Tour­lon. The Inhabitants fought more like mad men, then any thing else, so that the whole Town could not be carried at this bout: yet the taking of those places, strook such a terrour into the City, that the next morning, not a man durst appear, though Montbrun the Governor commanded them to follow him, every one flying for his own safety, and Sainct André himself trying to make his peace. The Cardinal thinking it just, for the terrour of others, and for the punishing of a great many, that some ought to pay their lives, for their Rebellious Insolencies, would not ad­mit of them; but upon condition to surrender themselves to his Majesties Mercy: This redoubled their Fears who were in the City, and made many of them to get out, some here, some there, amongst the Mountains, who being met with, by the Souldiers were all put to the Sword. His Majesty having notice of what disorder was in the City, Commanded the Sieur de Gordes and the Marquis d' [...]ssiat, to go into the Town under pretence of speaking with the Sieur de Sainct André, who had sent unto the Sieur de Gordes, to desire him to make his peace; but in effect it was only to discover, if the place were so deserted, as had been informed. They mar­ched up to the Gate, and finding no resistance, took some more with them, went in, and soon became Masters of the whole Town, which was presently given to the Souldiers to pillage. Thence they passed up to the Castle, and the Souldier whom they sent, telling who he was, and his business, The Sieur de Sainct André, came presently out unto them, but could not be perswaded at first, to yeild unto his Ma­jesties mercy, but stood very resolutely upon Quarter for his own life, and theirs, who were with him: but at last, being told, once and again, that there was no other way to save himself, and seeing the Town entred and given to be pillaged, he conse [...]ted and went to the door of his Majesties lodging, where the Guards seized on him, and by his Majesties order carried him to Bassompiere and Marillac, to be by them lead in the head of the Regiment des Gardes, before the Castle Gate, to summon them this last time, to surrender unto his Majesties mercy, which was done accordingly, and they forthwith yeilded: But being just upon coming forth, some amongst them set fire on a Barrel of powder, which killed several of his Majesties Souldiers, & so incensed the rest, that they slew all they could lay hands on; The rest in stead of comming forth quietly, as had been promised, that they might be con­ducted to his Majesties feet, ran away, some this way, and some that way; and others leaped over the very Walls, insomuch, that it was with much a do, that any of them had their lives saved: But besides all this, as if Heaven had not yet been satisfied for their Insolencies and Rebellions, the fire kindled over all the Town, on a sodain, neither could the Author be discovered, nor the fire extinguished, until the Town was quite consumed to ashes, notwithstanding his Majesties care and Command to save the Churches, or at least some Houses which might serve for a Church.

Politique Observation.

IT is no lesse just then prudent, to chastise one, for exemples sake, amongst many, be they either men or Cities, engaged in a Rebellion together. The Insolency of them who hold out a Town against their Soveraign, obligeth him, to be deaf to all their last entreaties, which they only fly unto, when all other hopes have left them: If his Clemency hath been ineffectual to reclaim them, he is then obliged to let the Arme of his Justice thunder upon them, to punish their insolent fu [...]y and rashness. If love cannot force them to ease their Rebellion, nothing but fear, can [Page 284]then make them lay down their Weapons. And indeed, upon whom can a King with more Justice, excercise the rigour of his Arms, than upon his Rebellious sub­jects, who by their Insolencies have rendered themselves unworthy of his Mercy? He ought but seldome to employ his Revenge, but unlesse he do, on such an occa­sion as this; he will quickly find his whole Authority, trampled under foot. He who accustometh himself, in his usual Actions, to violence, cannot avoid being hated by all men, which will in fine be his ruine: And he who in Rebellions shall totally neglect it, will soon be scorned by all men, and that will ruine him, on the other hand. Princes who endeavour to make themselves be feared, ought not to be discommended; but only when they do it, by undue wayes. Man being free, ough [...] to be govern'd by sweetness, but if his passion shall transport him to abuse his Liberty, he must be reduced by the severity of Justice, to his duty. The Horse who is only used to walk, and never put to any swifter motion, may be ruled with a silk thread; but if he be resty or fiery be will need a bit to hold him in: Just so it is in this case, The goodness alone of a Prince, is enough to Govern a people, who endeavour and make it their business to live in Peace; but if they shall attempt to shake off their yoke, they then ought to be retained by fear, which is the most propper Curb to compel them, not so much to fear their Princes power, as to re­frain themselves from those actions, which deserve to be punished: It is to imitate God's own order in his Government, who rendereth himself terrible, to affright men from si [...], which is as much for their own good, as their Kings Glory. Fear is not in excesse, but when it impresseth an apprehension of Rigor and severity, from an unjust Tyrannical Cruelty.

The Sieur de Marillac cometh from the Queen Mother unto his Majesty at Privas.

IMmediately after the King was come before Privas, the Sieur de Marillac, came to wait on him from the Queen Mother, with new Justifications concerning her procedure in the affair of the Princesse Maria, and to deliver unto him such other letters or recommendation, as she had then writ, unto his Majesty, desiring to make him a Marshal of France. The Letters were of such a tenour, and with so many Commendations, that his Majesty never thinking he deserved the one half, was much surprised at them: and that which is more considerable, is, they were contrived by the Cabal, the Enemies of the Cardinals glory. This Cabal was com­posed of some of the ablest persons, of the whole Court, in matters of Sedition, Faction, or Broyles, who did for see that the onely means to withdraw her affection from Monsi [...]ur the Cardinal, (whom she did then much honour,) was, to ingage her in a good esteem of Marillac, the person by them designed to succeed in the Government of all affairs together with his Brother, the Lord keeper, whom they both knew to be Favourers of their designs. Every one made it his work, as if it were in Emulation of one another to speak well of him, before her Majesty, who was the sooner overcome by their devices, in regard she ever had a good esteem of him, and these Praise seconding it, made no small impression upon her. They of the Cabal, seeing that her opinion of him was now grown up to a height, and con­firmed in her soul, thought it best to loose no more time; as also that they could not have a more favourable occasion, seeing the Queen Mother, had expressed some little disgust against the Cardinal, upon the Princess Ma [...]ia's Business: So they insinuated into her mind to procure him to be made Marshal of France, and to bring him into favour with the King; They told her he would be a person to­tally at her devotion, one who would carry on her Interest, both with and against all; as himself too would commonly say, to encrease their esteem of him; That she had so much the more need of a Man of his Temper, seeing the Cardinal, was most commonly out of the way, and much taken up in affairs of State. These were the ground-works which they laid to work upon her and to induce her to write effectu­ally [Page 287]unto his Majesty, to make him Marshal of France. They thought all well, if the Queen Mother did but once request it, for then, in case his Majesty did make any difficulty of it, they could easily perswade her that it was a losse to her Honour, and the whole Kingdome would take notice, of the little credit or power she had with his Majesty her Son: This their contrived design was accordingly put in or­der: For his Majesty did at first refuse to do him that Honour, which by the Queens own apprehension and their instigation did much incense and provoke her; neither were they hereupon deficient to add oile unto that fire, they had made already in her mind against the Cardinal; as yet indeed they durst not speak against him with that insolence, which shortly after they did; but they so played their game, that they well knew the jealosie of him which they had already infused into her, would soon overcome that little kindness, which she had then left for him; only they thought it enough for the present to discourse to her how injurious this refusal was to her, how powerful the Cardinal was with her Majesty, how he re­tarded and altered his Majesties inclinations, who never denied her any thing; but they never told her the Reason of it, which was, because she never asked any thing of his Majesty but what was unreasonable. But I pray was not this to hint to her, that she had lesse power with his Majesty then the Cardinal, the ready way to touch her to the quick? and to the quick she was touched, for she laid all the Blame of the Kings denial upon his score, she began to be offended and in an ill humour against him, testifying to him, that it was her absolute desire he should be made Marshal of France, and forcing him to obtain that honour for him from his Maje­sty; The Cardinal used presently his utmost power with his Majesty to perswade and incline him to it; he represented to him, that there is a necessity sometimes to bestow Honours and Offices upon them, who deserve them not, but upon divers other considerations; and that the Queen Mothers satisfaction was one chief rea­son, insomuch that his Majesty did at last bestow a Marshals staffe upon him; The Cardinal, who could not be ignorant of all their Contrivances, assured him­self, that these Instances of the Queen Mother, proceeded from the Suggestions of some Cabal or other, & not from her own Natural disposition: But however his Ge­nius did acquaint him with the Remedy, as soon as the desease, he intended rather to hazard his own Interests, (though it were with some repugnance) and to take his own advantages against this new Officer of the Crown, then to deny the Queen Mother, governing himself in this particular by the Laws of Prudence, which ob­lige a man, to wink at some disorders, for want of means potent enough to redresse them.

Politique Observation.

NOthing is more dangerous, then to advance an Ambitious man, to high Ho­nour; It is the ready way to put a Sword into a mad mans hand; That Minister who contributes to his advancement, cherisheth an Enemy, whom he must not long after, fight with. The Honour which is done to an Ambitious person, serves him only to be the more active and stirring; and as he believeth all things to be his due, so he thinketh not himself obliged for any thing procured to him: and besides all this, The passion which he hath, still to be soaring a loft being greater then the Remembrance of him, who procured him his Honour, will engage him in designs against that very person, who hath obliged him, if he doeth but once apprehend it to be for his private interest. Nay I shall go a little farther and say; It is very un­safe for the Publique affairs, to advance persons of this temper into high employ­ments. Ambition is commendable, and deserveth to be cherished, when it excites generous Courages, to great Actions, for the getting of Glory, but that, which leadeth men to obtain the highest dignities by all, nay by any means, whatever, is as much to be discommended, in it self, as it is pernitious to the publique good. They who are once over-powered by this passion, think on nothing, but how to ad­vance their Fortunes; they are not concerned at any mishaps in the publique, [Page 288]provided, they obtain what they aime at, in their particular affairs; what care they to put the State into disorder and trouble, if they encrease their own power by it? There is not any one person, in the whole Kingdome, how advantageous or useful soever he be, to the General and Publique good, whose ruine they will not procure, if they apprehend his downful, may serve for a Foot-stool, to their own advance­ment. The more power they have, the more dangerous they are, for an accesse of Authority, addeth fuel to their fire. They care not though to whole world perish, so they may but arrive to that pitch which they propose to themselves. If any ob­stacle encounter them. Oh! they are all in fury against him, whom they suspect to have occasioned it; and if they see their fall inevitable, it is their proud pleasure to see all fall with them. Princes, (not necessitated by other considerations) take a good Course, when they bestow honours on them, whom they know to be more faithfol to the State, then Passionate for their own particulars, and on such, who study not so much to grow great, as to obtain that glory, which doth inseperably attend on vertue.

The King after the taking of Privas, prosecuteth his Victory into Langue­doc, and gains great advantages by it.

THE siege of Privas being ended, his Majesty designed to advance into Lan­guedoc, and to visit some other of the Hugonot Towns▪ Those whom he could not reclaim by fair means, he resolved to do by force. He had already commanded the Chiefest of them to be forraged, which had been done accordingly, as Mon­tauban, Castres, Nismes, and Millaut, and the Marshal d'Estreè being gone to make the Forrage about Nismes, had cut off a good party of their Forces, who sallied out, to hinder him. The King no sooner advanced, but the Towns of Gorce, Vallon, Vaguas, Sainct Ambroyse, and many other of the Sevennes returned to their obedience: So without loosing more time, he wen [...] before Al [...]ts which he be­sieged. The Duke of Rohan, had used his utmost art to perswade the Towns-men to be courageous, and had sent them Souldiers, there being only two hundred in the Town, which was very strong by scituation and Art; but as ill luck would have it for those whom he sent, it was their mis-fortune to be most of them cut off, before they got to the Town; which was thus. They attempted in the obscurity of a very dark night to break through the Kings Army, they had wounded the first Sentinel, but the second discharging at them, gave the A [...]larum, and the Cardinal, who never sleeps but when all is safe, came thither in a moment, at the head of two hundred Horse, and charged them so resolutely, that the darkness of the night, and the light­ness of their own heels, was their best security▪ some were however taken, and put to death; This defeat of their succours and the sad example of Privas, wrought upon them in the Town so that they resolved to yeild, and accordingly they sent to begg his Majesties pardon, which was granted, with liberty for the Garrison to withdraw where they pleased.

This happy successe, was of great advantage unto the Kings Forces, and did so perplex the Duke of Rohan, that he could not tell how to steer his course. Some who were well affected unto his Majesties Interests, gave notice of the trouble in what Monsieur de Rohan then was, and the Cardinal, who is sure never to loose any the least occasion of serving his Majesty, found means so to work on him, that he got him to submit unto his Majesties mercy; he represented to him, how rash he was in supporting this revolt; That nothing but mis-fortune could arrive to him in par­ticular by it, for that his Majesty was fully resolved to cut the wings of heresie and Rebellion; That he ought in reason to be satisfied, with the excercise of his Reli­gion, as also those of his party, and that returning to his duty, he might in time hope to receive those honours which were due to his Birth. The Duke hereupon went privately unto his Majesty, promised in future to continue Loyal, and protested to live in an exact obedience. The King freely pardoned him, on condition, that he [Page 289]should spend some years out of the Kingdome. Now he being the head of the par­ty, his repentance could not be so closely carried, but that many began to perceive it, and follow his steps. Divers Deputies of the principal Hugonot Towns came in and did the like. The rest being allarumed by the happy successe of his Majesties forces, & fearing to become Subjects of their fury and rage, disposed themselves to ac­cept of peace, and made divers Proposals for a general accommodation, which were brought unto the Cardinal, but thought unworthy for the King to grant. But the Duke of Rohan having made his accommodation, though as yet not publickly known, perswaded his Majesty to give him leave to call a general Assembly of the Deputies then at Nisms, to be kept at Anduze, which was approved, and being there met, the Duke so dealt with them, that they were a little more reasonable in their demands then formerly. The Cardinal observing his time, so wrought with them, though of a fiery, harsh, and stubborn nature, that what by his presence and dis­course he at last overcame them; insomuch that they relied on his onely word, which was, that they should have the free exercise of their Religion, and enjoyment of their goods. Whereupon they resolved to beg his Majesties pardon, and to submit themselves to his will and pleasure; withall▪ they were contented that their Fortification should be demolished, according as his Majesty [...]hould command, to take off all occasions of any future revolts, and to give Hostages for the perform­ance of their promises. The King pardoned them, and Proclamation was made of the favour his Majesty had granted them, which was to the great joy of his Sub­jects in general, and particularly to the satisfaction of the Hugonots themselves.

Politique Observation.

THere is no better way to prevent Civil Wars, then by disabling those who are dis­contented from fomenting a party, or at least to make sure of their Loyalties. And when once a Revolt is on foot, no surer way to dissipate it, then by winning those who are the Leading men amongst them. There ought to be great care had, that such men grow not great in the State, or if they be already, then ought they to be tied to their Princes Interests by sure and strong obligations; when things are once at this pass, there is no danger; well may the people grumble and stir, but all will soon end in nothing. They are then like Ivy, which indeed grows close together, but yet creeps on the ground, or like the Boughs of Trees, newly cut off, which bear no fruit, and in two or three days wither to nothing; or like a Ship, which though it have a Mast, Cords, and Sails, yet without a skilfull Pilot, she runs at randome where-ever the Winds will carry her, and at last dashes upon some Rock, and is there split in peeces. Or I may well compare them, to those lofty raging storms, which for a time seem to threaten Heaven, but at last weary out themselves upon the sides of the Rocks which are not moved at it; or to those thick black Clouds which hang in the Ayr, and are driven by the Winds this way and that way, but are soon dissipated by the weakest Rays of the Summers Sun.

The Chief is the Head amongst a mutinous rabble, who if once he leave them, they have no more life or motion then a Carkasse. He is the Primum mobile, who draweth them after him, like so many little Stars, and he is called their Head; one­ly in consideration that as the parts of the body are without motion or life, if that be [...]ken off, so are they without him unable to go or stand.

His Majesty entreth into Usez, Nismes, and other Towns with the Edict of Peace.

SOon after the accommodation was concluded, his Majesty made his entrance into Ʋsez and Nismes, to the great joy of the inhabitants. During his stay there, he caused an Edict to be published, containing that Order which he requi­red to be observed in all the Hugonot Towns, who untill that time denied the ex­ercise [Page 290]of the Catholick Religion amongst them. He pardoned the Sieurs de Rohan, Soubize and all others, who had born Arms under them. He ordained that the Roman Catholick and Apostolick Religion, should be established in every place. That the Goods of the Church which had been taken away, should be restored to the Ecclesiasticks, together with their houses, Churches and Monasteries; that every Parish should be provided with good and able Curates: And in fine, that the Re­ligion pretended to be Reformed, should be allowed as free exercise. But to se­cure them from all future Revolts, the Fortifications of all their Towns and strong Holds were to be rased and thrown down, onely leaving them their Walls standing; and that for security of their Peace and good behaviour, until their works were de­molished accordingly, they should deliver Hostages unto his Majesty, to be by him kept untill the execution of it. This Edict being thus finished, and according to the Articles and Conditions which had been agreed on, gave a great deal of sa­tisfaction to the Hereticks, who all of them now thought on nothing else, but to live in Peace and Quiet, excepting those of Montauban, who proud of their strong Walls became so insolent, that they refused to accept of those conditions which the rest had with so great joy and gladnesse. They imagined themselves able a se­cond time to resist his Majesties forces, but considered not how things were alter­ed, and that affairs were not now managed, as formerly they were, how that his Majesty had by a Prudence, eternally happy for France, committed the Conduct of all things to the Cardinal, who had furnished him with all the means of taking Ro­chel, a place lately thought impregnable, who had broken all the designs of Spain, who had repulsed the English force so often, who in one hours discourse, had re­ced the Prince of Piedmonts Spanialized soul, to become absolute French, wo had per­swaded the Duke of Savoy to whatever he had a mind; and upon whose onely word all the rest of the Hugonot Towns were resolved to have suffered their Walls and Fortifications to be demolished and thrown down. The obstinacy of the Town was such, that his Majesty thought himself obliged to go before it, that he might overcome it with force, seeing no fair means would work upon it. But the Cardi­nal considering how the sicknesse began in the Army, and in divers Towns of Lan­guedoc, beseeched his Majesty not to hazard his person, which was of greater con­cern to France, then any other thing whatever; and that he would be pleased to leave him to fight with the rest of this Rebellion; with much ado his Majesty was at last overcome, and resolved to return to Paris, as he did, after he had in six mo­neths time, taken Suze, saved Cazal, forced Privas, and reduced the most part of the Hugonot Towns under his obedience.

Politique Observation.

HEresie and Obedience are inconsistent with one another, whilest there is any hopes left of force. The Poets seem to have alluded to it▪ in a Fable which they tell of Juno, who being angry that Jupiter had gotten Pallas on himself, she would needs breed something on her self too; but instead of a Child she brought forth Typhon a mighty ugly Serpent, who making War against Jupiter himself, was looked on as a Monster of Rebellion; just so it is with Heresie, who having sepera­ted it self from God (who in his Church begetteth children full of respect and obe­dience) would needs have children of its own; but what are they? Children of revolt, and incapable of any subjection; never did a perfect Heretick yet love his King. And I wonder who can doubt or think it strange, that they are such enemies of Temporal, seeing they cannot indure any spiritual Monarchy. Heresie hath never any sound▪ solid reasons or arguments to defend its beleef; and therefore the next thing it flies to is force: Besides they finding that Kings have both an Autho­rity and Power to punish them, und that they do allow and approve of the true Doctrine in all Schools, which is in prejudice to their false Tenents, they presently become their mortal enemies, and do their utmost to shake off the yoke of their Obedience. How many wars and jars have they raised on every hand of us? No [Page 291]one but knoweth that the Arians filled all the East with troubles. That the Mace­donians raised a great party in Greece, and that the Donatists put Affrick into con­fusion. How many Revolts and Rebellions have been in processe of time, set on foot in the West by the Iconomiques, by the Albigeois, by the Lutherans, by the Calvinists? France, Germany, England, and Holland, have been theaters where they have played their pranks. They pretend that Gods cause and their Religion goeth hand in hand; and they do therefore the easilier beleeve, that Heaven will protect, assist, and go along with them, and upon this ground-work, do they build any insurrection, revolt, or rebellion. But why do they not remember, that the Laws of true religion, published by the son of God himself, do onely permit them to die or flie, but never to break the ties of their obedience, or to take up Arms, against their Prince? Union in Religion, is the strongest Bulwark of a State, where­as diversity is the certain foundation of Revolts, of which there cannot be any doubt raised; for that God hath said in the holy Scripture, A Kingdome divided within it self cannot avoid destruction.

Cabals against the Cardinal.

AT the same time that his Majesty began his journey towards Paris, the Cardi­nal mounted on horse-back, for the reducing of Montauban; but I cannot behold him thus blindly, sacrificing his own interests to the good of France (whilest sundry great ones were contriving his ruine and destruction) and not answer that malicious pen, which being unable to asperse him with any truth, takes the li­berty and boldnesse to find fault with, and condemn those actions of his, begun, car­ried on, and finished with so much judgement, zeal, and good successe for his Ma­jesties glory. This Calumniator searching for pretences, whereby he might incense the Queen Mother against him▪ and instigate her to complain unto his Majesty, and whereby she might be provoked to do her utmost for his destruction; amongst other forgeries, writeth, That she could no longer indure to see him expose his Majesties person unto so eminent dangers, as passing over the Alps in the dead of the Win­ter, and commanding of an Army infected with the Plague, and thorough a Coun­try full of sicknesse, in the very heat of all the Summer. But how sencelesly hath he alledged it, how without truth or judgement? Surely nothing but passion and heat, the two enemies of reason and truth, could thus guide his Pen, whose onely quarrel is the meannesse and disorder of his Fortune, which he thinks must all be attributed to the Cardinal, without considering that it is the effect of his own mis­demeanours and ill behaviour. Is there any man living so sencelesse, besides him­self, as to beleeve, that the Cardinal should hazard his Majesties life and person, when as all his Fortune and hopes depend onely upon him? Was he not at that time well acquainted, how mortally the Queen Mother hated him? that Monsieur had no affection for him? and that by consequence, if his Majesty should miscarry his disgrace and ruine were unavoidable? The Queen Mother could not possibly be of his opinion, seeing her complaint was, that the Cardinal was too much tied to his Majesties Interests; which one consideration alone, were enough to have kept him off from hazarding his Majesties health upon a slight occasion, if his Loyalty had been capable of so great an Infidelity: But what would not the detain­ing of his Majesty have been, to ravish from him one of the greatest Subjects of glo­ry that had been presented to him since his Reign? had he stayed at Paris, he had been hindred from his journey to Suze, from the raising the siege at Cazal, he had never forced the Alps in despight of the Duke of Savoy, though seconded with the forces of Spain; he had not returned by Languedoc, and there brought all the re­bellious Hugonots under his obedience, who had had the boldnesse to take up Arms against him. The Kings Generosity was such, that should the Cardinal have dis­swaded him from the expedition withall his Art, yet I am confident he would ne­ver have been perswaded to let any one else go and gather the Harvest of that glo­rious expedition. Besides the Cardinal had much forgot himself, should he have [Page 290]attempted to divert the King from this design, seeing there could not be any appa­rent hazard of his health; doth not every one know, that his Majesty was used from his Infancy, to endure the ayr, and that he could not suffer much more in this Journey then he commonly did in his huntings? I shall only add this one consideration more. Hi [...] being there was an absolute necessity, for the incouraging of his Forces, which wee newly come off from the troublesome siege of Rochel, and just then to begin a new voyage, no lesse laborious and painful.

The presence of a Prince is the soul of his Army, and without it the Souldiers are never so courageous. The Duke of Savoy, the Spaniard and the Hugonots, were to be overcome, they were no small encounters, and it was to be doubted whether his Majesties Army could have gone through with them, without his presence, to wh [...]se sight they were formerly wont to ascribe all their victories. Without all peradventure, some trouble and labour he must needs endure, and who knoweth not, that never any great Prince, did yet refuse it, for the obtaining of an hono­rable victory?

Politique Observation.

THE way which leadeth to victory is Thorny, to think of arriving to it, without labour, is a vanity▪ That Prince who cannot compose himself to endure labour, and travail, shall never attain to any great matters. Crowns are only proper for their wearing, who win them by fight; and our Caesar and Alexander, had never been so much commended, had they not exposed themselves to all kind of Labour, Ha­zard and Danger. A generous courage never apprehendeth any pain, and he who feareth it, is not worth a thought▪ To Labour, was the first lesson which the Ro­mans taught in their military Art; and cannot sufficiently commend that Inven­tion of theirs, whereby they designed to traduce it to posterity; They built the Temples of Honour, and Victory, in such a manner, that there was no comming to that of Honour, but through that of victory, wh [...]re there was nothing to be seen, but Swords Javelins Darts Helmets, Bucklers and the like, to teach all people, that there was no Glory without Labour, and that there was no comming to victory, but through the industrious painful exercise of Arms. I have oftentimes much ad­mired that devise of the Emperour Severus, who gave this for his word, Let us la­bour; and that of the Emperour [...]ertinax, Let us fight: Both which seem to teach al [...] Princes whether in Peace or War▪ that nothing is more proper for them, then to be in Action and Labour. The same thing too, we may gather from Adrian the Emperour; to whom Florus one day writ three short Verses, telling him, he would not for his part, [...]e Emperour if he might seeing he was bound to go into England, and anon into S [...]i [...]thia, to humour those troublesome Broylers; But Adrian re­turned him Answer, that he would not exchange with Florus, seeing he spent most of his time in Taverns and good fellowship, which was as much as if he had said, no­thing is so becomming a Prince, as to endure Labour and Travail.

The Sieur de Guron sent to Montauban.

THE Cardinal having at last perswaded his Majesty, to commit the Army to his Government for the reducing of Montauban, he thought good to send the Sieur de Guron, some few dayes before he advanced, unto the Inhabitants of the Town, to let them know his Majesties pleasure, and to incline them to peace, by all fair wayes; He had express order to assure them, in his Majesties behalf, of the free excercise or their Religion, the enjoyment of all their goods and Estates, and a full pardon for what was passed; but on the other side, to refuse them all other their demands, of Fortifications and the like which they did usually heretofore require for their security, (and as a pledge of performance) because subjects ought not to pretend, to any other Gages from their Soveraign, then his Princely word. The Sieur de Guron began his Journey towards them, with a Convoy of certain light [Page 291]Horse; and being arrived at Villemur, where the Comte d'Arpajon then Quartered, the Count forthwith dispatched a Trumpetter to the Chief Consul of Montauban, to give him notice, That the Sieur de Guron was come thither, sent by his Majesty to declare his will unto them, and also advised him, that he thought it convenient, that they discoursed with him before he were admitted into the Town; to which effect, if he would the next morning come to Corbariou, the said Sieur de Guron would meet him in the Meadow just over against the River Tar; which was prudently done of them, to avoid any dis-esteem or neglect which might be put upon the Kings Authority, there being little or no assurance to be given to revolted people, especi­ally to them, seeing they had retained a Trumpetter, sent to them on a Message not long before by Monsieur the Prince, at which time they likewise protested, that they would keep all that were sent to them▪ peradventure for reprisal of some, whom the Duke a'Espernon had kept of theirs▪ The Chief Consul of Montauban, with about two hundred more of the ablest Towns-men, came out the next morning to Corbariou, but making some scruple of passing the Tar, to go unto the Sieur de Guron, who then was in the Close before mentioned, they sent two Deputies to him▪ to entreat him he would come to Corbariou. This procedure of theirs was against the respect which they owed unto his Majesty, by their thus treating of him whom he had sent unto them. Neither would he suffer it, but sent them word, That their hearts were yet too full of Pride, instead of a sense which they ought to have of their faults, that he would neither see nor speak with them, but would return, in hopes however, of comming again a little better accompanied then he was; so accor­dingly he caused his Trumpet to sound, and away he went the direct way to Ville­mur, but the Discreetest amongst the Deputies, considering that this offence would reflect on his Majesties Person, who might hereafter punish them for it, presently sent after him, to assure him that they would the next day send their Deputies to him, to crave his pardon for their fault, and to beseech him, he would do them the honor to come see them at Montauban: accordingly the next morn, six Deputies came to Villemur to him, entreated him to excuse their fault, and beseeched him with a great deal of submission, that their errour might not hinder them from his Maje­sties grace and favour, which they hoped to receive by his Mediation. The Sieur de Guron, finding how desirous they were to see and treat with him, (a signe, that many had a good inclination to submission) accepted of their excuses, and resolved to go with them the very same day; He went with them, and they of the Town be­ing now a little more humbled, sent out all the Nobility and Gentry which were then there, about half a league, to meet him, who accompanied him to the lodging prepared for him, and the whole Corporation of the Town came to salute him.

Politique Observation.

IT is an Act of Imprudence to incense the minds of a Rebellious people▪ by de­nying them their Liberty and enjoyment of their goods. Those two things, ought to be granted them at first word; but then, discretion commandeth a Prince to hold them close to it, and to refuse them any other demands, which the fickle­ness of the multitude will propose unto him▪ Experience hath often made it evident, that the vulgar being rude and rough, are only to be bent by severity, now when once they are warm'd in a Rebellion, what but that will work any thing at all on them? A fiery Horse is only to be tam'd by the whip and spur, and it is a vanity to hope for the reducing of a people by caresses and kindnesses: Admit you grant them whatever they demand, yet it is well known they are of so insatiable a nature, of so greedy an humour, that the more is given them, the more they desire: If they find their first desires granted with ease, instead of being contented, they assume the liberty to demand more, like Hydropiques, whom drinking makes more thirsty. Lewis the twelveth, found it thus by experience, presently after he had taken Milan, as Guicciardine hath observed: Besides his natural Bounty, which inclined him to favour the people in almost every thing, he thought himself a little more obliged to grant them of Milan some extraordinary favours, that he might render them [Page 292]more affectionate to himself, and that he might by this means assure and confirm his new Conquests: Insomuch that he easily granted them all the favours they could reasonably have desired. But his design succeeded very ill; for the Milanois in stead of being satisfied with their first gratifications, took the boldness to desire the being exempted from certain Impositions, which lay a little too heavy on them; which the King, though with some difficulty, did at last grant unto them; but the obtaining of this made them so insatiable, that their next request was, to be freed from all taxes whatever, nay so unjust and unreasonable they were that they be­came more incensed against him, for his last refusal, then if he had never obliged them; which they had never done, had he not been too free with them at first; his safest way having been, to have taken time to deliberate, and consider on their first proposals, and have given hopes of obtaining some part of them, which would have made them more modest in all their succeeding Requests.

Prosecution of the Subject.

THE Sieur de Guron, having received the Complements and visits of all the Towns-men, by their several Companies, he addressed himself to treat with the Consuls concerning his business; It was agreed between them, that he should the next morning come to the Town House, and shew his Majesties letter of Cre­dence, as also that of Monsieur the Cardinal, and acquaint the Assembly with the subject of his Commission. The Cardinal, by a provident foresight, had sent two of the Deputies of Nismes, with the Sieur de Guron, Gentlemen of great esteem in the Hugonot party, affable and wel spoken, who might testifie to those stubborn peo­ple of Montauban, with how great Clemency and Mercy his Majesty, had pardoned them; and on the other side, how severely he had chastised those of Privas for their Rebellion; how that they for their parts lived in a great deal of quiet & freedome in the Exercise of their Religion; how punctual Monsieur the Cardinal was to perform whatever he promised to them, and all others; how it was in vain to hold out in hopes of succour or assistance, seeing those very persons who had ingaged them in the War, had already made their Peace. These Deputies upon their first com­ming, began to execute the design for which they came, to wit, to dispose the Chief of the City to submit, as they had done. The next morning the Sieur de Guron came to the Town house, where he discoursed to them with such Eloquence, Ingenuity and Address, that he made a good Impression on them; He related to them the many victories and good success, which had alwayes accompanied his Ma­jesties Arms; the mis-fortunes of Rochel and Privas, which they too could not possibly avoid, if they persisted in their Rebellion; he likewise told, that his Maje­sty was fully resolved not to suffer any people or places in his Kingdome, which were not in his power and under his obedience; Next of all, he acquainted them, that his Majesty did passe his word to them, for enjoyment of their goods, and the exercise of their Religion, whilst they for their parts continued in their duties and obedience, and lastly he gave them to understand how inviolable an observer the Cardinal was of his word and he conjured them to be absolutely confident of whatever the Cardinal should promise to them: They were generally so touched with this discourse, that they presently seemed to be as much inclined to Peace, as formerly they had been to War. The Deputies of Nismes seconded the Sieur de Guron's speech, and were not wanting to acquaint the people unto what mis-for­tunes some other Towns of their party had been reduced; The Peace and quietness, which they enjoyed by the Kings bounty, the deceits of them, who had engaged them in this War by their great hopes of succors, which were now vanished, seeing their head had made his Peace with his Majesty; That the great victories, which his Majesty had of late obtained, might sufficiently let them see that nothing was able to resist him, and that this had been the chief reason which had induced them, and those of their City, to cast themselves at his Majesties feet, and that after, had had the honour to confer with the Cardinal, they admired the incomparable vir­tues [Page 293]which were so eminently apparent in him, experimented his meeknesse, and been sensible of the truth of his promises, they could no longer defer their resoluti­ons, but had great hopes of receiving as many favours by his bounty, as they had heretofore suffered mischiefs by the ambition of those whom they had chosen for their heads. It cannot be expressed how great an impression these reasons made upon the people. However their Rebellion having taken a deep root in them, they could not resolve till after two dayes to send their Deputies to the Cardinal, neither would they give any other answer to the Sieur de Guron, onely beseeched him that their Deputies might have the honour to wait upon him. Thus was their final sub­mission reserved by Heaven for the Cardinals Prudence, who alone was able to pro­duce so admirable an effect.

Politique Observation.

THE fear of those miseries which usually accompany revolts, is of greater efficacy to reduce a people to their duty, then any other reasons whatever. As nature hath given them a rude and unpolished spirit, so the respect and obligations which they owe their Princes, can hardly make any impression upon them; but he who can once possesse them with fear, may do what he will with them. Whence it is, that they are not so much to be perswaded by reason, as forced by the apprehensi­on of rigors inevitable, if they consent not, to what is required of them. Tacitus in his History doth notably well describe these qualities of theirs, when he saith, That thought they have extraordinary forces, yet nothing is so cowardly, so fear­full, nor so wavering, if they be not led and animated by a generous Commander; That as they cast themselves upon enterprises with fury, so do they faintly abandon them, and fall into disorder, upon their first apprehension of danger, and that holding no mean in their actions, whilest they are fearlesse, they are no sooner at a stand, but they may be wrought to any thing. Titus Livy, spake with no lesse knowledge of them, when he said, the nature of a people is; either to serve too ab­jectly, or to command too insolently, they being incapable of any medium. Now when is it that they command with too much insolence, but when they find them­selves of the stronger party, and that they fear nothing? and on the other side, when do they creep with too much abjection and servitude, but when they are abased and pulled down by rigors or chastisements? Upon this ground was it, that Drusus went into Panonia, to appease a great sedition; but finding all fair and gen­tle means were to no purpose, he made use of force and power, which they no soo­ner felt the smart of, but they returned to their former submission and obedience. Now the surest and safest way to touch a people with fear is, not to be too hasty upon them in their first heat and fury; but to let that a little passe over, for no­thing doth more decrease and allay them then time; they being like the Sea, which of it self is calm and quiet; yet however subject to great storms and agitations, when the impetuous Winds begin to stir up its Waves, and to arm them with fury against one another, but returns to its own calmnesse, when the winds once cease to move it. Thus it is with the rabble, of themselves they are not capable to act or stir, but when they suffer themselves to be carried by the suggestions of some se­dicious, furious spirit; Oh how do they then rage and rave! No violent thing can last long, neither indeed can their fury hold out, if once they who first raised them, forbear to lead them; and then, if in this nick of time, they are threatned with punishments, and see a power able to force them, you may presently lead them to what you will, so great an influence hath that Passion of fear, over their low and narrow hearts.

Montauban Surrenders to the Kings Obedience.

THe Deputies of Montauban came to P [...]zanas, in company with the Sieur de Guran, at which place the Cardinal then was They had Audience upon their first desire, and made all protestations that could be imagined of a firm and strict obedience unto his Majesties will and pleasure; but stood stifly in demanding, that their Fortifications of the Ville, Novel [...]e and Bourbon should be left standing, and seemed as if they had condiscended a very great deal, in permitting their out-works to be slighted: But the Cardinal returned them answer in that strain and garb which was proper for a General, and one who represented the person of the King. That he did much admire (after they had understood his Ma [...]esties intentions by the Sieur Gu­ron) they should thus come to treat, as if it were upon equal terms, and exempt themselves from the conditions of other Towns; and then told them, these delayes of theirs would make their case the worse: That his Majesties will was unalterable, and that they might be confident if they put the Army to the trouble of comming before their Town, they would soon see it reduced to the same passe with Rochel or Privas. This discourse did much daun [...] them, so they desired time to return and bring their last resolutions, and requested the Sieur de Guron might go with them, to perswade the people to reason; but to that it was replied, the Sieur de Guron not having any further thing to do, but onely the acquainting them with his Majesties good will and pleasure, he could not consent to his returning with them, and yet at their request he was contented, that the Sieur de Guron should go some­what neer the Town with them, and remain there at a little distance, in some place thereabouts. These things thus concluded and agreed, he fell to talk with them of other affairs, but such as his Prudence told him were most proper to work on th [...]m; and indeed they were so charmed what with his presence, garb and discourse, that they went away fully resolved to perswade their fellow Citizens, to yeeld un­to whatever he should require of them▪ They being once returned, he cause the Army to march up within three Leagues of the Town, under the command of the Marshal de Bassompierre. Now it happened that about two days after the Sieur de Guron, had been in a house very neer Montauban, that the chief Consul, with about two hundred of the Towns-men, came to him, and told him, that they had run a hazard of their lives, and that the people cried out they were betrayed by them, in granting under hand whatever he had desired of them; wherefore they beseech­ed him, that he would tell them, if there were any hopes of moderating their con­ditions. The Sieur de Guron answered them, that it was in vain for them to hope the keeping up of their Fortifications, and that indeed they did much wrong themselves, to stand so stifly in their own way, seeing the Cardinals word was a greater security then all their Walls and Works; and lastly, that he could not be perswaded, but that it was in their power to work the people to what was reasona­ble and fit, or else that they must look to suffer all possible extremities they could imagine. They then intreated two days time more; during which, they used their utmost to reduce and perswade the people to reason. Which at last they did, by representing to them, that the Army was just at their Gates, and that their ruine was unavoidable, if they did not lay hold on this occasion to make their Peace; as also, that they might rest confidently assured of any thing which the Cardinal promised, seeing all the rest of their party did give so high a report of him; and in conclusion, they [...]o satisfied the people, that the next morning, forty Deputies wai­ting conclusion, they [...]o satisfied the people, that the next morning, forty Deputies wai­ting on the Si [...]ur de Guron, went unto the Cardinal, then at Alby, and gave him as­surances of their submission.

Politique Observation.

A Prudent Minister can bring greater things to effect, by the means of his Con­duct, then others by the strength of Armies, Battels, Sieges, or Conquests. Titus [Page 295]Livy saith, he who knows how to command well, deserveth the first rank amongst men, and that those Captains who execute his commands, are onely his instruments and agents. An opportunity laid hold on, a Magistrate gained, a good credit insi­nuated into all men, a consternation thrown amongst a people; these and the like are the means with which Prudence driveth on all her designs; and by these it is, that she brings greater things to passe then Armies and Multitudes, which without Prudence are nothing worth. Force of it self, is blind, all the eyes it hath, is Pru­dence, without which, Force doth most commonly run into disorder. Whereupon the Poets feigned that Jupiter fore seeing the Gods intended to Revolt, and seise upon his person, took advice of Pallas, before ever he sent to Briarius with his hundred hands to defend him: Signifying, that Prudence keeps the key of all those Springs which move Force, and that without it, Force onely serves to ruine those who imploy it. A great Genius hath certain Engines and Springs by which he wor­keth, as it were invisibly, and the effects he produceth, are the more admirable; because vulgar spirits not seeing how it is done, are the more surprised at it. He will do more with a peece of Paper, then a whole Army in a Battel. Upon this ve­ry reason it was (as Plutarch hath observed) that Agesilaus advised the Lacede­monians, being just then ingaging with the Athenians at Mant [...]neas, that they should onely contrive and bend all their thoughts to lay hands on paminondas, telling them, if they could but once make sure of him, the Victory was infallible. By this it appeareth, that successe dependeth in matter of fight and force on them, who are the instructers and designers of the time and manner, how, and when an Ar­my must move, and when not.

Prosecution of the Subject.

THE Deputies of Montauban, had soon carried their submissions to the Cardi­nal, who was not a little glad, thus soon to reap the fruit of his Conduct; yet in regard he onely sought his Majesties glory in it, they had much ado to perswade him to go in his own person, and take possession of this place, whose people had never yeelded to such terms, but on the confidence they had in his word and pro­mise, which they did more rely on, then in the very strength of their Walls and Fortifications. But at last they were so earnest and urgent with him, that he con­sented to them. The Marshal de Bassompierre, entred with part of the army to take possession of the Town, and the next day the Cardinal marched in, to the peoples great joy and acclamation. The Consuls, the Corporations of the City, and the Justice went out a League from the City to meet him; where the first Consul, and the Lievtenant Criminal, made speeches to him, testifying their joy to see him, and how much they were transported with the apprehension of those favours which they had already received from him, and what confidence they had in his goodness, for the continuation of his kindnesses unto them. It cannot be imagined with what honour they received him; nay they offered him the Cloath of State but he re­fused it, notwithstanding their instances; and telling him, they desired then to car­ry it before him, which was usual, when any Governours or Lievtenants of Provin­ces came into a City; but he absolutely denied it: neither would he that the Con­suls should walk on foot by his horse, but desired them to attend at his lodging, whilest he went to the Church, seeing they were not of the same Religion. He went directly to the Church, which was onely covered with Tyles, it having been ruined by the Heretiques, where he sung the Te Deum, assisted by all that could throng in, as well Catholicks as Hugonots, so much were they delighted to behold him; and indeed his sweetnesse, his agreeablenesse, his Civility, and the Bounty which his word and behaviour testified to all the World, did not a little captivate them, and charm their courages. Thence he went to alight at the lodging which had been prepared for him, where the whole Town waited to receive him; he enter­tained them with such familiarity and freedome, that they could never enough be satisfied with his sight: And that I may the better describe the content they took [Page 296]in beholding him, give me leave to add, this one thing, that never any one, yet saw him but loved him. He gave so discreet Orders for the Government of his Soul­diers, that not a man had any cause to complain of Rudeness or abuse, for he severly punished the leaft insolency whatever, which did not a little please and content them of the City. They would gladly have kept him lo [...]ger amongst them, but his time drew on, and he had not now any other affair to detain him in those parts, he ha­ving [...]ettled al [...] things in Peace, to the great Glory and happiness of his Majesty, and the whole Kingdome; that he provided for his return to his Majesty, who desired even to longing, to see him, that he might take order for the affairs of Italy, which began to be re-imbroyled.

Politique Observation.

ARms are not all the means, for the obtaining of victories, Prudence hath some; if the victory be nothing but the attainment of that end, for which a War is began; and provided that a man once Master his design, what matter is it whether it be by one or t'other. It is the end, that is all in all; So that he who over­throws a City or wins a pitched Battail, is not the onely man, according to Quintus Curtus, who is victorious but he may justly be likewise termed a Conqueror, who by his Prudence forceth them to surrender and lay down their Arms. In the History of Italy, we read of a great Contestation, between the French and Italians, con­cerning the Battail of Tar, each of them ascribing the victory to his own Nation: The Italians they pretended they were Masters of the field, because their Quarters and Bagage were safe and whole whereas they had pillaged all the French even to the Kings Tent: The French on the other side pretended, they had the better of the day, because they only lost two hundred men, and the Italians left three thou­sand behind them, and were also forced to quiet the field and passe over the Tar; and that which was more then all the rest, was, they had obtained that end for which they began the fight, to wit, for a free passage to return into France, and fo [...] [...]his reason i [...] was adjudged, that the French indeed had the better of them, it be [...]g certain, that the Honour of a victory, doth not alone belong to him, who h [...]th killed most of his Enemies, or indeed hath lost fewest of his own, but likewise to him, who in conclusion of the fight, obtains that end, for which he began the Battail. Besides [...] esteem those victories which are got by prudence, much more to be commende [...] then those which are got by Force of Battails, in regard the one is a [...]chieved with little noyses with safety, and without diminution of the strength, or losse of mens Lives; whereas the other, doth obtain but the self same thing, by a way quite contrary, that is, fu [...]l of trouble, danger, losse and expence. Those Victories which are atchieved by Force have Violence for their Chief cause, where­as those which are obtained by Prudence have the Rule of all other vertues, for theirs; and besides, who will not more esteem these then the former, if only be­cause there is lesse bloud spilt? Tygers who delight to shed bloud, may perchance rejoyce to see the earth dyed with [...]; But true Honour and Glory, which procee­deth from sweetness and humanity, cannot but abhor such sights, which are so far from being accompanied with real Honour, that rather on the contrary, nothing can be more ignoble or unnatural.

Prosecution of the History.

AT this time France was happy indeed having overcome that Monster called Heresie which had been long conquering; The Power of France was now be­come the greater, in regard, it was not divided, as heretofore, within it self. Those Forces which had of late so often drew their Swords within their own Country, were now at Liberty to be employed abroad in defence of the Allyes of the Crown; The house of Austria was no longer such a Bugbear, neither was there any fear of discontented persons; Who formerly, with the help of fifty thousand Crowns, could [Page 297]raise a civil War, at their own pleasures. Those great Taxes did now cease, which were of necessity to be kept on foot, whilst the Kingdome was governed at ran­dome. Those Expenses which the State was forced to bear, for the suppressing the Hugonots, in Pensions, Fortifications, Garrisons, Colledges and the like, were now layed up: The King was absolute Master of Poictou, Guyenne, Languedoc and Dauphinè, which formerly he had only at six and seven. But how much then was the whole Nation beholding unto the Cardinal, seeing the King had principally made use of his Prudence and Courage, to bring all these glorious things to passe, as his Majesty himself, had often published and declared in his letters, and on many other occasions? There cannot be any reasonable, indifferent Judg, but will con­clude, he deserved all monuments, both of Honour and Glory, and that such as should be ingrateful, for these his services, or attempt to procure him any displea­sure, ought to be punished with shame and confusion. But alas, that Passion of Private Interest, like a thick vail, which takes away the sight, would not let those of the Cabal, neer the Queen Mother, behold his deserts, and the praises which were due to him; But on the contrary, led them to take advantages by his absence, to invent new devices, and contrive sundry Artifices, whereby they might incense that great Princesse against him. If the King acted any thing, not agreeable with her humour, presently some one or other would acquaint her with it, and add; It was the Car­dinals doings. When once they perceived, that she began to be jealous, because his Majesty did no longer follow her Counsels, (which indeed were not much to be commended) they were never quiet until they had entertained her with some dis­course to that purpose, which might blow the Coals of her passion and discontent. If at any time she could not presently effect, whatever she designed, then the Car­dinals power was to be lamented either by words at length, or (perchance because that was not at all times permitted) by the language of their Eyes, no lesse power­ful than the other. I should be too to long, if I should describe all their tricks. But who could endure that they should thus employ their time, whiles he employed his in procuring the Kings glory and the happiness of France? Had he been then pre­sent, they never durst have been so bold, but his frequent absence was that which gave them opportunities to embitter the Queen Mother against him, who formerly had a great respect for him. They raised her anger to such an height, before she was aware of it, that upon the Cardinals return from Montauban to Fountainbleau, she could no longer conceale her discontent, her eyes darting anger, which formerly were pleasant toward him; her eyes dar [...]ed out flames indeed, and such as would have burned him, had not the King interposed his absolute Authority to defend him.

Politique Observation.

ABsence hath alwayes been known to be very prejudicial to Court favourites, It is difficult for them to be long away, and that some one or other raise not a faction against them, especially the Women, whose affection being more guided by sence than reason, verifies that Proverb, Out of sight and out of mind. Their memory is treacherous, and they who are not in their sight, are easily removed out of their favours. Importunity worketh more upon them then merit, and he who desires to be Master of their affections, must necessarily be continually in their sight. The Spaniard hath a Proverb, much to this purpose and a good one it is, Women do easily blot out of the roul of their friends, those who are either dead or absent. But admitting this were not so, yet the envy of those, who appertain to great men, never permits them to lose the opportunity of any absence, without attempting their ruine; The eminence of a Favourites genius, or the virtues which shine in him, are not able to secure him, for envy is a passion so maligne, that those persons who have most reputation, true worth and glory, are the usual objects of it. Whence one of the most famous Captains among the Ancients said; He for his part thought that he had not yet done any thing praise worthy, because that envy that [Page 298]companion of virtue, had not found him out. It is true the services and generous actions which they atchieve for the glory of a State, do sometimes raise them to so high a degree of honour and repute, that the despair of bettering them, secures them from the emulation of others, but it never exempteth them from hatred. There is an inevitable necessity, that they who bear a great sway in a Government should be hated, not onely, because men borne free are carried by a certain natural inclina­tion to hate those who command them, but also because there are divers persons of the Court, who flatter themselves, that they deserve more Honour than they have, and that they who Govern the affairs, depriving them of that which is their due, do attempt to hurt them: Such people are they, who blame the Sun, because they can­not confidently look upon him, but consider not that the fault is in their eyes, not his lustre. They can no more endure the sight of an extraordinary virtue, than that of a bright Star, were it not for the night they would hardly know what the day is, and it is the glimmering of the Moon and Stars, which doth onely teach them what esteem they ought to have of the greatness and power of the Sun: such maligne Spirits there are, who are excellent at nothing but finding faults, that they are ex­cellent at, who never cease to contrive the downfal of others; and onely because they want merit to advance themselves. But happy is that Minister, whose favour is chiefly grounded upon his Princes knowledge of his services, upon his Princes sence of the encrease of his glory, upon his Princes affections, which are no lesse assured to him in his absence then when he is present. Happy is the Minister then, when his Master looks upon him as the Sun, which hath no lesse virtue or light, when it is furthest from us, then when it is nearest to us.

The Comte de Merodes Chamberlain to the Emperor, seizeth upon the Grisons without declaring a War.

THE Hugonot party being thus reduced, the History requireth my looking back into Italy, and I must tell you, that notwithstanding the Ratification of the Treaty of Suze, made in Spain, upon condition however that the French should de­part out of Italy, yet the Comte de Merodes his Imperial Majesties Chamberlain, whom we may look upon as a Spaniard, both by reason of the strict Union between Spain and the Empire, as also because in this affair, the Empire was totally guided by the Spaniard, invaded the Grisons, seized upon the passages between Germany and Italy, took Meyenfeld and Coire their capital Cities, and built forts in such places as were most convenient for the marching of his Troups. This breach was occa­sioned by Monsieur de Savoy, a person naturally turbulent, and whose courage be­sides the affront which he had so lately received at Suze, transported him presently after the Treaty of Peace, and as soon as ever he saw the King engaged at the siege of Privas, to negotiate with the Emperour and King of Spain a new War, but upon the old design. He had acquainted the Emperour that the violence which had been offered him at Suze, did not so much concern his eminency in particular, as it reflected on his Imperial Majesty, seeing he, for his part, had never attempted the stopping of the passages, but onely in defence of the rights of the Empire; that the reliving of Cazal was a contempt of his Authority, seeing the Duke of Mantua was his vassal, and had not at that time rendred the obedience which he ought to his Majesty: He likewise gave the Spaniard to understand, that the affront which he received before Cazal, brought a disrepute upon him through all Italy, and that it was to be feared, lest in prosecution thereof, they might attempt something upon his Dominions there; that the Cardinal had already projected his ruine in Italy; that the Common wealth of Genoa, was just ready for a revolt, that an expedition was already prepared against Milan; and that they had already proposed to engage him in it, by assuring Bresse unto him, and offering ready mony for the Marquisat of Saluces, which would much facilitate the entrance of the French into Italy; and that in case they should thus deprive him of those two inlets, the one by Sea, the [Page 299]other by Land, there would then nothing be more easie, then to despoil him of the Kingdom of Napl [...]s. These considerations were of no little power to stir up both those two Potent Princes, seeing it concerned their honour; but there was as little honour and truth in these his discourses, as there was Justice in the C [...]mte de Merodes seizing the Grisons, without declaring a War against them; or without any cause given of hostility. It is true bei [...]g come near the Grisons, he sent indeed one of his Company with the Emperours Letters to Coir, in which he demanded to passe through their Countrey; but instead of expecting an answer, he presently invaded the Territory of Mey [...]nfield, where he made great havock, and not long after surprised Coi [...], and made a Garrison of it, without regard had to the Publick Faith, and without any care of this outragious dealing with a people who had nothing to do with him.

Politique Observation.

JT is a very unjust act in a Prince to force those Passages which are in his Allies Countries. It is an act full of hostility, not to be used but toward an enemy. I condemn it for unjust according to the judgement of the Thessalians, who when they opposed themselves against Brasidas, desirous to passe through their Country to fight against the Athenians, told him, as Thucid [...]des relateth it. That he who forced a passage without their knowledge to whom it belonged, did an unjust act. Every one that hath power in his hand, ought not to exercise it in out-rages and violence against his neighbours, seeing he hath onely received it from Heaven for his just defence. The Romans were hertofore much commended, for that they never invade any Country, no not their enemies, without first proclaiming a War; so far were they from seizing upon any thing which belonged to their friends. If the Romans did at any time pretend to any thing which was their neighbours, they sent their Embassadours to demand it; if within three days after demand made, it were not delivered, they denounced the War; neither then did they enter upon them, but after many Ceremonies, which are described in Titus Livy. But that we may not go so far back, did not the Heralds of Florence, and that not above three hundred years since, declare War against their enemies with Ceremonies much af­ter that kind? Those ancient forms (indeed) are now no longer in use; but yet that Prince who seizeth upon any Passages or Towns without it, cannot be consi­dered but as an Usurper. But ambition is now grown to that passe, that it is enough be the means what they will, so they serve his designs, without considering that divine Justice throws down, whatever is founded upon injustice; that as the Laws of man do punish private Thefts, so God the judge of Kings, will chastise their usurpations; that they who indeavor to grow great by violence will at last meet their own ruine in a greater, and that the greatnesse which is obtained by injustice, can­not long last, though force uphold it for the present.

Prosecution of the History.

THe Comte de Merodes having taken Coir, and knowing that the Sieur Mesmin his Majesties Embassadour with the Grisons, had imployed the utmost of his in­dustrie and prudence (which by his employment he was bound unto) for the kee­ping of those people in that friendship which they had promised unto France, and for the confirming them in their resolution of denying the Passages to any whatever, who should attempt against his Allies, surrounded his lodging with Guards, and seized on his Papers, without any regard to the Law of Nations, which declare the persons of Embassadours to be sacred, and forbid that any outrage or injury should be done unto them.

Politique Observation.

SEEing Embassadours represent their Masters persons, they cannot be affronted (without great injustice) by any Prince who is not in open War with him. He who doth otherwise, breaks that Law which is so generally received among all States, and injureth the person of his Master. He is guilty of an outrage, seeing their persons have been alwaies esteemed inviolable; and (as Tacitus saith) it is rarely seen among enemies, that Embassadours are ill treated. Besides, how un­worthy a thing is it to affront such persons who can neither defend nor revenge themselves, but onely dispute it by reason. All that can be done toward an Em­bassadour, from whom one hath received an injury, is to license his departure without permitting any injury to be done unto him. Thus did the Romans to the King of Persia's Embassadours, they gave them eleven days to depart out of Italy, with order to tell their Master, that the Consul Publius Licinius, should shortly be in Macedonia at the head of their Army, to whom he might hereafter send his Embassadours, if he had any thing to propose to them, and not put himself to the trouble of sending them to Rome, where they should be no more received. They likewise ordered Sp. Carilius, to conduct them out of Italy to their ships (as Titus Livy reporteth.) And the late King Henry the great, whose conduct may serve for a President to other Princes, hath shewed us a rare example of that respect which ought to be used toward Embassadours, when he discovered that Tassas & Dom Balthasar de Cuniga his Successour, Embassadours of Spain, held intelligence with Haste and Merargues, he had more regard to the Law of Nations, then to their sedicious practises, which in reason might have passed for acts of hostility. To in­jure or imprison an Embassadour in times of Peace cannot be done without inju­stice, neither can there be other reason for it, then for the satisfying of some ambi­tious and rash pretences.

The Sieur de Sabran is sent Embassadour to the Emperour.

SHortly after the Comte de Merodes had been thus active amongst the Grisons, his Majesty who pretended not to uphold Monsieur de Mantua with an high hand, but only to satisfie that injustice which obliged him to preserve his Allies, thought good to send the Sieur de Sabran his Embassador to the Emperour, upon the businesse of the Treaty of Suze. His principal intent was to acquaint him with the sincerity of his acti­ons and designs; and to obtain (if possible at his recommendation) that Monsieur de Mantua might be reinvested in the Dutchy. His Majesty for the preserving of the Peace of Italy, would not make use of that advantage which his Arms gave him at Suze, or the opportunity of divers Princes of Italy, who proffred him their assistance, but would have been glad to have continued it, by paying this civility to the Emperor. The Duke of M [...]ntua had discharged his duty, when he sent the Bishop of Mantua to demand his instalment, and the King could not imagine that his intreaty wined to the others submission, could have been refused, seeing that the same Laws which require the Princes depending on the Empire to demand it, do likewise oblige the Emperour to grant it, at least without the prejudice of any other; in case there be several who claim it, which in processe of time, ought to be examined by the usual ways, and the Laws of Justice. To this purpose was the Sieur de Sabran sent to the Emperour. Whiles he was yet in his way, he received new orders, to wit, that he should complain unto the Emperour, of the little respect, which the Comte de Merodes, had shewed unto the Sieur de Mesmin his Majesties Embassadour; and of his violent proceedings among the Grisons, by seizing on the Passages of Steir, Pom du R [...]in, the Towns of Coir and Meyenfield, and all this without declaring the War; but at that instant when he began it, and that he should presse his Imperial Majesty to command the Comte de Merodes, to withdraw his forces from Italy and the Grisons, and than he should satisfie his Majesty for that want of respect to his [Page 301]Embassadour. The Sieur de Sabran acquitted himself very worthily of that em­ployment, he used his utmost prudence to justifie his Majesties proceedings and in­tentions, and to convince unto the Emperour, that the King his Master had not done any thing in prejudice of the Empire. He further informed his Majesty, that the King had not drawn his sword untill the Spaniard had besieged Cazal contrary to reason and justice, and that his most Christian Majesty was bound to protect the Duke of Mantua, by the Treaties of Cambray and Veroins, neither did he omit any thing for the getting of satisfaction for the violences, of the Count de Merodes. But the Emperor being prepossessed by those of his Counsel, that Embassy came to nothing, and all the answer he could get, was that the Duke of Mantua should be righted, if his Majesty did withdraw his Army out of Italy, with all that he could not but wonder that his Majesty should interest himself with the Princes under his obedience, without taking notice that his most Christian Majesty was obliged by diverse treaties to succour him, and that it would be a great dishonour to him, if he should not now assist him, considering he was more exposed to danger, than ever by reason of the Emperours, and Spanish Forces then in Italy, and designed particu­larly for his ruine.

Politique Observation.

IT is an honorable employment▪ to be the Mediator of Peace between Princes, but he is more to be pittied then envied, who takes that office upon him, whilst their first heat is not yet over. It is with such Negotiators, as with Physitians, and as these who are called upon the amendment of a disease a [...]e happier then the others; so those likewise are very fortunate, who are intrusted in treating a Peace between Princes, when they are a little cooled, and the great expences of War have discom­posed them, and when they are a little wearied out by continual Cares. The first Emotions of anger, are like clouds which obscure the light of reason and hinder the apprehension of the great benefits of Peace, not permitting them to lend an eare to it. Anger it self must make them feel those pains, which accompany it, that they may at last be sensible of the Just Cause they have to hate it, and by consequence be the easilier appeased. It was the continual inconvenience of War, which induced Fr [...]ncis the first, to have a liking to Peace; Neither had Charles the fifth or Philip the second ever embraced it, during the advantages which they made by the Trea­cheries of some French, had they not been tyred out, by the vast expences, great cares and dangers, to which a forraign War exposed them. In short, Princes ought never to be so ex-asperated in their differences, as not to seek the good of Peace, by some means of agreement, by their mutual giving one another to understand their Intentions, by their Ambassadors. He who undertaketh to carry all things, by a high hand, forceth all others to flye no extremities, which are accompanied with great Evils. The distance which is between Princes, is oftentimes the Cause of mis­understandings between them; but their Ambassadors acquainting each other, with the Justice of their Intentions, doth not a little allay their Angers and dispose them to sweetness. The Wise, admit not of any injustice; and though they are free from obedience to others, yet will they be subjected to reason. They know, true great­ness doth not so much consist in the power to do what they will, as what they ought: Neither do they measure their greatness, by the licentiousness of satisfying their own passions, but by their power to do that which is Just. It is their glory, to make it appear, that though they can do all, yet they will not act any thing but what is commendable: Whence it comes, that first putting themselves in the wayes of rea­son, they do not afterwards scruple to sollicite others to do the like. Thus likewise is it not an act of Lowness, but of great Prudence, and Civility, which Princes owe to each other.

Prosecution of the Subject.

I Return to the Comte de Merodes amongst the Grisons, whose actions there did not much surprise the King, too well informed of all the passages in Europe to be ignorant of other Princes designs; They onely obliged him to give order to the Marshal de [...]req [...]y. to inform Monsieur de Savoy, that it was contrary to the treaty of Suze, for the execution of which he was bound by word and deed to joyne his Forces to those of his Majesty, and to summon him to declare himself in this occa­sion. The Duke of Savoy, having sollicited their invasion, need not have pre­tended time to inform himself of their design, yet that was it which he fled to, to hide his infidelity, after the knowledge of which he promised to give his Majesty all satisfaction. The Marshal de Crequy that he might put him to it indeed, gave him some time, which once past, he pressed him for an answer, which was this; That the Surprisal of the Prisons passages, had nothing of dependence in Monsieur de Ma [...]tua's affair; yet however, if the King of Spain might be satisfied, who desired the French should withdraw out of Italy, as also from Suze, he made no doubt but to obtain of the Emperour, that he should withdraw his Forces, though offended with the King for intermedling in those differences, which he had with the Duke of Mantua his Vassal; but did not all this while discover any thing of his own particu­lar designs, because he could indeed pretend nothing not comprised in the treaty of Suze. The Marshal acquainted the King with this answer, who commanded him to reply unto the Duke of Savoy, that this answer of his did not at all relate to the obligation under which he was by the treaty of Suze, that is of joyning his with his Majesties Forces, and therefore to continue summoning him to declare himself, but withal to assure him, that if the Emperor should invest Monsieur de Mantua; he would recal his Forces from Italy and Suze, his Majesty having no other design but the hindring the inv [...]sion of the Duke of Mantua's Estates, his Ally, and under his protection, by the [...]reaty at V [...]rvins it being unreasonable that the Emperour should out him of those D [...]i [...] to which he was Lawful Heir: and that as con­cerning any difference between the Dukes of Mantua and Savoy, he had en­deavoured to accomodate them, by proposing convenient expedients between them both. Nothing could be replied to so just reasons, neither said he other thing to Monsieur de Crequy, but that he would remain Neuter, [...]nd become a Mediatour of Peace, without replying as to the obligation of the treaty at Suze, and without con­sidering how prejudicial it might be to him, to sit still after he had kindled so great a fire betwixt so great Princes.

Politique Observation.

THat Prince, who hath raised a War between two others more potent than himself, cannot fix upon any resolution so inconvenient for himself, as that of becomming neuter, though he have no part in the broile: yet it is prudence to de­clare for one or other. How much more reason then hath he so to do, seeing [...]e first raised the War? It is offence enough against the other to have raised the War, and though he should then sit down and be quiet, yet he would nevertheless be looked upon as an Enemy; he cannot possibly prevent it, but that one of them should be revenged, for he hath provoked both; him against whom the War is, who will be ready enough to call him to account for it, and him whom he hath engaged to make the War; because he withdraws from him, when he hath put him into danger: but admit he had not raised the War, yet I look upon neutrality as very dangerous; he had much better run the hazard of overcoming, by declaring him­self, or to fall with a neighbour who may afterwards help to re-establish him, then to be reduced by an inevitable necessity of being oppressed by him, who shall get the victory, and perchance by both of them. The Example of those of Sienna may serve to confirm this Counsel, who after they had remained Neuters in the War of [Page 303] Italy, were in conclusion pillaged by both parties, by which they gave a just ground to King Alphonsus to say, that it hapned to them as it doth to Lodgers, who lye on the second floor, who are troubled with the smoak of those beneath them, and the noise of those above them. Aristenus Praetor of Achaja, and Lucius Quintus, Consul and Captain of Rome, found that Counsel to be very ill, which C [...]omidon the Macedonian Ambassador had given to the Achaians; that was, he advised them to remain Neuters, as to the War between the Romans and King Philip: The first of them not enduring he should call Neutrality a middle way; said, if it must be called a way, it was a very useless way, seeing the best successe that could happen, could be of no advantage to them, but would at last expose them for a prey to the Conquerour. Perchance he may avoid this storm, if he can manage his words and actions so circumspectly, as absolutely to perswade them, that he is neither enclined to one side or the other; a thing which I imagine to be impossible, because his most indifferent actions will raise some jealousie or other, each judging of him as he plea­seth; at least he cannot avoid but that his Neighbours will forsake him, when he is in necessity, in the same manner as he neglects to assist them. For Neutrality doth provoke both parties, the stronger because he imagineth his greatness obligeth the rest to joyne their forces out of respect with his; and the weaker, because be­ing not defended, he thinks himself wronged. And this is not good either to defend himself from Enemies, or to preserve his friends. Perchance he may imagine to save the charge of keeping some forces in the Army of his Ally, but yet every Prince is obliged to entertain Forces in his Countrey, to hinder both one and the other from invading him.

The Sieur de Leon sent Ambassador into Zwizzerland.

HIS Majesty was advised, presently after the news of the Comte de Merodes, that the Spaniards were making of parties amongst the Swizzers, and en­deavouring to gain the Catholick Cantons. Whereupon his Majesty sent the Sieur de Leon Brulant Ambassador towards them, to assure them of the affection which he still had for their interest; to exhort them to continue in that alliance which had been for many years between them; and to perswade them to preserve that corre­spondence which was between their Cantons, as also to preserve the Cantons their Neighbours and Allyes from the oppression of the house of Austria. He was not wanting to acquaint them, what devises had already been used to divide them from the Grison [...], which was the inserting of a clause in the treaty of Madrid, by which it was provided, that the 13 Cantons, or the Major part of them, should see the per­formance of the Articles of the Treaty, and at the same time to contrive under hand, that the Catholick Cantons should not consent to this warranty, and to perswade the Grisons, that those Cantons had fain off from their interest; the design being by sowing this darnel among them, to weaken them by division, and consequently to enable themselves the better to seize upon their Forts and passages; and last of all he represented to them by very evident reasons, that the Spaniard had design to sow the like division amongst their Cantons, to the intent he might also seize on their passages, which he had already sent letters to demand; and that therefore to secure them from this danger, the more important to them, in regard all their force consisteth in the good intelligence of their Cantons, and that of their Allyes, they were obliged to be careful, that no division were cast amongst them by any proposi­tions which should be made, and also to take up Arms to assist the Grisons, not one­ly because they were part of their Common-wealth, but to keep off from themselves the like mis-fortune wherewith they were threatned. The Sieur de Leon negotiated this affair with a great deal of prudence, and made them see their interests by such lively reasons, that they resolved in an assembly at Soleur held the 5. of August, to preserve themselves in a strict Union, and to write unto the Emperour, that if he did not restore the Grisons to their first State, they would then joyne themselves with the most Christian King to be revenged of the injury he had done them. This Re­solution [Page 304]gave the Spaniard an alarum, who presently sent Cassate to destroy it, and disunite the Protestants from the Catholicks who are Masters of the principal passa­ges: They employed their continual cares to that end, and being more considera­ble amongst them then we are by reason of their commerse, and trade with Milan, they so prevailed that at last they changed their minds, and we were forced to be contented with the raising of some Troops, which were to stay in their own Country to guard and defend the passages against the Imperialists, in case they should attempt to enter.

Politique Observation.

SEeing the Laws of prudence advise us to raise advantage; as well from our Ene­mies as friends, I cannot be blamed if I observe from the practise of the house of Austria, who after they had disunited the Grisons from the Swizzers, endeavoured to raise division amongst the Swizzers themselves, that the best means to weaken ones Neighbours, to seize on their Countries, or at least to make use to their passages as occasion shall serve, without their being able to prevent it, is to raise some divi­sion amongst them. The good intelligence of a people is the principal strength of a Kingdome, and their dis-union is the cause of their ruin whence Lycurgus assured the Lacedemonians, that nothing could so much contribute to the encrease and pre­servation of their State, as an invincible courage against their enemies, and an in­violable concord among themselves. The devise which Philip of Macedon, made use of to overcome the Precians, was the fomenting of some differences between them; he assisted one part of them against the other, and so long preserved the division between them, till at last they were both easily to be overcome; and who knoweth not that, that which heretofore brought France into the power of the English, was onely the division which the house of Burgonie, and several other Countries had raised within it? The Stars which are in an ill aspect, cannot but produce very ill consequences here below; so likewise when confederated Provinces shall begin to look awry one upon another and with animosity; they cannot but endanger one another. The stateliest Palaces are soon ruined by little cracks and the greatest peo­ple by small divisions. I might insert here that the greatness of the God-head con­sists in its unity, and that if it could be divided, it would not be infinite. Thus that which renders a State invincible is concord; and that which destroyeth a King­dome is division, that same thing too that it doth in publick, it doth in private families.

The House of Austria entereth very strong into the Duke of Mantua's Country.

THE taking of Coir and Meyenfeld was the Gate by which War entred into Italy: For the House of Austria, presently after the taking of Suze, sent two Armies into Montferrat under the Marquis Spinola. The Spaniard had caused the said Marquis to quite the Low-Countries and to come into Italy. His first business was to set all things right between his Master & the State of G [...]noa, which Common­wealth was upon the point of revolting. He came thither in July, and used his ut­most to make a good Intelligence between them; and indeed, he was so successful in it, that he did the Spaniard one of the best pieces of service, that he had ever yet done. The next thing he did, was to store up great quantities of Corn, a Como­dity very necessary in those parts, for the entertaining of any War, though never so little, by reason of the Scarcety in that Country. He declared every where that his Master desired Peace; but it was only until his Forces were got together, and that he was in a condition to begin the War; for as soon as ever he found himself pro­vided, he entred into Montserrat, took some small places, and amongst the rest Pont­desture, and made his approaches towards Cazal, but would not absolutely lye [Page 305]down a second time before it, until he saw an impossibility for France to relie [...]e it. The ruine of the Hugonot party, did not a little stagger him, for that now his Ma­jesties forces were at full Liberty to march out of the Kingdome; but he conceived us to have been so weakned and entangled by the divisions, which those of the Spa­nish party had raised in the Kings Family, as also by the very doubt in which the Cardinal himself was, that his Majesty would not be perswaded, to repasse the Alpes, Winter now comming on that he hoped by this means, he might effect his design; and the sooner, seeing Canzal and Mantua, were assaulted at the same time, which would so surprise us, that we could hardly tell which we should first assist. For the German, Lutheran, Armie, led by Colalte, had entered into Man­tua, at the same instant that he did into Montferrat; and thus instead of the Justice, which the Emperor had promised the Sieur de Sabran, and published, by a Declara­tion wherein he undertook to restore it to the right owner, the Army Committed such cruelties, as are incredible, burning and pillaging Churches, wi [...]h greater vio­lence and fury then ever the Iconoclasts did, breaking all Crosses Images, Saints, and what not? The Souldiers would commonly tye the Images with Cords and so dragg them up and down, sometimes they would throw them into the water, profane the consecrated Plate, ravish Women and Maydes, and fill the whole Country which mourning and blond; in short, they made it apparent, that that Cloak of Religion, which they so boast of in Germany, was only a Pretence to cover their Ambition. This great violence, seconded and upheld by Force of Armes, gave them the Lib [...]rty of overrunning almost all Mantua, most part of the Natives, flying from them a as heretofore they had from Alaricus, and Attila, by which means at last they came up to Mantua it self and besieged it. But Colonel Duran [...] had gotten in a li [...]tle before them, with a thousand expert Souldiers well commanded, and Monsieur de Mantua, had likewise drawn in thither the choysest of his own men; so that the Spa­niard resolved to sit down before the Town, though their Army was equally pestered with the Plague and Famine, which at last forced them to retire; yet before they went off, they committed the most infamous peece of treachery, was ever yet heard. They made several propositions of Peace, and Monsieur de Mantua, seeing how willing they were of an accomodation, consented to a Truce of three hours, Du­ring which and in confidence of their faith he opened the Port Fort-Bourg, which is on t'other side the Bridge: now they more regarding their advantage, then the Fidelity which ought to be inviolable between Princes, after about three thousand of them were got in, seized on it; A Treachery very strange, but as few base actions succeed well, so that served them, but to small purpose, for Colonel Durand made a Sally out upon them, during which there was a Trench raised, and Cannon planted on it, which Commanded all the Fort-Bourg, by which means it came unserviceable to the Imperialists.

Politique Observation.

THE faith of them who Command Armies, hath been ever esteemed sacred: He who once breaketh it, looseth his Honour; And indeed, if there were not an obligation to keep it, to what passe would things come? There could be no secu­rity in Treaties; One Prince could not trust another; and in Leagues, every one would be catching at all advantages, which he should find. A General ought to respect nothing more then his Honour; now there is not any one thing which can more obscure it, then Infidelity, which breaketh the Justice of Military Act, which gives a Liberty, to do any unreasonable thing, and converts War into Pyracy. He who would have his Souldiers be true to him, must be Just to his Enemies; Neither may he recede from one single word passed to them: Besides he is so much the more bound to the observance of it, as it is of consequence to them. Stratagem are allow­able, but they must be of War, not Infidelity. The Romans were such strict ob­servers of this particular, that they placed the Image of Fidelity next to that of Jupiter in their Capitol, to the end every one might respect it as a Deity. They [Page 306]knew Heaven would be very severe in punishing those who violated it; and they would not only be overwhelmed with Infamie but that it would be of ill consequence to the State, considering how true it is, that Justice and Fidelity, are the two chief things which support the Thrones of all Kings.

Prosecution of the Subject.

I Cannot omit the great assistance which the Venetians did this year send unto the Duke of Mantua, it being impossible for his Majesties whole. Army to have been with him soon enough, although some few Troops had already come to him. The King had by his Ambassador negotiated those Succours with the Venetians, upon the first discovery of the House of Austria's design. Now the Venetians were the easier enclined to send these Succours, it being their very great Interest to hin­der the Spaniards growing power in Italy, especially so neer them, they having so often and so long had designs upon them. Besides they well knew, that they had at that present, several good Towns and places which formerly belonged to the Dutchy of Milan, but had been taken from it, by their Common-wealth; which peradventure the Spaniard might have a mind to recover from them. In conclusion they send divers times, Mony, Victuals, and some Troops unto the Duke of Man­tua, which did not a little help to preserve him.

Politique Observation.

THere is not any thing more dangerous, then to suffer a potent Ambitious King, to seize on a Neighbour Princes Country by violence; seeing his conquest will only serve for a Bridge to the next Kingdome. An Ambitious King is like a great River; ever eating into it's Banks, without regard had either to the Justice or In­justice of his designs: When he hath once proposed his end, he careth not by what means it is atchieved: His chief care is, how to make a party in his Neighbours Country, how to raise a division, which may open an entrance for his Ambitious designs: He spareth no cost to corrupt their Officers and Ministers, He is like some people in Affrick, who sleep with their eyes alwayes open; and as he believeth the greatest glory, to consist in possessing the greatest empire, so he imagineth the design of Command to be a just cause of War; If his Forces be not strong enough, he bloweth division amongst his Neighbours to make them revolt, and maketh use of those who are credulous, that he may subject their fellows to his Do­minion. He winks at Justice, not that he may Judg with Equity; but that he may not behold, if possible, the injustice of his own intentions. In short, there is not any thing which he will not do, if it lead him to new conquests.

Which being thus, who can be ignorant of the obligation which lyeth upon all Allyes to assist one another, when any attempt is made upon any single Country amongst them? The assistance which they lend is a security to their own States, and in fighting for him, they confirm their own quiet: But above all, they who are nearest bordering upon one another, ought to be careful in this particular, because they run a greater hazard. When an Army is at our Gates, it is little worth then to call upon a relief far from us, for great Armies do not flye; no, they march but slowly, and before they can arrive to assist us, we are lost and taken. He who be­ing unable with his own strength to defend himself, calleth in a friend far distant from him, is like a sick person, who being taken with a sodaine dangerous fit, sen­deth for an able Physitian to another place twenty miles distant, and in the mean time, before his Doctor arrives, becomes incurable. Antiquity hath furnished us with an admirable example of the thing, in that of S [...]g [...]nte, which being besieged by the Carthaginians, was taken, before the relief from Rome could come up to it: And of later times the City of Sienna, being besieged by the Imperialists, was in expectation of the French assistance, but to little purpose, they being at too great a distance to come up to them. In such occasions, those Countries neerest at hand [Page 307]are to be employed, they being in reason bound to rise in their behalf, and here­upon it is, that Alliances and Leagues made with them, are much more advantage­ous then any others whatever.

Prosecution of the History.

NOtwithstanding that the Treaty of Peace, and the Renewing of Alliance be­tween France and England, had been concluded in April, whilst his Majesty was at Suze, yet the final confirmation of it was used to be done by oath, and by extraordinary Ambassadors, interchangeably sent, which Ceremony had been put off, until his Majesties return back to Paris from his Italian-Expedition, and was now performed in September at Fontain-bleau, whither the Lord Esmond came from the King of Britain, for that purpose; The King caused him to be entertained with very great honour, as had been accustomed on such occasions, particularly in­vited him to dine with him, at his own Table, that day when the Ceremony was cele­brated. The appointed hour being come, he was conducted into the Church of Bourg, magnificently prepared for that purpose, where the King and all the Princes of the Court wayting on him, hear'd Vespers. At his entrance, he saluted with great respect the King and Queens, after which he took his place in a Scaffold made ready for him. The King made the oath, in his presence, and swore upon the Holy Evangelists, to observe and perform all the Conditions of the Treaty which he had signed. The same oath was made at London the same day, with no lesse Ceremony, by the King of England, in the presence of the Marquis de Chasteauneuf, Extra­ordinary Ambassador there, forth at purpose.

Politique Observation.

AS Sacraments render Actions the more venerable, so have all people thought it fit to confirm their Treaties therewith, that Princes might be obliged, the more Religiously to observe them. But in all times, they have been as various, as Nations. That which was most universally observed, was to drink in the same Glasse. It is true those of Thracia and Aegypt, did not use the same Cup, but the same Ox­horn. The Jewes used to kill certain Beasts and divide their entrailes. The Cal­deans, passed through certain Flames, holding a Sword in their hand, to confirm their oaths: But the Ceremonies of the Arabians seem to me more extraordinary, then all the rest; Some eminent Person of the Treaters, placed himself in the midd'st, and beating his hand with a sharp stone, drew bloud, which was gather'd up, with some part of their Cloths, wherewith they besmeared seven other stones, about which they stood, invocating the names of Denis & Vrania; The Scythians mingled blond with Wine, dipp'd their Arrows, their Hatchet and Javelins in it, with several Pro­testations of Fidelity, and then drank it up, causing the witnesses of their oath to do the same. The Romans were accustomed to call their Great Priest, who raised an Altar of Turf, placed a Hog on it, which he smit with a stone in their presence, beseeching Jupiter to strike them in the same manner, if they should break the Treaty. We likewise read in the History of the Sieur de Join'eville, that St. Lewis the King being at Caesarea, a Knight of the House of Concy came to him, and de­sired him for a greater assurance of his fidelity, that he would be pleased, that his Majesties Souldiers and his, might in token of a strait alliance, mingle blond with Wine, and drink it one to t'other, and that the King approved thereof: and the same History addeth, that moreover; they forced a Dog to passe between their Ranks, at which every one struck with his Sword saying, so may he be struck that fails of his word.

The Monsieurs retreit into Lorain.

AFter the Kings return from Languedoc, the Queen Mother passionately de­siring, that Monsieur should marry one of the Princes of Florence, though he could no way resolve to love her; shee being no beauty, saving the Honour of her Family, otherwise little recommendable, suffered with great impatience that Mon­sieur should bear any good will unto the Princesse Marie. Whereupon she was very earnest with his Majesty, that he would expresly prohibite him to marry her, without his Royal permission. Now though the King seemed to have a good esteem of this Princesse, yet however the rule which he had alwayes imposed on himself to give the Queen Mother al content obliged him to forbid; and respect and obedience the other, to accept of it; but which such discontent it was, that unable longer to stay at Court, he retired into Lorain. The Duke of Lorain received him with great Honour, whether it were because he was bound to respect him, or because himself being already discontented with France, and of the Spanish faction, did hope to find some occasion to satisfie his own hatred. His faithful Servants indeed would gladly have diverted him from this retreat, but as most great men become jealous and su­spicious of them, who give them not such Counsels as tend to extremity, but en­deavour to moderate their actions, so they durst not speak their thoughts to him. The most judicious among them found themselves reduced to the condition of the Romans, who seeing their City on fire by Nero's command, durst not endeavour to quench it, lest they might anger the Emperour, for that they saw several of his ser­vants adding more fuel to the fire, whereby they might please him. Neither wanted there some persons about Monsieur, who having no other design then to flatter him, for their own ends, perswaded him to such resolutions as in their own conscien­ces they could not but condemne. I may add that they endeavoured from that time more then ever to raise distrusts in him against the King and the Cardinal, whereby they might possesse him with fear, and they became so much the more considerable unto him, in that they found means to oblige him to look upon them­selves as the onely means of his safety: They having been thus, the principal causes of his departure, deserved much more to be blamed then he did; because he having once confided in them, it would be an hard matter for him to defend himself from their treacheries. The Queen Mother was not to be excused, shee having something contributed to drive him into these extremities, which could be advantagious to no one, but very dangerous to France, as experience hath made it appear; and withal the Cabal which was then at Court, having grounded all those broils which since hapned upon his departure. The Cardinal foresaw the ill consequences, if not re­medied, therefore he omitted nothing in his power, which might induce his Majesty to sollicite him to return; but the discontents of Grandees are like those sicknesses which must necessarily have their course, and cannot be cured until the natural heat hath overpowered the maligne powers in the body, so there was a necessity of ex­pecting what time might produce, that he might be perswaded to return.

Politique Observation.

PRinces of the Bloud Royal cannot possibly follow worse counsel, than to with­draw themselves from the place of their birth. There it is that the Center of their glory is, and where they are respected with more honour than they can hope for; there they onely see the King above them, whereas in other Countries they are inferiour to many. The Stars in the Firmanent have not any light, but when they are within sight of the Sun, and Princes are never so glorious, as when in their Kings presence; it being their greatest glory to be of his bloud; they are like burn­ing-glasses, which out of the Sun are of no use. Their King is as their soul, and all their greatness consisteth in his Majesty, and the splendor [...]ich they receive from him, gives them so great Authority, that they may upon the matter do whatsoever they [Page 309]desire, whereas when once they go out of the limits of their own Country, they change their Commands into intreaties. It is onely near their King that they live in the abundance of pleasure and delight, but when once they forsake him, they are presently reduced to want and necessity. Here they are onely restrained from being Prodigal, nothing is refused them that is necessary; whereas among strangers they are forced to be contented with that, which at home would hardly maintain their Officers, neither have they that without submission. Is it not then with little rea­son pretended that they retire for more liberty, seeing they are never so much ob­served as amongst strangers, where every thing they do is suspected? If they have any liberty, it is to foment divisions in their own Country. But why do they not consider that in so doing they act against themselves, against their own greatnesse, for that they are not at all considerable, but by the Kingdom from whence they are extracted?

The Reasons and Causes of Monsieurs Retirement.

AS it is natural to seek pretences for the hiding of faults, so Monsieur gave di­vers reasons of his departure, for his own justification. Those Grandees who complain of a State where they are born, cannot better be compared then to those who are in a deep water, where they lay hold on every thing to secure themselves from danger. He first of all complained of the disorders in the State, a thing usual in all those that revolt, as if the true reason of their discontent were not known; when the truth is, nothing but their own particular interest withdraws them. They who had been with him, should have informed him what alterations the Cardinal had made in France, since he first came to the State. He found it in the most de­plorable condition that could be, by the ill management of certain Ministers, who unable to second the Kings prudent and generous intentions, had cast all things into confusion. The Hugonot party was then so strong that they would shake off the yoke of obedience at their own pleasures. The Princes of the Bloud, would usu­ally revolt upon the least discontents. The Governours of Provinces were like so many petty Kings. The Kings family was maintained by two or three years advance of the Treasury before hand, exhausted to inrich those who were factiously inclined, and without any honour to the King. The Allies of the Crown were left to the mercie of their enemies, of whom the Kingdome stood in fear. The case was now altered, the Heretick faction was brought upon their knees, the Princes of the blond were forced to live in obedience, the Governours of Provinces durst do nothing but what was just, the Treasuries were well regulated and employed for the Kings Honour and State. In short, the whole body of France heretofore sick and lan­guishing, began to recover strength, with assurance of perfect health, when as its Forraign and Domestick enemies did not at all divert the Cardinals designs. All these things were so apparent, that the Cimmerian darknesse could not hinder the sight of them, but who knows not that the strongest reasons cannot touch them, who are over-mastered with Passion, as we have reason to beleeve they could not those about Monsieur, seeing they were so blind in perswading him to a course so directly contrary to that which the Cardinal had projected for the establishment of the Kingdom? They should have learned that as the Planets do not immit their in­fluences here beneath, without causing of great alterations in the world; so neither do the Princes of the Blood ever separate themselves from their King and Country, but they cause great troubles and disorders, and in case there were any others in the State, this were to remedy it by a worse, a thing contrary to the Laws of Prudence; but a thing not much by them regarded, so they could but overcome their Masters spirit, that they might afterwards lead him to whatever they desired.

Politique Observation.

IF Divine Providence doth not appear with more splendour in any one thing, then the Government of the Universe; then true it is, that humane wisedom is never more admirable then in the Conduct of Kingdomes, especially when they are fallen from their first height, and that there is a necessity to re-establish them. This re­establishment doth undeniably depend upon that particular Minister who governeth affairs, next under the Authority of his Prince; for he is in the State, as the Sun in the World, as the eye to the Body, and as the Primum mobile among the Heavens. Yet however two truths cannot be gain-said, the first is, that a State being a socie­ty of free men, who not exactly following the motions which their chief minister gives them, it cannot be avoided but that some disorder must follow, unlesse divers others besides himself be assistant. The principal causes share indeed the chief glory in producing their effects, but not of being the onely producers of them, and the Sun himself could not enamel the earth with the Flowers of the Spring, unlesse other causes did co-operate; and as no Labourer how vigilant soever can hinder the fields from producing Weeds; so it is likewise impossible that a chief Minister how prudent soever, should so settle a State that no disorder should appear in it, seeing it is no lesse natural for people to he unruly, then for the earth to bring forth weeds. The second, that it is a work of time to re-establish a State once fallen in­to confusion. Nature works slowly, produceth the seed out of the grain, the sien from the seed, the tree from the sien, the flower from the tree, and at last the fruit. Thus likewise a Minister of State, how excellent soever he be, cannot reduce confu­sion into order, but by little and little, and by setting his Engines on work one af­ter another. There must needs be some time spent in inquiring into the true causes of these evils, it being impossible to apply convenient remedies without discovering the original defect. He had need be instructed with Prudence and experience to consider those things which have heretofore conduced to make that State flourish, which he would now restore, and also that which hath been glorious for other States. He ought to imitate good Physitians, who having observed those ill humours which cause the sicknesse, use their art first to purge them out, and then to bring their Patient to a good temper. The principal causes of the ruine of a State, are civil Wars, disrespect of authority, the too great Power of Princes of the Blood, Stran­gers and Governours, Factions, negligence in Judges to punish publick disorders, want of good Discipline among Souldiers, and the oppressures of the people: now what a deal of time must there be to redresse all these and establish one quite contra­ry? It cannot be done but by time and labour, nay impossible, if the Kingdom be either in civil or forraign War. Lastly, the Minister hath need of some time to re­duce the neighbour Countries into such a condition that they may not indanger his. Physitians are carefull for the restoring of their Patient to perfect health, that neither the ayr, nor any thing about him, may be offensive to him, and a Prudent Minister is no lesse obliged to be carefull; not onely that his neighbours may not injure him, but that they may be serviceable to him. He must keep a strict intelli­gence with his Allies, not injuring them, but assisting them in all occasions, as the Romans did, who sent their Embassadours from Town to Town, to make a friendship with them, and to divert them from the Carthaginians. He ought to indeavour the breaking off all Leagues between forraign Princes, whose strength by their uni­ting might become suspected, whence it follows, that he ought not to be over-hasty in extinguishing any Wars between them; nay some he is bound to foment, as Lewis the Eleventh did, to divert those storms, which else would have fallen upon France. These are the chief means which can contribute to the establishment of a State; but who seeth not that amongst a thousand different causes, it is impossible totally to effect it, unlesse after a long time, and with extream care and diligence.

The Marshal de Marillac is send by the King to Monsieur.

THey of the Queen Mothers faction, would by no means let slip Monsieur's re­treat, without making advantage of it. They despaired of ever overcoming his Ma­jesty, considering how great an esteem be professed to have of the Cardinals ser­vices; They very well knew, that the Queen Mother could not countenance any one against him, so powerfully, as Monsieur, whereupon they did their utmost, to breed a good understanding between them; and when his Majesty had sent divers to Monsieur, they did at last work the Queen Mother, to procure Marillac to be sent to him, a person whom they knew to be fit for their design. The Cardinal gave him his instructions, as to what he should say from his Majesty, which tended to re­member him, how really his Majesty did affect him heretofore; to assure him, he was not at all altered at that present; That his Majesty did not complain of him for his departure, but of his Servants, who had perswaded him to it, and that he was so much the more obliged to return with speed, because all Europe would blame him, in case the Emperor and Spaniard should make any great progresse in Italy, whilst his Majesty stayed at Paris in Expectation onely of his comming thither. The Cardinal also considering, how lately he had obliged Marillac, by procuring the Marshals staffe for him, could not suspect any double dealing from him, whereupon he very earnestly recommended this one thing more to him, that he would testifie to Monsieur how desirous he was to serve him, and to assure him, that next to the preservation of his Masters favour, he had not any greater ambition, the of being known for his most humble and faithful Servant. But he instead of performing any tittle of this second Commission, no lesse important for the good of France, then the former, only discoursed to him, of the great power this Grand Minister had in the Kingdome; concerning the many strong places in his Government; of the great Expences he made, and those vast benefits which the King bestowed on him; he well knew this to be the only way, to provoke him unto Jealousie, and to encrease those disgusts which he had already conceived against him, which were still fomented by those who were about him. Indeed he did not quite forget to tell him, that the Cardinal recommended his very humble service to him; but Monsieur asking whe­ther he would passe his word for performance of it, replied No; by which and the like answers he raised so great a distrust against him, that it was impossible to per­swade him to return to his Majesty, until the Cardinal had passed the Alpes.

Politique Observation.

PRudence and Fidelity are two of the most necessary qualities in a person, im­ployed in Negotiation of Affairs; The former to serve, the second to prevent all disservice to him who employeth. He who transacteth any affair without Pru­dence, is like a Workman without Art; well may he have his Tools, but he knows not how to use them, and just as a Workman marrs his subject matter, if he know not what form to give it, so doth an Imprudent Negociator, ruin both publique and private affairs, committed to his charge and care; for Prudence ought to be his guide, the Conduct of his thoughts and words, and the square by which he ruleth his Actions; without it there is not the least hope of a good successe. Now although this vertue be thus and thus necessary, yet fidelity is in some sort, much more; By fidelity I mean, a firm constancy, and an unalterable resolution to serve them who set him on work; Without this, all the Abilities and Prudencies in the world are not worth one Rush; For admit Prudence inlightneth his Soul, yet fidelity is that which guideth his desires; though Prudence tell him what are the fittest wayes to obtain the end of his Commission, yet it is fidelity which preserveth him from turning ei­ther to the right or left, after any particular advantages; and if Prudence preven­teth him from being cheated and deceived, yet still fidelity defendeth him from all by Interests. Fidelity teacheth all men, that a Negociator ought not to look upon [Page 312]what lyeth in his power, but upon what his faith obligeth him, which is, the inviola­ble preservation of his Interests who employeth him, and that with so sacred a re­spect, that no passion prevail upon him, to divert him from it.

Breach of Trust is a fault so much the more odious in a Negotiator, because pu­blique affairs are entrusted with his integrity. Now for the choise of such persons, most fit for this kind of employment, I am of opinion, that they who are of an in­different Temper, and of an approved honesty, are much more proper, then re­fined crafty men. The former are much more capable of a true affection; They will at least stick close to every tittle in their Instructions, and return a right and exact accompt of the State of affairs, where they are sent: Whereas the latter, are apt to refine every thing, and to imagine, that only to propose what they are com­manded, is too little. They are commonly addicted to ingage themselves in a thou­sand things, if they concur with their particular inclinations, or Interests, instead of adhering barely to that which is given them in charge.

Monsieur's Pension is augmented.

THE Cardinal was well informed of the many devices used by Monsieur's Crea­tures to divert him from that esteem which he ever had of his Services, neither was he defective in using his utmost care to give him all satisfaction and content, whereby he might oblige him to return; for he evidently foresaw, that strangers might raise advantages from these our intestine broyles, whereupon, although he could not serve him in making up his Match with the Princesse Marie; (a thing so passionately by him desired) in regard the Queen Mother opposed it with all her Interest, yet he procured his Majesty to encrease his Revenue, by granting him the Dutchyes of Valois and Chartres, and one hundred thousand Livres per annum aug­mentation out of the Exchequer, which was two thirds more then the Revenue of all the Princes of France that had ever yet been, and withal so wrought with his Majesty, that he promised him the Command of the Army of Champagne, and Government of the adjacent Provinces to Paris, in case the Queen Mother went into Italy, with his Majesty, as she gave out she would. The King made some diffi­culty of encreasing his Revenue, because he had so often found him capable of evil Counsels, which made him misdoubt lest he might employ them only in raising new Broyles in the Kingdome. But the Cardinal whose admirable soul foreseeth all remedies, proposed to his Majesty, which he very well approved, that whenever he should so do, his Rents and Revenews should be seized to his Majesties use. Mon­sieur was acquainted with these affairs, and withal told, he was now obliged to be sa­tisfied and contented in case he did only design to live within the limits of respect and obedience, seeing his Majesty had given him sufficient to live like a Prince, and to satisfie his smaller diversions. And he being by nature and of himself well enough inclined to live in obedience and order, accepted of it, and accordingly his accomo­dation being thus made, he promised, his Majesty, that he would very sodainly re­turn into France.

Politique Observation.
Concerning theRevenues for life only, the remainder being in the Crown. Appanages of the Princes of the Blond.

IT is very dangerous to allot any chief Provinces for Appanage to the Princes of the Blond. Their Birth renders them great enough, neither need they any additions of Honour, especially such which may serve them to make revolts, which commonly draw their ruine with them, if their Kings rule as they ought to do. If they demand them for security, they may be answered, that they ought to expect none, but from their own obedience, and their Kings bounty. Their weakness is [Page 313]the Kings strength, neither can they increase, but his must diminish. He who in­trusteth them with power, raiseth a dangerous enemy against himself. The Sun is but one, and all the Stars receive their light from him; yet upon condition that he may at his pleasure deprive them again of that splendour; just so is it with Princes, their greatnesse proceedeth from the King, and he may despoil them of all their ho­nour in a moment if once they recede from the due respect they owe unto him. The Riches which he bestoweth on them, are for the discharging of those expences which are proper for persons of their eminency, not for the upholding of Factions, and abetting of Revolts. What advantage did Charles of France take in Normandy, (given to him for Appanage) towards making a War against Lewis the Ele­venth his Brother? And the States assembled at the same time at Tours, did much admire his Majesty would so give it to him, but advised him to recall it, and grant him onely an Annual Revenue, some in Lands and some in Pension, in lieu of his Appanage. Who did ever bring into so many eminent dangers, as the Appanages of Berry and Bourgogne? Were not these two Provinces the retreats of all discon­tents? Were not the Courts of those two Dukes, the Forges where all the Thun­derbolts that were afterwards thrown about the Kingdom were formed and contri­ved? Were not there the springs of all dissentions, discontents, and civil wars? And were not they the persons who brought in the Kings of England, and Dukes of Bri­tain, onely to favour the designs of their Ambition?

The Cardinal is declared Generalissimo of the Kings Armies in Italy.

THe spirit of division which had till then kept Monsieur from the King, gave great hopes to the enemies of the State, to advance their designs in Italy. They doub­ted not of inflaming a civil War in France, which might so divert his Majesties Ar­mies, that he could not have the leisure to come up to them a second time. The Duke of Lorain offered Monsieur as many forces and money as he could desire, and the Duke of Savoy who never yet escaped a broil, sent twice to him to com­plain, that he being so much his servant, he should take any other country for his retreat, and to offer him his, with protestation of quitting the Soveraign authority to him; nay, that he would even forsake it, to make him absolute Master thereof, as also of himself and children to be disposed at his Will and Pleasure. These Of­fers were sufficient to have charmed any Soul, had he been at that time so distrust­full as after he was; but he rather chose to follow those just reasons which the King had proposed to him, and to submit himself to his pleasure. All that forraign facti­on was wonderfully surprised at the news of his accommodation; and the Cardinal who stayed his Army from advancing into Italy, onely in expectation of his return, perswaded his Majesty no longer to defer his resolution, that the Spaniards might not make any further progresse. The King desired to go in person, he being too couragious to entertain himself in a Chamber, whiles his Armies were in the field. But the Cardinal who foresaw that the unseasonableness of the time might indanger him, advised him to stay some time, and offered himself to undertake that imploy­ment. The King received this Proposition as an assured testimony of his fidelity, but such & so tender was his affection to him, that he could hardly be perswaded to part with him, he being as much grieved to consent to his departure from him, as he was heretofore joyed for his return, as was seen by all the Court at Rochel, Privas, and Fountainbleau. Yet at last his Majesty knowing how important the assisting of Mon­sieur de Mantua was, as also how much the glory of his Armies and Authority were concerned in it, could not intrust them with any but the Cardinal, who was not onely the chief Minister in his Counsels, but also the greatest Commander in his Kingdom. He knew in what reputation he was amongst strangers, & what Courage his presence infused into the Souldiery. Of his Prudence he was assured, having oftentimes seen his Enemies Plots discovered by him, & prevented before ever they were ready to be put [Page 314]in execution. His good conduct too he could not be ignorant of, he having by often experiment found it to be exact and excellent, and such as was to be preferred be­fore any other. In fine, he could not doubt of Victory, whilest his Army was in­couraged by so brave a Commander. These were the reasons which induced his Majesty to give him that command of Generalissimo. As soon as he had received his Commission he departed from Paris, being about the latter end of the year, which his Majesty intended to celebrate by as famous an Act as he began it. As great exploits beget emulation, so some there were who muttered that such an im­ployment should be conferred on a Cardinal, an Ecclesiastical person, but they be­trayed their own ignorance; who knew not that History affords us divers examples of several Cardinals, who at sundry times have commanded Armies. Spain in the time of King Alphonsus, made use of the grand Cardinal Albornoz, who followed him through the midst of the most bloudy Battels. Then Ferdinand and Isabella imployed the great Cardinal Ximenes, General of their Armies in Affrick. Italy hath had many Cardinals out of the families of the Colonni, the Vitilesci, the C [...] ­r [...]ffi, the Fregosi, who have shewed their valour in Armies, that we might know, that as the Romans with their long Robes, did heretofore Conquer the greatest part of the Universe, so that that habit was not inconsistent with Victories. Be­sides the ignorance of those Censurers could not bee excused, seeing they knew how that the ancient Laws of this Kingdom do oblige several of our Bishops to fol­low his Majesty in person to the Wars, as also that they are bound to it by the Te­nures of their Temporal Estates. It is to be seen in Hugon and the Chronicle of St. Dennis, in the year, 1209. that Philip Augustus being at War with the English, called upon all the Bishops to accompany, which they did accordingly; and after­wards that the Bishops of Orleans and Auxerre, seeing the King was not there, re­turned back again, they pretending themselves not obliged to it, unlesse when the King were there in person: The King seized upon their Temporal Estate, which they complaining of at Rome▪ could have no other redress, but that they ought to obey his Majesty, the Pope being unwilling to break the customes of the Kingdom, neither were they restored to the enjoyment of their goods, untill they had pay­ed their Fines for it. In the same manner, I have seen an Act of the Bishops of Aux­erre, dated in the year one thousand two hundred twenty and two; by which he confessed himself obliged to send to the War of the Albigeois, being unable to go thither in person, by reason of his infirmity; and another injunction made to the Bayliffs in the year thirteen hundred and four, commanding all Prelates and Eccle­siasticks who were bound to attend his Majesties service, that they should be ready to wait on his person. These examples may serve to demonstrate, that Prelates have heretofore been accustomed to serve our Kings, so that there cannot be any just ex­ceptions made against their following of his Majesty in Arms.

Politique Observation.

THe General of an Army being the second person of a Kingdom, had need be in­dued with all the qualities necessary to the King himself, but those which do most contribute to his glory, and the good successe of the Armies under his command, are Prudence, Courage and Reputation: Prudence is like the eye which beholds those things that are proper to be done, and what is fit to be commanded; Courage is that which executeth them, and Reputation is like the soul in couragious Battels, which gives motion to the Souldiers with so extraordinary a generosity, that it is easie to know, when they are commanded by a General in whom they have a con­fidence. Prudence is necessary for him to deliberate with judgment, what is sound and fit, and to command them to good purpose, which teacheth him to keep his Army in good order, which acquainteth him with the humour and disposition not onely of those Officers who command under him, but likewise of his Souldiers, that he may the more readily know how to command them upon his designs, which tea­cheth him the observation of military Laws, which helpeth him to foresee and prevent [Page 315]great dangers, which gives him means to judge of Treaties, and make advantages of them as occasion shall happen; which furnisheth him with resolution to prosecute his designs, with courage of mind to bear mis-fortunes and with moderation in good successe. These are some of those effects of that Prudence which is requisite in a Ge­neral. I could add a thousand other subjects in which it is needfull, but for the pre­sent, I shall onely say in general, terms that Prudence ought to be the rule by which he squareth all his actions. Thus did the Egyptians acknowledge it for an insepa­rable companion of command, whiles they represented it, by an eye placed over a Scepter. If a General have need of Prudence, surely Courage is no lesse necessary for him, that he may break through all obstacles which may happen for the assault­ing of his enemies with rigour; that he may adventure upon dangers without fear; that himself may be in the fights, and that in his own person he may lead up his for­ces to infuse the greater resolutions in them. It is not that he should rashly run in­to dangers, but to look them in the face, and to send others on without apprehension of fear. It is an errour in young men who think that a General cannot be coura­gious, unlesse he run madly into dangers; that were rather fury, and would pro­cure him the discredit of being rash, rather then the honour of being couragious. If he had an heart without judgement, to what purpose were it? He being the Soul of War, and others lives depending on his, he is bound to preserve himself for the preservation of others. Not that he ought to be absent when orders are to be gi­ven, or his Souldiers incouraged, but that he ought not to run headlong into the heat of the Battel, unlesse when he finds the Victory wavering, and that his example is requisite to renew the courage of his Souldiers, and to carry the day by some extra­ordinary attempt. In such occasions he may adventure himself, else not. His staffe of command being to force others on, and the Sword in the Souldiers hand to exe­cute his commands. Lastly, Reputation is requisite in a General, for without it, the Souldiers have not any confidence in him; whereas, when they once esteem him, it intitles him to a greater power over them then any other thing, when they shall have oftentimes seen him break through dangers, they will not flinch at any thing. The Sun his vigour maketh all things the more fruitfull; and it is most cer­tain that the reputation of a General is that which makes him more resplendant amongst his forces, and adds a great life to his commands. The Souldier moves but by halfs under a low spirited Commander, and is hardly perswaded to any ex­traordinary enterprises. He seems onely to have Arms for his own defence; but when his Commander is a person of reputation, it is far otherwise. I am of the same judgement with him, who said, Opinion hath so great an Empire, that it governs the whole world; at least it is so far true, for that virtue her self would have but small authority in commanding, without being beholding to her. Thus an ancient, and that wisely, held that the happinesse of successe, was the daughter of au­thority, and of the reputation of great men.

The End of the First Book.

THE HISTORY OF THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE Cardinal de Richelieu.
Second Part.

Anno 1630.

IF Antiquity hath made Afrique to passe for one of the most wonderfull Countries of the World; be­cause it every day produceth something, which is both new and Monstrous, I am most confident that this years History will enforce the judgments, of those who shall consider it to confesse, that Europe runs the same Parallel: and the extraordinary di­versity which is here met with, is ground enough for it, seeing every Sun brings to light, somewhat which is not common, and seems to give a new face to all State affairs. Bellona sets all parts on fire with the flames of War. Peace endeavoured which all it's might to extinguish it in Italy: Honour and disgrace breed strange effects; Ingratitude will cause us to behold such Monsters, that the Age to come will want faith to believe the qualities of them. Love and hatred, will a like strenuously act their parts; The Stars of Heaven in their malig­nities one against t'other, seem to conspire the ruin of Nations and Armies; In a word there is not any one thing which a man may call strang or unheard of, but I [Page 318]find acted to the life in this years compasse, not to say in Europe, but even in France it self.

If should seem that Heaven, which cannot justly be more admired at for any thing then that of its various twinking lights the Stars, is sometimes delighted to shew us an extraordinary diversity in Negotiations of States, and partly to afford those who govern, fit opportunities to testifie their Prudence to the World: The Divine wis­dom permits their Splendor to be somtime Eclipsed with thick clouds, which are soon after dissipated and blown over, to make their light appear the more glorious. Such is the condition both of Kingdoms and particular men, that they are both equally subject to the changes of Fortune. But as the wise and prudent Pilot saves and keeps his vessel, in the greatest and most violent storm, not losing his judgment, either at the flashes of lightning, or the claps of Thunder which cuts and rends the air on every side. So likewise a great Minister cannot be moved at any shocks of Fortune, his courage never permitting her to Triumph in the least over his resolu­tion, or to Byas him from the Laws of Prudence, the rule of all his conduct, and this it is you will find our Cardinal to practise in all and every the transactions of this year.

The Promotion of the Arch-bishop of Lions, and Monsieur Bagny to the Cardinalship.

I Will begin with the Honours which the King procured his holiness to bestow, with, the Cardinals Hats on the Arch-bishop of Lions, and Monsieur Bagny the Popes Nuntio. The great Worth of the former at the least equalized that honour of the Cardinalship, and his sublime vertue, made it apparent to all the World, that to have left him in the solitudes of a Cloyster, had been a great injury and wrong to the whole Church. I shall not need say more of him, then that he was the Car­dinals Brother, seeing that qualification were sufficient to render him capable of so eminent a dignity. The King who slips not any occasion of acknowledging the services which he had done both to his Person and Estate, could not endure to see him have a Brother in the Church, and not advanced to the utmost degree of Ho­nour which the French are capable of: and the Pope had but too much assurance and knowledge of the great advantages he had procured to the Church; so that he could not do lesse then honour his Brother with a hat seeing it was not in his power to raise himself to any higher Eminency. Its true by the Laws of the Roman Court, it is not permitted that two Brothers be Cardinals at the same time: But as these Laws are not so considerable as those of gratitude and acknowledgment, so his Holi­ness did not so much as once scruple at it; And for that which concerns Monsieur de Bagny, besides the custome of ordinarily conferring the Cardinalship on such as have for some time resided neer his Majesty, in the quality of his Holiness Nuntio, which seems to give him some right or claim to the Hat; His own Worth, which rendered him deserving in the judgments of all the Grandees in the Kingdom, not only of the Cardinalship, but even of the Papal Miter, every one predicting that he would one day wear is, invied, nay enforced the King to contribute his utmost to obtain it for him; and not only that but the quality of his Genius caused every one to conclude, that he would one day be very considerable in the Court of Rome, when before he had arrived to that pitch of Honour, he could not but be very ad­vantageously useful to the Interests of France, which upon frequent occasions depend upon their well management in the Consistory.

Politique Observation.

ALthough the Cardinals are not regarded in France, but as Princes who are strangers. Yet this their promotion doth not render them lesse useful or im­portant to the State; they being more considerable, then other Princes of the same [Page 319]condition, by reason of the affairs which are daily negotiated with his Holiness the Pope, and indeed ought to be respected, as the principal conservators under the King, of the Liberties and Franchises of the French Church and State; they being his Majesties Chief Ministers in Ordinary, neer the Pope: and it hath been alwayes held necessary, that there were some one of this quality, either a French man by Nation, or at least very affectionate by Nature, to the Interests of France, who might cordially advance the designs and concerns of the French King and Church, with his Holiness the Pope. And from hence it came to passe, that if they were naughty French, little affectionate either to the State or his Majesties Person or infected with the Maximes of Spain, that great Inconveniences befell, as hath been heretofore seen; and for my particular I believe it to be safer for his Majesty, to permit France to be with out any, rather then such Cardinals. But we live not in an age, which hath any reason to complain of such an unhappiness, seeing France oweth the restaura­tion of its greatness and glory, to the Cardinal, as to the Prime and first of second Causes, which Act under the King; for to him chiefly belongs the Honour, in that he had so great an influence upon the Popes disposition, that he gave the Italians themselves a just occasion to say, that his Holiness was turned Cardinal.

The dispatch of the Marshal d' Etree to the Commonwealth of Venice, concerning the Affairs of the Duke of Mantua.

I Shall passe from the consideration of those reasons of State, which might be made, upon the aforesaid Lords Promotion to the Cardinalship, that I may tell you how about the end of the foregoing year; Fortune being become seldome fa­vourable to the house of Austria or their Arms, the Imperialists found themselves, so oppressed with diseases, and incumbred with sicknesses and necessities, that they were enforced to raise the siege of Mantua. But it was as if they had only with­drawn themselves into their Winter quarters. The Duke of Mantua was vigilant for the preservation of his State, and well knew the ambitious humor of Spain, which had sought all occasions for fifty years past, to render themselves Masters of Italy, and would not now bee wanting to reassume their former design, in causing new Troops to come from Germany, and in giving better Orders and Instructions, then heretofore, that they might give new life to their intentions and designs. This moved him to make addresses to the King, that he would be pleased to interpose his Authority with the Venetians, to induce them to raise an Army, and make them­selves Masters of the field, which would discourage the Imperialists, to return or make any more approaches towards Mantua: This request of his was granted, and the Marshal d' Estree, dispatched towards Venice about the beginning of January, to treat there, concerning those succours, with order to retirs himself into Man­tua, after the conclusion of his Embassie, according as the Cardinal had perswaded the King to be most proper, before he had began his Journy thither. And thus, it being business of no small importance for the Venetians to hinder the Spaniard from seating himself so neer them as Mantua. (His Dominion, being like the Eagles Feathers, which frets and eateth away those which are next and neerest unto it,) they readily imbraced the protection of the said Duke of Mantua, and chose the Duke of Candal for their General, and gave him after many importunities continually suggested by the Marshal d' Estree, about twelve thousand foot, and three thousand Horse, to which were joyned the Regiments of Candale and Valette, which were about three thousand men a piece sent by the King.

Politique Observation.

IT is very necessary to know the designs of an Enemy, before he be in a condition to put them in Execution, and this foresight is so much the more commendable, by how much it is profitable and commodious to the good of a Commonwealth. [Page 320]That Prince is much to be blamed, who begins to make preparations of defence, when he sees an Armed Enemy at his Gates, and he is oftentimes well beaten for his negligence.

The preparations of War, which a Prince maketh in expectation of being assaul­ted or set upon, are a certain Index of his courage, and a sure testimony of his reso­lution, which allayes and cheques, the heat and fury of an Enemy, who may from thence gather, that he disposeth himself in good earnest to entertain the War, and that one thing is sometimes capable of frighting them from making any incursions or invasions into a Country. It is very dangerous to despise an Enemy after a victo­ry, and as great a fault to slight him before a fight. Fear is still attended with shame and confusion, when it faintly withdraws from the Battle; But that which produceth no other effect in the Soul of a Prince, then the resolution of preparation for the War when he finds himself threatned with an Invation, cannot but be allowable, honourable and commendable. On the otherside, the little esteem which a man hath of his Enemies, gives them a notable advantage, seeing it causeth a neglect of the keeping Forces in a condition of repelling Enemies, and gives them oportunities of time and place to advance, to fortifie and to put all their designs in Execution; so that it will be at last full as difficult to compel them to retire, as at first it had been easie to have stop't and impeded their entrance or approches. And this Maxime I learn from Caesar, who instead of neglecting or slighting his Enemies, made his Souldiers alwayes believe that their Enemies were very strong, that every one might dispose himself to fight, either by redoubling his courage, or resolving to preserve himself in that Station and Orders, which his Officers should allot and assign unto him.

The Kings departure towards Italy.

THis very consideration drew the Cardinal to advance, with all diligence to Lion, where he soon found what he before suspected; The Duke of Savoys being Guil­ty of Infidelity, and that he sought for pretences and excuses, that he might not keep his promise with the King, to which he was obliged by the Treaty at Suze: which was, That he should keep open the Passages of Savoy and Piedmont, and furnish the Markets with victuals for the Souldiers in consideration of such wheat and mony, as had been accorded between them, and whereof a good part had been delivered into his Custodie. Of all which the King was advised, whose courage was so sensibly toucht at it, that he presently resolved to set forward in his own person, so that nei­ther the length of the journey, the extremity of the Ice or Snow, nor the most violent storms of the Winter, were able to divert him from it.

Politique Observation.

A Generous Prince, cannot bear indignities without resenting of them, his courage is a fire which tormenteth him with continual impatiences, until he hath punish't the Authors which such usage, as they deserve: he is not at all allayed with the injuries he hath suffered, but thence takes fresh courage to assault them the more furiously; He well knoweth that a firm a strong resolution, is the best Counsel which can be taken in such affairs, not to be astonished, at any thing whatever and to keep ones self immovable to his Principles of rendring himself known to his Ene­mies by the strength of his Arms, and how they do but wro [...]g themselves in attemp­ting any thing contrary to the respect, and the fidelity, which is due unto him.

The Prosecution of the Subject.

AFter the King had been once assured of the resolution taken by the Spaniards for a second siege of Cazal, that they might recover the Honour and glory which they had lost before it the last year; He was not ignorant that the Marques [Page 321]of Spinola's being in Milan, with so puissant an Army was to no other purpose, then to attend, till the first fair season of the new Spring, might give him an occasion of commencing the siege with lesse disaster and trouble. And as he was not igno­rant, how necessary his own presence was with this Armies, who knew not what it was to be vanquished and to loose that Honour, which they had once acquired, so his Majesty, to whom nothing appears difficult when a Battail is once in Question, ingageth himself in this expedition, that by his presence, he might animate his Troops and gain as much glory in the head of his Army, as the Princes of Austria do shame, and reproach by being in their pleasures and recreations, whiles their Souldiers run the hazards of a Battail, or suffer the toilsome incommodities of a siedg.

Politique Observation.

IT is most true, the presence of a King worketh strange effects, in their Armies; there is a certain vivacity and gallantry of courage, which flows from their Maje­sty, which doth so strongly animate their Souldiers resolutions, that nothing is able to resist them. The most generous are troubled in their feats, if they have not the eyes of a Prince for witnesses of their actions, from whence they either hope for a glory or a reward: And the most cowardly, at the sight of them, are touch't to the very Soul with such a strong influence and resentment, that there is not any danger how great soever able to infuse the least fear into them, and they only apprehend a de­fect of occasions to signalize themselves, before such extraordinary testimonies of a great valour. The late King Heury the Great, shewed the World in six several encounters, how much valour his presence instilled into his Souldiers, when with a handful of men he carried away the victory from the most puissant Armies of the Enemies of his Crown, most especially in the Battails of Arques and Fontain-Fran­coise, where he gave a sure testimony, that his only person was capable of vanquish­ing, though seconded with never so small a Troop. It would be an offence to the generous Courage of the present King, to imagine he hath lesse valour, then him from whom he received his Crown; after he hath testified in many occasions that he doth much surpass him: and therefore there is nothing else to be expected, but his sodaine departure, which presently followed, and he appeared in the head of his Troops soon after the first news & advise, that the Duke of Savoy made it a difficulty to open the Passages for his Army.

The Queen Mothers journy to his Majesty.

THE Queen Mother was strongly bent not to leave the King in any of his jour­nies or expeditions, not only that she might have a hand in the disposing of affairs and to divert (if by any means she could) his Majesty from assisting the Duke of Mantua, whom she did not thwart out of any hatred, but that she might pick an occasion of ruining the Cardinal in his Majesties good opinion; Neither could the consideration of the extream Illness of the season, or the difficulty of the Passages any whit divert her, but from Paris shee soon followed him, by the perswasions of the Chancellor Marillac, who after he had made himself Master of her will and mind would as willingly have rendered himself Dominus factotum in his room, who had placed him, so near her Majesty.

Politique Observation.

ANger is a Passion, which forceth a man to undertake any thing, nay all things. It is a Torrent which bears down, whatsoever doth resist it, and its Rhetori­que is so perswasive, that there is no difficulty whatever, which it will not break through and make appear feaseable, to those who will but lend an ear to its Rea­sons, so there be but any time fix't, in which it may arrive to take that revenge [Page 322]which it proposeth it self. Anger is most Industrious and Vigilant upon every oportunity of offending those whom it ayms at, and there is not any thing which it will not patiently endure, so that it may arrive to the end of its designs. Anger too, as it hath no fellowship with Prudence, but a great friendship with boldness, (which makes it hope and attempt the levelling of Mountains) so it doth frequently tumble those whom it possesseth into those pits, and snares which they had provided for others. Anger, hath alwayes its eyes and thoughts fix't upon the end of its designs, not once considering the difficulties, dangers or wickednesses, which accompany the means of obtaining its desires. And it is apparently seen, that the minds of those who are once transported with this Passion, reflect on nothing but how they may quench that fire with which they burn, concluding there is no other water to extin­guish it, then the ruin and downfal of those whom they hate and maligne, little imagining that a Remedie of this quality will consume them in a worse heat, and render their disease the more tormenting.

In fine, it is most of all dangerous in great Personages, because the designs into which it transports their courages, are not alwayes conformable to the good of the State; And by reason they have more power to execute their revenges: which in­duced an Antient Writer to say, they ought to have so much the lesse of this passi­on, by how much they have more power. This Anger, being but a simple poor fault in private persons, is like a Thunderbolt in the hands of great men, which over­throws every thing, without any the least consideration or thought that they are subject to other Laws then those of their own violent humours. Stars that are highest, move slowest. And Grandees ought so much to moderate their emotions and ebullitions of choller, by how much their qualities and conditions are more emi­nent then those of others.

The Duke of Savoy would not perform the Treaty agreed on with the King.

THE Prosecution of this History compels me to look back on the Cardinals expedition, of which we have already said, that it was about the end of the fore­going year. As soon as he was arrived at Lions, he would not lose any longer time, but after he had writ to the King, that it was not expedient for his Majesty to venture himself, considering the extreme ill season of the year, he presently dis­patched the Sieur de Servient, Superintendent of Justice in his Majesties Army, to­wards the Duke of Savoy, to inform him that he was come with forty thousand men, with design to assist the Duke of Mantua, and to defend him from the Spanish oppression. His Highness was obliged by the Treaty of Suze, to joyne his forces with those of the King for the preservation of that Prince, and of the Liberty of Italy; and but a very little before he had renewed those his promises to the King by the President of Montfalcon, who had assured his Majesty in his behalf, that he would advance ten thousand men, and keep his Marts well provided with necessaries for the Souldiers; and all this that he might be as good as his promise. The time was now come, in which he must declare himself, and reduce his words into Acti­ons. The Cardinal commanded Monsieur de Servient to presse him to it in the King's behalf; The answer which the Duke of Savoy should have made, if he had pro­ceeded with that faith and truth, which ought to go hand in hand with the Promises of all confederate Princes had been this, that he would not go one tittle lesse then his word; but instead of that fair and clear dealing, his first answer was, that he did totally disown the President of Montfalcon, without the least shew of a readiness to execute his promises, which gave evident causes of suspition, that he held Intelligence with the Spaniard, and of which there had been former notice and advise given from other hands.

Politique Observation.

THe words of Princes ought to be as inviolate as the Sanctuary. Whatever con­sequence they apprehend in their affairs, is not a sufficient ground for their dou­ble dealing; but they ought to blame their own fore-sight. It is as dishonourable for them to say, I did not think it, as it is glorious and noble for them to keep their words. That Prince cannot be thought faithfull, who will break his promise upon what occasion soever it be, which whosoever doth, deceiveth and cheateth himself; for that the truth and faith of Grandees, gives then as much power and credit, as their Swords. It is esteemed by the most wise, to be a good Store-house or Armo­ry, when a King can assure himself of the assistance of all other Princes, which he may safely do, so long as they are reputed faithfull. But when any Prince becomes faithlesse, it is lawfull for every one to break with him, who first breaks himself. He who hath been once treacherous, is for ever looked on as a Coward, the onely going back from his word, being an assured sign that his fear of others is that which makes him abandon his own Allies. A couragious Prince will keep touch with his very enemies, and it is neither fear nor necessity that can divert his gallant resolu­tions, whilest it is his maxime, that if Prosperity obligeth him to this high point of vertue. Adversity doth it in a more particular manner. The Gallantry and Valour of Attilius Regulus, was much esteemed of by all the Ancients, who returned wil­lingly to the tortures of his enemies, rather then he would break his Parole once past unto them.

But the Duke of Savoy is not so well Principled, and being in league with the Spaniard, thought perhaps he would as little regard his word as they do, it being grown a Proverb amongst them, that the Wind drives Words and Feathers, yet in it he will find himself much mistaken, and that to his own very great disadvantage, as well as in his many other tricks, artifices, and designs of amusing and deceiving the Cardinal.

Proposals made by the Duke of Savoy, to the Cardinal Richelieu.

FIrst of all it was proposed to the Sieur de Servient, that a conference might be had, if it were thought fit, with the Prince of Piedmont, upon the Bridge of Beauvoisin, there to determine what should be done; designing that this interview should entertain them with specious hopes, and so prevent their absolute breach with him, and seizure on the Passages by force of Arms. The Cardinal very well knew there was nothing to be thought on, but to be done; that was, to open the Passages, and furnish the Markets, as it had been resolved on; so that after a full debate with himself, what honour he was bound to render to this Prince, being the Kings Brother-in-law, he concluded, that in going to confer with him, who had falsified his word, and intended nothing but to surprize him, he should do an act quite contrary to the Kings Majesties Grandeur, who had done him the honour to make him Lievtenant of his Army, so that he absolutely declined this meeting; as well knowing, that the Duke of Savoy's design in it, was to amuse and delay the Army in their march; and by this means to disperse and bring them by little and little to nothing; so the Cardinal advanced to Embrun, not being willing to come near Suze, lest in case the Army should want rest, they should there meet with ma­ny inconveniences, and eat out all their store of Provisions.

Politique Observation.

IT cannot be denied but that it is a basenesse in a General to go meet him who hath broke his word, and who designs in his interview, nothing more then the losse of his Army. If he will needs go meet him, let it be with his sword in his hand, to chastise him for the injuries he hath done. I am of the same opinion with the [Page 324]Grand Cosmo de Medicis, who said, a man may forgive his enemies their faults; but its fit to punish the offences of such as call themselves our friends, and under that notion betray us. But if a King, or he who represents his person, do not de­sire satisfaction, or to revenge the injuries which are offered unto them; yet it would be ignominious to go meet and confer with a Prince, who aims at nothing but his own interest and advantage. This were to be defective both in the Rules of Prudence and Valour. Besides those conferences of face to face, between incensed Princes, do rather increase their hatred, then breed any hearty good will between them; and of this Plutarch hath well adjudged, upon that conference between Pompey and Lucullus. And Tacitus in his Annales, upon the meeting between Germanicus and Pison. It's true, the place design'd by the Duke of Savoy was pro­per enough, and such as hath been sometimes used between Princes and great Com­manders, who have chosen to meet upon Bridges, in the middest of which Rails and Barriers have been set up, to prevent any attempts of either party. And thus Lewis the Eleventh, met Edward King of England (as Philip de Commines hath it) upon the Bridge of Pequinis. But the same Historian doth much dis-approve of such meetings between Princes in the midst of their discontents, and esteemeth it more to the Purpose, that they should refer the accommodation of such mis-under­standings to their Officers and Ministers of State, who have not resented any offence done to their private and particular persons.

The Duke of Savoy's Artifices discovered by the Cardinal of Richelieu.

BY this refusal of the Cardinal, the Duke of Savoy concluded, that all his designs were discovered, and misdoubting that a just punishment would follow, he had another trick to take to, which was, he granted the Passages and Marts, but in such places as were accessible by none but Bears, and if those were not approved of, he promised others, but with this reserved resolution, that he would so long delay the furnishing the Army with Victuals and other necessaries, that in effect it should not passe at all. The Cardinal whose Soul fore-sees the Effects in their Causes, guessing he would flie to such tricks and shifts, gave advice of it to the King. His Majesties Orders soon came, which were to accept of no other ways then those usu­ally called the military, it being impossible to lodge the Troops in any of the other Passages, but most facile for his Majesties enemies, if they had but as much power as they had ill will both to impede their march, and indeed totally to ruine them. So the Cardinal utterly refused any other ways, the difference now was concerning the Markets, which the Duke indeavoured to retard with all his might and main, that the Imperialists and Spaniards might have time enough to fortifie themselves in their Passages and places of Mantua and Montferrat, and that he might force the Army to break up, either by mutiny or famine. The Duke gave out that the [...]e was no Corn in Savoy, though it was well known there had been great quantities brought thither from Bresse, Dauphine, and Bourgogne, and that which the King sent from Nice, had been likewise already received. He demanded a greater rate too for Provisions, then had been agreed on, which however the Cardinal sub­mitted to, that he might take away all occasions of excuses, and paid down the ad­vance money. Notwithstanding all this, there were fifteen days spun out, in which he had not provided one loaf for the whole Army, creating every day new difficul­ties; and in conclusion, would open no other Passage but that of Cand [...]n, which in Summer was good enough, but at that present so full of Boggs and Quagmires, that they could not be passed but with very great danger; so that all his whole proceeding for some time, was nothing but a continued imposture and cheat, that he might render his promises made to the King of opening the Passages, and provi­ding Victuals for the Souldiers ineffectual and to no purpose.

Politique Observation.

ITs usual amongst Princes who would deny any thing to their Allies, rather to pre­tend an Impossibility, or at least a most extraordinary difficulty, then point blank to refuse them, & it must be granted for a prudent put off, when such excuses are not contradictory to any promises formerly made, which if they be they rather serve to condemn them of injustice. If any great or notable losse insue, as the destructi­on of an Army, or the breaking a design, it renders them for enemies, and admi­nisters a good reason of commencing a War upon the Authors, without breaking any Treaty. He being reputed the first breaker of the Peace, who gives the first occa­sion by his unjust Combinations and Practises, not he who first takes up Arms. As Procope the Armenian Embassadour, suggested to Cosroes King of Persia, when he advised him to take up Arms against Justinian. Indeed he who would serve himself with such excuses, had need be well assured, that he is the stronger, for admitting him to be the weaker, the punishment of his falsenesse will be unavoidable, there being no one thing so difficult, as for a weak and low person to attempt and enter­prise the deceiving and crafty undermining of others who are more able, and want neither prudence or intelligence to discover and detect him, nor force and power to punish and chastise him.

Prepositions of Peace made by the Nuntio Pauzirolo on the Duke of Savoy's behalf to the Cardinal Richelieu.

ONe other device the Duke had, by which he verily imagined to surprise and allay the Vigilance & Prudence of the Cardinal, incausing his troops to advance together with the Artillery and Ammunition, which was to send him every day new Propositions of Peace, sometimes by the Nuntio Pauzirol [...], who had no power to conclude any thing; otherwhiles by Mazarini another Lord of his Court, but never consenting to the Kings demands, without which, he knew his Overtures would never be admitted. The King was positively desirous to have the Passages free and open for him to succour the Duke of Mantua, as often as need should require, and the Duke of Savoy as peremptorily denied it, alledging that the Em­perour never would consent that the Princes of Italy should undertake his Protecti­on with. and against the whole world, and that the Spaniard never would give way that he should entertain any French Troops in his service, which were however ve­ry needfull for the surety of his Estate, it being impossible for him to raise a suffici­ent party in his own Dukedom. The Cardinal long before had sounded the vanity of all these propositions, which did no way prevent his care of giving all necessa­ry Orders for the carrying on of the War, never would he stop his ears to any Proposals of Peace, but used his utmost indeavours to obtain such conditions, as without them, the King neither would or could with his honour quit his Arms. And indeed had a Peace been concluded without such terms, it had been but of a short continuance, for that it had onely given opportunity of time to the Spa­niard, and the Duke of Savoy to fortifie the Passages, and render themselves Ma­sters of the Dukedom of Mantua with the greater ease, a design which France could not brook, though the hindrance and prevention of it was at that time most difficult to bring to passe.

Politique Observation.

MOst certain it is, that by how much a War maketh a State to be lamented, by so much Peace is to be wished for and imbraced. Peace is the most sweet bond of humane society, the delight of nature, the nurse of good Laws, of Order, and Policy, it peopleth Desarts, and maketh the Land fruitfull, every one finds it [Page 326]the more agreeable by its being accompanied with safety and aboundance. On the other side, War is a fatal source of mis-fortunes, the desolation of Countries, the demolition of Cities, the destruction of Nations, and the cause of all sorts of miseries.

There are, I must confesse, two Occurrences, in which War is better then Peace. The first, when that Peace cannot long last, for who can imagine that a man would take any great care to obtain that which he doth verily conclude will be as soon lost. Such was Archidanus his advice, when he disswaded the Lacedemonians from ma­king a Peace with those of Th [...]bes. in Isocrates opinion, wise Princes make a War for the procuring of more certain and established Peace to their estates and Coun­tries, and they indure without regret the troubles of a War, that they may the lon­ger enjoy the Tranquilities of a Peace; and most certain it is, that the Arms which are in the hands of a wise Prince do much contribute to ferment and fix it Besides the most wise men have ever preferred War before Peace, on all such occasions, where no accommodation could be made, but to the prejudice of the Kings honour or estate. Peace is not to be wished for but upon honourable conditions, not onely because the Glory of a Prince is to be preferred before all things; but because without this he hath but a slender assurance of any thing; it being apparent, that whosoever doth patch up a Peace with any confusion or disorder, will quickly be the first that shall break it to recover his lost honour and reputation. As you may find in T. Li­vius, the Carthaginians did after the ratification of the Treaty, upon the first War with the Romans.

The Revictualling of Cazal.

AFter all this jugling, the Cardinal was forced to break with the Duke of Sa­voy, but his Courage was still governed by his Prudence; though he did not beleeve that the Kings enemies would accept of those very conditions of Peace which themselves proposed. Now the reason why he would not so soon break off the Treaty, was, because he would cast the blame on them and their party, and that the Kings Army might appear with more Justice on its side, who had prose­cuted their desires or Peace, so long as they might with their Honours endeavour the obtaining of it; moreover, that by this means he might pierce into their de­signs, as also to revictual Cazal, which he could not have done, should he have fallen out with the Duke, as soon as there was an occasion offered for it. For though the Duke had not force enough to carry away the Victory from the Kings Army, he had however sufficient to hinder the transport of any releef to Cazal (without which, the Souldiers there could never have endured the Siege, and for which Spinola had began his preparations) and to skirmish with them in Piedmont, and there to hold him play untill his enemies had began the Siege, and fortified themselves in their Trenches, which would be in a short time impregnable. As soon as Cazal was thus victualled, and that he was not able to procure an honourable Peace, his Zeal and Courage for his Majesty, was not then longer able to break the insolencies of his enemies, which till then his Prudence and discretion caused him to passe by, and take no notice of at all.

Politique Observation.

IT is not alwaies fit to break off a Treaty of Peace, as soon as one dispairs of con­cluding it. But I think it very expedient, and a matter of great concernment to prolong it, as long as honourably one may, provided he get any advantage by it. And as Salust in his Oration of Philippus against Lepidus, hath well observed, a man ought principally to have a care that in Treaties he do not testifie his desires of Peace, with too great an Ardour or Affection, because that were an assured sign of fear and weaknesse, the knowledge of which gives a considerable advantage to ones enemies. Though in a Treaty of a Peace, a Prince reap no other benefit then [Page 327]this one; to wit, the sending abroad with more liberty, his intelligences into his ene­mies Quarters, under pretence of Conferences, there to find out his enemies designs, yet the advantage were not despicable. In this Overture, the Cardinal was not be­hind hand with them in any of these particulars, for there passed not any day, in which he did not send to visit the Duke of Savoy, by persons both of great quality and judgement; well knowing, that men so qualified are capable in their negoti­ations; not onely of knowing the State of Affairs, but also to penetrate into the very secrets of their enemies Counsels. And so Plutarch hath well observed, that Hannibal was not to seek of this Prudent course in the Wars which he had with Scipio.

Divers Conferences between the Prince of Piedmont and Cardinal Richelieu.

I May not passe by the many conferences which the Cardinal had with the Prince of Piedmont, in which the Prince could say little in his own defence, for that the Duke of Savoy had promised the opening of the Passages, and furnishing the Marts with necessary Provisions. At last all occasions of discontent were removed, and the Cardinal did no longer refuse to see him. I am the willinger to be a little par­ticular in this affair, that the model of it may serve for Princes to guide themselves by, in interviews of this kind. The main ends of the Prince of Piedmont drift were to sift out the Cardinals designs in his discourses, and to sink into his thoughts, if he could find any manner of hopes, that the Cardinal would relinquish and wave the general Peace, with this belief, that Peradventure those many inconveniences, which the Army had smarted for in their first Quarters, might have somewhat abated, and it might be altered, the Cardinals last resolutions: But the Cardinal who well understood, both by his own discretion and experience, the ends of such meetings and discourses, especially when such persons are concern'd in them, who in former procedures, have evidenced their intentions of lying on the Catch, so managed himself, and kept himself in so retired a garb, that the Prince of Pied­mont could not pick the least advantage out of him. At first nothing of business was named, only Complements and Civilities. The Cardinal made his Excuses, that he should not first propose any thing, being obliged to pay that Honour to the Prince of Piedmont; that he might thereby learn what it was they would be at: And the Prince fearing to discover himself, would have slip't his Neck out of the Collar, and left all to the Cardinals Proposals. The time was best spent in discoursing of the general Peace, after both Parties had made their proposals.

However the Cardinal stuck close to those Articles, which he had proposed on the Kings behalf, with this provisionary promise, that if they were ratified, then the Duke of Savoy, should expect satisfaction from his Majesty to whatever he should desire; more then this he would by no means discover telling, the Prince of Pied­mont very plainly, that for his part, as he was not at all curious to prie into their designs; so he could not think it strange, that he did not discourse to him his Maje­sties intentions and resolutions.

Politique Observation.

STayedness and discretion in Grandees, who are imployed in treaties of this Na­ture, is a matter of very great concernment for even by this means, those who are but meanly vers'd in affairs, do discover the others most secret thoughts, and con­sequentially, are prepared to oppose them and lay rubbs in their way when occasion and time serves. By this means they do as it were besiege and Block up a man by their divers prepared Questions and Artifices, so that if then he be not altogether silent (which will make him passe for an impertinen [...] man, and render him suspected) it will be impossible for him to tell what he would have himself. There are but few [Page 328]men who indeed can discuss an affair of State in so reserved a disguisement for any long continuance, but by some means or other they will be discovered, for often­times the Behaviour and Gesture, speak a man as well as words; so that it is necessary for a States-man to arme himself from head to foot, before he attempt any such Treaties; to be well instructed, advised and prepared not only to keep his thoughts lock't up in his own breast, but also to make such propositions as may not in truth be any whit a kin to his thoughts, but such as all else would conceive to be the main things he drives at: and thus he ought to be complemental, with all kind of Civili­ties, with an open free discourse, ever referring his resolution upon such new propo­sals as are made to him unto some other time, and never giving his answer upon the sodaine, upon any occasion whatsoever: For this same prolonging of a Resolve, is a sure hold to every wise man in his negotiation, but it is very difficult, I may say im­possible for a man to prevent his being snapt and caught, if he shall presume to give an answer in that instant when the Question is first started: Those with whom a man treats have commonly cunning and craft enough, so to addresse themselves, that thereby they may discover that which they pretend, though they appear to be far enough from ever so much as speaking of it: indeed without this referring and delaying of a thing to another time, there is no way to shun the ruining and down­fall of a whole design. In brief, If a States-man would have his affairs to succeed according to his designs, it were requisite that he got the repute of being a Frank, open, generous person, and a speaker of truth, otherwise his words will not be belie­lieved, and are look't upon as no way tending to the design he hath, which is in effect to perswade his Enemies, that his Intention are quite contrary to his meaning: He ought also to be secret, not to speak one tittle of his designs. And lastly, he must make himself a Master in the Art of dissimulation, feigning to watch every thing and place, but that which really he doth, and by his discourse slyly indea­vouring to perswade his designs, to be any thing but what they are.

The Prosecution of this Subject.

A Man can hardly imagine how much the Cardinals Prudence, in these inter­viewes did hamper and perplex the Duke of Savoy, the Prince of Piedmont, Spinola, and all others who treated with him. The Valour of the French Nation, is that which hath made them so much redoubted, they having been otherwhiles taxed with want of discretion in their Treaties; but here they found to their confu­sion, that the Cardinal had as much Prudence as courage, when as all of them had tryed alwayes to discover somewhat of his intentions, by their practises to tire him quite out with prolongings and delayes; but he at length caused the Avant Gard to March from about Suze, and to draw near towards Ceseletta, they not guessing at his design in it, because he drew farther off from Cazal. The Cardinal pretended to do it principally, to ingage the Duke of Savoy to joyn his forces with the Kings, and therefore brought the Army to his Frontiers which was strong enough to have made him jealous of somewhat else; and certainly the Duke was somewhat more then ordinarily ingaged so to have done, for that the Cardinal presently sent him word, that the King had accorded him the vale of Sizery on the Bridge of Gresin, according to his own desires, and that he had also received his Majesties Expresse pleasure, who would not have any thing omitted which might render him well plea­sed and contented.

Politique Observation.

OUr Minds having more fire then Earth in them, have much a do to contain themselves in negotiations: They drive on with too much vigour to the con­clusion of an affair without considering, what way is the most honourable or advan­tageous to give an end to it Something they would willingly part with, that they might have a quick dispatch. Strangers who know our humours and dispositions, [Page 329]use to delay us, and leave us to champ upon the Bit as they say, in our heats and passions, and to weary us out by length of time, by which means they keep our very souls as 'twere in prison, amongst the intricacies of several proposals, giving us both subject and scope to fret and vex our selves; to increase our desires of getting quit and free from them: from whence it follows, that at the first Proposals they make us, be they never so little agreeable; it is with us as with Prisoners, whose design being only how to get forth, they throw themselves out at the Window if it be but open, indangering the breaking of their very Necks; and will not expect till the dore be unlockt, that they may walk out with more Honour and Security, which is a fault from whence nothing but great Inconveniences must needs flow. That lively sprightfulness which is in a man should never transport him in his business be­yond the Rules of Prudence, or raise up in him any passions contrary to the Laws of a discreet Conduct. He must be indued with an immoveable fidelity, that he may mock and laugh at their artifices, and with an invincible Patience, to sur­mount all their coldnesses, that he may make them despair of ever raising any ad­vantages by their delayes.

The Affairs of Italy.

AT length the Cardinal found by experience, that these fetches of the Prince of Piedmont, did end in nothing but the retarding the Army, which till then he had pass'd by, and put up, that it might be known to all Christendome, that the Spaniard and the Duke of Savoy were the hinderers of the Peaces conclusion, as al­so that he might revictual Cazal; but being now satisfied, that he could not longer endure it, but with much dishonour, and the losse of his Army, he resolved to give an end to this affair; to which effect he called for the Marshals of Crequy and Schom­berg, the Sieurs d' Auriac, de Thoiras, de Fenquires de Servient, and d' Esmery, and having made them a relation of all which had pass'd till that time, both concerning the General, and particular Peace, he desired their advices, what was proper to be done in that juncture of time. The Question being the keeping of Cazal from the Enemy, it was their joynt resolution that it was absolutely necessary to make sure of a Passage both for their inlet into Italy, and for their retreat back again, as occasion should serve. Withal, that to passe thither was not so difficult, they being strong enough to force their way, in despight of any opposition, but how to make sure of a way to convey recruits, of men, mony, victuals, and other necessaries, for the refresh­ing of the Army, and to assure themselves of a safe regresse, in case the Army should be worsted, this was the main debates. That to trust in any promises of the Duke of Savoy was absurd, after he had so often played fast and loose, and after he had falsi­fied his word, to their great damage already; The result of all at last came to this, that they were to make themselves Masters of the field, and neither to leave an Ene­my or a Place behind them, which should be able to annoy or offend them in the least; that truth and sincerity being like the soul, once out of the body, it never re­turns but by miracle, so there was no colour of reason to hope it might find any place in the Duke of Savoy's brest; that if they should have left his Army behind them, he might with ease stop up the Passages, against any recruits whatever, as he had already seised on the Bridges of Alpignan and Colligny, and on all the Keys upon the Doria; and that there was so much the more reason to defie him, because he did openly side with the Spaniards; That they were no longer to defer the de­claring of the War against him, for that the Army did already begin to be infected with sicknesses, and many Troups were forced to disband; as also that they had no reason to defer the punishing of the injuries and indignities offered to the King, in so often breaking his word, and causing the Army to suffer so many hardships and necessities, that he had thereby almost indangered the utter losse, and ruin of them all.

That the Laws of Prudence and Policy assure us, that a Prince may justly raise a War, if any injury which he hath received, make him take up Arms; or if any just [Page 330]fear of imminent danger threaten him or his Armies; he is obliged to provide against the worst, though he be not as yet openly assaulted. Now all these reasons were so strong on their parts, that they could admit of no reply. It was then unanimously concluded on, to assault the Duke of Savoy; Every thing was disposed and prepared towards the War. However that all the blame and fault might light on the Duke of Savoy, the Cardinal sent both once and again to him, to summon him to joyne his Army with the Kings, and to keep those promises which he had made to the King at Suze, intending by this to take away all just occasions of complaint from his Per­son, Cause and Army.

Politique Observation.

HOw Eminent or great soever the discretion and Judgment of a Commander is, yet he ought to take advice and Counsel in such occasions. And this can­not be any prejudice to the reputation of his Judgment, for that Solomon the Wisest King of the whole World saith, that stability resteth upon Counsel; as if he would have said, that no resolution carries more certainty with it, then that which is groun­ded upon the advice and direction of other mens Judgments & opinions. The Excesse of Courage doth sometimes blind the souls of such as are full of Honour and Gal­lantries, and there are not more Victories obtained by Armies, then by good di­rections and advises. It is to be doubted, that those resolutions which are not well anvil'd and canvassed by deliberation, will be thwarted by some mis-fortune in their Execution, when as a sound discussing of them, many times secures them from any attempt that Fortune can make upon them. It sufficeth not to have taken good advice in the beginning, because commonly none is so bad as that which never changeth: So that a man cannot be too long in deliberating the doing of a thing, which he would fain bring to passe, provided he do not let slip the opportunity of putting it in Execution.

The Motives which invited the Duke of Savoy, to cast himself into the Emperor and Spaniards party.

BEfore I proceed any farther, I am obliged to appeal unto all men, even those who have the least sparks of Justice is them, to condemn that envious Quill which makes open profession, and endeavours with Calumnie to sully, if it were possible, the Glory and Splendor of the Cardinal, whilst truth doth not furnish him with any one subject of that nature to work upon. It is said by him; the Calumniator I mean, that the Duke of Savoy had never with drawn himself from the Kings Inte­rests, had not the Cardinal (being mis-informed of his Person and proceedings) de­spised, and in effect forced him to cast himself upon the Spanish party, much contra­ry to his own will and inclination. But what? Was the continual and daily sending to him Persons of the best ranck and quality of the Army, with all imaginable proffers of Peace, a despising of him? Were those many Conferences with the Prince of Piedmont, and those extraordinary Civilities done to him, which would have wrought upon the most savage disposition, a despising of him? Was the Passing by of a thousand tricks and delayes for a whole Months time, in which the whole Army had like to have been ruined by him, and yet not to fall out with him, a de­spising of him? Was the sending of the Siour de Servient, the very day before the absolute breach, to desire him with all earnestness not to ingage his Majesties Arms in this extremity, only for having once refused to see him, a despising of him▪ Was the delivery of so great a quantity of wheat at Nice, and the Permission of carrying as much as he pleased out of Bresse, Burgogn and Dauphine: a despising or deceiving him? Was the having pay'd before hand for the wheat and provisions, a despising and deceiving him? Was the having pass'd his promise to him, for the ac­cording to him the Valley of Tizery, and the Bridge of Gresin a despising and dis­esteeming [Page 331]of him? Was the proffering to him, of what Souldiers he pleased, to go for Genoa, and to make good his pretensions there a despising him? Was the defer­ring to enter upon his Territories for 3 Weeks, or more, though he had given just cause for it as soon as ever the Cardinal came to Lions, a despising or deceiving him? There need no more then barely to open ones eyes, and a man shall soon be­hold the falseness of this Calumnie, which this unworthy Pen sets down, under the vail of his usual disguisements, but without the least truth or proof at all.

Politique Observation.

MAlice is like a Serpent, which turns the fairest Flowers into the ugliest Poysons, and verifies the truth of that antient saying; Honor is the Mother of Calumnie. There are no actions how just and honourable soever, which it will not attempt to bespatter with some base unworthy mis-representation. No Innocence can be se­cure from it's Violences; It cannot more aptly be compared, then to those looking glasses which never represent the true Ideas of the face: It maketh molehils appear mountains; It fretteth and vexeth at vertue it self, and will raise its Batteries to de­molish it, and though it come to be convinced of their Innocencie whom it persecu­teth, yet it thinketh willfulnesse and obstinacy in its wickednesse, to be more ho­norable then vertuous repentance. The Phylosophers have given a good Character of it, when they liken it to a black and thick cloud, which hinders and obscures the light and exercises of Reason. Hence it comes to passe, that as all Bodies represent themselves to our sight for others, and quite contrary peradventure to what they are, if look't upon through clouds and in disorders, so the most commendable and worthiest Actions will appear and passe for low and unmanly, if considered through the Perspectives of Malice and hatred, and revera it makes lyes and Impostures passe for Realities and Currant truths. High and generous Souls are unconcerned at the backbitings of Envie, and do not cease to continue vertuous, notwithstanding all her detractions. They know, that not only Malice but Envy too hath alwayes endea­voured to defame the greatest Personages, and ablest Ministers of State, and that good men cannot believe any of their false Commentaries, without doing an injury to themselves, that this Monster is easilest overcome by scorn; And that the Inte­grity of their undertaking is their Bulwark, and like the Sun dissipateth and dispelleth all those clouds and storms which would obfuscate and diminish their Splendour, and in fine maketh them Triumph and Glory over the Malice of their Enemies.

Prosecution of the History.

AFter this resolution, the Cardinal appointed a place where there were two Fords, which he had given notice of about the 17 or 18 of March, for a Ren­dezvous to the whole Army, where he might draw into Batalia a good part of the Army, and likewise gave order for the planting of six pieces of Cannon in two Bat­teries, in places very proper for it upon the Rivers side, by which means, the Forces of Savoy which had seized the passes, were compelled to retire, whilst the Horse march't over the Fort in Squadrons, and took the field, giving the foot Liberty of marching over in file, upon Boats prepared for that purpose. And thus he made it apparent by this Excellent disposure and order, that his Conduct was as much to be esteemed in Execution as in Counsel.

Politique Observation.

THE Passing of an Army over a River, is a Theater where the Conduct of a Ge­neral is more taken notice of then upon any other occasion, because a whole Army not being able to march a brest, but only file by file, and by little and little, it is no difficult matter for their Enemies to cut them off as fast as they come on, un­lesse good order be taken to prevent it. So Timoleon defied the Carthaginans in [Page 332] Sicilie, upon passing the River Crimesus. The most proper order that can be in such occasions is, first to choose the Fords, so that the Horse may march over by Squa­dron, to make way for the foot, which cannot passe, but upon Boats, and that in small numbers, that thereby they may rallie and bring themselves into Order, whilst they stand the first shock of their enemies. A Squadron of choise Horse is most proper to bear the first brunt upon such occasions, it being a hard matter to break or disorder men, who are stout and lusty, well ranked and lockt as it were one within t'other. Indeed nothing can so much conduce to the passing of an Army over a Ford or River, as a good Battery of Cannon, which forceth the Enemy to retire from their violence and fury, and giveth them leave and issure to passe with more ease, and to put themselves in Batalia before they come to any fight at all.

The Siege of Pignerol.

THere could not any thing be thought on, which could mend the care and or­der of the Cardinal in his affair; The Army indeed had not the Honour to encounter the Duke of Savoy's Forces, they being re [...]ired with him to Thurin, and not daring to attend the first charge of the French Valour, which nothing is able to withstand; so the Army passed the [...]oria, without any trouble, and quartered at Rivol, where the Duke of Savoy hath a house of Pleasure, which the Cardinal preserved with a great deal of care and respect, and the Country people were treated with much kindness, and the Army contented to be served with such provisions as were brought from Suze. Then began the Duke to declare himself openly, and did many Acts of Hostility; amongst the rest, he seized upon all the French in his Territories, not so much as excepting the Merchants and Religious Orders. An Act very strange, against both the Laws of Traffique and Piety. The Cardinal he did the same▪ seeing it was no time to hope for any thing by fair means. The Glory of his Majesty, the Honour of France▪ and his own reputation, ingaged him to pursue his resolutions with his Arms, of reducing the Duke to Reason. It was then con­cluded on in a secret Counsel between himself and the Marshals of France, that the Army should sit down before Pignerol, and make themselves Masters of it. Strata­gems do many times entitle men to great advantages; So that the Cardinal with more ease to take in Pignerol upon a surprise, made as if he would march directly to beleaguer Thurin if self: Accordingly the Cannon and Army began to bend to­wards it, which the Duke of Savoy perceiving, presently dispatched orders to with­draw those Forces from Pignerol, which he had that morning clapt in there. The Marshal of Crequy advanced directly to Pignerol, with a 1000 Horse, 6000 foot, and some Cannon, and upon the 20 of March about Sun set, lay down before the Place, leaving the rest of the Army, to ingage any party that might attempt the re­lieving it upon the 21 about 4 in the morning the Cardinal came up, with the Mar­shals of Crequy, La Force and Schomberg, and they so belaboured themselves, that about 10 the next morning, there were 3 piece of Cannon mounted upon the very Ditch, ready to make a Breach.

Politique Observation.

STratagems have been much used and commended by great Commanders, skill and craft do many times as much as force and strength, and are so much the more to be esteemed, because they shed lesse blood. This Prudence hath no cer­tain rules to be learnt by, but must be acquired by it self. It's true, we are made ca­pable of it by nature, but it is formed and confirmed by use and Experience. So Sci [...]io that valiant Commander, who being desirous to take in a strong hold in Africk which was well provided by the Carthaginians, made as if he had other de­signs, and caused his Army to march another way; by this means he surprised Hari­bal who drawing forth all his Garrison, to pursue him with the more strength, left the place undefended, and gave Scipio an advantage of facing about, and sending a [Page 333]party under the Conduct of Massanissa, to surprise and make himself Master of it, which he effected with a handfull of men, the inhabitants not having strength enough to defend themselves.

The Reducing Pignerol under the Kings Obedience.

THus stood the State of Affairs in Pignerol▪ they saw their Town besieged, and found the Cardinal did summon them to render, if they would not hazard the force of his Maj [...]sties Army, which had reason to treat them with more rigour, then indeed they afterwards did; they found the Canon ready to make a breach, by the Prudent Conduct of the Cardinal, and a resolute Army of men, who seemed to wish for nothing more then to be brought on to the breach, that they might carry the place by assault. The Presence of the Cardinal redoubled their fear, and they had learnt that his Majesties Army under his command, had vanquished and overcome all enemies for the last six years, in which the King had done him the honour to commit it to his care; that particularly the last year▪ he did onely appear upon the top of the Alps, and that was enough to force the Spaniards to raise their Siege of Cazal. Upon the 22 of March they sent seven Deputies to make an honourable surrender, and after they had obtained such conditions as they desired, their lives and goods saved, their Priviledges and Franchises preserved to them, they yeelded themselves the same day with much joy and content, to his Majesties obedience, and the same time the French army marched and took possession of the Town.

Politique Observation.

HE that commands an Army, ought to think himself very happy, if his first at­tempt have good successe with it. Just as in the Orbs of the Heavens, the Primum mobile gives motion to all the rest, so if the first enterprise end advanta­giously, it hath so great an influence on the spirits of the vanquished, that they are more then half stagger'd to give way for their second overthrow. Fortune doth most commonly adopt ends to their beginnings; and as the Fountain head doth much contribute to the cleernesse and purity of those Waters which flow from it, so the first good successe is a happy Omen of a prosperous issue, even to the very end of the War. Tacitus saith, they are the first chances which beget and breed either courage or cowardize in the hearts of the Souldiers. Orators in their plea­dings use to place in the Front their strongest reasons and arguments, knowing that by it, they do so arrest and commit a force upon the minds of their Auditors, that when they have but once inclined and perswaded them by those their prime and principal motions and inductions, the rest appear too much the more plausible and effective. A General ought to imploy his very best forces in the assaults of his first siege, or in his first ingagement of Battel, and rest confident that his first Action will give a great stroke in the successe of the rest of the War. Thus Charles the Eighth came into Tuscany▪ by the Road of Pontremole, and being neer Serezza­nella, which was in his way, seated on a most impregnable Rock, he resolved to take it, that he might give a reputation and credit to his Army, that the World might conceive an opinion that there was not any thing which could withstand the courages and resolution of his Souldiers and Commanders; in a short while he car­ried it, and by it gained so great an esteem and wonder, that his enemies were asto­nished at the report of it.

The bringing of the Cittadel of Pignerol under the Kings Subjection.

AFter the Town of Pignerol was yeelded, the Count Ʋrban Lescalanga who was Governour, retired into the Cittadel with 800 Souldiers, but the Cardi­nal pursued him to his Trenches, and raised works so quickly, that upon our Lady­daies Eve, one of the Bastions of the Castle was entred, the circumvallation finish­ed, [Page 334]and the Camp so strongly fortified with Lines of Communication, Redoubts, and Forts, that all the strength of the Emperour, Spaniard, and Duke of Savoy joined together, could not bring them any releef; so that they had much rather render themselves upon such honourable conditions as were accorded them, then expect that rigour of the Kings army, which was impossible for them to avoid; and accordingly surrender they did upon our Lady-day, a day which hath ever been fortunate for France in their Italian expeditions, for on that day they won the Bat­tels of Cerssolles and Ravennes.

Politique Observation.

IT must be confessed that the reputation of a General of an army, giveth a great stroke either in Sieges or other Incounters. Their very name is a Thunder-bolt, which strikes amazement into the whole world; they are accustomed, as by their trade to vanquish; and those whom they do at any time besiege, give themselves for lost as soon as ever they see them appear before their Walls, and resolve to set open their Gates to them, having no other hopes but of being forced with disho­nour. I am of opinion with that ancient Authour, who saith, that great Captains carry good fortune along with them, and cannot blame Caesar, who forbad such as were with him to be afraid, onely because they were in his Company. C [...]riolanus made it apparent to the Romans, when he was banished by them, and retired him­self to the Volsians, who made him General of their Army, which he led up di­rectly to the Walls of Rome, to revenge the injury they had done him, and there overcame them, though they had not long before beaten and triumphed over the Volsians; and this made Titus Livy to say, the Common-wealth of Rome hath gai­ned as much reputation and glory by their Commanders, as by their multitude of Souldiers. Credit is to a General, the same as 'tis to a Merchant, and it hath been often seen, that by it little Armies have defeated very great ones; that is it which keepeth Confederates close to their promises, which renders the Souldiers couragious, which removes all obstructions, opens all Passages; which doth faci­litate the waies for Provisions; and finally, which doth attempt many things with good success, which otherwise would appear to be impossibilities.

The Passages from France to Piedmont were open after the reducing of certain Towns of the Duke of Savoy.

DUring the Siege of Pignerol, the Cardinal gave order for the besieging the Fort of Perousa, which held out but a small time; and thereupon sent the Marshal of Sc [...]omberg, with a Regiment of foot, and 22 Troops of Horse, to seize upon the Town of Briqueras, which as soon yeelded it self. The same day he follow­ed on his design'd way, and formed a foundation for a Fort, which was finished with extraordinary diligence, that he might thereby make himself master of many Val­lies, which adjoyned to the Mountains of Dauphine, and secure himself of a safe Passe, which strook such a terrour into the inhabitants of the Vallies of St. Lucerz, Augroaque, and St. Martin, that they forthwith rendred themselves under the Kings Obedience, and went to take the Oath of Allegiance to the Cardinal accor­dingly. There was one onely Fort remained, called Mirebourg, lying at the foot of the Valley of Lucern, which was besieged and soon taken; by which means the Passages between Piedmont and France were open, clear and safe, not onely for the Army to march without danger; but for the conveying of Recruits, Provisions of Victuals, and Monies, and other necessaries for the Army, as often as need should require.

Politique Observation.

THere is not any one thing which a General ought to have a more especial care in, then that he leave no Place behind him, which may afterwards trouble or indanger him. Charlemaign gained a very great deal of honour amongst other our Kings by his Arms; and withall he was much blamed when he passed into Spain, for not making himself Master of those places which he passed by in the Mountains. It cannot be denied, but he deserved that blame, considering the consequences which followed it, for that the greatest part of his Forces were cut in pieces, upon their return, and all the Baggage rifled by the Mountainers. Caesar in his Commen­taries upon the War with the Gauls, holdeth it for one of the greatest maximes in the Art of War, that marching through a strange Country, one ought to secure himself of all such places which are in his way, and that it was a great joy and satis­faction to him being there making War, to find those of Therovanne voluntarily proffering to render themselves after some little resistance, because willingly he would not leave an enemy behind him. One of the greatest oversights which Charles the Eighth commited in his voyage into Italy, was his relying upon the Duke of Milan's promise, instead of making himself master of such places as were needfull for his safe Passage. The Duke being in league with other Princes, appeared in the head of the Passage of Tar, to obstruct and hinder his further pro­ceeding; and this Prince returned not into France, but by the Battel of Fornone, where he ran very great dangers and hazards. But if in their return they o not in­gage them, yet two hundred Musquetiers in a Fort behind them, will so gall those that come to bring Recruits, that the whole Army may be much annoyed by it.

The Mutiny in Dijon.

VVHilest the Cardinal was atchieving these glorious exploits, the King was advancing toward Lyon, and marching by Fountainbleau, his Majesty received intelligence of a great sedition, which had happened at Dyon on the 28 of February, by the mutiny of a Company of Vineyard Dressers, who had the bold­nesse to pillage and rifle some of the chief Officers houses. They which blowed the fire of this sedition, informed the people, that the establishing the Elections in Borgogne, was to no other intent or purpose, then in conclusion to settle the taxes, and other impositions, though in reality his Majesties intentions, were onely to rectifie and redresse the ordinary contributions, which were made by all the Pro­vinces. The insolencies of Mutineers hurrieth them on to the greater extremities, by how much Magistrates are more remisse or negligent in confronting and punish­ing their first emotions and rebellions. His Majesty presently dispatched Monsieur de Bellegarde, Governour of that Province, who had a great power and influence upon the affections of the people, not onely in respect of his Office, but in relation to the great love and repute he had particularly got a long time amongst them. He quickly allayed and quieted all things; and not long after, his Majesty going to Ly­on, would passe through it, to take course for a better order in future, forcing those great multitudes of Vineyard-keepers to pack away, and setling new Magistrates and Officers, who should be diligent to keep the people in their due obedience not forgetting to give a charge to the Parliament, that some of the principal Mutineers and Assistants of those destructions and spoils should be punished, and thereby be made examples of his Justice, and their own follies.

Politique Observation.

NOthing doth more alarum the common people, then the noise of new impo­sitions: they think it is to take away their lives, at least to make them insup­portable, if you do but diminish a little of their subsistance, which is the reason, [Page 336]that the poorest of all are most prompt and ready for sedition, they being desirous and greedy of novelties; and as Tacitus in his Annales hath observed, they have more to get then to lose, by such revolts and turmoils. Every one indeed ought to pity their poverty, but the obedience which is due to Magistrates, and the re­cessity of contributing to the publick charge, renders them culpable without excuse. Those who lead them on, and incite them to their mutinies, ought most principally to be punished, for that they are the Broachers and Authors of all the mischief. Thucydides speaking of the resolution which was taken by the Athenians, to put to death all those of Mytilene who were able to bear Arms, and to keep the rest in slavery, by reason of the Rebellions which had been raised amongst them, saith▪ Justice doth not tie up a man from punishing the heads and principals onely. It is not at such a time proper for a Soveraign to make his Clemency appear, which is one of the best Rays in his Crown. He ought so to pardon offences, that he do not by it give way to, or allow of that liberty which the people assume to them­selves, who will be quickly quelled, if their Ringleaders be but punished. To par­don all were an excessive liberty, and would breed a like licentiousnesse, and to chastise the most culpable, is an effect of Prudent Justice. Impunity authoriseth li­centiousnesse, and seems to give them leave to run into the same lapses, and [...] too much rigour and severity, is enough to cast a Nation upon desperate resoluti­ons and extremities. It is a good way of reducing them to their due obedience, by sending some grave personage amongst them, as T. Livy hath observed, whom they hold in some esteem and respect; because Reputation, and a good beleef, is as the Soul of all other Reasons; for that very cause it was, as the same Author reports it, that the Romans sent T. M. Torquatus, unto Sardigna, when they were upon the point of giving up themselves to the Carthaginian Protection. The quick and timely dispatch of such person, is of great consequence too, for that Rebellion are like flames, which do increase every day more then other, if there be not great care to extinguish them in the beginnings.

The Monsieurs return to France.

THe King went to Troys, and there rested some time as wel to satisfie the resoluti­on which he had taken with the Cardinal of seeing his brother (who after the con­clusion of the accommodation; about the end of the year last past, which we have al­ready spoken of, retired to Nancy ▪ and testifying to him his hearty affections, by all ways of lively demonstrations, and of which there could be no just cause of suspicion, seeing his Majesty had so frankly both pardoned him, and augmented his Pensions, [...] we have already declared. The Monsieur arrived there the 18. of April, and in h [...]s Company (besides his own retinue) came divers Princes and Lords, who were th [...] at the Court, and had been sent by his Majesty two Leagues out of the Town to me [...] him. He alighted at the Queen Mothers lodgings, and the King stood expecting of him in the Court, and received him with so great a testimony of joy and friendship, that the Monsieur attempting to bend one of his knees to the ground, his Majesty would not in the least permit or give way to it, but imbraced him so long and ar­dently, that one could not but conclude his Majesty loved him as his second self, and very passionate he was to find that they were united in their thoughts, in their wishes, in their wills, in their designs, and even in their very recreations; so that their faces seemed to be as it were glewed together. The Court was filled with joy, and these endearments continued all the while that the King continued at Tr [...]y [...] so that there was great reason to hope, that nothing would be ever able to separate [...] make a breach between them, had not those who had rendred themselves masters of the Monsieurs inclinations and humour, rallied all their indeavours and artifices to confound and destroy it, thinking perhaps they should become the more con­siderable, by keeping them at a greater distance, and raise more advantages to them­selves by their divisions.

Politique Observation.

NAture hath implanted certain roots of friendship in the Blood, which doth bud and spring forth upon any meeting, after a little breach or falling out; provided that hatred have not altogether seized upon the Spirit. The Branches of Trees are not so easily rejoyned in their natural places, whilest as yet time hath not strengthened them upon the Gardners binding of them up; as the minds of per­sons to whom God hath allotted the same Parents, are re-united into that love and affection which is natural to them, if a Series of years hath not as yet confirmed them in their hatred and dis-respect of each other. And in this the power of Na­ture is very much observed, and the truth of their opinion made good, who say, that nature with our births doth infuse and inspire into us, affections and inclinati­ons to love those objects, which she doth oblige us to seek after. And as the Cre­ator of the World hath imprinted in light bodies a certain disposition of mounting upwards, and to others which are heavy, an inclination which forceth them by na­ture to tend towards the Center of the earth; so hath she likewise planted in man a certain affection for those of his Affinity, as well as for those objects which are pro­per for him, so that he can neither check his eyes, or curb his heart, but he shall find some sentiments of love in his spirit; hence it comes to passe, as we see, that kindred love, and that tenderly, one another upon their first meeting, though they had not known one another before; this procedure making it apparent that their affection began not to be so much in their spirits, as to entertain by the presence its object; for that they had not differed to love, but onely because they had not seen one another before.

The King committeth the Government of the Army in Champagne, and of Paris, to the Monsieur.

THat the King might the more oblige the Monsieur to preserve himself in his du­ty, not onely of respect but of friendship, he was not barely contented to have given him those large testimonies of his hearty affection, but sent to him two Com­missions, the one for the commanding of the Army in Champagne, the other to go­vern not onely the City of Paris, but the adjacent Provinces in his Majesties absence, whose affairs called him out of the Kingdome.

Politique Observation.

JT is great wisedom in a King to preserve and increase as much as in him lies, the friendship of the Princes of the blood, it being most certain, that a good intel­ligence and correspondence with them, is as advantagious to the State, as a breach with them is unfortunate and ominous. And as their greatest inclination is to com­mand, so one cannot more oblige them, then by giving them imployment. But one ought to be well assured and carefull of their truth and fidelity, and that the stedfastnesse of their minds be not to be shaken by the dangerous suggestions of such as are about them, who are alwaies sure of endeavouring to render themselves agreeable, that they may instil into them more Ambition then they ought to have, and induce them to revolt with the Army, and those powers which are intrusted under their command. Isocrates did well advise Nicocles, never to prefer those of his blood to imployments, untill he was extreamly well assured of them; for that the desire of rule doth so much the more charm the kindred of a Prince, by how much they are neerer related unto him, as T. Livy very well observeth. Blood hath no tie so strong, [...]hich ambition doth not oftentimes break, when it finds it self with Arms in its hand. They ought to be so much the lesse intrusted, by how much they have lesse true affection or friendship, as Plutarch hath verified by many ex­amples in the life of Demetrius. If a King be obliged for any just reason to con­fide his Armies into the hands of any Prince of the Blond, I imagine he must fol­low [Page 338]the Prudence of Tiberius, who when he sent Germanicus to command his Ar­my into Syria, he recalled Creticus Syllanus from the Government of that Province, who was an intimate friend to Germanicus, fearing lest their intelligence and cor­respondence might lend a helping hand to advance him into the power of Sove­raignty; and placed in his room Cneus Piso, whose violent humour would make him oppose any designs of his, if they should be contrary to the duty of his Office. In a word a King ought (to such a person) to associate some one, whose valour and fi­delity may be able to counterpoise or ballance any enterprizes, which hee may at­tempt.

The King came to Lion, then to Grenoble, where the Cardinal came to meet him.

THe King passed by Dijon, that he might there give such orders as we have al­ready said, and thence came to Lyon, but rested there a very little while, for the great desire he had to be at Grenoble, where he had directed the Cardinal to meet him, as soon as the Passages of Italy were open. The Cardinal was passio­nately desirous to be neer his Majesty, to pay him his usual services, and to ease him of the care and trouble of his estate, and his Majesty was no lesse impatient to see the Cardinal as he testified by his extraordinary care and caresses, with which he honoured him at his arrival, and which were proofs not onely of the affection, but of the extream tenderness which he had for him.

Politique Observation.

THe Passion of Love produceth the same effects in the Souls of great Kings, as it doth in those of private persons. It is that which carrieth their minds so na­turally towards those whom they honour with their favours, that they take a sin­gular delight to see them alwaies neer them. Alexander could not be without the sight of Hephestion. And it is most sure, that the greatest successes which Princes have, be it in War, be it in Peace, are but lame, and do nothing neer so much af­fect their minds with joy, if they have not neer them some persons, with whom they use to discourse with freedom and familiarity. And what greater satisfaction or content can there be to a Prince, then the Prudence of a couragious and faithfull Minister, who he assuredly knows to have no Passion so great as that which tends to his honour and glory? What an honour is it to have neer him a person to whom his Majesty may lay open his bosome, and intrust with his grandest secrets without the least suspicion, or doubt of his fidelity? What a great satisfaction and content is it to have by one, so noble a Genius whose discourses disburthen his cares, whose councels facilitate his greatest State-difficulties; whose vigilance secures him from dangers, and whose courage conducts him to a happy successe in all his en­terprises?

The happy succeess of the Treaty of Peace by the Cardinal Mazarini, be­tween the King and Duke of Savoy.

THe King no sooner arrived at Grenoble, but Mazarini was ready to make pro­positions of Peace to his Majesty. The Duke, who till then had been deaf to all overtures, how reasonable soever, as well as the Marquesse Spinola, caused word to be sent to his Majesty, that if his Majesty would be pleased to restore him Pig­nerol, he would accord to any Articles which should seem just. The King who de­sired nothing more then Peace, provided it were honourable and advantagious to his Allies, received the message with much joy; and thought fit, that the Mar­shal of Crequy, the Sieur of Chasteauneus de Bullion and Bauttillier should assem­ble with the Cardinals Bagni and Mazarini, to prepare such Articles as might be for the contentment of all parties; however he would not be obliged to quit his design of prosecuting the War, untill the Treaty was intirely concluded and resol­ved [Page 339]on: for his Majesty knew of what importance the restitution of Pignerol was, without which, they did not so much as name or speak of any accomodation.

Politique Observation.

SEeing Peace, when it is certain, is to be preferred before a doubtful victory; that being in the hand of a Prince, but this subject to the Laws of Fortune, it is not prudence to refuse it in Treaties, said Hannibal to Scipio in T. Livy. But Thu­cydides teacheth us in his History, that a Prince, who would treat with his Enemy should not cease to prosecute the War, in such manner, as if there were no hope of an agreement; otherwayes great Inconveniences might follow, adding: Thus did the Lacedemonians, when they treated a Peace with the Atb [...]nians; and Peace is then soonest made, when both sides appear in the field with their Swords in their hands, and an equal power following them, for if either hath the least advantage, he will be the more peremptory, and demand the harder conditions in his Treaties, as Cae­sar hath observed in his History of civil Wars.

The taking of Chambery from the Duke of Savoy.

HOwever the King assembled his Counsel, to take advice whether it were not propper, to prosecute the Victories of his Army, and to make himself Master of all Savoy, and so secure himself more and more, of the Passes. Many offered to his Majesties consideration, that the Duke of Savoy and Marques Spinola, would never hearken to any Peace, but by necessity, and to regain Pignerol, having until that time refused to do it, but upon dishonorable terms for his Majesty; That there was little reason to trust him; as to that of the Duke of Mantua, for whose sake the War was begun, or to believe that the Peace might be of some continuance. And on the contrary; there were good grounds to apprehend, that they would not conclude a Peace, in that weak condition, to which they were then reduced, but onely that they might bring to passe their Intentions upon the Duke of Mantua, so that the King should still keep Pignerol, which would give him a free entrance into Italy, that his Majesty might with more ease take in Montferrat, as occasion should serve. That Princes not having any Juster titles to those places, which they possess, then the conquest of them in a just War, his Majesty should not acquit that which makes him so considerable in and to Italy, being by it able to march into it, when and as often as he pleased, and to set bounds to the Spanish Ambition, who would find work enough to do, so long as his Majesty continued Master of it; that it would serve to Curb the Duke of Savoy, who did nothing but commence and create every year new broyles and troubles. In fine that it was absolutely need­full to enter upon Savoy, because the Duke would infallibly besiege those places which had been taken, if his Army were not other wayes diverted; and in case he should not besiege them, his forces would be coasting of it from one end to t'other of Savoy, and indanger the Passages, at least disturb them, which were of necessity to be preserved; for that Spinola had risen to besiege Cazal, at the same time that the Cardinal marched towards Grenoble. Could there be more just or important considerations? did they not deserve to be regarded and lookt after? Could any one with reason say that the Peace was in the Cardinals power, when the Duke of Savoy would not conclude it, without the surrender of Pignerol? the Importance of which Place was so great as shall be anon discoursed more at large. Indeed such things might take with Women (whom the noise of a Cannon terrifies) to juduce them to deliver up a place of such concernment into the hands of the Spaniards and Duke of Savoy, who had made it evident, no trust could be reposed in him. But certainly it would not at all move a great Minister, whose discretion was incompara­ble, and who was so far from being terrified into any thing, that he struck a terrour into all the World, having Reason and Justice on his side. Would the Treaty which should be now concluded with them, be of any longer durance, then that of [Page 340]the last year, which they broke without any fear or wit? Will a wise man trust one who hath deceived him, and broke his word in that very same affair? And this Ca­lumniator (who cares not what he writes whilest he endeavours to detract from the Cardinals glory,) can he lay the blame on the Cardinal, for the continuation of the War? Caz [...]l would be no more the Duke of Mantua's, if the Peace had been concluded with the delivery of Pignerol. Thus the King who knew better then any of his Counsel, the Importance of these reasons, was not at all moved at it, but resolved to depart 2 dayes after to set upon Savoy, and accordingly upon the 13 of May he advanced, without delay, together with the Marshals of Crequy, Bassom­pierre and Chastillon, giving the command of the vantguard of his Army to the Marshal Crequy, with order to march before Chambery, which was put in execu­tion, with so much diligence, that the 14 of May the approaches were made; the suburbs reduced without resistance, and the Town summon'd to deliver. After they had obtained by Composition of his Majesty, the same Articles which were granted them by the late King when it was taken in the year 1600. they opened their Gates to his Majesty upon the 18 of May, into which his Majesty then made his Entrance.

Politique Observation.

VVHen an Army marcheth into a Country to make War, the assaulting of the principal Town, is a business of no small importance; The taking of that, terrifies all the rest, and strikes such a fear into them, that if sometimes forceth them to deliver up themselves without fighting. Cen [...]mon Captain of the Lacedomonians, did so, when he laid siege to Strato, the chief Town of the Country, upon his first entrance; And Thucydides who relates the History, commends that Act of his, as being conformable to Military Prudence. So Hannibal, having mastered Car [...]ia, the Prime Town of the Olleades, all the rest rendered themselves Tributaries to the Car­thaginians. The losse of a Commander is oftentimes the losse of an Army, and the taking of a head Town or of a Fortresse of concernment, seldome happens but the rest follow. But there ought to be great care had that he come not short of his enterprise for then it would happen to be quite contrary; and for this reason it is advantageous to use such diligence, that the Inhabitants may be taken unprovided, and when they least think of it, assaulting the Enemy before he comes to meet us, or that he attempt ought upon any thing which belongeth to us. The Emperor Othe is blamed in Tacitus, for that having designed to go into France and fight his Ene­my Vite [...]ius, he used too much delay, for that in effect his long stay gave opportuni­ty of time to Gallus and Spurma to passe over the Mountains, and seize upon the River Po, so impeding the march of his Forces; which were by that means forced to quit their enterprise: Perchance it might so have happened to his Majesties Amy, if he had rested at Grenoble, upon those propositions of Peace, which were made to him by Spinol [...] and the Duke of Savoy, which were to no other intent then to recover Pig [...]rol, or to amuse him and gain time. There is nothing so slight in a War, which a little time doth not often render of great consequence; a Moment of time doth work great effects in most enterprises, and the least retardment doth eft­soon bring with it extream inconveniences and losses.

The taking of Annesy and Romilly by the Kings Forces.

THE King departed from Chambery on the 22 of May, and ordered the Marshal of Chastillon, who had that week commanded the avantguard of the Army, to advance towards A [...]sy, which rendered it self without any great resistance, as soon as the Garrison of the Castle (in which a Brother of the Bishop of Genoua commanded) saw the Cannon appear; whence it came to passe that his Majesty, to lose no time, being assisted with the Marshal of Bassompierre, led the Body of his Army to Romilly, a place strongly scituated, and which they had began to fortifie; particularly the Castle, where there were seven or 800 Souldiers, who made shew as [Page 341]if they would defend themselves. But this resistance did but add new heat to his Majesties courage, who was very glad to find it so, that he might gain the more re­putation. He advanced in person towards the Town with his Army, and took the trouble upon himself to put them into Battalia, in the plain which was out of Can­non shot; This struck such a dread into the Townsmen and Governour of the Place, who had never seen his Majesty so bestir himself, that they could not but imagine he would have taken all that pains for their sakes, without punishing them with rigor in the conclusion; so they presently dispatched Deputies to the King, to beg 3 dayes time, that they might consider and confer what they should do, but his Majesty replyed, that he would quarter in the Town that very day, so they then presently surrendered, knowing it to be Rashness, to resist a Prince so coura­gious, and one who knew so well to conduct his Army.

Politique Observation.

DElay, which a man granteth to an Enemy, is frequently of such consequence, that a good or bad successe doth depend on it: One dayes time gives the be­sieged leave to make such trenches, as will not be regained in a whole month, Henry the second, for having attended thus but a very little, was forced to raise the siege of Perpignan; and if Pyrrhus had assaulted Sparta, the same night that he sat down before it, he had then taken it without difficulty, which he could not the next day: Memorable is that example of Peter de Medicis, recorded by Guiccardine, who stayed only one or two hours, to let the rain passe, and so came too late to Florence, and found that his Enemies had but one hours notice of his arrival, which gave them time enough to Arm themselves to resist him, and in fine they did hinder and pre­vent his entrance, which otherwise he had gained, had it not been for that little stop. It is as much follie to give time to a mans Enemies to fortifie themselves, as it is discretion and advantagious to take them unprovided, and before they have time to prepare themselves for a defence.

The taking of divers other Castels.

THE Castles of Clermont, of Meyrac, of Allinge and divers others thereabouts, rendered themselves upon the first summons, and all the way was open and free from Chambery to Geneve and Pont de Gresin, so that his Majesty went directly by the Tarente, where Prince Thomas was entrenched with about 9 or 1000 men, in a place very advantagious, and where a few men might stop a very great Army; but he no sooner saw the Kings Forces appear, but he sounded a retreat withdrawing himself from place to place from the Kings Army, which followed him, until he had past the [...]ount St. Bernard, he not so much as offering to make any resistance, which he might easily have done, the Passages being very narrow and strait.

Politique Observation.

HE who hath at any time considered upon Mountains, the impetuous course of a Torrent, which running along the plain, [...]nters with such a violence into a Valley that it carries away all the harvest, roots up the trees, turns topsie turvie the houses of the Villagers, forceth the Country people to clime the tops of Trees, drowneth all the Cattle and in a word commits a thousand ruins, hath a most per­fect view of what passed in the Tarente, upon the comming in of his Majesties Army: where ever he came, they did all things whatever to obey his commands, the most advantagious Stations were quite abandoned by the Soldiers, whom their own very fear had routed, all the Towns deserted; and particularly in the City of Constance, there was not one man to be found, to fight withall.

The King makes himself Master of all Savoy.

AFter his Majesty had made himself Master of this Vallie, he designed a Fort with 4 Bastions and certain Redouts at the foot of a Mountain, which cut off all communication Between Piedmont and Savoy, and hindred the march of any Forces, which would passe into it: It was guarded by 5 or 6000 men, whom he lest there, so that there was no other avenue for to be taken, but that of Morienne, which would be shut up by the taking of Charbonniers. Accordingly his Majesty com­manded the Marshal de Crequy to go and besiege it, and the Marquis de Vignoles at the self same time to commence the siege of Montmelian, which was as soon execu­ted as commanded: So that his Majesty being at St. Pierre D' Albiguy, the Cardinal shewed him in his Tent, that which never any Prince had the Honour to behold at one time; Three several Sieges that of Montmelian, that of Charbonniers and that of Laville, from all which he might see the smoak of his Cannons. Charbonniers and Laville were quickly taken, and Montmelian was so blocked up, that it was im­possible to relieve it with any it provision of men or victuals. Thus his Majesty was Master of Savoy, so that the Duke himself could not make his entrance in to it by any way to regain it, all the Passages being shut up.

Politique Observation.

SUch victories as these, being founded upon the invincible generosity of the King, assisted with the incomparable prudence of the Cardinal, cannot be suf­ficiently admired. Whence it comes, that leaving the usual method of this History, I shall turn the Politique Observations into Praises. Is it not to be concluded, that there is nothing which equalizeth his Courage and good Fortune; both which con­spire in emulation of one another, to render him the most Illustrious and most Glorious Monarque of he whole Universe? Doth not truth oblige us to acknow­ledge, that he is both the greatest and wisest Captain, that every yet was, and that the Rayes of h [...]s Valour do obscure the light of those brave Commanders, whom Antiquitie d [...]d so much admire? In the Ages which shall succeed us, his victories will be proposed as an Example to all who shall weyld the Scepter. The Generous­ness of his Actions shall be as a looking Glasse, and a School to all such as would follow his tracts. The Reputation of his Arms and so many graces, and admirable vertues wherewith Heaven endued him; had much contributed to the conquest of all those Countries, which justly belong to him, if the mis-fortunes of this Kingdom, and those who are of neerest relation to it, had not obstructed and opposed it. There was not any one Enemy, who durst present himself before him with his Arms but soon carried away the Marks of his Valour: And it seems that those have in particular had no other advantage, admit it were in the siege of a Place, where a hundred might beat a 1000, or where the quantities of their Forces did much ex­ceed his Majesty Numbers. But to add new Rayes to his Glory, never durst they stay to expect him, and they placed their safety in the swiftnesse of their feet, and a shameful flight.

The King marcheth toward Lyon at the perswasion of the Queen Mother.

THough the happy successes of his Majesties Arms seemed to banish all cause of fear, yet as Women are naturally timerous; The Queen Mother was troubled with much impatiency, that his Majestie should ingage himself any farther in the War; particularly against the Spaniard; partly for the natural inclination shee had for Spain. by her birth, which was every day apparent by her conduct, whilest shee had the management of affairs; as also because she every day fancied to her self, that she did see Forrainers enter into France with their Swords in their hands, burning and killing all, and turning the State topsie-turvie. These Panique fears made her [Page 343]earnestly desire to see the King, and because the wayes were difficult for one of her sex to passe, she dispatched one to his Majesty beseeching him with all earnestness that she might have the honour to see him. The King who took a most particular care, to render her all respects and compliances, which might be agreeable to her, presently departed from the Camp at St. Pierre, to give her this satisfaction, though for the good of his own affairs, and for his health's sake, it had been more proper to have deferr'd it to a more seasonable time. It cannot be imagined how many arti­fices the Queen Mother imployed to stay him, at Lyons; without considering the news which came from the Army, how that many of the Souldiers, believing the King would not return any more, had disbanded the very same time, that they per­ceived his Majesty went from thence; and by this means, did put the successe of affairs in hazard, for that the Companies were diminished to nothing.

Politique Observation.

WOmen are capable of ruining the most important affairs in a State, if they have but power to execute their passions. History is pregnant with examples, which verifie the many evils they have caused, whilest the Government of King­domes hath been in their hands. Fear, which is natural to their sex, takes them off from approving the Wars, be they never so just, be they never so necessary, for the glory and advancement of the State. Their Conduct is founded more upon Passion then Judgment, and they look not into any Reasons, caring not so they may ar­rive to the end of their designs, and not at all reflecting on the consequences which attend it. There is not any blast of wind or flames, like the Passion of a Woman, especially when shee is filled with hatred, as the Queen Mother was, who would have been very glad to have seen the Cardinal perish in this design, and which shee hoped to see, if his Majesty did but leave him there alone. The Resistance which they find against their wills, serves to augment their hear, and the very contradition con­verts their designs and desires into fury, whence an Antient very wisely said, that Womens Counsel is not to be made use of in Publique affairs, but as Medicines, to which a man hath recourse in extream necessity, and when all other means fail.

The Queen Mother continueth her anger against the Cardinal.

THE King had too much knowledge and experience to be moved by all the In­stances made to him; so that he departed three dayes after, to return to St. John de Morienne. But the Queen Mother was aggrieved thereat, so much the more sensible, by how much shee had earnestly desired to stay him neer her. And the Lord Keeper, who omitted no occasion to exasperate her mind against the Cardi­nal, raised thence great advantages to infuse into her Spirit new resentments of hatred and anger against him. The displeasure which he conceived in his particular to see the War was carried directly against the Spaniard, whom he had alwayes openly favoured, raised up new inventions in his mind, to stir up the anger of this great Princesse, entertaining her in all those thoughts which might serve to rein­flame her. The opinion which he had of his own judgment, and of his own thoughts (which he adored as so many revelations) with held him from stooping to the Car­dinals prudent conduct; Though discretion and the acknowledgment, which he was obliged to shew of that high Honour to which he had raised him, should have per­swaded him, that he had strong Reasons, importing the good and glory of the Estate, which carried him on to continue the War.

Politique Observation.

IT is very dangerous for a States-man, who hath any share in the Government of affairs under the conduct of the Chief Minister, to be too much wedded to his own opinions: All the Orbes follow the motion of the Primum Mobile, and as we should soon see the World revolve into it's first Chaos, if they should clash, so can there follow nothing but confusion in Kingdomes, when the inferior Ministers [Page 344]would carry on affairs by wayes contrary to those of the Chief. He wants Judg­ment who doth not accomodate himself to the principal Genius, which hath the or­dering of all affairs, and deserves as much blame, as Fabius Maximus, who almost overthrew the Commonwealth of Rome, by opposing himself with too much vio­lence against Scipios expedition into Affrique. It is good to conform ones self to the opinion of those who guide the Stern, and though it be permitted us to give some Place to our own thoughts, neverthelesse it never ought to arrive to that height, as to hinder us from following their resolutions, or paying them our respects and endeavours. It is true, the Prudence of a States-man is too remisse, who makes himself indifferent to all; he ought to resemble a skilful musician, who sometimes sets up one string, and lets down the others. But however, if he depend upon ano­ther, he is obliged to follow rather his then his own Judgment, not forgetting that his degree is in [...]eriour, and that in diversity of opinions, submission, and to know to how to yeild, are Marks of a wel-tempered soul, and that the most generous spirits are the most universal, and the readiest disposed to all that another would have. This condiscending not being an effect of debility, but of Respect; whereas obstinacy and perverseness in maintaining ones opinion, is a dangerous sickness of the mind, and more proper to Pedants then to persons of affairs.

The establishment of theThe year­ly r [...]nt payd by the Offi­cers of Ju­stice to the King. Droict Annuel.

THe care which the Cardinal had of Forraign affairs, never took off his thoughts from the concernments within the Kingdome. The late King Henry the Great havi [...]g hatched grand designs for the glor [...] of Fr [...]nce, had occasions for monies, and thought it necessary to establish the Droict Annuel. Hence he raised great sums, but prejudicial to the people, because it gave way to all Officers of Justice, and of the Treasury to keep the free disposal of their Offices, they paying every [...]e [...]r a certain Tax to theA Trea­s [...]ry [...]o cal­le [...] from the Casualty of the [...]n­comes. Parties Casuelles, and the liberty to continue the Sale of Offices, which were introduced since the time of Francis the first, who finding himself obliged to make a Vertue of Necessity, was constrained to create many Officers, which were continued from the time of Henry the second, who created the Sieges Presidiaux, and many other Officers, which have remained even to this present. The Cardinal, who had no other end (in the Honour which the King had done him, to continue him in the conduct of the most important affairs of the Kingdome▪ them the Refor­mation and re-establishment of the State, did not fail at the end of the foregoing year to represent to his Majesty, that it was not only important, but almost necessary, to take away that power of Sale, and consequently, to suppresse the Troict Annuel; upon which it hath it's principal dependance. And his Majesty did so much the more approve of his resolution; because he found nothing in the Cardinals Coun­sels, which was not as admirable as profitable to France.

Politique Observation.

THE Sale of Offices is one of the greatest mischiefs in a State. Ambition never fa [...]ls to raise them to an excessive price, which causeth, that al the Honours of the Kingdome serve rather for a recompense of riches, then of vertue. It takes away from Kings the power of chusing Officers, which are the Organs, whereby Justice is distributed to their subjects; it casts the greatest Courages into despair, when they find themselves reduced to Poverty, see others occupy the place of ver­tue, and that the most glorious Actions, to which they could aspire, shall not be able to raise them out of the dust. Is not that it, which gives subsistance to such a number of Officers, who-instead of serving do but oppresse the people? Is not that it; which hinders the suppression of a great number, and reducing of them to a smal­ler, which might be the hundreth part, of what now are, and yet sufficient for the Kings service, and the good of the people? With how many pensions doth it over­charge the Kings exchequer, and the sum which is imployed in their pay, is it not immense? But this Sale of Offices is not only a charge to the Publique, since parti­cular [Page 345]persons suffer extreamly much by it. The hopes they conceive of the continua­tion of the Droict Annuel, incourageth them to buy their Offices at so high a rate, that the very richest are beggard by it. If they continue any long time in their Offi­ces the expences to which they are tyed, to live with some Splendour, undoes them, and their Children are so far from drawing any advantage from it, that they are commonly left, if not in absolute poverty, yet in much want. Many are constrained to sell them off during their lives, for the accomodation of their families, and to di­vide the money among their Children, and it is as much as any, if he be none of the richest can do, to maintain one of his Children in the succession of his Offices, lea­ving all the rest in a necessity of living below their qualities.

The suppression of the Droict Annuel in regard of the Officers of Iustice, re-established by the King.

THese just considerations being represented to the King, by the Prudence of the Cardinal, induced his Majesty ever since the beginning of the year, to sup­presse the Droict Annuel, in relation to the judicature, which are more considera­ble then the rest, that so by little and little, death might extinguish a great part of the Offices, and take away the venality without any great prejudice to the Officers themselves. For he had resolved to allow the Survivances to those who had long lived in their charges with Honour. Or if they were taken away by death, to grant their Offices to such of their Children as should be found capable, or in case they left none able to manage them, to cause that such as should succeed, should allow some recompense unto them; thus restoring to the State by little and little the accom­plishment of its perfection. But these Officers, made so great instance to his Maje­sty for the Continuation of the Droict Annuel, being therein like the sick, who flatter themselves in their diseases, and will not apprehend the danger to which they expose themselves, that he was obliged to continue it for 9 years longer, but bur­thened with such extraordinary charges, that they would find difficulty to pay them, whereby they might enjoy the favour granted to them by the Declaration made in June, and be staggered another time to desire the continuation of it. The King would not absolutely discontent the Body of Officers, who do at this day constitute the greatest part of his Kingdome; But his Prudence sound it fit, so to burden this condition; that the greatest part should renounce the benefit which he accorded them, to free themselves from the charges. Besides the immense expence of the War, did incline him to this resolution for his supply; Necessity obliging to do that, which otherwise he would not do.

Politique Observation.

IT is with men, as with the sick: We must not administer neither to one or t'o­ther the remedies proper to their disease; without regard to the disposition of their humour; because they may sometimes be so stirred, in the discontentments which they receive, that their sickness would rather encrease, then receive any abatement. The most commendable Counsels, which are given upon the General consideration of affairs, become oftentimes hurtful, by reason of some circumstance which may happen; The most that can be done in such occasions, is to put the busi­ness into such a state, that that which is needful to be done, suffer but a simple delay; conserving still the liberty of executing counsels in a more favourable time. It hath been often seen, that States have been cast into extremity and sedition, by attemp­ting any unreasonable reformation. It is not of smal importance to content the Officers, when they are so numerous as they are in France. They are they who keep people in obedience, who have power to enforce obedience to the Laws. They are the Directers of the civil Government in all Towns, and by Consequence, the commotions which might be stirred up in their breasts by any extraordinary dis­content, though taken up upon a false ground, would be as dangerous as a violent heat, which doth seize upon the Heart, the Liver, or any other vital parts.

The Kings return from St. John de Morienne into France.

A Little while after his Majesties arrival at St, John de Morienne, he was seized on by 2 or 3 fits of a Fever, which gave occasion to the Cardinal to doubt, lest his Majesty might fall into some more dangerous sicknesse. And as one never ought to hazard the Person of a King, who is the Soul of his State; the heart which distributeth the Spirits of life by the Arteries unto all parts; the Liver which giveth nourishment to all, and the principal of all others good fortune, so the Cardinal en­treated his Majesty, with so many instances to retire himself from that abode (which was neer hand infected all over with the pestilence) and return to Lyon, where he would find a good ayr, and ease from those great Cares, which the War had in­gaged him, to take upon himself: that at last he did accordingly resolve to return, and arrived there about the beginning of August. The Cardinal in the mean time could not think of quitting the Army so soon, foreseeing that should he have gone with his Majesty, the Enemy would have taken a great advantage of it, and that also the Souldiers, (of whom a great number had been destroyed by the plague) would quickly lose their Courage, perswading themselves, that Montferrat would be abandoned after his departure. He was sufficiently informed that the Lord keeper Marillac, had such an influence upon the Queen Mothers soul, that he had perver­ted that affection wherewith she had other times honoured him, into a mortal ha­tred, and that this old imbroyler, whom the Combination had heretofore taught, to extract of Quintessence from the very Spirits, had no other design, then to im­ploy all his power, which such a Mother might have over so good a Son, as the King was, for to ruin him in the honour of his good opinion and favour, and to raise himself if it were possible upon this ruin of his Fortunes, even to the highst degree of the Administration. However he had testimonies too infallible of the Kings bounty, which he could not distrust, for that his Majesty was better informed of his faithfulness, then any other person whatsoever. The same passion which he had for the glory of the King, and the good of France, which stayed him at the Siege of Rochel, whilst the King went to Paris, and which carried him to Privas, and Languedoc, to reduce the rest of the Hugenots Villages into that fidelity and obe­dience which they owed to his Majesty, whilst at the same time he knew that the same Lord keeper, and those of his Cabal, did then lay the first foundations of his disgrace in the Queen Mothers Spirit, made him now resolve to remain in Mo­rienne though full of the Plague, to preserve if it were possible the Army in such a condition, that they might march to Cazal, and to keep up the courage of the Souldiers.

Politique Observation.

THE greatest testimony of fidelity which Minister can give, is to renounce his own Interests, for the glory of his Master. One cannot doubt but that he was obliged to hazard his Fortunes for his service, seeing that he gave it him, but not his blond and life too. However as there are no stronger or more natural in­clinations, then those which carry a man to love that which concerneth him, so he could not give more certain proofs of the true passion which he had for his Prince, the to prefer the Glory of his Crown, of his Power, before all the advantages which he hath received from Fortune. But as this is the best Touch-stone by which one can judge of the sincerity of his Affections; so one is obliged to esteem him so much the more after the shewing of such a proof: for this true affection is a rare thing in the Courts of Kings. Every one sacrificeth to his own Interests: Great­ness is honoured with so much esteem, that no one but stoops to it, and abando­neth all things to attain it. Whatever obligation there is to love Kings, yet they are the men, who have the fewest true friends, and if their service bring the least pre­judice to any man's Fortunes, they will soon find themselves deserted. They are ordinarily loved as the Sun, with which one is glad to be enlightned, so long as his [Page 347]light and influences are favourable, but shuts too the Dores and Windows, not so much as to see him, if his heat (as in Summer) doth but a little incommodate or trouble one.

The Marshal de Marillac would not let the Army march out of Cham­pagne toward Italy.

THE Marshal de Marillac was so far from this kind of fidelity and Passion for the Kings service, that on the contrary, though his Majesty, sent divers expresse commands to him, to march with the Army which he commanded in Champagne into Italy, he sought out continual delayes, that he might excuse it; That Ambi­tion which possest his Soul would not permit him to let others partake with him in the charge of General, which he had alone to himself in that Province, and the great gains which he drew from the Quarters and Souldiers. He would have made the whole World believe, that the Emperor would make an inroad into France, as soon as he should draw off from the Frontiers and after he had sent divers times that he would march the next day, he would presently dispatch another post after him, to send new excuses, but very frivolous, for his longer delay. The passion which he had for his own Interests, hindered him from considerating (that besides the obliga­tion which he had to obey the King) it had been resolved upon in the Counsel of War to relieve Cazal, upon the supposition that the passage was open, and in or­der to those commands which were sent to him; and that his defect in following those orders which were given to him, did put all affairs into confusion by his per­versnesse. He reflected not on any thing of all this, untill about the 9 or 10 of Aug. though he could very easily, (& as by command he ought) have been at Suze the beginning of J [...]ly. So Cazal had infallibly been relieved the beginning of Au­gust, 20000 Frenchmens lives had been saved, who dyed that Autumn in Piedmont, and there had been no necessity of making a Cessation at Cazal, which nothing but the successe could render excusable.

Politique Observation.

THE soul of the ambitious is so charm'd with his own Interests, that having no other end then his greatness, he cannot resolve to do any thing which may tend to the diminution of it, be it never so little. This humor is so lofty, that he esteems himself unhappy if he have not all: and as he doth regard nothing but to render himself considerable, he is not only dangerous to be chosen for a friend, but to be confided on in the conduct of publique affairs. Ambition teacheth him to become disloyal, and there are not any Laws which it doth not make slight, not ex­cepting those of Religion it self; he establisheth the place of his repose upon the highest pitch of Fortune, and as he hath heard it reported, that all things tend na­turally to the Center with violence, so he aspires to that with such ardency, that he doth not fear to make the very disorders of publique affairs, to be the steps by which he will raise himself. Whereas a well regulated mind looks after the greatnesses of Fortune, only by the wayes of Honor and Merit.

Artifices of the Lord Keeper, and of the Marshal de Marillac his Brother.

AT last the courage and fidelity of the Cardinal could no longer oppose the violence of the Plague and other diseases, which had consumed two thirds of the Souldiers: So it was the more needful to raise new forces or rather to form the body of a new Army; for that Cazal began to be close prest upon by the Spaniard. The Cardinal found his presence was very necessary in France, to dispatch such forces over the Hils, and to take order for the sending of monies, and victuals, both which were for the most part raised by his credit; All which began to be scarce by the unworthy Artifices of the Lord Treasurer & his Brother, and those of his Cabal. He found himself obliged to return, to the King at Lyon. Where it was a very great [Page 348]satisfaction to him, to find his Majesty in sy good health, after the apprehensions which he had, lest those fits of a Feaver might have ended in some more dangerous sickness; but one cannot imagine how sensibly he was troubled, to find the Queen Mothers Spirit so extreamly exasperated against him, though the King indeed un­dertook his protection upon all occasions. He believed that the Lord Keeper who had ravished from him the good will of his Mistress, was able to re-estate him in it again, and though it be very difficult to pay honour and respect to a person, who can­not be called other then a Monster of Ingratitude, yet he went several times to wayt upon him, and endeavoured by all sorts of kindnesses and good Offices, to draw him to acknowledge the service which he owed, and the great obligations which were due to him. Now although Honor and good Actions break even rocks, and are the most powerful means which a man can imploy to move the mind, yet Ambition, which had taken up the possession of this turbulent man, so hindered him, that he could not addresse himself to any thing, but a constrain'd dissimulation, which under the appearance of a counterfeited compliance, concealed that fire, which could never be extinguished after the Combination, and which then consumed him in so blind a passion, that he preferred the Interests of Spain before those of his own Country, and did a thousand things unworthy of his quality. The Honor and fa­vours which the Cardinal did him, could not, as I said, quench that seditious fire, which insteed of being put out, lay raked up under the Cinders of a dissembled and counterfeited Soul. Insomuch that the Soul of this make-bate, could not rest, but continued and kept up those Cabals neer the Queen Mother, not only blowing up her passion that it might not entinguish, but sometimes casting Oile upon it, but with such dexterousnesse, that there were not any, but such as were very neer this great Princesse, which could ever perceive it.

Politique Observation.

A Man may easily hide his natural inclinations, and sometimes he may deminish them, but it is almost impossible totally to extinguish them. Judgment may oppose it's utmost to the violence of Nature, but it is ordinarily seen, that at la [...]t be­ing weary of the Combat, nature reassumes it self, and becomes more violent. Hap­py he, saith an Antient, whose birth inclineth him to lean towards vertue. And it is most true, that there needs as much constraint to re-estate a man in good habits, who is borne with wicked ones, as to make a tree strait which hath had time to grow bigg and crooked. Repel nature as much as the will; saith another, it will however have it's course. And as he who is in the middest of a Torrent, is sometimes forced to suffer himself to be carried by the Current of the waters, so that soul which na­ture hath made to be borne accompanied with evil habits, hath a World of trouble to overcome and Master them. Who ever attempts to overcome them, ladeth him­self with a Burthen; under which he may sink down sooner or later, if he be not very vigilant, especially if he be in imployments, which sooth his inclinations; For although Nature may have lain in a slumber a long time, yet at last opportunity revives it, his thoughts themselves seizing upon him, and giving new vigour to his inclinations, There is not any thing so joyful to us, as to embrace those objects, to which nature doth addict us, and the wills carry us insensibly to them.

A fight wherein the French were worsted by the Spaniards.

FOrtune (like the Sun, never at high noon, but soon after sets,) was not con­tented after so many glorious victories, obtained in Savoy and Piedmont, to afflict his Majesty, with the sickness in his Army, but would add to it the trouble of causing him to see the losse of the Duke of Mantua's Chief Town. Those prepara­tions of War, which were made in the beginning of the year with so much pru­dence, had not so happy a success as was expected. Colalte assisted by a confident of the Duke of Savoy, and by Panigaole in the behalf of Spinola being incouraged by the Spaniards, was not wanting to urge the Emperor, for the obtaining of some [Page 349]new Troops, and to assure him of the taking of Mantua before the end of the Som­mer, which being granted he appeared in the head of a strong Army, which had given him the means of attempting any thing he would in Italy, had he not met with the Venetians Army in front of him; who though they had not the Glory to overcome him, had however the power to impede the course of his designs. It was not long before these two Armies met at Villebone, but the Venetians not being disciplined to War, gave ground, so that only the French, the Corses and Capelets continued the fight, their courage carrying them on, to resolve to perish in that incounter, in which the smalnesse of the number, to which they were reduced, did not give them any hopes of overcoming; only they would not loose their reputa­tion by a shameful flight; so the most part were taken, kild, or wounded, so much did the heat of their courages ingage them: They had doubtlesse had a happier success, had they been seconded by the Venetians though never so few; who not being accu­stomed to fight, were dazled with the brightness of the Arms, and affrighted with the noise of the musquet shot.

Politique Observation.

THere is nothing more dangerous to a State, then the want of well disciplined Troops: War is an Art to be learn't, as other Arts are, and they whose cou­rages are not fixed by experience, are commonly seized upon by some fears in their first encounters. The Romans quickly found their Empire, rent and devided be­tween their Enemies, after their Peace had disaccustomed their Souldiers from flights. Their wisest Politicians thought themselves very unfortunate, when they had no more Enemies to keep their Troops in Breath, and looked upon the taking of Carthage, (which from time to time kept them in Action) as a greater mis-fortune to them, then the losse of some great Country. That which renders France so re­doutable, is the happinesse it hath, in the Cardinals being Chief Minister of his Ma­jesties will and pleasure, whose Arme is stil provided, and store of Troops abroad, who want not any manner of imployment. That which gives so great a facility to the invation of Italy, is their want of disciplined Troops; for those which it fur­nisheth to the House of Austria, do most of them perish in forraign Countries. I cannot but much wonder, that Machiavile, did so much forget himself, in this point of Prudence, as to aver, That it was dangerous to accustome a people to War: For though their courages be prejudicial in civil Wars, yet they are necessary to oppose themselves, against the incursion of Forrainers. And a Sage Politician, that he might avoid the inconveniences of civil Wars, followed this example, which the Cardinal hath given to all Princes, and which preserved France, in the happiness, of a long Peace, by keeping Troops still on foot, who were still ready to suppresse any insur­rections which might arise, and not suffering them, to be vanting in other Countries and amongst our Neighbours.

The taking of Mantua by the Imperialists.

PResently after the Imperialists, were become Masters of the field they resolved to attaque Mantua either by surprise or an orderly siege and they address't them­selves with so much the more readiness to execute their design, because they knew, that a great number of the Souldiers in Garrison there, were much discreased, in seve­ral losses which they received upon divers assaults, & that the Plague had killed above 25000 in 3 months. Aldringuer and Galas, looked out all those Places, where they might make an assault, which was the easier for them to do, they having good in­telligence in Mantua, by the means of Guastale, who pretended to the Dutche be­fore the Duke of Mantua, as we have declared about the latter end of the last year. They understood, that it might be surprised upon the Bourg side, and St. George's Bridge, by a Trench which was upon the Lakes side, where no great Guard was kept, for that the Place was thought to be [...]naccessible, and few there were who durst at­tempt it, because of two Trenches made upon the Bridge, and certain chains, [Page 350]reaching to the Gate and the new Tower, so that no boat could passe there, for at least half a mile downwards. However there they resolved to surprise it, by means of certain Souldiers who were clapt in there, upon the design of assaulting the Town in several places, at the same time, that they should enter. This enterprise was ac­cordingly executed under favour of the night about the 18 of Italy, an hour before day with so much violence and courage, that all the resistence which the Duke of Mantua and the Marshal d' Estrée, could make, (and they did all that could be ex­pected from valiant men, on that occasion) was to no purpose, and could not de­fend them from being compelled, to render themselves upon composition, after they had behaved themselves stoutly in every place, that was capable of defence.

Politique Observation.

THere are hardly any Towns which are not lyable to surprises. Breda a place extreamly strong, was surprised by Prince Maurice, by making use of a Boat­man, who using to carry Turf into the Castle, filled his Boat with armed Souldiers, covered both above and beneath with Turfs, who by this means entred upon the Castle, and made themselves Masters, both of it and the Town, being seconded by Troops and Companies who expected to be let in. Watchtendone, upon the River of Niers, was surprised by a Bark full of straw; in which Mattheo Dulchan and 13 others were concealed, and one Souldier, who used to guide in the straw, who be­ing known to the Sentinel desired him to lend him his hand, to help him out, and so drew him into the Water, giving oportunity to the rest to land undiscovered, to seize on the Corps du Guard and to kill the Souldiers on the Bridge, where they let in Henry de Bergue, who was neer at hand to second them with 400 men. Thus one might produce many the like examples, it being difficult for a Town to be so forti­fied on all sides, that it cannot be surprised in some place or other.

The Causes of the taking of Mantua.

THE losse of Mantua, is principaly attributed to three causes. The first was Guastale, who gave Intelligence to the Imperialists, from within so that they were not only well informed, of that Avenue which was inaccessible to men, who were not acquainted with the condition and quality of the place, and what courses they ought to take to arrive there, by the-Inhabitants themselves, but were also se­conded by some of the Inhabitants, after they were once entred. The Venetians bore another part of the Blame, by reason of the long delayes which they used in revictualling of Mantua, for the last convoy which they sent, could not enter, the Imperialists having stop't up the Avenues; as also for that they defferred the raising of their Troups, it being certain, that had they made their levies and advanced at the beginning of the year, they might have taken all Imperial Garisons and cut them in pieces, whereas they stayed until the new German Army came, and their Soul­diers being al unskilful and not trained up the Wars, it was not difficult for the Im­perialists to defeat them, to make themselves Masters of the field, and to take in all the little holds thereabouts. The Duke of Mantua is somewhat blamed too, for not being careful enough, to reinforce his Garrison with fresh supplies, at the same times that the sickness decreased them, whatever instances the Marshal d' Estree used to him from the King to that effect. The neglect whereof, was the cause, that the Enemies found not men enough in the Town, to oppose their fury or beat them off; which doubtlesse might have been done, had there been barely a thousand men in it.

Politique Observation.

IT is too great an excesse of bounty, and very hurtful, to a new Prince, who takes possession of the Estate by some extraordinary change, which may clash with the minds of the people, to permit those to live in liberty under him, who have pretended to the same Government, and may peradventure, hinder him in the [Page 351]enjoyment of it; To do so, were to leave fire amongst straw, which wil soon raise great flames, and he may be very sure, his Country will not long continue without trou­bles. The rules of Tyrannie, oblige him to put such a one to death, and declare to us, that to take away his State and not his life, were a cruel pitty: But not regarding those, the Laws of Justice, which permit him to restrain him of his liberty, exempt him from all blame, for that his possession being just; he is obliged to make use of all his Authority, to preserve his State, by all warrantable means, and wayes what­ever. Besides when there is a Question of setting an Army on foot, he ought not to be a little careful of preventing his Enemies, and their designs. We have already declared how necessary and profitable celerity, and a dexterous dispatch is in war­fare, and no one can doubt but that it is a great piece of Prudence, to fall upon our Enemies before they have assembled their forces to assault us. For besides the in­fallibleness of a good successe; the Victory doth mightly augment the courage of the Souldiers, and the custome of overcoming, is one of the greatest advantages which can be thought upon in all enterprises, which are afterwards to be attempted. Above all, the keeping of necessary Souldiers in a Town, which the Enemies have either invested, or made their approaches unto must not be neglected, for such a de­ficiency, were to put their Armes for a prey and to render their being taken infalli­ble. There is no need of a surprisal, for in such assaults as are made, the Enemy not finding any to resist them, do as it were seize upon it. The slighting which we make of our Enemies, in neglecting to fortefie our selves against them, exposeth us to the danger of receiving a far greater losse, and in consequence the shame to be over­come by them, which is almost inevitable.

Cazal assaulted by the Marquis of Spinola.

THE Cardinal had too much Prudence and Generosity, not to secure Cazal against such an accident, though exposed to a far greater danger. But for the better understanding of his Conduct, it will be good to look back upon the begin­ning of the Siege. After the taking of Pignoral, both the Cardinal and Spinola had the same designs of quitting Piedmont, the one that he might joyn with the King at Grenoble, and accompany him in the Conquest of Savoy, the t'other to lay siege to Cazal and to recover if possible the honour he had there lost, the precedent year when he drew off at the same time, that he had the news of the Kings arrival at Suze, without abiding that his Majesties Army might approach his neerer then six great dayes march. He was provoked in point of Honour in the design, his courage in­flamed his passion and the shame he had to find the glory, which he had got by so many victories, blasted with this disgrace, gave him an extream impatiency, to re­pair that fault which occasioned it. He resolved either to perish or carry the place, not being able to survive the losse of his Honour; and in prosecution thereof, there was no Stratageme or force omitted, which might render him Master of it. Never was place so vigorously assaulted, as never more stoutly defended: Few dayes passed without fresh assaults or sallies: Nothing which the Cannon could do, was left un­assayed, almost continually; the Place was undermined on every side, wild-fires were made use of in such abundance that the Town had been sundry times burn't to Ashes, had then not taken a very great care to hinder the effect of them. In a word, the discontent which accompanied his Courage, suffered him not to forget any invention that the art of War or Passion could suggest, to overcome.

Politique Observation.

SHame is a venemous root, from whence we sometimes see excellent effects pro­duced; and it cannot better be compared, then to certain plants, which we observe in Nature whose roots are deadly, and whose leaves on the contrary, proper to cure many diseases. Is it not that, which hath often excited the courages of the greatest Commanders, to that height, that perceiving Victory to encline to their Enemies, they have precipitated themselves, into the fight and goared their Weapons and [Page 352]their hands in the Blood of their Enemies, by which they have ingaged their own party to make new endeavour, and fortune hath thereupon accorded them that glory which they were upon the very point of loosing? Have we not seen the like amongst Souldiers, who after they behaved themselves ill one day, have presently after appeared like so many Lions, in the pursuit of their Enemies, and so have de­fended themselves from that disgrace, with which they had been branded? The shame which the Persians had, as Justin reports, to see their wifes come towards them, with their Coats trust up, made them face about and charge the Enemy be­fore whence they fled. And T. Livie writes how that the Roman Consul Agrippa, did commonly use to throw some of Ensigns, among the middest of his Enemies to the end the shame, the Souldiers should have had to loose them might oblige them to redouble their courages and regain them. Both the Greek and Roman Histories are fall of such like examples▪ needless to the rehearsed: The shame that Caesar had, seeing the the Image of Alexander, who had won so many remarkable victories, as soon as ever age had made him fit to bear Armes, so touched him that afterwards, he never ceased bending his mind to generous actions, which have eter­nized his glory.

A Treaty to renew the Alliance with Holland.

NOw for the perserving of this place, notwithstanding Spinola's extraordi­nary passion to take it, two things were necessary. First, to hinder the Spa­niards from having such numbers of men, as they would have desired; Secondly, that the Kings Army might want nothing, but be recruited from time to time, by the supply of new Troops in the place of those whom the plague had wasted. The Cardinal had foreseen and provided for the first, before he parted from Paris, giving such exercise to the Spaniards in the Low Countries that they had much a do to furnish themselves, with the Troops there requisite, without diverting them to new enterprises, especially seeing the King of Swede, of whom we shall speak hereafter, began to give them employment in Germany. The Cardinal having discovered about the end of the Precedent year, that the Sparniards were upon the design of offering great advantages to the Hollanders, to bring them to a truce, whereby to have means to draw Troops out of the Low Countries to send into Italy, acquain­ted the King how much this truce was prejudicial to the rest of Europe, giving way to the Spaniards to maintain themselves in the injust user patation of the States, of many Princes of Germany, as well as of the Duke of Mantua's. The King appre­hended that danger, and his Majesty thereupon impowered Monsieur de Bangy his Embassador in Holland to renew with them the ancient Treaties of alliance, upon condition, that they might not for some years come to any truce with their Ene­mies. That power was given him from the month of December, of the Precedent year 1629. and yet as affairs of that nature, are not so readily determined, the Treaty was not signed till the month of June of the Present year; The Cardinal thus preventing by his unparralel'd Prudence, the most crafty subtilities of the Spaniard.

Politique Observation.

AS it is glorious for a Minister to prevent the force of the Enemies by a con­trary force, as we have said, so is it very honourable to prevent the effects of their Prudence by an opposite Prudence. He ought to be like a good Pilate, who have attained great experince at Sea, can discover a Tempest before it comes, and prepears all that is necessary to resist it: or I will compear him to a wise Physician, who preserves those he takes into his care not only from sickness, but even from the danger of falling-sick, and to say the truth therein consists one of the highest points of Politique wisdome; and I have alwayes esteem'd that one of the greatest services, he can render that Governes a State, is to prevent by his Prudence; the craft from which the Enemy pretends to draw advantage, to avoid his undermining by a [Page 353]Counter-mine, and by his good conduct, to slight all the works of his industry: Pru­dence without doubt acquires great glory, when it surmounts force. Thucydides in his History prefers its victories before all others; Prudence it self, which ought to be so much more honoured as it cuts the evill in the roote; and preserves an Army oft times from running the hazard of a combate, weaken in such sort the Forces of an Enemy, that he has not the boldnesse to dare an encounter; as the Cardinal hath made appear in several occasions.

The Kings gives the command of his Army to the Duke de Montmorancy, Marquis d' Effiat, and the Marshal de la Force.

IT was requisite besides that to send new Troups to the Kings Army, the Mar­shall de Marillac having show'd himself obstinate till then, not to follow his Majesties commands in leading the Army of Champaigne into Italy, the Cardinal thought to go himself to make them passe the Mountains, and take the reins into his own hand. But the great Cabals he found at Court, which were capable not only to hinder the relief of Cazal, but to overthrow the whole State, if not dissi­pated, constrained him to stay at Lyons with his Majesty, who thought fit to send in his place the Duke of Montmorancy the Marquis of Effiat, and the Marshal of la Force. Those great Captains commanded the Army every one his week by turns, with such Order, that notwithstanding the Marquis of Effiat was above the two others, one commanded the Van-Guard one week, the other the Battalia, the third the Rear-Guard, and he who commanded the Battalia gave during his week, all the general Orders necessary for the conduct of the Army. The principal conside­ration which induced the Cardinal to propose this expedient to the King, of com­mitting the command of his Army to many Generals, was the necessity of Coun­cel, and the great need which he saw there was of the advice of many persons of great understanding, and experience in those affairs which should happen. Now it was impossible to send them thither without command, by reason that being per­sons of great quality, they would hardly be under command in the Kings absence, if they might not have Governed in their turn; Not that he was ignorant that the multitude of Generals often stirs up envy among them, and consequently, is cause of great confusion in an Army, but his incomparable Prudence, who could find remedies for the most desperate maladies of the State, wanted not inventions to hin­der those inconveniences; and this same, to make them command the Army in their turn in the Van-Guard, Battalia, and Rear-Guard, was an excellent one, by reason that making them all participate of the same glory, they had no occasion to envy one another.

Politique Observation.

AS there is no person goes under the notion of being excellent in any professi­on whatsoever, if he doth not shew some effects which are not common, so a Minister of State shall never passe with the reputation of being endued with an ex­traordinary Prudence, if there be nothing singular in his conduct; And he doth not set up a new Order, both in Peace and in War, which is evidently advantagious to the Publick. The ordinary rules of War admit but of one General to command an Army, because the Commonalty know not the wayes of conserving a good in­telligence amongst divers, to whom the charge of them is committed. But this here was found to be so much the more profitable, as the Counsel of several per­sons, whose judgment and experience being as eminent as there qualities, is advan­tagious upon all occasions. Who knoweth not that a happy successe doth as often depend upon good Counsel, as upon the quantities, and indeed the courages of Souldiers? But who is more capable of giving and resting stedfastly upon good re­solutions then several great Captains, the least of which is able to command an Army? One only person of this temper is worth six Regiments, and that expedient which happens not in the thoughts of one, falls into those of another; and if one [Page 354]misse to discover any Stratagem of the Enemy, another doth not, if one foreseeth any danger, the other finds out a necessary remedy to prevent it. It is difficult to find in any one man all the qualities necessary for the General of an Army, but whoever joynes three together, supplies that defect, provided he keep them from dissention: one perchance excels in stoutnesse, and being blinded with it, is by con­sequence fitter for execution then Counsel; another is more dexterous in the Pru­dence of his Counsels, and to invent necessary expedients, but being of a colder con­stitution, is lesse proper to be made use of when there is occasion of a sudden exe­cution; and another haply may have an admirable addresse, and a winning car­riage to retain the Souldiers in their Discipline, and to make them live in good order; so that joyning these great persons in commission together, and giving them the same commands in the Army, not leaving any ground of jealousie, or cause of confusion, there cannot follow any other then a glorious successe.

The Prosecution of the History.

EXperience hath made it appear a truth amongst these three great Captains, who advanced the Kings Arms to so high a pitch of glory in Italy, that the Spaniards and Germans will not easily resolve to give them a new occasion of en­counter. The first encounter that they had with the Enemy, was upon passing the Bridge of Villane, where the Duke of Savoy and the Prince of Piedmont came with 6000 foot and 200 Horse and made a most furious assault upon some Troops which remained to passe over; But the successe was so disadvantageous, notwithstanding the great inequality of the Forces, that all the Enemies Army was either put to flight, or cut in pieces. The two Princes that led them, sweating (as was afterwards heard) that they never saw any fight so well. In Prosecution of this victory, they ma [...]ched directly to Saluces, with design to take it, and to make use of it, in the room of Pignerol, whence the plague did hinder the drawing out of any necessary commodities. The Marshal de la Force, whose week it was, commanded his Son with 500 Horse, to go summon the Town with all sorts of civility to surrender, thinking it proper so to deal with them, that he might get the good will of the people of whom he intended to make use, in the design which he had to raise a Magazine there. Those of the Town could not imagine the Kings Army to be so neer, so that they desired leave to send their Deputies to treat with the Generals, which was granted to them, and accordingly they were conducted where they then were: But upon their return, 500 choise men were clap't into it, discharging both at them and ours too, with such insolence, that the Generals being informed of it, advanced with the Army. Many who made the first approches, were slain and wounded: But the courages of others, who saw them in his condition, could not endure to suffer the Kings Army to receive such an affront, without a ready help and assistance; so they used such dilligence in planting the Cannon, that they were mounted within twenty paces of the Walls, and ready to make a breach, within two or three hours, after their arrival. Whence it happened, that the Inhabitants, being astonished, presently rendered themselves, and the Castle had not the hardi­ness to hold out above 24 hours, though there were 500 men in it, whom they would not receive but in the quality of Prisoners of War, to qualifie by their fear, the heat of the rashness which they had used. It is true, that the most part of them were quickly freed from this fear, being in a Bravery that day sent to the Duke of Savoy, with this message, that seeing he wanted men, they had sent him some, and only kept Balbian, who was Commander in chief of the five hundred men, and some of the principal Officers, who were carried to the Castle of Dauphine.

Politique Observation.

RAshnesse is much to be blamed in sieges, as courage is to be commended, it is base for such as find themselves in a place of defence, to render at the first summons, and not to sell it at the price of the lives and bloods of some of the be­siegers; [Page 361]but it is imprudent so to do, if the strength of the besiegers, or weaknesse of the place, make them despair of keeping it. It is handsome for them before they yeeld to testifie by some generous action, that it is not out of cowardize that they surrender; but it is not commendable for them to provoke the anger of their enemies, which if they should draw upon themselves, it were an excesse of heat, which were hurtfull upon such an occasion, as well as in all other enterprises, and subject to turn into Ice, after its first heats are over, and produceth nothing but confusion, in those whom it possesseth. The Laws of Prudence in War, oblige those who are in an apparent weak condition, to stoop under the Arms of their enemies, at least not to provoke them with outrages, those of Justice giving leave to the victorious, to chastize the insolency of them who do otherwise. I have al­waies much esteemed of [...]. Livy his opinion, who saith that temerity besides its inconsideratenesse, doth ordinarily punish it self by infortunate successes. True Courage is founded upon strength, which giveth hope of overcomming. It is not onely animated with passion, which serveth for a spur to quicken it, but with judg­ment, which maketh one scorn those forces and designs which are formed against it. Now although this rashnesse be more pardonable then a shamefull cowardize, yet it hath alwaies passed in the judgement of the wise, and persons of Conduct for a fault full of consideration.

The taking of Veillare, by the Marshal de Schomberg.

THe Marshal de Schomberg had order, at the same time, to march over the Mountains with 8 or 10000 men to recruit the Army; so that passing by Veil­lare; he resolved to assault it, and in eight daies he became Master of the Town and Castle; which strook such a terror into the Duke of Savoy, that he began to think of putting an end to these affairs by sweetnesse; acknowledging that the first Victories which the King and the Cardinal had obtained in commanding his Majesties Army, had given the Souldiers so great a Courage, that there was no­thing able to oppose it self to their violence.

Politique Observation.

IT is with Victories as with Torrents when the way is once open, and the passage free for the Waters, they overturn whatever they meet with, and there is no­thing found which can resist their violence; so the first Victories of an Army do so stagger their enemies courages, that it is afterwards easie for them to vanquish all that present themselves before them. True it is, those are the absolute effects of a true Valour, whereas those second ones, are rather to be attributed to their re­putation. The first advantages infuse fear into their enemies, which if they once apprehend, they are almost half overcome before hand. Souldiers are ordinarily more affected with what they fear, then with what they hope; and they do many times leave and forsake the field▪ not because they have lost the Battel but because they beleeve that it is lost; in fine, an Army fights with so much the more cou­rage, and assured hopes of overcomming, by their being flesht with Victory, whereas the t'other defend themselves faintly because they expect to be vanquish­ed in prosecution of the forepast victories obtained against them. And if any small losse happen to them, be it never so [...]ittle▪ all the Towns abandon them, and sub­mit to the Conquerors party. Thus after the defeat of Antiochus his Army, all the Towns of Asia sent their Key to the Consul who led the Roman Army, to bring them under obedience as Titus Livy hath observed▪ And so after the losse of the Lacedemonians Army, all their Towns rendred themselves in two or three dayes to the Romans, as the same T. Livy hath recorded. And Diodorus Siculus tells us, that upon the getting of one Victory by those of Thebes, under the Conduct of Epamino [...]as against the Lacedemonians, they became Masters of all Greece, so available and powerfull are the first advantages which are gotten in [Page 356]Wars, that they give a continuance of happy successes, to all following en­terprizes.

The Death of the Duke of Savoy.

THis taking of Saluces, together with the other Victories, which were obtain­ed at Veillane, and the taking those other little places thereabouts, struck such a terrour into the enemies, that they abandoned the Fort of St. Pierre, and all the Valley, excepting onely the Castle of Bresol, which was taken the day following: But that which was most strange was, the Duke of Savoy conceived so sensible a displeasure at it, that it deprived him of this life, in a few daies, after fortune had taken away from him, the greatest part of his Estates. Grief hath made evident in this Prince, what experience hath shewed us in divers other persons, that it is able to drie up the radical moisture, to extinguish by little and little the natural heat, and to strike its poison even to the heart, and at last to kill out-right. As the necessity of death is not to be avoided, so the Law which hath imposed it, ad­mits not of any exception. Death doth alike exercise its power over Princes, and poor people, delighting to make them once equals, after they have lived in an ex­traordinary difference. It is as natural, as our births, and as agreeable with mans nature, as it is with the Sun to set; and as it is natural, so it cannot be bad; for that nature maketh nothing which is evil: Besides why should any one think it evil, seeing our departure out of this World, is followed with fewer afflictions then our comming in? There is nothing in it of suffering, but the inquietudes which trouble the mind, and the grief which the body indures before the separation of the Soul: Wherefore I esteem the quickest to be the happiest, so it come with Gods grace, for that it hath lesse pain with it.

Politique Observation.

THat which I esteem to be most desirable by Grandees in that particular is (after the well disposal of the Soul) to die, before the miseries of this World make them desire death. That Prince is to be pittied, whom death hath spared onely that he might undergo the disgraces of Fortune, and be dispoiled of his Estates. If he be ordained by the Divine Providence to indure such displeasures, it were however much sweeter for him to die in a Battel with Honour, then in his Bed with shame. He who dies in a skirmish of War, wounded with any turbulent com­motion in the heat of a Combate, doth hard [...]y feel his wound; for whilest death it self guides him out of the World by the Gate of Honour, it makes him leave it with the le [...]e regret. But true it is the sicknesse of the body caused by the griefs of the mind, which puls the Soul away with violence, in these disasters of Fortune, do not ordinarily convey it forth but with great Convulsions.

The Prince of Piedmont, takes the Government of the Army, after the Duke of Savoy's death.

THe Duke of Savoy being dead, the Prince of Piedmont who had alwaies com­manded part of the Army, took the whole charge of it upon himself; and one may say, he had none of the best good luck in it: For the Kings Army prosecuting the point of their victory, went to seize upon Vil [...]e Franchie, and Pan [...]all [...]er; and afterwards the Bridge of Carignan, which gave them full liberty to passe the Po, and march up to Cazal: It is true, they found much resistance, but so that it was advantagious for them, being onely an augmentation of their Glory. The choi­cest of the enemies Army, as well Spaniards and Germans, as of the Duke of Sa­voy, were intrenched and fortified so advantagiously, under a Half Moon which they had raised, that Arg [...]ncour who was sent to discover them, informed the Council of War, that it was impossible to carry it, but by time: However the Kings [Page 357]Army fell upon them with such violence, that they entred the Half Moon unawares, and the top of the Bridge, in despight of all the resistance which was made, the chief of the Spaniards, being all either taken prisoners, wounded or killed upon the place. Now although this new Duke had no greater inclination to the Kings In­terest then his Father; yet the displeasure which he found in so many crosse in­counters, so opened his eyes; that he began to imagine that Peace would be more for his Interests then War, though he did dissemble it. He was more and more strengthned in that resolution, by the many reasons which were represented to him by some means or other: amongst others, these were the most considerable (that his Majesties Army was not likely to be hindred from getting to Cazal, seeing they had not as yet met with any resistance; that if it were relieved without him, and the War continued on against him, he would inevitably, he would inevitably find the Kings Army fall in upon the rest of his Territories, that it was a joy to the Spaniards to ingage him in the War, they not having lost any thing in Italy & that they should but lose the hopes of Victory, of Cazal were relieved; whereas he would find himself quite despoiled; that he did but deceive himself, to believe that the Spani­ards would raze the Castle of Cazal (if they should take it) for which they had used so many indeavours, and been at so great a charge, onely that they might make themselves stronger in Italy: That the Duke of Mantua would grant to him some part of Montferrat, to which he made pretensions, and that he ought to rest satisfied therewith, it being as much as he could expect from the Spaniards, if they should become Masters of Cazal: That in fine, he had more reason to suspect the neighbour-hood of the Spaniards, then of the Duke of Mantua, seeing they were but too potent in Italy already, in relation to the design (of which they had of­tentimes given testimonies) of making themselves absolute Masters of it. All these reasons were very considerable, and did so work with the Duke of Savoy (though he could not as yet declare himself) that he did not so eagerly prosecute the enter­prise he was ingaged in, wherein he could not meet with any thing but his ruine; and it was perceived, that from that time he had not such frequent intelligence with the Spaniards as formerly he had used to have.

Politique Observation.

THere is not any motive which doth so strongly unite and divide Princes, as Inte­rest. They quickly break a League, when they cease to believe that it is for their advantage. It is long since, T. Livy saith, common good is the bond and knot of Treaties; each one regards not but his own advantage, and cares not for that of another, so it do but accord with his own. All their common enterprises are built on this Foundation, which if once it begin to decay, you may see all their designs come to nothing. Grandees have neither friend nor foe, but in relation to the good or evil which attends it. But what is there of strangenesse in it, seeing all the Elements of the whole Universe are as it were tied together and united with invisible Chains, which quickly fall into division, if any one attempt any thing upon another.

A Cessation of Arms between his Majesty and the Spanish Army, by the mediation of Mazarini.

THe Treaty of Peace was now upon breaking up, yet Mazarini continued to ne­gotiate daily both of one side and t'other. At last about the fifth of August he proposed a Truce to the Generals of the Army with such conditions, that at first dash were not all liked, viz. They were to deliver the Town and Castle of Cazal into Spinola's hands for a certain time (still keeping the Cittadel) and this was to give the Spaniards some satisfaction, who as yet had not got any advantage in Ita­ly; and that which made Spinola the more willfull was, he had seen in a Letter, how [Page 358]that his Master the King of Spain, was in a great anger with him, for that his Ar­my had not made any progresse at all; so it was thought fit to grant this favour for Spinola's honour, and the Arms of Spain, but upon assured confidence that the Treaty would produce a good Peace. However this did but excite the spirit and courage of the French, whose impatience was such, that it would have carried them on to the relief of Cazal by plain force. A proposition of so extraordinary a consequence could not suddenly be resolved on; but a Cessation of Arms for three daies was concluded, and that seconded for three daies more. Shortly after there came Letters from the Sieur...... which made them give Cazal for lost; so that Mazarini comming again about the beginning of September to renew the proposi­tions of the Truce, was more favourably received then formerly. The General assembled the principal Officers of the Army, to deliberate upon it, and eight of nine that were there, having approved of it, they were received, and the Cessation resolved on untill the 15 of October, with condition, that his Majesties Army, might Quarter any where on t'other side the Poe, and take for their money any victuals or provisions necessary for them: That the Town and Castle of Cazal, should be put into Spinola's possession, upon promise that he should restore it, if the Citta­del were relieved by the 30. of October; and however that the Kings Army might have free intercourse with the Cittadel; and that if the Cittadel were not relieved be­fore the thirtieth day of October, it should then be delivered up to the said Marquess, and that the Spaniards should be obliged to make necessary provisions of victuals in Cazal, until the said thirtieth day of October.

Politique Observation.

A Treaty is the ordinary beginning of Peace, whoever begins to treat on condi­tion to surcease for some time all Acts of Hostility, hath a great inclination to make an agreement. The onely indeavouring of a Treaty doth ordinarily testifie, that the fire which inflamed the War is now extinguishing, and the pleasantnesse which is found in a Truce, is a certain Charm, which doth insensibly allure one to a final accommodation, as Plutarch hath demonstrated in the life of Nicias, spea­king of the Truce which was made between the Athenians and the Lacedemonians; so that he who would make a good accommodation, considering the incertain suc­cesse of War, ought never to refuse a Treaty, provided it be upon honourable terms. So much the rather ought he so to do, for that those very actions by which he proposeth to obtain a Victory, may end in a shamefull flight; in Treaties one ought not alwaies to look forsuch advantagious conditions; but each side must yeeld and give away a little of that which is their own. Thus did Pericles (one of the wifest: Ministers of State amongst the Ancients) make no difficulty, to grant the Treaty which was made between the Athenians, and those of Sparta, that the Athenians should every yeer send them two Talents, though they did in some sort pay dear enough for them, as Plutarch observes in the life of Pericles. So Lewis the Eleventh, whose Prudence is much commended in our Histories, easily accor­ded to the Treaty made with Edward King of England for nine years, paying him yearly 50000 Duckets of Gold, which the English vainly called Tribute; but were in effect a Pension, and was accordingly so termed by the French. It is true it cannot be paid with any great deal of honour; but it was however commenda­ble by the Laws of Prudent Policy, because sent the English out of France, who had they joined their Forces with Charles of Bourgogne, might have much indange­red it. In fine, safety is to be bought in any eminent danger, and it is at any time advantagious enough to hinder an enemy from obtaining a victory, and to get time to render ones self stronger for the next fight.

Prosecution of the History.

THis Truce was much condemned by many, and by the Cardinal himself too, who was just upon the point of perswading his Majesty to make a Declaration, by [Page 359]which he should dis-own those who had signed it, and with expresse command to his Army to advance: The Gallantry of his Courage, which knoweth not what it is to give ground, could not endure that the Town and Castle of Cazal should be delivered up into Spinola's hands; and it is not to be doubted, that had his Majesty been there, it had never been assented to at all. But however, take the reasons upon which it was so resolved, which I do the more willingly set down, to excuse those who undertook it: The first and principle was, the Duke of Savoy was much inclined and promised, to join himself with the Kings Army, if the Spaniards did not agree to those conditions which had formerly been ascertain'd with Spinola. Mazarini passed his word, that the Duke of Savoy should write a Letter about it to the Dutchesse of Savoy; of which the Generals of the Army should have a co­py for their discharge; so that agreeing in this manner with the Duke of Savoy; the Spaniards were obliged to conclude the Peace; and if not the Duke of Savoy was ingaged to joyn his with the Kings Forces, to relieve Cazal. There was no­thing to fear in respect of Cazal, but on the contrary, the delivery of it was cer­tain; and most true it is, without that the Generals had never resolved upon that particular. And the extream necessities, to which Cazal was reduced, as Mon­sieur de Thoyras sent word, caused them to doubt, lest that in few dayes (and be­fore the Army could come up) the inhabitants who were wearied out, with suffe­ring of inconveniences for three years together, some of them who were gained by the Spanish party, should force the Garrison to surrender, which could not be suf­fered without great dishonour to the Kings Army. Besides the Marquesse de Bre­ze, had order from the Generals to go to Cazal, under pretence of finishing the Treaty however, not to execute it, untill he had conferred with the Sieur de Thoy­ras, and understood whether or no he could hold out, till the relief came, with­out danger, and then to assure him, that in case he could, the [...] would bring up the Army forthwith, and not conclude the Treaty. In short the Treaty was not ex­ecuted, until it was understood that neither he nor any one else would undertake to warrant the successe.

To be short, it was thought necessary to refresh the Army, and to give them more scope, they being much afflicted with the sicknesse, and to releive Cazal, they were of necessity to march 30 leagues through an Enemies Country, with a small proportion of victuals, and without any retreating place at all.

Politique Observation.

A Man may say thus much in the behalf of those, who were Authors of this Truce, that whoever pretends to make a long and durable Peace, ought not to refuse some satisfaction to his enemies; who in case they be forced to conclude with dishonour and confusion presently break out again, as soon as they find them­selves in a Condition of taking their revenge. Such was the opinion of Archida­mus, when he would have perswaded the Lacedemonians, to make a Peace with the Thebans, upon the relation of Isocrates. And indeed it is impossible to make a good and firm establishment of a Peace, if one side hath all the advantages, and t'other be driven into desperation. And as nothing doth so much excite courage, as the losse of honour, so it ingageth them to new attempts, without any hopes of reducing them to a second Peace. If one hath not Forces infinitely above theirs, and be not absolutely assured of the victory. Necessity it self when a man find that he suffers with shame and discredit, makes one of them worth four; and for­ceth him who before fled, to face about with fury. It snatcheth away all fears, and there is not any thing which it doth not perswade and lead him to. The Events of War are incertain, and it is in fights, as in other affairs of the World; sometimes he who negotiateth findeth himself reduced in certain conjunctures, to put himself upon an eminent hazard of losing all, to gain all the advantage to himself; so he who in a combat would carry away all the glory by a high hand, doth often see it reaped by his enemies, for that he attempted to reduce them to too great an extre­mity.

The King falls very sick, and disposeth of his State-affairs.

DUring the Treaty, God Almighty (who hath not made Princes of any other temper, then other men) permitted the King to fall into a violent disease, the issue whereof being incertain, put the affairs of the Kingdom into a strange con­fusion. But as all the sicknesses wherewith he doth afflict men, are not to destroy them, (his love alwaies guiding and conducting the order of humane affairs) so he would not deprive France of a King, who was so necessary for them, nor the Church of her eldest son, who fought for her Liberty. He restored him his health, and imployed the sickness, to let him know, that he was liable to the Laws of hu­mane frailty, as well as the least of his subjects. He gave him this occasion to make known that vertue and extraordinary Piety, wherewith he had invested his Soul. His Courage evidenced to all the World that he did not fear death, but consider­ed it as an easie passage from the miseries of this life, to the eternal happinesses of Heaven; his thoughts were not fix'd upon any thing, but how to render his Soul worthy of the divine mercy which he did hope to obtain. The onely regret which he testified, was, not the leaving his Crown, but the having com­mitted offences, which humane weaknesse cannot avoid, and for which he desired pardon of God, which (all bathed in his tears) he begged those who were present to assist him in.

Politique Observation.

KIngs are not exempted by the lustre of their Crowns from the necessities either of sicknesse or death. If their Birth and Scepter have advanced them, sick­nesse and death render them equal. The greatest part of adversities do not spare them at all during their lives. But it should rather seem on the contrary, that the greatnesse of their birth, hath obliged them to undergo the greater afflictions: The divine Prudence having so ordain'd it, to let them know they are but men. The valiant Alexander bewitched with his Conquests, suffered himself to be per­swaded by his flatterers, that he was of the Race of the Gods; and he was not un­deceiv'd of this presumptuous opinion untill he was wounded, and saw the blood run down from his wound. There is indeed nothing more ordinary with great men then to forget themselves amidst those extraordinary respects which are payd to them. God hath left them subject to the same afflictions with the rest of men, which serve as so many calls to advertise them, that their Felicity is not on earth, and that their Kingdom is but a place of exile, where God hath left them liable to the same inconveniences. That true greatness doth not so much consist in the pow­er to do whatsoever one would, as in the will to do what one ought. That it is blindness to measure their power by the licentiousness of satisfying their Passions, and that the greatest Princes in subjecting all things, have first subjected themselves to reason; shewing in all their actions, that though they could do any thing, yet they would attempt nothing, but what were fit and worthy of Gods Lieutenant; that greatnesse doth not acquit them from well-doing; but on the contrary, as it hath furnished them with more opportunities, so more is expected from them; that their surest Revenue is the good and love of their people, and that they ought not so much to fear to suffer evil, as to do evil.

The gentleness of the Cardinal towards his Enemies.

THe Kings sicknesse produced several occasions, by which the Cardinal per­ceived, but with great grief, the extremity of the hatred which the Queen Mother had conceived against him, which made him redouble his care, to do all things which might render him agreeable to his spirit. There was no one quality or thing able to beget good will in the hearts of men, with which he did not study [Page 361]to furnish himself, that he might render himself deserving of the honour of his Majesties good favour. Good Offices make a man acceptable, and it cannot be related with how much Passion he imbraced his Majesties Interests. We usually love them, that love our relations, and the Cardinal had so great a desire to plea­sure his Majesty, that forgetting all the injuries which he had received from the Marshal de Marillac, he got ten thousand Crowns to be presented to him, and a Command given him, equal with that of the Marshals of Force and Schomberg, to go to the relief of Cazal.

It is impossible to hinder our wills from loving them who love us, it being very true, that there is no stronger charm to oblige others to love us, then our first loving them. Now there is not any person can better testifie (them the Queen Mother her self, and those who were neer her, both at Lyon and in her return to Paris) how much zeal and affection the Cardinal vowed, protested and shewed to her in a thousand actions which concern'd her service. Great submissions reclaim the most brutish natures. Now nothing could be added to those which the Cardinal made to his Majesty at Lyon, and in the same journey to Paris, when he begged his par­don in behalf of his most just intentions, as if they had been most grievous offences; and in such a manner as was able to allay the fury of a Lyon. Was it needfull to imploy so many cares, to use so much industry, to make him be beloved who was the chiefest of men, and the most amiable? Those eminent qualities wherewith the Creator of the Universe hath inriched him, as a Master-piece of his Power, and which he form'd but once in six ages, and so many glorious exploits, which have immortalized his honour, are not these I say such efficacious charms, that it is im­possible to see him and not to love him? It is true, that they were sufficient to have wrought upon any spirit, which had not been cemented in its Passion for above two vears together. And though it were so, he for his part did never forget any of those things which are imagined to be capable of re-estating himself in her good thoughts. The ordinary discourse with which he entertained her was, that he could never do enough to recover that place (which he had heretofore had the ho­nour to possesse) in her good opinion; and to confesse and acknowledge to her, those great favours for which he was still ingaged to her; though indeed, and by the strict Laws of Equity, they were procured and bestowed upon him, as so many just recompences of his services, or to ingage him to do others of more im­portance, as the effects of a pure liberallity. But after all, either these indeavours, these cares, these services, these respects, or these submissions, could mitigate that sharpnesse which had taken possession of her spirit. They wrought for some time so much upon her reason, that she kept all fair, and seemed not to be displeased, but assoon as she was arrived at Paris, her Passion revived, and to that height, that she removed out of her family, Madam de Combal [...]t, and Monsieur de la Me [...]lleray and in prosecution her passion carried her to commit and act unheard of violences upon the Kings disposition, to induce him to destroy this incomparable Minister, without whose Prudence France it self had been destroyed.

Politique Observation.

AS Women do not ordinarily love men, though the most amiable, with or by reason, the only instinct of their passion making a deeper impression in their souls, then the merit or worth of those whom they address themselves to love; so there is no reason which is able to root out any hatred, which they shall once con­ceive. They easily passe from one extremity to another upon those Wings of In­constancy which nature hath given them with their births, and the changeableness of their humour is easily known by the pride which they take to hate such persons against whom they have once taken any impression, and of which there is not any hopes to cure them by any lawfull waies. The strongest reasons of truth, passe in their opinions for Artifices, and the most humble submissions, do not at all touch their high minds, and the greatest in stances, make them the greater Rebels. They [Page 356]being of the same humour with fortune, who doth ordinarily bestow her favours up­on those who least seek after them.

The constancy of the Cardinal against those who would remove him out of the Kings Favour.

JT cannot be denied, but that the Cardinal was affected with such apparent grief on this occasion, as cannot be imagined, and as it is not generosity but a poor­ness of spirit, to a shew an insensibleness on such occasions; so in the Cardinals face one might see all the lively marks of displeasure. It was not the apprehension of losing his fortune that did touch him, for he had learnt by a long experience, that the greatest happinesse of this life is not confined to the greatest honours, and that those who govern an Estate, are like the Celestial Bodies, which receive much honour from the earth, but have no rest at all; so that he had most readily renounced all, according as he supplicated his Majesty, if his Majesty would have thought it fit, who too too well knew of what con­cernment he was to his State. It could not be, that he did suspect his Ma­jesties goodnesse or constancy, to whom hee knew his fidelity, was better known then to all the rest of France, and of whose affection he had so many dai­ly testimonies, that he could not but without great blame have him in any doubt at all. But as Innocence cannot without trouble passe for guilty; so the vice of in­gratitude with which the Queen Mother did strive to sully his glory, made it so much the more insupportable, by how much lesse he had deserved it. He was not to learn that the power of Grandees was potent enough to insinuate into the peo­ples minds, their particular thoughts for infallible truths, and that she might in France, and to posterity, make him passe for an ungratefull servant of those favours which she had conferred upon him. It was for this, that he could not imagine (no more then he Kings loyal servants) that (after he had given canse to the whole World to admire him) the Artifices of some seditious spirits, would be able to counterpoise his glory.

Ingratitude is a deficiency of that acknowledgement which one ought to have for good Offices, so that who so confesseth himself to be indebted, cannot be ac­cused. But surely he cannot be called ingratefull, who hath no greater desires then of paying eternal service to those from whom he hath received obligations, and who hath no more apparent grief, then to see the malice of his enemies able to remove him from the opportunities of so doing But what appearence can there be of casting this infamous quality in his teeth who hath paid all imaginable services to his very enemies, onely that he might make' them Mediators of his Reconciliation, which would inable him to imploy the rest of his life, to serve her who had obliged him? Can he be called ingratefull, who would lose the first place of Honour in a State, to preserve that which he had formerly possessed in the good opinion of his Benefact [...]ix, seeing he could not make a more perfect demonstration of his acknow­ledgement? And now cannot the whole Court bear witnesse, that all this was but one part of the care which the Cardinal took to recover some part of the honour of the Queen-Mothers good opinion?

He whom she made his principle accuser, never durst disavow it in his writings. But not wel [...] knowing how to describe his ingratitude, he would fain make him passe for ingratefull, because he did not adhere to, and follow all the Queen Mothers sentiments in State affairs; as if a Minister could with Justice prefer the opinion of such a person as she was, before the Kings service! And as if the condiscendence which he should make to the Queen Mothers will, would not be one of the greatest defects in a person of his Trust! It is true that her birth, might oblige him to ex­traordinary services, but they never ought to run counter to the fidelity due to his Master, which commands him to passe by no occasion of preserving or augment­ing his glory. He is obliged to know what is due by way of recognition to those [Page 361]who favour him, and what is due by Justice to the King his Master, and never to prefer the acknowledgement of of particular kindnesses, before the Interest of the State, which is entrusted to his conduct. He would perchance have him pass for ingrateful, because he did not discover some important secrets to the Queen-Mo­ther, which was only in matters contrary to her opinion; as if secrecie were not the soul of counsel, as if to reveal a thing were not evidently to obstruct the exe­cution of a Designe. The sagest Polititians have said, He is the wisest King, who after he hath caused divers expedients to be proposed, communicates his resolution of what shall be done, but only to a few persons.

Politique Observation.

HAtred, which hath no just foundation, is so inconsiderate, that it proposeth Chimeras for very plausible, nay strong reasons, without regarding that they will not be credited but by such spirits as she hath got the possession of, when Truth doth not furnish it with solid reasons, it attempteth to make pretenses pass for currant lawful causes. There are no sorts of wickednesses, which are not pow­erful enough to entertain the minds of women, especially when they believe that the subject they work upon would set bounds to their Authority, and hinder them in their Governing according to their own Fancies. The greediness of absolute com­mand hurries them with a greater impetuosity to revenge, then any other cause whatsoever, without this consideration, that God hath not created their Sex for Government: and experience hath evidenced it upon many occasions, that they are very unfit for that purpose. But as Ambition is a blind Passion, we do many times see great obstacles opposed to their Powers, when they think to increase their Authorities, and the greatest props of their Grandeur ruined, whilest they use their greatest endeavours to render themselves more absolute.

The great Qualities of the Cardinal.

ALL the Artifices of the Queen mother made no other Impression upon his Majesty, then to carry him to recollect and reiterate in his mind the Fidelity of the Cardinals services, the great affection wherewith he had behaved himself, in all occasions where his Majesties glory was concern'd, the good success which ac­companied his Conduct of his Armies, the Incomparable Prudence wherewith he was endued, with which he did penetrate into what was to come, and foresaw ef­fects in their Causes, and accordingly prepared Remedies before they hapned, the indefatigable vigilance which made him so intent both day and on the affairs of State, that though he gave Orders in the greatest, yet he never forgot the least, and that prodigious promptitude, which produc'd effects, from resolution in Counsel, before one knew whether it were resolv'd on or no: These were those just considerations which the King recalled into his mind, to oppugne the divers Artifices of the Cardinals enemies; and one may say, they did so fix his Majesty against those violences with which they would as it were shake him, that to the end he might evade those perpetual instances which the Queen-mother hourly made to him, he resolved to go to pass away some days at Verfilles. In effect, that was the cause of the King's going from Paris, and the Queen-mother could get no other satisfaction from his Majesty, then that of Respect and hearty affection by his taking leave of her.

Politique Observation.

THe King well knew, that the disgraces of a grand Minister are as dis-advanta­gious to a State, as his services have been profitable, and that in it a Prince receives as much blame, as he had once gotten glory in drawing him neer to Person. An excellent Workman never uses to throw away his Instruments where­with [Page 362]he is accustomed to make rare pieces of his Art; and a King doth much recede from a great Conduct, if he doth drive from the Government of his State-affairs, such a Minister whose admirable Genius is the principal instrument of his glory. Undoubtedly the Counter-blow of such a stroke, might rebound against his Au­thority. He ought to know, that it is easie to blame those who govern, and to lament their Conduct, and that many more find it very perfect and compleat, see­ing it doth not give them leave to do whatever they would in their own particular, and that the Estate of Publick Affairs ought not to be judged by those of their own houses. There need no more but to consult with experience, to evince, that it is very difficult to find a great Genius, on whose Prudence they may confidently re­ly; for that two or three whole ages do hardly bring forth one only such. How many Kings have been constrained to leave both their Courages and States as unuse­full, for that their Country produc'd none such in their times? He who is so hap­py, as to meet with one, ought to preserve him with as much care, as the most as­sured foundation of his Kingdomes happinesse: How frequent are the misfortunes which happen in Battels, for the only losse of an expert great Captain.

And how many confusions arrive to States by the loss of one grand Minister, his only conservation, is of greater importance then that. I will not say of Towns, but of whole Provinces; for he is not only capable of regaining them, but conquering new ones; whereas the losse of him is irrepairable, for that hardly many ages pro­duce one that doth resemble him.

Why the King went from Paris, and caused the Lord Keeper of the Broad-Seal, and his Brother the Marshal de Marillac, to be Arrested.

THe King went from Paris, only to give himself more liberty to negotiate in his important affairs, and to withdraw himself from those importunities, not to say violences of the Queen-Mother. In whose presence, the respect which he had for her, hindred him from doing any thing which might displease her. His Maje­sty knew, that it was necessary for the good of his Estate, to chastise those contri­vers of Intreagues; and on the other side, he cemented himself in an unaltera­ble resolution (which being an effect of his own onely Prudence, acquired him so much the more Glory) never to part from the Cardinal. Now it was often seen, that these Cabals had no other beginning, then from the Lord Keeper, and the Marshal de Marillac, therefore his Majesty took away the Seal from the former, as the Arms of a mad man which he had imployed to do evil, causing him to be carried to Lysieux, and sent Orders to the Marshal de la Force and Schomberg, to arrest the t'other, and send him Prisoner to the Castle of St. Menehoud. What reason was there to suffer any longer the insolence of these two ambitious humours, who had been so audacious to commit such offences, between the King and Queen-Mother, and to breed a division between their Majesties, which keeps them at a disla [...]e to this very day? Was it possible to suffer their unbridled Ambition, which made them aspire to the Government of the State, by the destruction of him who had established it, in so sublime a pitch of Glory, that it is not only more honour­ed, but more feared too by strangers? Again, could it be that the Ingratitude of these two Brothers, should not pull down as it were by force the Kings Justice, to dash them as with a Thunder-Bolt, and to punish their devices, which they used with the Queen-Mother, to carry her on to the ruining of him, by whose Coun­sel his Majesty had raised them to the highest degrees of their profession, winking at their unworthy actions, which had heretofore rendred them culpable, and by which they made their first attempts? His Majesty knew in how many occasions the Cardinal had favoured them, the great gifts which he had obtained of him for them, and how that in som affairs he had become their Protector, when in their con­duct there was just reason to complain of them: And on the other side, when he reflected on the extremity of their ingratitude, he could no longer permit, that [Page 363]one of them should be any more imployed in affairs, or that the other should re­main unpunished for those many Crimes, of which he had often been accused. So that it was but reasonable to destroy these ungratefull wretches, who would have ruined the Genius of France, by accusing him of Ingratitude. It is an ordinary ef­fect of the Divine Justice, to cause those evills to fall upon them, which they would pull down upon him, and to permit that they become really culpable of those crimes, which they would falsely lay to his charge.

Politique Observation.

THere is no injury so unpardonable as ingratitude, which renders men so much the more blame-worthy, for that they are impeached by good Offices. An in­famous life hath three steps, first to forget kindnesse; secondly, not to recompence them; the third, to render evil for good. The first is, the effect of a great neg­lect: The second, may sometimes proceed from a want of ability. But the third, can proceed from no other cause but a black deformed malice. So though the first cannot be excused, yet it may be born with. The second, was in so great detesta­tion by the Egyptians, that they caused such as they found culpable, to be proclai­med by the City-Crier, to the end, that no one might afterwards do them any kindness, thinking it very reasonable that he should lose all his friends who had not been carefull to retaliate like for like to him who had obliged him. But the third, hath alwaies been had in so great an abhomination by all men, that they thought only death was fit to expiate it, that the earth might quickly rot such an execrable creature as it had brought. An ingratefull man is worse then a Traitor, a Traitor being only to blame, for having fallen back from those promises which he was ti­ed to by his Parole. But an ingrateful person is not onely deficient to what he was obliged to perform by promise, but by the obligations and favours which he had received. At least, the most moderate of men, could never indure it, seeing they are like those vapours, which the Sun having exhaled from the earth, do indeavor to obscure his splendour. They deserve to be punished, especially when their trea­cheries are prejudicial to the good of a State, as here they were when they at­tempted this destruction, who next to the King, was the greatest prop and support of the Kingdomes Felicity. Is not the attempting to destroy such a Minister, who is the first instrumental cause, by which he hath arrived to so high an accrument of glory, as striking at the very person of the King himself? I should much blame that Minister, who would indeavour and make use of his power to obtain a Remission for such a Crime. There are some injuries which it is noble to pardon, and there are others, amongst which I rank this for which the Publick Interest requires ven­geance. Mercy is not contrary to Justice, but Justice is governed by Mercy, which serves for [...]ts guide. Too great Lenity breeds too great Licentiousnesse, and makes both the Prince and Laws to be little esteemed of. It is more noble in a King to par­don, then to execute the rigour of Justice; but it must be to such persons, whose Im­prudence may not augment their licentiousnesse of doing evil, and whose Crimes arise rather from their weaknesse, then from black detestable Villany.

A Treatise of Peace between the Emperour and Duke of Mantua.

DUring his Majesties sicknesse, and their beginning of these Intreagues, the af­fairs of Cazal were finished upon the Treaty aforesaid. The Duke of Savoy, Mazarini and Colalte received news from Germany, that the Sieur de Leon, who was employed by his Majesty for a Peace to the Emperour had concluded a Treaty; and shourtly after the Sieur of St. Estienne brought it to Generals, with Letters from the Sieur de Leons, and an expresse promise from the Emperour, that he would install the Duke of Mantua in his Dutchy and Marquisate of Montferrat, with consent that the Town, Castle, and Cittadel of Cazal should be delivered in­to his hands.

This was as much as could be desired for the foundation, but the circumstances how to do it, were difficult, it being agreed by the Treaty, that the Emperour would invest the said Duke, only within six weeks, and that fifteen daies, after he would withdraw his Arms out of Mantua, and the King of Spain his from Ca­zal, and other places of Montferrat. This did much trouble the Generals, be­cause this Article did much oblige them to remain in Italy two moneths longer with the Army, before the Spaniards would leave Cazal; which stay they could hardly make, because the Plague was very rife in the Army, and they had victuals but for certain days; these two reasons would infallibly force them to break up, be­fore half the time were elapsed: which should they have done, the Spaniards might with ease become Masters of Cazal, who had not subscribed to it, with their usual designs, because they had liberty to hold the advantage they had got, when­ever the Treaty should be brought. These just considerations were debated by the Generals, who believed his Majesty would never ratifie it, so they resolved not to regard it, but to march with the Army with all speed before Cazal. The Spani­ards being inform'd of this resolution were so much surprized by their apprehen­sions of the first stock of the French, who at the first onset, fight like Lyons. They presently sent back Mazarini, who had brought them the news, to assure them that they would observe the Treaty of Peace, and that to put it in execution, they were content to permit the importation of a whole years prouisions into the Citta­del of Cazal. But the Generals having once heard that they began to be in fear, concluded, especially the Marshal of Schomberg, that they should presently advance to Cazal, thinking that their appearance only, would force the Spaniards to quit the Siege forthwith, without staying till the end of the two moneths, which was accord­ed by the Treaty.

Politique Observation.

IT is very difficult to Treat a Peace, which may have an assured end, in a place far distant from Armies, whilest they are enemies. Great distance maketh ma­ny things be unknown, in point of particular Circumstances, and of the present State of the Armies, which do many times hinder the execution of what is resolved on. It is with those who transact affairs at a great distance, as with Astrologers, who do contemplate here below the Stars of Heaven, perceiving only that which is most apparent in them, without being able to observe many particular Qualities. So those see nothing but the Lump of businesse, and are most commonly to seek in the particular and present disposition of affairs, without the exact knowledge of all which, nothing can be certainly resolved on, which shall surely be put in exe­cution. It is good to sound at a distance the inclination of him, with whom a man doth treat; but when it once comes to resolve on particular Proposals a man ought to know every particular passage; if that be omitted, there doth most common­ly happen some one thing or another, which doth hinder the observation of it.

The King sends an Embassadour to the Diet of Ratisbonne.

THe Cardinal knew it full well, when he proposed to the King, to send the Sieur de Lyon, to the Diet at Ratisbonne, where the Treaty was concluded: And on the contrary, he knew that in great affairs, something must be hazarded, and that this Negotiation would alwaies serve to discover the Emperours designs, as well as many others the Princes of Germany, who desired protection from his Ma­jesties Arms. That if a Treaty were made which were impossible to execute, it would however serve for an induction to make a better, because it prepared their minds, and did hinder the advancing of such Troops, as the Emperour was send­ing into Italy.

Politique Observation.

A Prudent Minister, never proposeth one only end in his Actions, but imitating as much as in him lieth, the series of the Divine Prouidence, aspires to many things at the same time, that he may not do any thing which is vain, or to no purpose; His Eye is not alwaies fixt where his mind is; so, though he be not sure of effecting what he saith, yet he is still ready to execute what he thinks: He is ac­quainted with all the Turnings which lead to the Conclusion of his Designe, and with all Trap-doors to carry him to his wished for end, without giving to the world any just cause but of esteem and admiration. This being one of the sublimest points of prudent Policy, by which he never goes less then his Word. It is true, this kind of Prudence is not proper but for a grand Genius, and such as are of ex­traordinary fine and subtile spirits: But who so is endued therewith, may well vaunt, that he hath an assured means to prevent several inconveniences, and to give a happy issue to divers affairs, without which it were impossible to accomplish ei­ther the one or th'other. After all, he ought to be vigilant and careful, that his Prudence be accompanied with Fidelity, that he may be exempt from all blame, and that will render his conduct as it were Invincible, and will acquire him more respect then without; so that no one being able to penetrate into the moity of his Designes, they will however trace him in many places, where he is not, but will never find him in any, where he is not prepared to defend himself.

The French Army Embattel in view of Cazal.

THis being resolved, the Marshal of Scomberg (whose turn it was to command the Army) advanced with all diligence, and on Octob. 26. came within sight of Cazal. He plac'd them in Battalia on th'other side the Brook Gattola, and after publike Prayers (which are usually made on such occasions) marched directly against the Enemy, whom they found intrench'd in a circumvallation of six miles about and well finished, but which served only to augment the glory of the French Army.

Politique Observation.

THe King had observed in the Beginning of the War with Savoy, (notwith­standing the fair Proposals of Peace which Mazarini had made) that it is great Prudence in a General (though to hearken to them, yet) not to forbear the carrying on of the War, and to shew all sort of Couragiousness and Hardship; following herein the counsel of Archidamus in Isocrates, who ever made most ho­nourable conditions by this means. As it is Action which sets off an Orator, and makes him more powerful to perswade [...] as Demosthenes answered one who questi­on'd him concerning the perfection of Eloquence, so it is Action too which doth most powerfully perswade an Enemy to make a Peace. It is not reasonable for a General to lie still without action any long time together; the only time to do is after a Parley, and such action it is which acquires him the glory of being esteemed Valiant. The only shewing of a good mind to be in Action, and putting an Ar­my into Battalia, doth strike fear into an Enemy: He ought in a long Treaty to shew that his Courage maketh him despise any danger; and as he proposeth no­thing but to vanquish, so he feareth nothing but not to overcome. He ought not to have any apprehensions of the Inconstancies of Fortune, but to hope, that his Courage may enforce her to be favourable. It is good that his Prudence should carry him to take time for deliberation, but that done, his Courage ought to fur­nish him with wings to advance his designe with the greatest celerity and prompt­ness, seeing he shall never have any good progress who spends too much time in considering of hazards; and that many have oftentimes turn'd their affairs, by [Page 366]taking too much time for Consultations. It is an act of Judgement to begin with coldness, but to prosecute with heat and ardour, when things are once brought to the point of being put in execution: The fearful are most ordinarily overcome. War is a thing which acquires Glory from the most difficult enterprises, and those Battels wherein the greatest dangers are, do render a man the more honourable.

Cardinal Mazarini accomodateth the Affairs of Cazal with dexte­rity, between the King and the Spaniard.

AS soon as ever the Army approached within six hundred paces of the Spanish Trenches, Mazarini came galloping out and finding the Marshal de Schom­berg, told him, that the Spaniards had accepted of certain Propositions which he had made to them, and that he doubted not but he would likewise con­sent to them, for the good of the Peace: They were to surrender the Town and Castle of Cazal, which were depositated in their custody; They were to march out of Montferrat; but instead of delivering them into Monsieur du Maynes hands (to whom they might have surrendred them, until his Father had receiv'd the Investiture of the Dutchy) they would deposite them with an Imperial Com­missary, who should transmit them over to Monsieur du Mayne, or to such as he should appoint, on November 23. upon which day the Investiture was promised. They consented (for the greater security of the Treaty) that the Imperial Com­missary should carry none but his own Train into Cazal, and that he should not meddle with any thing, but only to give the Word. The Propositions were ta­ken into deliberation by the Marshals de la Force, de Schomberg, and de Marillac, who considering that the King designed nothing more then the re-establishment of Monsieur de Mantua in his Estates, and the setling the Peace of Italy, did consent to them, seeing they had the advantage to make them first lay down their Arms, who had first taken them up: An advantage which is no little one, as Thucydides testifieth in his History. In prosecution whereof they prevented the Army from advancing and breaking in upon the Trenches, though it were with great difficulty, the Courage of the French not being able to endure that the Spaniards should make the [...] take the pains to come so far, and not give them a memento. Soon after the Spaniards marched out of the Town and Castle, the French out of the Cittadel, and the Imperial Commissary entred in their place.

Politique Observation.

IT is not without great reason that God hath called himself in the Mosaick Law, The [...]ord of Hosts, seeing he holdeth in his hand the Courages of those who conduct them; as he himself thinks fit, he gives them Peace or War; and when they think that they are upon the very point of fighting, then it is that he compels them to lay down their Arms; to teach them, that it is his gift, and that it is not in the power of all humane wisdom, if he himself doth not lend a helping hand to it. His Providence guides things to their ends by means, which to appear­ance are contrary to it: But his Power is always Master, and it is in vain for us to endeavour or labour to resist him. It is worth looking on the Sun in a storm, and to behold the Ayr cut with lightning and thunder, the Clouds cleft asunder, the impetuousness of the Winds and Thunder calmed, the Ayr cleered, and in a while, all that dissipated which hindred the shining of his rayes: But how much better is it to behold the Sun of Justice (who over-ruleth Hosts) to make the force of his power to appear, just when Battels are joyning, to cover the earth with dead Bodies, to dy the Fields and Rivers with blood, to obscure the Sky with the smoak of Cannons and Muskets, and to fill the Ayr with lamentable Cries, and then to allay their rage, to cause their Arms to drop out of their hands, to fill their souls with gentleness, and in a word, to give a happy Peace? After such an affair, seeing all things fall out [Page 367]contrary to our expectations, may not one conclude that God laughs at our De­signs, and that his just Power over-rules the Order and Conduct of all humane Affairs.

The re-victualling of Cazal.

AFter all this, the Spaniards whose arrogant humour could not well away with the disorder they were now put to, had much ado to march out of Montfer­rat, and they did not only delay the time, by pretending that their Ammuni­tions of War and Victuals could not so soon be drawn off, but began to take up new Quarters about Cazal, which the French (when they retired) had left. This made the Generals resolve to dispatch three Regiments of French to Cazal, under the Mareschal de Marillac, and accordingly it was effected. The Mareschal gave an account to the Imperial Commissary of the Reasons which occasioned his return, and that he pretended not to stay longer in Cazal, then till the Spaniards and Germans should withdraw from Montferrat, at which the Commissary could find no exceptions, it being reasonable that both should march off at the same time.

Some of the Enemies were so much netled at this, that the Generals having di­vided the Army in two parts, one Division marching by the Coast of Livorn and Byanzay, they were advised to follow them with intention to fall upon them. This breach of Faith did more affright then hurt them: They ranged themselves into Battalia, and so stood one whole day expecting when they would come on. In the mean time there were six thousand Quarters of Wheat clapt in­to Cazal, and the French marched off at the same time that the Spaniards and Germans went out of Montferrat, &c. Thus the War ceased for that year, though the Treaty were not as yet absolutely concluded on.

Politique Observation.

JT were great rashness in a General, after a Victory, or the taking in of any Place, so to despise his Enemy, as to let his Forces be in disorder, or to give them any opportunity to regain what they had lost. The Anger which an Ene­my is possessed with after he is either beaten, or forced from his Siege, should in­duce him still to be ready for a fight, his enemy waiting only for an advantage to take his revenge. If they be once beaten out of one quarter of their Trenches, they should be so look'd after, that they do not enter in at another part; they should never be thought to have left a Country, so long as there remains but one place which may make any resistance, not so much as a Castle which may quickly be fortifi'd, or the Gate of a Town, which one may suppose to be secure by a Treaty, ought to be left unregarded: Desperation doth somtimes re-double an Enemies courage, and even when an Enemy is absolutely routed, there ought to be a strict watch kept, seeing a broken Army doth often rally, and rush in upon the Conquerors, and do them so much the greater mischief, by their not being prepared to make defence.

The King of Swede enters into Germanie.

WHilst the King carried his Arms into Italy, for the just defence of Monsieur de Mantua's Interest, several Princes of Germany, and amongst the rest, the Dukes of Pomerania and Mecklebourg, the Marquis of Brandenburgh, and divers Common-wealths, oppressed by the House of Austria, imagining that the King of Swede's Nobleness would defend them from this violence, called him in to their assistance. They sent sundry Deputies to him, to engage him with all earnest­ness to assist them; whom they found so much the more enclined to it, in regard he thought himself justly offended with the Emperour for his unworthy dealing with [Page 368]him, for he had caused his Letters to be broken open, his Characters deciphered and interpreted, imprisoned his Subjects, trading upon the Baltique Sea, after he had taken away their Merchandises, prohibited the Commerce, though it were a natu­ral right, and free to all the World, had by several means hindred the conclusion of that Peace which had been treated on with Poland; had sent whole Companies under his own Colours into Prussiia, to fight against the Swedish Army, to destroy him under pretence of assisting the King of Poland, had in a worse then barbarous manner refused the Embassadours, whom he had sent to him to treat a Peace; and had openly and under-hand spoiled and deprived his kindred and Allies of their States, so that some of them were even brought to Beggery, without being able to get any reason or satisfaction to their just complaints. These are the true causes which stirred up his Courage, not able to suffer such injuries; and which at last made him imbark on the Sea a most puissant Army. About July he came before the Island of Rugen, which he made himself Master of in a few days, notwithstan­ding those great oppositions which he met with; thence he went to Stralzund, a Hans Town, seated upon the Baltique Sea, in the Dutchy of Pomerania, which he had taken into his protection, in the year, 1628, and there he landed: The Impe­rialists had kept the Town close blocked up untill March, and did still belabour it with all Acts of Hostility, though they were constrained to raise the Siege, after the losse of above twenty thousand men; but they quickly drew off for altogether, not thinking it possible to resist him in a field, who had so easily taken in the Forts of the Island Rugen.

Politique Observation.

THere are four principal causes which make Kings to march out of their own Country, Ambition which hath no limits, makes them impatient of being con­fined within those of their own States, and desirous to inlarge them at their neigh­bours expences. The natural inconveniences too of their own Country, may draw them out to seek a better, where they might live with more ease, as our first French, the Vandals and Goths did Some flatter themselves in the belief, that there is not at this day any lawfull Prince at all, whose Estate had any other begin­ning, and that Kings have no juster Titles, then by Conquests with their Swords. Lastly, they go forth to revenge those injuries which are done them, it being al­lowable to repel Force with Force, and to decide their differences in the field by that power which God hath given to them. They quit their Countries to assist their Allies, it being not only necessary for a Prince who aims at an extraordinary pitch of Glory not to injure any person, but also to defend and protect those who are joyned with him by interest, alliance or kindred.

The Assembly at Ratisbonne.

ABout the same time, there was held an assembly at Ratisbonne, and the King of Swede understood, that it was then and there resolved to make a strong re­sistance against the Justice of his Arms, and that the Emperour had contri­ved a design (wherein, though he was much mistaken) to force him out of Ger­many, and to make him perish in the Baltique Sea, not vouchsafing to treat a Peace upon those Proposals which had been sent to him only for restoring the States and Liberties to those Princes and Republiques, from whom he had ravished them. Resistance heightens and augments Courage, and this made the Swedish King march up into the Country, and resolve upon great designs, which we have seen him bring to passe: But first he had recourse to such Kings and States with whom he was in League. About September he writ to the King, desiring him by that ancient Alliance which had been between the Kings of France and Swede with mu­tual promises, not only to preserve friendship between one another; but also when occasion should serve, reciprocally to assist one another, to imploy the power of [Page 369]his Arms and Authority, to defend that cause which he had then undertaken; in pro­secution of which he had passed the Sea, and all in the behalf of those who were ti­ed to him by kindred, and allied to the Crown of France. The King, whose cou­rage could not indure that any wrong should be offered to his Allies, received this request so much the more favourable, in respect it were as glorious a thing in him, to contribute to their establishment; and accordingly, he gave the most advanta­gious answer to his Embassadours that could be expected. However the Cardinal offered one thing to his Majesties consideration, that it would be needfull to take care for the maintaining of Religion, in preserving of States, and to ingage the King of Sweden not to commit outrages against it, where he found it setled. His Majesty took time to deliberate and resolve on the Articles of their Treaty, which being concluded and assigned about the beginning of the yeer following, I shal then re-assume my discourse of it, in its due order.

Politique Observation.

HAsty rashnesse in resolving upon grant affairs, is as dangerous, as a nimble executing of them is advantagious; Prudence ought to guide both one and t'other. And whatever Justice appear above-board in designs, yet they are sub­ject to have but ill successes, if not commenced with mature deliberation. Though the wise man resolve to do such a thing which he knows to be just, yet he will take time to deliberate on the means. And as the interest of Religion is very conside­rable, so the Cardinal would not act any thing untill that were secured: Whereas on the contrary, rash, hasty persons, do greedily run unto the end which they have once concluded; but never examine the ways which conduce to attain to it; thus they do many times find themselves so at a losse, and intangled in the executing their designs, that they at last find no dore to walk out at with honour, and so leave off with shame and confusion. Hence it is, that Demosthenes in his first Ora­tion against Philip saith, They who counsel with great hast, are not the greatest Counsellours, those Stomacks which make a quick digestion, do not concoct so good a Chil [...]s, as those whose heat is moderate, as Physitians tell us; and true it is, those spirits which make their resolution with most heat and promptness, do com­monly came lamely of at last cast.

The King honoureth the Sieur de Montmorancy and Thoyras, with the Staff of Marshal of France.

SHortly after his Majesty came to Paris, well knowing that rewards of honor, are not only due to those who have deserved them, but withall usefull to incourage others to follow their example. He resolved to honour the Sieurs de Montmorancy and Thoyras with the Staffs of Marshal of France, as a mark of Valour which the former had shewed in the War of Piedmont; and which the second had shewed to all Italy, during the Siege of Cazal. They being persons of great esteem, every one commended his Majesties choice which he had made, in raising them to that eminent degree of honour. But the Rebellion of the one, and the evil Govern­ment of the other, did shortly after sully part of that glory which they had merit­ed, they shewing by their Procedures that valour and prudence do not alwaies meet in the same subject.

Politique Observation.

THe rewarding of services is so necessary for the good of a State, that when it is once laid by, the practice of vertue is neglected, especially if it be not distingui­shed by marks of honour. There are but a few of the same mind with the Phyloso­pher, who said he never expected other fruit from his good deeds, then the con­tentment [Page 370]to have done them, and that he thought himself very happy to receive that testimony from his Conscience, which she gave to him. It is true, a truly noble man, doth not so much regard the Recompence, as the Action of Vertue which render him deserving; but it cannot be denied, that those marks of honour do make lively, and excite resolutions to noble actions. The wisest Phylosophers have said, that the two supporters, upon which all the motions of a State depend, are reward and punishment, without which, there were no doubt but that great disorders would soon follow, and vertue become totally neglected.

The King Honours the Sieur de Servient, with the Office of Secretary.

THe King who was not to seek in any thing which concerned the good of his State, would now make another proof of the knowledge he had of that Prudent maxime. One of the places of Secretary of State, being vacant by the death of the Sieur de Beauclere, his Majesty recollected in his mind, the services of the Sieur de Servient; the Prudence wherewith he treated in Piedmont and Savoy; the fidelity wherewith he had guided himself in those Treaties, wherein he had been imployed since the beginning of the War. The intelligence of Forraign affairs, which had made him happy and considerable in several encounters. The good or­der which he kept in the Army, whilest he was super-intendent of Justice; and the eloquence which he had testified in his younger daies, in several Charges. Now that so many good qualities might not be let lie without honour, and so many noble actions without reward; his Majesty as I said, thought fit to impose the Charge on him, of having a care concerning the Affairs of War, making it evident by his judicious choice, how exactly well his Prudence knew to make use of persons, accor­ding to the particular qualifications of their minds.

The quality and good parts of a Secretary of State.

THe Charge of Secretary, being as it is one of the most important of the King­dom It is needfull, that the Person with whom it is intrusted, should be indu­ed with qualities accordingly. He should have Experience to manage both at home and abroad, the affairs in which he is imploied. He should be well acquainted with the particular humours of Princes, strangers, and Grandees of the Kingdom, as also of their several interests and pretensions. Eloquence in discourse is necessa­ry for him, because the King intrusts his Pen with him, to write to all Monarchs, Princes, Parliaments, and Estates, and generally to people of all sorts: For it is not enough, barely to let them understand the will of his King, but he should do it in fit and proper terms for a King, that is, with Majesty, and the Elegance of a Masculine generous stile, without any thing of bombast or affectedness. I know nothing so absurd, as to make a King speak beneath his Majesty. As for that which concerns Eloquence, though to write Letters in the name of some barbarous King, which are not so exactly digested, may be tolerared; yet it would be ex­treamly found fault with in France, where neatnesse hath made her Throne, and doth particularly inhabit, and where our Kings have nothing, but what is eminent and of the best. The very name of Secretary of Estate doth sufficiently shew how much Fidelity and Secresie are required in him; he ought principally to be blessed with these two qualities, because should he discover such things as are intrusted with him, there could not but great inconvenience follow it.

The King pardons the Duke of Vendosm.

AFter that the King had evidenced in the course of this yeer an invincible cou­rage, to reduce his enemies under the Law, an admirable Prudence in the [Page 371]good Orders both of Peace and War: A constancy not to be shaken in resisting the Artifices of seditious spirits: A Justice full of Courage to assist his Allies; and in a word, all other vertues which are proper ornaments for a Kings Crown; he would conclude all with an action of Clemency, in pardoning the Monsieur de Ven­dosm, after some assurances of his repentance, and fidelity for the future, in rela­tion to those Crimes, for which he had been till then kept Prisoner in the Boys de Vinc [...]nnes, and gave him liberty but on condition to go pass away sometime out of the Court and Kingdom.

Politique Observation.

IT is an act becomming the greatness of a Prince, to pardon the faults of Gran­dees, when there are no longer any apprehensions of danger to the State, and when they are washed out by an humble repentance. The most generous are still the most mercifull, and they esteem it as honourable to forget an injury, as to re­member a kindnesse. That Emperour was highly commended by all Antiquities, who being to sign a Warrant of Condemnation, wished he had never learnt to write. And Solomon who hath left to all Kings a perfect example of Wisedome, saith it is the glory of a man to passe by offences. However a King ought to be mindfull, that he do not too soon recall into his Court, a Prince or Grandee, who may be provoked by that Justice which hath been passed upon him, least the oppor­tunity of revenge which he may meet with in affairs, do carry him insensibly to a re­lapse. Opportunity is a charm which ingageth men ere they think of it. The least disgusts which they shall receive, will revive their old grudges, and it is im­possible for a great person to conserve any Love for a King, from whom he imagi­neth he hath received some harsh usage, and once not loving him, he is above half disposed to raise embroils whenever occasion shall serve. It is very difficult to join close together that which hath been once broken asunder, and a reconciliation in point of friendship is not stronger, then the glue which joyns crackt vessels, which are easily broken asunder by a small blow. An imaginary wrong or a small dis­pleasure, should not make a reconciled Prince fall back again, when he is replaced in his first station of affairs. They who imagine that just punishments are soon for­gotten, do much deceive themselves. It is as much as a Stoick would say that he had forgot injuries; but Princes are far enough of from such maximes, so that the safest remedy for all their evils, is a removal from the Court, that no meeting with any, who are used to ingage people in Intreagues, they will be (as it were) forced to keep within their limits, when as peradventure their passions would make them flie out again.

ANNO 1631.

JT is much more pleasant to behold the Heavens twinkling with a thousand several stars, or shining with the glorious light of the Sun, which rejoiceth the earth with its splendour, then to look on it ful of Prodigies, flashed with lightnings, ful laden with Clouds, shaken with Tempests, and covered with the Vail of an obscure night: Just thus, without all peradventure, was it much more agreeable to consider France in the splendour of her Victories, which she obtained in the fore-going years, in the enjoyment of a hap­py quiet▪ caused by the submission of the Grandees of the State, and by uniting of all the people, all things being established in excellent order under the Conduct of so wise a King, and every one living with Peace in his own profession, then to contemplate her full of factions, troubled with Combinations, and threatned with a general dissolution, by those intelligences which the chief persons of the Kingdom held with strangers: But as the Laws of History oblige me to write them imparti­ally both in one relation and t'other, so I look upon my self as compelled to give an accompt of those turbulencies, wherewith she hath been assaulted, that by those glorious actions of the King, and those Prudent Counsels of the Cardinals, the way of securing and warranting an estate from those dangers, whereunto it is com­monly exposed by civil Wars may be learn'd. Though the Queen Mother had reason to have rested satisfied, knowing her self to be the happiest, as well as the greatest Princess upon earth, yet she could nor live contented, after the Cabal which had beleagured her Soul, had once perswaded her, that she was obliged to ruine the Cardinal. She did neer upon the matter equally divide the honour with the King. All the French did indeavour in emulation of one another, to testifie by their respects and obediences, the sweetnesse which did shine in all her acti­ons: The Revenues which she injoyed were greater then those of three Queen Dowagers of France all together: There was no charge or expence, which she was not able to go through with, witnesse that magnificent structure of Luxenbourg, which contends with the Louvre, and is the most accomplished piece of all that ever any of our Kings have attempted, She could not deny but that she injoyed upon the matter an absolute Authority in the State. The King permitted her to take up­on her self as much as she could wish in the administration of affairs. He resolved upon no one thing of importance in his Counsel, but upon her advice. When ne­cessity enforced the King from Paris, and that she would remain there, he still left the government in her hands, and also ordered that Embassadours should attend upon her, to communicate forreign affairs to her, and to receive from her mouth resolutions thereupon. Was not this to possesse all that is glorious and noble in a Government? Was not this indeed to injoy her self with more pleasure then the King, seeing she was exempted (in what she pleased) from those great troubles which accompany the Conduct of Affairs, and from those embroils which are fre­quent in Wars and Voyages, all which the King was obliged to under-go; but she tied to nothing but what she pleased her self, excepting those affairs only, which related to the good of the Kingdom. Last of all, that Cabal factious as it was, be­ing so much favoured by her what did it, but abuse her bounty, to serve the Passi­ons of some particular persons? Did it not so trouble her repose by sinister impressi­ons, which were infused into he [...] concerning the Government, and by those suspi­cions which were instilled into her against the Cardinal, by her eagernesse and de­sire [Page 373]to intermeddle in affairs with greater power; insomuch, that the good order established in the State, wrought no other effect in her mind, then to make her doubt that the most glorious victories of his Majesty, instead of transporting her with joy, would fill her Soul with Fears, and that Forraigners would invade his Country. Thus the most sublime Acts of the Cardinal, which strook both terrour and admiration into strangers, were no otherwise considered by her, then as so ma­ny tricks and deceits. Whence it happened, that instead of acknowledging his Ma­jesties bounty, and the respects which he shewed her, she repayed his kindnesses with complaints, and instead of enjoying quiet and content, which she had reason to imbrace, her life was filled only with vexatious inquietudes.

Politique Observation.

GReat personages, though raised up a little above other men, yet are neither more happy or contented. If they suffer themselves to be transported with Passions, it is with them, as with the Sea, which being of a vast circumference, is no whit the lesse subject to the agitations of the Winds; so they being raised a little above others, are not the lesse subject to be vexed with inquietudes. Though they possesse more then enough wherewith to content themselves; yet they giving them­selves the liberty of desiring still more, rather out of a humour then a necessity, are never in quiet or repose, but give us just reasons to believe, that although Fortune hath denied Crowns to poor men, yet nature hath made them happier in requital of it by giving them minds desirous of lesse. That shining flame which we may behold at the end of a Torch, dwells not there, but by the force of that matter which feedeth it, and is continually raising it self towards the Heavens, as disdain­ing the place where it then is, desiring, as it were, to get up into the Concave of the Moon; so grand persons, though cloathed with such splendour as makes them shine in the eyes of all other men, cannot rest with quietness of mind in that autho­rity from whence they receive it; but their aspiring souls carries them still onwards to new designs of raising themselves above all things. They can never be conten­ted with the command over men, unlesse they can also command their Passions which nature hath created in them as in other men. Without this, all their glory serves only to stir up in them violent desires to get still more: Whereas on the con­trary, he who hath circumscribed his will with reason, hath added this happinesse to his greatnesse, that he will be exempted from the troubles of the World.

The Queen Mothers hatred, against the Cardinal.

THe desire of destroying the Cardinal, was the chief cause of the Queen Mothers discontents, and no one can imagine with what impatiency she designed it. Her most faithfull servants were astonished at it, considering that meeknesse was the quality which every one saw to shine with so much splendour in her whole deport­ment: So that her Majesty cannot be accused with that violence; but to set the saddle on the right horse, it ought to be imputed to certain imbroiling spirits, who had ingaged her in it, before she was aware of it: Whoever hath had the ho­nour to be often neer her Majesty cannot but conclude so, and they who have had never so little knowledge of the Intreagues of those times, cannot be ignorant that her Majesty did openly drive on at a meeting at Dupes, the design of ruining the Cardinal to that extream and utmost verge, after she was counselled to it by the enemies of that great Minister for, two chief reasons. The one was, they concluded that the King could not, in fine, deny the abandoning of him, if her Majesty should continue to urge him to it, with fresh and continued instances. A Mother having but too too attractive powers over a son to draw him to her own desires; especial­ly such a son so full of respect and observance as the King was. The second, be­cause in case the Cardinal should get the better of them, he would then sit on their skirts, for those seditious Assemblies which they had contrived against the Kings [Page 374]service, and against his own particular Interests, which if it should so fall out, 'twere better for them to drive on their first design to the very utmost.

Intreagues of the Ladies neer the Queen Mother.

THe Ministers of Spain, who had great interest in the ruining of the Cardinal, did endeavour with their utmost the heat of these flames to which infamous intent, they employed several Ladies who were neer the Queen Mother; but especially, three great Princesses, to whom her particular favours gave most free accesse, viz. the Princesse of Conti, the Dutchesses of Elbaeuf and d' Ornano: Several other great persons of the Court were of the same party; some of them not so much ca­ring for the good successe of any publick affairs, but onely for their own particular interests, which they thought would be much bettered by this means, if it should hit accordingly: Others found themselves ingaged in the Faction, by their Love which obliged them to serve the Passions of some of the Ladies: Others suffered themselves to be led into it by their extravagant humours, which carries some ca­pricious minds, to the never-liking of any thing in the publick Government: Had the Queen Mother been of a more malicious and fiery nature she might have been safe and free from their invenomed artifices; but they wrought upon her, made advantages of her good nature, and such were the chief Agents, to whom she had done the honour, to give a more particular part of her gracious favours; besides, in all their actions, they only pretended a Passion to preserve her Majesty in her power and authority, the only absolute charm to bewitch the Souls of great Per­sonages. They had at last so fortified her, that it was impossible, in a manner, for any others to whom she discoursed but little of her designs, to dis-abuse her. They were never out of her Majesties sight; and if, by chance, one of them was obliged to go forth, another stept in, as if it were, on purpose to prevent any of her loyal servants to dis-deceive her, or with design of picking an occasion to en­tertain her in such discourses, as might tend to the increasing of her Passion. They made her believe that the credit which the King gave to those sage Counsels of the Cardinal, were an authority so great that she was as it were forced to be jealous at it. They excited her upon the score of honour, that she was bound to let all Chri­stendom see that the power which she had in the State was not so slight, that her will should become lesse considerable by the opposition of a Favourite. Neither did they omit to suggest to her the re-establishment of Monsieur de Mantua, as a crime, who was now upon the point of being restored to his Estates, as if the Interests of that Prince so important to the Glory of the King and his Crown, ought not to have been preferred before the hatred which she had conceived against him.

Posteritie will have much adoe, to beleeve that they could drive things to that point, of informing her Maiestie with suspitions of the Fidelitie of this grand Mini­ster, and of making her beleeve, that he designed to raise himself into the Royal Throne, upon the ruine of her children, insteed of representing to her, that he sacrificed his life, his goods, and his honour to their glory, upon any occasion which did present it self. If her Majesty had not been acquainted with any secret of affairs, they presently told it her by way of complaint and accusation of the Cardinal, as if it had been absolutely necessary to have given her accompt of euery thing, whilest she was ingaged in those Contrivances and Assemblies, where stran­gers too had a good stroke, who might make use of it to the Kings disadvantage. In her Majesties presence they could never wonder enough, that he should suffer the King to propose to Monsieur, the marrying the Princess Mary; whereas they should have told her, it was with design to stay him in the Court But that was no part of their intention: And is it not yet more strange that they made the real i [...]deavours which the Cardinal obliged her in, to pass for disguises and falsities, even to the perswading her, that he onely desired to set himself upright with her, that he might take his own advantage, and find an occasion of removing her, as Monsieur de [...]uy [...]es had done, well knowing, that the bare belief of that one thing would [Page 375]more and more fix her in the design of destroying him? These are the discourses wherewith those of the Cabal did ordinarily entertain her, or to speak more pro­perly, the Charms wherewith they inchanted her Soul, so that perverting the ge­nuine sweetnesse of her disposition, they rendred her incapable of any reconcilia­tion, and immoveable in the design of ruining him, whose Prudence was the grea­test prop and stay of her Grandeur, and whose signal services done to France, had raised it to that eminent point of glory.

Politique Observation.

THere is hardly any one thing which they who are neer great Princesses, may not in time perswade them to, when they have once gotten a little credit with them, and that they will but use those Artifices to obtain it, which the corruption of the Court soon teacheth. The first and chief thing they labour, is to insinuate into their minds, that they are very passionately affected for their services and interests, and that they have no other designs, but what contribute to their glory; this they do, as well knowing affection to be a reason able to perswade Ladies to any thing. Their next care is never to incense them either by words or deeds. They flatter all their faults, even to a commendation of them, which makes the word incurable. And though there he noting more free then love and hatred, yet they professe openly they neither love noe hate any but whom they do. They serve them with a seeming heat and earnestnesse upon all occasions, but are in effect like Curtesans who wish to those whom they love, all that is good, excepting Prudence and Judg­ment. Is it not easily observed, that if any one displease them, they are the first who speak ill of him? They had much rather deceive them, then hazard their an­ger by telling truth. And thus by their Compliances and a thousand services, which are powerfull attracts upon the minds of that Sex, they make themselves beloved, and acquire a great part of their Trust and Confidence: This once done, how ma­ny artifices do they then find out to surprise them? No one can so easily deceive us, as he who hath once possessed our minds, with a belief that he loveth us: The bare affection which we repay him, gives him advantage enough in that he is not mistrusted. The honour which they have to be ordinarily neer her, gives them no little advantage, seeing it furnisheth them with opportunities and occasions of saying whatever they have a mind to; they never hazard any thing, for that they have liberty to speak that at another time freely, which peradventure they then cannot without danger. Insomuch, that if they would make any one be hated, it is a most easie thing for them to bring it to passe. First, they attempt to make them mistrusted, with great caution, they speak ill of them; but so, as it may seem to have proceeded from an affection which they have for their service; and this commonly maketh their advices be well received; and having once discovered an inclination to receive these first preparatories, they are not to seek in re-criminating them with new charges; and by little and little they insinuate a belief of their being evil, which renders them hated: And all this, with such a meeknesse of mind, but so full of dissimulations (of which, the Court is the most perfect School) that great Princesses can so much the less easily defend themselves from them; in re­gard the most part of those who come neer them, do hardly ever tell them any truth at all.

The Cardinal indeavoureth to restore himself into the Queen-Mothers good Favour.

AS there never yet was any Soul more gratefull or more respectfull then the Cardinal, so it cannot be expressed with what grief he indured the Queen-Mothers anger, and to how many submissions he stooped, that he might re­cover her good favour. Shortly after St. Martins day, she used her very utmost [Page 376]power over the Kings inclinations to destroy him, insomuch that she would not in­dure to see him. But he having resolved it to be his greatest Felicity, next that of serving his Majesty, to render all testimonies of his fidelity, and of that great Passion which he had for her Glory, pretermitted no invention to get the honour of seeing her. Sometimes he would addresse himself to Father Suffren the guide of her Conscience, and beg him with signs of extraordinary grief, that he would zealously use his utmost power to procure him that satisfaction, and to re-estate her mind in her first kindnesses to him, which some of her Confidents had now diver­ted. The Good Father did it so much the more readily, perceiving that this bit­terness of the Queen-Mother, did set the whole Court into Factions, that it did di­vide the State, raised combinations and fomented parties against the King himself, he represented to her, that God commanded her to moderate her hatred, and to behold him with respect, who had done such eminent services for the King her son but it was to little purpose, for he could not at all discover any disposition in her, tending to follow his advices. The Cardinal accepted with much affection those offers of the Cardinal Bagny his Holinesses Nuntio, a Prelat, not lesse recommen­dable for the greatnesse of his Soul, then that of his dignity to attempt and indea­vour with her upon the same score: There could not be any thing added to that great care and prudence which he used to allay her Passion; at last he obtained this advantage, that she condiscended to see him, and to promise him she would for­get what was past. The meeting was at Luxenburg Palace, where the King was present: But she discovering by her eyes, her words and actions, that there was nothing but apparencies in her reconcilement, he was necessitated to make use of a more potent cause for the obtaining of that, which neither the Piety of Father Suffren, nor the Quality or Merit of Cardinal Bagny could attain to. The King took the pains upon himself, to speak to her once and again with great earnestness, conjuring her to him whom she was equally obliged to as himself, to acknowledge him for her most faithfull Servitor, and for a Minister capable of executing several great designs, of which he had already laid the ground-work. He beseeched her to re-assume her former familiarities with the Cardinals, to assist at Councels where, of late, she would no more appear, and his Majesty pressed her so vigorously that she could not deny him, which his Majesty had been sensible of two or three seve­ral times. It is true, some have been bold to say, that they who nourished her mind with this sharpnesse advised her to stoop in this particular to his Majesties will, that he might gain a greater power over his Soul, and that she might gain a greater power over his Soul, and the she might find out new occasions fit to de­stroy the Cardinal: But for my own part, I can never believe that her goodness could credit them in this point: I shall only say this much, indeed the Passion which she conceived against him, was so violent, that she could not long forbear, so much did his very sight torment her, and that in effect this meeting was a recommencing of it.

The Marshal de Schomberg interposeth.

THe Marshal de Schomberg. whom she had heretofore much honoured with her Counsels; being return'd from Piedmont, imagined that he might perchance work somewhat upon her mind; he resolved accordingly to assault her, with all kinds of reasons, and so evidently to demonstrate to her the wrong she did her self, that he would force her by the consideration of her own interests, to give up her self though she would not do it, either for the Love or Respect which she ow­ed the King. He knew belike that interest was the breach by which all great Perso­nages are taken. He beseeched her first to consider the great benefits which she received by his Counsels; and that whilest she had followed them, she was becom the most glorious Princesse of the World; whereas now she was in a maze, by ha­ving adhered to the advices of hers and his enemies. It is true, Madam, would he sometimes say, he ever perswaded you cordially to love the King, to have no other [Page 377]then his interests, and to be inseparably united with him; for that he well knew, all your greatness and quiet depended upon it, whereas they who now advise you, put other imaginations into your Majesties head; but she would not yet see to what pitch of extremity they had then brought her. He entreated her to open her eyes, and to recollect with a difference she found in the effects, and made her apprehend and confess, that she could wish for nothing which she might not make her self sure of, if he did but continue in a strict union with his Majesty and the Cardinal. That if she desired any authority from the King, he had beseeched her to assist in the Councels, only to give her all kind of respects and distinctions, and had in a man­ner divided his power with her. That if she desired Gratifications the Cardinal had never been backward to pay them unto her. The great zeal which he had to serve her, did even transport him to tel her, that her separating her self as she did from the King, would force the King to withdraw himself from her; which if it should so happen, she would lose all her power and the people themselves would no longer pay her their usual respects.

These reasons were so potent and considerable, that there was nothing could be alledged against them and the Queen-Mother had accordingly believed them; but that some factious spirits about her, perswaded her that she should add to her au­thority and greatness if she could make herself Mistress of this one affair, and thus they easily re-inflamed that fire, which the other had taken a great deal of pains to extinguish, though in never so little a manner. In fine, she became inflexible, and those unworthy miscreants brought her to that passe, that she refused his Maje­sty, when he entreated her to pardon the Cardinal, which she was so much the more obliged to have done, he never having really offended her at all.

Politique Observation.

NOthing is more easily effected, then to infuse violences into the minds of great men, when they are once perswaded it is necessary for the preservation of their Authority. There is not any thing but only power which advanceth them, above other men, and they are easily led by it, to ruine every one whom them, conceive to hurt them. But above all, women are most subject to this fault, in regard they are weaker and more wedded to their Passions then men are. The na­tural levity of that Sex makes them passe with little adoe, from the extremity of love to that of hatred, not being able to keep a medium: It is enough to ingage them not to do a thing, if you do but earnestly entreat them to do it; especially, if they be but a little provoked to anger. Such entreaties as are made to them when so affected, cause them to passe from that of Anger to Fury, and when they cannot dis-allow of the thing which is entreated of them, yet it is enough to deny it, if they love not the person who desires it. Rigour hath a greater Empire in their Wills then Submission. And they whose Souls seem to be more heightned then others, are so much the more to be feared, they having more mettle then con­duct; it is impossible ever to root out of them any jealousies which they have once conceived, and their humours are so fixed in suspicions that it is almost impossible to defend ones self from them by lawfull means. If the beauty of their countenan­ces, give them an almost absolute dominion over the minds of men, yet the weak­ness of their Sex doth subject them under the commands of all and every Passion, especially that of hatred; from which it is impossible for them to dis engage them­selves, after they have once given it admittance into their breasts.

Although I look upon all Queens, as exempted from the major part of their qua­lities, by reason of the particular assistance, which they receive from God, who considereth them as his own Images here beneath; yet it is very rare to find any, who are not liable to that violence which is inseparable from their Government. And this is one of the reasons upon which Aristotle groundeth that saying in h [...] Politiques, that they are not proper to govern States. In regard Clemency is known to be one of their chiefest Pillars. It is also most assured, that such as are [Page 378]born with a more generous temper then others, are the more to be scared; for be­ing unable to direct with Prudence, they fortifie themselves with rigour, and be­come inflexible towards those, of whom they have conceived the least suspicion.

Monsieur the Kings Brother disapproveth of the Queen-Mo­thers Intreagues.

MOnsieur Brother to the King was not ignorant that the Queen-Mother was in the quality of a subject, as wel as in that of Mother to his Majesty; and that therefore she was bound to obey him in every thing, which absolutely con­cern'd the good of his Kingdom, so that he could not approve of her opposing his will and pleasure, neither was he backward of testifying his dislike of it to the King. The discourse which he made of it did give no little satisfaction to his Majesty, who was resolved not to let pass any opportunity which might conduce to the firm esta­blishing of him in his due respects, especially seeing Monsieur himself had confir­med him in it, by his protesting to the Cardinal, that he loved him as a person whom he thought necessary for the good of the State. Yet we know that the fa­vourites of great Personages, do sometimes pervert their best inclinations, and are the common instruments made use of to divert them from their duries; there­fore the King concluded it very fit to make sure of Coigneux, le Sieur de Puy-lau­rence & Monsigot, whom Mansieur principally confided in; he knew there was no chain which could tie the major part of such people stronglier then good Offices; and accordingly, he resolved not to wave or let slip any time to advance them, and to hold them off from being gained by such as were already ingaged in any Faction. His Majesty caused three hundred thousand Livres to be given to Monsieur de Puy-laurence, that he might buy the Dutchy of Anville: He granted to Coigneux an Office of President au Mortier of the Parliament of Paris with hopes of a Cardi­nals Cap, which his Majesty had also writ for to the Pope Monsignot had fifty thousand Livres for his share, and each of them received these gifts with such hand­som actions and expressions of thanks, that they made a thousand protestations of preserving and continuing their Master, in a strict intelligence and obedience to his Majesties will and pleasure.

Politique Observation.

IT is very important for a Kings service to make sure of those in whom the Prin­ces of the blood do most confide. It is the only means to keep them within compass, and they are only able so to dispose them, for that they do make such impressions upon their spirits as shall carry them when and where they please to in­cline them. Princes commonly are notwithstanding the greatnesse of their Souls, which they receive with their birth, more addicted to their pleasures then their affairs; whence it happens, that they do not give themselves time enough to exa­mine of what qualities any things are, or whether fit to be ingaged in or not, but re­mit the particular care of that to those whom they confide in, and are contented when things come to be acted, if they do but hear them tell them they are good, and they had rather suffer some disorders in their houses, then lose a quarter of an hours passe-time. These are they who share the government with Princes, whiles they impose on them the burthen, and so divide the honour of commanding, thin­king on nothing but delights, and supposing that as their births hath created them the chief in the State; so Fortune cannot but be propitious to them, for the ob­taining of whatsoever is necessary to give them a continual subsistance. It is for this reason it cannot be doubted, that it were necessary to keep their Favourites obli­ged very strongly to the Kings service, and to be dependent upon his Majesties will and pleasure, that they may be made use of as occasion shall present themselves for the good of the State. In Spain none are allowed to the Kings Brothers, but such [Page 379]as are belonging to the Kings themselves, which are changed too very often; lest a long continuance in their service, might in time beget too strong a confidence and draw them off from the first ties of their obedience. For this reason it is, that there ought no great deliberation to be had for the removal of such from them, who are experimentally known to ingage them, in affairs prejudicial to the good of the State; for the great compliance in permitting them a longer continuance neer them, will soon produce very dangerous effects. Their removal peradventure may seem harsh to Princes; but it is better they should be displeased, then the whole State be indangered. It is a great good fortune for a Minister, never to be put upon such a rock; and therefore it is, that he will indeavour to work upon them by good offices, which are the most powerfull means to oblige men and tie them very strictly, the chains wherewith they are fettered, being so pleasant and agree­able to them. Interest, is that which doth most efficaciously more them: And indeed, it is in a manner impossible to gain them by other means, then by making provision for their advancement. There is no design which they will not approve of, alwaies provided that they have but satisfaction in their own particulars. They perswade their Masters to rest contented, if they themselves are once satisfied. The most part of affairs of the world, are like those Pictures wherein you shall behold different Figures and shapes, according to the divers positions and scituations of them who look upon them. They never represent any thing to their Masters, but on that side which they best like, and thus they can as easily retain him in quiet. There ought to be care had, that all which is intended for them be not done at once. Ambition still increaseth, and those benefits which are done to a favourite, do but whet his appetite for the receiving of others Therefore it is, that one should alwaies reserve something to keep them in breath by the expectations of greater be­nefits to come.

The Queen Mothers Resolution to win Monsieur.

THe Declaration which Monsieur made to the King of his resentment, strook a great astonishment into the Queen-Mother, she having before-hand pla­ced all her confidence in him, as also chosen him for the chief instrument of her designs. They had perswaded her, that could she but ingage him in her interests, she might soon find men enough to uphold them, and such as would put themselves into the field in Arms to carry on her designs to their very utmost, and yet her natural goodnesse was so great to oblige her, to preserve Monsieur constant and faithfull to the Kings interests: But this factious seditious Cabal, which inver­ted her strongest inclinations, made her mislike those procedures, and carried her on even to reproach him; for that after she had so particularly cherished him, he should take so little care for her concerns. It is true, it was heretofore verily be­leeved in the first yeers of her Regency (though I think without just grounds) that she was more affectionate and tender towards Monsieur, then towards the King, and that she might well cast her eyes upon him, as many others of her qua­lity have done, to make use of him for the upholding of such designs, as she might have, to which the King might not be so favourable: But it must be confessed, that she governed her self so prudently, by those sage Councels which were given to her after her first going off from the Court, that no one could discover any thing in her behaviour but real intentions to preserve her children in a good intelligence with one another, and never to attempt any thing which was not conformable to the Kings Will; insomuch; that this prudent Conduct of hers, gained her a great esteem with the people, who being desirous of nothing more then peace, they re­garded her Majesty with extraordinary affections, as her who was the greatest ad­vancement of publick tranquillity, by her preserving the bond of union between her children. Though now she gave them just cause to change their good opini­ons of her, by her frequent entertainments of Monsieur and his chiefest Officers, in that design, which all men knew she had to gain him to her party, whatever it [Page 380]cost, that he might become instrumental for her in the resolution which she had ta­ken to destroy the Cardinal.

Politique Observation.

JT is very usual with Mothers to love their youngest better then their eldest chil­dren, and to rely upon them, to be maintained in the greater authority. It should seem it is with Children, as with fruits, the newest are still most agreeable, so it frequently comes to passe, that the youngest are pleasures and diversions to their Parents, when as they who are older, shake off the yoke of obedience, and follow the inclinations of unbridled youth; but most especially so it is, when as mo­thers are become Widdows, and have lost that protection of their husbands which kept their children within their bounds, that they do cast themselves upon the inte­rest of the younger ones, whom they look on as the supporters of their old age, and as those who must uphold their Authority against the eldest, whom they look upon very often, as men do upon Creditors who come to take away their goods from them; withall, they are dependent upon them in several respects, because by the deaths of their Fathers, they are become the heads of their Families; and this dependency upon them is insupportable. If this be ordinary in private Fami­lies, how much more is it in those of Kings? History is pregnant with relations of such Queens as have advanced their youngest children to the Government, in pre­judice of their brother. Ptolomeus Phiseus, gave at his wifes perswasions, the Crown of Egypt to his youngest son; and to go no further then France it self, Lewis the Debonnair, did not he prefer at his Wifes entreaty, Charls the Bauld, before Lothair who was the eldest? Did not Constance wife of Robert, seeing her husband intended after the death of his eldest son, to Crown Henry her second son King, op­pose it, in her earnest desires that he would prefer Robert her third son, whom she loved most intirely? And when she saw she could not arrive to the end of her design, did she not embroyl all things, even whilest the King yet lived; but much more after his death, by fomenting the divisions between her children, that she her self might have the more Authority? This occasioned a most sad Civil War, to the great damage of the Kingdom and that good King, both in the declining of his age and Kingdom, when as he expected repose and tranquility in his family, especially after he had suf­fered (upon his first coming to the Crown) so great afflictions by reason of the mis­fortunes of his first marriages, & their dissolutions which afterwards hapned; for the remedying whereof, the godly Abbot of Fleury Abby was employed. Not to seek for examples far from us, is not that of Katharine de Medicis very certain, it being yet fresh in the memory of man, for she was ever know to favour some of her children against other some? Was she not likewise suspected to have hastned the death of her eldest, that she might make way to raise the Duke of Anjou to the Crown? And was she not seen after he was attained to the Government, to enter into the Combination against him, because he did not relie enough upon her for the the Government of affairs? It is so frequent in history, that we shall need no other proofs for it; it may safely be said, that it hath alwaies been a very dangerous mat­ter for States, that it hath caused many Civil Wars which have neer hand brought whole Kingdomes to an absolute ruine. For that the particular affection of a Mo­ther, raising jealousies between her children, hurrieth them into all extremities whatsoever, they divide the Grandees into Factions, then they appear all in Arms, and nothing escapes ruine; in fine, they are forced to quench the fire of their pri­vate quarrels, in the blood of their people.

She gaineth his Favourites.

IT was both difficult and suspitious for the Queen-Mother so often to discourse with Monsieur so it must needs be to draw him off from that resolution which he had taken of adhering to the Kings Interests: They who kept up her soul in those [Page 381]discontentments, advised her to make use of those Favourites whom he did most of all trust in: This counsel was as judicious as it was wicked, because it was hard to shake the mind of this Prince, who received with his Birth the seeds of obedi­ence which is due to the King, and which had also been cultivated by those Signieurs who had had the charge of his education. It was altogether impossible to overcome his Inclination, unless by the means of them who were never from him, who knew his humour, and by what devices they might work upon him. Virtue which hath taken deep root in a good nature, is not plucked out but with great labour; it will be needful to assail it by strong means; and none but such in whom he hath confidence and trust can bring it about. The business them was to gain his Favou­rites, who were three, Coigneux, the Sieur de Puy-Laureus, and Monsigot: But it would do the work if Coigneux only could be gained, for that Puy-Laureus had but a little before received a strong Obligation from him; for having removed Bois-dennemay, who partaked with him in the honour of his masters good affecti­ons, and so would not offer to be against it; and as for Monsigot, he was so much his creature too, that he had no other motion then that of Puy-Laureus. There were great endeavours used to get him, and a favourable opportunity was soon found; for he being possessed with an absolute unbridled desire to have the Car­dinals hat, which the King had given him some hopes of, it hapned that the Pope deferred his Promotion for a few moneths, which he was upon the very point of granting: Some of them cast it into his head that this delay was a trick put upon him by the Cardinal; so that he, as a man bewitched to his own ambitious Inte­rests, swallowed it, and conceived so great a fury against him, that he resolved to be revenged on him whatever it cost him; insomuch that he told a friend of his, who endeavoured to open his eyes, That he was freed from his hopes of a Cardinals Hat, but that within six weeks time they should be glad to send it to him with a witness. It was his usual saying, that a Son of France is alwaies considerable, if he be in a condition to make himself be pitied. And this maxime was the true ground of those hopes which he conceived, That if Monsieur should depart from the Court in discontent, he would be pittied by all people; That the Princes, Go­vernours of Provinces and Places, and the chief Lords of the Kingdom would come to him, and bring Forces for his assistance, and give him such means to raise and make a war, by which he would die that Cap in the blood of the people, which had not been granted to him according to his desires and expectation. The true cause of its delay was this, The Italians would not give way that the Pope should grant him that favour, unless they might be acquainted with the reason of it, it being contrary to the Bull of Sixtus v. which prohibited the bestowing the Hat on men who had been twice married, as he had been; and thereupon all the Interest of Spain had much ado to promote the Duke of Lerma to the Cardinalship. As for Coigneux, he was much more moved by the hopes which they gave him of step­ping into the Cardinals place as soon as ever he was ruined; and he flattered him­self so much the more willingly into this Belief, because having caused his Nativity to be cast during the Kings sickness, he had been told of great advantages of For­tune which should befall unto him. The splendour of this pretended Ministry did so dazle his eyes, that he lost his reason at the first motion of it, and was absolutely fixed in the resolution of giving himself to the Queen Mother, and to perswade Monsieur to what-ever she pleased: That he might give her a sure testimony of it, he had the boldness to oppose the Kings will, when his Majesty desir'd to en­gage Monsieur a little more strictly to the Court, by granting him that satisfaction which he had so long wished for, of marrying him to the Princess Mary. The Queen-Mother who could not endure this match, assured Coigneux, that he would do her a most particular kindness to divert Monsieur from it; who forthwith used all the Artifices which the malice of his soul could suggest to him, to break it off, insomuch that he beseeched his Majesty that he would not oblige him to marry so suddenly, Coigneux became so insolently proud of this prank, that Monsieur be­ing at Chantilly, he vaunted (speaking to some one who was not at all engaged to [Page 382]him) that he had hindred the Match, and that it would never be concluded. Its true, the words were no sooner out of his mouth, but he repented them, fearing, and with great reason, lest the King would come to be informed of his insolencie, and chastise him for it. In fine, Fear was joyned to his Ambition: From thence forward, those two furious Passions wrought so mightily upon his inconsiderate Spirit, that he was at no quiet until he wrought Monsieur to leave the Court. There was no essay which he left unattempted to shake that resolution of Monsieurs, which he stuck close to, of not forsaking the King: He found means to renew in his mind fresh sentiments of revenge against the Cardinal, by remembring him of the Imprisonment and death of the Grand Prior, and of the Marshal d' Ornano, and the execution of Chalais: He often put him in mind of the Obligation which lay upon him to undertake the Queen-Mothers quarrel, who had alwaies tenderly lo­ved him: But finding that none of these devices wrought any effect he attempted to possess him with fear, which shaketh the greatest Courages: He made him be­lieve that the King had been inform'd of his relapsing into the Queen-Mothers Interests, and was by the Cardinal's advice resolved to send him Prisoner to the Boys de Vincennes. Then it was that without more ado he absolutely concluded to leave the Court with all speed, not having the power to recollect (as it was to be wished) that this Favourite led h [...]m away, only that he might obtain that Honour by force, of which his small worth made him very undeserving.

Politique Observation.

I Have formerly said, It were requisite that the Favourites of Princes should be nearly tyed to the Kings Interests, that they might be carried to whatever his Majestie should desire of them; and now I shall add, that it is not less then neces­sary, to prevent their troubling of the State; for that the most part of such Ci­vil wars have hapned by their means: But there are great obstructions and diffi­culties in the encompassing it, seeing that it is not somtimes in the power of the greatest Ministers to retain them in their duties, what-ever advantages are prepared for them. And as eating doth but excite the hungers of starved stomacks, so those Riches which are given to them, do but make them more ambitious of other, and greater. It is the humour which doth possess most Princes Favourites, and is the cause which doth often engage their Masters in great Broyls. The most violent storms which turn all things up-side-down, are formed only out of Clouds drawn up by the Planets into the highest Region of the Ayr; and the greatest Revolts which have troubled the quiet of the people, and ruined whole Kingdoms, have proceeded from those suggestions which Princes Favourites (the Stars of the State) have raised in their minds, from whence they often get nothing but mud and dirt. Hath not the last age made it evident here in France, in the time of Henry the third, when as the Duke d' Alençon had not gone out of the Court, but by the perswasi­ons of B [...]ssi and Semier, and some others his Favourites, who were troubled to see the government of Affairs in the hands of some who would not give them leave to do what they pleased? And if we look back a little more, shall we not find that Lewis the eleventh, whilest he was Daulphine, had not withdrawn himself the first time from Charles the seventh his Brother, but by the advices of Chaumont and Boucicaut, and their Partisans who could not enoure to see that his Neece the fair Agnes and Villiquier, should have so absolute a Power? Our own times have fur­nished us with examples enough to prove this truth, which are so well known to all men, that I need not trouble them or my self to relate them. I shall only add this; that as Goldsmiths have a certain strong water to separate Gold from Silver, though incorporated by the Fire, that they seem to be the same Body: So the Favourites of Princes have certain Arts, which the malice of the Court teacheth them, the power of which is so great, that when they please, they will divide a Mother from her children, a Brother from a Brother, and generally all whom Na­ture or Friendship had joyned together, in so strict a league, that one would have reasonably imagined nothing could have been able to have made a separation.

Monsieur's resolution to leave the Court.

VVHen Coignenx had once perswaded Monsieur by his subtle devices to leave the Court, he gave him no respite, until he had put it in execution. That his departure might be with the more noise, which might serve for a Beacon to put the whole Kingdom in an uprore; he found a trick to perswade him, that it would be an act of courage in him, to go quarrel with the Cardinal in his own house, before he went off, and to declare to him, that he would be no more his friend, but that he would take the Queen-Mothers part against him. Accordingly Monsieur went to him, and told him so: But the Cardinal who knew such things could not proceed from his goodness, which rendred him not only the least evil­doer, but indeed, the most obliging Prince of the world, answered him with no­thing but respects and civilities. Assoon as Monsieur went from him, he got into his [...]oach, and went directly to Orleans, without taking leave of the King. The Queen-Mother seeming to be surpriz'd at it, presently sent notice of it to the King, then at hunting; who was much troubled at it; though he could expect little good from the base dispositions of Monsieur's servants, of all whom his Majesty had been fully informed, though he could not imagine they would have carried things to such extremities considering the great gratifications he had bestowed on them, and those several protestations of inviolable fidelity which they had but so lately made unto him. When his Majesty return'd from hunting, he alighted at the Cardinal's, and gave him such singular testimonies of his favour, that they were able to obliterate any apprehensions of Monsieur's proceedings: His Majesty pro­mised he would protect him with and against all, and commanded him to be the more confident of it, in regard he was bound in honour to preserve him, from whom he had received such signal services. That if any did him an injury it was his Majesty whom they did offend, and he would so take it, as done to himself. From thence the King went to find out the Queen-Mother, to whom he could not dissemble how much Monsieur's departure did displease him, and the just ground he had to suspect that she had a hand in the counselling him to it, of which for the present she endeavoured to clear her self, though shortly after it was found to be but too true, by that strict intelligence which was between them, and by those letters which they writ to the King, having one and the same sense and expression, As also by Monsieur's own discourses to the Ladies at Orleans, when they asked of him the reasons of his so sudden return; not that the Queen-Mother was ever sa­tisfied with Monsieur, or he with her, but that there was a means found out to perswade them, that if they would but closely unite themselves, they would be the better able to drive on their own Designs, and induce the King to ruine the Car­dinal, the only thing which they desired.

Politique Observation.

THough the Ring-leaders in a State be of different humors and inclinations, and though they be much divided by the emulation which they bear to one another, yet they do easily re-unite, that they may (if possible) increase their own Powers, by destroying that of their King. Experience sheweth us, that fire can naturally incorporate most different mettals, as Gold and Iron; The fire of Ambition is no less able to unite the minds of Grandees, when it is once proposed to trouble the Kingdom. One hath not obtained the Pension or Boon which he desired; another could not get his kinsman into a Benefice as he attempted, and another thinks he deserveth to have a greater hand then he hath, in the govern­ment of affairs, or could not procure the Office which he aspired to; and these are those several discontents which they have received, in the diversity of their designes, and which run them up to that pass, that they become unsatisfied with the King, or his principal Minister, not at all considering, that there are several [Page 384]other concerns, besides theirs in particular, which oblige by necessity, that those things be granted to others, which they would so fain procure to themselves. This general discontent is enough to unite them together, and to engage them in that one designe of a revolt: They know there are two waies to attain to greatness, Prudence and Power, when they once perceive that all the devices of their Will, or to speak more properly, all their Deceipts, are not able to raise their greatness to that pass which they desire, they presently fly to the latter, imagining in them­selves they might get more by it, then by the former. They cannot be ignorant how that many of their Predecessors have bee shipwrack'd on the very same score, by which they pretend to raise great advantages to themselves: and as the minds of most men abound rather with hopes then fears, so they fancy to themselves, that Fortune will be more favourable to them then others; and upon this account it is, that they do often associate themselves together, not with intent of putting State affairs into a better posture, as they pretend, but to advance (what in them lies) their own private Families and Interests at the cost and charges of the Publike. I shall liken them to the first qualities, which not holding themselves in a good cor­respondency, for the preservation of the subject whereof they are compos'd, do unanimously conspire and contrive the ruine of it; for in the same manner do they instead of keeping up and maintaining the State by their Prudence and Authority, of which it is their honour to be chief supporters, they employ them to divide and ruine the people, forcing the Prince to contribute to the means which are necessary to oppose their violences.

The Queen-Mother rejoyceth at Monsieur's Departure.

AFter Monsieur's departure, the Queen-mother became more resolute in her eagerness against the Cardinal, and believed that his going away would be very advantagious to her. They who flattered her, and blew the Coals of her Passion, perswaded her, that half the Kingdom would quickly be up in Arms, and proffer their assistances to Monsieur, in what-ever he would employ them: That several Towns would revolt; That Monsieur's discontent alone, if once known abroad, would raise a war on every side, and that amidst this confusion, the King would think himself very happy, could he but prevent the ruine of his King­dom, by submitting to that of the Cardinal: She withdrew her self from being at any counsels, to which she had but lately before used to go, and seemed less solici­tous in dissembling her discontents. What pity was it to see a Kingdom exposed to so imminent a danger of being totally subverted by Civil wars, and all to destroy him, who for eight yeers together employed his whole time (both day and night) to settle it in its former glory? What Injustice was it to repay the Cardinal's servi­ces with such Ingratitude? What a confusion was it to see a Mother and a Brother revolt against their King, and all to satisfie the Hatred and Ambition of their Mi­nisters? The King endured it with the greater displeasure, because he understood that Forreigners had sowed these Tares under hopes of kindling a fire, which should constrain him to withdraw his Forces from Italy, abandon [...]he assisting of his Allies or at least to submit to shameful conditions of Peace, for which purpose they were just upon meeting in Piedmont. His Majesty was not to seek in the know­ledge, that Queens are not exempted from punishment, when they contrive trou­bles in the State, that is, if the quality of Mother did exact the respects of a Son from him, that of a King did oblige her not to prefer any consideration before that of the good of his State; and in conclusion, that he ought to use all di [...]igent means to break off the intelligence which she held with Monsieur, and those who nou­rished his mind with discontents: There was no more certain way, then to assign her some Town to live in, a little distant from the Court, to disperse here and there those, who abusing her goodness, did foment the fire of dissention in her soul, and to place near her, some one endued with Discretion and Power, that she might not in future attempt any thing against the good of the State. The Respect where­with [Page 385]the King did alwaies honour her was such, that he could never resolve to use any violent remedies, but at the very last cast, after he had tryed all others; to which end he resolved rather to leave her, then that she should leave him, and accordingly he removed to Compeigne, imagining that the sharpness of the season would invite her to continue at Paris after his departure, and that in this small se­paration, she could not any longer divide the Court into Parties, as then she had done. There were likewise other devices found to draw off some of the most facti­ous from about her, that their absense might afford some opportunities of calming her spirit. It were to have been wished, that she had rather (according to his Majesties pleasure) resolved to have lived in quiet at her Palace of Luxenburgh, whilest his Majesty was out of Paris, then to have followed the Court, where her presence countenanced the Faction which she had there contrived. Indeed the King verily imagined she would the sooner resolve so to do, because she had de­clared she would intermeddle no more in any affairs, neither appear at any Coun­sels, so much did the Cardinal's presence afflict her; whereas she (instead of com­porting her self to this fair and sweet way) was guided by the perswasions of those who ruled her spirit, and who induced her to resolve to carry on her anger to the utmost extremity, and to follow the King every where, assuring her, that at last the people would all rise, and that from thence she might undoubtedly find some expedient to perswade his Majesty to consent to the Cardinal's Banishment or Ru­ine. This procedure of hers did absolutely intrench upon his authority, as if he could not have commanded her to quit the Court, and it served only to provoke the Kings anger, and to force him to deal more rigorously with her then other­wise he desired to have done.

Politique Observation.

HOpe is that Root which doth long nourish the Thought of Revenge, and without which the most generous persons lose their Courages, and fall into despair, instead of prosecuting their designs. No one hath so well described the qualities of that which is without reason, as the Ancient who said, it is the dream of those who are awake, and whose minds are mastered with this Passion. To speak truly, just as Dreams fill the mind with Chimera's, which have no other be­ing then in our Fancies, so an ill-grounded hope fills our Courages with illusions and imaginary contentments, by representing such things which are absolutely be­yond our reach, as if they were subject to our wills and desires; it flatters our thoughts with a vain belief, that there is not any impediment possibly to be met with in our enterprises, which we shall not be able to surmount; and though at the very instant a storm be over our heads, yet it assureth us that it will not last long, but that a calm will soon follow. If we are to begin a war, it makes us see an Army already in the Field, which nothing can resist. If any enterprise threat­en us with miscarriage, it perswadeth us, that we shall soon see some alteration in affairs, setting before our eyes the examples of many, who have been raised out of great misfortunes, to greater glories and honours. Thus it is, this same Hope which fortifieth the most dejected Courages, animates the most astonished men with new souls, and recruits the resolutions of them who were even languishing. Have we not seen it serve for an Anchor to the most miserable, to keep them firm in all Tempests, when they have been upon the point of being overwhelmed, and for a North Pole, to guide them to their desired Haven? Hope is that which pre­serveth necessary vigour for the executing of hazardous designs; our own Wish­es never last so long as Hope doth; for we soon disclaim our Designs, if we once believe they will not take effect. It hath alwaies been known for the Mother of Valour, and for a vital Spirit, which animateth the heart to great attempts. The charms of Hope are very powerful, but they are also dangerous, and much like the Egg of an Aspick, which is very pleasant to look on, by reason of that diver­sity of colours wherewith Nature hath been pleased to paint it, but within it is [Page 386]full of deadly poyson, of which time brings forth a most venemous serpent: For if in Enterprises there be nothing so dangerous as a mis grounded Hope, yet the pleasure wherewith it entertains our minds in matters of Revenge, is very dear to us, and makes us pay high Interest for it. It is the miserable man's Treasure, and somtimes too it is an addition to his miseries. It is not enough that a hope be con­formable to our desires, but it ought to be laid by when it is grounded upon the as­sistances of some persons who are easily to be ruined, or upon an Insurrection of a people who every day change their resolutions, whom a little fear disarms, and who this day love him, whom but a little before they could not endure at all.

The King entreats the Queen-Mother to desist from her Intreagues.

THough the inflexible stubbornness of the Queen-Mother was able to provoke the most patient Courages, yet the goodness of the King could not be over­come by it. Whilest she was at Compeigne, whither she followed his Majesty, he still made new attempts to surmount her resistance. He was not backward to let her daylie see (by his frequent conjuring her, and that with a great tenderness of heart, which did evidently convince to her, that he neither wanted Respect or Affection for her) that she would much oblige him, if she would but recede from the evil advices of those who lived about her, and who only desired a separation between them, for their own Hatreds, or private Interests. He proffered to her to set the Marillacs at liberty, if her content depended upon it, though other­wise they had deserved to be punished; and indeed he valued nothing in respect of her affections. He often beseeched her to love the Cardinal for his sake, and made her see, that she was obliged to it, seeing she knew better then any one, how beneficial he was to the State, and that he had alwaies faithfully served him. He was not deficient to let her perceive, That the grief which this great Minister had to find himself in her disfavour, was a most pregnant testimony of the affection which he had for her service; and that he did sufficiently oblige himself to an eter­nal fidelity, by those publike acknowledgements of the Favours which he confessed to have received from her goodness; and that all her eagerness against him, could not obliterate the remembrance of them; and at last (that he might pretermit nothing which might move her) he caused new perswasions to be made to her, by the Sieur de Chasteauneu'f, Lord Keeper of the Seal, and by the Mareschal de Schombergh, that she would be assistant at Counsels, and recede from those under­hand Intelligences which she might have with Monsieur. But they could procure no other answer, then that she was weary of medling with affairs, and that she would not have any more to do in the Counsels, testifying apparently by this an­swer, that positive resolution which she had taken, of following the wicked De­signs of those who had engaged her; so that after all these endeavours, the King was only touch'd with uncomfortable grief, that he could work no more upon her; but his sorrow was accompanyed with this satisfaction, that he had omitted nothing which might properly conduce to the obtaining of his Designe.

Politique Observation.

AS there is nothing which causeth greater misfortunes in a Kingdom then Di­visions of Princes of the Blood, so there is no greater care ought to be had, then for prevention of such differences. Physitians have alwaies hopes of life, whilest the noble vital parts are uncorrupted, but they once tainted, they look for nothing but death: and the greatest Politicians have been of opinion, that no very great misfortune could happen to a State, whilest the Princes of the Blood (who are like the vital parts) live in that decorum and obedience which is due to the King. But on the contrary, they begin to fear and distrust, if once they see them falling back, and dividing Parties into Factions, against their King's Authority: But more especially, because their disorder is attended with confusion at home, and [Page 387]gives great advantages to strangers abroad. Other heads of Revolts are easily wrought upon, by satisfying their own private interests. But it is a hard matter to unite those of the same Blood, after a defiance shall have once seized on their minds. From hence it is, that Micipsa in Salust saith, the greatest force of a Kingdom doth not so much consist in Arms, or in the richnesse of Treasuries, as in the good intelligence of the chief Nobles, which can neither be subdued by Arms, nor corrupted by Monies, but especially in the friendship of Brothers, whose Blood ought to render their union indissolvable. The Kingdom of Cyprus had not been ruined, as Justin relateth it, but onely by the dissentions of two brothers. The whole East, had not been subjected to the Roman yoke, but by the mis-un­derstandings of those Princes who ruled in those Countries. And no other mis­fortune made way for Pompey to make him Master of Judea, then the contention of Hircanus and Aristobulus, who in envy of one another pretended to possesse the Crown. Philip well knew, of what consequence love between brothers was, when as beholding the small kindnesse between his sons Porseus and Demetrius, he so often commanded them to love one another; representing to them, that Eu­menes and Attalus at the beginning were so small, that they were ashamed to be called Kings, and could never have raised themselves so high, but by their mutual and reciprocal affections, as Plutarch reporteth it in the life of Demetrius. Not to look after far fetch'd examples, what did ever bring France to so deplorable a con­dition, as the reiterated divisions between our Kings, the Dukes of Bourgogne and Orleans? Did it not reduce it to an eminent peril of Shipwrack, and expose it for a prey to Forraigners, who were only chastized by an extraordinary providence of Heave, which took a particular care for the preservation of this Monarchy, when it was just upon the point of being ruin'd? Undoubtedly, a State is easily vanqui­shed, when divided by those of the Kings own house and family, disorders soon follow thick and three-fold: The people following their example shake off obedi­ence; every one fisheth in the troubled Waters; the poor are oppressed by the Souldiers; the rich have much ado to enjoy their Estates; Governours lose their Soveraigns good wills, and do no longer stick to their interests, unlesse upon their own private account; and in conclusion, forreign enemies make what advantages they please out of it.

The Reasons of the Queen-Mothers Removal.

THings being at this passe, was there any reason to defer the redressing of them? what colour could there be after so many perswasions, instances and entreaties to leave the Queen-Mother in the Court both animated and discontented, where she countenanced a Faction, kept a close correspondence with Monsieur against the King, and divided the State? Had it not been an absolute defect of all sort of Prudence to have endured her keeping up of Combinations without the Kingdom, of which we have seen but too many sad consequences? To have permitted her party, openly to slander the King and his Government, to stir up the people to sedition, to solicite strangers to make war upon the King, under pretence that they had mar­ried her children? Had it not been an extream basenesse, any longer to have dis­sembled the knowledge of that Faction, which would impose a necessity of driving away his most serviceable and confident Ministers, and only because they forsooth could not procure from them whatever they desired? Had it not been an absolute losse of common sence, to have allowed their abrogating that respect which is due to their Soveraign, as God Almighties own Image? Could any one, and not be of this Cabal, wink at their endeavours to draw off his Majesties most faithfull servants, from that duty which they owe unto him? Should one have expected untill the English or Spaniard had brought their Armies into France, to assist the revolt, or until the Princes who were of this party, should have beaten up their drums and sounded their Trumpets, for to lead their Souldiers into the field to have ruined the whole Kingdom with fire and sword? To have done so, had been the most [Page 388]perfect piece of folly that had ever yet been heard of. Yet for all this was the King much troubled that he was forced to do such things as would displease the Queen-Mother, as to remove her, though after he had indeavoured all meek and fair means, which her Abettors had rendred in vain, though she had laid off al natural thoughts such as a Mother ought to have for a Son, and a Subject for a King, and though she had, to her very utmost, stirred up both the French and Forraigners to trouble the quiet of the Kingdom. But at last the King began to consider that the busi­nesse would grow worse and worse, if convenient order were not taken to prevent it, that he was bound to prefer publick before private interests, as those of an in­censed Mother (and if it be proper to use the expression) of a Mother revolted against him, which were things not to be considered at all; according to the judg­ment of one of the Queen-mothers Grand-mothers, who amongst those instructions which she gave her son told him, that he ought to prefer without any distinction the safety of the Common-Weal, before that of any particular or private persons. Withall, his Majesty was not ignorant that as God doth ever prepose Universal be­fore Individual benefits; so Kings who bear his Image, and are his Vicegerents on earth ought to do the same; That if the Father Almighty did expose his son, who was one and the same with himself, to the rage of the Jews, he could not then be blamed for removing his Mother a few days from the Court, yet continuing to her all Honour, Officers, Goods, Liberty and Power, that she could desire, and this for the necessary good of the State, to the conservation of which God had so obliged him, that he ought to prefer nothing before it. The King thought with himself, that those great Honours and Lands which he had bestowed on her, and that almost absolute Authority, which he had alwaies intrusted with her, whilest she continued in her affection for his Majesty and the publick good, would hold him excused from any condemnation, and would sufficiently evince to all the World that he had not made use of so violent a remedy, but by compulsion and constraint of those her Partisans, and by the extremities into which they hurried her; so that judging within himself, that he ought no longer to defer his resolution, he at last proposed it to his Counsel.

Politique Observation.

WHen Eagernesse hath laid such deep roots in the mind of Princes of the Blood Royal, that they cannot be eradicated by any possibility, it will then be absolutely necessary to prevent their forming into Factions, which usually arise from such beginnings. There will unavoidably great changes soon follow in a Kingdome, where partialities have any sway amongst them. The very least dis­order which can happen between the Heavens, is capable of reducing the Universe into its first Chaos, and the dissentions of those who are neerest related to the King, are able to bring a whole State into Confusion, to tie up the hands of Soveraign Authority, and to expose all as a prey to Forraigners. The opinion which is held that it is proper to nourish several parties and bandyings amongst Grandees, whereby to make them lesse able to resist their Kings Will, ought not to be understood of Leagues and Combinations to be headed by those of the royal Family, which may attempt to impose a necessity on the King, to do what even they shall think fit; for such a division would lead a Kingdom into utter ruine, and undermine the most solid foundations of Monarchy. It is no whit lesse inconveni­ent to let Princes alone in any bad intelligence, for their over great union hath pro­duced sad effects; it alwaies ought to be limited by the respects and obediences which they ow their King, for admitting it to be otherwise, their Factions being like impetuous winds, the popularity which is gentle and calm (like the Sea) would receive their impressions with ease, become furiously inraged, run into all disor­ders, and put a State into desperate hazards. On such occasion no persons ought to be respected. As the very greatest are not exempted from those punishments which the Laws have enacted for the Factious; so their enterprizes ought to be cut [Page 389]off and destroyed the sooner by reason they are more to be feared then others, on the score of the power which they have to work upon the minds of people. It is true, [...]e means which conduce to it are very dangerous, and on such occasions it is, that a great Minister of State ought to testifie his zeal and generosity, by taking the power out of their hands who abuse it, as Arms from a mad man. It is neces­sary to resolve upon one of these three things, so to reconcile them that they may rest in a true [...]riendship, which is almost impossible, at least very difficult amongst Grandees who are once offended with one another. And this way ought not to be chosen but after a long time of consideration, that the assurance of it may be of some continuance. The second is more rigorous, and withall more certain, which is to take off the lives of the Factious; to which however I should not advise but in case of extremity, and after all other means have taken no effect, by reason of the respect which is due to the Royal Family. I esteem the third and last to be most ag [...]eeable, which is to banish them and take away from them the means of doing any more harm. They who are so dealt with, cannot with Justice complain of it, seeing they have deserved it. It is unreasonable to suffer such persons to remain in a Court, who make open profession of comptrolling their Kings Actions, of bla­ming his Conduct, of setting limits to his Authority, of raising Wars and revolts in his State. Princes though of the Blood Royal, are not exempted from Obedi­ence and Subjection to the Laws of the Kingdom. It belongeth not to them to give Orders for the government of affairs, That Prerogative is inseparable from the Crown, and they who would design the assuming such a power to themselves▪ by other ways then those of his Authority, deserve to be catechized as Rebels. Do we not all know, that, that which heretofore brought this State into the danger of falling into the Spaniards hands, was the too great condescention of Henry the third, towards Monsieur de Guise, who was but a stranger Prince too? Certainly, France had not been exposed to those extream mis-fortunes which it hath suf­fered, had he but had the good luck to have held his hands from those enter­prizes.

The resolution of the Councel for the Removal of the Queen-Mother.

ALthough the Cardinal did very well know the reasonablenesse, nay the ne­cessity of seconding his Majesties inclinations to the Queen-Mothers remo­val; yet such was his modesty, and so prevalent over his own discretion and inte­rest, that instead of so doing, he on the contrary, rendred his often entreaties to his Majesty, that he would be pleased to give him leave to withdraw himself from the Court. He represented to him, how that peradventure the Queen-mo­ther might thereby be appeased, and induced to leave the State in peace and quiet; and that for his own part, he should willingly suffer himself to be thrown into the Sea to save the Vessel, provided only, that his Majesty would preserve him in his affections, and not remove him out of any dislike either of his Fidelity or Services. Nor did he this, as being ignorant of the obligation which lay upon him, by rea­son of the place he held in affairs, of truly acquainting him with every thing which concern'd the good of his State; but onely that he might let his Majesty perceive how little he regarded private concernments in this occasion. Nor that he did not much esteem the honour which his Majesty did him, by intrusting him in the first place of the Administration; but onely because the respect which he did bear to the Queen mother, surmounted the consideration of his own greatnesse. Not that he wanted heart in his persecutions and afflictions; for it was well known, the greater resistances he encountred in the Cabals and intreagues of the Court, did so much the more whet his Courage and Resolution; insomuch, that they could not at all move much lesse shake him; but only because the greatest courages are most temperate; it being sometimes more generous to destroy then preserve ones self. [Page 390]In short, not that he wanted affection for his Majesties service, seeing nothing could more sensibly have touch'd him, then to have been deprived by his removal, of the means and opportunities to serve and defend him from the unjust attempts of those who perverted by their wickednesses, the minds both of the Queen-mo­ther and Monsieur; but only that he could never with a good will be withdrawn from doing her all service, who had the honour to be mother unto his Master. How really was his advice any whit necessary to perswade his Majesty to remove her. Her own Actions bespake her unto his Majesty, and shewed him in words at length, that it was not fit she should any longer continue at Court, untill that time and truth had opened her eyes. These were the true reasons which induced the Cardi­nal to desire his Majesties permission to withdraw himself. But his Majesty who well knew how great a losse such a man might prove unto his State, seeing many Ages did hardly produce his Equal, and how that he had made the same use of him, that God doth of the Sun, that is, to dissipate all those storms which might arise, not only refused to grant his request; but on the contrary, weighing the great services he did him, the remarkable advantages which France had enjoyed since his promotion to the Administration, as also the condition in which affairs now were, in respect of the disorders and confusion into which the Queen-mother endeavoured to bring them. And lastly, comparing the present state of things with what they were, upon his first entrance into the management of them▪ he no longer deliberated on this particular, but absolutely resolved to desire the Queen-mother to passe some time away from the Court. All the Ministers of State were of the same opinion, unwilling belike, to fall into the sin of Treason against their King, to render an unjust respect to the Queen-mother, every of them consider­ing, that she had no just ground to complain either of his Majesty, or them; but only of those who had ingaged her in such wicked designs, as made her longer stay at Court incompatible with the good of France.

Politique Observation.

AS the end of all Government is the good of the State; so all Kings are obli­ged especially to have a regard unto that, as being the Center, unto which all their Actions should tend, and to avoid all such things as would divert them, out of that way. In vain do they attempt or begin any great or glorious enter­prises, if any by-respect to those of their Blood, or the consideration of their own pleasure be able to put a stop to their progresse: The Interests of Grandees have ever been prejudicial to the publick; and if a King would establish any Law to be observed in his Kingdom, he ought however still to prefer the good of Subjects in it. One Prince of the Blood will perchance demand Peace, at a time when War is more proper; and if to satisfie him in particular, he shall lay down his Arms, he doth an action unbeseem [...]ng a Royal Prudence: Another will desire, that he would discountenance such a Minister, whose Councels are however of great ad­vantage to him; and doubtlesse, if he do it to satisfie his humour, he should com­mit an injustice against his own State. And what reason, I pray, can there be al­ledged, why a King should upon the Capricchio of any Grandee whatever, either make a dishonourable Peace which may render him dis-esteemed amongst stran­gers; or remove from him any Minister, who like a good and Propitious Planet, doth by his influences cause his state to flourish, establish a good Order amongst his people, and render his Power considerable amongst his Neighbours? Who can think it any strange thing, if he prefer the good of his Kingdom before their private humours, seeing his very own interests ought not to stand in competition with it? No King doth ever merit the title of Just, if he doth not tread under foot all his own pleasures and delights, for the good and glory of his Crown. He ought to remember that his Kingdom is not so much established for him, as he is for his Kingdom; and consequently, that the good of his people ought to be dearer to him then any other consideration whatever. Now, if he thus ought to prefer the [Page 391]publike before his own private good, who can blame him, if he do the like (in re­lation) to the particular satisfaction of any of his own Family? The very con­tenting of a Father ought not to be considered in this case, and who so doth any thing in detriment of the Publike good, to shew his Duty unto his Father, render­eth himself culpable of a great injustice. The Authority of Parents extendeth no farther then the house, and in case they attempt to enlarge their bounds, he is not bound to observe them. Are not Kings the lively Images of God? If so, what more reasonable Rule can they propose to follow in their Government then his Conduct? Now as God doth every day permit a thousand particular subjects to suffer and perish, nay, not exempting Kings themselves, though of never so great use to their States, and all this for the preservation of the world in good order; So cannot any one think it unjust, that they should prefer the good of their State before all other considerations what-ever. And who is so ignorant as not to know, that Publike good is the subject of all universal Causes? The Sun, Moon, and Stars are perpetually sending down their lights and influences here beneath amongst us, because they are necessary and conducing to the universal good, notwithstand­ing some particular and private Subjects may suffer and be endamaged by it. Now Kings are in the number of Universal Causes; whence it followeth, that they are obliged by the Laws of Justice, still to regard the Common good; which if they do not, they will inevitably find great inconveniences fall upon them.

The King after he had given Order to Arrest the Queen-Mother, returneth to Paris.

THat course which the King took in this particular, was of all others the most mo­derate. Not that he was ignorant of those Tyes which obliged him to deal more severely with the Qeen-Mother; but his own goodness, and the sweetness of the Cardinal's Counsels, would not permit him to treat her after any other manner. Indeed if the course he took were so moderate, the execution of it was no less respectful and civil; insomuch that the Queen Mother had not any just rea­son to complain of it, The King was at that time at Comp [...]igne, and gave out, that he would on the morrow go to hunt, and accordingly commanded every thing to be put in order very betimes. He sent for the Mareschal d' Estree, and privately told him, that he should keep neer to him, to serve him, as occasion should require, as also to command such Forces as he left in Compeigne, purposely to prevent any uproar which the Qeen-Mothers Officers might chance to raise, and likewise to hinder any concourse of Souldiers in the Countries near adjoyning, and to keep that Town in its obedience. The King made himself ready for the Hunting, and before he went forth, called the Sieur d [...] la Ville-aux Cleres, and commanded him to go tell the Queen-Mother, that he went without taking his leave of her, because the respect and tenderderness which he had for her, did hin­der him from making a request unto her by word of mouth, which she could not receive but with some displeasure, though it were much conducing to the good of his State; which was this, That she would go to the Castle of Moulins (a place which she her self had made choise of for her aboad, after the late King's decease) and there spend some time, companyed with all those of her Houshold, with all sort of Liberty, enjoying all their goods and Revenues at any time granted to them, and with all Honour due unto her Majesty; To which effect he gave her the Go­vernment de Bour [...]onnois: And then he called for the Father Suffren, and gave him likewise order to acquaint the Qeen-Mother assoon as she did awake, that it was not without regret that he went away without bidding her Adieu, but that she should not be troubled at it, his Majesty having left the Sieur de la Ville-Aux Cleres, to inform her of his intentions. This was the Order, which was observed, and after the King was gone forth of Compeigne, Father Suffren was the first that car­ried her the news of it; a person who had been an eye-witness of those many en­deavours [Page 392]and cares the King had used to allay her spirit, and who might there­upon relate those things unto her which had been intrusted with him, that she might not have any just cause to complain against his Majesty. Not long after the Mareschal d' Estree sent unto her, to know if she would be pleased to see him, which she thought fit, and presently told him, she did now perceive that she must be this second time a Prisoner: But he having assured her, that he was not left there to restrain her of her liberty, but rather on the contrary to serve her, and to receive the honour of her commands, she became a little more appeased; and about evening, the Sieur de la Ville-Aux-Cleres, came to request her, that she would go pass away some time at her Castle of Moulins, with such conditions as he was commanded to relate unto her: and in the mean time the King having end­ed his sport, went to lie at Verbrie.

Politique Observation.

QUeens are not at all exempted from those Laws which oblige the punishing of such as attempt against the King's Authority. Nothing is of greater concern to their Interest, than the Publike good and quiet. And indeed History doth fur­nish us with frequent examples of their Removals from Court, and being subject­ed to other punishments, when either their own ill deportment, or the Publike good hath required it. None but Kings themselves are above the Laws; and see­ing their Majesties (both Wifes and Mothers) have with the qualities of Queens, that of Subjects, they are not priviledged from those rewards which are ordained by the Laws. Helen wife of Menelaus returning to Sparta, upon the ruine of Troy, was soon banished for having occasioned so many misfortunes. The Empe­rour Honorius returned Placida back unto Constantinople, she being suspected of holding correspondence with his enemies. Irene the wife of Constantine the fifth, was condemned to perpetual banishment by Nic [...]phorus, her Sons Successor. Martina wife of the Emperour Heraclius, was forced to undergo the like sentence by Decree of the Senate, for having put to death her Son in law Constan [...]ine the younger. Our own History hath plenty of the like examples, Lewis the twelfth removed his Wife from the Court, and divorced her, upon suspicion of her loyal­ty. Charls the seventh sent his Mother Isabel of Baviers unto Bloys, and thence unto Tours, to hinder the growth of those wicked contrivances, which were hatched by some certain discontented ones, under her name; he likewise seized on her Jewels and Money, by the Constable d' Armagnac, and committed her to the guard of three men, without whose leave she could not speak with any one what­ever; in which condition she continued, until the Duke of Burgogne came to re­lieve her. The satisfaction of one only person is of so little consideration if com­pared with the good of many millions committed to the care of a King, and for which he must be one day accountable before him who hath only constituted him over them, that he might watch for their good: There is not any obligation great enough, or consideration just enough, to excuse a King from preventing the beginning, or stopping the progress of any evil which seemeth to threaten his peo­ple. This Rule is so general, that it admits of no exceptions. Besides, if a King (as doubtless he is) be obliged to lay down his own life for his Subjects good, how much more reason hath he (a fortiori) to prefer it before any other respect what­ever? The late Queen Catharina de Medicis said, and that with great judgement, A King ought to have the same Jealousie of his Authority, as a Husband is obliged to have of his wife.

The chief Leaders of this Cabal secured.

AT the same time that the King departed from Compeigne, and had requested the Queen to pass away some time from the Court, there were Orders given out for the securing of the Principal Authors of this Cabal. Those Ladies who [Page 393]were interested in it, were commanded to withdraw themselves. The Marshal d' Bassompierre L' Albe de Foix, and Doctor Vautier were sent to the Bastille, where they received not any violence at all. The Princess de Conty, the Dutchess d' El­baeuf, d' Ornano, and Desdiquieres, were commanded to retire to their own hou­ses. The Princes, Governours, and other Lords then absent from the Court, were so fairly dealt withall, that there was only course taken, that they might hold no further correspondence with the Queen-mother, by having an eye upon their actions and telling them, that they would force his Majesty to punish them; in case they did not surcease their Intreagues and Factions. What greater moderation could possibly have been used, and what greater Clemency could there have been shewed towards those Factious persons, who had sowed discord in his Majesties family, held intelligence with strangers, attempted to raise civil Wars in the Kingdom, who had openly found fault with his Majesties Government, traduced his most glorious and just actions, and who were come to that passe of insolency, that they would compel his Majesty to destroy him whom he cherished as the worthiest instrument of his Glory: But had they been continued neer the Queen-mother where they might have gone on in their agitations, what would they not have done, and to what ex­tremities would they not have been transported?

Notwithstanding all this, she complained aloud, that all those in whom she could put any confidence were taken from her; and earnest entreaties she made, that Vautier might be restored to her as a person whom she pretended necessary for her health: which was denied, he being one of the prime fire-brands of the whole faction, and one who instead of pacifying her Majesties spirit (as the Cardinal had but lately obliged him, by promising him very great advantages if he did ef­fect it) had added fuel to the fire, and aggravated the violence of her Passion; but that she might not have any just cause to complain, she was offered to take her choice of above a hundred Doctors of Physick, in and about Paris, most of them much more able then him.

Politique Observation.

IT is not reasonable to suffer them who are factiously inclined to rove at their own liberty, seeing Prisons are only made to restrain them who abuse it against the Publick good. In vain have the Laws ordained this means to stop the progress of their malice, if they be not put in execution. What colour can there be, not to confine them who are troublers of the peoples quiet? It is hard to secure all; who have had their hands in a Faction; and indeed it were not peraduenture fit so to do; but however, the Ring-leaders must and ought to be restrained. It is very dangerous to wink at them, lest the people apprehend too much mildnesse; and besides the favour which is shewed to them, and serves onely to give them time so to settle and contrive their designs, that afterwards it will be to little purpose to oppose them. Mucianus Vitell us was much commended in the daies of old, for having commanded his own son to be put to death that he might quench the flames of a War in its Cradle. The Duke of Alençon having conspired against Charls the seventh, in the yeer 1474 was, not onely imprisoned but condemned to death. And the Duke of Bourgogne supplicating to obtain favour in his behalf, by alled­ging that he was of the Blood Royal and that his Ancestors had done great servi­ces to the Crown, was answer'd by the King, that as for being of the Blood Roy­al, he was not the lesse worthy of punishment, seeing he was the more obliged to have been loyal to it; and as for those services which his Predecessors had done, they ought not to be regarded in relation to him, seeing he had not followed their good example. Charls the Fifth, not only shortned the liberty, but the life too of a Gentleman who had dictated a Letter to those of Gaund, in which they intrea­ted Francis the first to assist them against him. Philip the second, King of Spain, stood not in expectation untill his son had compleated that Faction which he had [Page 394]designed against him, and the State, but not sparing his own blood, he presently clapped him up in prison upon his first notice and assurance of his resolutions. Charles the Ninth, did not pardon the Duke of Alençon his own Brother, no more then he did the King of Navar; for upon his first knowledge of their Intreagues, he sent them both unto the Boys de Vincennes. Did not Henry the Third, after conference with his Nobles at Bloys, threaten the late Henry the Grand, and the Prince de Condè, in case they did not conform themselves to those resolutions which had been concluded for the good of Religion and the State? Neither had France ever been so much spoiled by those Wars, had Monsieur de Guise been imprisoned, as soon as ever his wicked designs had been discovered.

The Queen-mother her self did the same thing; for during her Regency, she imprisoned Monsieur the Prince upon suspicion, lest he might attempt something against her Authority.

L' Mareschal d' Estree, addresseth himself to execute his Majesties pleasure against the Queen-mother.

DUring the Queen-mothers abode at Campeign, the Marshal d' Estrée was ve­ry carefull to shew her all manner of respect, according to the command gi­ven him by the King. He went constantly to receive the word from her, he sent to know what course she would be pleased to take concerning the Keyes of the City, and whether she would have them brought to her. All the Officers of her Family, prosecuted their charges without any disturbance; she her self went abroad when and where she pleased, unaccompanied with any, who could but seem to re­strain her liberty; neither did he ever discourse to her in any other dialect, but to beseech her from his Majesty, that she would be pleased to go to her house of Mou­lins, which her self had made choice of since her Widdow-hood; he assured her she should not have any guards about her: Insomuch, that really she could not have any just cause to complain: And in fine, she condiscended to go to Mou­lins. Not long after, some of her Faction being at liberty, reflecting on the neer­nesse of Paris, and how advantagious it might be to their designs in regard it was the Center, where all the intelligence of the Kingdom was brought, and where all their Contrivances might be managed with the greater security and secresie, advi­sed her to change that resolution, and perswaded her to continue at Compeign, al­though her self had not long before said, that she could not possible live there. The King knew that the Neighbour-hood of Paris war of a dangerous conse­quence, for those very reasons which made them aim at it, so that he refused to give way to her longer stay thereabouts, but offered her the choice of any other town in the heart of the Kingdom; she pitched upon Nevers, and the King had no soo­ner approved of it, but she presently changed her mind, pretending she had not any money for the journey; thereupon she was promised a supply, and that she should not want for any thing, so she pretended a great preparation of Gallies to transport her out of France, which was only an invention suggested to her by those who only continued it as a delay: The King proffered the Government of Anjou unto her together with the City and Castle Angiers, in case she would go thi­ther: To all these Proposals she discovered nothing but a resolute stubbornnesse against the Kings Will, having forgot, belike, that she was his Subject as well as his Mother, and not at all regarding those instances so often represented from his Majesty, that she would depart from Compeign, so that her disobedience against his Authority was not the onely offence, but her delays in that City, being so passionately and stifly by her desired, bred the greater jealousie and suspicion of her.

Politique Obeservation.

OBstinacy is a fault, the more dangerous amongst great persons, in regard their example may serve for a Spring to give motion unto the people, and their resisting their Kings Will, causeth great evils in a State. That perversenesse of not being ruled by reason and their Soveraigns Authority, serveth only to in­gage them in great disorders, which instead of advancing, ruineth their Interests, and shipwracks all their adherents. For the King must be obeyed, and that by the very greatest of his own Blood and Family. Better it is for them to bend then break, to turn to any hand rather then go streight on to their ruine and confusion. The certainty of Prudence doth not consist in a determinative will, of absolutely doing this or that thing, but in a resolution of prosecuting with zeal whatever rea­son doth dictate to be advantagious or proper; when it followeth that whenever Prudence discovereth any notable disadvantage likely to attend that which former­ly had been concluded necessary and profitable, she presently with-draws her self. An irrevocable resolution cannot be commendable but in Angels, who piercing in­to the truth of things in an instant, and knowing all the Qualities or Accidents, which can render them either good or evil, may, [...]hout fear of being mistaken, remain firm in their first decrees. But so it is not with a humane Soul, which of­tentimes coming to learn, that those Subjects by him thought profitable are dangerous, is then obliged to reject them with the same earnestnesse as he did be­fore prosecute them. That ignorance in which we are all born doth oblige the most powerfull men, to follow the Counsels of the wise, even against their own opi­ons, which rendreth them more inclinable to accommodation then others. Hence it is not any inconstancy to change in any evil designs, neither then when any unseen misfortune comes to be discovered; but it usually happeneth to us in the confusion of affairs, as when we are sick, we are most eagerly desirous of those things, which are quite contrary to our recovery.

The Discontents of Monsieur's Creatures.

AMongst the many other complaints made by them who abused the Queen-mothers Name and Seal in their Letters, this was one of the chiefest, that she had not been removed from the Court, but only because she would not hold a fair correspondence with the Cardinal. But is not this like the complaining of the sick, who being fallen into some shamefull disease by their own faults, will by no means accuse themselves, but indeavour to impute it to some other cause more likely to justifie themselves? Truly the Cardinal was no more the cause of the Queen-mo­thers Removal, then Vertue is the cause, that Sin betaking it self to all wickedness, out of the hatred it bears to goodness, should by that means come to be aliened from God, who withdraws himself from it. It cannot indeed be denied; but that the King before her left he at Compeigne, did once and again charm her to love the Cardinal; and it were not amisse if the true motives which induced him so to do, were here layed down. The good of his State was chiefly in his intentions, and the necessity of withdrawing her from those Factions which would ingage the King­dom in Revolts, and all this to compel him, to deliver up this grand Minister, in case they could not effect it by the dayly instances which they perswaded her to make unto his Majesty. This indeed is the true reason which forced his Majesty to part with her as himself testifieth in his Letter to the Governours of the Provinces, where true it is, mention is made of her refusal to love the Cardinal, but it is likewise said, that the hatred which she bare to him, transported her to attempt things contrary to the good of his State, and the publick quiet, insomuch that he could no longer permit her stay at Court. But who can impute her removal to the Cardinal, when it is well known how carefull and solicitous he was to appease that anger which she express'd against him, which he did so effectually as to renounce his own interest and [Page 396]Fortune, and to sue for his own discharge from the Court with that earnestness, that his stay there may justly be said to be only in order to his Majesties Will and satisfaction, who expresly commanded it, and to acquit himself of the Obligation which he had to acknowledge, by the continuation of his services, of the honour which he did him; the King still protesting as great a resolution to preserve him as the Queen-Mother did eagerness to destroy him.

But lastly, who can deny that a designe tending to ruine (what-ever it cost) one of the chiefest pillars of the State, and him whom the King himself had often pro­fessed to be the principal Author of his good, is not a crime Laesae Majestatis? Were it not such in any one, to attempt the destruction of any the strongest places on the Frontites, or rather to invade any the fairest Towns of France? Had not experience then made it evident, that the Cardinal was of greater use and concern for the good of France, then many Citadels, and divers of the best Towns in the Kingdom? He would easily have retrived them all, if so be any Invasion of our Enemies should have forc'd them from us, but it was not to be hoped ever to find a Minister qualified as he was, who was a greater Protection to France, then all the Citadels put together, and who by his Industry had made the King master of a great number of Towns and Cities.

Politique Observation.

JT was not without reason that Theodosius the younger, and Justinian, inserted in their Books, as likewise Leon the first, and Constantine in their Politicis and Ba­silicis, that Law made by the Emperour Arcadius, whereby they who had enga­ged themselves in any Faction tending to ruine the chief Ministers of a Soveraigne, were guilty Laesae Majestatis. And for this very reason, If any one in England be convicted of having contrived (though but in his thoughts) the downfal of any Counsellor of State, though he had not executed it, yet such is the Law there, that he lose his life as guilty de laesae Majestatis, against the King; as it was in the case of Somerset, Uncle to Edward the sixth, and Protector of the Kingdom, for only having designed in his thoughts to put the Duke of Northumberland to death, who likewise governed the Kingdom of England under the same young King. The Laws of Swedeland are so respectful of them, that it is death only to speak ill of them. Salvian de Marseille saith, That the enormity of Injuries ought to be weighed by the quality of them on whom they reflect; whence it followeth (saith he) that those injuries done to a chief Minister of State, who representeth the Person of his Prince, are to be reputed as done against the Prince himself. Thou hast commitied an offence (saith Quintilian) but because it is against the Magi­strate, thou art therefore guilty of Treason. Whence it was that Verterius (as Plutarch observeth, was condemned to die, he having been defective in his respects to a Tribune, whose place is much inferiour to that of a chief Minister This was the sense which Antiquity had of those offences committed against publike per­sons, and thus were they punished who so offended. And who can deny these their Laws and Customs to be very reasonable and just, seeing chief Ministers are like the noblest parts of the Soveraigne, as is declared in the Law of Arcadius? And if the Prince be the head of his State, they are then the Members and Instru­ments by which he governeth. And thus hath another said, Our Saviour is the Head of the Church▪ the Church are his Body, and the Prelats are his chief mem­bers. They are Stars clothed by their Princes with part of their own splendour, that they may the better guide the people by their Influences; they are the lively Images in which they cause the foot-steps of their Authority to shine forth. Whence it is, that if a man be guilty de Laesae Majestatis, for only offending by any dis-respect his Princes Image or Picture, made only of Brass, Stone, or the like; surely he is much more guilty who dis [...]respecteth his living Image, in whom the most lively stamps of his Royal Authority are engraved, who is the Organ by which he delivereth his Will unto the People, and indeed the principal Instrument [Page 397]of his Glory. And if it be needful to re-inforce this with any stronger reason, That is the crime de Laesae Majestatis which offendeth the Soveraign, or which inter­fereth with the greatness of his State.

And what? Is not this to attempt upon the greatness of his State, when a Ca­bal shall be contrived and fomented for the ruine of a Minister, who by the conduct of his Masters Arms, and his own Prudence, hath extended his limits, hath ren­dered him terrible to all other Nations, hath vanquished all his Kings enemies, and reduced them to an impossibility of attempting any new thing against his Masters authority, who hath extinguished all those Factions which troubled the publike quiet, who daylie augmenteth the Revenue of the Exchequer, hath esta­blished Peace in the Kingdom, and in a word, next unto his Majesty, is the great­est prop and supporter of its greatness? Cicero saith, That he who raiseth a Sedi­tion against the Publike Peace, doth diminish the Majesty of the Empire. There are three sorts of High Treasons. The first is absolutely against the Princes per­son The second against the Respect due to him. And the third against the Grandeur and Safety of his State and Kingdom. Now it were to be purposely blind, not to rank under this third degree, all those Factions which contrive the ruine of any Ministers of State, they being so much contrary to the good of the State; neither were it unreasonable to range them under the first, as in England, seeing Ministers carry their Masters Image instamped on their Foreheads.

Prosecution of the Subject.

THe Mareschal d' Estree, whose Discretion hath been often experimented in the many affairs in which he had been imployed, used his utmost endeavours to in­duce the Queen-Mother to yeild unto his Majesties Will and Pleasure. The Mar­quis de Sainct Chaumont came divers times to her from his Majesty, to assure her, that he could no longer permit her stay at Compeigne: All which produced nothing but new heart-burnings in her mind, and great lamentations at her Imprisonment, which in its self was but imaginary, seeing she had not any Guards upon her, dis­posed of the keys of the City, and went abroad where-ever she pleased. This procedure of hers could not but provoke his Majesty, neither indeed could it be longer endured in a State, where Obedience is the Foundation of Government; so his Majesty resolved to dispatch unto her the Mareschal de Schomberg, and the Sieur de Roissi, who were known to be both prudent and respectful; to the end they might deal clearly with her, tel [...] her the truth, which till then had been for­born, and discourse at length unto her the disorders of her carriage (of which his Majesty till that time seemed not to take any notice) notwithstanding the shew which she made of her innocence. Accordingly they dealt ingeniously with her, represented to her, that the King was well informed of those many Cabals con­trived against his Authority and Glory, that he likewise knew Monsieur's departure first from the Court, and then out of the Kingdom, was an effect of her only Counsel; Lastly, that there was not any one in the Kingdom, how great soever, who could pretend to a Right of imposing a Law on his Majesty for the choice of his Ministers; and that his Majesty could not but think it extreamly strange, that she, above all others in particular, should so press him to destroy the Cardinal, seeing she knew better then the whole Nation, that there was not any person in the Kingdom, who had done, or was more able to do service to the State, then he: To be short, that she had no such great reason to complain, that she was forced to live removed from the King, there being not any Law in holy Writ, which require children alwaies to live with their Mothers, especially when they are of age to dispose of their own good; but that its found written in divers places which command Kings to be obeyed as God's Lieutenants upon earth; that his Majesty had just reason to be offended, he having so often sent to her to withdraw her self from Compeigne, and she having as often slighted it; nor could she pretend any excuse for her so doing, seeing his Majesty had offered her the choice of any other [Page 398]place to dwell in; that they were obliged to tell her, that this her disobedience was not to be endured in a well ordered State, neither that it were just for his Majesty to put up this resistance of hers; that it was the ready way to force him to use her with more rigour: and Monsieur de Schomberg did not stick to tell her, that it had been his own advice to remove her from the Court, so prejudicial was her presence to his Majesties service. These discourses so full of Truth and Prudence, should have opened her eyes, and discovered his Majesties goodness unto her, who was satisfied only with a short removal of her, for such reasons as have formerly Im­prisoned, nay condemned divers great Princes to death: whereas her mind was so charmed by their devices who had ingaged her in this Cabal, that instead of dis­abusing her, they only added extremities to the excess of her choler.

Politique Reflection.

ALthough great men should more especially be informed with [...]he truth of things, seeing their affairs which depend on it, are of greater importance then others, yet however the most part of them do not much love her, she seldome comes within their Courts but naked; and if perchance she appear in their pre­sence, they turn about from her, as if they could not endure to see her. They desire things should be related to them as they would have them, not as they really are. It is very dangerous to find fault with any of their Actions, which they un­dertake in confidence, that they are well-beseeming their greatness: If any one presume to debate their Designs, by discovering the naked Truth to them, he will presently be esteemed but an ill servant for his pains: whence it is, that the most part of their attendants unwilling to run the hazard of displeasing them, do not discourse to them of any their affairs, but so as they think may be acceptable to them; they find by the daylie experience of others, both past and present, that this complyance of theirs is the most assured supporter of their Fortunes, and a far greater prop to them then Truth her self. Those Princes who are of this humour, never well counsell'd, there being but a few who would willingly for their sakes renounce their Fortunes▪ especially seeing by telling truth they should get nothing. Such counsels as thwart their Passions, are either esteemed extravagant, or as pro­ceeding from a naughty servant. They are for the most part like that unjust Judge who demanded of our Saviour what Truth was, but would not stay to be inform'd. Great and many are the inconveniencies which by this means happen to them: for those specious appearances of Truth with which they are deluded, are like to those Lamps set out on the tops of Rocks by Pirates, which insteed of a Harbour entice the vessels to their shipwrack, whereby they make a prey of their goods. An Ancient Author saith, That the greatest pleasure of the mind consisteth in the knowledge of Truth. But it ought to be understood of a soul free from Passi­on; and which only prosecuteth the Laws of Justice. And the Rule of the Wise says, Happy is the Prince who is so disposed, and who knoweth how to esteem those who counsel him freely, without disguising the Truth, for they, and only they, are the real supporters of his State and greatness.

Prosecution of the History.

THis behaviour of the Queen-Mother's seemed incredible, considering the good­ness which she had hitherto made apparent in her conduct, neither indeed could she possibly have fallen into such disorders, had she not been lead into them, by those very persons in whom she most confided. Such and so great was their wick­edness, that wanting sufficient reasons and inducements to entice her to their own bends, they sought for some amongst the Stars, and were so bold as to cast the King's Nativity, and foretold her, that by the Position of the Heavenly Signs, his Majesty could not long live; which being so, the Laws of Prudence obliged her to side with Monsieur; that she ought in reason to look on him as the Rising Sun, [Page 399]who would shortly sit at the Helm, and whose favourable influences would be ne­cessary for the upholding of her greatness. This foundation being thus laid, it was no hard matter to perswade her in her Passion, that she need not much regard the Cardinal, for the King once ceasing to be, he would of consequence lie at their mercy. These were the vain wicked imaginations of certain malicious extra­vagant persons, which they went rather to Hell then Heaven, to learn out for the feeding of others ambitious humours, and to continue by this device the pensions which they procured from her Majesty. It is strange that any man should ground a belief upon such like predictions, yet it is a Rock upon which many Grandees have been ruined. By this means was Lentulus Sura drawn into Cataline's conspi­racy; And by this means did the late Queen Catharine de Medicis engage her self in several affairs prejudicial to her childrens and her own Interests. Thus indeed did the ancient Pagans in all their great enterprises, on which they durst not think without the Predictions of their Augurs, and other Priests, though in truth it was without any reason or good foundation.

Politique Observation.

THat knowledge which we have during this life, hath enough to do, if it can but penetrate into the depth of things present, to extend and stretch it unto things to come, is not only useless, but dangerous▪ I shall willingly for my part subscribe to the opinions of Plato, Aristotle, and Seneca, all who have absolutely rejected the Art of Divination, and held that the Predictions of Astrologers are vain and idle. The Chaldeans (as most probably may be conjectured) were the first who discovered the use of Horoscopes, but happy had been their ignorance had they known nothing of it. It is very commendable in us to fore-see by Prudence that which may befal us, but it is a foppery to ground the event of our undertakings upon the motion of the Stars. The Divels have somtimes foretold by the frivo­lous ordinary rules of Astrologie, what shall happen, but most men have attribu­ted the truth of their predictions, not so much to the strength of those Rules, as unto Chance; or as others will have it, unto their care to effect these things by them foretold. To desire to know what shall hereafter happen, is to search into that which belongs only unto God; and it is equally rash to predict, as it is vain to pry into the knowledge of it. Notwithstanding all this, there are such as do suffer themselves to be led away into this errour, and that upon two different oc­casions. Some, that they may avoid those misfortunes which they fear; but it is commonly seen, that they who would fain shun the Rock, do run upon the Shelve. Others, that they may attain unto those goods for which they hope; but to them it likewise happens, that crediting too much the good fortune promised them by the Stars, they come to run into disasters; if perchance they meet not that amongst the Stars which they desire, presently they slight the Art; but if they do meet with any thing correspondent to their minds, it so flatters their passions, that they are blind, and engage themselves over and over, in such enterprises, as do at last bring them to their ruines. There need no other reason to evince the ignorance of Astrologers then this one, that they are so little knowing of what shall befal themselves in particular; for they know not how to prevent any thing, neither in­deed need there more, then barely to examine with Prudence the Rules upon which they ground their conjectures, and it will then soon be discovered that they are Impostors, and that their knowledge is meer ignorance.

Prosecution of the Subject.

NOtwithstanding that there was as much clemency in his Majesties, as obstina­cy in the Queens procedure, yet did she not forbear to lament, and accuse him of cruelty. His Majesty being then no longer able to endure those complaints which she made to all the Princes of Christendom, especially at her Imprisonment, [Page 400]and being equally desirous to stop her mouth, by withdrawing those forces which happened to be then neer her (not upon the score of guarding her, but for other reasons as hath heretofore been declared) and likewise knowing that it would be a hard matter for her to cause Compiegne to revolt, or to raise any Souldiers therea­bouts, the principal of the Cabal being either imprisoned or affrighted, did at last resolve to disperse them into other places. The only thing feared was, lest shee should cast her self into the Spaniards hands. His Majesty to make sure of her, as to that particular, first sent to her by the Marshal d' Estree, that he would readily satisfie her, by withdrawing all those forces then in Garison at Compiegne; provi­ded she would ingage her self not to stir out of the Kingdom. She thereupon passed her word once and again, not to go out of the Kingdom, and the Forces were accordingly drawn off; only his Majesty left part of them, some certain leagues from thence, to prevent the assembling of any souldiers.

The Queen-mothers departure out of France.

THis excesse of his Majesties goodness, should have wrought upon her, but she instead of acknowledging it for such, abused it, and that she might adde to his troubles went out of the Kingdom. For the facilitating and private management of this design, she gave his Majesty to understand by the Mar­shal de Estree, and the Marquis de Saint Chaumont▪ that she would withdraw her self from Compiegne, to such other Town as he should appoint, might she but have the honour to see him The King over-joyed at this her Proposal, offered to meet her, either at her house of Monceaux or Mantes, or such other places as she plea­sed upon the Roads of Angiers, Bloys, or Moulins. The King pleas'd himself for some certain time, in this hope, believing it might be a means to regain Monsieur, but in the interim, the Queen mother negotiated her retreat with the Infanta in Flanders, and found means to prevail with the Marquis de Vardes to deliver up Ca­pelle into her hands, of which he was then Governour. The Request which she made unto the Infanta was no long time unanswered; for the Spaniards who aim­ed at nothing more then to foment divisions in the Nation, whereby they might prevent the assisting of any of our Allies, when they invaded them, quickly per­swaded her Highnesse, to assure her of a good reception; that she should be en­tertained in her Territories with all honour and respect, and that she would make such provisions, as she should not want any thing she could desire; this answer once received, she stood no longer in deliberating on her retreit; but providing every thing necessary for her person, she departed from Compiegne with Madam de Tresnay, and one woman of her Chamber. The same day she came to Capelle, but could not get in (the King having sent thither the Sieur de Vardes the Father, upon suspicion of the Son) and from thence she went to Avennes, which is the first Town in Haynault, bordering on France. By this she made it apparent to the whole World, that she was not only a Prisoner, but that she did wed her self to her passion, by giving her self up to the enemies of France

Politique Observation.

TO give way to Passion, and let it over-rule our reason is very dangerous, so are the consequences which attend it, especially in matters of great concern­ment. God hath ordained reason to govern in Mans Soul▪ as in a Throne, that she might guide all his Actions. He hath appointed reason to be the rule of his motions, as the little fish which marcheth before the Whale, to lead him through the Waters, lest his unweildinesse should carry him against the Rocks. We are all bound to follow the dictates of Reason; but of all others, Princes are most con­cerned so to do; for if once they shut their eyes to reason, and suffer themselves to be transported by the violence of their Passion, what do they but open a Gate to Usher in disorders and confusions into their States. This violence may well be li [...]e­ned [Page 401]to that of a Torrent, which rooteth up Trees, teareth up Rocks, and over­throws whatever it meeteth; for just thus is it, when reason is once extinguished, the judgement is then spoiled, and Prudence is of no more use, then feathers to a Bird caught in Lime. Is not this the thing which hath destroyed most, if not all Kingdomes, which hath trodden Crowns under foot, which hath excited people to revolt, and Cities to mutiny, which hath profaned sacred places, abused Altars, and whatever is most reverenced by mankind? How many have there been seen, who in their fury have not cared to lose themselves, provided they might ruine them in that Precipice which themselves could not avoid? It is great wisedom to suppress anger, and to stifle it in the Cradle, for by permission and toleration it grows to be head-strong. Violence by giving way to it, becomes invincible, inso­much that in time it will be difficult, nay impossible to overcome it; it is like Light­ning, which once broke out from the Cloud which restrained it, is not by any means to be again reduced.

The Queen-mothers entrance into Bruxels.

THe Queen mother was no sooner come into the Infantas Territories, but the Baron de Creve-Coeur received her, in the Town of Avennes, as Governor of Haynault. She then gave notice of her arrival unto the Infanta, by the Baron de Guaypre, and her Highness presently dispatched the Marquis d' Ay­etone, to offer unto her Majesty all the Power and Authority which she had in the Low-countries and to beseech her absolutely to dispose of it. Don Philip Albert de Valesques, Captain of her Highnesse Life-guard, came at the same time with his Company to serve her, as Guards from Avennes, she went to Mons, where the Prince d' Espinoy put the Towns-men all in Arms, to receive her with the greater splendour. Thither came the Infanta to meet her, who entertained her with all imaginable respects, and confirmed to her the Proposals which she had made of delivering her power in the Low Countries, into her Majesties hands. Two days being thus spent, they went both together to Bruxels, where she was received with the same honour, as if she had been King of Spain. She was entertained with all the satisfaction and diversions that could be imagined. It cannot be expressed, with what honour the Spanish Nobility did attend her; but we may conceive, that their designs were far different from those of the Infanta, who good Princess, had in her whole life time testified a great deal of goodness, sincerity, and holiness it self, so that what she did cannot be ascribed but to her civility, and the particular kindnesse which she had, both for the Queen-mother and France. Whereas, the Spani­ards had other ends in it. They knew that Women are bewitched wish Ho­nour, and by this means did they endeavour to ingage her more and more to them, that they might make use of her to ruine the Cardinal, whose Prudence alone held their Noses to the Grind-stone, more then an Army of a hundred thousand men.

Politique Observation.

IT is great discretion in Kings to receive with honour such Princes, who discon­tented with their own Countries, come to make addresses to them. The quali­ties of their birth make them venerable, in what condition soever, though they were vanquish'd, yet ought they to be treated with respect. E [...]nones King of the Adorses is highly applauded by Tacitus, for his courteous entertaining of Mithri­dates King of Bosphorus, when his evil fortune forced him, though his enemy, to [...]st himself into his hands. And if the quality of stranger Princes, be an obligati­on on Kings to receive them with respect, amidst the misfortunes in which they are sometimes involv'd, yet Prudence doth much more advise, nay require it; for the honour done to them, is a Tie which doth engage them to wish well to their Countries, upon the score of the good usage and kindnesse which was there shewed [Page 402]them. Besides, and which is not a little considerable, it is a most infallible way to foment and exasperate divisions in those Countries, from whence they retire. They may at any time be placed in the head of an Army to go raise a War there, and yet not break with their King. A thing of great concernment to the Spani­ards, whose Countries being separated from one another, cannot well be preserved in obedience, but by their setting on foot dissentions and wars amongst their neigh­bours, as hath been observed by one of themselves who hath treated of the Poli­tick secrets by them used. A wise Prince is never sorry at any partiality in his neigh­bouring Countries. He knows that he is by that means safe from them, and that whilest they are ingaged in Wars, he many have leave and leisure to execute his own designs, and oftentimes to make great advantages by it.

The Infanta dispatcheth the Sieur de Carondelet to the King, to negotiate the Queen-mothers accommodation.

SHortly after the Queen-mothers abode at Bruxels, and about the moneth of August, the Infanta desirous of Peace, sent the Sieur de Caro del [...]t Doyen of Cambray, her extraordinary Embassadour unto the King then at Monceaux, for to assure his Majesty that she had not received her into her Country, but ou [...] of the affection and respect▪ which she was bound to pay unto her; that she had not for her part any thought of making any advantage against France, but would contri­bute her utmost endeavours to the tranquility thereof. The King, who was not naturally enclin'd to war, but when it was necessary, in order to the establishment of Peace in his Dominions, would have easily been induc'd to an accord, had he not been certainly inform'd that those about the Queen-Mother, and the Spani­ards procur'd this Embassie, only the better to conceal the designes they had against the Publike Peace of his Kingdom; Nevertheless as Kings are politiquely oblig'd to dissemble their actions, and to acknowledge apparent civilities by appa­rent testimonies, the Cardinal by his appointment received him with all possible de­monstrations of honour and kindness, to flatter his vain ambition, and to render him at least seemingly serviceable to France, knowing he had in charge to make divers agreeable Propositions: He made divers journies betwixt the Court and Bruxels, and was alwaies receiv'd and entertain'd at his return with honour and magnificence; and when he took his last leave, was presented with a Cross of Di­amonds worth two thousand Crowns: But his frequent Voyages made him to be more swayed with imaginary conceits, then prudence in his undertaking; and that after he had wasted the estate by Birth and Fortune derived to him, he would have been glad to have gotten others from the bounty of his Majesty.

Politique Observation.

ALthough one Prince may have received some unkindness from another, yet ought he not however to be deficient in receiving his Ambassadors with civility and honour. Civility is a vertue which ought to be used every where. Alexander whose example is the more considerable, seeing he was alwaies esteemed for gene­rous, used it even to excess, and that towards his very enemies. He ought to hold a correspondence with others, though he hath neither reason to love them, nor to think that he is beloved by them: It will not become him to seem as if he would be revenged, but effectually to punish him who hath provoked him; whereas at is di­scretion to entertain him with Civilities, for the easier surprizing of him; the highest testimonies of friendship which he shall render to him, being the best devi­ces he can use, to give him no cause of jealousie, which may induce him to stand upon his guard. One of the Ancient Sages said. A Prince never ought to re­ceive the kindnesses of others, but with distrust. Pompey was decived by the pre­tenses of peace, and Lepidus by an apparent Friendship, as Tacitus hath observed. [Page 403]In general it may be said, that Civilities are like a winding lane, which lead by a Trap door into any designed place what-ever. They are alwaies seasonable, and although they are not alwaies accompanied with frankness, yet are they neverthe­less agreeable to the Receiver, and advantagious to the Giver. The Wise man somtimes seemeth to be highly satisfied, though he be inwardly displeased; which he doth, that he may the better take his time, and shew his anger to the purpose; for by dissembling his discontent with his enemies, he is the more enabled to do them a displeasure; neither ought he to shew his Teeth, but when he is in a condi­tion to bite. But more especially ought he not to receive Ambassadors sent to him, but with Honour and respect, seeing their Quality hath alwaies made them pass for venerable, in consideration of the person whom they represent: Neither is the Honour done them cast away, for it serves to take off from their Master's distrust, who may thereby be intic'd to take less care in his affairs, then otherwise he would; withal, it keeps his Neighbours in suspence, and hinders them from associating themselves with him; for most Princes are apt to divide upon the least noise of War.

The King sendeth the Cardinal de la Valette unto Monsieur then at Orleans.

HAving related the causes of the Queen-Mothers discontent, and the manner of her retreat, it will not be amiss to speak somthing of Monsieur's affairs, of his Majesties and the Cardinal's endeavours to bring him back to the Court, and of the ill Counsel which engaged him to raise a War, and at last to with-draw him­self out of the Kingdom. Upon his Majesties return from Compeigne, where he had left the Queen-Mother, he resolved not to omit any opportunity which might be conducing to reconcile him unto him, and to withdraw him from the Queen-Mothers intreagues, and having thought nothing could be more proper to allay his Spirits, which had been a little exasperated, then to marry him, his Majesty dispatched the Cardinal de la Valette to him, then at Orleans, to assure him, that there was not any security or satisfaction which should be denyed him, in case he would return as he was desired; more particularly, that he would very willingly yeild to his marriage with the Princess Maria, which heretofore had been impor­tunately entreated. This Procedure was a sufficient testimony of the King's affe­ction, seeing he could not marry himself, without engaging his Majesties Interests in it, and that his Authority could not but receive some prejudice, in case he should have any children: Yet some ill Counsellors then neer him, stopp'd his eyes, that he might not see it. The Cardinal de la Valette proposed it to him, and gave him all imaginable assurances of the King's affection: But he found him in a thousand jealousies, which Coigneux and others had instilled into him, on purpose to decline him from his Majesties Interests, and to make themselves the more considerable with him: For his own part, he was well enough inclin'd to do what-ever could be required of him, but those creatures of his had gotten such a hand over him, by their tricks and devices, that in a minute they unravelled what-ever the Cardinal de la Valette had with much ado wrought to any perfection. They represented to him the Queen Mother's Interest and perswaded him that he was engaged in Honour to assist her in those persecutions into which the Cardinal had brought her (which were Chimeras only) and that it were a great dishonour for him, to forsake her, she having cast her self (as it were) into his Arms: witha [...] they terrified him with panique fears, and protested to him, that they would not assure him of his liberty, if once he came within the Cardinal's reach; as if the King's Arms had not been long enough to have secured him, whilest he was at Orleans, had he been so incli­ned; and as if the King's word had not been an assurance ample enough: Was not that only proposal of the Marriage a certain demonstration that the King had not any intent of imprisoning him, unless in the fetters of Love, which he thought [Page 404]a tye strong enough to continue him neer unto him? But this too they perswaded him, was a Lure to draw him to into the ginns provided for him; insomuch that it was impossible to bring him back, or to perswade him to have any confidence in his Majesty. Thus did those Creatures of his tryumph over his goodness, sacri­fice his glory to their own Interests, and raise themselves to that pitch of Insolence, that they would build their own Fortunes upon the despisal of the Royal Autho­rity.

Politique Observation.

AS a Wise and Loyal Counsellor is the cause of a thousand good successes, so a bad one serves only to ingage his Prince in the extremity of misfortunes. Prin­ces ought especially to beware of such who make their own private interest their main business; for from such they cannot expect any thing but dis-service, and they are obliged to remove such from the Court; seeing they themselves do but seldome take the pains to examine and discuss such affairs as are presented to them, whence by the advices of such men, they come to be oftentimes engaged in very dangerous designs. Happy are those Princes whose Ministers chief ends, are their Masters glory; and this is his Majesties present happiness; for they being neither passionate nor partial in their advices, do alwaies adhere unto that which is most honourable: whereas they who have other Interests, or are prepossessed either with Fear or Ambition, do ever and anon infallibly fall on that side, by which they hoped to secure themselves from the storm, or raise their own Families. Prin­ces in their necessities have the more reason to complain, they then having most need of good advice: Faithful Councellors being hard to be met with in Courts; there is the place where Interest holds the chief Seat of its Empire, where it is more regarded then Kings themselves; for the most part of their Attendants do serve them only for the love of it: Love and Loyalty are seldome admitted into those places, it being usual to sue for a Princes favour, not so much to love him the more, as for the better effecting of ones own designs. Hence it is that the major part of their Followers give them such advices, as they think to be most conform­able to their inclinations not such as are according to the Rules of Prudence or Justice, and by this means they hope to acquire more favour, then if they had told the truth: Not that they are ignorant of what is good Counsel, but they think it unprofitably bestowed, unless it contribute to increase their Fortunes. Now the best resolution on which they can fix in this misfortune which inevitably will fall upon them, is, not to adhere unto Cleobulus his opinion, who (as Plutarch ob­serveth) said, That a wise Prince never ought to believe all which his most intimate familiars advise him: for that were to ceprive them of a very great advantage, when they are faithful and able; but that they should well examine the qualities and sufficiencies of them whom they advise withal, and then likewise to follow their counsels; not because they proceed from them, but because after a due deliberation, they are esteemed good and reasonable.

Prosecution of the Subject.

FOr this reason it was that the King press'd Monsi [...]ur by the Cardinal de la Valette, to discharge himself of those evil Counsellors which were then neer him; being very well assured, that this once done, his inclinations would be no longer so vio­lent, and that he would with ease be disposed to seek the good of France. Coi­gn [...]ux seemed to agree to it, and the Sieur de Chaudebonne, who came from Mon­sieur unto his Majesty, then at Estampes, assured him that he was totally disposed to it. But his Majesty having replyed to him, that this was his only way to raise his Masters affairs unto a height of good fortune, he made it apparent, that his overtures were only words, and that he was yet blinded with those fond hopes which he had grounded on the last yeers State Almanacks, made by his means du­ring [Page 405]the King's late sickness. He was very vigilant and industrious that Monsieur might make sure of Monsieur de Bellegard, Governour of Burgogne, that he might might have the disposal of the strong places in that Province, as himself inform'd the King by the Sieur de Bouoarre about the end of February. The King likewise understood from other parts, that he had lifted divers of the Nobility under Mon­sieur's name, in Normandy, Languedoc, and Limosin, and that Fueillade, and others of the Sieur de Puy-laureus his kinred, did raise forces as freely as if they had had the King's Commissions. There was brought a letter unto his Majesty, written by his direction from la Ferte, Lievtenant of Monsieur's Gens d'Armes, unto his Com­panions, that they should come to Melun neer Orleans, though it ought not to be done without his order. Every one knows that he had perswaded Monsieur to write unto the Sieur de Thoiras, to intice him from the Court, and to draw him to himself. The Letter having been brought by himself unto the King, the designe in which this rash indiscreet Minister had ingaged Monsieur, of seizing on the pas­sages upon the River Loyr, and of victualling Orleans, was every where known; His correspondencies with Spain and Lorrain were publike; His confederates in Provence and Dauphine were discovered, so that it was easie to judge he had not the least thought of withdrawing himself, but designed to frame the Body of an Army, and so raise a war. And most true it is, That in case the Nobility who were expected above fifteen days before his Majesty departed from Paris, had come, or if those who were imployed in levying of Forces had brought them according to the time appointed, he would not have made use of them to march out of the Kingdom, but much rather to have setled himself in such a condition within, that he might not be subject to that Law which the King of Right ought to impose on all his Subjects. He little considered how easily his Majesty had reduced the whole party of the Hugonots, how he had set bounds unto the Spanish Ambition, how that he had put the English to a shameful flight, in that very place which they had designed for a Theater of their own glory, and that he would but laugh at their attempts, which were so repleat with rashness.

Politique Observation.

IT is not sufficient in a Prince, who would attain glory, that he be not apprehen­sive of any dangers in war, or that he shew himself to be more desirous of ho­nour, then fearing any misfortune, unless he consider before he take the field, what strength he hath; from what friends he can presume to have assistance, of what force his enemies are, and whether he have Provisions enough for his own subsistence. He ought to measure his Courage by his Forces, and not to attempt any thing above his Power, or against Reason. It is couragious to stop the eyes at all hazards in the execution of a Designe, but it is discretion first to discuss all the inconveniences which may arrive, lest he ingage himself in his own ruine. Who so doth otherwise, cannot escape falling into one of these two extremities, either he must fall with his attempt, or be compell'd to a shameful composition, after a discovery of his own weakness and discredit. Beside, that rashness is full of inconsideration, it is ordinary attended with misfortunes. They who give up themselves to it, are for the most part reduced to a necessity of quitting their de­signs, with as little advantage, as they used consideration in their attempts. The vain hopes wherewith it feeds them, makes them at first all fire; but their flame evaporateth into Ice, by their want of subsistence; It is blind, and fore-sees not neither dangers, nor any accident which may happen; whence it followeth, that it is very unsafe, nay pernicious, to be guided by its Counsels, and that experi­ence telleth us, it seldome keeps any of its promises. The History of Cambyses King of Persia, related by Herodotus, may serve to exemplifie it; he designed to make a war upon the Macrobeans in Aethiopia; to which end he sent Ambassa­dours to their King, who might under pretence of carrying him presents, espie the force and strength of the Kingdom; but the King smelling their designe, [Page 406]commanded them to return, and tell their Master, he could not be just▪ who would invade a Country not belonging to him. Cambyses receiving this answer, became so enflamed with anger, that he presently advanced his Army towards Aethiopia, without making provisions necessary for so long and great an expedi­tion; insomuch that before he had marched one quarter of his way, his Army was forced to eat Horses; and not long after his Souldiers eat one another, himself being forced to return into his own Country, after a great loss of his Souldiers, and to his perpetual dishonour, by reason of his rashness.

The King goeth to Orleans; With the true Motives of his journey.

THe King well acquainted with all these contrivances, thought fit to go in his own person, that he might dissipate the storm: he well knew that the pre­sence of a King is like that of the Sun, which soon dispelleth all those thick clouds which attempt to obscure his light. About the beginning of March he set forward towards Estampes, and thence to Orlean, as Monsieur had resolved His Majesty did verily believe, that coming to discourse with him, it wou [...]d be no hard matter to efface those evil impressions which his creatures had infused into him; that however the expected levies would not dare to come near Orleans, whilest he was there; and that peradventure he might ingage him in the match which had been proposed, by laying down before him the many advantages which might from thence arise.

These were the true motives of his Majesties journey, which they who were about Monsieur endeavoured to obstruct, by sending the Sieur de Chaud [...]bonne, unto him with a Letter, which they had perswaded Monsieur to write; in which he made protestations of obedience, and beseeched his Majesty not to give credit un­to such reports as were spread abroad to his disadvantage. But however, the King who knew that no time ought to be lost in matters of revolt, did not forbear to prosecute his journey. He was no sooner come unto Estampes, but he received intelligence, that Monsieur was departed from Orleans towards Bourgogne: His attendants had perswaded him to ground his departure, upon pretence of his Ma­jesties comming, and gave out that he only came thither to make sure of Mon­sieurs person. A report without foundation, for his Majestly had been acquaint­ed, at the least fifteen dayes before that time, by the Sieur de Bellegar [...]e, how that Monsieur had told him, he would shortly go into Bourgogne, and that be­fore his Majesty had designed his journey unto Orleans. It cannot be expressed, how sensibly the King was troubled at Monsieurs departure. But it had been ef­feminate only to bewail amidst their present misfortunes, and take no care for the future; the King advanc'd with all diligence unto the same Province, that he might keep the Towns in obedience, and pursued him so closely, that he had not the time to make himself Master of any place, which doubtlesse he would have done, had he not been followed at hand by some or other, who might prevent his designs. Before the end of March, the King came to Dijon; and having secured the Town and Castle, gave order to the Sieur de la Grange Mestre de Camp, to march with his Regiment into Bellegarde, which place Monsieur had left behind him; he sent the Regiment de Piedmont into Auxerre, and St. Jean de Lone; he left three hun­dred horse in garrison on the Frontiers, in such places as were most requisite, to secure Bourgogne from any incursions, and the Sieur de Hauterine to command them, as Marshal de Camp Monsieur's Ministers did every where give out, that he had not forsaken the Kingdom, but only to secure himself from them who pursu­ed him, but it was without truth: His Agents indeed having designed under his name to fortifie themselves in that frontier of the Kingdom, his Majesty was obli­ged to follow them at hand, to prevent their effecting what they had contrived it being of great consequence, not to lose any time in such occasions; his longer de­lay could but have given them leave to second their own with forraign forces which as was well known they had negotiated: But if he would not have left the King­dom, [Page 407]why did he not condiscend to those fair proposals made to him, both at Or­leans and Auxerre: The King was ready to imbrace him, and to give him fresh testimonies of that affection which he had alwaies born to him; but his not assent­ing to them, forced his Majesty to pursue him, that he might divert the storm, which seemed to threaten not only Bourgogne but France it self.

Politique Observation.

IT is a great misfortune to a Kingdom, when a Faction is once fomented within its bosome; but that once being so, it were a great imprudence in the King of that Country, go give time and opportunity to the heads of the Conspirators, to draw their forces together, wherewith they might carry on a War against him. He ought to be before hand with them, and not to stay until revolted Prin­ces are in a condition to put their designs in execution. He must not indeed be too credulous in beleeving all reports, nor take the field upon the first news of a Revolt; but being once well informed and assured, he ought no longer to delay. Thus A­lexander the Great, made not the least stop, that he might prevent the rising of his enemies in Greece, and he came so suddenly upon them with his Army, that himself brought the first news of his comming. It was his usual saying, that a quick dispatch in preventing an enemy, is the thing which obtains great advantages against him; for this reason it was, that Apelles painted him with lightning in his hand, which hath a motion so swift that how little soever it be, yet it reduceth eve­ry thing to ashes. Grandees when once revolted want neither courage nor power provided they have but time to raise their Forces. They have for the most part, persons of knowledge and valour neer them, who are capable of setling their af­fairs in a good equipage, if they have but leisure to effect it. For this cause, is a King obliged to go in person, and encounter them whereby he may break the neck of their Rebellion. A small matter will sometimes suffice to set all right again; the Kings presence is a terrour to Rebels, and takes away their courages who are not yet come up, that they have but little will to ingage themselves; and in case they return not to their obedience by fair means, he is then in a capacity to compel them by force, seeing they cannot be in a condition to defend themselves. Henry the third, committed a great oversight by withdrawing himself from Paris, at the mutiny of the Barricadoes; for a Kings obedience diminisheth the respect due to him, imboldneth the Ring-leaders of a faction, and animateth the fury of the peo­ple. Bajazet the second did not thus, in the rebellion of his son Selim the first, but shewed such an undanted courage that he could never be perswaded to with­draw himself, although the Janizaries of his Guard were corrupted; and so beha­ved himself, that what with Iris presence, and what with the gravity of his words, they became ashamed to forsake him, or commit the treason they had resolved against him. Charles the fifth did the same thing in reducing the City of Gaunt; for being in Spain upon the first report of their revolt, he took [...]et, and came in great hast unto Flanders, where he easily checked their rebellion, and punished the chief contrivers thereof.

Monsieur arriveth at Bezancon, from whence he writeth unto the King.

MOnsieur being arrived at Bezançon, Boigneux was much afflicted and displea­sed that he had so poorly played his Cards, having not so much as time to draw his forces together, so that he had recourse to his usual devices, and perswaded him to send a Letter unto his Majesty, wherein he should lay before him the pre­tences which he alledged for his departure. The Letter was framed by himself with a little assistance; but so imprudently was it contrived, that there needed no more to condemn him guilty of high Treason. It was full of injurious language [Page 408]against the King, and seemed to call him a Prince without judgement; neither had he any other pretexts for his departure out of the Kingdom, but only the Queen-Mothers imprisonment at Compeigne, a Chimaera only, and the necessity of saving himself without, having no security within the Kingdom; a reason altogether in­considerable, seeing he was offered any assurance whatsoever: and his third was the Cardinals ill conduct, whom he could no longer endure, so dangerous he was unto the Kingdom; which last himself would have confessed to be ridiculous, had he but reflected how effectually he had serv'd the King at Re, in reducing of the H [...]gonot Cities, in the relieving of Cazal, in the taking of Savoy and Piedmont, and divers other expeditions, which have much added to the honour and glory of the whole Nation. These were the weak pretences which Coigneux made use of, to hide Monsieur's imprudence and rashness, in going [...]orth of the Kingdom. But such insolencie being insupportable, and the Letter brought by the Sieur de Brian­son unto his Majesty, then on hunting neer Baign [...]ux where not one of his Coun­cel had followed him, he commanded the Lievtenant of his Guards to seize on him, and from thence carry him unto the Castle of Dijon, that he might teach others to beware of bringing any more letters unto him, which were not conform­able to the respect due unto him: The King likewise considering how that Princes are commonly unfortunate in seeing their best actions discommended by their Sub­jects, instead of being honoured, as so many mysteries, whose causes are to them unknown, published a Declaration in the Parliament of Dijon, wherein he set forth the true causes of Monsieur's departure, both from Orleans, and then out of the Kingdom, as likewise of his journey into Burgogne, which are the very same formerly intimated; only adding this one, that his Majesty was the more oblig'd to march into that Province, in respect they had ingaged the Sieur de Bellegarde in their party, and had particularly prevailed with him, to send the Sieur Damase unto him, then at Aux [...]rre, to contradict the news he had formerly sent unto the King by the Sieur de B [...]carre, of Monsieur's Designs to retire into Burgogne; for he had then discovered all their intentions, and their pretences were esteemed as ridiculous. It was not indeed only to manifest his own actions, that his Maje­sty made the said Declaration, but likewise to proclaim the Conte de Moret, the Dukes of Elboeuf, Bell [...]garde, and Rouannes, the President Coigneux, the Sieur de Puy-laurens, Monsigot, and the P [...]re de Chanteloupe, guilty of high Treason, every of them having been accessary unto Monsieur's departure; it being his Ma­jesties further pleasure, that they should accordingly be proceeded against, in case they should not within one moneth make their addresses to obtain his pardon for their offences; impowering all Governours and Officers to fall upon any who should attempt to levie any Souldiers without his Commission and Authority.

Politique Observation.

IN vain were the Laws for punishment of Treason made, if they be not execu­ted upon them who persever in their offences. Mercy is indeed one of the best Qualities in a King but it bringeth Kingdoms into disorder and disobedience, unless it be somtimes accompanied with severity. Impunity doth embolden the head of a Faction to persist in his designs; when violence scapes scot-free, the publike Peace runs a hazard; and when a King testifieth unto them an excess of Bounty or Mercy, he only reduceth himself to the extremity of being afterwards disabled to correct the [...]r insolencies when he most desireth it. To permit a party of factious persons to save themselves by flight, at least without declaring them to be what indeed they are, were to be injurious unto the State, and guilty (in some kind) of cruelty: The least severity inflicted upon such men (after their Designes are once perceived) doth extinguish the remaining flame, whereas conniving at them, adds fewe [...] to their fire; in vain it is to hope by fair means to reduce them unto their duties: the ablest Politicians have thought it an improper way to work upon them, seeing it makes not any impression in the minds of Grandees, who are [Page 409]incapable of true Friendship, and that the means to stop the Career of their de­signs, is by Force and Fear.

Not that I would advise a Prince to drive them into desperation, by being over severe; for that were equally dangerous, and hath been found to have carried them on to extremities; but so ought he to manage his business, that he strike them with Fear, and make them apprehensive of his Justice. Men are more easily subjugated unto such as have made themselves terrible, then to such who only endea­vour to be beloved; and they will sooner break the bonds of Love, then of Fear: Benefits work less upon their Natures then Punishments. If the rewarding of ser­vices be so necessary for the incouragement of Faithful and Loyal servants, surely chastisement is as needful to impede the progress of such as are factiously bent, by striking them with Fear. To be merciful alone, is to want one hand, and not to let them feel the rigours of Justice, who cannot be kept within the limits of their duties by clemency, were to endanger the loss of the Supream Authority.

The Debate in the Parliament of Paris, upon the Declaration against the Rebels.

THe Crime which they who abused Monsieur's name did commit by their boldness in writing so outragious a letter unto the King, was but too to great, yet as one error makes way for another, so they did not sit still there, but second­ed it by making of parties in the Parliament of Paris, to obstruct the ratification of the Declaration published at Dijon. His Majesty had sent the said Declaration to the Parliament of Paris as conceiving it to concern his reputation, to make known the Truth of those passages, not only in Burgogne, but through the whole Kingdom. Now Cogneux, together with divers others of that Cabal, having gained some principal members of this Court, by informing them with all things, though quite contrary to the truth, had ingaged them so far in their designs, that they publikely exclaimed against it as violent, for such reasons as had been sent un­to them, which were as frivolous as false. They had raised such a confusion in that honourable Company, surprizing them with false informations and untruths, that it was debated whether the Declaration should be ratified or not; whereas they ought to have remembred, that such Declarations as regard the Government of State, are sent unto them only to be registred, proclaimed, and observed by his Majesties Subjects, and most commonly they are not acquainted with the true rea­sons which induced his Majesty to make them. The debate was so hot and great, that their opinions being equally divided, the Declaration remain'd unconfirm'd, and unproclaim'd. Whereupon the King being upon his return to Paris, was forc'd (that he might not let such a disorder pass unpunished) to command the Par­liament unto the [...]ouvre, with order that they should come on foot, as guilty, and in a posture to receive that rebuke which they had incurred, whereby he might give them to know, that to discuss State affairs, did not concern them at all; that he only sent this, and other Declarations of the like nature unto them, to be pro­claimed, inrolled, and caused to be observed by his Majesties subjects, and that they ought to have been more readily disposed to have passed this Declaration in particular, there being a very great difference between a bare Commission to form an Indictment against any one, and to adjudge it, and between a Declaration pub­lished by his Majesty for the information of his Subjects, concerning those persons against whom he complains, with what reasons he hath so to do, and for what causes it is that they are guilty of high Treason; for that in a Declaration his Majesty assigns them a certain time, within which they may obtain his pardon, if they have recourse unto his Grace; and moreover, for that after all this, not any formalities are omitted, which are necessary in the processe of Criminals before their Condemnation. This was effected in the Louvre, the King sitting in his Counsel, and the whole body of the Parliament being on their knees before him, [Page 410]where after that the Lord Keeper of the Seals had in his Majesties name given them to know, that it was not in their jurisdiction to determine concerning any Decla­rations of State, which should be sent unto them; the King with his own hands tore the sentence ofVpon the equal Division of their Mem­bers debate, they Registred that Division as a Sentence. Division, which was Registred as a Record, and command­ed that the Order of his Conncel, whereby it was declared void, should be entred in its places, with prohibitions of intermeddling for the future in debating Decla­rations of the like nature: And lastly, for the punishing the fault of the whole Body in some particular Members, the Presidents Gayon, Battillon, and the Sieur Lesne Counsellour, were commanded, by Order from his Majesty to withdraw themselves for some time from Paris, and suspended from executing their Functi­ons, in regard they had discoursed too freely, and without respect concerning his Majesties proceeding, and the Government of the State; which notwithstanding his Majesties goodnesse was such, that lasted not long, for they were soon after re­called and restored unto the Parliament, and to the discharge of the Offices of which their integrity and merit had made them very deserving, and from which they had been restrained not without the grief of all wise men, who were sorry to see that they had blemished their reputations, by a zeal too rash and incon­siderate.

Politique Observation.

PArliaments are no lesse bound by the Laws of Prudence then those of Justice, not to separate themselves from the King in State-affairs. I say, they are ob­liged to it by Justice, for for them to judge of such affairs, were to assume a Power which belongs not to them; their first creation was by Kings, and that only to do Justice unto the people, as the President de la Vaquiere told the Duke of Orleans Chancellour, who in his Masters behalf moved the Parliament that they would press his Majesty to come to Paris, and make use of their advice in certain weighty mat­ters. The self-same answer did the same Parliament make unto Louys de Bourbon, after his taking of Orleans, and sending his Declaration unto them. Francis the first, prohibited them from intermedling in affairs of that nature, in the proceed­ings commenc'd against the Chancelly du Prat; and after him Charles the ninth did as much in prosecution of the Arrest which had been issued out for the summo­ning the Prince, of the Blood, and Peers of France, to consult concerning such complaints, as tended to the good both of King and State. Thus, his Majesty ha­ving impowered and intrusted them, with the hand of his Justice, that they might only preserve his Subjects right each to other, they may not intermeddle in any other businesse without particular Order from his Majesty, who can only confer that Authority upon them. But how can they with any reason, dissent from his Majesty in State affairs, especially in this particular of Declarations, which are sent unto them to be proclaimed, when as they are not acquainted with the many cir­cumstances which induced them, without the cognizance of which, it is impossible to make any true Judgement? Were not this to determine things without judging of them, as also to do it without lawfull power so to do? But if they complain of their want of Authority, the Stars might as well murmur against the Sun, for not imparting a light unto them, as glorious as his own. They ought to recollect unto their memories, that that Power which makes them considerable, is no more na­tural to them then that of the Stars; that from the King it is, that they receive all their Marks of Greatnesse, and Badges of Authority, and that from him alone all those rays do proceed, which make them shine in the eye of the people.

And if Magistrates would but look a little neerer into themselves, they would easily perceive that they have not any power but what is derived from their Kings; it is from them that they hold their Authority, and which lasteth no longer then their Will and pleasure: Hence it is, that all Bodies corporate are bound to take their confirmation from all new Kings who shall succeed to the Crown, whereby they might learn, that as they were created for the good of their Soveraign, so [Page 411]their subsistence depends meerly upon his Will and Grace. Peradventure they wil pretend, that what they do is to conserve his Majesties Authority; but why do they not then consider, how they themselves abuse it by resisting it; and that whi­lest they violate his Authority, their own flowing from his, cannot remain entire and survive it. When as the Moon; jealous of the Sun, attempts to obscure his Rays, and sets her self just before his face, she depriveth us of his light; but we all know she loseth her own likewise, and that she receiveth her whole light from those Rays which she obscureth. As true it is, that Magistrates who become jealous of their Princes Authority, which alone hath cloathed them with lustre, and made them to shine in the eye of their fellow Subjects, and attempt to abridge their Ma­jesties of their Power and Glory, cannot so do, without wounding themselves, and eclipsing their own light.

Monsieur's Request to the Parliament, to Indict the Cardinal.

THe Cardinals ruine, was the main design at which all they who were with the Queen-mother and Monsieur did drive; they verily beleeved, that in case they could induce the Parliament to impeach him, that then his Majesty would begin to have is Fidelity in suspicion, and to give credit unto those Crimes where­with he should be charged; but this was a resolution very inconsiderately taken, seeing they could not be ignorant, that it lay not in the Parliaments Power; and withall, seeing they could not but know, that his Majesty being better acquainted with his integrity and services then any other person whatever, would never per­mit that he should be intreated with such ingratitude. However, in order to this design of theirs, they caused a request signed by Monsieur, to be presented unto the Parliament, wherein he protested that the persecutions which he had received from the Cardinal, had forced him to go out of the Kingdom. He desired an instru­ment of his Protest, that the Declaration made in the Parliament of Bourgogne, might not prejudice either himself nor his Dependencies, and that he might be ad­mitted as a Party against the Cardinal. This Request indeed was one of the causes which ingaged the Parliament in the Declaration, of which we shall anon speak, and which made them culpable, in not publishing that of his Majesty. But the King having commanded the Request to be brought unto his Councel, it was or­dered by Arrest, that it should be suppressed as contumelious, contrary to the good of his Service, the Peace of his Subjects, the safety of his State, and as presented to that intent by those who had induced Monsieur his Brother, to withdraw him­self out of the Kingdom, whereby they might escape the punishment of their Crimes, and traduce his Majesties chief Ministers, against whom no charge or com­plaint can or may be given (although there were cause for it) but by way of hum­ble Petition to his Majesties own person, who hath the particular cognizance of their services and proceedings. Besides, his Majesty not satisfied with this bare Arrest, dispatched a large Declaration unto Fontainbleau, to let his Subject know, that the evil Counsels which had been given unto Monsieur, had carried him out of the Kingdom, as those given unto the Queen-mother had caused her removal from the Court, and that the Cardinal could not in the least be taxed therewith, including a most honourable mention of his Integrity and Sincerity, concluding that his Ma­jesty was well satisfied and assured by a long and continued experience that the Cardinals chief ends and designs did only tend to advance the glory of his Crown, and the good of his State; and lastly, conjuring his Subjects and Successours still to preserve his memory in their minds: Thus was this great Minister secured by his own sublime vertue, and his high services, from the violences of a factious potent Party.

Politique Observation.

NEeds must that Minister be indued with an extraordinary Prudence and Wis­dom, who can preserve himself immovable in all the shocks which are raised to his ruine. Low and mean souls are frequently constrain'd to stoop under the violence of calumny, and to give way unto those storms which are falling upon them; but great persons, like rocks, are not to be shaken, though in the greatest turbulence of wind or weather. It is said, that of all Birds the Eagle alone can soar above the Clouds, whereby he may secure himself from storms; and upon this reason it is, that the ancient Heathens feigned Jupiter to have committed the guard of his Thunder unto the Eagle. Now great men are like the Eagle and they only can support themselves amidst all the storms and designs which are raised and contrived for their ruine. These are those Suns whom the clouds can only dusk for some small time, which once pass'd, they dissipate of themselves, and become an­nihilated. All the attempts made against their Fortunes, are but like so many blows in the Ayr, so ineffectual they are either to hit or move them. The Pru­dence wherewith they are endued, affordeth them the means to foresee all their enemies designs, as also to secure themselves, and to command even Fortune her self to be favourable unto them; their innocence is so great a Bulwark of their glory, that it gives Truth power to tryumph over Calumny. There needs nothing more to preserve them in their Masters affection, then the services they do him, for those alone will easily make apparent, that all the slanders spread abroad a­gainst them, are only inventions of some base people, who would endeavour to destroy honest men of their reputation, whereby they might be made useless amidst their disgrace, and that themselves might get somwhat by their shipwrack; not­withstanding all which, they still persist in the prosecution of those glorious de­signs which they have laid, and make it daylie evident, that souls which are truly great, do but laugh at those who endeavour to injure them▪ and wipe off with their fingers such Vipers, without receiving any hurt; neither will they be discou­raged from continuing to act what they have well begun. Their generousness is like and armed Souldier, prepared to resist what-ever shall oppose their Reputation. Their Fidelity is like a Wall, impregnable against all Force and Artifice: Their Wisdom maketh them Masters of their Passions, neither will they suffer themselves to be surprized by them, so that any advantage may be taken against them. Their address dictates unto them to watch the time, when they may gain that from their enemies which they designe to obtain. Their Abilities are enough to secure them from discredits and disgraces with their Prince, where it is impossible for him to get their like: In a word, those excellent qualities of theirs, do discover unto them their enemies contrivances, and renders them Masters of their own Fortune, which is impossible to be ravished out of their power.

The Queen-Mothers Request to the same effect.

THis Request was only the beginning of those Calumnies wherewith Monsieur's Agents did endeavour to bespatter the Cardinals glory; for from that time lay­ing their heads together, with those of the Queen-Mother, they never ceased from inventing and spreading of defamatory Letters and Libels. The Queen Mother too her self presented a Request unto the Parliament against him. But when they perceived all their attempts were vain, either as to the ruining of him in his Maje­sties good opinion, or for the advancing of the Army which they had already con­trived in their conceptions, then their Anger turned into Fury, and they resolved not to leave any thing unsaid which might bring his Reputation into dis-esteem. They verily perswaded themselves, that at last some Neighbour Prince would assist them with an Army, to maintain their Quarrel, or that they might ra [...]e so great a hatred against him in the peoples minds, as they would rise and take up Arms, so [Page 413]to force his Majesty to sacrifice him unto their Fury. Indeed I should have con­cluded him very unfortunate, had his glory depended upon their testimonies, and if the honour which he hath merited by laying out so much of his health, by drying up his blood, by watching day and night over the Affairs of State, by giving up his Freedom▪ his very soul, his words, his writings, and all his time unto his Kings service, and for the good of France, by doing things even above admiration it self, should need their approbation. But as the reward of Vertue is extracted from Vertue it self, and as there are no Theaters where great mens actions appear with more pomp, then in the testimony of their own proper Conscience, whereby Noble deeds glance out rayes of honour, like the beams of the Sun, so it was hap­py for him that they chose this time to calumniate him, when he had newly accom­plished such glorious actions for his Majesties service, as cannot easily be described in History. He needed not have desired (as that Ancient did) to have a house so built, that all the world might behold him, seeing the glory of his actions was of so great advantage unto all Europe, that every one was taken up in contemplation of him with admiration. I may safely add, that the malice wherewith they bely'd his most just and sincere proceedings, did render all their accusations suspected. And who knows not without more ado, that the usual course with them who would embroyl a State, is to fall foul upon the Ministers of Government.

Politique Observation.

IT is commonly seen, that good services are rewarded with calumny: Envie is one cause of this injustice, her eyes being offended with the splendour of any noble actions; just as the Sun dazleth and decayeth eyes already sore and weak. It is a passion which in some sort runs counter with Gods goodness, which draws good out of evil; whereas this takes occasion to injure and would great persons, even from those very actions which makes them most conspicuous; the same relation which the shadow hath to the Body, such hath envie with vertue: And as the highest mountains cast the greatest shadows, so the greatest persons are most ex­posed unto envie and calumny: Private Interest is another cause, and to say the Truth, is the first and chief; for that it begets envie. All they who by their am­bition pretend to have some part in the Government, do fancie unto themselves, that Fortune hath cast them so much the further from it, as it hath raised up them who now possess it: Now as for those who do not pretend unto so much, but do yet aspire unto some higher quality then that in which they are at present, they suppose they have reason enough to complain of the Governours of State, when that which they expect is not cast upon them; the discontent which hereupon they conceive, is not unlike those false Prospectives, which represent things and objects unto the view, which neither are, nor ever were; and thus indeed their judgment being overswayed by Passion, becomes so depraved, that they apprehend things in their conduct, far different from what they really are. I might add Ignorance amongst the causes which produce ill reports against Ministers; there is nothing but the out-side of their actions to be seen, their intents and designs are secret and unknown, at least of such as have any conduct; neither do they ever disclose their drift and main end, whereby they may not give the enemies of the State opportu­nity to prevent their being effected. Which being so, it cannot be denied but that the small knowledge of their actions giveth their enemy a great advantage to ex­claim upon them. They seldom have any thing to object against them, but what seems to be defective, and they disguise things so artificially, that they make white pass for black, & lies for currant truth, being very wary that it fal not into their con­sideration, how they have extraordinary intelligences, which ought not, nay which cannot be dived into by vulgar judgements. But above all the rest, they are as­saulted by slanders, when-ever the Grandees of a State are bent upon mischief, they dare not openly to complain of their King, lest they should too much disco­ver themselves, and lest their rayling might pull down some vengeance upon them, [Page 414]which might prevent them from effecting their intentions, but they addresse them­selves to throw dirt in the face of the chief Ministers, although in effect they strike at their Kings Withall, they are commonly troubled at the ill-government of the State they distaste the power and honour which the King confers upon them, and complain of the charge which is imposed on the people. These are the sub­jects of all the Manifests, which were ever made to provoke the people to rebelli­on. If we but look back on the Passages our own times, or those before us, we shall alwayes find that Factious persons have been alwaies discontented with the Ministers of State, and against them have they ever made use of reviling slanders, as a most certain torch to set the whole Kingdom in a Flame. Examples hereof are so frequent, that we need not stay to recite them. Besides, it may be found in all History, that when by the Prudent Conduct of any Ministers, they have been re­duced to a disability of being further troublesome to the State by War and open Force, yet have they still persisted to disgorge the fury and rage which possessed them, upon their papers, fraught with poison and lies.

Aspersions charged on the King, refuted.

IT was indeed somewhat strange that these Libellers should attempt to defame a man, whom the ablest wits have recommended to be of as great a Soul as any these many Ages: But it is incredible, that their malice should strike at the Kings own person, endeavouring to represent him as uncapable of Government. I could willingly complain of all French men, who seeing such indignities done unto their Soveraign, whom after so many years they had reason to know for the most Just, most Valiant, most Generous, most Prudent, and most Mercifull Prince that ever swayed the Scepter of France; did not take up their Arms, to punish those Libel­lers in other Countries, but that they may not undertake any War without his Ma­jesties permission. What reason could be alledged, that he should passe for a King without Conduct, who had vanquished the English in so many encounters, taken Rochel, forced the Alps, twice relieved Cazal, suppressed his Rebellious Sub­jects, bounded in the ambition of the house of Austria, setled religion in divers Provinces of his Kingdom, secured the Pope from the Spanish oppression, gave peace and liberty unto Italy; by his Victories became the Arbitrator of Christen­dome and whose Arms strangers did apprehend with fear and terrour? It cannot be said of him but that he was the most courag [...]ous in his undertakings, the most Pious in his Conscience, the most Just towards his Subjects, the most Daring in any dangers, the most Prudent in his Councels, and the most deservedly to be admired for all his Actions, that ever yet reigned over us. Have we not all seen, how his zeal and courage for Religion hath ingaged him to expose his person, the most flourishing years of his time, his Nobility, his Treasures, and in some kind to hazard his own State, and all to abate the Insolencies of the Church's enemies? It might indeed have been said, that some other besides him, had atchieved all those glorious Actions, which we dayly see before our eyes, provided any enterprise had been done without him: Had he not in his own person ordered Battels, had he not personally appeared in sundry dangers, and had he not been actually assisting at all his Counsels, to resolve what orders were most proper to be followed? But the one is as visibly apparent as the other; and he who would beleeve their aspersions must necessarily be born among the Antipodes. All Europe was so sufficiently con­vinc'd of his Majesties rare and divine endowments, as not to suffer themselves to be surprized by the calumnies and devices of such wicked imposters; and all such as have had the honour to know, though but a little of the Conduct of affairs, have had ground enough to admire those great lights of Nature, and particular blessings of Heaven, wherewith his Majesty was stored; by means of which, they who were of his Counsel, have seen him take such expedients, as could not but be so many marks of an extraordinary Prudence.

Politique Observation.

IT is a misfortune for a King to be exposed unto slanders. Let a Princes actions be never so glorious, yet Man is naturally so averse from Government that he is hardly to be restrained from evil speaking against him who rules over him, not excepting God himself, as may appear in the particular behaviour of the Israe­lites. But however it cannot be esteemed for other then a monstrous ingratitude, thus basely to reward the great cares, which he undergoes for the publick good; neither can it be denied, but that such reviling, whereby the reputation of his glory is endeavoured to be eclipsed, ought to be severely punished, and especially when it tends to raise troubles in the State. It is much more just to honor the actions of a So­veraign with respect, then to asperse them with blame, which cannot but be rash and inconsiderate, unlesse accompanied with a most exact knowledge of all his designs; besides, those Calumnies which are laid to their charge are so much the more dan­gerous, in regard that admitting they do not drive men into a distrust of him, yet do they undeniably dimini [...]h that confidence which his Subjects would repose in him. That Lye which is reported with asseveration, does commonly leave some impression in the mind behind it, though it beget not an absolute beleef. Reputa­tion is a Treasure, which Kings cannot sufficiently esteem; this is it, which makes them venerable, not that it adds to their vertues, but renders their vertues more conspicuous; not that it gives perfection to their abilities, but sets off their splen­dour, and this splendour is it which maketh men more obedient and subject to their Wills and Pleasures. Opinion governs the whole World, and gives Princes them­selves Authority in their very Thrones. Experience hath told us, that we are not apt to credit a truth, if reported by a Lyer; so likewise no one will easily subject himself to a Prince, who is commonly reputed for uncapable of Government; be­ing once in dis-repute, he may cease to hope either for obedience or respect; he loseth with his honour, all the Love which was formerly payed unto him, and fear will not long stay after the losse of Love. Which being so, no one can doubt of the Justice, nay absolute necessity of inflicting exemplary punishments on such as have the boldnesse to offend their Soveraigns by their Calumnies. He who doth not chastize them, doth expose himself to eminent dangers; for that men having once heard him ill reported of, take the lie for a truth, if the Authors remain un­punished; and thus consequently, he will fall into scorn, and run the hazard of losing both person and estate: And as he who puts one injury, inco [...]rageth others to do him more and greater; so it may well follow, that the same party having first offended him by words, may take the boldnesse, next time, to do it by deeds.

The King is carefull to justify the Cardinal by his Letters and Declarations.

ALthough small aspersions raised against a Prince, ought not to be chastized with too much severity, yet when they tend to the destruction of his Autho­rity, and the troubling o [...] his State, the greatest rigour is but little enough. The Emperour Theodosius, did one day upon the score of a fiction raised against him, answered as became his Clemency, saying: If he who scandaleth his Prince doth it by way of Pastime, he should scorn it, if by ignorance or folly he should pity him; if he did it out of Malice he should forgive him. Which is only to understood of small injuries, such as are not prejudicial to the State; and which indeed deserve rather a Princes Scorn then his Anger, whereas those others deserve to be punis­hed with severity. Whence it follows, that no one can doubt but that these Li­bellers ought to undergo the rigours of Justice, their absence having secured them, and his Majesty satisfying himself, only by setting forth the nake sincerity of his [Page 416]Intentions, and the justice of his Proceedings, in his Letters and Declarations. His Actions indeed were a defence to themselves, being accompanyed with so much honour and glory, that there was not any aspersion but vanished at their presence. But it cannot be expressed with what care his Majesty was affected in the Cardinal's behalf; how solicitous he was to vindicate him; for he had not only not the least thoughts of abandoning him to the malice of his Calumniators, but he rather un­dertook to justifie him to the life upon all occasions, in his Declarations and Let­ters which he sent unto the Parliaments of Provinces, to the Queen-Mother, and Monsieur. He needed not any Mediator with his Majesty, for that he knows better then any other person, the solidity of his Counsels, the Fidelity of his Zeal, the Justice of his Intentions, the Generousness of his Courage, and the Moderation of his Conduct. The greater reason therefore had his Majesty to justifie and vindicate him unto Strangers, in regard the major part of affairs which are transacted in his Government, are only known to himself and his Ministers, every one else seeing nothing but things in their effects. And true it is, his Maje­sty omitted not any occasion of publishing his Fidelity and Services, but did it in expressions and demonstrations of an extraordinary esteem and affection.

Politique Observation.

KIngs are in some sort oblig'd to defend their Ministers from the assaults of slanders; They owe this protection unto them, in remembrance of their Fidelity, and that they may be the more affectionately engaged in their services, for that they seldome attract the hatred of the Grandees upon themselves, but on­ly by their resisting of attempts made against their Master's Honour and Authori­ty. It is impossible for a Minister to serve his Prince as he ought, and not to dis­content the chief of the State; for he is often necessitated to curb their ambition of advancing their own power, in detriment to that of the Soveraign, and then all the envie falls on him, as if the whole Government were in his hands; and un­to his Counsels are all the denyals which they receive attributed: Which being so, what Reason or Justice can a King have, to abandon unto the mercy of envie, a loyalty, which (if not cherished) will soon languish? Nothing does so much dimi­nish the zeal which a Minister hath for his Masters service, as the discountenancing of him. The Prince that forsaketh him who hath done him faithful service, is blind in his neerest Interests, and besides the blot of Ingratitude wherewith he blemisheth his reputation, he exposeth himself unto manifest dangers, by permit­ting his ruine, who was the greatest Supporter of his glory; which once admitted, he becomes like a City, whose Fortifications are razed, and laid level with the ground. For this reason it was that Artaxerxes seeing the Athenians banish The­mistocles, who came and cast himself into his Arms, said, he wish'd his enemies no greater evil, then that they might continue to be carried away by their envie, to deprive themselves of the Prudence and Valour of such like men. Now if Pru­dence and Justice doth oblige Kings not to remove able States men from their ser­vice, upon the score of Report, so ought they likewise to be careful in defending their Reputations, seeing they are only malign'd upon their accompts, and for their fidelity unto their services. Who knoweth not that an ancient Common­wealth would not admit of a good Law, if propos'd by a suspitious person, unless in had been first of all moved by one of an approved integrity? They who were the Contrivers of this Designe, were not to know how greatly the credit of a mi­nister doth advance his Masters Interest, by causing him to be readily obeyed by his Subjects, And experience hath evinced it in a thousand encounters, that all things run into disorder, where a Minister once loseth his Credit and Repute.

Prosecution of the Sub [...]ect.

THere hath been so much already said in answer to those aspersions laid in the Cardinals way, that to say any more were needless in relation to his glory, but it is not so in relation to the end and drift of this History; which is for the Instru­ction of succeeding Kings and States-men, how they ought to govern themselves; for Soveraigns may here learn how to carry themselves towards their Ministers, by the King's behaviour towards the Cardinal, wherein there was an appearance of objection, though it was an effect of his Majesties Prudence. Amongst the ma­ny accusations laid to his charge, one of the chiefest was, that he had obtained from his Majesty the Government of divers strong and important places of the Kingdom, and that other some he had procured for his friends. Now these so considerable places were reduced unto Sea-Towns, Havre, and Brouage; and that these places were the more to be regarded, they being in his keeping at such a time, when as there were endeavours used to bring some Forraigners into France, which could not be more commodiously effected then by Sea. The Contrivers of this charge were not well vers'd in the History of late times, wherein they might have learn'd, how that the Government of Havre and Diepe had been united and incorporated into the Office of Admiral de France, by two several Declarations of Henry the third. Neither were they better acquainted with the passages of the present times, How that the Government of Brouage had been conferr'd on him in exchange of Diepe, it being impossible to intend the necessary affairs of Sea, without having some chief Sea-Port: Which being so, What reason can he alledge to quarrel at his Majesties conferring those Governments upon him?

As for those which, his Majesty entrusted with his Relations, I shall only say, that they were not comparable with those favours which divers other Ministers have received from their Kings and Masters, though they never did the Tythe of those services which he hath. Annas de Montmorency was Mareschal and Con­stable of France, Grand Maistre, and Grand Chamberlain, and Governour of Languedoc, whose eldest son was Mareschal of France, and Governour of Langue­doc; his second, Colonel of Horse, Mareschal of France, and Governour of Languedoc, by Survivorship; and his third son Colonel General of the Swisses. One of whose Nephews was a Cardinal, another Admiral of France, and a third Colonel of Foot, and whose four Daughters were match'd into four of the chief Houses of France, viz. that of Thurenne, de la Trimonille, de Candale, and de Vautadour, and whose power was such, that Francis the first commanded Henry the Dauphine, afterwards King, to obey him in the Armies which he governed. I could likewise add, that there is not any thing in the Cardinals Family that may hold comparison with that of Amboise, who flourished under Louis the eleventh, Charles the eighth, and Louis the twelveth. Charles d' Amboise was Governour of Champagne, and afterwards of Burgogne, under Louis the eleventh, and six other Brothers which he had, with many others of this Nephews, were all advan­ced by him. By his favour Meri d' Amboise was created Grand Master of Rhodes, Jean was made Bishop of Langres, Louis was made Bishop d' Alby, and Lievte­nant for the King in Languedoc and Guyenne Pierre was installed Bishop of Poictiers, Jacques was made Bishop of Clermont, and Abbot of Cluny, Jean was preferred to be Seignieur de Bussi, and Governour of Normandy; the three sons of his eld­est Brother, Louis Bishop of Alby, Arch-bishop of Rouen, and Cardinal, Grand Maistre, Admiral and Mareschal of France, Governour of Milan, and Lieve­tenant of his Majesties Armies in Italy; Guy Siegnieur de Revel, Captain of two hundred Gentils-hommes d'armes, which was then a high preferment; Francis de Clermont his Nephew, son of his Sister Catharina d' Amboise, Cardinal, and R [...]ne­de Prie son of his Aunt Magdaleina d' Amboise, Bishop of Baye [...]x. Is there any thing in the Cardinal's Family which may compare with this? But without making of comparisons, it shall only suffice to say, this complaint was ridiculous, seeing [Page 418]the Cardinal had at that time only two places which were of any importance, and his Kindred as many; whereas some great Houses of France had more. Besides what cause of Jealousie could there be seeing he was every week twice or thrice at least with his Majesty, and still brought with him a surrender of his Offices, it being in his Majesties power not only to dispose of his Charges, but of his Person likewise? He had indeed over and above the Government of Bretagne, But how? Was it not at the earnest intreaties of those of the Country, who considering themselves to be invironed with Ports, concluded that he could most effectually establish their Trade (by means of his Superintendency upon the Sea) which had been much decayed during the late Governours times, because of the frequent dif­ferences between them and the Admirals of France, each of them pretending to command upon the Sea coast? That which made these factious exclaim more loud then all the rest, was, because his Majesty had discharged some Governours from their places, and committed them to him. But what? Was not his Majesties so do­ing a piece of great Discretion, when he foresaw the ruine of the Kingdom by the little obedience of such Governours, who having the possession of Towns and Places in their Families a long time together, would hardly be perswaded they were beholding unto his Majesty for continuing them unto them, but would presently fly out into Rebellion, upon the first noise of any insurrection? Hereupon his Majesty resolved to punish them according to their deserts, and deprived some of them of their Offices and Governments, with intent of bestowing them on such persons, of whose fidelity he was well assured, as upon those of the Cardinals Fa­mily, who were never seen to intermeddle in any Cabal against his Majesties ser­vice and who knowing the honour of his Majesties favour to be the only support of their Fortunes were careful of not being ingaged in such Designs, as might make them unworthy of it. The advantage which this alteration brought with it, was soon after apparent; for how would it have been if one had continued Gover­nour of Brest, if another had kept his Government of Brouage, and if Calais had not been dispossessed of its Commander? would they not have served for so many Citadels and Magazins to countenance all Revolts which they designed? And what I pray is become of all those places which were entrusted with the Cardinal or his Allies, Have they not continued in their Obedience to his Majesty, and those who engaged the Queen-Mother and Monsieur in their differences, could not dispose of any of them according to their own desires? And that indeed was the only and chief motive of their complaints.

Politique Observation.

NOthing gives greater tranquility to a State, then the disposal of Govern­ments into the hands of such persons whose affection and fidelity are well known unto their Prince. The experience which France hath so often had, hath been too sad to be forgotten, seeing the most part of Civil wars, nay of Forraign too, had not been broached, but by the defect of Governours, more solicitous of their own Interests then of their Masters glory and service. Few are the Gran­dees who are not discontented, if they have not Governments conferr'd upon them, nay, if they have not some kind of assured settlement in their Commands, that their Authorities may be greater. A King therefore is obliged to be the more inquisitive, whether with their Gandeur they have loyalty and zeal for his service, otherwise it were only to give them the means of combining one with the other to raise Factions, and to diminish the Soveraign, by advancing their own private power. Admit they be discontented, 'tis without cause; for no one hath any right to prescribe a Law to his Prince, how he shall chuse such persons as he is pleased to employ in his service. It is prudence not to regard such discontents, they are inconsiderable, when the publike Peace is in question. A King cannot distri­bute his Governments with more discretion, then by intrusting them with such per­sons whose loyalty is impregnable, and who he is assured will never interest them­selves [Page 419]with any party but his own, if any Division should arise. Now of whom can he better be assured, then of such a Minister, of whose fidelity he receives daily testimonies, and who, when he sees him, brings with his Person all the Go­vernments and Charges which have been conferred upon him? As for those rela­ted to him, seeing they absolutely depend upon him, and that their Power is as his own, dependant upon his Majesties good favour, they are equally obliged to be faithful. For this reason it is, that the greatest Princes have not only not been backward to bestow the chief Governments upon them, but have looked upon it as a thing very necessary for their service. Touching the distribution of Govern­ments, I add, That a King is obliged, what he may, to displace those persons who have enjoyed their Offices any long time, unless he be very well assured of their fi­delity; they are so used to hold them, when long continued, that the fear of lo­sing them, doth oftentimes engage them in some Faction, which gives them hopes of a longer continuance; Besides, when not received by his Majesty, but his Pre­decessors, they are the sooner ingaged in a Faction, because they think not them­selves beholden to him for them; Withal, in processe of time they get so absolute a Power, that somtimes it exceeds their Masters; it being usual, that long com­mand is accompanyed with pride and insolence. Hence it is, that in the most po­litique States their Governments were never but temporary. Rome lost her Liberty by continuing her Magistrates too long in their Power; and Caesar could never have mastered his own Country, but by acquiring too great a Power over the soul­diers by his long command.

The Cardinals Riches not to be envied;

NExt of all these factious spirits would have the Cardinal's possessing of his Ma­jesties favours to pass for a great crime, although his free humor acquits him to every one from the guilt of covetousness, and concludes him to be so naturally generous, that he values not all the goods of the world, but only in order to the well disposing of them. The place which he holds under his Majesty in the State, necessitateth him to great expences; and without them, sure it is, that both he, and all those who are in the same employment, would fall into dis-esteem, and that inevitably, unless they be accompanied with some splendour, and extraordi­nary magnificence; else how should they cause his Majesty to be obeyed? Those charges once defrayed, the rest he doth employ in good uses, to the poor, o [...] some actions becoming his virtue and bounty. Ought his moderate estate to be envied, who hath done so great services for France? We have in our times beheld a young Prince, whose name is fatal to this Crown, enjoy more profits then he at four years old; we have seen a Treasurer of the Exchequer buy himself out of a disaster, by giving the King two millions of Livres, which was but a sixth part neither of his estate: We have know two Jewellers enrich themselves with be­tween four and five hundred thousand Crowns, during the Queen-Mothers Re­gency Is it not then unjust to complain of those favours which his Majesty hath conferred upon him, and wherewith he hath alwaies assisted his Majesty in the wars, when the monies of the Exchequer could not be brought in time enough? Is he as rich as the Prince of Kemberg, the Emperour's Favourite at this day, who of a private Gentleman of Styria, hath gotten five hundred thousand Crowne per annum in two Provinces, which his Master gave him opportunity to effect, permitting him likewise [...]o gather Contributions from the Imperial and Hans-Towns, and causing his expences to be defrayed by his own Officers, which could not but exceed an hundred thousand Crowns per annum? The most part of the Cardinals Revenues are in Church-livings, which are no waies chargeable to the people, and ought the lesse to be envied to him, in regard he hath deserved them, and much more from the Church by his services, and that he employs them for the relief of the poor, with honour, not prodigality in his own Family. We shall not find that his moveables would amount to so much as those of the Cardinal d' Amboise [Page 420]did at his death. To conclude, could his services be rewarded with money, his actions have made it apparent he deserves much more. His chief end was only to have the glory of serving his Master, neither did he regard such low recompences. He hath often refused gifts which the King hath proffered him, and the greatest care he took for money, was to see his Majesties Treasures well ordered, when as before they were squandred away in frivolous gifts, and superfluous expences, lit­tle tending to his Majesties glory: So that since his coming to the management of affairs, there was less expended then before, though there was a necessity of main­taining continual Armies both at home and abroad.

Politique Observation.

RIches are the least rewards which Kings can bestow upon their Minister, for that in themselves they are the least of all other goods. Can any one deny Kings to be much indebted to their Ministers, seeing they are the most worthy In­struments of their glory, and that by their endeavours it is that they effect such exploits, as render their memories immortal? For how much are such riches be­neath such great services? They are Fortunes may-games, and only useful to pass away the necessities of life; most commonly they bring more care then pleasure with them, and are equally common with the greatest persons, and those who never obliged the State by their services to reward them The Geese of the Ca­pitol were well fed at the expence of the Common-wealth, because by their noise they discovered the surprisal which the French intended. A Dog that set upon certain sacrilegious men, was maintained at the Publike charge. An Horse that carried his Master out of danger was for ever freed from labour: And shall not a grand Minister after the rendring most signal services to his Master and Country be rewarded with more then common advantages? I may add, that it is necessary for a great King to confer great benefits upon a Minister whom he hath found faithful and couragious in those things which relate to his service, whereby he may give him more authority and power to go through with all sorts of enter­prises tending to his glory. The greatest genius hath occasion of them to make himself potent in affairs, and without them his vigour will be feeble. He is com­pelled to stifle a thousand noble exploits in his thoughts, for want of means to bring them forth. It is well if he be indued with generous inclinations; but if im­potency assault him, it dis-incourageth him: Besides the affairs of the world are so disposed, and mans thoughts so fixed, that all yeild and give place to riches. They may all, and do all amongst men, and we see them acquire as much credit and authority to their owners, whereas they who are destitute of them, are inconsider­able To wave these acknowledgements due to Ministers, who is ignorant that Roy­al Majesty attracts no less glory from liberality then justice? One of those perfe­ctions which render God most worshipful to men▪ is his Bounty, that inexhaustible fountain of all good things, which (like the Sun) disperseth his favours like so ma­ny rays upon the earth, and is as beneficial as active. The gifts which Kings bestow, carry with them as much credit as profit to the receivers; they bind the affections of their servants, not by their worth, but as so many testimonies of good will, the greatest Bond which ties them to their service. Liberality in a King is properly termed magnificence, they being obliged to do great good, and nothing is more beseeming their Majesties, then bestowing great gifts. The perfection of the work is an assured mark of perfection in the workman; whence certain it is, that God acquired more glory when he created men and angels, the chief workmanship of his hands, then when he made other creatures: Equally true it is, that that which makes the riches of Kings more admired, is the establishing of some great Families; and our Ancestors did not acquire greater glory of being rich and [...]iberal, then by the greatnesse of their Favourites Houses, which remain as so many monuments of their magnificence.

Prosecution of the Subject.

IT is an ancient judicious saying, that as Roses grow upon Thorns, so truth is ordinarily made to appear amongst the sharpest calumnies, for they that find themselves concern'd, are compelled to discover it for their own justification; so those factious spirits who indeavouring to offend the Cardinal, abused the good­nesse of the Queen-mother and Monsieur, makes me take notice of those truths which their malice constrains me to publish. But as they did not with only two accusations cease from their reproaches, we shall have occasion to discover the rest of their falsities. They would have the World believe, that this eminent Minister of State had so great a dominion over the Kings spirit, that his Majesty gave an ab­solute credit to all he did, and was wholly moved by his influences; and that all affairs depended on his Empire over him. But all Europe knew sufficiently that his Prudence and Generosity equalled his justice; and these seditious people, seemed like those that shoot against Heaven, and see their Arrows fall back again at their feet. Nay, I am confident, they themselves had not that opinion of his Majesty they being in their attendances too near his person, to be ignorant how impossible it is to draw him to any resolution without strong and pertinent reason, and that Heaven hath so enlightned his spirit, that he can discern the depths of the most great and mysterious affairs: But they only publish these things for a pretext of their mutiny, by the example of some in the last age, at Rouen and Valence. O strange fury! to render that a weaknesse in the most puissant King of the World, which is a true effect of his wisedom, when he saw in the Government of his estate that no affair whatever presents it self, of which the Cardinal doth not fore-see the end, consequences, and causes; that there is no inconveniency which he doth not remedy; no danger which he doth not both prevent and secure; that there is no difficulty which he finds not the means to compasse, and that he never proposed any enterprise, which he did not happily bring to passe. Why then should not his Majesty follow his Counsels, seeing his spirit, is, as it were, forced by the solidity of his reasons to apprve them.

Politique Observation.

AS a King cannot too much confide in a Minister, when he is throughly assured of his prudence and fidelity; and if himself be of excellent parts, he will not scruple it, it being an assured signe of judgment to conform a mans actions to the counsel of wise men: so he ought to trust him the more cheerfully in affairs of mean consequence, when the temper of his genius assures him that he will acquit himself with honour; And that is unbeseeming a great Monarch, to trouble him­self with trivial matters. He who is not happy enough to have a Minister thus able, is compelled to take the conduct upon his shoulders, but surely he is much to be pityed; God having not put the Crown upon the Head of Sovereigns, to enter­tain their minds with trivial affairs. Tiberius, one of the greatest Monarchs that governed the Romane Empire, being retired for his greater quiet, into the Isle of Cherre [...], writ a Letter to the Senate; wherein, as Tacitus observeth, he complains that he was troubled with all sorts of affairs, and gave them to understand that nei­ther Aedile, nor Praetor, nor Consul, should have any access unto him but in mat­ters of great concernment. Thus Themistocles, one of the greatest Statesmen of of his time said, as Plutarch acquaints us, that as the Ship of Salavere (which may be likened to the Bicentaure of Venice) never Launched out into the Sea, but for the reception of Princes, or some extraordiniry occasion: So the Common-wealth of Athens should not make use of him but in high and difficult matters. Now as for matters of great consequence, it will be his advantage to be directed by his Counsel, he having often made appear that his prudence is furnished with most infallible means to bring them to an happy issue: The honour which herein he [Page 422]doth him, is so far from taking off from his own authority, that on the contrary, it doth rather raise his greatness, and advanceth his affairs to that pitch which himself would most desire for his glory. It is dangerous presumption in any Prince to be wilfully bent upon his own judgement; such an one is in a Road that leads directly into ruine. The necessity of counsel is not to be avoided; they ought to remember that God who is solicitous to keep the greatest Monarks within the bounds of modesty and humility, hath as well subjected them to the necessity of Counsel, as the rest of men unto them. The most Prudent are alwaies the most stayed and it is generally agreed, that to be wedded to ones own opinion contra­ry to the sences of great men, is an assured mark of want of discretion, because eve­ry one is blind in his own affairs. I may hereunto adde, that this stayednesse is a bond which themselves impose upon their own absolute power, whereby they are bond which themselves impose upon their own absolute power, whereby they are preserved within the limits of their duty, not suffering themselves to be transported by the impetuousnesse of their passions. Nature hath not formed Princes more then other men so perfect, that they should alwaies swim in the right stream, and never erre, unlesse they have some one who may serve them for a guide: The greatest Princes are most subject to be singular in their own opinions, they having more authority; it being most certain that a great power doth easily transport the mind into licentiousnesse. It is my opinion, that no greater harm can betide them, then to want some person neer them, whom they respect▪ and who may have the liberty of advising them, as he shall find most expedient, whose advice they may fol­low with a respectfull condiscention.

Prosecution of the Subject.

THese Factious persons were not backward to hit the Cardinal in the teeth with the impositions charged upon the people, no [...] that he was either the cause of them, or that they were excessive; but because they knew that this complaint was a fit Trumpet to raise sedition, and such as all they who had ever raised any revolts in France, had made use of. True it is, they were charged with some impositions, but besides that they were not excessive, they were absolutely necessary. Never was there yet that time when the people d [...]d not apprehend their burthens to be ex­tream. It is a burthen to them to demand part of that for the King, which they got not but with pain, nor do injoy in any great plenty. But it is without cause, for that the impositions were necessary, and there was not any mis-government in the disposal of the treasures. Now that those Impositions so much cried out upon, were unavoidable, cannot be doubted; because those Wars and Designs began after his comming to the Administration: In consideration whereof, those Charges im­posed, where absolutely necessary. They were ingaged to allay the factious in­solency of the Hugonots, to succour Allies, to suppresse the ambition of the house of Austria, who after the invasion of our neighbours, would assuredly have made their attempts upon this State.

This being so, who can deny them to have been necessary? which admitted, the Impositions could be no lesse; and I may safely add that those very factious spi­rits themselves were oftentimes the causes of raising the Taxes, by causing more by half to be expended in the Wars of Piedmont, by the delays they gave the Troops in detaining them so long; besides they forced his Majesty to keep an Army a long time on foot, purposely that he might watch and prevent their designs. Wars and Taxes do constantly march hand in hand, and the same pace; poverty serving only to bring an Army into disorder; if it be a fault to make the people contribute to the charge, it is much more blame-worthy to see a State laid open to their ene­mies. The peoples misery is an incommodity which is soon outworn in a good Country, where a good Harvest puts them, in statu quo prius; but it is not the same in the advanta [...]es▪ which the enemies of France are permitted to have, there is need of a sufficient foundation to maintain the charge of the War. I assure my self they question not these truths, but besides that those expences were absolutely [Page 423]necessary, do they not know what great advantages they gave both to the King and Kingdom? The glory will remain for ever, but the incommodity is already forgotten. What reason is there to complain? I shall onely make this answer, the Ministers had deprived the King of that great honour which he now enjoys, had they been deficient in drawing from the people those things which were necessary for the subsistance of Armies during the Wars, and that it was a certain sign of their good conduct, to have made such carefull provisions. If the Impositions were thus necessary, the money which did rise from them, was no lesse carefully expen­ded during those times of which they speak; in which it may be said, much was done with little money. Can any one deny, that this incomparable Minister did not buy that glory and those victories for the King, to the shame of his enemies, at an easier rate then others have done, who have onely used allaying Medicines to defer those evils which afflict us from exasperating into extremities, but have still left the enemies of France great advantages upon us? It must be confessed, that some particular people have beene charged over and above their proportion, but neither the King nor his Ministers are therefore to be blamed; the Possessors, and Raters were faulty, and deserved to be punished, because they oppressed the weak, and let the able escape upon the sum of friendship.

Politique Observation.

JUstice and Prudence do equally oblige a Prince, to force a contribution from his Subjects, towards the urgent necessities of the publike. No one can doubt whether any thing be more efficacious then a good Treasure to preserve a King­dom in order, be it in Peace or War. That Prince is easily surprized, whose Exchequer is exhausted; for he that wants money, wants wherewith to levy men, and he who is defective of men, is to be vanquished without difficulty. Now as to matter of War, every one knows, that Monies are its principal Nerves, where­upon Suetonius Paulinus a Captain of great repute, said in the Emperour Otho's Councel, where the means of carrying on a War, were discussed; that in publike dissentions Money was more necessary then an Army. Hath not Thucydides recor­ded to us, how the chiefest arguments which Pericles used to induce the Athenians to make War, was by convincing to them, that they were in a capacity of so do­ing, because an Army would easily be supplied with all necessary provisions, from that abundant Treasure, of which they were Masters? War is undeniably a great Gulf which devoureth incredible sums: What imprudence therefore were it for a Prince, who finding himself ingaged in Wars, and the Revenue of his Crown un­able to furnish him with necessary conveniences, not to compell his Subjects to con­tribute towards the publike Concernments? Would he not soon be reduced to the condition of Cleomenes; who according to Plutarch were forced to a War, with­out monies to support his Souldiery, was compelled to flie into Egypt? If there be any thing of Prudence in it, there is as much of Justice too. The common Axiom is, that every one may make use of his own; now is it not, I pray, most certain that Kings may rightfully impose Contributions upon their Subjects towards the defraying of publike expences? It is a right so undubitable inherent to them, that the most able and sincere Divines, assure us, that every one is in conscience bound to submit to it, they grounding themselves upon that command which our Saviour gave of paying unto Caesar, and the example which himself shewed. Herein con­sisteth the Soveraign power which Kings have over their Subjects goods. I shall moreover adde, that a Crown doth not only impower to impose Taxes, but doth oblige Kings to require them, for the preservation of its lustre, and to demand them, as a debt due to the State, as also that no Subject can reasonably complain of it, it being but just, that particular and private persons should suffer some in­commodity for the preservation of the publike good; and better it were a Nation were impoverished, then a kingdom lost.

Prosecution of the Subject.

THose crimes wherewith the Cardinals honour was taxed were so frivolous, that we need not any longer detain our selves upon them, especially seeing all wise men knew them to be groundlesse. Easie it is to speak ill of the Governours of a State, as the Queen mother her self once said, to some who complained of her Agents▪ during her Regency. Every one takes the liberty to discommend their Conduct, because Man is naturally an enemy to Government, and propense to judge the worst of his Governours, whose actions indeed may appear in their true Colours, but not the causes, inducements and circumstances of them, they remain lock'd up in secret. Revilings are the rewards of their watchings, and let their actions be never so advantagious to the publike good, yet private particular persons shall never be satisfied or pleased with them unlesse they advance their private and particular Fortunes, as well as that of the publike. Never was yet Minister other­wise rewarded; and for this very reason, whatever was said against the Cardinal, was regarded by wise men; but as the effect of a furious faction, who could not meet their particular advancement in his Conduct, which he little esteemed after he found their ends to be guided by their interests, without consideration of the Kings Honour, so that it will be needlesse longer to insist on this particular dis­course.

Shortly after the Queen mothers and Monsieur's departure, the King unwilling to hinder their Officers from going after them, was well inform'd that divers abu­sing that Liberty accorded unto them, did carry Letters under the notion of Offi­cers, and packets of correspondency, for the continuing many Intreagues still on foot. Whereupon, his Majesty to suppresse that disorder, ordained that they should have fifteen days time to retire themselves either unto their persons, or else to confine themselves unto their own houses, inhibiting any one either to go or come (the time once expired) without his particular licence, under penalty of being declared disturbers of the publike peace▪ of being punished with confiscati­on of their Estates, and the [...]osse of exemption from payment of Tributes, which they then enjoyed; it being unreasonable that under the intent of favouring some who did not abuse their liberty of going to discharge their Offi [...]es, others might without com [...]trol foment and carry on the divisions in the Kingdom, which cost so dear to extinguish,

Politique Observation.

IT is very dangerous to suffer in a Kingdom divided with factions, such persons who have any particular dependance upon them who are the Authors of those divisions, after themselves are retired out of the Kingdom, so to do, were to leave fire in straw. Although [...]ome may be mindfull of their obligations, in being more submisse to their Soveraign then to any other, yet undo [...]btedly, many there wil be, more affectionate to their own interest, who will become spies to give intelli­gence and agents to draw others into their opinions. It seems rigorous indeed that the innocent should suffer with the nocent; but how prejudicial would it be to the Common-wealth, if not so? better it were to preserve the publike tranquility se­verity, then to inda [...]ger it by lenity. Never was there yet Law made for the publike good, which was not attended with some inconveniences to particular persons; and he who would make Laws in which no particular man should be interessed, will but deceive himsel [...] for want of penetrating into the consequences. The best course which can be followed, is ever to prefer the universal be [...]ore a particular good; remembring that wise saying of Tacitus, that all exemplary acts have somwhat of evil in them; but the injury they do particular men, will be abundantly recompenced by the pub­lick advantage.

Prosecution of the History,

THus you have the several Intreagues and the strange attempts, which they who abused the favours of the Queen-mother and Monsieur used, during this year, contrary to their allegiance, the Kings Authority, and the tran­quility of the Kingdom. You have likewise the courses which were taken to impede their designs, which ended in the ruine of the Complotters. The Cardinal used such care, addresse, and Prudence, that all their attempts were only like so many impressions made upon the clouds, which vanish with the first breath of Wind: they were like Bullets shot at random, like blows in the air, and like pictures in the water, which the waves do as soon deface as designed. The Pilot seems sufficient­ly employed during the Tempest, if he preserve his Vessel from the violence of the Winds, and fury of the Waves, his presence and command being necessary to guide all those who have any charge to the performance of their Offices, and his prudence to incourage them to go through stitch with any thing which conduceth to his hap­py successe; so it is hard to beleeve that a Minister of State hath not as much em­ployment as humane wit can undergo, when he is obliged to defend himself and the State too, from the violence of a faction headed by the chief persons of the royal fa­mily, seeing he must necessarily every day issue out a thousand several Orders, and hardly will any one beleeve that he can be capable of any other thoughts, whiles he is agitated in such furious Tempests: True it is, the highest pitch of glory that a Minister in such encounters can attain to, is to avoid shipwrack. Experience hath made it evident that great Souls can passe further on, and that as the intelligences though taken up in their contemplation and love of the Divinity, yet cease not to be solicitous of things here below, or neglect the protection of Princes, Kingdomes and particular persons; so likewise Heaven doth sometimes produce certain sublime wits endued with courage, addresse, and prudence enough to undertake such en­counters, a thousand other noble enterprises, besides the conservation of the State. Hath not all Europe found it so in the Cardinal, who without shewing any trouble at all the attempts this year made to embroil France and destroy it, under which any other but himself would have sunk, not only rendred them successelesse but re­established the Duke of Mantua, and defended the Princes of Germany, whom the House of Austria had almost swallowed up? a thing which I cannot sufficiently admire, and of which I find my self obliged to say something, that it may serve for instruction in the Government of States.

Affairs of Germany.

I Will begin with the assistance of the German Princes, concluded with the King of Sweden in January, at which time, these factious agents did their utmost to destroy this great Minister. We have demonstrated in the precedent year with how much justice the King of Sweden, entred Germany to defend the liberty of some Princes oppressed by the House of Austria, who were allied unto him, as al­so to this Crown, and who were not only driven out of their Principalities, but al­so reduced to such extremity that they knew not how to live. We have likewise seen, that he was the more readily induced to defend them in regard himself had received some injuries from the Emperour; particularly, when the Emperour caused his Letters sent unto the Prince of Transilvania to be opened and falsly in­terpreted, when he sent the Duke of Holsace with a great Army under his own Colours, to make War upon him in Prusse, when he confiscated the Ships and Merchandises of the Swedes, formerly landed in the Towns of Germany, when he not only refused audience to his Embassadours, and denied them answer, but com­manded them upon pain of their lives presently to depart the Empire; and when he refused by way of scorn, his proffer of Peace, in confidence of destroying him, not thinking him able to sustain the force of his Arms. The Cardinal knew, that [Page 426]a Prince received no lesse glory from defending his Allies, then from curbing the Ambition of his Neighbours, and therefore thought himself obliged to perswade his Majesty not to forsake the King of Sweden and Princes of Germany, in so impor­tant an occasion. He knew no War was more lawfull then that which tends to the keeping of confederate Princes in their Dominions, and to revenge any injuries offered unto them: Hence it was, that having taken order for the interests of the Ca­tholick Religion in Germany, he perswaded his Majesty to conclude and sign the Treaty of Alliance with the King of Sweden, the conditions whereof, had been concluded about three or four moneths before. His Majesty engaged to assist him with Men and Money, as he then did, and the King of Sweden expresly engaged not to attempt any thing in prejudice of the Church in the Catholick Towns, of which he might possibly become Master; our invincible Monarch not thinking it enough to follow the generous sentiments of his justice, which led him to secure those Princes from oppression, unlesse accompanied with those of his Piety; so he could not resolve to assist an Heretick King, without precaution for the interest of the Church, that those violences, which are the usual effects of Arms, might not be attributed but to the disorders which do necessarily follow the Camp.

Politique Observation.

THat War is just, saith St. Ambrose, which is undertaken in defence of the weak or the Allies of a State against those who oppresse them: St. Augustine teach­eth us, that those Arms are justifiable which are taken up to revenge injuries. The defence of Confederates, is one of those actions which doth most of all set off a Kings glory, and raise it to the highest pitch of greatnesse. Nothing doth more assimilate them to the Divinity, then the stretching out of their hands to support the weak, the protecting of whom is an act well-beseeming their Majesties. He who never ought to divide his Crown to any one, ought however let his Arms be common to other Soveraigns for their defence. They who do otherwise besides the blemishing of their glory with the brand of ignorance, do withal render them­selves undeserving to be assisted in like necessities▪ There is not any Prince who is not a [...]med at in his turn, or able alwaies to subsist by his own force; many times they are necessitated to stoop under the armes of an invader, for want of the assist­ance of their confederates, who forsake them, as they were before forsaken by them. If a King may with Justice defend the weak, and his confederates, doubt­lesse he may as justly imploy his power to revenge an injury. God who hath in­trusted the Scepter in the hand of Kings, hath also obliged them not to permit that the respect due to their Soveraign Majesty be violated by any other Prince, as well as to maintain their Subjects within the bounds of their obedience. He hath given them a Sword to correct any indignities offered to their Crowns. There is not any one above them, who is Arbitrator of their quarrels; they are legal Judges of their own differences, and in this Independency God hath gi­ven them power to take up Arms to carve their own right. It is enough to ju­stifie their War, if the Princes against whom they fight haue given them occa­sion, and the misfortunes which inevitably follow the disorder of Souldiers cannot be imputed but unto him who first gave the occasion of taking the field. A King­dome would be very defective (as Aristotle observeth) if the Soveraign had not Authority to ch [...]stise with his Arms him who hath injured him; in like manner (saith he) as the body of creatures is not perfect, if unable to re­pell those objects which offend it: So an estate is not in that perfection which it ought to be; if destitute of power to repay any injuries done against it.

The Justice of the Kings Alliance with the King of Swede.

THere is no doubt but the Alliance of the most christian King with him of Swede, for the defence of their common confederates was very just, seeing the War it self undertaken by the King of Swede was just, and that all Alliance contracted for the support of a just War, is in it self justifiable: Yet there was no device un­assayed by the house of Austria, to induce the World to condemn it. The first reason by them alledged in discredit thereof, was, that it was undertaken in the defence of Heretick Princes; but what reason was there, so long to have invaded the States of other Princes under the pretence of Religion? After Charles the Fifth, had joyned the Imperial Crown to his Kingdomes of Spain and Italy, with the Provinces of the Low-Countries; he thought that having forces enough to re-conquer all those Countries, which formerly belonged to the Roman Emperour, he might with justice attempt it; as if Kingdomes were the division of force, and as if birth and succession of many ages were not bars enough to stop ambition. Now as Germany is the Bulwark which serves all he States of Europe to defend their liberty, as Henry the Second, King of France, writ unto the Princes of the Empire in the year, 1552. he resolved to over-run it, concluding that having once mastered it, he might with ease invade France, England, and the rest of Italy. The Emperor who reigns at present knew as well how important it was, seeing in his letters sent to Zuinga chief Counsellour to the King of Spain, he particularly nameth it the foun­dation of the Authority of the House of Austria. Germany indeed doth so abound in men and riches, that it is alone able to entertain Armies, and those, great ones, for ever; nay, to supply the very Indies in case of a defect. This is the true ground of the War, and that which obliged the King of Swede to assist it, although the Spaniards pretence was, the rooting out of Heresie. It is long since, the great St. Leon, writ to the Emperour Theodosius, that men palliate their Passions with Reli­gion: but much more reasonably may it so be said of the Austrian Princes (as Mariana hath well observed in his History, that being it which makes so great an impression upon the people. The World sees by experience, how advantagious it was to them, when Ferdinand usurped Navarre from his own Neece; they them­selves have seen, that it wanted but little of putting our Scepter into their hands, during the League. It is the best title by which they hold part of both the Indies, where they have put to death not only lawfull Princes, but at least fifty Millions of people, with such cruelty, that they have died the earth with blood, and made Heaven to groan with horrour, and well will they now make use of it to despoil the German Princes of their estates. But who is ignorant of their injustice, seeing that as the true Religion gives no right to Empires, so force cannot deprive him of it, to whom it falls by succesion.

Politique Observation.

HEresie doth no more dis-ingage Subjects from obedience to their Prince than infidelity; but this being a point of Doctrine, peradventure some mean ca­pacity will make a scruple to believe it, if only proved by the verity of politick maximes. I shall therefore back it by the belief which the Apostles-left in the Pri­mitive Church, which the Fathers taught in their Precepts and Examples, and which the ancient Christians did most religiously observe amidst their greatest per­secutions. Did not the Apostles, St. Peter and Paul, write to the christians in their Epistles, at what time Nero made the earth tremble with his cruelty execrised upon them: Let every one be subject to the higher powers. For there is not any Dominion which is not established by God, and those which now are, are by his gift, Whoever rebelleth against them, opposeeth his Commandment, and they who in­deavour [Page 428]to shake off the yoke of their obedience, expose themselves to damnati­on. A Prince is God's servant, it is not to no purpose that he holds the sword; it is to make himself known for the Almighty's Officer: He ought to be obeyed, not only because he can punish, but for Conscience sake; neither are these the on­ly exhortations left unto us upon this subject, their Epistles are fraught with di­vers others so frequent, that I need not recite them, le [...]t I play the D [...]vine, and forget the Historian. Who likewise knoweth not how all the ancient Fathers of the Church would have sealed this Doctrine with their blood, notwithstanding they lived under Atheistical and Pagan Princes, who were as so many firebrands to Re­ligion, and sworn Enemies to our Faith? S. Ignatitus writ very earnestly to the people of Antioch, to perswade them to serve Justin [...] the Emperour, and gave all Pagan Princes to understand by a learned Apologie▪ that their hopes were in vain to force the faithful by the violence of their torments to worship Idols and false gods, who in all other things would render a full and intire subjection to their Em­perours. Tertullian acknowledgeth none but God above Kings, and confesseth that their commands tie the soul with a strong knot. Origen writing upon the Epi­stle to the Romans, though born under a Pagan, saith, there ought to be no diffe­rence in obedience due to Princes, of what belief soever they be. God hath ad­vanced them above man, for reasons unknown to us. I could easily add the restimo­ny of others, but that I fear I should act the part of a Divine. I will only add the exemplary loyalty of the Primitive Christians, who without any sense of being hunted, beaten, persecuted, imprisoned and burnt, did yet continue so constant, that the horrible diversity and excess of torments, to which the fury o [...] Tyrants did daylie expose them, could never make them do any thing repugnant to that obedience they ought their Prince, no more then against the Faith they had sworn to God. It were to be wish'd that the Spaniards would follow these glorious Tracts, whereby the world might remain in Peace, and Princes might be unmolested in the enjoyment of their estates; but their Designs being different, no wonder if their faith be dissonant.

An Answer to the Spaniards who blame the Alliance between France and Sweden.

THe second reason which they alledge in condemnation of the Alliance of France with Swede, was, that it was contracted with an heretick King, an enemy of the Church, and one who exerciseth great cruelties against the German Catholiques: But this scruple of Conscience which they pretended, aimed at no­thing else but to force our Arms out of our hands, that in effect they might the easilier despoil the ancient A [...]es of this Crown, who are only able to curb their Ambition. It is a very frivolous objection, and I do the more wonder at their condemning the Alliances of Hereticks, it being their practice time out of mind, not only to admit them, but Infidels likewise into their confederacies Do we not know how in the time of the Florentine Counsel, and of the Emperour H [...]nry the second, who designed to make Spain Tributary to him, that King Ferdinand con­tracted an alliance with the Moors, that he might by them be assisted against the Emperour, against the Councel against the Popes Leon the ninth▪ and Victor the second, his enemies? Do we not know that they have attempted all possible means to contract alliance with the Turk, and that they have already effected it with the Persian, who is of the same Religion? Do we not know that they are allyed with the Indian King, who openly worshippeth the Divel? Do we not know how Charls the f [...]t [...]eagued himself with the Lutherans, that he might the better make war upon us, and that by the advice of the Theologians, as Bannes rep [...]rteth it, who about the second of his Commentaries saith▪ It is no more inconvenient to make use of Infidels, then of Elephants and Horses? Do we not likewise know how Aurelius King of Spain, who slew Troila, leagued himself with the Moors [Page 429]and Saracens, and paid them yearly a Tribute of an hundred Catholique children, as Mariana reporteth it? Do we not know how Alphonsus sir-named the grand, leagued himself with the Moors, on condition that he should deliver his Son Ordo­nius to be brought up amongst them? They who have taken the pains to read their Histories, may meet with divers such examples. We are not ignorant of the an­cient alliances which they have had in Germany, the King of Denmark, the Dukes of Saxony, Brandenburgh, and others, and which have been but lately renewed, though they are all Protestants.

Now what reason can there be to blame alliances with Heretiques? Were it not to plead against their customs? And why should they alone assume this Liberty, seeing they only object it to authorize their own ambitious Designs, and for our parts we only designe by it the preservation of our Allies in the lawful possession of their estates? It is a right which our Kings will the hardlier relinquish, seeing the holy Chair is so much concerned in it, who ought the more be defended from the oppression of the House of Austria, because they have too to much disco­vered their Designe, of setting on foot their ancient Titles to the Empire, for the recovering those lands which the Popes have heretofore received from the bounty of our Kings. We are not ignorant how he contrives to invade Italy, which af­ter the reducing of [...]ermany would easily be brought to passe. Our Kings who have alwaies undertaken the Churches Protection, as having the honour to be her eldest Sons, cannot endure it; because after the temporal is once subdued, they will soon be intermedling with the Spiritual, which would produce an immediate Schisme. This one, was the weightiest affair which hath a long time befallen the Church; and that alone consideration were enough to vindicate the alliance with the Swede. If in processe of time any disorders have succeeded upon this Treaty, well may they be imputed unto the proseperities, which had made a Prince become insolent, but not unto the effects of his Majesties alliance with him, who had no other designe besides the establishing of the German Princes. Religion was not interessed in the least in the Articles of agreement, it having been expresly conclu­ded between them, that no alteration should be made in any of those places, of which his Arms should make him Master. Those disorders which he committed against the Church were accidental, like unto those medicines which weaken Na­ture, yet cure the disease; in regard of which, no one ought to be deterr'd from assisting his Allies: As the weaknesse caused by Physick ought not to fright us from receiving it, because strength and health will the sooner return after it.

The King hath already given satisfaction for some of those injuries suffered by the German Church, and he will be glad to establish the rest, after the ambitious madnesse of the House of Austria shall be somwhat more reasonable. But admit­ting Wars could be unjust by reason of injuries done unto the Church, how would the Spaniards save themselves? What could they sayd for themselves in that expedi­tion of theirs against Monsieur de Mantua, where the Lutherans by them introdu­ced, omitted no kind of Sacriledge which could be perpetrated against the Church? This reason therefore cannot be right for their turn, it will only serve to lay their own injustice before them, which is but too notorious, from many other conside­rations. It cannot then be hence concluded, whether a War be just or not [...] There are moreover another sort of people ignorant of affairs, who alledge the King might have made a Catholique League, which would have wrought the same ef­fect. To which I answer, his Majesty would have been very glad to have found it so; and the reason why it was not effected, was, because it was never propos'd. Some Religious persons indeed, more Devout then Prudent, did make some over­tures, but they were the more suspected, because made by those who were Sub­jects to the House of Austria, and such men who are una [...]quainted with the reach­es of the Spanish Ministers, and are as commonly deceived, as frequently dis­owned by them. These good Fathers were but ill spokes-men, in matters of Pro­positions, being intrusted to say nothing satisfactory, and somtimes what they say is contradicted; so that in fine, themselves conclude themselves to have been de­ceived; which is all the satisfaction to be had by them.

Politique Observation.

IT is an error to believe it unlawful for Princes to confederate themselves with He­reticks or Infidels, either for their own defence, or the preservation of their Al­lies, in the possession of their just Rights; The contrary opinion is frivolous in the judgement of the ablest Divines, though Spanish. The Law of Nature doth generally oblige all men to unite themselves for the defence of one another, of what condition soever. Those who doubt it, would I send to the School of creatures void of reason, who would make them ashamed of questioning it. The Law of Grace doth not destroy that of Nature: Hence it is that this Obligation doth still remain, and that those Alliances made by Kings with Infidels or Heretiques, when profitable or necessary, may not justly be blamed. Do we not see in holy Writ, how the Patriarks, and the most Renowned Kings of Judah have authorized this Doctrine by their example? Did not Abraham ally himself with Abim [...]l [...]ch, both for himself and his Successors, as also with the Canaanites? Did not Jacob league himself with Laban the Idolater? Were not the Israelites ally'd with several Infi­dels, excepting only those with whom God prohibited commerce? Was not Lot confederate with the King of Sodom, and did he not go to war with him? The Macchabees (though zealous in the observance of their Religion) did yet confede­rate themselves with the Lacedemonians: God himself was pleased that Solomon should joyn his Fleet with the King of Tyre's, and so blessed their alliance, that they obtained vast riches by it; nay, he was likewise well contented that the Tem­ple should be built by the Tyrian Infidels. To pass by these examples of Antiqui­ty, let us descend to later times, where seeking for proofs of this Truth▪ we find S. Paul recommending to the Primitive Christians, to be at peace with all men, and not refusing his proper de [...]ence from the violence which the Jews designed against him, by the assistance two hundred Archers, and seventy Horsemen, all Infidels▪

What can be objected against this Reason? It is permitted every one to make alliance with all such as are comprised under the notion of Neighbours; and it may not be doubted, for the Son of God hath commanded us to love them as our selves: The Infidels are positively comprehended under that Title, especially when they are of advantage unto us; as Jesus Christ restifieth in the parable of the Samari­tane; and by consequence it only resteth to be concluded, that alliances with In­fidels, and so with Heretiques, are permitted to Princes, and that they only ought to be circumspect in the use of that liberty, that they abuse it not.

The Affairs of Italy.

THis is all I shall say concerning the alliance with the Swede for the good of the German Princes: But who will not admire that at the very same time his Maje­sty gave the Law to the affairs of Italy, for the setling them in peace? It is good to see the Sun after a long storm, dispel that cloud whence the Tempest arose, clear up the Ayr, command the Winds to be still, to gu [...]d the mountains▪ and make his Rays shine in our Eyes; but how much more pleasant is it to behold the King (whom the glory of a generous and invincible courage maketh to shine among other Princes) allay that War wherewith Italy had been embroyled, for the three years last past, compel the Forces to retire into their Countries, establish the Li­berty of commerce and re-estate Italy, Savoy, Piedmont, and the Grisons in the enjoyment of an happy peace? Europ beheld all this about the end or this year, at which time those embroyls which we shall shall shortly treat of, were agitated in France, and which we come now to consider; for the more orderly describing those things which hapned. Before we come to the ground of the Treaty of Peace, I think it proper to speak a little concerning the inclinations of Princes affections to a general accomodation. The King having learn'd about the end of the last year, by a dispatch from the Sieur de Leon, in which his Majesty was inform'd how the [Page 431]Emperour was certainly resolved to be at Peace, and to permit the investiture of the Duke of Mantua, in conformity to the Treaty of Ratisbonne, commanded him to return to Vienna; and as [...]ure him, that he would contribute his utmost to effect it, and that he would willingly surrender to the Duke of Savoy, whatever he had got­ten in his Dominions, although in his just possession by the Laws of War; provi­ded the investiture of Mantua and Montferrat were confirmed, and restitution made of what had been usurped from that Duke. His Majesty ingaged himself in this War, only to establish the Duke of Mantua in Peace; and consequently, would make no difficulty to withdraw his forces from Italy; provided, that the Emperour, the King of Spain, and Duke of Savoy did the like, relinquishing their designs, which their ambitions had hatched upon that Princes esta [...]e. Where­upon, they having resolved to leave him in quiet (though the Spaniards did not speak very freely) the Cardinal bent his thoughts in finding out fit means for the executing the Treaty of Ratisbonne, not that he was ignorant that the laws did not oblige him relinquish all those advantages which the justice of Arms should ob­tain, or to relinquish those places taken in Savoy and Piedmont, but he easily con­descended to suppress his own interest, that Europe might see the sincerity of his designs, and how he had not entred upon Italy with intention to invade any one, or to trouble the peace of Christendom, but only upon the score of preserving his Ally in the just possession of his undoubted right.

Politique Observation.

DIvers are the considerations which oblige a Prince to give an end to a for­raign War. He ought to resolve to sit still, when he shall have obtained his pretences; for, as Thucydides saith, it is unjust to prosecute a War against him who is disposed to give satisfaction, and willingly submit to reason. No War is just, but that which is necessary, and Soveraigns are permitted to end that difference by force of Arms, which they perceive cannot otherwise be concluded. He who con­tinues a War after satisfaction offered by his enemy, instead of glory acquireth ha­tred▪ One of those reasons which got the Emperour Augustus so great an esteem of justice, was, That he never undertook a War, unlesse compelled by some im­portant reason. Xenophon saith, that a wise Prince forbeareth what [...]e can to make War, though sometimes pressed unto it, and that he is obliged to prefer Peace be­fore War, where his honour the interest of his State or Allies, are not totally con­cerned Only furious beasts make War to satisfie the motions of their rage; but a wise Prince will easily be inclined to quit his Arms, when those three grand causes do cease, which are the usual occasions of War. The Philosophers say, the effect is no longer necessary when the cause ceaseth to act, which ought not only to be understood of the efficient, but also of the final cause, it being reasonable to abstain from such actions, when the end which first stirred us up doth no longer ingage us; besides he is compelled, as it were, to make peace abroad, when any intestine War calls him to look home. The discreet Physitian gives the same counsel by his ex­ample, when he is much more solicitous of those evils ingendred within the body, then those which only appear upon the skin. Civil Wars concern the preservation of a State forraign Wars are only usefull for glory or power. Now, as that which is necessary is still to be preferred before that which is profitable, he ought so much the sooner to recal such forces to remedy that disorder which threatens him within, it being almost impossible to give order at the same time both for one and the other; in fine, [...]e ought to make peace, after the obtaining those advantages which he could expect either from fortune or his own conduct. The successe of War is not alwaies the same, and it is difficult to make good fortune to last alwaies. Victories do not alwaies depend upon Prudence, Fortune hath her share in them. It is not to be avoided, but that after a long Calm the Vessel should meet with a Storm, maugre the Prudence or the Pilot; so likewise, it is impossible, that after divers advantages obtained in War, some misfortune should not happen. Hannibal [Page 432]was alike couragious both in Affrick and Italy, yet after his return to Carthage he was no longer successefull in his Arms. This is one of the reasons which hath indu­ced the Sages to advise great Captains to withdraw upon their advantage, lest they lose the glory which they had formerly obtained.

What it is that makes Cazal considerable to the Spaniards.

THis advice were fit for the Spaniard to follow, that he might stop himself in the enjoyment of those great successes which fortune hath bestowed upon them un­der Ferdinand: Charles the Fifth, and Philip the Second, but their Ambition will hardly give them leave so to do. They made it apparent in this particular, where they shewed themselves totally averse from Peace, unto which his Majesty was so easily inclined, they testifying by their actions, that their chief design, was to hinder the Duke of Mantua's peaceable enjoyment of his States. They per­swaded themselves that the Court being divided by those Tares which they had sowed, and which they manured with such care in the minds of the Queen-mother and Monsieur, France neither would nor could long sustain the War in Italy; and withall, as they could not imagine but the Queen-mother would, in fine, attain her wil in the Cardinals destruction, they concluded that that once effected Cazal would easily be reduced to their obedience, which his discreet conduct kept safe from them. Montferrat, of which Cazal is the strongest place, is a Country of small extent, yet of great importance to the design, which they have a long time had upon Ita­ly. Untill this present they have been forced to sit still in the out-bounds, Naples and Millan; and true it is, this is one of the principal objects which hinders the conquest of the rest, could they but once joyn their German with their Italian power; they would soon be Masters of the whole, therefore have they indeavou­red it for so many years, but without Cazal all their attempts are vain, that place alone being a Bul-wark to block up the passage of any Troops which passe from Germany to Millan. This is indeed, that which makes Cazal so considerable, the not having whereof is the more important, in regard, their power is bounded in at the Fort of Fuentes; which being so, they resolved to give their Embassador in Savoy full power to conclude any thing in his Master's behalf, an artifice full of injustice, but which ceased not to be very proper for their design; for that he not being party to the Treaty, it will still be free for him to break it, by refusing to subscribe those Propositions which concerned his interest▪ However, as Princes never want pretences for the most unjust designs, they would not own this Arti­fice, and the Cloak with which they covered it, was, that fighting under the Em­perours Colours, there was no need of any one to treat in their behalfs, but after all their indeavours to prevent the execution of the Treaty then concluded; they made it apparent that this reason of theirs was only a pretence, and that their true design was to hinder the peace, that they might make new attempts upon Cazal.

Politique Observation.

THat Ambition which is sometimes favoured with good successe, hath much much ado to relinquish its enterprises, though unjust. It is an errour to think Fortune is blind, because she distributeth her favours inconsiderately and without forecast; for that God himself whose eyes are clearer then the Sun, is the Author of whatever befalls man-kind. Well may she be painted without eyes, when as she doth usually blind those whom she doth at any time oblige with the least extra­ordinary successe. A Prince accustomed to conquer, proposeth no law in prose­cution of his Will, though that right be inherent in God alone: Little doth he con­sider the condition which his birth hath given him, and the passion of growing great at his neighbours expence, doth so transport him, that he thinks he hath right enough, if he have but power to conquer them; he flatters himself in the [Page 433]belief, that those Monarchies which are this day held with most justice, are ground­ed upon no other Titles then the swords of those that first founded them. The desire of Dominion which transporteth him, rendreth him careless of dying the earth with blood, if he may but subjugate more people to himself, and of making the world groan under the violence of his arms, if he may but get a new addition to his authority. It makes him forget that he is a man, and consequently that he is subject to the Laws of Death, and equally liable with the meanest Cottager, to render an account of his actions; that the usurpation of anothers right, shutteth the gates of heaven against him, and that ambition it self is a punishment to those whom it possesseth, augmenteth their inquietudes with the encrease of their pow­ers. Who knoweth not that it is not the greatness of Kingdoms which maketh Kings greatly happy; that the desire of conquest is accompanyed with more pain and hazard then pleasure; that those Princes who will subjugate all men, are hated by all men, and are oftentimes reduced to a non-plus, just when they think to ex­tend the bounds of their Empire to the utmost; That it is no more just to usurp the power of a Soveraign Prince, then to commit murder; That God who is the Judge of Kings, taketh pleasure to abase their insolence, and to cast them down when they think themselves highest? To be short, the most sure and agreeable Dominion, is that which hath justice for its Basis.

That the Duke of Mantua's Right doth not prejudice the Emperour.

THe Emperour had been disabused by the Sieur de Leon, of those ill impressions which the Spanish Ministers had instilled into him, concerning those Forces which the King had sent into Italy. He was informed with the true reasons which engaged him to undertake the Duke of Mantua's protection, which was such as did not at all prejudice the Rights of the Empire, seeing he had never any thoughts of hindring that Prince form rendring to his Imperial Majesty all those devoirs which could be expected by him: He was informed with the Duke of Mantua's pretensions, who had no other crime then that of being a Frenchman, and there­fore odious to the Spaniards; to deprive whom of his lawful Succession, were to commit an insupportable outrage, and to force the most Christian King to protect him. At length his eyes were opened to discover the disguisments wherewith the Spaniards had surprized him, to the end they might employ the power of the Em­pire to carry on their ambitious designs in Italy; whereupon from a Scholar, be­ing made Master of the Affair, he resolved to put an end to it; and accordingly sent unto the Baron de Galas a full power to conclude with the Ambassadors of France, upon some means to execute the Treaty of Ratisbonne, and to establish an happy peace in Italy, promising to invest the Duke of Mantua in that which belonged unto him, his Majesty being readily disposed to make a surrender to the Duke of Savoy. These are the true reasons which induced the Emperour to this resolution, yet it cannot be denied but that necessity compelled him to it, for the King of Swede had already made a great progress in Germany, and done great ex­ploits; so that had not the Emperour presently recalled his Forces from Italy, he would soon have over-run the whole: He likewise knew how the Christian King had made a Treaty of alliance with him, for the defence of his Confederates, and that he must undoubtedly fall in that war, if he did not unite his scattered forces to sustain the charge of two so great Powers.

Politique Observation.

NOthing is more powerful to reduce Princes to reason than necessity, whose Laws are more absolute then those of their Power; they know nothing but the Divinity and that above them; somtimes it is a trouble to them to admit it, especially when it thwarts their ambition, yet it cannot but be thought happy, when it forceth their arms out of their hands, and leads them to a fair accomodation. [Page 434]The most discreet do the more willingly submit to its Laws, in regard no one can be blamed for following that condition which necessity imposeth, a good excuse in the greatest faults; somtimes it is so favourable as to lead them to victory, by ob­liging them to attempt it when they least expected it; at other times it is content to settle them in peace, by a reducing them to a disability of prosecuting war. In fine, they must subscribe to its pleasure, for necessity it is which imposeth the Law upon them, but receiveth none from them, they being in this respect in the same con­dition with meaner persons. Hence it was that [...]hal [...]s being demanded what was the strangest thing in nature, answered, Necessity, because it surpasseth all things. Are not Castles (in themselves impregnable) forced by necessity to surrender? What saith Quint [...] Curtius. Necessity hath a more absolute Empire in Arms, then reason it self. Is there any Rhetorick which can perswade the mind more efficaci­ously? There is no power which is not obliged to re [...]der it obedience.

Prosecution of the Subject.

WE now come to speak of the Dukes of Savoy and Mantua. Who can doubt of their inclinations to Peace, when it was the only means to re­establish them in their States? It is a trouble to behold the earth languishing under the rigours of a tedious Winter, covered with Ice and Snow, and over-spread with torrents of waters; But it is much more troublesome to a Prince to see his S [...]ates in the possession of others, his people oppressed by the burthens of War, his Towns and Villages forsaken, hi [...] Fields unmanured, and the Earth dyed with the blood of the dead These were indeed the reasons which obliged Monsieur the Duke of Mantua to entertain the Sieur Priaudy still neer him, that he might propose such overtures of peace to him as presented themselves to his thoughts, and which induced the Duke of Savoy to send about the beginning of the year, the Comte de Drouin to assure the King of his Respects and Affection, to contribute his utmost to his Majesties service. He well found that the Spaniards chief design was to advance their affairs at his expences; and that on the contrary, his Majesty who hath evermore fought rather for glory in the defence of his Allies▪ then to usurp their estates, had not over-run Savoy and Piedmont until he was necessitated to it by his denying assistance; whence it was that he no longer doubted that it would more advance the recovery of his estates, to keep a fair correspondence with France, then to follow the interests of Spain.

Politique Observation.

THere is not any condition more to be pityed, then that of a Prince despoiled of his Estates. The impotency to which he is reduced is so much the more insup­portable▪ by how much the memory of his former Authority doth constantly pre­sent it self unto him; and his Poverty is the greater, in regard of his former plen­ty. Such great [...]alls do carry some shame with them, especially to such who have been the Authors (in some sort) of their own miseries. We do not hold them to be so much Philosophers, as to be content with what Fortune hath left, or that they would live in any other condition then their former; they are likewise the more impatient of being restored to their estates, for that they know Authority if once degraded, falls to ruine, if not quickly re-instated. The Pilot who finds his Vessel beaten by the Tempest, his Masts broken, his Sails rent, his Cordage torn, and his Ship leaky, bends all his thoughts how to get into Port; and a Prince considering his places to be in the hands of his enemies, his Revenue sequestred, his Country forraged, his Subjects fugitives, and his Forces reduced to an impossi­bility of securing themselves from a total ruine, is in perpetual trouble, until he finds himself restored by a Treaty o [...] Peace.

The Deputies of the Christian Princes for the Treaty of Peace.

THese are the inclinations about the beginning of this year, of the several Prin­ces who had taken part in the War of Italy, or the Interest of Monsieur de Mantua. The Pope▪ who is the common Father, did not a little contribute to bring things to this pass, both by the endeavours of his ordinary Nuncios, who resided near them, and by the prudence of the Nuncio Panzirolo, who had alwaies continued in Piedmont, or thereabouts, endeavouring to extinguish the flame when it was first of all breaking out. His Holiness was no less interessed in the Peace then the rest, because in War the Church is neither heard nor obeyed, nor indeed regarded, but as a Magistrate in a City troubled with dissentions, and who in con­sideration of his Temporal estate could not be exempted from those troubles which attend Armies, and upon whom the House of Austria had designed, as well as upon the rest of Italy, as having been heretofore the most noble part of the Ro­man Empire, and which their ambition tells them they have right to recover, through the whole extent of it. Upon these just considerations the Pope sent Mazarini to the King about the beginning of the year, as to the best qualified, and most just Arbitrator of Christendom, whose victorious Arms had acquired him a full power to settle Italy in peace at his own pleasure. His Majesty did very well resent the entreaties made to him for the contributing his endeavours to peace; whereupon the Mareschal de Thoyras, and the Sieur de Servient were shortly after chosen for this employment, worthy of their abilities, to meet at Suze, a Town near Qu [...]rasque, where the Plague had forced the Duke of Savoy to retire, and where all parties had concluded to send their Deputies, to confer of some conveni­ent means for executing the Treaty of Ratisbonne. The Nuncio Panzirolo came in the first place to testifie by his diligence the ardour of zeal and charity which the Church hath for the [...]e [...]ling of Peace between Christian Princes. The Baron de Galas Captain and Colonel General to the Emperour, came shortly after, with full power from his Master, whom the progress of the King of Swede made impa­tient till he could see his Imperial Forces at liberty, to return into Germany, where­by to give a check to his proceedings; not considering that this earnestness of his gave others advantages upon him: This obliged the Sieur de Servient to go di­rectly thither, without the Mareschal de Thoyras, who was not as yet come, though he arrived shortly after, to show that his Master had no less inclination to peace, then courage in War, when the enemies of his Allies provoked him to it. The President de Baines was appointed by the Duke of Savoy to assist at the conference, and Guichardus Chancelour of Montferrat by the Duke of Mantua, though he had given an absolute power to his Majesties Ambassadors, to dispose of his affairs as they should think fit. Cavac [...]ia was sent thither by the Common-wealth of Ve­nice, but it was only to reside near his Majesties Ambassadors, whom they looked upon as the chief Arbytrator of this affair, and who took the same care of their Interest as themselves would have done, for they assisted not at the Conference, no more then the Comte de la Rocque, extraordinary Ambassadour of Spain; for he had no power, as we have already declared, and came thither only to hinder the accomodation. These were the chief Deputies which had the charge of this im­portant Treaty; amongst which (I may safely say) that those of his most Christi­an Majesty evinced unto the Comte de la Rocque, and Galas, that the French Na­tion are no less prudent in counsel, then couragious in arms; that if they have more of fire then the Spaniards and Germans, yet they have no less Flegm to de­bate such Propositions as were made to them; the vivacity of their soul penetrated into the depth of affairs, but their prudence prevented them from saying any thing but what was necessary; their solidity sustained the assaults of others, their pru­dence deluded those artifices wherewith it was endeavoured to surprize them, and their patience surmounted the slowness of Galas, and the Comte de la Rocque, whom they made despair of obtaining any thing but by reason. They came last to Que­rasque, [Page 436]and at all meetings stayed till the last, to let the world see they were not in haste, and that they desired no an end of the Treaty, but by the way of Honour, and for their Master's advantage; They well knew that the Emperor's, the Dukes of Savoy and Mantua's Deputies would press the Treaty home enough, by reaso [...] of the ill condition of their Masters affairs, and from thence indeed they knew how to draw divers advantage.

Qualities necessary for an Embassadour.

PRinces though they are great, yet can they not negotiate their most important affairs, in their own persons. Necessity compels them to imploy some of their Officers, and when they may negotiate in person any treaties with strangers Prudence forbids them so to do; they should not only be unworthy of that Mejesty wherewith they are accompanied, by employing themselves in the resolution of a thousand difficulties which they will meet with; but also, committing their autho­rity to the contests which happen at all conferences; and what is most considera­ble, is, that they have more liberty treating by their Embassadours to reject any Propositions dis-agreeable unto them, without being obliged to declare their rea­sons: Withall, they have more time to weigh their resolutions, either ratifying or rejecting them with their counsel, then when they are in publick Assemblies; they may likewise judge with more judgement, because before the final conclusion they are informed of all the intentions of the contrary party, which their Embas­sadours present at the Treaty, cannot but successively discover, although they are obliged to resolve on the Articles upon mature deliberation. Treaties of Peace are the more important, seeing in them is debated the restoring of the bond of human society to States, the life of the Laws, Order, and Policy, and the plenty of all Prosperity, so that able persons ought to be employed in them. The necessary qualities which he who is imployed on such occasions, ought to have, cannot be laid down in few words. I shall content my self, to name some few which are the chiefest, and to say, that above all things he ought to have a perfect knowledge of the affair which he negotiates, as also of his Masters interests, of theirs with whom he treats, and of their Allies, for otherwise he cannot avoid a surprisal. Next to this chief quality, prudence ought to be as his eyes, to inform him what to resolve, and what to evade, to fore-see the consequences of those propositions which are made, to countermine them who indeavour to blow him up to know how to chuse means proper to obtain that end which his Master proposeth, and to wave those reasons which are prest upon him. This Prudence ought to be accompanied with a certain stayednesse which may prevent him from running into a rash resolution; he ought to be more phlegm [...]tick then cholerick to check his hasty design, of giving too quick a dispatch to his affairs. He ought let others wrangle, without being moved from what he hath solidly resolved, and to content himself with answering moderately such objections as are made against him, without receding from those fundamental propositions, upon which the main chance is to be decided. Irreso­lution is a thing extreamly dangerous in him, not only because it gives great advan­tages to the opposite party, but because it allays that vigour of spirit, with which his advice ought to be accompanied, and that earnestnesse which he ought to have for his Masters service; not that I would have his Prudence joined with so sublime a subtilty, unlesse he were indued with all those extraordinary qualities which make a man eminent; for experience hath evinced unto us, that they who are only craf­ty, do commonly lose themselves in their own thoughts, and follow such expedi­ents which savour more of Chimera's and Apparencies, then Truth or Solidity. Such ruine affairs, by their Ambition to extract the quintessence of them, like those who have a long time blowed to find the quintessence of Mettals, and in the end have nothing but wind for their pains. Secresie is a quality the more need­full in him, because a design once discovered is of no more advantage them a Mine contramined, and that nakednesse doth as ill become his Soul as his Body; besides, [Page 437]as no one can keep a secret without dissimulation, he ought to have a Soul strong enough, and wel adjusted to disguise his designs, & to make shew to have other ends then those which he doth pretend, though he ought not to make use of it unlesse in matters of great importance, for the most part, behaving himself with great free­dom to beget the reputation of being sincere, which will make his disguisements passe for the more currant truths, by reason he useth them so seldom. In fine, it were to be wished that he were powerfull in discourse, both for the well dedu­cing of his reasons, as also to animate them with that vigour which is necessary to get approbation, and which might render them as effectual, as faintnesse renders them uselesse, when they are therewith accompanied.

A Treaty of Peace at Querasque.

THe Deputies were no sooner arrived, but the conference began, yet not un­till after the order of their sitting had been concluded. It was resolved that Panzirolo should sit at the end of the Table, which in Italy is esteemed the most honourable place, the Baron of Galas on his left hand, the Marshal de Thoyras on his right hand, the Sieur de Servient beneath Galas, the President de Banies over against him, and the Chancellour Guichardy, at the lower end over against the Nuncio. At first indeed, and before the beginning of the Assembly, there was some difference upon this score, because the Baron de Galas, and the Comte de la Rocque, comming together to visit the Sieur de Servient, the Comte de la Rocque took place of Galas; for afterwards the Marshal de Thoyras, and the Sieur de Servient, did likewise pretend to take place of Galas, they being too much con­cern'd in their Masers glory, to indure that his Majesty should suffer any diminu­tion, which must have been, if representing his person they should have given place to him, of whom the Spanish Embassadour took place. The Comte de la Rocque would take this advantage of Galas, because he was only qualified as a Comissary, pretending that Kings Embassadours took place of the Emperours Comissaries, though not of his Embassadours. In fine, it was adjudged, that for this once, the Spanish Embassadours should give place to the Emperours Commissary, unlesse Galas would likewise give place to the Most Christian Kings Embassadours. To conclude, they went publickly through the Town, the Comte de la Rocque being in a Coach beneath Galas, and the Sieurs de Thoyras and Servient took place next af­ter him; their priorities being thus regulated they began to confer upon the means for executing the Treaty of Peace, concluded the precedent year at Ratisbone, in order to that which concern'd Italy; for as to the rest, the Most Christian King would never ratifie it, his Embassadours having gone beyond their Commissions. There were two chief causes of difficulty, the first, in regard of the eighteen thou­sand Crowns rent, accorded to the Duke of Savoy in Montferrat, for which the Town of Trin was left him, and divers other Lands and ancient Demesnes, which did amount to that sum: The second was, about the manner of restoring the pla­ces both of Mantua and Montferrat, as also Savoy and Piedmont; the contests of either party were hot, and nothing concluded untill the 6 day of April, when it was resolved that the Duke of Savoy should content himself with fifteen thousand crowns rent in Montferrat, valuing the Crown at eight Florins, in consideration of the quality of those Towns and Lands which were left unto him, which was con­cluded by the Assembly; as concerning the restitution of places, it was concluded that the Forts newly built should be demolished, that each party should withdraw his forces; and lastly, that the places should be restored at the same time, and that for assurance of the restitution, hostages should interchangeably be given, and all to be conformable as much as could be unto the Treaty at Ratisbonne; neverthe­lesse, it being apprehended that those of the House of Austria would more readily sacrifice three Hostages then relinquish the Grisons▪ seeing the possession of them, would joyn their estates in Germany with those of Millan; it was concluded by a secret Article, that the Towns of Suze and Avigliane, should be delivered into the [Page 438]hands of the Swisses raised in the Cantons, allied with France and Savoy, to be by them kept in his Highnesse of Savoy's name, untill such time as the Forts and Passa­ges held by the Comte de Merodes in the Grisons were left free with obligation of restoring them to the Marshal de Thoyras in case the said Forts and Passages were not quitted: This general Treaty being concluded, there were particular indea­vours used to decide the differences between the King and Duke of Savoy, for the establishment of an assured Peace between their Subjects. It was not long uncon­cluded, because there was nothing of difficulty in it, only the same conditions which had been agreed on the foregoing year. These two Treaties being thus finished, were signed to a general satisfaction of all, except Monsieur de Mantua, who was something troubled to pay the charge, and the Comte de la Rocque, who would have continued on the War upon any conditions whatever; all the rest, thinking that Peace was now restored unto Italy, which for three years last past, had been the Theatre of Sorrow.

Politique Observation.

HAppy is the Prince, who after he hath seen his Country desolate by horrid and cruel Wars, can at last settle it in Peace. He will find this great Mistris of Arts, to give being to all those exercises which had been interrupted and neglect­ed during the troubles. He will see Religion, upon which (as an Emperour once said) dependeth all the good or bad fortune of States, to re-assume its former lu­stre, which [...]requent disorders had destroyed. He will soon see his Towns deserted by the violence of the Souldiers, re-peopled and revived out of their own ashes. He will see his Subjects discharge their Offices with pleasure and live in abundance of tranquility, traffique free, commerce open, voyages secure, the earth loaded with rich harvest, all things restored to their first splendour and order, the Laws and Statutes which before were dead put in execution; justice established in her Throne, re-assuming her authority, and terrifying such as before scorned her; in fine, his estate putting off its mourning apparel, and cloathing it self with magni­ficence, mirth, contentment, and joy.

The second Treaty of Peace.

THe Articles of the general Treaty, had been concluded with so much Prudence and Equity, that all those whose intentions were just, could not but rest abun­dantly satisfied, though the Spaniards who only sought an opportunity to embroil affairs, made the Emperour beleeve, that under that secret Article divers designs were comprised; insomuch that he writ to the Duke of Savoy somewhat disconten­tedly, that Suze and Avigliane should be put into the Swisse's power, and withall, refused to ratifie the Treaty of Peace, though it had been expresly concluded in that of Ratisbonne, that any other way might be taken besides that of Hostages, if the Deputies who negotiated the Affairs of Italy should so think fit. This difficul­ty was enough to have undone all, if the Most Christian Kings Ministers had been tainted with the like design as the Spaniards were; but their thoughts being alto­gether bent upon finding out some assured means for the restitution of places on ei­ther party, they made no difficulty to renew the conference in order thereunto. The Conference lasted untill the 19 of June, on which day the second Treaty was signed, by which all the Articles of the former Treaty were confirmed, excepting only that of the secret Article. The Baron de Galas obliged himself to invest Mantua and Montferrat in Monsieur de Mantua within 25 days; or at least to deliver the investiture unto the Sieur de Leon, or the Bishop of Mantua, both re­sident with the Emperour: So that it should be expedited and consigned into their hands. He likewise promised that the Emperours Forces should quit Italy; as for the rest, it was concluded as in the first Treaty, that for the assurance of the resti­tution of places, Hostages should be consigned on both parts, to wit, on the Em­perours [Page 439]part, the Signieurs Pi [...]olomini, Chisa, and Vileben; and on the Kings part, the Sieurs de Tharanes, de Nerestan, and Aiguebonne who should be deposed into the Popes hands, upon the 20. of August under promise from his Holinesse, not to deliver them until the execution of the Treaty, and not to assume any Au­thority but as Depository: In prosecution whereof, the Sieurs de Thoyras and de Servient, obliged themselves to restore unto the Duke of Savoy, Brigueras, the same day that the Baron of Galas who delivered himself for hostage, should quit the Forts, and the Passages of the Grisons, withal, that Suse, and Avigliane, with the adjacent Forts should be restored to the Duke of Savoy, as Porto, and Canetto to the Duke of Mantua; and that lastly, Pignerol should be fortwith surrendred into the hands of the Duke of Savoy, the same day that Galas should restore Man­tua to its lawful Lord, that each party might be Master of his own at one and the same time. This Treaty was signed both by one and the other, the Emperour and the Most Christian King ratified it; The Investiture of Mantua and Montferrat was expedited the second day of July; the new [...] of which being once arrived, the rest of the Articles were put in execution; the Hostages were delivered to Cardi­nal Pallotta, appointed for that purpose by the Pope, who received them; exce­pting what concerns the Forts, and Country of the Valtoline, Grisons▪ and Comte de Chiauenne, with which his Holiness would not intermeddle, the Inhabitants be­ing Heretiques, and not acknowledging him; but in exchange, the Baron de Ga­las delivered himself as Hostage unto Monsieur de Mantua, for performance of his promise. Brigueras, with the other small places of Savoy, were delivered to the Marquis Ville, in behalf of the Duke, and the same day the passages o [...] the Grisons to their lawful Lords; the places of Mantua, except Mantua it self, Porto and Canello to the Marquis de Pomare for the Duke of Mantua, the fifteenth of Sep­tember Suze and Avigliane were restored to the Duke of Savoy, Porto and Ca­nello to the Duke Mantua, and on the twentieth of the same moneth the French quitted Pignerol▪ and the German Mantua. Thus were all things remitted into the hands of their proper Princes, and each one established in the possession of their own. Cardinal Pall [...]tta who had received the Hostages in the Popes behalf, having received notice thereof dismissed them; and this great storm which had troubled all Europe, gave place to an happy peace; leaving his Majesty the glory of having supported his Allies, in despite of the Emperour, the King of Spain, and Monsieur de Savoy; and the Cardinal the honour of having equally vanquished them both by Arms and Prudence.

Politique Observation.

IT is alwaies necessary for the better assurance of the execution of Treaties be­tween Princes, that some security be given, especially where there is any diffi­dence between them. Some have received places in deposite, as Charls the eight going to N [...]ples did of sundry Italian Princes; others have contracted Marriages, as the Historians of most Wars have recorded, and it is a custom as ancient as com­mon to give and take Hostages. It is very hard for those who have been exaspera­ted during the Wars, to believe interchangeable promises only, especially when they are to be executed at divers times, and in divers places; besides it will be easie for a Prince to deceive, if he will break his Word, To alledge some particular examples of Hostages; St Lewis having made a Treaty of Peace with the Sultan of Babylon, offered for assurance of their agreement, the Comtes de Po [...]ctiers and Anjou. Thus Charls King of Navarre, son in Law to King John, having caused Charls d' Espaigne to be killed, who was Constable of France, and extreamly be­loved of the King, would never return to the Court, till his Majesty had delivered to him Lewis Compte d' Anjou his second son, for hostage, whom he forthwith sent to his City d' Evreux, under his Brothers custody: Thus the same K. John ha­ving been four years Prisoner in England, was not set at liberty until he had paid his ransome in part, and given hostage for the assurance of the rest, who were [Page 440] Lewis d' Anjou, and Jean Du [...] de Berry his children; Lewis Duke de Burgoigne, Peter Comte d' Al [...]son, John brother to the Comte d' Estampes, all Princes of the Blood: Guy brother to the Comte de Blois, the Seignieurs de Montmorency, de Hangest, de St Venant, d' Andresel, de la Roche-Guyon, and the Comtes de St Pol, de Coussii, de Brenni, de Harcourt, and de grand Pre. This is so usual, that it will be needless to add any more.

The Spaniards intention to break the Peace of Querasque, followed by that of Mire-Fleur.

ALthough all these places were restored, yet the Spaniards (whose Counsels are engraven in brass for the perpetuating of them) could not resolve to with­draw their Forces from Italy, or to send the Emperours into Germany; they stay­ed them whiles they could in Milan, and thereabouts, pretending they should want part of them in their Garrisons, and that they expected leave from the Legate of Ferare, to transport the rest into Naples. Those whom the Duke de Feria had pro­mised to disband in July, were on foot in September, and this very delay caused the restitution of places to be retarded; Besides, the King was certainly informed, that the very morning after the expediting the Investiture, they had found means to wrest an act from the Emperour, which they caused to be published in the Im­perial Chancery, by which it was nullified, in case the Treaty of Ratisbon were not punctually executed; although concluded in express terms, that it should be given without any limitation. Was not this testimony enough of their intentions to break the Treaty, if they could but find any favourable opportunity, seeing parti­cularly that this Declaration was a firebrand, for that it gave them the liberty of finding fault with some of the Duxe of Mantua's actions, which themselves would interpret and judge to be contrary to the Treaty. Neither was this the only Index of their minds, the Comte de Merode who acted not but by order from Feria, com­mitted all sorts of violence in the Grisons, as if he would force the King by a just resentment to make a breach; moreover, the Comte de la Roch letters having been taken by some thieves from his Courrier, who were more careful of his money then papers, left no cause of doubt to them who saw them, of their intentions to foment the discontents of the Queen-mother and Monsieur, to such an height as should be irreconcilable, that they might be revenged on France for those advantages obtain­ed against them. They likewise raised new Troops in Milan, as if they would not have any ignorant of their designs; and lastly, they were extreamly urgent to force the Duke of Mantua to disband an inconsiderable number of French from Casal and Mantua, whom he had desired to be left there for the guard of those places, and which were hardly able to secure them from a surprize, whereby he might be so disabled, that they might with ease over-run his Country; which be­ing so, and that no one can doubt of their Designe of re commencing the War the following year, what reason had his Majesty to leave Italy without full assu­rance of Peace and Liberty, by other means then that of a Treaty? Should he not have so done, he had thrown away his charges in vain, and the lives of so many French to no purpose.

This was it which obliged the King to require new assurances in the behalf of his Allies, and to inform the Duke of Savoy, that he himself was in no greater assu­rance them others, considering how distrustful the Spaniards were of him, and how much discontented with his late proceedings. On the other side, the Cardinal re­presented to his Majesty, that Prudence obliged him not to abandon Italy in this danger, and that it was needful for him to use his power with the Duke of Savoy, to obtain some one of his places, which might afford a free passage for his Armies into Italy, if occasion should draw them thither a third time. His Majesty whose judgement is equally prudent as just, apprehended the importance of this advice, so that soon after he sent Orders to the Sieur de Servient, who was yet with the [Page 441]Duke of Savoy, to desire him to put Pignerol, Suze, Avigliane, or Savil­lan into his Majesties hands for some time, that he might keep the Spaniards in aw, and prevent them from making new attempts. This Proposition indeed was some­what strange, but did not exasperate him as it happened; for the Prudence which the Sieur de Servient used in that affair obtained his demands to his Majesties glory and the liberty of the Italian Princes; he evinced unto the Duke of Savoy by so many demonstrations, the designs which the Spaniards had to recommence the war, & the just reason he in particular had to fear their growing powerful in Italy; which if once effected, all he could hope for was the favour of Cyclops, when he found himself obliged for the surety and defence of his estates. The Sieur de Ser­vient perceived that distrust which is natural to Princes, made him loath to part with a place of importance, and to intrust it in the hands of a stranger, but when he recollected to his memory that franknesse wherewith his Majesty had so lately re­stored unto him the greatest part of his Dominions, and the open profession which he made of establishing his glory, by the defence of his Allies, he at last brought him to resolve upon the delivery of Pignerol untill such time as the Spaniard should make apparent that they intended to leave Italy in peace. This Treaty was con­cluded and signed at Mire [...]leur upon the 19 of October, and presently put in executi­on. It cannot be apprehended how unpleasant this news was to the Governour of Millan, and with what resentment he complained in his Letters to the Duke of Savoy, and his Highnesse was not wanting to return him an answer full of courage, how he had not done any thing but what was lawfull for any Prince, and that he was obliged to entrust this place in the hands of his Christian Majesty sooner then any other, since his bounty had restored him to those States, of which the War rai­sed by others had despoiled him.

Politique Observation.

THat Prince cannot be thought imprudent, who in making Peace foresees those dangers of War which threaten him, and who for the preservation of his State in an happy tranquility, deposits some Town in the hands of a Monarch, whose power can secure him from all misfortunes. He who assures himself of the prote­ction of a potent King, secures in it his Crown, and peace to his Subjects, strikes a terrour into his enemies, and makes them afraid of falling on him. These advan­tages are far greater then those which he can possibly receive from any place by him deposited; whence it is great prudence to prevent the storm, and imitate the wise Pilot, who fearing a total shipwrack, throws part of his goods into the Sea; [...]e cannot but be commended who accommodateth his counsels to the necessity of times, and he ought to think himself happy, if by the losse of one Town he can se­cure the rest. It is advantage enough for a Prince (saith Augustus in Suetonius) to put himself into such a condition that no one can offend him. One City indeed may increase his Revenue, but cannot so well peradventure secure him from those violences whereunto he is exposed, as the power of a great King with whom he in­trusteth it. Ferdinand King of Naples, did wisely, when he found himself without money, destitute of necessary Forces to recover his estate (of which we French had despoiled him) in resolving to enter into a league offensive and defensive with the Venetians, who made a scruple to admit him, unlesse he would deliver them the Cities of Otrante, Bronduze, and Trave with Monopoly, and Sulignan with condition that they should be restored upon payment of 200000 Ducats, for their expences in his occasion. Prudence alone is capable to make known unto us with­out producing other examples, that it is more discretion to quit a part to secure the rest, then by preserving it, to endanger the losse of the whole.

When Pignerol was promised to the King by the Duke of Savoy.

PRinces actions are liable to divers interpretations, because they are more ma­turely considered then ordinary mens, and their drifts are more secret. This Treaty of the Duke of Savoy, did set many heads on work, and divers apprehended it in terms quite different from the truth. He granted the City and Castle of Pig­nerol to the King for six moneths only, and that for performance of his promise, to give him free passage through his State, and to assist him with Ammunition and Provision of all sorts, as much and as often as need should require, for defence of his Allies in Italy. However divers believed that he had absolutely given this place to the King, and besides, that it had been so concluded before ever the Marshal de Thoyras, and the Sieur de Servient departed from Paris toward Querasque. It was said, that the Comte de Drouin had passed his word in January, and then assured his Majesty that the place should be delivered to him. But that being never de­clared they did rather guesse then know it, for knowledge is grounded upon rea­sons certain. All that can be said, is that the Duke of Savoy did consent to remit Pignerol absolutely into his Majesties hands, for the conservation of the rest of his estate; in so doing, he did very prudently, as we shall hereafter declare, had the King procured this advantage to his Crown, it had been but just to recover an an­cient Demeasne, which had been lost by the condescention of his Predecessors, he had raised a Trophy to his glory, obtained by his Arms in Italy; he had conser­ved part of that which did justly belong unto him by the Laws of War; it fine, he had secured all his Allies on the other side the Mountains, and curbed the Spanish Ambition. These reasons were so full of Justice, that the greatest part of the world was perswaded that the Duke of Savoy had absolutely given Pignerol to the King; for what likelihood could there be that his Majesty should not retain some part of his Victories? That he should expend at least fifty millions in a War without reser­ving somewhat for recompence? That his Prudence should not take some care for the preservation of his Allies, after the experiment he had made of those difficul­ties in the Passages? And that he should leave the Spaniards in full power to pro­secute their Usurpations? There could not be any reason for it, and he must have renounced his just and lawfull pretensions so to have done: On the other side, that which did most of all call in question the truth of the Treaty, if indeed there were any thing was, that it was alwaies denied and dissembled in the conferences, and kept as a secret till this present; neverthelesse this secret cannot be denied but to have been the effect of the Cardinal's Prudence, who well knoweth that the great­est designs ought to be executed with the greatest secrecy, and that counterfeit pre­tences cannot but be commendable, provided they be advantagious and free from injustice.

Politique Observation.

ALthough Dissimulation is commonly esteemed a vice amongst private persons yet it is so much the more needfull amongst great Princes, in regard their de­signs ought to be kept more especially secret. The discreetest Princes never look that way they design, and though they alwaies effect their thoughts, yet they sel­dome speak what they think; they who apply themselves to reading are more fit to entertain good company than for high enterprizes, seeing the Government of a State is a Stage upon which the Actors oftentimes ought to change their Masks and habits: They who can best of all cloak their designs are the most ingenious, and do oftnest attain their ends; hence it is, that he who hath any thing to do with a crafty companion, hath work enough to look about him. Who knoweth not, that if all truth were necessarily to be told, nothing would remain unknown, which if so, the highest enterprizes would be successelesse, it being most certain, that the discovery of an affair, is like an Alarum to summon together the strongest opposi­tions? [Page 443]It is allowable to keep that a secret which may be advantagious to our selves, or our friends, and cannot injure any one. It is great Prudence not to discourse it with those whom a man suspects, and absolutely to disown it to all others. Thus Lewis the Moor, Duke of Millan, having made a Treaty with Charles the Eighth, to give him passage into Italy, and to favour his designs did constantly deny it to the King of Naples, the Pope, and Peter de Medicis, although the report of it was common, and some signs of it almost indubitable: Whereupon, he denying it so confidently, they remained a good while in suspence, without knowing what to conclude. The denying of a design with asseveration, doth insensibly leave some doubt in the most determinate minds to believe it; and although the protestations made to the contrary do not gain an absolute belief, yet do they commonly delay obstructions which might be raised, and put off those enterprises which would be set on foot to hinder them.

The Interdiction of the Court of Ayds of Paris.

VVHilest the Cardinal's incomparable Prudence was thus busied in these weighty forraign affairs, there passed some others in the Kingdom which I cannot omit, especially seeing his Genius which giveth orders for all things, tea­cheth by his conduct divers maximes, very necessary for all Ministers. The great expen [...]es made the last four or five years in the Wars, having exhausted the Trea­sure, and the factions of the Queen-mother and Monsieur breaking out, there was a necessity of raising great sums to support divers Armies at the same time. This was that which forced the King to lay new Impositions upon his Subjects, which he did with the greater regret in regard he had formerly by the Cardinal's counsel, used some expedients to ease them; but necessity, whose Empire is more absolute then that of Princes, forced his Majesty to defer them, until such time as his af­fairs were setled in a sure Peace; neither did the Chamber of Accompts make any scruple to confirm those Edicts which did contribute thereunto when brought unto them, but it was not so with the Messieurs of the Court of Aydes of Paris. Men­sieur le Comte having informed them that he was going to their Chamber from the King to do as much, they fell into such disorder that they all departed, thinking by this to disengage themselves from their duty of confirming them, so that, Monsieur de Compte comming thither found no body there. This their inconsideratenesse could not be without mis-prision of the royal Authority, and was looked upon as an example the more dangerous, in regard Magistrates are like the Primum mobile, which draw all the inferior Orbs after it; so their motion might be capable of ma­king the people mutiny and refuse succours which they owed the King, and which his Majesty might lawfully demand from them to help discharge the necessi­ties of the State, as we have formerly said. Justice and Prudence did both require that they should be made exemplary; they were suspended from the exercise of their Offices, and a Commission issued out to some of the Messieurs, Masters of Requests, and Counsellours of the grand Councel to do justice in their rooms, and to determine those affairs which were depending before them. This continued for some moneths to teach them against another time how they run into such mis-pri­sions of his Majesties will, which made them unworthy to sit upon the Flower de Luces, seeing they had been so little affectionate in contributing to the means ne­cessary to preserve them in their beauty:

Politique Observation.

THere is no offence which Kings are more obliged to punish, then those which are accompanied with dis-respect; for as he who is much respected doth easi­ly retain his Subjects in their obedience, so being once fallen into disesteem his com­mands are little regarded. The wisest Polititians have alwaies thought respect to be the greatest support of Authority. The lustre of the Sun is that which causeth [Page 444]people to regard it with the more reverence; and the authority of a Soveraign is that which doth most of all oblige his subjects to pay him respect and obedience, which if violated by disrespect, remaineth inconsiderable; His Ordinances are laughed at, his Will not regarded, and attempts are often made against him. I think for my part, that scorn is more dangerous then hatred; for peradventure a King who is hated, may yet be feared, and fear is of it self sufficient to keep sub­jects in obedience; but he who is once fallen into dis-esteem, is neither hated nor feared; so that his affairs will soon fall into extream disorder. Hatred is a frequent cause of Insurrections, but dis-respect is more effectually so, because it not only causeth the fear of offending to cease, but adds confidence to it. Now of all dis­respects, none is more dangerous then when Magistrates are guilty of it, by with­drawing themselves from their Princes Will and Command. No one will easily attempt against him whom he sees honoured by his Magistrate; and on the contra­ry, men will readily provoke him who is not regarded by them. Magistrates are the more obliged to continue their respects unto Authority, because their example is sufficient to hold the people in submission: They ought rather to comply obedi­ently with their Soveraigns, then by denying him to show an example of Rebelli­on to his Subjects, their resistance tends only to raise an irreparable disorder in affairs, and obligeth the use of constraint for the ratifying of such Edicts which presently make the people believe them to be unjust. In fine, they are no less bound to render respect and obedience unto him, then justice to his Subiects. They flatter themselves with a dangerous vanity, if they believe themselves to have been instituted to bound in his power, seeing it was only to supply his presence, and perform his will. All their power vanisheth at his presence, as that of the Stars when the Sun appeareth; neither ought they to take notice of his Commands, fur­ther then he gives them liberty. Now that liberty which he gives them, is by their humble Remonstrances to represent their grievances, not absolutely to deny, and that with disrespect, the execution of his commands; especially seeing the custome of confirming of Edicts was not introduced by necessity, or for any dependance which Kings have upon Soveraign Courts, but that they might be executed with more submission, and to discharge them from those commands which the importu­nity of Courtiers might wrest from their Majesties, without regard of Justice, or the good of the State.

The Treaty of Alliance between the King and Duke of Bavaria.

IT behoved the King so much the more to secure himself against the Emperors Forces, in regard he did at this time seem to be discontented concerning the Succours given to the German Princes, and the designe of retaking Moy [...]n­vic, with other lands alienated from the Bishoprick of Metz This induced the Cardinal (whose eyes are alwaies open to the interests of State to represent un­to the King, that it were necessary to make sure of those who might any ways as­sist him in his enterprises against France, and that there being no other persons from whom he could receive a greater support in his desire, then the Duke of Ba­vier and the Elector of Tr [...]ves who have the principal Passes by which he must come unto us, it would be very advantagious to contract an Alliance with them, that they might hinder his Forces, or at least, that they might not joyn theirs with his. The King apprehended this Counsel as an effect of his innate Prudence, and this great Ministers foresight having already laid the ground-work of these Allian­ces, his Majesty issued out Orders for the prosecution of them. There was con­cluded by the Treaty that there should be a sincere, good, and constant Friendship between them and an firm and strict league offensive and defensive for eight yeers, in consideration whereof the King bound himself to furnish him with nine thousand Foot, two thousand Horse, Cannons and Ammunitions of War fit and necessary for the defence of him and his Dominions, leaving it to the Electors choice to demand of his Majesty instead of the nine thousand Foot, and the rest, such [Page 445]monies as might defray the charges. The Elector of Bavier did likewise engage himself to furnish his Majesty with three thousand Foot, and one thousand Horse, and Ammunitions of war necessary, for the defence of his Dominions, in case of an Invasion, with liberty for his Majesty to demand instead of the Souldiers, so much money sufficient to pay them▪ Besides they interchangeably promised not to b [...]a [...] Arms one against the other, directly or indirectly. Thus was France assured on that quarter, and the taking of Moyenvic might be attempted without fear or h [...] ­zard, the Emperour not being able to hinder it, by reason of the King of Swede's diversion, without the Duke of Bavier's assistance.

Politique Observation.

DEfensive Alliances cannot but be very useful to all Princes, how great soever. Few can subsist by themselves, and if any alone be able to defend themselves from their enemies, it cannot be without danger, and somtimes loss to their Coun­tries; whereas if they unite themselves with others that are powerful, no one will think of invading them. Though the Head be the noblest Members of the Body, yet it standeth in need of those others; and God who hath crowned the greatest Monarchs, hath so established them, that they have all occasion to make use of one another. This may be said in general of the advantage of Defensive Allian­ces, but it is more particularly advantagious to have recourse unto them, when a Neighbour Prince is so successeful in Arms, that he begins to be terrible. On such occasions it is great prudence to contract alliances with those which may joyn their Forces, as is usual amongst such Princes whose Powers are indifferent, to follow the Fortune of the Conquerors, because contracting an Alliance with such, they not only augment their own Power, but weaken that of their enemy, and make him incapable of further mischief. It is great prudence in him who hath one enemy, to take a care that he hath not two; for their power being united, will be more terrible. Thus the Comte de Cha [...]olois, son to Philip Duke de Burgogne, was ve­ry sollicitous to contract an Alliance with Charls Duke of Normandy, only brother to Lewis 11. knowing that by this means the King will be weakned one third, and the less able to hurt him.

His Majesty sendeth Ambassadors to the King of Morocco.

THe Cardinal was not satisfied with the bare contributing to render his Majesty the most renowned Prince in Europe by land, but endeavoured to make him likewise the most powerful by Sea, by causing divers Ships to be rig'd out, and taking care to furnish them with able Seamen. In order hereunto, the Sieurs de Moleres, de Razilly, and de Chaalar, were sent to the King of Morocco, that an Alliance might be contracted with him, and a safe Commerce obtained upon the Coasts of Bar­bary. He had before by under-hand Treaties so disposed of affairs, that they were well received.

The Commander de Razilly was Admiral of the Squadron, and the Sieur de Chaalar Vice-Admiral; At [...]heir landing they were receiv'd by two Alcaides, and two Companies of Souldiers: The King gave them present audience, and with as much honour as they could wish; so venerable was his Majesties Name amongst Strangers.

Their first demand was in the behalf of an hundred and fourscore French slaves who were in his Dominions, whose liberty was presently granted, the King of Mo­rocco not taking any thing for their ransom, to testifie how much he esteemed his Majesty: It is true indeed, he accepted a Present of Stuffs, worth an hundred thou­sand Livres which the King sent to him; [...]et his Proveydor would not receive them but on condition that his Majesty would accept of such Horses as the King his Ma­ster would send unto him, to testifie the desire he had to hold a good Correspon­dency with him. The next thing under consideration, was, the articles of alliance [Page 446]for securing the French upon their Coasts and safe passage into his Countries, which was presently accorded; the substance of it was thus, that all French which should enter into his Ports with his Most Christian Majesties Pass, should not in future be made slaves, nor be compelled to pay above the Tavaly or tenth of their goods, according to their usual custome; that for the better continuing their correspon­dence, Ambassadors should be interchangeably sent, and that all Religious persons might live in the King of Morocco's States, but on condition not to exercise their Functions, unless only to the French. The Treaty was signed; and the Sieur de Razilly presently established three Consuls, at Morocco, Male, and Saphy. In fine, The French had full Liberty to Trade in any Commodities of that Country.

Politique Observation.

IF Commerce in general brings riches to a Kingdom, without doubt that of the Sea is more considerable, the gains being greater and more just: That of the Land, how advantagious soever, seldom yeilds above 15. or 20. per Cent. and many times is forced to such things as savour of Usury; whereas the Sea doth oftentimes yeild Cent per Cent, and somtimes more, and that without giving the least cause of complaint. Commerce at Sea is that which hath made small States very considerable, and great States vastly rich, and abounding with all sorts of commodities: There is another reason which rendreth it the more important, and that is, Princes being bound to make themselves powerful, as well by Sea as by Land, which double Power is the highest pitch of their greatness, for it renders them the more redoubted. It is in vain to drive a commerce by Sea, unless a pro­vision of Ships be made to secure them, otherwise their riches will be exposed as a prey to Pirats; and is Prince who maketh himself powerful on this Element, is the more feared by his Neighbours, in regard he may make his attempts upon them both by Sea and Land, in case they should presume to offend him. Cosmo de Me­dicis first Duke of Tuscany, and the ablest Politician of his time, said, That a So­veraign can never gain an high repute, unless he joyn both those Powers together, which are to a State, as the Arms to the Body. This Sea Power is that which makes England considerable; were they but deprived of it, they would soon grow weak and poor; but maintaining that Power as they do, in a good equipage, by a long tract of time, they want nothing, but are capable of undertaking great ex­peditions. Hath not this enabled the Hollanders, though their Common-wealth may be reduced to a small number of men, to sustain the whole power of Spain? What makes G [...]noa so rich, but this power by Sea? And what but this makes the great Duke of Tuscany one of the richest Princes in Italy? Thus we see all our Neighbours have been sollicitous to establish commerce by Sea in their Territories; and we know that our late King Henry le grand, whose Prudence was no less ad­vantagious to this Kingdom, then his Courage, was extreamly desirous to settle it in France, after he allayed those storms of Civil War; to which end he gave order unto the President Janin, when he was treating with the Hollanders, to learn of them what was necessary in that particular.

The Establishment of a Chamber of Justice in Paris.

AFter those great difficulties which the Parliament of Paris had raised, against the proclaiming of his Majesties Declaration against such as had carried Mon­sieur out of the Kingdom; his Majesty finding it necessary to proceed in the Instru­ction of their Processe, and to chastise those who were found guilty, was not wil­ling to let it fall into their cognizance: He well knew that Kings ought not to ex­pose their authority to be dis-respected, as his would have been, if the Parliament instead of punishing offenders, should neglect to prosecute them, as was much to be feared they would. Those reasons which gave the cause of that suspicion, were, their apparent discontent because Pollette was not restored with such conditions as [Page 447]they desired, and because their authority came short of being parallel with his Majesty's; and besides, the correspondencies which several of Monsieur's, and the Queen-Mothers Officers had amongst them. It was likewise considered, that di­vers affairs of concernment came to be divulged from their manner of proceedings, it being impossible to keep a secret among so great a multitude; Whereupon his Majesty resolved to establish a Chamber of Justice, composed of persons equally considerable for their ability and integrity, who should have full power to judge, seeing it was likewise requisite to commissionate some Judges extraordinary, for the chastizing of divers Clippers and Counterfeiters of money, of which there were store in the Nation, the toleration of which did much endamage Trade; so that both Commissions were given to the same Judges. The King to carry on the busi­nesse with the more sweetnesse, was pleased out of his Prudence and usual Good­nesse, to elect most part of the Judges out of the Parliament, and to appoint their meeting in the Palace, the common Seat of Justice: But the Parliament little con­sidering this grace, raised new difficulties against the confirmation of the Letters of Establishment; which obliged his Majesty to remove the Chamber unto the Arsenal, and to compose it of two Counsellors of State, six Masters of Requests, and six Counsellors of the grand Counsel, all chosen for their extraordinary merit, who began to sit the tenth day of August.

Politique Observation.

THe King is the Head of Justice, and may commit the administration of it to whom he will. The Sea distributeth her waters as she pleaseth, by subterranean passages unto all Fountains, neither bath any thing right to controul her distribu­tion; the Sun, that inexhaustible source of all worldly light, communicateth splendor unto the Stars, as God hath ordained; neither can any of them complain of receiving lesse then others. So a King, whom God hath endued with Sove­raign Authority to distribute Justice to his people, may commit the charge of it to such as he thinks fit, and that with such power and extent as he judgeth proper for the good of his State; usually he intrusts this power with Parliaments, but they ought to remember, that he who hath given them this Authority, may like­wise take it from them, may bound it, or give it to others as he pleaseth. The Authority of a Senate which is in Common-wealths or Free Cities, cannot be al­tered by any Princes, because it partakes of Authority with them, and is establish­ed to confine their Prudence; But it is not so with Parliaments Monarchies, where the Mag [...]strates have no other glory but that of being Ministers, to execute Justice in their Master's behalf; they are like Clouds raised by the Sun from the Earth, which are by him refined, to represent his Image; not that he deprives himself of the power of raising others, to whom he may impart the same favours: Thus is their power a Twig sprung from the Royal Authority, without depriving its Root of the power to produce others of the same quality.

Judgement given against several Persons.

THis Chamber of Justice being thus established, they began to act with as much zeal as integrity, to the punishment of the Coyners, and those who had brought the State into trouble. Divers of either sort were exemplarily punished; and a­mongst the factious, Senelles and du Val were for ever condemned to the Gallies, the Duke Rouannez, the Marquis de la Vi [...]ville, and the Marquis de Fargis, were beheaded in Effigie, the rest were remitted till the next year. Now as he who con­demneth the Body, confiscateth the Goods, so those of the condemned did un­doubtedly belong to the King; whereupon that it might be accordingly adjudged, his Majesty being at Troyes, established a Chamber of Domain, composed of Counsellors of State, and Masters of Request to attend the Court; who declared the goods of the Comte and Comtess de Moret, the Dukes d' Elboeuf, de Bellegarde, [Page 448]and de Rouannez, the Marquis de Boissy, de la Vi [...]ville, and de Sourdeac, and of the President le Coigneux, to be confiscate and forfeited to the Crown: In fine, they who had any Governments or Offices, were deprived of them; the Government of Picardy was taken away from Monsieur d' Elboeuf, and bestowed on the Duke de Che [...]reuse; that of Burgogne was taken from the Duke de Bellegarde, and Monsieur [...]e Prince appointed in his place; the King's Lievtenance which the Mar­quis de la Vieville had in Champagne, was granted to the Sieur de Senneterre, as the charge of President was taken from Coigneux, and conferred on the Sieur de La­mognon, and so of divers others. Now that which did more particularly oblige his Majesty to drive things to this height, of finishing the Process of these factious persons, and of confiscating their Goods and Offices, was, a discovery of their de­signs to attempt the surprizal of divers places in the Kingdom; They had gained the Marquis de Valençay, who promised them Calais. La Louviere was employed to work upon the Marquis Moncavrel, and to perswade him to do the like with Ardres: The Captain du Val was hanged, for having attempted to surprize the Citadel of Verdune; Threescore thousand Crowns were given in Monsieur's name to the Duke of Bouillon, that he would raise a party in Sedan, one of the Ports of the Kingdom, and that he would let in Forreigners that way, when thereunto desired; There were likewise divers Gentlemen seized upon, raising of Forces in several parts of the Kingdom, and it was not unknown how they had induced the Queen-Mother and Monsieur to send persons of Quality into Spain, England, and Holland, and to all Neighbour Princes, to procure what Souldiers they could for him. What reason was there longer to let these attempts against the State go unpu­nished? Such a patience had been unjust. That difficulty which the Parliament of Paris made to confirm his Majesty's Ordinance, which commanded to execute af­ter six moneths the confiscation of such as were guilty of high Treason, who had been condemned by Out-lawry, in regard of an ancient Ordinance, might have seemed just enough in regard of those who are guilty of mean crimes, but surely not in the behalf of Traytors, such as these were, who had made Divisions in his Majesties Family, who had attempted against his Authority, who had endeavoured to surprize divers places, who had raised Souldiers in divers parts of the Kingdom, who had published a thousand aspersions to eclipse his Majesty's glory. What reason (I say) could there be, that such men as these should longer continue unpu­nished, by confiscating their Offices and Goods, seeing their absence would not admit the punishment of their persons? And hereupon it was that his Majesty commanded his Ordinance to be proclaimed, and the Parliament accordingly obeyed it.

Politique Observation.

AMongst the divers Powers of Soveraigns, that of making Laws is one of the greatest marks of their Authority. God entrusting them to dispence Justice, hath not only appointed them to chastise the people, but likewise to make Laws and Statutes, which may serve for a Rule of their Government. Hence the Lawyers say, That Princes Will is Law. Democracy ascribeth this power to the People; but Monarchy restraineth it to Kings only, and acknowledgeth no Laws but what are signed by their Majesties. Now as the power of making Laws is in them, so is that of changing and adding, according as they shall think fit; if they had not this power, we should have no other Laws then those of Nature, imprinted in the heart of man by the meer instinct of reason, or such as were made by the first Fa­ther of Mankind. All the Volumns of Theodosius and Justinian might be burnt, and those of our Kings too, as so many attempts against the liberty of the people, because they have been but of late Creation, there being none so ancient but what did once savour of Novelty. Were not this to put the people into an extream li­centiousnesse, and to shut our eyes against reason, which teacheth us, that the Kings of this age have no lesse power then those of old, who in their Laws have [Page 449]included what-ever they thought necessary, and which could not tye up their Succes­sors hands from following their examples left unto them. It is a vulgar error, to imagine that to alter Laws must needs be dangerous: Without just consideration indeed it ought not to be done, but when there happens any such to be, the alte­ration of them cannot but be advantagious; it being impossible that the first Law­makers should foresee all inconveniences; which being so, their Successors have power to change or abrogate them, as occasion shall require. Absolutely to re­ject Laws because they are new, is but a Cynical humour, seeing the antiquity of them cannot be a just denyal to the use of several others which have since been or­dained; neither can novelty be a sufficient reason to impower those which are at present in use. Ʋlpian saith, Kings may change any Laws into better: and Cicero pleading against Verres, very boldly saith, That the ancient ought to be left, and the new received, when there is a probability of advantage by it. All France hath commended Hugh Capet for changing that law which called all the male children to the succession of the Crown, and sti [...]l will appro [...]e of those changes which tend to preserve the Royal Authority in its luster.

The Cardinal is created Duke and Peer of France.

THe King having established all things so firmly in France, that none of the fa­ctious Caballists could trouble the Peace, and restored the Princes and People of Italy to their Liberties by the Treaty of Quera [...]que, it was but just that the Cardinals services should be rewarded with some new Titles of Honour, in regard those important affairs had been managed by his discreet counsels. No one can doubt but that the Quality of Duke and Peer was his just due, seeing he had so gloriously acted the part of a Duke and Peer; which as the French History relates, is either to govern the Affairs of State, or some particular Province by his Majesty's Order, or else to command his Armies. Was it not in these two employments that his prudence and courage so eminently appeared, that all Strangers were no lesse terrified, then the true Frenchmen rejoyced? His Majesty (who admires more then any one the eminence of his Genius) having made the greatest experiments of him, was not defective to confer this honour upon him. His Majesty dispatched his letters unto him, which carried in them an extraordinary recommendation, it being seldome conferred on persons of his worth, and after so many glorious acti­ons. They were confirmed by the Court not only without any difficulty, but with high eulogiums, and a particular acknowledgement of the good offices he had done in France. In fine, he went to take his Oath at the Palace, on Sept 15. ac­companied with Monsieur le Prince, the Dukes of Montmorancy, Chevreuse, Rets, Crequi, Vantadour, and Montbazon, the Mar [...]schal d' Estree▪ Vitry, and d' Effiat, and many other Lords who desired to follow him, to testifie by their presence how great an esteem they had of his services, which rendred him worthy of so eminent a qua­lity. The Chambres were all assembled, and coming into the great one, he took his Oath to serve his King well and faithfully, in his highest, greatest, and most im­portant affairs; to do Justice impartially both to poor and rich, and to behave himself in all things like a most vertuous, most generous, and most magnanimous Duke and Peer of France; and then he took his place beneath all the rest of the Dukes. Amongst these great honours, I cannot omit one remarkable passage, that as the greatest Genius are the most modest, and scorn inferiour men, who esteem of nothing but an extraordinary honour, , so he would not pass by the great Gate of the Palace, where many thousands attended him, but by a private door, where he might not be seen, because he desired not to be publikely commended, as the custome alwaies was on such occasions; and indeed, the most eloquent of the Bar­reau would have found themselves gravelled to have done it, his Actions and Qua­lities being above expression.

Politique Observation.

A King ought never to forget the rewarding of extraordinary services, with marks of honour; for glory is the Nurse of Vertue, and reward ought to follow all Actions accompanyed with Courage and Valour; so that it is unjust not to reward those advantages which a grand Minister procureth to the Crown It is likewise true, that honourable Qualities cannot more justly be conferred on any, then those that do honourable actions; seeing the most significant names are given to Subjects, only in consideration of their ordinary Actions. Now the name of Duke most properly belongeth to him who leads an Army in War, and manageth affairs of State in peace under the King's Authority. In this sence the primitive Gauls took it, and it is most conformable to the Etymologie of the word: Those are the Offices which Just [...]nian ascribeth in his Institutes to a per­son of this Quality. Ancient Authors do not observe that this was taken for any constant Honour, until Dioc [...]esian and Constantine, in whose time the Gover­nours of Provinces and Frontiers, and Generals of Armies, were called Dukes, and Masters of War; as may be seen in Amienus Marcellinus. Tacitus indeed who lived under Trajane, called Generals of Armies Dukes, but it was only a temporary Quality, which lasted no longer then their Commands. It was under the later Emperours, and our first Kings, that this qualification was annexed to any particular person, and made permanent, as may be seen in Gregory de Tours, the most ancient of our Historians; where it is observed, how King [...] [...]ntram gave the Dukeship and Government of the whole Kingdom for five years unto Eudistus. At that rime indeed this quality was not so fixed, but that it might somtimes be recalled from those on whom it had been bestowed, seeing it was conferred on him but for a certain time; and the same Historian mentioneth some Lords of those times who were deprived of the Ducal Dignity; yet commonly it was given for life. As for the Dignity of Peer, that is not so ancient, but very eminent; for that the Peers take place before all other Honours of the Kingdom, as may be seen in the example of Philip the first Duke of Burgogne, who went before Lewis Duke of Anjou his elder Brother, at the Creation of Charls the sixth their Nephew, by reason he was a Peer, which his brother was not. The most common opinion attributeth the first Institution to Char [...]em [...]gne, but with­out other proof then this, that History maketh no mention of it before his time, and it is believed that they were created to be Judges of State Affairs, which were decided by the Parliament in the King's presence: That great Prince esta­blishing this Order in the Kingdom, to secure it from those misfortunes whereunto the late Merouingiens had exposed it, by refusing to take any other care then that of their pleasu [...]es. T [...]ere are some ancient Titles found, which make ap­pear, That the Comter de Champagne had seven Lords in their Comte, who were Peers, and did astist them in great Ceremonies, and the Decision of chief Af­fairs. In Germany there are some who are chief Ministers of their Princes Ju­stice; but although they partake of the Name, yet are they but Images, and those very imperfect, in regard of the greatnesse of those of France, who are thought to have been instituted to assist the King, to serve him, and receive his Oath at his Consecration, and by their Office are impowered to advise him in the Government of the State.

A Synod of the pretended Reformed Religion at Charenton.

THose of the pretended reformed Religion had obtained permission by the Kings Breviate about the beginning of this year, to make a National Assembly of their Ministers of France, for the maintaining of their Order and Belief. The Cardinal was of opinion that his Majesty should require them to meet at Charenton, because being within his view, they would have the lesse Freedom to renew such Cabal as [Page 451]they had formerly made in their Assemblies of Guyenne and Languedoc. This Order was followed, and the Sieur de Galland, Councellor to his Majesty, was sent to be President in the King's behalf; his Loyalty was not to be suspected, and they were obliged to accept of him, in regard of divers authentique testimonies which made appear, that this Order was conformable to that of Councels assembled in the Pri­mitive times, which they professed to honour. The King especially commanded him to be careful that no Proposition were made which did not concern their Faith or Discipline; to silence them in his Majesty's name, in case they should discourse of any other affairs, and to establish such rules as the Cardinal had proposed ne­cessary to keep that Sect in submission; To this end he used his utmost Prudence and Loyalty, he perswaded them to enact, that there should not any more National Assemblies be made, but in the presence of a Commissary from the King, who might (by testifying their obedience) be a means of continuing them in quiet; besides he induced them to resolve upon the absolute excluding of all stranger Ministers, this being intended of all that were not natural French, and to inhibit their Ministers from leaving the Kingdom without his Majesty's licence, by this means to prevent all intelligences, associations, and correspondencies with the enemies of the State, according to the Laws of the Kingdom, and his Majesty's particular prohibitions, in fine, he used so much prudence, that they required their Ministers not to inter­meddle in any affairs Politique or Military; and condemned a Book of Berraut Minister of Montauban as erroneous, because he maintained that Ministers had a particular Call from God to bear Arms. I shall not relate those other Ordinan­ces there made for the subsistence of their Sect, it not being the Designe of my History: It sufficeth me to have observed those fore-going, which were necessary for the peace of the Kingdom, and were so many effects of the Cardinal's prudence, who by this means disabled them from making Cabals prejudicial to the King's ser­vice, broke their correspondency with strangers, and left them no arms but the Kings goodness for their defence.

Politique Observation.

REligion is the strictest band to assemble people in any designe, to conspire unanimously to the Publike good; neither is there any thing which doth more disunite them, then the diversity of Belief; it is a flaming torch which sets the fire of Division among States and aqua fortis, which separateth the most mode­rate minds; hence it was that the Kings of Aegypt did heretofore entertain divisi­ons among their subjects, that they might render their own Powers over them more absolute, by preventing them from uniting themselves in the same designs of revolt; and this they did by engaging them in several different Worships: Some of them adored a Crocodile, others an Eagle, this a Dog, that some other thing, as himself fancied; thus they were never able to agree together how to shake off the yoke of their Tyrannie; But besides that this maxime is impious, and directly repugnant to the Laws of Jesus Christ▪ it is thought to be very dangerous for the most part in the judgement of the wisest Politicians, because the diversity of Belief being re­duced to two or three parties, is most able to carry a people into a revolt agaist their Prince: France for these last sixty years hath had but too much trial of it▪ and if our Kings had not been necessitated to permit this diversity, as the wise Pilots, who in a Storm let their Sails go, they well knowing their resistance might endanger their Shipwrack; they might have had secured the Estate from many misfortunes, could they have prevented it in the beginning. Now what better advice can be taken, then to deprive Heretiques of the means to Revolt; which are their holding Intelligences with Strangers, their being headed by Leaders who are Turbulent and Factious, their being able to make Assem­blies at their pleasures, and there to deliberate what they think fit, without in­forming their Prince of any thing? He who depriveth them of these Liber­ties, striketh a great stroak in setling the Publike Peace, and after despoiling [Page 452]them of their Arms, which never ought to be allowed them▪ he cutteth off their power of being ever able to recover it. Besides, it is necessary to repress their in­solency, the inseparable companion of Heresie: They have a certain insatiable fiercenesse, which makes them alwaies discontented; and the only way to tame them, is absolutely to refuse them all things which are not absolutely necessary for the exercise of their Religion; That resistance which they meet in the soul of a ge­nerous and vigorous Prince hindreth them, whereas if they find him weak, and [...]asie to be wrought upon in condescending to their commands, they are never at quiet, but do alwaies take the liberty of making new request [...], in hopes of a like success: This doth likewise much contribute to maintain them in obedience, to support their quiet, without which they will easily revolt; it is the true beginning of the peoples happiness, and cutteth up the root of their rebellions.

Affairs of Lorrain.

ABout the end of this year the King could no longer endure that the Duke of Lorrain should abuse his clemency in continuing to be the supporter of those who troubled the Kingdom. They had chosen him for their Brave, and an Army of twelve or fifteen thousand men, which he had raised about Spring, were the chief of their hopes, when Mounsieur went out of the Kingdom; they were so inconsiderate, as to believe that these Forces entring into France, would be like Rivers falling from great mountains, increase as they go; as if the King (assisted by the sage counsels of the Cardinal) were not able to ruine all their Souldiers up­on their first taking the Field; It was however a great satisfaction to his Majesty that he was not put to that trouble; the cause was either Fortune, or peradven­ture the Cardinals prudence, which so wrought, that the Emperour finding him­self oppressed by the King of Swede, commanded the Duke of Lorrain with his Army to assist him in his occasions; so that leaving Monsieur's affairs for some moneths, he addressed himself to attend the Emperour, and exercise the charge of Generallissimo of his Armies, but like the Grey-hound who running after two Hares, takes neither, he forsook Monsieur's assistance as he had promised; and instead of comming to the Randezvouz assigned by the Emperour 7000 of his men disbanded, and were scattered, whether by a Panick fear, or by some accident which so disordered them, that it was impossible to rally them again. It was a sensible displeasure to him to fall into this disorder, after which he was forced to return to Nancy to take care of his promises made unto Monsieur, and to make a recruit, which the Emperour pressed him to do. The Cardinal did not lose so favourable an opportunity, to teach him that he did but wrong himself in provoking the King, as he had done for three or four years last past by fomenting of Cabals against his Majesty. It was well known that he entertained Monsieur with turbulent hopes, not only of raising a potent Army in his Country; but withall, of bringing forces from Germany and the Low Countries, sufficient to force the King himself to grant him his desires. It was well known that he had exasperated those divisions in the Kings Family, by particular intelligences which he maintained with several embroi­lers; that he had received Madam du Forgis with great honour, after her disgrace as his chief correspondent; that there was not any forraign Prince whom he did not indeavour to make an enemy to France, and if he did apprehend that any one of them were discontented, that he would with him hold a particular friendship, and all this without considering, that building without a foundation, his superstru­cture would soon fall to the ground, and that his Majesty would effect as many ge­nerous enterprizes in his chastisement as himself had conceived imaginary sign [...], which were ever successelesse.

It was resolved that the Duke of Lorrain should be made sensible of the injury he had done himself by provoking his Majesty by his Intreagues and devices. His Majest would not however demand satisfaction from him, which was not confor­mable to justice, the rule of all his actions, and in this he took the sweetest course, [Page 453]he might with justice have seized on Barr, because he had neglected to pay his fe­alty and homage, and have invaded his Countries, in revenge of the injuries he had received. But he contented himself with attempting to recover such places only as the said Duke and his Predecessors had against all reason usurped from the Bishopprick of Met [...]; in particular, whiles the Kings Arms were in Italy, he on­ly seeking occasions to incense France, that he might render himself the more consi­derable to the House of Austria, induced the Emperour to make himself Master of Moyenvic, and to give it him in keeping, the chiefest place of the Bishopprick of Mets; and the Emperour animated by the Spaniards, was glad to have it, and for­tifie it, though against reason, by a meer attempt against the rights of the Crown, and his Majesties reputation, who was Protector thereof. The Cardinal whose courage could not put up such wrongs, seeing the Peace of Italy concluded, and the Emperour sufficiently diverted in Germany, perswaded the King to retake it, with as much justice as it had with little reason been usurped from France. The King who needs no additional heat to his courage when the maintaining of his glory is in que­stion, did easily resolve upon it, and his Forces being come to the Frontiers of Lor­rain under the Marshal de la Force, defeated a Regiment of Liege commanded by Collonel Mars, who had the confidence to advance into the Kingdom, he sent him Order to lead them before Vic and Moyenvic. Vic presently yeelded, but Moyen­vic did not. For the Governour was in hopes of relief which made him resolve to hold out; he advised Collonel Offa the Emperours Commissary with the condition of the place, and the little hopes of long holding it, if not relieved; but he was answered, that it was to him a great astonishment that the Duke of Lorrain who had promised the Emperour to relieve this place, should be so carelesse of it, that him­self was now upon return, and that to him he ought to redresse himself for relief. In conclusion, the Duke of Lorrain was charged by the Emperour to defend it, after it had been fortifi'd at his charges, and that with such passion, that it was observed he caused the money for payment of the workmen to be carried in his own Coach. He addressed himself to the Duke; but he fearing left the storm he raised should fall upon himself, durst not openly assist them, but gave order to the Governour of Marsal to assist him with Men, Ammunitions, and Victuals, yet these succours were too weak, is likewise the place, to resist the Kings power; whereupon a parley followed, and conditions were agreed on for the surrendring of the place, if with­in six days an Army able to relieve it did not appear. No Army appeared, the Duke of Lorrain wanting forces but not ill will. The garrison marched out, ma­king it appear that unjust usurpations are not of long continuance and serve only to expose people to the misfortunes of War, when they are committed against a Prince able to carve his own satisfaction.

Politique Observation.

NO Prince whatever may usurp without injustice, but for a mean Prince to at­tempt it, relisheth of meer imprudence. It was pardonable in Brennus who boldly answered the Romans, that it was neither outrage nor injustice to seize the goods of another, if he can make himselt Master of them, but that so doing he follow­eth the most ancient Law of the world, which gives leave to the strong to take what­ever they lay hold of. This indeed is not tolerable by the Law of Christianity, which hath ordained Justice to bound in the covetous Ambition of Princes, although birth and succession in States at this present, are bars enough to defend them. Usurpa­tion was pardonable in Caesar who lived in Paganism, but he who professeth himself a Christian, ought to regulate his designs by the Law of Jesus Christ. It is true in­deed. Ambition of all the passions of the Soul is most incurable, because never to be totally eradicated, and a Pince is the more obliged to suppresse such motions which perswade him to make himself Master of that which belongeth nothing to him, in regard the vivacity of his spirit may raise a War in his own Country, and the heat of his covetousnesse may without reason shed the blood, and destroy the [Page 454]lives of his people. It were to be wished, that Princes were as solicitous to preserve the bloud of their subiects as Pericles the prime man of Greece in his time, who be­ing to die thought himself very happy that no Athenian had ever wore mourning through his occasion: they would then be lovers of peace and the preservation of their subject would be powerfull enough to extinguish the heat of their Ambition, it being most certain, that the usurper of anothers right, pulleth his Arms against his own State, and indangereth his Subjects to undergo a thousand mis-for­tunes.

ANNO 1632.

EVery one esteems the work of those poor men as unprofitable, who, that they may inlarge their habitations, do build and make incroach­ments upon the Banks of large Rivers, whose Waters upon the first great rain, break out of their Channels, and by a thousand re-infor­ced Waves, carry away whatever opposeth their violence, it being certain they will not spare the weak indeavours of their hands. Who will not in like manner conclude, the attempts of a petty Prince to be equally vain, who that he may gain some repute, and make himself considerable, offereth violence to the glory of a great Monarch, whose victorious Arms are soon able to reduce the forgetfull to their duties, and to over-run whatever resisteth his power? Just thus ought we to consider the D. of Lorrain's rashness in taking of Vic, in the Emperors name, and fortifying it against France, when as his Majesties Forces, if bent against him could not but chastize his proceedings, break his designs, and render all his endeavours uselesse. His Majesties recovery of it, quickly shewed the whole world, how vain his attempts were▪ Neither did his Majesties Forces rest there, for the Marshals de la Force, and de Schomberg, forthwith besieged Moyenvic, which ren­dred upon composition, and also invested Marsal a place of importance belong­ing to the Duke, and one of those which his Predecessors had usurped from the Bishoprick of Mets. Now the Duke, though mastered by ambition, and filled with hatred against France, was not however so sencelesse, but that finding with what celerity Vic was reduced in despite of his Fortifications, wherewith he had encompassed it, he began to suspect lest all the rest of his Country might shortly run the same chance; in case he had not the sooner recourse unto the Kings mercy, rather then his own forces or power. Hereupon, he resolved to send unto his Majesty propositions of peace; but in effect, he was unwilling totally to relinquish his unjust designs, which he would be sure to re-inforce, whenever any favourable opportunity, or an ex [...]raordinary succour from the Emperour or Spaniard, should afford him the means, such deep root had the hatred, which is almost natural to that Family against this Kingdom, taken in him. It is also true, that finding him­self straitned in point of time, and knowing that the least delay would give the Kings Forces opportunity to take other places, he at last resolved to go in person and meet the King at Mets, that he might appease his Majesty by his feigned submissi­ons, and hinder the progresse of his Armies, by a pretended Treaty of peace. Had this resolution been frank and sincere, the visit had been commendable; but such was his malice against his Majesty, that those things were the least of his thoughts. Not but that he was particularly, and I may say, strictly obliged unto the King, who was very carefull of his education during his, youth, which he spent in this Court; who had patiently expected for eight years together the homage of Barr, whereas be might justly have seized upon it within one year after the late Duke's death, for non-performance thereof; who had passed by the several troubles and [Page 455]intreagues raised by him, and his, against this State and Kingdom. But all these things wrought not upon him, and he continued insensible of them. He sent word unto his Majesty that he was comming to wait on him, and to give him al satisfa­ction; accordingly, he came to Mets upon the 26 of December, with his face composed of sorrow and sadnesse, for his late misbehaviour. The King being in­formed of his approach neer Mets, sent the Prince de Joinville with his own and the Queen Coaches, who met him half a league from the City, and conducted him to his lodging, where his Majesty had given order to his Officers to defray his and his Retinues expences. The Duke after a short repose, went to see his Maje­sty and shewed himself very submissive, protesting that he would flie unto no other refuge, but his Majesties goodnesse; in order to which alone, it was that he had been so desirous of the honour to see him. The King received him with all the de­monstrations of kindnesse, which an offended Majesty may be permitted to use; and shortly after being entred into discourse, freely told him, that he would say before him an infallible sign of his ill-behaviour; the Duke indeavoured to justifie himself, but he could not alledge any other reason, then only his being disconten­ted with the Sieur de Bret, Conseiller d' Esta [...], for having used too much rigour in the Borders of his Country, in his Inquest concerning the Rights of the Crown of France; and his having been assured from the Marshal de Marillac, that his Maje­sty had resolved to invade and ruine him. Unto this the King replied, every one might justly enquire after [...]is own Rights, so that what rigours the Sieur de Bret had used were only the effects of Justice; and as for matter of invading him with hostility, there needed no other proof to assure him of th [...] contrary, then that he would not at that time imploy his power any more against him, in case he returned to his devoir, whereas he then might easily ruine him, it being impossible for those persons who had ingaged him in those imbroils, to afford him any succour or re­lief; whereas his Majesty would assuredly protect him, from the victorious Arms of the Swedish King, who was upon the point of entring into his Territories, and to take revenge for some injuries, which he pretended to have received from him This proceeding of his Majesty was accompanied with so much clemency, that the Duke could not but acknowledge at that very instant, that his Majesty had just rea­son to be discontented with him, and that his Majesties readiness to forgive him, then when it was in his power to carve his own satisfaction, would be a strong obligation upon him; and lastly, protested that if he wanted power to defend himself from his Majesties forces, hereafter he should not desire it. Upon these respects his Majesty condiscended to pardon him, and treat with him. His Majesty could not but be jea­lous of his fair promises, for that chastisements, though just do usually exasperate those on whom they are inflicted; whereupon, he demanded Marsal to be delivered up unto him, for an assurance of his world. The Duke agreed thereunto, and in fine, the Treaty of Peace was concluded and signed in the moneth of January at Vi [...], by which, the Duke did then ingage to relinquish all Intelligences, Leagues, Associa­tions and practices whatever, which he had, or might have with any Prince, in prejudice of his Majesty, his States and Country under his obedience or protecti­on; or in prejudice of the Treaty of Alliance and confederacy contracted between his Majesty, the King of Swede, and Duke of Baviers, for the preservation of the liberty of Germany the Catholick League, the defence and protection of the Prin­ces in friendship and alliance with the Crown of France: Moreover, he ingaged himself not to make alliance with any Prince whatsoever, contrary to his Majesties knowledge and approbation, to expel the Kings Enemies out of his States, as also all his Majesties Subjects who were then there contrary to his Majesties allowance, and in fine, not to give them any passage or protection, nor to permit any Levies of Men against his Majesties service. The King on the other side, to testifie his true and sincere affection, promised to protect his person and defend his States with, and against all men; and after the execution of this Treaty faithfully to sur­render Marsal into his hands Marsal was put into the King's power upon the thirteenth of January; Monsieur the Kings Brother, being then at Nancy, depar­ted; [Page 456]and thus every one verily beleeved the Duke would sit down in Peace, and that this Treaty would compel him to keep himself within bounds, either in regard his Majesties clemency was such, that it alone was sufficient to captivate the most stubborn Rebels, or in regard the fear of losing Marsal would oblige him to be as good as his word. But there are not any chains strong enough to bind up a spi­rit, over-mastered by ambition and hatred, the only insinuaters of disloyalty into the minds of men, and the sequel of his Actions made it apparent to the whole World that he only ingaged in this Treaty to divert that storm which threatned him in case of non compliance, as also that to observe the performance of those Ar­ticles, was the least part of his resolution, as we shall hereafter declare.

Politique Observation.

ALthough it do much concern little Princes, not to pull upon themselves the forces of their neighbours, who exceed them in power; yet they are hardly to be perswaded thereunto, unlesse compelled by meer force. Though they want power yet they have a good mind, and want no ambition to instigate them; on the contrary, as Passion increaseth by opposition, so it should seem their desires of extending their Authorities, addeth new provocations from those wants of abilities which their sence represents unto them The most inconsiderate do exceed those limits, which their debility hath prescribed, and commit themselves to the hazard of Fortune, which feedeth and blindeth them with vain hopes; whereas, they who are truly wise, make a great vertue of this necessity, knowing that the most eminent Philosophers have placed their greatest felicity in being contented with their con­ditions, and in cutting their cloaks by their cloth. Admit their minds to be of what temper soever, yet after they have once rashly run into any designs against a Prince more potent then themselves, who forceth them to stoop under his Arms, and to be at Peace, it cannot be doubted but they are obliged to act with all reality and sincerity; to alledge his power with whom they treat, as a pretext to cover their dissimulation, is frivolous; indeed the power of an unjust U [...]urper, may give a Prince leave to dissemble; yet the case is far otherwise, in consideration of the power of a victorious Prince, who after being compelled by injuries and provoked by indignities to take up his Arms, may lawfully, according to the custom of War, give the Law to the vanquished, and compel them to Treaties very disadvantagious to them. A private person indeed, who is forced to promise any thing by con­tract, is not obliged to the performance thereof; but otherwise it is, when there is a necessity of obeying a lawful Prince, or of compl [...]ance for fear of just Laws. Thus a petty Prince oppres [...]'d by a Ty [...]anical force, to promise any thing, is not ob­liged to act with integrity, or to perform any part of his agreement; but if he find himself go by the worst in a just war,, and in conclusion is forced to a Treaty, con­trary to his Inclinations and desires, it is far otherwise; for there he is obliged to proceed with reality, and is fully bound to perform his agreement: If it were not thus, all Faith would be banished from Treaties of War, for that usually one party finding himself the weaker, is compelled by fear or necessity to submit unto such conditions which else he would refuse. A Prince is a lively Image of the Di­vinity, and his chiefest happiness consisteth in imitation thereof; Whereupon God being Truth it self, he is the more obliged to study Truth in his Treaties, Antiquity having esteemed them sacred, and not to be violated. He ought not to run into any promises, which are not first discussed with mature deliberation; but having once passed them, he is bound to perform them with Truth and Sincerity: Ad­mit it be to his disadvantage, he ought to complain of himself only, seeing he first gave the occasion of War; and it is unreasonable to term that violence, which is a meer and just chastisement of injuries. The Saguntines are blamed by Plutarch for having falsified their Treaties with Hannibal, unto whom they gave their Faith to be obedient, and to pay him three hundred Talents of Silver, which they under­took to do, that he might be induced to raise the Siege from before their City; but [Page 457]resolved upon his withdrawing from their Country, to make use of the first advan­tage against him; whereas he (provoked by their Trechery) return'd to besiege them a second time, and forc'd them to surrender, upon condition that the men were to march out with a single Coat, and no Arms, the women with their wear­ing habits, and in this equipage to go live where they best liked.

The Emperour and Infanta promise to protect the Duke of Lorrain.

THe enemies of France were much afflicted at the news of the Treaty between the King and Duke of Lorrain. The Emperour sent Montecuculli unto the Duke, to animate and assure him of a potent Army when-ever he was in a conditi­on to defend himself from the King of S [...]ede. The Baron de [...]e [...]de came to him from the Infanta, to give him the like assurance, and to beseech him to believe, that the King of Spain's Forces and Treasure should ever be at his disposal, when the Emperour should think it proper to attempt the recovery of his Towns; Nay the Queen-Mother too, though tyed by all sorts of Reason to embrace the King's Interests, resolved by perswasion of Cha [...]teloupe, to send a Letter unto the Parlia­ment of Paris, to engage them (if possible) in a Revolt, which undoubtedly would have been seconded by that of Paris it self, with divers other Cities of the King­dom, and all to force the King to withdraw his Army from Lorrain, that he might extinguish the fire nearer home. That Enemy of the publike Peace, took occasi­on from the Parliaments discontents, for that the King had sent some of the chief Officers of Mets, to give them a check for their disorderly behaviour in the con­firmation of those letters whereof we discoursed the fore-going year. There need no other indicium to prove the letter to be his, then the bare reading of it: Not a person who had the honour to be near her Majesty, could ever be perswaded that it proceeded from her inclination, though signed with her hand, but that it was by the wicked insinuations and devices of that seditious conspirator, who in peace be­ing inconsiderable, would needs make himself famous and remarkable by raising war and troubles. He well knew how to work upon this great Princesses weakness, who being extreamly exasperated against the Cardinal, would easily be perswaded unto any thing which might disadvantage him. Hereupon he made her believe, that this propitious Genius of France, was upon the point of breaking the Peace with Spain; That he had carried on the King to fall upon the Low Countries, and that in fine, the Spaniards and Emperours Forces would joyntly strike into France, seize upon the Cities over-run the whole Champaigne country, pillage the Towns, rob the people, pull down the Churches; That Religion would be laid aside, the Nobility ruined, The Royal Houses errazed, and the French Nation exposed unto death, or such miseries as were a terror to her very thoughts. This was the purport of the letter, and these were the considerations which obliged her to signe it. Strange it is to look upon the many disguisements tending to engage that ho­nourable company in a revolt, which hath ever been the main support of this State, It was only desired that they would oppose the Cardinal's designes, although all the enterprises wherein he ingaged the King, were indeed so many additions to his and the Kingdoms glory, as was apparent in the relief of Casal, and Treaty of Pignerol. They were sollicited to ruine this great Minister of State, whose pru­dent conduct was the chiefest sword which his Majesty employed in defence of his Kingdom, and whose every action did like a Thunderbolt, annihilate the ambiti­ous designs of the House of Austria: But especially were they wooed to induce his Majesty to make a peace with Germany, though it was sufficiently apparent, how that that concluded in the year 1622. had been the cause of all those misfortunes whereunto our Allies have been exposed; that relaxation having afforded oppor­tunity unto the Emperour, to take those advantages which he obtained in the Pala­tinate, and upon divers other Princes.

I cannot omit one strange piece of Indiscretion which Chanteloupe committed in this letter, viz. his oversight in letting the Queen-Mother publikely profess her [Page 458]giving credit to the predictions of those Astrologers who assured her that the Cardinal should not hold out above three or four moneths, and in not considering how that one included another much more sad for France, and which could not but beget her the hatred of all those who had any sense of a good Frenchman, or loyal Subject. But the blame of this defect, as likewise of the whole Letter, was laid upon him as the true Author thereof, who had been so sollicitous in procuring her to signe it, whose goodness (like that of the Sun) cannot do any hurt, unlesse when in conjunction with some other Star of a malignant quality; Neither had the Parliament any regard thereunto, but reputed it as an aspersion animated by the Spaniards, who then finding themselves reduced to an exigency, were appre­hensive of those Forces which his Majesty was dispatching into Germany, and be­gan to look about them; when they saw the King imploying the courage of his Subjects in assisting his Allies, and also a likelyhood of Breach between the two Crowns, whereunto indeed his Majesty was invited by divers, although he would never be induced so to do, having alwaies thought it more glorious to preserve Trea­ties of peace with integrity, then to conquer the Countries of his Neighbours.

Politique Observation.

ONe of those many and chief causes which perswaded the wise Politicians to se­clude women from the Government of States, is, their being easily circum­vented, either by their own passions, or the ill advices of others: If the person enterprising any thing, be but in discredit with them, that is cause enough to mis­like the whole affair, or if it be not managed by a man whom they fancy: Their pas­sions are extream, and lead them to discommend whatever is undertaken by those who are in their displeasure; and on the contrary, they are apt to approve of de­fects and faults in them whom they affect▪ They are born with such inclinations, that there is no mediocrity in their distinctions; their Love and Hatred are ever in the highest and hottest degree; and on the contrary, when they pass from one passion to another, they evidence to the whole world how little they can esteem him who was once their best beloved; whereupon the wisest of Kings, and one whose Pen was guided by the holy Ghost, said, There is no malice like that of a Woman; Now if to their hatred any enterprise be attempted, which clasheth with their inclinations, as all War doth work upon their Fears, which are natural unto them, there cannot then be any War, how just or necessary soever, but shall assuredly be condemned by them. In vain it is to endeavour to perswade them that it is needful to make war, or to carry that war into a Forraign Country, which is designed to be brought into our own; it were bootless to represent unto them, how the wisest Kings have ever kept the War at a distance from their own Coun­tries, and endeavoured to extinguish the fire in their Neighbours houses, as know­ing their own to be the next in danger. It were but time and labour lost, to offer unto their thoughts, that it is better to prevent a mortal sickness when it threatneth a State, then to apply remedies just when the height of the disease threatneth a total ruine. To conclude, it is to no purpose to perswade them that the peoples charge in maintaining an Army out of the Kingdom, is less then the inconvenien­ces of an Intestine War. The fruitfulness of a Country will afford the Inhabi­tants a sufficient livelyhood, neither can want fall very heavie upon them, not­withstanding any Taxes, though great, imposed upon them, in case they have freedom of commerce, and work. But it is not so when an enemy is once entred among them, for even then they are not exempted from contributing to the means of their preservation, though they daylie find the enemy at their gates, their Ci­ties lost and plundered, their Farms burnt, their Grounds untilled, and they who are never so little worth, taken and forced to a ransom, besides a thousand other cruelties and oppressions. There need no other allegation to prove this Truth be­sides the People themselves, who think it well enough if they may be free from Alarums, and the noise of Guns and Trumpets; whereas they despair if they [Page 459]once see the enemy at their Gates, who encompasseth them with confusion, ma­keth them fly from their own houses, and who on all hands maketh them undergo a hard necessity, and even depriveth them of the use of their very High-ways. These reasons are so apparent, that one must either be prepossessed with Passion, or surprized by some sinister advice, to imagine the contrary; and they are so much the more considerable for France, in regard the Emperour Charls the fifth discour­sing with Francis the first concerning the Natures of their Subjects, said, That both French and Spaniard were naturally so inclin'd to murmur, that they would easily be led on to rebel against their Prince, if not diverted by some Forraign im­ployments. To be brief, one of the chief causes which preserveth Spain in peace, is, their continual employing of all able to bear Arms in Forraign attempts; whereas France hath ever been engaged in Civil combustions and wars, because this Crown hath no Dominions lying aloof from it, unto which it might send abroad its people. Which being so, the best course that can be taken, is to vent them in the service of our Allies, so to do, is to follow the example of Scipio, who find­ing the youth of Athens could not be kept quiet in Idleness, rigg'd out two Gal­lies, and lead them (to shew proofs of their courage) against the Persians; and of the Romans too, who to divert Hannibal from coming any more into Italy, re­solved to invade him in Affrick.

The Duke of Lorrain consenteth to Monsieur's marriage with the Princess Marguerite.

THe Duke of Lorrain had other intention in the Treaty of Peace made with the King, but to avoid the punishment due to his boldness; neither did he long keep himself dis-ingaged from new Intreagues: and although his Majesty thinking the best of his submissions and protestations, had sent unto the King of Swede (then falling upon his State) to divert that storm, yet could he not forbear running into fresh contrivances against the good of France. In conclusion, it is found, that at what time he pass'd his word unto the King at Vic, he, at the same time, brake it by his conventions at Nancy with Montecuculi, who was then come thither to wait upon him; and that he might not omit any manner of disloyalty, he shortly af­ter executed the pretended marriage between the Princess Marguerite his Sister, and Monsieur le Duc d' Orleans, whom he had drawn thereunto by a thousand tricks and device [...]. He knew that most of the children of France have occasioned such bloody wars, as have terribly afflicted the State; the Courage wherewith they are born, not permitting them to expect the time of their commanding; nei­ther was he ignorant of Monsieur's discontent, conceived against the management of the present affairs, although admir'd with astonishment by all strangers, who found France daylie increasing in glory, but at their cost and charges; Hereupon he used his utmost skill to conclude that marriage. The Princess de Falsbourg his eldest Sister was the chief Agent in it; who as she had deserts enough to render her self amiable, so wanted she not any art whereby to captivate the Sieur de Puy-Laurens by her attractions, whom she perswaded she would marry, in case he could effect the match between Monsieur and her Sister the Princess Marguerite, where­by besides the honour of marrying with her, he should likewise become Brother in Law to his Master. He was earnestly desirous of this Alliance, in regard it was very honourable; and the King being childless, it was taken for granted that her Sister would one day be Queen of France, which could not but be a great prote­ction to their Family, who have a long while been conversant in the Customs of France. The Spaniards were not behind-hand to advance this Treaty, as well knowing the power of France was not to be over-mastered, but by arming one party against t'other, which this match would infallibly bring to pass; by reason Monsieur would then be irreconcileable to the King, and consequently the easilier disposed to enter into France in the head of an Army, which would undoubtedly [Page 460]divide the Nobility, and so divert his Majesty within the Kingdom, that he might not possibly think of assisting the German Princes. The Cardinal who suffereth not the King to be ignorant of any thing, having discovered this practise. forth­with acquainted his Majesty therewith, who was not backward in complaining unto the Duke of L [...]rrain. But the Duke, well prepared how to make his excuses, en­deavoured to vindicate himself from that aspersion by solemn protestation, con­firm'd with deep Oaths, how that he never would attempt any such thing; upon which his assurances there was not any thing more provided in the Articles of the Treaty, as to that affair; but his Majesty verily believed him to have relinquished all those Designs. Notwithstanding all this, no sooner was the King departed from M [...]ts, but he concluded the match not so much as asking his Majesty's consent, and quite contrary to the positive inhibition thereof. This prohibition indeed did not a little trouble him, and raise suspicions in his head, for that he knew no stran­ger had ever yet attempted to marry his relations with any Prince of the Blood of France, without feeling the Force of our Kings Powers: So that he proceeded herein with the mo [...]e circumspection, and left the whole management thereof unto Monsieur de Vaudemont his Father, and the Princess de Falsbourg his Sister, who had not either of them much to lose.

The Princes of the Blood may not by the Laws of France, marry without the Kings approbation.

THe Fundamental Laws of France do not permit Princes of the Blood to marry without the King' [...] consent▪ If it be demanded where that Law is to be found; I must remit the Inquisitive Reader to a certain Book amongst the Publike Regi­sters; where in one of the chapters of Royal R [...]ghts, it is expresly so recorded. But this Register being but of four hundred [...]eats standing at most, whereas this Cu­stom is as ancient as the Kingdom it self, I would fain ask them, where the Salique Law is to be found, which hath been inviolably observed in the Kingdom, above twelve Ages together? Thus it was established by the Custom, to which often­times there must be recourse had, and which must be admitted for a Law, carrying in its forehead the Image of Justice much more evidently then any written thing, and being also more prevalent to induce the people to a due observation thereof. Who can then forbear to have this particular custom in great esteem or not em­brace it for a Fundamental Law, when it hath been observed from the beginning of this Monarchy, and then established for the Kingdoms good?

Troubles hapned in consequence of Marriage.

THe greatest troubles have been the consequences of Marriages, and they who have contumaciously violated this custom have, been constantly punished by their Kings. The example of Merouee, son to Chilperic, ninth King of France, will evidently prove the establishment of this Custom in the beginning of this Mo­narchy, who assuming the boldness of marrying with Bruneh [...]ut, without his Fa­thers consent, became the object of hi [...] Iustice, and was punished according to his desert, and Pretixtatus Bishop of Rouen who had a hand in the marriage, was im­peachel in a Council held at Paris, of that very thing, as a great Crime; he in­deed was the first who exceeded the limits of his duty in this partitular, and ac­cordingly was he chastised for it. Saint B [...]ru [...]ra willing excuse unto the King the Comte: [...] hibaut de Champagne, accused for designing to marry his children without his Majesties consent, alledged, it was improbable a man of his integrity would ever run into so great a premunire. Thus Philip Con [...]te de Namur, bro [...]her to Baudouin Con [...]te de Flandres, being overseer of Jean and Marguerite his Neeces, daughters to the said Baudouin, engaged unto Philip Augustus in a Treaty, that they should not be married without his Majesty's consent, which one of our Historians [Page 461]saith to be in reference to the Soveraign right, which our Kings have over such persons, whose marriages may occasion troubles to the Kingdom. Is there not yet extant in the Kings Charters, an Oath made by the Grandees of the Nantion unto Charles the Fifth, which absolutely implies they were not to marry with Re­bels, disobedient or enemies of the State? One of the Crimes charged in the Duke of Alençon's Indictment, was his treating a Match between his Son and the Dut­chesse of York, an English Prince's daughter, without approbation from Charles the Seventh. The same Charles the Seventh, would not look upon his Son, Lewis the Eleventh, though of Age, for having treated a Match with Charlotte de Sa­voy, without his knowledge, though it remained unconsummated until his per­mission, first had and obtained. Doth not an English Historian, though an ene­my to France say, that the Match between Anne ae Bretagne and Maximilian of Austriche, unto whom she was betrothed from her Infancy was broken, in regard the King had not consented thereunto? Now if any one imagine that this permis­sion cannot avoid a marriage once consummated, I shall indeavour to convince them of the contrary, by laying before them the example of Lovic de Begne, who having married Ausgarde, without her fathers consent, was in conclusion, forced to quit her, though he had children by her, and though he was his eldest Son, and to marry Adelaide, and his son by her, was acknowledged for right heir to the Crown, by name Charles the Simple. I shall add this one more, of Judith daughter to Charles the Bauld, who having (though a Widdow to the King of England) mar­ried Comte Baudouin, against her fathers Will, saw her marriage disanulled, by Pope Nicholas the first, together with the Bishops of France, and was com­pelled after obtainment of her Fathers approbation to be re-married, as she was, at Auxerre.

Monsieur's Marriage with the Princesse Marguerite of Lorrain.

ALthough the Sieur de Puy-Laurens was very passionate for the concluding of Monsieur's Marriage, yet (Princes Families: being often divided into facti­ons) the President Coigneux was not so inclin'd; but on the contrary, took oc­casion in the t'others absence, whilest he was at Brixels negotiating with the Spa­niards for aid, to represent divers reasons unto Monsieur to divert him from those thoughts. He was not to learn, that in case Monsieur married the Princessee Mar­guerite, and the Sieur de Puy-Laurens the Princesse of Falsbourg, himself should totally lose that little credit and authority which he then had; he was apprehensive of the ascendency which a Woman hath over the soul of a Prince, when she is once passionately beloved by him: Besides, he was the more concern'd in that particular of the Princesse Marguerite, because he conceived she would be guided by the instinct and directions of the Princesse de Falsbourg, who would, in fine, rule all; lastly, he doubted there was no way left to break off this match, which would be imputed as his fault; by reason of the place he held with Monsieur, so that there would be no hopes for him to be restored to the Kings favour, or the injoyment of his Goods and Offices. These were the true motives and grounds which induced Coigneux to declare himself against the marriage, and to disswade Monsieur from any further progresse therein, although his advices were seconded with no other reasons then the service of his Highnesse, and the good of his affairs. He one day took the boldnesse to tell him, that he ought not to steer such a course as would undoubtedly render the King irreconcilable unto him, seeing his greatest glory and power was tied unto his Majesties grace and favour, which this marriage would assuredly hazard, nay utterly destroy; he layed before him, how that though Princes are sometimes excusable, for doing such acts in their heat and passion, which are displeasing unto their Soveraign, yet they never ought to flie into such extravagances as may totally ruine them in their Kings Favour. If may sometimes [Page 462]peradventure turn to their own advantage, to run out into discontents, as the in­creasing of their stipends, or the obtaining of some other gratification; but so it cannot be if they imbarque in such designs as may cause an absolute breach. All the lustre which Princes have▪ and which rendreth them venerable, is the effect of their Soveraigns favour, just as the light of the Stars, is derived from the Sun their Fountain. But these Councels of Coigne [...]x being known, drew the whole house of Lorrain to have an eye upon him. And I verily believe they might have wrought some good effect upon M [...]nsieur (seeing he was ever inclined to be obedient unto the King) had not the return of the Sieur de Puy-Lau [...]e [...]s prevented it, who at first dash spoiled all the t'others indeavours. This new Favourite had gotten so great an influence over Monsieurs affections that he easily countermined and blew up al the others reasons: neither could Monsieur possibly guard himself from the sub­tilty of his insinuations: He perswaded him to believe that the King would doubtless at length agree unto the Marriage, especially seeing his first Lady was altogether of his Majesties choice, and a person totally adhering unto the Interest of Lorrain, and in regard there was not any inequality between the former a [...]d this, divers Kings of France having matched with the Princesses of Lorr [...]in, and the Princesse Marguerite her self, being daughter to a daughter of Fr [...]nce▪ He represented unto him, that he could not chuse but follow the same steps which H [...]nry the Great had trodden out unto him, who did not stick to marry his late sister unto the fami­ly of Lorrain which only consideration were sufficient to induce his Majesties con­firmation of this marriage; and lastly, that in case it should please God to set the Crown upon his head the whole Family of Lorrain, a thing of no mean conside­ration, would be inseparably tied unto the interests of France▪ These reason at first glance seem specious enough, yet could they not have made any deep impres­sion upon him, had he represented unto him, as indeed he ought, how the late King was forced to marry his sister unto the House of Lorrain, that he might there­by reclaim them from thwarting his designs; how that the late Madam, had in that small time of her being married unto Mon [...]eur raised such a fire in the Court, as was not easily extinguished; and how that the Alliance of H [...]nry the third with the House of Lorra [...]n, had only served to incourage their boldnesse, and give them opportunity to prosecute their design of pulling the Scepter from him. But these things entred not into his thoughts the passion which he had for the Princesse of Falsbourg having blinded [...]im, and left him no eye-sight, but only how he might incompasse the consumnation of his Masters marriage. That Princesse her self whose Soul is very active, om [...]ted no invention to facilitate her designs, and be­ing not to learn how powerfull young Beauties are to captivate the greatest coura­ges, there needing no other device to render them beloved then the bare letting them be seen, she used her utmost indeavours to draw Monsieur unto such places where the Princes [...]e M [...]r [...]uerite was, that in fine, the flames of her Beaut [...] ad­ding new forces to the Si [...]ur de Puy-Laurens his reasons, might compel Mo [...]sieur to submit unto the Laws of Love. Accordingly it succeeded, and the marriage was performed in presence of a Religieux of the Cistercian Order, who had not any authority from his superiour, but only from the Cardinal de Lorrain. Bishop of Thal, though he had not any jurisdiction over him to impower him to administer Sacraments, for that he was exempt from the Diocesse of Lorrain, as all the rest of his Order. The Abbesse of Remiremont▪ with whom the Princesse Marguerite was brought up, was assistant at the Ceremony, as also Monsieur d [...] El [...]oeuf, and Monsieur de Puy- Laurens who were witnesses; besides these, there were not any other present, excepting only two Bernardines, to assist him who married them, and all this secresie was used to prevent his Majesties knowledge thereof, and es­cape the punishment which they could not but expect would fall upon them, as a reward for such attempts, and not only so, but likewise because they much doubt­ed the validity of the marriage, which was thought such, that Monsieur de V [...]ude­mont could not forbear saying, that in case his daughter were not fit one day to wear the Crown of France, yet she would alwaies be good enough to make an [Page 463]Abbesse of Remiremont, suspecting belike the weight of his Majesties prohi­bition.

Politique Obseruation.

AMongst the divers Prerogatives of Princes, that of hindring marriages, is not of the least importance. The right whereof may be proved from the Autho­rity of some Canonists, whose reputations stand clear in the schools of all Divines▪ and who affirm it in expresse terms. But not to quote their testimonies, me thinks we need no other proof to evince this truth, then common custom. For were not the Emperours the first who determined the conditions and qualities of those who might marry? Were not they the original institutors of who might, and who might not marry? Hath not the Church extracted her decrees from their Laws? Besides those decrees of the Church, have not our Kings eftablished new Orders, as is to be seen in the Ordinance of Blois, where Henry the Third declared all Mar­riages void, wherein the Banes were not published, which however are not so ad­judged by the Church? And what hath given credit to the Decree of the Councel of Trent, but our Kings Declarations? Now if the validity depend upon their Seal, how can it be denied, but they likewise have authority to inforce this new prohi­bition? And have they not likewise Ordained, notwithstanding the Decree that Heretiques should not be obliged to contract their Marriages in presence of the Curate of the Parish where they live, which cease not to be valid and in force? Besides, is there not likewise another Ordinance, which impowered by our Kings only, and the custom of Bretayn, which maketh the marriages of Guardians with their Pupils to be void, then not effected by the permission of the Justice, where­as the Church is of another opinion? These are reasons which do evidently main­tain and prove, that our King [...] have a disposing power in the marriages of their Subjects. And indeed, what reason were there that they should be denied this priviledge, seeing the whole power is principally conferred upon them, for the preservation of the publique Peace and private Families, which depend exceeding­ly much, as is not unknown unto any one, upon marriages; which besides, that it is so granted by the chief of Divines, is likewise deduceable from common expe­rience. Let not any one therefore make a question of it. But if any one demand, in what manner they may hinder and obstruct marriages, I shall make use of a di­stinction in my answer, and say, that for the making of a general prohibition, it is requisite to Ordain a publique and universal Law, to signifie their Will unto their Subjects, as was done in the Ordinance of Lewis the Eleventh, which inforced the publication of Banes. And in case of a particular marriage there need only a parti­cular inhibition, to be signified unto the particular persons, intending to contract themselves, so that they be duly informed of the prohibition issued out against their further proceedings therein.

The Catholique Electors of the Empire, propose to become Neuters.

During our Kings abode at Mots, the Catholique Electors were in such disor­ders, that they were forced to make addresse unto his Majesty, for his pro­tection. The King of Sweden prosecuted his Conquests in the lower Palatinate, with such extraordinary successe, that they look'd on themselves as all undone, if his Majesty did not assist them, the Eperours Forces being reduced to such an ebb, that they were not able to secure themselves. They well knew, our Kings have ever been the Churches Refuge, the Scourge of Heretiques, the Protectors of the Holy Sea, and that all Ecclesiastiques have ever secured themselves from those storms which threatned their ruine, by retiring themselves under their Power; nei­ther were they ignorant, that he who now welldeth the French Scepter, hath de­stroyed Heresie in this Kingdom, and made his Actions illustrious, as well by Pie­ty as Justice. Hereupon they sent their deputies unto him to implore his assist­ance. [Page 464]The Bishop of Wittsbourg was chief of the Embassie, on whom that im­ployment was more especially imposed, in regard he was most concerned to ani­mate their complaints, by the report of the great losses himself had sustained; the Baron de Te [...]iff accompanied him from the Elector of Cologne, and the Sieur Ru­ter from the Duke of Baviers, neither of them was backward in laying before his Majesty a large description of their miseries, of the increase of Heresie, of the ca­lamities whereunto the Catholiques were exposed, of the Swedish Kings Ambiti­on, of the Churches Interests, of France's concernments; and all this they fre­quently did at large in their Audiences, that by this means they might infuse some jealousie into the King's mind, which might draw him off from the Swede, and in­still some Ambition into his Soul, which inducing him to pretend unto the Empire, might ingage him in their protection. But his Majesty, informed by his Embassa­dours of the Swedish proceedings, and that their Victories were not extraordinary from others, but conformable to the Treaty of Alliance, presently apprehended, that the losses they had suffered, together with the fear of totally losing the re­mainder, if they continued to countenance the ambitious designs of the House of Austria, had perswaded them to make such pittifull complaints. He could not be perswaded to change a War of State, into a War of Religion, or to believe the King of Sweden intended the ruine of the Church, being fully assured his intents were only to abase the Emperours pride, and to curb his Ambitious designs. Yet the Compassion he had at the sense of their miseries, would not permit him to dis­patch them without some satisfaction, and the using his intercession with the Swe­dish King for their safeties, and the securities of their States. Having kissed his Ma­jesties hands, they visited the Cardinal, whose zeal for the Churches interests gave them a most kind reception, and ample assurances, that his advices should second their requests unto his Majesty. In future comming to discours the means, how to secure them, he ingeniously told them, that the King of Swede striking directly at the Imperial Party, it would be impossible to mediate any Treaty in their be­halfs, unlesse they withdrew themselves from that association; that this was it they were necessarily to resolve upon, unlesse they would totally disable his Maje­sty from making any interposition with the Swedish King, who no doubt, would never be perswaded to spare them, whilest they indeavoured to give a subsistence unto the Imperial Army, both by assistances of men, money, and provisions of all sorts. This discourse, although equally tempered with Prudence and sincerity, seemed very harsh unto them, in regard of their affection to the House of Austria. But as no interests are neerer then particular, so they shewed a great deal of readi­nesse to submit unto the Kings Will and Judgement, to do as he should think most proper, whereby they might the more strongly ingage him in their protection and defence. Whereupon it was thought fit that his Majesty should deal with the Swe­dish King to permit them to continue Neuters, they hoping to pick out some way or other of accommodation hereby, at least to gain some time which might produce an overture to avoid the storm which threatned their present [...]ine.

Politique Observation.

PRinces are not in any thing more industrious, than in making their demands seem plausible; now no pretences make a deeper impression on mens minds, than those of Religion; whence it is, that if they can with it cloak their designs, they think they have done sufficiently; under this veil have they often palliated their most vicious and ambitious devices, and they who treat with them, if truly wise, do not easily believe, whatever is proposed under the notion of Religion: The Faith which they professe, maketh them zealous for the Churches good, but this very Faith teacheth them, that somtimes Wolves cloath themselves in Sheep­skins; and that as the Tree is known by his fruit, so there is no safer way to judge [Page 465]of Princes Proposals, then by reflecting on the government of their actions, the true fruits of their designs.

King Achas, that he might deceive Isaiah, played the Hypocrite, and did at first refuse the proposition made unto him of craving a Miracle from God for assurance of his promise, pretending himself to be respectfull and fearful of offending God, that he made a difficulty of tempting him by an extraordinary belief. Many there are who use such like slights, when they find it may conduce to their advantage; in a word it is great Prudence, not alwaies to believe those who cover their designs with the Church, but maturely to examine their Proposals, and to observe them by their former conduct and proceedings.

The King sendeth the Marquis de Breze, towards Gustavus Adolphus, Kign of Sweden.

THe Cardinal informed his Majesty of the Propositions of Neutrality, to which the Embassadours of the Catholique League seemed to incline, and his Ma­jesty having cast his eyes upon the Marquis de Breze, as a person capable, by reason of his Prudence and Ability to give a happy successe thereunto dis­patch'd him unto the King of Swed [...]n to obtain his assent in that behalf. He de­parted from Mets not long after, and arrived at Mayence, accompanied with above fifty Gentlemen Voluntiers, ambitious o [...] seeing that King, whose victories were so publiquely famous over the World. The Marquesse of Breze comming neer unto Mayence, was met upon the way by two Cornets of Horse, and the King of Swedes own Coach to receive him the was conducted unto his Audience; where after he had made his respects unto that victorious Prince, he told him▪ the King his Master being so near had commanded him to wait upon him, and to assure him of his joy for his victories. The King of Sweden returned those Civilities and Ho­nours due unto the Ambassadours of France; which passed over, they began to dis­course of affairs: He represented unto him, how his Master being eldest Son and protector of the Church, looked on himself as obliged to make a request unto him in behalf of the Catholiques of Germany, and to beseech him to permit them to become neuters, they being readily disposed to fall off from the interests of the House of Austria, and not to uphold his forces by any way or means whatever; how that his Master was the more willing to second their desires, in regard he thought it very advantagious for the design which invited him into Germany, for it was no small blow unto the Emperour to draw away from him, the Electors of Cologne and Treves, the Duke of Baviers and divers other Catholick Princes; that in some sense it wee to cut off one of his Arms, and assuredly to destroy a third part of his strength; that in conclusion, he believed his Majesty of Swede was ob­liged in point of discretion to permit them to sit still, provided they did totally de­cline the Emperour's asistance with whom alone he was ingaged; that hereby con­vincing the World he intended not the subversion of Religion, a thing much ta­king with the people, it would evidently follow, that his enemies would oppose him with the lesse resolution. The King of Sw [...]den received his Majesties request made by the Marquis de Breze, with a great deal of honour; but being a Prince of great understanding, he forthwith [...]ounded the depth of the Catholique Princes promises, and made apparent unto him, that their Proposals were not real; that they had possessed his Christian Majesty with false impressions; that they had drawn upon themselves the evils which they indured by their own unreasonable wilfulnesse contrary to the many fair invitations sent unto them, of forsaking his enemies, and injoying their estates in quiet, under an indifferent contribution which he expected from them. He likewise declared unto him, the resolutions of the League, con­cluded in the Assemblies of Lantshud and Ingolstat, which were directly repugnant to these proposals, as also the Duke of Bavi [...]rs Letters, who in the middest of his protestations of forbearing hostility, did not however cease to raise forces, forti­fie [Page 466]Towns, and send Letters of Exchange for the advancing of new Levies; by all which it was evident enough, that his designs tended only to linger out the time, whereby he might take better aim in future. The Marquesse de Breze, replied un­to him, that in truth, the evil designs of those Catholique Princes could no be exe­cuted in regard of he time pass'd, especially after sight of their Letters, yet it was to be hoped they would hereafter manage their affairs more advisedly, if there were a Treaty concluded with them: That the King his Master was far from countenan­cing their unjust pretences, but that in case they should be reduced to reason, as his Majesty well hoped, and themselves had fairly promised, he should then affecti­onately desire they might be permitted to sit still; in order whereunto, he request­ed there might be a cessation of Arms for fifteen days, in which time, some reaso­nable end might be concluded. The King of Sweden promised to be willing for the Treaty in the behalf of France, without which he should hardly have been perswa­ded to passe over the Duke of Baviers, and the other Catholick Princes, after those affronts received from them. In fine, it was no more then he might have desired, he being too prudent not to observe, how by granting them to become Neuters, he did much weaken his enemies, and how that satisfying the World, he inten­ded not an invasion of the Church, the Emperours Forces would not be so zea­lous in his service, by which means, he might the easilier perfect their destru­ction.

Politique Observation.

IT is great Prudence in a Prince who undertaketh a War, not to declare himself against Religion, a thing which mightily incourageth them who defend it, for that most think it glorious to spend their in the preservation thereof. They are still put in mind of those Eternal heavenly rewards of which they shall becom [...] partakers; so that if a Crown of Laurel, proposed as a reward in the Olimpique Games, could produce such great passion in those who entred the Lists; how much more them will the assurance of a rich Crown proposed in the Heavens, animate the courages of the Souldiers. They are informed how the death with which they meet, is not so much a death, as a happy passage from death, which leadeth them from the grave to immortality, from unavoidable miseries, to infinite goods, from tears, to unspeakable joy, and from a fight, to triumph: Thus it being natural unto man-kind to be concern'd at the apprehension of great rewards; it cannot be imagined how much they add unto the courage. The most fearfull, are stout and bold in defence of their Religion, of which, the primitive times of the Church have afforded us frequent examples, seeing women and children have for the conservati­on of their Religion, tryumphed over the greatest courages of Emperours. He who never thought to go out of his own house, willingly taketh up Arms, when the Churches Liberty is in question. The Jews (saith Tacitus) were not much concerned to die in their wars, because they believed another life: And Gaesar saith, The Druides of France were unconquerable in the Field, because they believed the Transmigration of Souls, and took it for a shame to be fearful of losing that life which should be restored unto them again. What resolution then would the Ca­tholique have, amidst their belief of another everlasting and most glorious life? The Valour of man doth not so much consist in his bodily strength, as the resolu­tion of his soul, and in that resolution which banisheth all sence of Fear from the heart, which infuseth an universal heat, and leadeth men on to surmount all kind of difficulties; Now who knoweth not that one Faiths chiesest effects is, to re­plenish the soul with an heavenly fire, and to infuse it with power, for the destru­ction of what ever resisteth the glory of God? No passion doth so encourage, as the zeal of Realigion, it rendereth men sensless in all sufferings, converteth stripes into pleasures, causeth labour to be delightful, and maketh the most cowardly and weak to become couragious.

A Treaty of the Catholique Princes of Germany with the King of Swede.

THe King of Swede having thought fit to suffer the Catholique Princes to become Neuters, and consented to a cessation for fifteen days; there were Articles drawn up, and those the most reasonable that could be wished, they implyed

  • 1. That the League should forsake the Emperors Alliance and Interests, and relin­quish all Intelligence with him.
  • 2. That they should recall their Forces from the Imperial Army.
  • 3. That the Palatinate should be restored.
  • 4. That the Duke of Baviers, and the other Catholick Princes, should return un­to the Protestant States whatever had been taken from them, since the year six­teen hundred and eighteen.
  • 5. That they should not permit the Emperour to make any Levies in their States.
  • 6. That they should deposit some places in the King of Swede's hands, for their performance of the Treaty.
  • 7. That in consideration of these agreements, the King of Sweden should ingage not to use any acts of Hostility against them, or exact any contributions from them.

There could not possibly be proposed any Articles more just then these, where­by to settle the Princes in neutrality; for in case they ceased to assist the Emperour, the King of Swede would likewise forbear drawing any advantages from them, and relinquish those which his Armies had lately acquired: There was not any one but this victorious Prince who had cause to except against them, yet the honour he owed the King obliged him to sign them. About the same time, the Sieur de Va­rennes, then near Sarbruck, carried them in all diligence unto his Majesty, and they were dispatched unto the persons interessed by sundry Courriers. The King having received them, sent the Sieur de Charnce, unto the Duke of Baviers, the Electors of Col [...]gne and Treves, the heads of the League, to induce them to con­firm the Treaty. He found them in such sensible apprehensions of the Swedish forces then ready to assault their Gates, and hopelesse of repelling them; and yet notwithstanding so passionately bent towards the Interests of the House of Austria that it was easie to perceive how all the Proposals of accommodation made unto the King by the Bishop of Wirtsbourg, tended to no other end but to protract the proceedings of the Swid [...], and in the interim to strengthen themselves, and then to make use of their advantages. This inclination of theirs did not much surprise him for that the Cardinal who is not ignorant of any thing, and whose Soul pierceth into the very depth of affairs, had cold him that he could expect no other overtures from them; yet his zeal for the Churches good so animated him, that he was very pressing upon them, to imbrace the means necessary for a good accommodation: Indeed they ought to have duly considered thereof, seeing the League which uni­ted them, was called Catholique, and two of them were Feclesiastiques. But the first Article was the stumbling block of all, for they could not find in their hearts to withdraw themselves from the Emperours Interests. The Sieur de Charnace, represented unto the Duke of Bavies, how that he professing to imbrace the Churches interests, ought to prefer the preservation thereof, both in his own and his Neighbour States, before all other considerations whatever, and that being now the thing in question, he ought much sooner to sorsake the house of Austria then indanger the other. Notwithstanding these reasons, he could not find the least in­clination in him, so to do; but rather on the contrary, the Duke publiquely de­clared, he could not conclude upon it, in regard of the great reason the Emperor would thereby have to complain against him, unto which he replied, that there was not any cause to apprehend the Emperours being discontented therewith, see­ing [Page 468]every Princes proper interest is to be preferr'd before all others whatever, and that the resolving on this neutrality with the King of Swede, was the only visible way to preserve his State from a ruine, which else was unavoidable. However this discourse though grounded upon reason and piety, could not prevail upon him. He said as much unto the Elector of Cologne, unto whom he made his next address from his Majesty; neither here could he effect any thing considerable, so much were they disposed to uphold the Interests of the House of Austria, before those of the Church; as if they had not much regarded the beholding Gods houses de­molished, Altars profaned, Sacred things plundered, Priests and Religious men de­spoyled, provided they might not see the House of Austria abased, or reduced to the necessity of being contented with those States alone which did justry belong un­to them. It was a bewitching blindness, not to be enough admired, that these two Electors (by embracing the Neutrality) might preserve themselves, their Religion and States, and yet would by refusing it, expose all to assured ruine. But will not every one be more surprized with astonishment, when he shall understand, That they despising that accomodation which his Majesty had mediated, should in the end ascribe all the calamities of the German Church unto his Majesty's fault? As if he who furnished them with assured means to preserve it, could be blamed for their non-acceptance, and ruining it: For my part, I must needs conclude them alone guilty of those afflictions which befel both the Church and themselves, for that he who refuseth the means for obtaining any end, can complain against no one but himself, if he miss of his Designe. In fin, they desired a prolongation of the Treaty; the fifteen days being expired, that they might consider on some other ways of Agreement. The King, that he might lay the whole fault at their own doors, as also that hee might not seem to decline any Proposals tending to the Chur­ches good; dispatched the Marquis de Breze a second time into Germany, for that purpose. But the King of Sweden having laid before him how that there was not any more likely way then that of Neutrality, by them refused; and that delays, (which was but Truth) gave his Enemies opportunity to fortifie themselves against him, he desired to be excused: And thus their own wilful stubborness was the cause of his pursuing his conquests.

Politique Observation.

IT is in petty Princes a fault not to be pardoned, if they stand off, and submit not to that Conquerour who will undoubtedly be their ruine: They cannot alledge any reasons to justifie themselves, for that Necessity is a lawful excuse for all our actions, and Justice obligeth the weaker to receive the Law from the stronger. But much greater is their fault, who without any detriment to themselves or Interests, may by sitting still make their Peace. Caesar (one of the greatest Captains amongst the Ancients) advised to agree upon what condition soever, provided it were sure, rather then to be obstinate in a War with an Enemy more potent then ones self. Thus of evils, the least is to be chosen; neither is the Pilot to be discommended, who that he may prevent an absolute shipwrack, parteth with some of his Lading unto the Sea. Humane hopes are deceitful, so that it was the choice of a wise man, rather to secure himself from an evil, then to assure himself of an uncertain good; it often hapneth, That he who refuseth an advantage offered unto him, li­veth to repent his non-acceptance thereof. Thus the City of Tyre was sorry, but too late, that they had not sooner accepted of Alexander's conditions, by which they might have been exempted from the calamities of a long siege; which refu­sing, did not long after behold their beautiful Buildings ruin'd, part of their inha­bitants kill'd, and the rest brought into captivity. But it is not to be doubled that Catholique Princes are obliged to comply with a Victorious King, if their continu­ation of the War may bring any detriment unto Religion; nor can any Alliance dispence with this Law; The Pagans themselves were so just in the observation thereof, that they never encroached upon it. And indeed, what reason can be [Page 469]alledged to prefer any mans State, before Gods? And what reason is there to en­dure the profanation of his House, who is Lord of Lords, for the advancing of an earthly Princes Interests ? Which being so, Is it not just that they acknowledge the Obligation they owe unto God, by preferring Religion the only mark of our service, before the Ambition of any Soveraign, unto whom they are only rued by the bonds of Friendship? Should they do otherwise, what could they reasonably expect from so profane a scorn, but the inflicting of that curse wherewith God threatned Solomon, for not preserving his contracts with him, nor observing his Commandments, viz. That he would pluck away his Crow, and give it to his servant.

The King taketh the Archbishop of Treves into his Protection,

AT the same time the Sieur de Charnace made several journeys unto the Elector to represent unto him the same considerations which he had offered unto the Duke of Baviers, and Elector of Cologne; his Success with him was better then with the other two, because he found him in a great Alarum, The Swedis were at his Gates, and the Spaniards had already seiz'd upon his chief City of Coblen, with divers other places of his State, insomuch that he had only Hermestine left in his own disposal. He had then sent the Sieur de Sco [...]k, Gentleman of his Bed chamber, unto the King of Sweden, to secure himself from that storm which most threatned him; but his reception had been none of the best, in regard he had not only fur­nished his own State with Souldiers, and made great contributions towards the sup­porting of the League, but had lately taken the Castle of Stolberg, and slain a young Comte de Solms, with two of his Trayn; and his Letters too were none of the most respectful. All the answer this Gentleman received, was, That he should advise his Master to keep his Purse well provided, to satisfie all those guests who were coming into his Country; That for his part he was not unmindful of the Treaty of Alliance made with France, which engaged him to preseve all such Catholique Princes in the enjoyment of their Estates▪ who should accept of the Neutrality, which he should not fail to perform, when the Elector should adhere unto the con­ditions of the said Treaty, which obliged him to come off from the Emperors par­ty; the which if he refused, he knew how to compel him to render him an account thereof, as all the rest of his Associates. This answer seemed very high yet indeed it was but reasonable, seeing he promised all fair usage if he became Neuter, and observ'd the conditions contained in the Treaty France. Could more favour be expected from a Prince against whom one committeth acts of Hostility? Now the Elector being naturally fearful, was so surpriz'd, that be expected the Swedes every hour at his Gates; and the same usage from them as the Bishop o [...] Witts­bourg had already received; so that he resolved to cast himself into his Majesty's Arms, who undertook to make his peace with the Swede, and to protect him from all violence. Not that he wanted (to say the Truth) any affection for the House of Austria, it being easie to read his inclinations in his very looks; but because he knew in cases of Necessity, no one is obliged to assist another to his own preju­dice, especially if it cannot be attempted without exposing himself to the danger of a manifest ruine. These were the chief reasons which induced him to shelter him­self under his Majestie wings; and although his Proposals proceeded not from any good will to France, yet they were such as were too important to be refused; viz. That he would surrender part of his Towns lying on the Borders of this Kingdom, unto his Majesty, That he would retire himself unto Trives, and there deliver his person as a gage of his F [...]delity. These Proposals were the more considerable, in regard his Majesty having him in his power, and the Electors of Saxony and Bran­debourg at his disposal, it would be impossible for the Emperor to get his Son crow­ned King of the Romans, and King of Hungary, and this made his Majesty the more willing to receive him into his Protection, and to perswade him to sit as Neuter, in relation to the King of Swede.

Politique Observation.

ALthough Neutrality of it self carrieth little assurance with it, it being frequently observed, that he who becomes Neuter, seeth his Country exposed as a Prey unto the Conqueror; yet the case is much altered, when his Neutrality is counte­nanced by the protection of a great Monarch, who being his Neighbour, secureth him from all danger. I should hardly advise a Petty Prince to put himself under the defence if a King far distant from him, because in case of an Invasion, his succours cannot without difficulty arrive unto him; and if they come at all, it will be unsea­sonably, and too late for his defence. Every one knoweth, that an Army in a long march disbandeth of it self, and those few who hold out to the end, have more need to rest then fight; Hence it is those Protections our Kings have embraced in Italy, find such ill success. Lewis the XII. undertook the protection of John and Hannib­al Bentivogli, who vere both thrust out of Boulogne, when it was least suspected, neither was there any means to prevent it.

Octavian Fregose put himself under the same protection, but all would not keep him in the Dutchy of Genoa. Pisa threw it self into the hands of the French, but was deserted, it being impossile to dispatch Forces timely enough to defend it. Otherwise it is in the protection of a Prince living under the eye of a great Mo­narch; nothing is so easie as his assistance, and such a King is in honour bound to defend such a Prince, with and against all men, that no inconveniency betide him. The Law of Protection obligeth him who craveth it, to pay all honour and respect unto his Defender, and that with such submission, that in case he recede from his devoir, it may become lawful for his Protector to seize upon his State; and on the contrary, his Protector ought to undertake his defence, and secure him from the oppression of any other whosoever. That which rendereth the Protection of a Neighbour Monarch to be valid, and full of safety, doth most especially consist in the prudent Government of him who is protected, as when he doth wisely observe and regard the Laws of Neutrality, which are neither to assist or provoke either party; in so managing his affairs, he giveth no occasion of offence; and if the prevalent power attempt against him, his Injustice will appear the greater, because a petty Prince is not obliged to declare himself, when his ruine is in danger. His Conduct indeed cannot please either party, neither can it reasonably offend either; which if so, neither can with reason attempt against him: whereas if he declare himself against a great Prince lying on the skirts of his State, his utter destruction will be unavoidable.

The King sendeth the Mareschals de la Force, and d' Effiat into Germany.

THe Catholique Princes had no sooner proposed to become Neuters, but the Cardinal whose eyes are alwaies open to see and Judge of what is fit and proper for his masters glory, advised his Majesty to send a strong army into Germany, to shew them that they might safely put themselvs under his protection although he wanted not Forces who were already advanced unto the Borders of their Country, to secure them in a case of need, and to defend them from any violences which they might apprehend from the Emperonr, if the wheel of Fortune should turn about. This Army consisted of about twenty four thousand men, commanded joyntly by the Mareschals de la Force, and d' Effiat. The Elector of Treves, adhering unto the Neutrality, under the Kings protection, it was thought requisite for his greater security, that his Towns should be delivered into his Majesties power, for that the Imperialists hold all for enemies who do not countenance their ambitious Designs; and consequently would force the rest (as they had already done part of his Towns) out of his hands; which if they should effect, what were it but to run upon one Rock, by endeavouring to avoid another He was soon perswaded of the necesity of this advice, which easily induced him to admit French Garrisons into his Cities. [Page 471]During these things, the Generals of the Army press'd him to conclude the Treaty, in order to his promises, which he seemed but coldly to receive, having already been assured from the Swedish King, that for his Majesty's sake nothing should be attempted against him, whilest he was under his protection. They press'd him to be as good as his word telling him, it was dishonourable for their Master to re­ceive him into his protection, and that others should hold his Towns from him; whereupon he deposited the Castle of Hermesteine into their hands, a place consi­derable, both for its Form and Scituation, which is such, that it may block up the River Rhine, at the foot whereof it is seated. Twelve Companies of French march­ed into it, under the command of Saludie, who had long treated with the said Elector, as well as the Sieur de Charnace: The like he would have done with his chief City, had it been within his power, but the Chapter being gained by the Im­perialists, had forced him to quit it to the Comte d' Ysembourg, who kept it with a Garrison of Spaniards sufficient for its defence: The next thing he did, was to de­liver Philipsbourg into their hands, but his Governour in stead of obeying his commands, in receiving the Garrison, protested he would not deliver the Places, unless unto those whom the Emperour did appoint. Hereupon the Spaniards ap­prehended (the Elector being in this humour) that Goblens might also be designed for his Majesty; to prevent which, they found means to clap a Garrison into it. This place was more important then strong, is scituate upon the mouth of the Rhine and Mozelle, where they joyn their waters; so that the Rhine only parted the French and Spaniard; which had been enough to have kept them at peace, had not the Elector of Treves Interests given them occasions of falling out. The King was engaged to project him, neither could the waters of that large River quench the heat of their Fury, which egg'd them on to skirmish as often as occasion re­quired, which was the cause that they continued not long so neer together, without engagements on either party; and their emulation had increased, had they conti­nued their Neighbourhood any longer together.

The City of Treves besieged, and the Arch-Bishop established by the Kings Forces.

THe Cardinals advices and indeavours still tended to preserve a good correspon­dency between the two Crowns, neither was he to seek for an effectual means to continue it at this time, which he did, by the King of Swede's interposition, who perswaded them to march forth from thence, and divers other places. The Design was concluded, and the Marshal Horn advanced thither from Mayence, with eight thousand Horse, and six score Companies of Foot, all well appointed. The Rhinegrave had a particular Commission for the re-taking of Coblens, before which he came about mid- June, invested the place, and soon forced the Garrison to surrender upon composition, which once delivered, he restored unto the French, having first dealt with the inhabitants to discharge the expences of the siege, and his march thither. The taking of this place strook such a fear and terror into the Spaniards, that they resolved to quit divers others, at least there needed but little perswasion to intreat their removal; only they made some difficulty in relinquish­ing the City of Treves, which they hoped to keep by the means of some new forti­fication they had there raised and a sufficient Garrison to defend it. The Marshal d' Effiat was commanded to besiege it, but whilest he was drawing his Army thi­ther, Death, which excuseth neither Alexanders nor Caesars, deprived him of his life at Lutzelstein, but could not rob him of the glory of having served the King his Master with an extraordinary Prudence, both in his Councels and Embassies, with an approved integrity in the management of his Treasuries, and with an illu­strious courage in the command of his Armies. The King received the news here­of with grief, and there being no time to be lost, in preventing the Spaniards for­tifying themselves, his Majesty soon dispatched the Marshal d'Estree into his place, [Page 473]whose Prudence and Courage had been experimented in several occasions, and had acquired him the quality of Marshal de France, ever since the year 1624. He departed from Paris by Post towards the Army, where he found the Vicomte de Ar­pajon, and the Comte de la Suze Marshals de Camp, who had undertaken the com­mand, of the Army, since the Marshal d' Effiats death, already advanced near Tre­ves, which they had summoned to deliver; the garrison refused, being resolved to sustain the siege and defend the place. Hereupon the Vicomte de Aspajon, made his approaches with the Army, and gave orders to invest the place, which was per­formed with such expedition, that the inhabitants found themselves unexpectedly surrounded the very next day. The Comte de Yemsbourg had not confidence enough in the strength of the place to suffer himself to be pent up in it, but quartered at Grafeumacher, neither had he furnished it with above eight hundred men, which considering the French power, he thought to augment by clapping three hundred horse and twelve hundred foot into it, together with a good convoy of Ammuniti­on. In order to which, he made his approaches, but the Marshal d' Estree com­ming to the Army just as intelligence was brought of this design, he took such course that they could not effect it; for he no sooner received the news, but he commanded the Comte de la Suze, and the Vicomte de Apajon to a place, by which they were of necessity to passe; thither they went, and perceiving the enemy sent to discover their Forces by Lievtenant Alexis, and twenty light horse, who advan­cing further then was requisite, were quickly ingaged by five squadrons of horse, who forced them to give ground, but were not long unseconded by the Sieur de Moulinet with five and twenty Gallants, by the Companies of Luzern and Roche-Britant, and in fine by that of the Cardinal, led by the Marquis de Mony and Co­eslin, so that the skirmish became very hot, and many Charges pass'd on both sides, untill at last they fell to it with their Swords only, so long, that in conclusion, the Comte de Ysembourg's horse having long sustained the French were repelled, and falling in upon their own foot disordered them, so that the French had the pursuit of t hem, untill the night concluded the businesse, and favoured the enemies retreit. The Imperialists left four score Nobles, forty prisoners, their Convoy, and two Cornets behind them, which were presented unto the King by the Sieur de Chezel­les Bautru. After this dafeit the Marshal d' Estree, looking more strictly into the siege, found some things in disorder, which he quickly rectified, and brought all things into such method, that the garrison was soon forced to surrender. The Chapter were sensible of their Treason, and acknowledge their lawfull Prince, and thus the Town was taken by composition, of which the Chevalier de Seneterre was made Governour. This piece of service thus happily effected, the conquest of those other places in the Spanish hands, was not long in agitation; the Arch-Bishop being restored to the possession of his States and Revenues, by which he became sensible what a happinesse it was to injoy the protection of France, which secured him from all those dangers fallen upon the rest of his neighbours.

Politique Observation.

AMongst the most heroick actions of Kings, the defence of those who desire their protection, is one which addeth very much to their glory, and raiseth their power to an eminent greatnesse. Nothing doth more liken them unto the Divinity, then the defence of the weak and feeble; and if in petty Princes it be a mark of weaknesse to follow the fortune of the Conquerour; it cannot but be a sign of great power in a King, not to deny those who sue for his protection. The defending of them who request it, is an act well beseeroing the Majesty of a King, who as he ought not to admit any Rival in his Crown, so ought he not to deny the communicating of his power unto them who flie unto him for refuge. This is it which maketh a King Arbitrator of all his Neighbours affairs, who gladly submit their differences unto the judgement of a Monarch, who imployeth his power for the maintaining of Justice. No one can be ignorant how this is it which rendreth [Page 473]them invincible, it being most certain, that who so lendeth a hand to help his friends in their necessities, ingageth so many serveral defendors, whenever his oc­csions shall require it. To be able to subsist alone, without the help of others is very honoursble for a King, yet his glory will be imperfect, if he do not imploy his power to redresse his oppressed Neighbours in their necessities. Tyranny doth build its greatnesse on the usurpations of others rights, whereas Justice foundeth her glory on the defending the oppressed. And if a King may at any time send his forces abroad out of his own State, it ought to be either in preservation of his Allies, under his protection, or in revenge of injuries offered unto him.

The Emperour endeavoureth at Rome to break the Kings Alliance with the Swede.

THe League between the Swede and France together with the Elector of Treves inclination made such an Alarum in the house of Austria, now unable to divert the storm hanging over them, that they resolved to have recourse unto Rome, and there to represent the Churches grievances in such terms, that they might receive the same advantages which the Spaniards heretofore did, upon the like pretences. The Cardinal Pasman was dispatched thither, in order thereunto, where being come, he used is utmost endeavours to ingage the Pope in their affaris; his Holi­nesse was press'd to make a Croisade for preservation of the German Catholicks, for the suppressing of Heresie, and establishing the Church in its former splendor. There were divers calumnies published abroad against the Swedes, the disasters of the Church, and miseries of the Catholicks were aggravated unto excesse, but not a word to be heard, how that the Interests of the Church had not been in question, but by their unjust supporting the ambitious designs of the Austrian family. He indeavoured to perswade the Pope, that the King of Sweden, like another Attila, had resolved to besiege Rome, and force his Holinesse from his Seat, but especially was he charged to declaim against the Alliance between the Swede and France, and to solicite his Holiness to send a Legate or extraordinary Nuncio, to break the knot as prejudicial to the Catholick church. The Duke de Savelly, his Imperial Maje­sties Embassadour, and the Spanish Embassadour had order to second him: Car­dinal Borgia newly tied unto the Spanish party, by the gift of the Arch-Bishoprick of Sevill, did not only underhand indeavour to procure the suffrages of particular Cardinals, but in the open consistory did violently exclaim, in blaming the Pope for abandoning the House of Austria, and in it, the Church it self, highly exalting the King of Spain's zeal for Religion, and crying out against the cold rewarding his good intentions.

Now divers of the Consistory, being unacquainted with the affairs of Germany, and how the misfortunes befallen on some Catholique Princes, was the only effect of their own faults, were at first divided, and the Spanish Partisans became so stout, that his Hosinesse had just cause to dislike their proceedings. But his Holinesse in­forming the Consistory with the true state of affairs, made it appear unto the Car­dinals, that the War of Germany was a War of state, not Religion, and the mat­ter was so manag'd that the house of Austria had no great cause to rejoyce. The Popes answer to their party was, that the Emperour had drawn upon himself those evils which he now indured; that the men and monies wasted in the plundering of Italy, the Sacking of Mantua, and threatning of the Holy Sea, would better have served to hinder the Swedes, and put a stop to their conquests; that the Remou­strances of his Legats and Nuntioes, had been deluded, Germany neglected, the Swedes slighted, Italy invaded, and the Holy Sea forced to lay out it's Treasure, in the preservation of it self, and St. Peters Patrimony; that in fine, his Govern­ment might possible be traduced, not blamed, that his indeavours already used, and which he resolved to continue, were capable enough to justifie his cares for the Churches good, that he would willingly contribute the remainder of his power [Page 474]which was but small, having consumed the Treasures of the Church in the War of Italy; And lastly, that he would gladly imploy any remedy which he should find expedient to destroy Heresie and preserve the Church; and that he might unto this Temporal add a Spiritual remedy, he proclaimed an universal Jubile, exhorting all men to assist the Church of Germany with their Prayers. The Deputies of Germany were but little comforted herewith, but departed from Rome, unsatisfied. They might easily have obtained, as heretofore, thundring Excommunications against France, and have exposed the Kingdom to ruine, had Gregory the Fourteenth been yet alive, but we do not now live in those times. The Masque of Religion where­with the House of Austria use to cover their designs, is now taken off, and the Cardinal who knoweth of what concernment it is for States to hold Rome in friend­ship was not backward, both for the good of the Church and this Kingdom, to in­form his Holinesse of the design contrived by the House of Austria, for the over­running of Italy, and bringing the Holy Sea into such subjection, that themselves might overaw the Censures, Decrees and Excommunications of the Church; so the Pope convinced of the truth hereof, was not possibly to be surprized, but blamed the German Princes for exposing their States to such miseries, in behalf of the ambitious design of the House of Austria; and on the contrary, commended his Majesty for his readinesse and willingnesse, to protect the Church and those very Princes, in case they would recede from their wicked designs.

That Catholick Princes ought to hold good correspondence with Rome.

IT was not without great reason, what Antonio Peres once told the late Henry the Great, viz. that the French being unmatchable for courage, would undoubtedly conquer the whole earth, if to their natural valour, the favour of Rome, the mastery of the Sea, and a fix'd Council of able Statesmen were adjoyned: These three things make a Prince truly great: And the course of affairs now leadeth me to discourse of one of them, viz of the necessity of holding a fair correspondence with the Roman Sea, which I may well say is necessary, partly for the avoiding of those evils which may happen by want thereof and partly for the inducing the people by its approba­tion to admit of the many and several undertakings in a State. The Empire of Souls, is both great and tickleth, if it were only in relation of those Anathemas which may be darted out against Princes. One of the most conspicuous church-lights, said, and that with great judgement, that the Thunders of the Church are to be feared, how unjust soever; and indeed so they are, because the execrations of Christ Jesus Vicar, are of great efficacy before God, who holdeth the Government of Kingdomes in his hands, and also because of the terrours they strike into the people, who concluding a Prince reproved by God, as soon as by the Holy Sea, do not only lose their respect, due to such rulers, but even run into disobedience and insurrection. Did not those Thunders in the times of the late League, kindle the flames, which did long con­sume this Kingdom, what was it which brought Navar into the Spaniards hands, but the imbroils between Lewis the Twelfth and Julius the Second? Now if a good intelligence with the Sea of Rome, is security from such like misfortunes; it is no lesse an advantage to a State, in regard of its approbation of a Soveraigns enterpri­zes, This is it which holdeth the people in quiet, which maketh them think the yoak of obedience to be easie, which preserveth the love of their Prince in their minds; and which rendreth contributions imposed by necessity, the more support­able; and in general it may be said, that there is not any thing how bad soever, which they will distast, if approved by the Holy Sea, so great a respect doth Reli­gion produce in the minds of men. King Numa had no better invention to make his actions received by the people of Rome, then by telling them, he did nothing but by the Counsel of the Nymph Egeria, who communicated the Will of the Gods unto him. No one is ignorant of the repute which the South-sayers had with the people of Rome, in perswading them to approve of their Consuls and Em­perours designs and undertakings. Could then any more likely way be invented, [Page 475]both to justifie their undertakings, and incourage their Souldiers, then by telling them the Gods approved of them? Neither can it be doubted, but the Pope's ap­probation is an effectual way to perswade people to like their Princes designs to live in quiet, and to be well satisfied with the Government under which they live. But how much then are the Popes obliged to be favourable towards France, which hath ever been their Refuge, their Asylum, their Prop and Protection? Besides, their Interests are the same with ours▪ seeing the French use not such under-hand shuffling as the Spaniards, and are far enough from such ambitious designs as the House of Austria, who are still contriving to oppress the Liberties of the Church, to subjugate the holy See, and to over-awe its Decrees; whereas the French en­deavour only to preserve every one in his own Right, and to be contented with a good Pope, an honest and stout man, who will not suffer himself to be surprized by their Enemies, but shew himself a common Father to all, without procuring any ditriment to one, by the suggestion of another.

The Cardinal endeth a difference between the Bishops and Friers.

NOt long after the Kings return from Lorrain, the Cardinal undertook to compose a difference between the Bishops and Friers, which had made a great noise for sundry ages together; The Friers relying upon their priviledges obtained from the holy See, pretended to have power both to Preach and Confess, without permission from the Bishops; and the Bishops unto whom all people within their Diocess are subject, by common right, did perpetually thwart that pretension: They could not down with the Friers Priviledges, alledging they ought to be decla­red void, as being oppugnant to the primitive constitutions of the Church, which ought to be preserved in the same model, for the continuation thereof in its pri­stine splendour. This quarrel had been especially fomented during the last year, by reason some Books had been published in the name of the English Catholiques, which preferr'd the Monastical life before that of the Prelats, and seemed to imply that Friers were more necessary, at least more useful to the Church then the ordi­nary Pastors. To say the Truth▪ these Propositions were bold, and without offence to any one, may safely be termed rash and inconsiderate. But that likelyhood was there of composing these differences? Was it probable that the whole Socie­ty of Friers would relinquish the priviledges they had obtained from the holy See? On the other side, What reason was there that the Prelats should have so little au­thority over them in Administration of Sacraments, and the Word of God, see­ing in the Primitive times Friers were only mix'd amongst the Laity, and addressed themselves unto the Bishops Congregations to receive the Sacraments from their hands▪ or those who executed their charge? No one but the Cardinal could give an end to these differences, there being not a man who durst so much as make a a Proposal whereby each party might receive satisfaction: neither did he wave the trouble, but willingly took it upon himself, though he was even at that time im­ployed in the most important affairs of Christendom; yet such was his indefatiga­ble zeal for God's glory, and the Churches good, that he undertook the business. He cause the Superiors of the Orders to come before him, one by one, well know­ing, that to negotiate such a business in a Publike Assembly, would be a labour in vain, and equally difficult as the breaking of a cable, whose particular threads are easily to be forced asunder. He was a person well vers'd in all Antiquities, and ac­cordingly he represented to them, how that in the first Institution of Monks, they were consecrated unto God by the mediation of Bishops, who received their Vows, instructed them, and directed their Consciences: He laid before them the original of the whole Affair,, and shewed them, how that the Sons of God had subjected all those who sold their goods, and followed him, unto the Apostles, whose Suc­cessors the Bishops are; whereupon they making a strict profession of leading an Evangelical life, were more particularly obliged to observe the order established in and by the Gospel; not that he would question the validity of those exemptions [Page 476]granted from the holy See, unto which he owed much more respect and obedience then to debate the Ordinances thereof, yet that he must needs inform them, that they could not be dispensed with from following the order established by Jesus Christ, or his Apostles, in administring the Sacraments and Word of God; That it was not alwaies proper to use the utmost of a mans power and that the wisest per­sons are usually the most moderate; that in fine, themselves could not deny but they were obliged to relinquish some part of their pretensions, for the avoyding of trouble to the Church, which was likely to ensue upon this account, and whereof the Heretiques discoursed with much freedom and joy; That this Peace would be more acceptable to God, then all the advantages it could otherwise procure unto particular persons; That it would tend unto their Honours, by testifying unto the world the moderations of their minds, and humility of their Spirits▪ the two wor­thy ornaments of a Religious person, and that consequently the world would esteem the better of them; That he hoped it would be the more acceptable before God, in regard they did exemplarily set forth the merit of obedience and submission to their Prelats in ordinary, unto whom God hath with his own mouth committed the leading of men unto charitable works; that he should not willingly propose, that the Bishops should have ordinary jurisdiction over their persons, or power to visit their Monasteries, but that leaving them full liberty to execute their Monasti­cal functions, it seemed fit unto him▪ that they should not refuse to be dependent upon them in matter of administring the Sacraments, of Thanks-giving, Penitence, Preaching the Word, and to admit them to have power to repeal this priviledge which was derived from them, according as the Council of Trent hath prescribed, all whose Decrees are true, and ought to be observed. These Reasons were or themselves strong enough, but much more powerful, when animated by the charms of his discourse, which hath so great an influence, that it is impossible to deny him any thing, if all they who have had the honour to know him, may be credited. Accordingly each one addressed himself to observe his directions; and although some unreasonable persons began at first to create some difficulties yet his Pru­dence soon prevailed over them, insomuch that they could not be thought the same men, who had so lately and so stifly maintained their absolute Independencies upon their Ordinaries. He caused a Declaration to be drawn, wherein they acknow­ledged themselves uncapable to preach without examination, licence, and approba­tion from their Bishops first had and obtained, and that the said Bishops might at any time revoke the said Licenses; withal, that they neither ought nor could bear the Confessions of Secular men, without approbation, which the said Bishops might likewise repeal, in case of any incapacity, or publike scandal. Every one sub­scribed thereunto. The Bishops dispatched Copies thereof into all parts; and thus his Eminency ended a difference which had made such a noise so many Ages toge­ther, and in which there was but little hopes.

Politique Observation.

THe credit and esteem which an eminent person obtaineth in a State, have ever been reputed sufficient to appease any embroyls what ever. His Judgement will work the minds of men to what form he pleaseth, and every one regarde [...]h him as a person bless'd from heaven, and indued with so extraordinary an under­standing, that no one dares deny him any thing: They give so absolute a power over their very wills, that there is no appeal from his resolutions; they permit him to command any thing without contradiction, to rule them without resistance, and to determine all things without, exception. The esteem of a Physician doth oftentimes as many cures as his Physick; and this same perswasion is so powerful that somtimes the very sight hath been a Cure. And is it not likewise most certain, that the credit which a great person acquireth in the opinions of men is more pow­erful then any other means to reduce them unto reason? Nay, Doth not his very presence somtimes appease great seditions? The Authority of a Phocion at Athem, [Page 477]and of a Cato at Rome, hath often wrought wonderful effects. Was not the only appearance of the Philosopher Apollonius Thyaneus sufficient to appease great dis­cords between divers Cities of Asia? When Julius Caesar was in Affrick, his ve­ry presence alone asswaged the Roman Legions, raging in a mutiny; nay he redu­ced them to such a pass, that having cashiered them, it was not without much en­treaty that he restored them to the Army. The Consul Popilius Menas was able by his meer presence to appease an Insurrection of the common people of Rome against the Senators. It is (to speak the truth) very strange to behold [...] people mutined, raging and foming like the billows of an outragious Sea (which over­throweth and destroyeth what-ever opposeth it) slighting the force of Arms, en­treaties, threatnings, and all things else, yet on the sudden becalmed at the pre­sence of some great person, who by his worth and services hath acquired an extra­ordinary reputation amongst them. But to him who knoweth how powerful Cre­dit and Repute are, it will not seem incredible; for he cannot be ignorant that opinion will sooner procure a good proposition to be admitted, or an ill advice re­jected, then any other means or devices what-ever. A good opinion will make any impression on mens minds, it will more their hearts, tongues, hands and lead their wills and affections as it were in a string. Credit and Esteem do inscribe I know not what attracts of Majesty on the faces of those who have once acquired them, so that a man is forced as it were to subscribe unto their inclinations, and most men think it a rashness to resist their Wills in any thing what-ever.

Monsieur arriveth at Bruxels.

THe Duke of Lorrain was not a little happy in having obtained his Peace from the King's Bounty, neither was the Cardinal a little extolled for having setled Peace between the Churchmen of the Kingdom: But the sky cannot long continue without clouds, neither can a Peace be so established, as that no troubles should at any time arise, which now fell out accordingly: For Monsieur having resolv'd to go unto Bruxels, began to prepare himself for his journey, that he might make sure of those Forces which the Spaniards had promised unto the Sieur de Puy-Lau­zens towards the invading of France, and there to conclude with them that course it were best to steer. Monsieur at his departure from Nancy, made a small days journey unto Remiremont, where the Princess Marguerite then was, that he might satisfie the passion which is incident upon new Marriages; From thence he went unto Besançon, whence after a short repose he went towards Bruxels by Luxem­bourg. Passing by Thionville, he left Coigneux and Monsigot behind him, having taken his Seals from the former, and delivered his Pen unto Guillemi [...] in place of the second. I may not omit to observe that the discredit of these two persons was but the effect of Puy-Laurens displeasure, conceiv'd against them for their boldess in informing Monsieur with reasons to divert him from the marriage, whereunto he had alwaies inclined him: for from that time he put an hundred several tricks upon them; and such was his Love and Ambition, that he could not endure the sight of any one in the House, who durst contradict his Will and Pleasure. The Infanta hearing that Monsieur was drawing near unto Bruxelles, gave order for his reception according to his Quality: At his coming he was entertained not only with great honour by her Highness, but from the Spaniards too, who finding him inclined to interest himself in their designs, endeavoured to give all imaginable content. Monsieur made his entrance on the 28. of January, attended with two hundred Horse. The Marabel received him in the King of Spain's name. The Marquis de Sainte Croix, with all the Officers and Nobility of Flanders, met him a league from Bruxels, with a Troop of Gentlemen before them, armed from head to foot: All the Companies of the City came to salute him; Briefly they did him all the same Honours as had been shewed to the Queen his Mother; He dismount­ed at the Infantas Palace before he visited the Queen; She received him with those Civilities and Favours which are inherent in her, and those so obligingly, that they [Page 478]were extraordinary great in persons of her age. She came to meet him at the first Hall, where she intended him his audience, and presently told him she was very sorry there should be any quarrel between them at their first interview, because he had come to visit her before the Queen his Mother: Whereunto Monsieur reply­ed very handsomly, that he should more easily give her satisfaction as to that Quar­rel, then for the great obligations which he owed unto her: After some other Ci­vilities, she lead him into a Hall, where were the Grandees of Spain, together with the Knights of the Golden Fleece, who saluted him, being all bare, himself being likewise uncovered some little time: After which Monsieur and her Highness seated themselves in chairs provided for that purpose, th' Infanta in that on the left hand, and Monsieur on the right; where after half an hours entertainment, Mon­sieur desired leave to kiss the Ladies, who were all placed as if it had been at a Ball, This complement pass'd over, he went to visit the Queen his Mother, who consi­dering him as the person who should vindicate her quarrel, force his Majesty to banish the Cardinal from the Court, and establish her in her former power in France, received him with all the testimonies of joy and gladness, though she for­bore to discover all her thoughts, the better to hide the intelligence and agreement between them. The Infanta defrayed all his expences until the 17. of May, when he departed from Bruxels, and took great care that he might pass away his time with all sorts of diversions, both within door, and abroad; which recreations were somtimes interrupted by the jealousies and quarrels hapning between those of her Court, and the Queen-Mothers.

The danger of Drawing Strangers into a Kingdom.

IT is very dangerous to call strangers into a State, in hopes to support a revolt by their means. No doubt they will be ready to foment any discontent, and to incourage any attempt▪ but it is wisdom to mistrust them. Is it not a mad­ness to hope for men and miracles from a Prince who hath enough to do to defend himself? If there be any Libertines uncapable of civil society, any disorder­ly irreligious persons, any Plunderers, such as take all they meet, these are the men with whom they shall be furnished; Now were it not (I pray) a folly to build hopes and designs upon men so qualified? To say the truth, such men as they can­not affectionately ingage themselves, so will they not readily endanger themselves, but behave themselves most couragiously in rifling and robbing naked and poor people, until they come to fight, and then nothing is so pittiful and backward. Now if it be weakness to trust in strange Souldiers, it is more folly to confide in their Commanders, who if persons of no courage, what reasonable expectations can be hoped from them? And if they be persons well qualified, and fit to command, there is then more cause to fear then trust them, for doubtless they will hardly for­sake any Hold they once take in a Country, but will do their utmost to surprize some place of Importance; which if it be not suddenly to be effected, yet certainly they will designe it, and bring it to pass, when opportunity inviteth them. The Carthaginians (according as Polybius relateth) saw their affairs run from bad to worse, when their Army became full of Strangers, Gauls, Spaniards, Greeks and Fugitives, and Tacitus tells us the true cause, why Armies compos'd of Strangers subsist no longer then Fortune smileth upon them, but disband upon the least blow or loss, because they want affection. Th' Emperour of Constantinople having call­ed ten thousand Turks unto his assistance, soon perceived his own folly; because they finding themselves the strongest party, would not return back again, but laid the foundation of those miseries under which they now hold that Empire. But that we go no further then France it self, which hath more indangered it, then the calling in of the English and Spaniards; and doth not every one know, that when Ci­vil Wars have opened the Gates of a Kingdom unto Strangers, they soon fortifie themselves so strongly, that they are hardly to be removed, but after long and sad Wars? It is great prudence in a Prince, not to engage in any revolt, but if he be so ill [Page 479]advised, as to take up Arms against his Soveraign, let him beware of calling in stran­gers to his assistance.

Monsieur resolveth to joyn himself with Goncales de Cordoue.

MOnsieur perceiving the Spring to come on, and the time for leading Armies into the Field draw neer, resolved to leave Bruxelles, and joyn with Dom Gonçcales de Cordoue, who expected him at Treves. Before his departure, he took leave of the Infanta at a publick Audience, who, after he had been re-conducted by all the great Lords of the Court unto his Lodgings, sent him a Present to three Coffers, which bespoke her no lesse magnificence then noblenesse of mind. The first was of perfumed Leather imbroidred, the Lock, Key, and Arms of Gold, enamelled, within were two suits very rich; the second was of crimson Velvet embroidered, fill'd with very fine linnen; and the third was full of all sorts of sweet meats: She likewise presented him with a Suit of Arms and two handsom Horses, fitter for shew then use; neither was she unmindful of gratifying the chief Gentle­men of his Retinue, some with Rings, some with Diamonds, and others with Chains of Gold, having Meddals of the King of Spain hanging at the ends of them. Monsieur being once departed from Bruxels, made his usual speed towards Tre­ves, whither Dom Gonçales de Cordoue was advanced, with design to fall upon the Palatinate (as he pretended) and there to establish his Masters affairs, which the Swedes had much disordered; but in truth, to invade France with Monsieur which was most probable. The King of Spain had dispatched him from Court, about the beginning of January, with Commission to command the Army in the Palatinate, and Order to go into France, as an extraordinary Embassadour to indeavour some way of accommodation for the affairs of Germany; and from thence to go unto the Arch Dutchess, who should give him instructions for his further procedure. Accordingly, he came to Paris, and thence went to Saint Germain en Lare, about mid March▪ the King being then there. His Majesty treated him with a great deal of splendour, and caused his Musquetiers to exercise before him, that he might see, how dextrous he was to imbattle an Army, and to lead them on to fight with more judgement then the ablest Commander in his Kingdom. The next thing he did, was to visit the Cardinal, by whom he was very civilly receiv'd; but having never seen him before, he thought to surprize him, and in his discourses upon the affairs of Germany, to make him swallow shadows for real substances▪ But his Eminency let him perceive that the Emperors and his Masters designs were but too well known, and that it was but a trick [...]o perswade the World that the War of Germany, was a War of Religion, and not of State; so that in conclusion, he saw his devices were eluded, and that there is not any Fetch able to circumvent the prudence o [...] that grand Minister. Hereupon, he made no long stay at Court, his design thither being for other ends then to receive bare complements and civilities; yet in going off, he committed one Act absolutely contrary to the custom of all Embassadours▪ viz. his refusing of a Sword beset with Diamonds, which with the Scabbard was worth ten thousand Crowns, sent unto him from the King for a Pre­sent, shewing by this Action, that having left Spain, to trouble France, he would not receive any Present which might oblige him to lessen his ill will▪ Not but that he was soon payed in his own coin, and that by the Sieur de Guron, who was the presenter of the Sword, for Dom Gonçales his Secretary, coming to him, and offering him some Present from his Master, was told, that he would not receive any thing from a Minister of Spain, who had refused the Liberalities of his Master, and that it was hard to surprize him at Paris, as at Cazal.

After he had continued some few days in this Court, he departed towards Bruxels, and from thence having received Orders from the Infanta, went towards Treves in expectation of Monsieur, who came to him about the end of May. Dom Gonçales received him with all imaginable honour, went to meet him with the Spa­nish Nobility, entertain'd him and his retinue at Supper with a great deal of splen­dour; [Page 480]and in fine, left his own lodgings unto him. Treves was the Randezvouz for the forces of Dom Gonçales, of the Comte de M [...]rode, of the Comte de Emb­den, had he not been diverted. Monsieur was in consultation with them, hoping he might carry most of their Forces into France; but they let him see how the Spaniards have not yet lost their old custom of promising much, and performing little, to such as expect relief from them. The King indeed had, by the Cardinals perswasion, taken a good course to divert their designs, viz. by giving them work enough in Germany and the Low-countries, so to keep them off from invading their neighbours: For just at that nick of time it was, that the Hollanders by his advice, went and besieged Maestry, with so potent an Army, that the whole force of Spain and the Empire, could not possibly relieve it. Dom Gonçales found himself necessitated to draw thither, that one affair being work enough to imploy his utmost force; so that Monsieur was necessitated to be satisfied with such few men as could be spared, and to dispatch the Sieur de Fargis unto Spain, there to negotiate a greater assistance; in the interim, he advanced towards Nancy, ho­ping to supply this defect, by the forces which he expected from the Duke of Lorrain.

Politique Observation.

IT is great Prudence in a Minister of State, having once discovered that the de­signs of a Forraign Prince, are to foment and support Revolts in his State, to cause an enemy to encounter him, that being a most infallible way to break his resolutions; for most certain it is, every one will sooner bestir himself to quench the fire which burneth his own house, then to kindle a fire in his neighbours. Pre­vention, and Diversion, are too great advantages in War (saith Alphonsus de Arragon) thus did the Syracusians, procure the Lacedemonians to invade the Athenlans, whereby they might prevent their sending of succors to Nice in Sicily: Thus Hannibal advised An [...]iochus to go and Forrage the country of Philip; to the end, that finding new work for his Forces, he might be disabled from sending them to the Romans to fight against him; and thus Avitus a Roman Captain, invaded the Country of Tentari, to hinder them from assisting the Ansibarians with their Forces. To provide great Armies for the defence of a State, and for the suppressing of an insurrection, is not all, no, there ought to be prudence, and discretion in the management of affairs, and to make a strong diversion, is as necessary as to fight well: Besides, Prudence is of so much the more advantage, in regard by such di­versions it weakneth those who revolt, reduceth them to exigencies, and inability of doing any thing considerable; and in fine, maketh them easie to be overcome, wheras without it, it would be a hard matter to secure any thing from their violence.

The Indictment of the Marshal de Marillac.

IT was near about this time that the Marshal de Marillac was condemned, having been imprisoned at Saint Menehoust, in the year, 1630. as hath formerly been de­clared. The Cardinal knew, that the punishing of great persons ought not to be precipitated, left that which is indeed the effect of Justice, be thought the hand of Revenge, whereupon he was of opinion to delay the prosecution of his Indictment for some certain time, and only to follow the usual course though the further way about, for the more ample information and instruction of his Judges: Besides, he was not ignorant, that as the highest stars are slowest in their motions; so Kings whom God hath raised above the orninary pitch of men, ought to be lesse active in the works of Justice, then other men. I insert this criminal in the Catalogue of great men, not in regard of his birth or the services he hath done the State; but in consideration of the imployment wherewith his Majesty was pleas'd to honour him, which was more to avoid the Queen-Mothers importunities, then for any reward of his deserts, which could hardly have invited his Majesty to raise him unto [Page 481]so eminent a degree. Indeed the whole Court was astouish'd to see the King advance him to that dignity, openly saying, that the extortions he had used in his imploiments were his most remarkable actions, they accused his courage, nor could they dissemble their opinions, that such honours were not used to be conlerr'd on persons of his temper. The late King, H [...]nry le Grand, did ever slight him, nor did he ever appear at Court, but under the Queen-Mothers Regency, who had given him a Wife of one of the Daughters of a branch of the House of Medicia, before the Crown of Florence had been setlet on that family; and who besides the honour of his name, had nothing which could intitle him to any great actions. Running at the Ring war then much in fashion, where his diligence got him more credit then any fight he had ever seen. The first command he had was under Mon­sieur de Angoulesm, were he was Commissary of the Victuals, which he dischar­ged so untowardly, that the King had then punished him upon divers complaints made against him, but that the Cardinal interposed in his behalf. The building of the Cittadel of Verdun was the next thing intrusted to his care, but he presently fell to make such exactions upon poor mens labours, that some particulars thereof al­ready proved, besides what is yet in dispute are prodigious. The Garrison being once established, he robb'd the Souldiers, as much as the Builders; and being Liev­tenant of the Country, he went on to that height, that he exacted from the Villa­ges, whatever was necessary to be spent in his house, divers Towns payed him year­ly compositions, raised by compact, that they might prevent the quartering of his Souldiers; others agreed to provide necessaries for his house, which however, for the most part, were delivered but once in kind, and then altered into sums of ready mony. If any Town made the least resistance or grumbling, the inhabitants were sure to be ruin'd and plundered by his Souldiers, who knew they should not be cal­led to account for it, but rather that they should be countenanced for it, by him who set them on work. This trade did he drive, and that so publickly over all the extent of his power, as if the King himself had approved thereof; neither was there want of any proof to make evident at his Tryal. In the year 1627. he was im­ployed at Rochel, where the credit he got was so little to his advantage, that the Commander de Valance, who calleth every thing by its right name, talking one day unto the King of a man without courage, openly said, that he was no more a coward then Marillac. About that very time was it, that he indeavoured by his Letters, and the designs of those of his Cabal, to sow the Seeds of discontent be­tween the Queen-Mother and the Cardinal, which have proved so unhappy to the whole Kingdom; and he continued to foment that fire with such care and addresse that the sparks of it are not yet quite extinguished. During the Kings abode in Italy, the Cardinal to please the Queen-Mother, procured the command of the Army in Campagne, to be conferred upon him, where he robb'd the Souldiers of their very bread with such boldnesse, that he sometimes exacted a third, frequent­ly a quarter, but never miss'd a fifth; and when he was commanded with his For­ces into Italy, he delayed the time with excuses, either that he might crosse the Kings designs (which they of his Cabal much desired) or because he would not divide that command with another, on t'other side the Mountains, which himself injoyed alone in Campagne; insomuch, that his Majesties affairs had fallen into extream disorder, had it not been for the Prudent Conduct of the Cardinal and Generals who commanded the Army in Italy. Succeeding Ages will hardly be­lieve, that such excesses were put up so long together, especially if they compare it with preceding times, where the Marshal de Gie, descended from one of the best houses of the Kingdom, and a person intrusted with great imployments under three several Kings, where the Admiral Chabot, one of the most valiant of those times, and one who governed the State with Anne de Montmorency, where the Marshal de Biez, the Chancellour Poiet, Jean de Montaign, Grand Maistre de France, Pe­ter des Essart [...] & Semblance, were severally punished for the same, and yet much lesse crime of purloining the Treasure. But these things were all connived, at in­consideration of the Queen-Mothers, whom the Cardinal would not provoke, [Page 482]and therefore kept those Passages from the Kings ears: But at last, his seditious in­ [...]reag [...]es, together with his Brothers, and their Faction at Court, for to destroy the Cardinal, and to exasperate the Queen-Mother to that height, which they did, as appeared in the Battel at Dupes, did so provoke the King, both in regard of his base ingratitude towards the Cardinal, by whose only means it was, that he injoy­ed all his Honours and Benefits from his Majesty, and also because they indeavour­ed to compel his Majesty to destroy the Cardinal, by whose prudent conduct the State had received such signal advantages as are not to be equalized since the me­mory of man, that he was at last forced to leave him in the hands of Justice, to receive the punishment of the law, for the oppressions he had committed upon the people.

Politique Observation.

THe Oppression of the poor, is a crime which reacheth high as heaven, and crieth for revenge unto God. The Poor have this advantage over the Rich, in exchange of the goods of fortune that God owneth them for so many par­ticular Members of his Body, and will not suffer them who injure them to be unpunished, in regard he taketh it as acted against himself. He giveth great men power enough to defend themselves, which having denied unto the poor, himself becometh their Protector; and he strictly requireth all Kings, the lively Images of his power to do justice unto them. Upon this just ground are the Ordinances of France founded, which severely punish (like the Roman Laws) all such Gover­nours and Commanders, as oppresse the poor to satisfie their own covetousnesse, and our Kings have made the greatest persons of the Kingdom, the Objects of their Justice, whever they have been convicted of Tyrannical violence. What reason is there, that poor men who have enough to do to satisfie the necessities of life, who undergo great inconveniences in quartering of Souldiers, and in effect, bear the greatest but then of War, should be forced to satiate the unbounded Avarice of a Governour or General? Were not that to bury them alive, or to force them to despairs: Despairs the more dangerous, because they are a soil in which great men usually sow the Seeds of their discontents, to raise divisons, and beget civil dissenti­ons? Is not the King more injured therein then any other whatever? Is he not truly the head of his Subjects, the heart of their lives, and fountain of their souls? Which being so, is it possible to exhaust their blood and substance, without weak­ning and destroying him? Besides, in case any sudden necessity befall, where shall he look for assistance? And in case of an invasion, will they not be easily ingaged to a Revolt, upon hopes of more gentle usage?

The Marshal de Marillac's Death.

THe Marshal de Marillac's Indictment was finished with all due formality: he was first conducted to St. Menehoust, thence to V [...]rdun, the Theater of his Crimes, and where the proof of them would most easity appear; from thence he was carried to the Castle of Ruel, where the King commanded judgement to be given by the Lord Keeper and 22 Judges, elected by his Majesty for their integrities and known abilities. His kindred solicited for him, as often, as many, and with what liberty they pleased. They used their utmost indeavours to ingage the Judges to save his life, nay they threatned them, partly by recommen­dations, partly by menaces, sent from persons abroad, the most potent that could be interessed in his protection. The discussing of the Informations, Interrogato­ries, and Pleas by him used to save his life, too up two moneths times in the Court. All the Commissaries were perfectly instructed of every proceeding, it being per­mitted them, to deliver the full and ample extract of all his charge and defence, unto those who solicited in his behalf. He was so favourably dealt withall, that one of the Commissaries, who had drawn up the information, was not received as Judge, [Page 483]nor divers others against whom he excepted, at which the King was not a little of­fended. It was permitted that one of the Judges who pleaded unto his fellow Brethren, nothing but reasons of lenity, and all arguments which might induce them to acquit him, was admitted to sit as Judge, though by the strictnesse of law he might have been excluded. The King himself proceeded with so much Clemen­cy, that there was not any one appeared on his behalf, to solicite his condemnati­on; but on the contrary, his Majesty called all the Judges before him, and that he might give them free liberty to act, told them, he expected no other Justice from them, but such as they would willingly shew unto his meanest subject. To be short, before they proceeded to judgement, he was twice demanded after the lon­gest Interrogatories that ever were heard (it having lasted three whole days) if he had any thing to say for himself, unto which he answered, no. Here was as much favour and lenity shewed, as possibly could have been desired, towards a person designed to be saved. But what likelihood was there to defend him, from the penalty of the Ordinance in 46. ratified in Parliament, which declareth, that whoever purloineth the Treasure, shall be punished by confiscation of Body and Goods? Upon what accompt could he be exempted from the penalty of the Or­dinance de Blois, which commandeth that all the Heads and Members of Compa­nies, found to have exacted monies to avoid quartering in Houses or Villages, shall be punished with death, without hopes of pardon, with this additional clause, that though his Majesty should by his favour, or the importunity of others, be induced to pardon it, yet the Lord Keeper is prohibited to Seal it, and the Judges required not to regard it? Could the Judges possibly have eluded that Law, which tieth up the Kings very Mercy? Moreover, what could they find in the Prisones, or his Crimes, which could invite them to favour him, who had not made himself con­siderable in any his imploiment, wherewith the King had honour'd him, but by the extortions he had imposed on the people? Are not all Magistrates bound to imploy their utmost care, in defence of the poor, who have no relief but Justice? Whereas his Robberies, accompanied with such, endlesse impositions, made him worthy of death, and did they not likewise oblige his Judges to be the more severe towards him? The State could not receive any losse by his death, who had never done any remarkable service for his King or Country; but who on the contrary, was the chief instrument to perswade Monsieur to come into the Kingdom with his Sword in his hand. Could it with reason have been expected that the Cardinal whose services are indeed considerable enough to obtain his Majesties pardon for any offendor, should use his power with the King to beg his pardon, who had con­sented and peradventure proposed to destroy him, at least promised his assisting hand in so execrable an action? Can it be denied, but that after such strong and weighty reasons, it had been injustice to afford him any favour! Whereupon, twelve of his Judges, conforming their opinions to the rigours of the Law, ad­judged him worthy of death, declaring him attained and convicted of purloining the Treasure, or publick extortion, exactions, falsities, counterfeits, cheats, over-charging and oppressing the Kings Subjects. Two days after, viz. upon the 8th. of May, he was beheaded at la Greve, wither he was carried from Ruel.

Politique Observation.

HAppy is that State where the Laws are strictly observed, was the saying of an Antient: and it [...]ay truly be called Happy indeed, because the Laws inhibit any thing repugnant to the Publike good, cherish what-ever is conducing to the advantage thereof; for that the true happiness of a State consisteth in the privation of those evils which may afflict it, and in the enjoyment of those things which con­tribute to its advantage. When the Laws are despised, then are the people oppres­sed, then the Usurpation of another's Right, Disobediences, Revolts, Violences, and all the crimes which are the plague and ruine of a State are in agitation; where­as [Page 484]as Justice on the other side, consisting only in the due observation of Law, cutteth off these enormities, and secureth every one in th'enjoyment of those goods which Fortune hath bestowed upon him Th' Emperour Justinian writ very fully and well unto the Pretor of Lacaoni [...], as is to be seen in his Institutions: A sentence indeed it is deserving to be set up where-ever Kings make their usual residence, whereby they may be out in mind of the advantages which happen to a State by the due observa­tion of the Law: All things (saith he) which pertain to the well government of a State, we ordered by the Constitutions of Kings; whereupon who so would walk wise­ly, shall never fail, if he propose them for the Rule of his Actions. A King is called the living Law of his Country; implying the lise he infuseth into the Laws, and that his commands do chiefly rend to inforce the observation of them. Whatever severity he useth in this particular, is commendable, because it is a means to secure his State from those disorders which are repugnant to the publike good; and though he should be severe, he cannot possibly be though violent, because it is only in conformity to the Laws, unto which violence is absolutely contrary. It were to be wished, that a Prince would be careful to reward the services done either to his Person or State; but on the other side, he never ought to let the Laws fall into dis-esteem, especially those which keep the people in obedience, and which serve to secure them from oppression. Indeed to what purpose do the Laws command and injoyn punishments to be inflicted on such who infringe them, unless Justice putteth them in execution? Were not this to put Arrows into a Quiver from whence they can never be drawn. It were to make the Magistrate an immoveable Statue, a Chimera, which only serveth to fright people in Ballads, or to still little children, but vanish at a time of need, without effecting that for which they were established in the world.

The Duke of Lorrain recommenceth the War.

THe Duke of Lorrain having only made his peace with the King at Vic, with a resolution to recommence the War upon the first fair opportunity, did verily believe he had now fallen upon a fit conjuncture of time, considering how affairs then stood, and how Monsieus was inclined; whereupon he began to raise men▪ and to fortifie some of his Towns. The King was fully inform'd of his Designs, by divers intercepted letter, the undubitable witnesses of his ill-will, and which convinc'd his Majesty beyond all his fair words which be sent unto the King, to keep him off from securing the Frontiers of the Kingdom. Some there were written by his Father, others by the Princess of Falsbourg, which did not only assure Mon­sieur of Forces in Lorrain, but withal, did seriously invite him to stick close to his Interests, and to put himself into a posture to gather the Crown of France, which they positively said would shortly fall of it self into his hands. Othersome from the Sieur de Puy-Lourens unto the Princess of Falsbourg, in which he assured her, that certain designs of great importance then contrived, were infallible. Besides that the Cardinal's penetrating sight (which pierceth into the secrets of Princes Cabi­nets) had discovered all those devices from the correspondence they held in the Kingdom; his Majesty had just reason to transport his Forces into Lorrain, to to [...] out that Duke, and to over-run his Countries; But the Cardinal, who never advi­seth the making of a War, unless when it is impossible longer to continue peace, was opinion, That his Majesty should do well first to send the Sieur de Guro [...] un­to him, to complain of his unjust proceedings, to endeavour to disswade him, and to make a more full discovery of his intentions, and the order he designed to pro­secute. This advice pleased his Majesty wondrous well, and the Sieur de Guro [...] was dispatched towards the Duke, who salute him from the King hi [...] Master, and the [...] represented to him, that he could not sufficiently admire, that having made a league with his Majesty but four or five moneths since, wherein he positively engaged to break off all correspondence and intelligence between himself and Monsieur the Kings Brother, as also the enemies of France, he should so quickly (contrary to [Page 485]the Agreement) sollicite Monsieur to come unto Nancy, and invade the Kingdom of France, and not only so, but likewise negociate both the Emperor and the King of Spain to assist him with Forces for that end and purpose, knowing that his own would only serve to augment the glory of France. This Discourse ground­ed upon undeniable Truths) touch'd the Duke so to the quick, that he was at a non­plus neither could he alledge any thing in justification of himself, but by adding new impostures, which did the more evidently declare his wicked intentions, and peradventure more to the life, then a confession of his disloyalty. But that was not the only time they discoursed together, nor were those the only reasons where­with the Sieur de Guron endeavoured to divert him; no, he laid before him his Majesties clemency, particularly know unto him in the Treaty of Vic, where his Majesty found him at a loss, in great distress, without hopes of relief from the House of Austria, and in a condition unable to defend himself or his State; yet would not his Majesty prosecute the advantages he then had: Then that he might somwhat terrifie him, he represented to him sundry reasons to perswade him to be­lieve, that the King would easily destroy any Forces which should invade the King­dom; which once effected, he for his part would be exposed to an ine [...]able m­ine; for that his Majesty was then bound by all reasons what ever, to revenge the injuries offered unto his Crown and State. That the might well believe his Majesty having done his business both with the Spaniards in Italy, and the English at R [...], his few Forces would easily be scattered upon the first view of his Majesty's [...]dry. These reasons were so just and weighty, that a wiser Prince, and less p [...]ssio [...] [...] a­gainst France, would easily have been perswaded to relinquish the War; But such was his blindness, and so great his vain hopes, that he could not be drawn to any thing: Not that he did then openly declare himself, but putting off his answer from day to day, delayed the time so long, until Monsieur came to enter into the King­dom with his Sword in his hand, and not so only, but continued to make warlike preparations; from whence it was easie to be seen, that he was little inclined to peace and quietness. The next thing hereupon which his Majesty did, was to com­mand the Mareschal d' Effiat to advance with his Army into Lorrain, where be in­tended to be in his own person; well knowing, that the presence of a Prince doth not a little encourage the Souldiery of France. His Majesty likewise ordained, that the new raised Forces should march towards the Frontiers, and there expect, until he had dispatched an Affair of great concernment, which then called him away; The securing of Calais was a thing extreamly necessary, the Governour of which place had been gained by Monsieur's Cabal, and engaged to serve him and his Interests in any thing: That Town is of no small consideration, it having for­merly given the English, when, and as often as they desired, an uncontrouled en­trance into the Kingdom; and with them Monsieur held but too strict an intelli­gence at this very time. This was a disease not to be suffered to grow any older, yet the cure of it had been almost desperate to any other but the King; for Calais as it is far removed from Paris, so is it likewise more distant from Lorrain. But his Majesty, whose vigilance doth oftentimes give him great Victories, did easily en­dure the troubles of the Journey. He knew from his cradle it was not without great reason that an Emperour designing to represent upon the Reverse of a Me­dail, the means which the Roman Republique had used in conquering the Universe, contrived a Rome with wings upon its feet and hands; intimating, that Vigilance had made her Mistress of the world: In order whereunto, he never apprehended any embroyl elther within or without the Kingdom, which he did not readily en­counter in his own person, upon the least assurance that he might take them unpro­provided, who had contrived any thing against his State or person, and thereby overcome them with less trouble, and more ease.

The King departed then from Saint Germain about the beginning of May, and not long after came to Calais, where being arrived, he placed six Companies of the Regiment of Navarre in the Cittadel, commanded the Sieur de Va [...]ance to re­tire himself to one of his Houses, left the Sieur de R [...]mbures to command it, until [Page 486]his Majesty should otherwise dispose of it, and having stay'd two days, he depart­ed towards Lorrain; that he might let the Duke know, his proceedings had made him guilty both of Injustice and Rashness, which two things he was come to cha­stise by the force of his Arms.

Politique Observation.

GOd having constituted Kings as the Images of his Power, doth no less require them to punish any injuries committed against their Majesty, then the crimes of their Subjects. To what other end is it that they have the sword of Justice in­trusted with them, unless it be as an assured testimony of the power they have to Right themselves for any injuries? He who hath so little courage as to pass them by, will soon become the object of his Neighbours scorn, every one will trample on him, and God himself being offended at his little care in preserving those stamps of his Majesty which he hath imprinted on his Forehead, will justly permit him to be despoyled of that honour which he had bestowed upon him. God hath unto private men given no other means to repel the injuries offered unto them, then the Justice of their Soveraigns, whom he hath commanded to right them; but other­wise it is with Kings, unto them he hath given power to punish those who offend them, be they of what quality soever. There is not a man above them who can arbitrate their differences, themselves are the only Judges of their own Rights, and they may lawfully take up Arms both when and as often as their Prudence and Ju­stice shall think fit. The Primum Mobile hath no dependence on any other Orb in point of his motion; and Kings (those primary causes of a State) have no superiour authority over them, to direct them in point of War. It is sufficient that they against whom they take up Arms, have given them cause so to do. Hence it is that one of the eminent'st lights of the Church calleth that War just, which is undertaken to revenge injuries: And Archidamus in Thucydides saith, Every War is just, which is made to revenge any groundless injury. Now amongst all the things which may provoke a Prince to take up Arms, that of raising Forces to in­vade his Kingdom, of violating Treaties, and recommencing old Quarrels, are most justifiable. The Rules of Politique Justice do not only permit a War as law­ful, against them who come and besiege Towns, and commit disorders in another State; no, they are not bound to sit still in expectation of that storm, but it sufficeth to have only known & discovered their designs and malicious intentions: for other­wise it were a very great imprudence, the ablest Commanders having ever con­cluded it better to carry a war into his Country who designeth to invade, then to expect him in our own; In fine, The Breach of Treaties and Promises hath alwaies been accounted highly injurious unto Princes. Gentlemen have their throats cut for breach of word, and Princes may not put it up, if it be of never so little con­cernment, without making war upon it, With the Spaniards indeed it is prover­bial, Wind carries Words and Feathers. The wisest Politicians do tell us, That to promise in a Treaty what is not intended to be performed, is to scorn a Prince, and Homer saith, He who promiseth one thing, and intendeth another, ought to be reputed for an Enemy.

Mounsieur entreth Lorrain in Arms.

THe King being at Laon, was inform'd by a Courier from the Mareschal de la Force, that Monsieur had pass'd by Malatour, a little Village between Verdun and Mets, and that his Forces were joyned with the Duke's; and by another near the same time, that Monsieur no sooner arrived, but he began the war, having cut off a Troop of Carabines, sent by the Mareschal d' Effiat in peace, the Duke being obliged to give his Ma Majesties Troops free passage; and in fine, that he was entred the Kingdom in Arms. Hereupon the King advanced in [...]ast towards the Army▪ which was numerous and strong the Mareschal d' Effiat being arrived from Germa­ny, [Page 487]and commanded the Duke de Chaune, and Mareschal d' Effiat to draw together the Nobility which came to attend him upon the Frontiers. To make short, he came to Saint Monehoust the 15. of June, ready to fall with his Army upon the Duke of Lorrain, in case he offered to stir a foot, or send and Forces with Mon­sieur into France, but he was better advised, as it fell out, then so to do. The Ma­reschal d' Effiat without more loss of time, presented his Army before Pont-a Mousson, which so terrified the Inhabitants, that they opened their Garet with­out resistance: The Duke of Lorrain was no less astonished, and now beginning to foresee his ruine, desired a meeting with the Mareschal d' Effiat; where he accused Monsieur's arrival at Nancy, protesting it was not by his procurement, and telling him he would give his Majesty any satisfaction or assurance of his fidelity. The Ma­reschal acquainted his Majesty therewith, who thought it not best to pardon him a second time, without some kind of revenge, especially seeing there was no trust to be given to his promises, after so manifest a discovery of his malice and designs against France; whereupon he drew up to Vaubecourt, to enter upon Lorrain. In the mean time having Intelligence brought, that a Regiment of the Duke's Horse, commanded by the Sieur de Lenoncourt, was not far from Rouuray, that he might teach him to be another time more wary, he commanded the Comte d' Alets to draw out six hundred Horse, his own Musquettiers, thirty of the Cardinals Guard, two hundred Musquettiers of the Regiment des Gardes, all mounted upon small Naggs, and to go charge them; which was effected accordingly, with such cou­rage and success, that two hundred and fifty were left dead on the place, many wounded and taken, besides five Cornets, and store of Horses which afforded the Foot opportunity to march more to their ease. The King's loss was not great, there being only seven killed, and some few hurt, amongst whom the Duke d' Hal­vin, Commander of the light Horse, and the Sieur de Bouchavennes received two Pistol shots in their Arms. The Sieur de Calabre was at that time about two leagues distant, raising a Troop of Dragoons for the Duke's service, but he was hindred by thirty of the King's light horse, and as many of the Mareschal at Schomberg, who by his Majesty's order charged them so home, and so suddenly, that they had not leisure to make any defence, but were all brought away Prisoners. The King in the interim advanced into Lorrain, and took divers places one after another. Bar le Duc surrendred upon the first summons, Saint Mihel did the like, into which place his Majesty entred in Tryumph, accompanyed by the Prisoners of Rounray, and his whole Army, to the great astonishment of the Inhabitants, who were not used to behold so great a Power. He ordained the Sieur De Nesmond to take the place of Justice in the Seat of the Soveraigne Counsel of Lorrain in this City; and finding the Officers refusing to take the Oath of Allegiance, he prohi­bited them to exercise their Offices, and appointed others in their stead; hereby shewing unto the Duke of Lorrain, that his ruine was inevitable, as often as he durst attempt any thing against France, or recede from his devoir. In earnest, I know not unto what that little Prince may be compared more fitly, then unto the earth, which may well fill the Ayr with exhalations, and somtimes over-cast the Sun with clouds, from which not long after proceed Thunders and Hail, to destroy what-ever she hath of beauty, and to reduce her richest Harvests unto nothing. For just thus, who-ever hath beheld the designes of his contrivance; the prepara­tions he hath made, and his attempts ever since his first comming to the Duke­dom, must conclude his whole work hath been to raise storms, which have in the end fallen upon his own head, to his great loss, and then vanished like a cloud of Thunder.

Politique Observation.

NO War is just but that which is necessary, according to the opinion of the wi­sest Politicians: So that a Prince never ought to undertake it, but upon just considerations. War is know to be the source of all misfortunes, it filleth a State [Page 488]with impieties, violences; extortions, and cruelties, it destroyeth the innocent, in­commodateth the rich, and pulleth away the bread out of the hands of the poor, what reason therefore to commence it, unlesse upon good ground, and when ne­cessity doth even inforce it ? Now of all Princes which fail of their designs in point of War none are more justly punished for their temerity, then those who build de­signs disproportionable to their powers; such Princes are easily reduced either to a necessity of seeing their Army cut in pieces, or of making a Peace upon dishonou­rable conditions. Perhaps they fancy an augmentation of credit power, and glo­ry; but in conclusion, they are driven to exigencies and confusions, which had never befallen them, bad they but prudently remembred that the Creator of the Universe hath set bounds to all Empires; that he had before our births pre-ordai­ned, what condition we should here injoy; that our lives and our fortunes are both limited, and that notwithstanding all our care, all our indeavours, we cannot in­crease the one, or protract the t'other one tittle, unlesse Heaven concur to favour our attempts: They find by experience, that the most active and busie drive on their ends more slowly then other men; that those men whose minds are taken up with continual broyls, do often fall into the snare they had contrived for others; and that those Princes who think to be most wise and subtle in deceiving others, are commonly themselves mistaken and deluded. To conclude, they who are truly wise, do foresee at a distance what the issue of their attempts may be, and do re­fer the management of affairs unto their Judgement, without following the impe­tuousness of their emotions; they know, that who so is master of his passions, is master of his Fortune; and they imitate Caesar's Prudence, who never took the Field, until he had taken care for four things which seem to be the true foundation of Victory.

The first whereof is, To be fully inform'd of an Enemies Force, of his Advan­tages, and of his Wants, before he encounter with him.

The second is, To have an Army in readiness, if possible, before he hear of it.

The third is, To have all Provisions both of Ammunition and Victuals in a rea­diness.

And the fourth is, To have all sorts of Instruments and Warlike Engines at Command.

These were the things which gave Caesar the opportunity to prosecute his Con­quests with success, and to bring great exploits to perfection, in a very small time. He who would imitate his Victories, ought to imitate the example of his Prudence, otherwise his misfortune will be as great as were his Quondam hopes of glory.

The Duke of Lorrain sendeth to assure the King of his Service.

IN vain do the Stars endeavour to twinkle in the Sun's presence, who ushered in by the morning, darkens them at his only sight. In vain do the great Ri­vers (which astonish the world by the impetuousness of their waters) endea­vour to contest with the Ocean, which forceth them to pour all their store in­to his Bosome, as a Tribute due to his greatness: And in vain doth a petty Prince make a muster of his Forces, in presence of those of a great King, before whom he is only esteemed as a small star, which hath neither light nor luster, when the Sun comes in view. The Duke of Lorrain was forced to confess as much, though against his Will, both in consideration of the defeat of his Forces, and loss of his Towns: In fine, he was necessitated to send the Sieur de Courtrisson to offer all sort of satisfaction unto his Majesty. The King amidst the greatest Victories, was ever wont to prefer peace before war; yet because Infidelities are a just cause of distrust, he could not believe that the Duke had any cordial intention to conclude the war, his Word and Actions being disconsonant: Whereupon be Proceeded on Wednesday June 23. to invest Nancy, and accordingly he came with his Army two days after unto Liverdun, which is only two Leagues distant from it, and sent an­other part of his Army within half a league from it. The Duke well perceived [Page 489]that the King was resolved in good earnest to chastise him for all his ill designs a­gainst France, and finding himself press'd by the near approaches of the Army, sent the Sieur de Ville, chief Gentleman of his Bed-chamber, and Janin; Secretary of State, once more to offer him all manner of content, giving them likewise full li­berty to treat. They testified unto his Majesty, that their Master was very much afflicted for having inconsiderately suffered himself to be ingaged with Monsieur, They protested that in future he would continue immovable in his Devoir; That he would pay him the Fealty and Homage due for the Dutchy of Bar; That he would inviolably adhere to the Interests of France, particularly offering to joyn his For­ces with his, to be employed in any expedition whatever; and withal, that he would deposite part of his Towns in his Majesty's hands, as a gage of his perform­ance. The King received them very curteously, knowing it to be more glorious to receive the submissions of his Enemies, confessing themselves vanquished, then to destroy them, despoil them, and insult upon them; and then, as if he would set no bounds to his clemency, he promised to pardon him a second time, and that he would not be against any accomodation that reasonably could be desired, provided there might be any assurance of his promises. But it being requisite to find out some other kind of security for performance of his engagement, then what had formerly been, whereby he might be deprived of the means of running any more into his former designs, his Majesty remitted them to the Cardinal to conclude the Articles of the Treaty.

Politique Observation.

ALthough all Princes have power and riches more then enough, wherewithal to be contented, yet some there are, who pursuing their ambitious Inclinati­ons; sooner then the Laws of Prudence, do daylie engage themselves in new De­signs. They seem to divert their eyes from what they possess, covetously to be­hold what they have not; and to quit the true and solid goods of peace, that they may obtain an uncertain vain-glory in War. Their Designe of growing great, feedeth them with discontents; and that they may not bound their pretensions, their minds are perpetually floting in uncertainties: Oftentimes it falleth out, that they do but ill proportion their undertakings to their abilities, by which means, when they imagine themselves to be highest, they fall lowest. God (that he may punish them) seldom permits them to gather any other fruit from their desires, but trouble and vexation; and that those who endeavour to rise highest, should have the greatest falls. To conclude, a little child forsaken by his Nurse before he be well able to go alone, will not so soon fall, as an ambitious Prince in the midst of his whole Power; for the child finding himself unsupported, begins to fear, to lay hold on any thing, and not to stir a foot: But a Prince once bewitched with this Passion, being too too confident, doth inconsiderately run into every danger, attempteth things above his reach, and in fine, sheweth by woful experience in himself, that he who feareth no man, is soon to be destroyed. Better it were that they bounded their affections, and that considering 'tis not the large extent of a Princes Dominion which giveth him contentment, but the moderation of his de­sires, they would arrest those emotions and ebullitions which set them in action, and make them stoop to the Empire of Reason.

The second Treaty of Peace with the Duke of Lorrain.

VVHat good successe might there not be expected from this Treaty, when the Cardinal had the management of it? His courage and conduct had already extended the bounds of France, raised several Trophies to the King's glo­ry, and acquired new Lawrels to his Majesty; wherefore it was not to be doubted, but that he would a second time let the Lorrainers know, that his Master doth as well inherit the courage as the Crowns of his Predecessors, who have ever forced [Page 490]their Ancestors to stoop under their Arms, in despite of the House of Austria, the Supporters of their hopes, not their State; and that there was no conclusion to be made with him, without extraordinary pledges for performance of their promises. To this end tended his very first discourse, that he might presently cut off their hopes of surprizing him, and destroy their designs of getting clear for a few fair words, or protestations of fidelity. Two causes there were which inclined the Deputies to receive the Law from him; First, An unavoydable necessity either of accommodation, or of ruine to their Master's affairs: And secondly, That in re­gard it was to be doubted▪ that in case these effects did not oblige him, he would resolve, notwithstanding all the misfortunes arrived upon him, to re-commence the War upon the first fair opportunity of time or hopes, wherewith the House of Austria entertained him. This latter was so improbable, that it could hardly sink into the Cardinal's thoughts; yet because he somwhat suspected it, he made it his main designe in this Treaty to obtain such advantages for the King, that it should be altogether impossible for the Duke of Lorrain to engage himself in a third War, without his utter ruine. The meeting was at Liverdun, where after divers con­tests, it was at length concluded, That the Duke should deliver the Town and Ca­stle of Stenay within six days, and within three days after the Town and Castle of Jamets, with the Arms, Ammunitions, and Victuals therein unto his Majesty, for four years times, as gages of his fidelity, upon condition that the said time being expired, the said places should be restored, in the same condition they then were: That during the said term of time, it should be lawful for the King to put into them what number of men he pleased; That the Inhabitants take the Oath of Al­legiance unto his Majesty, and swear, not to attempt any thing contrary to his ser­vice. That the Duke should within three days surrender into the King's hands, the City and Fortress of Clermont▪ which his Majesty pretended to belong unto him, by Process of the Parliament of Paris, who had adjudged his Majesty to have the possession thereof, paying to the said Duke such a sum of money as should be agreed on by Commissioners from both parties, in recompence of the Revenue he received from thence. That the Duke should be obliged to render homage and fealty for Barr. within one year, unto the King. And as touching all differences moved, or which hereafter should be moved between them, that there should be Commissio­ners of either side appointed to sit at Paris, when-ever it should please his Majesty to think fit, to make a fair end between them. It was likewise concluded, that the Duke should religiously observe and keep the five first Articles of the Treaty of Vic, which should be confirmed without any exception what ever: That be should faithfully adhere unto his Majesties Interests: That he should joyn his Forces with his Majesties, and assist him to his utmost in any War what-ever: That his Maje­sties Forces should have free passage through his Country: In consideration where­of, the Cardinal undertook in his Majesty's behalf, to surrender the City and Ca­stle of Bar unto the Duke, as also the City and Castle of Saint Mihel, Pont-a-Mousson, and generally what-ever his Majesty had taken from him, to with-draw his Forces from Lorrain, and to protect the Person and Estates of the said Duke against all persons without exception. The Cardinal perswaded his Majesty to con­firm these conditions, which could not be well misliked, they being advantagious for the glory of France, and leaving his Majesty at full liberty to go and chastise them, who abusing Monsieurs name, had set the Kingdom in an uproar. And thus was the Treaty of Liverdun signed upon the 26. day of June.

This Treaty being thus concluded, the King went to Pont-a-Mousson, where the Cardinal de Lorrain came to meet him, and to give caution for performance of his Brothers promises; in order whereunto, Stenay was put into the possession of the Sieur de Lambertie, Jametts of the Sieur de Plessis, who entred with their seve­ral Regiments into them; and the King surrendred what places he had lately taken in Lorrain From thence the King went to Sech [...]pre, whither the Duke came to wait upon him; testifying himself to be sorrowful for having given his Majesty any cause of discontent, and beseeching him to forget what was pass'd. The King re­ceiv'd [Page 491]his Highness with all demonstrations of kindness, assuring him he should no more remember what was pass'd, and hoping his good conduct for the future would never give him occasion to think of it hereafter. The Duke was not back­ward to make many protestations, though he little intended to perform any part of them. In conclusion, his Majesty returned into France, and so to Paris, chu­sing rather to follow the instigations of his goodness, then of distrust, which he had however cause to return.

Politique Observation.

IT is ever more commendable in a Prince to exceed rather in credulity then jea­lousie, especially if it be not to his disadvantage: whereas on the other side, Distrust is praise-worthy in Treaties with a person not to be credited, and where an easie Belief may breed inconveniences. It is equally bad▪ to believe no man, and to believe every man; and as it is prudence not to trust a man whom there is cause to suspect▪ so it is a signe of courage, not to fear where there is no cause of distrust. It somtimes hapneth, that confidence breaketh the courage of an enemy, reduceth him to his devoir, and forceth him to relinquish his Designs: For as distrust doth extreamly much dis-oblige the truest friends, so confidence hath such charms, that it is able to captivate the most mortal enemies. Mens passions are not unconquer­able; somtimes clemency and bounty may effect more then force and violence. A soyl, though bad of it self, and apt to produce nothing but Thistles and Brambles. yet when cultivated and manured with industry, may bring forth good grain: and spirits (though naturally deceitful and false, yet) may be reformed by reason, and generous dealing. The Venetians did heretofore shew a notable example hereof, when having taken a certain Prince of Mantua prisoner, who extreamly much slighted them, and had sworn their ruine, they not only restored him to Liberty, but withal, made him General of the [...]r Armies; and he finding himself overcome by so great a confidence, layed out the utmost of his care and courage to serve them. And th'Emperour Augustus by his confidence in Lucius Cinna, accused for having designed to murther him, so absolutely wrought upon him, that he had not afterwards any person more faithful or affectionate to his service.

Monsieur goeth into Burgogne.

WE have before declared how the King being just upon his March into Lor­rain, Monsieur pass'd by with his Forces; The sight of his Majesty's For­ces hindred him from making any great stay, as also from carrying the Duke of Lor­rain's Troops along with him, which he intended, and was a thing very necessary, in order to his designs, because the business in Languedoc was not yet so forward as was expected. From Lorrain he went into Bassigny, and quartered at Andelot on the 13 of June, where they who abused his favour, and made use of his Name, published the most seditious Libel that was ever yet heard; it was fraught with in­finite protestations of doing his Majesty service, their usual pretexts who imbroyl the State: As if to trouble the whole Kingdom, to besiege Towns and Cities, to op­press his Subjects, to seize on the money belonging to the Exchequer, to engage the Nobility in a Revolt, were to do his Majesty service, and all this expresly a­gainst his Majesty's command and inhibition. Were not these Protestations a spe­cious veyl, wherewith Monsieurs followers endeavoured to hide the impatiency of their spirits;, when they saw those predictions which foretold the King's death above two years before come to nothing upon which they built all the hopes of their advancements? That indeed was the true cause which induced them to spread those libellous calumnies against the Cardinal, with such absurd exaggerations, that they made them incredible; so true it is, that slanders of excess, and contrary to any probable appearance, make but small impressions upon them who are masters but of never so little reason. Indeed who could well believe him to be a disturber of [Page 492]the Publike peace, an enemy to the King and Royal Family, as they published in their Manifest, who in fifteen days time procured by his prudent conduct, so many glories for France and his Majesty in Lorrain? What probability was there to per­swade the world that he would make himself Master of the State, as they endea­voured to convince unto Monsieur, who had used such great industry to cause his return into France, when he first left the Kingdom, and who never stirred towards Piedmont, until his return was certainly concluded? And in the end, he forced them to dis-own that imputation, by his perswading the King to shew him so much clemency, and such extraordinary magnificence, to oblige him to a second return. What reason could they then have to take up Arms upon his accompt? They had not any the least just ground for it, which is evident to all the world; neither were all their slanders able to sully his glory in any particular what-ever: But rather on the contrary, as Musk and Civet acquire a pleasant and delightful smell amidst the dunghil and Ordure, by the same Anti-peristasis that fire is hottest in the coldest of Winter; so all their slanders proclaimed against him, serv'd only to increase the sweet odour of his Reputation, which his Services and Qualities (more then hu­mane) had acquired unto him: That I may say somthing touching his own particu­lar resentment, it is most certain, his soul was more affected with compassion for France▪ then concern'd for his own Interests, amidst all those Thunders, which did not much trouble him. All the vain attempts of those storms did but redouble his courage; all those Thunders did break themselves against the Rocks of his con­stancy, which seemed to have grown harder from those many blows struck against him in the course of one year: In fine, all those waves and huge Billows which threatned to overwhelm him, served only to manifest, that his services had made his favour inexpugnable.

Politique Observation.

IT cannot but be an unjust reward, to repay the services of a grand Minister with calumnies. If good offices do by all kinds of Justice oblige a grateful return, what reason can there then be, injuriously to attaint his honour, who imployeth his whole time in his Countries good? It is faith an Ancient, a great mans misery, when he seeth himself appayed with slanders; yet notwithstanding, the most famous men of Antiquity, and those very persons from whom our Kings have received most signal services, have found themselves ingratefully rewarded. Let us a little look back into the beginning of this Monarchy, and take a view of those who have served our Kings, hardly shall we find any one whose conduct hath not been blamed, accused condemned. We have hereof laid down the reasons in other places; at present I shall insert this only, That the Favour of their Master the Benefits they receive from Him, and the Glory which they obtain by their ser­vices, are a sufficient cause to procure them hatred; so great an Empire hath Envy in the Courts of Princes. Not that this misfortune is only appropriate to this Mo­narchy; No, it is of longer standing, and more universal: For did not the Atheni­ans banish Themistocles, the greatest man of his time, and one who had done them unspeakable service? Was not Coriolanus hated, accused, banished by the Romans, whom nothing but meer necessity could reduce to a sense of their fault? And how often did the Israelites rebel against Moses, who had how-ever done so many mi­racles before their eyes? A thousand other examples might be produced, were the universality hereof a thing questionable. Surely a deplorable thing it is, either in respect of its injustice, it being unreasonable, that a person who hath done the State good service, should be therefore ill requited: or else in respect of the ill conse­quences, it being frequently seen that it begets troubles, to which only end such defamations are spread abroad. Marlius Capitolinus had no other way to raise a Sedition in R [...]me against Camillus, after he had secured the City from the French, who had surprized it, then by raising of scandals upon him, and endeavouring to perswade the people that he had embezelled the Publike Treasure. But what? may [Page 493]it not I pray, in general be said, That aspersions have been the seeds of all the Re­volts which ever hapned in France, and that the Authors of them have seldom gotten any thing thereby, except shame, hatred, and confusion.

Monsieur the Duke of Orleance's Entry into Burgogne.

IT is said that Dogs do never bark so much against the Moon, as when she is at her full, and shineth brightest; and true it is, that those factious spirits which abused Monsieurs name and favour, did never spread abroad more as­persions against the Cardinal, then just when he acquired most glory by his services against the Spaniard, the English, the Dukes of Savoy and Lorrain. Every one knoweth how that their Libels were published at that very time. But as the fair star which ruleth the night, ceaseth not to prosecute her course, notwithstanding all the snarlings and barkings here beneath; so likewise this grand Minister, whose merits had raised him to the Government of affairs, and whom God seemed to have bestowed upon France, as a bright star to dissipate all those clowds, where­with the hatred and envy of the French, indeavoured to eclipse him, did no [...] dis­continue his Career, nor suffer the effects of his courage to be diverted, out of a sence of fear, either of the one or the other. All their attempts served only to re­inforce his diligence, that he might stifle the fire in its first eruption, which was de­signed to burn the whole Kingdom. Monsieur was marched into France, with about two thousand Horse, Liegeois, Walloons, and Germans, commanded by the Sieur Meternie Canon of Treves, and des Granges of Liege; at first he fell in­to Bourgogne, because Monsieur de Montmorency's Letters, acquainted him, how the affairs of Languedoc were not yet ripe for his service, which made him resolve to spend some time there. Being advanced within four or five Leagues of Dijon, he writ unto the Mayor and Sheriffs, as also unto the Parliament, to induce them to favour his stay, and to furnish him with means for his Armies subsistance, thinking with himself, that in case they should condiscend thereunto, he might quickly find some way or other to get himself into the City, and become Master thereof. But as it fell out, they were not inclined to give him that content; ra­ther, on the contrary, having received his Letters, with great respect, they sent them all unto the King, and beseeched his Highnesse that he would approve of their proceedings herein, to the intent that receiving his Majesties directions, they might follow his instructions in that particular. In the mean time, they raised the whole City, and mounted their Canon, in case need should require. Whereupon a Bo­dy of Monsieurs Horse, comming up to fire the Fauxbourg Saint Nicholas; the great shot gave them so hot a welcome, that they were forced to retire with the losse of about twenty men, whom they lest upon the place, amongst whom was a certain Captain, a Liegeois, much esteemed by Monsieur, who departed the next morning. Monsieurs Forces were so netled at this disaster, that they resolved to be revenged. In conclusion, they committed such disorders, that most part of the adjacent Villages were burned, being first of all plundered. But it was not the backwardnesse of Dijon which forced him to leave that Country, the Marshal de la Force, who followed him at hand, was the chief cause of his removal from those parts: For as soon as ever the King understood of Mousieur's march into France, knowing no time ought to be lost, in preventing a Revolt, and that delays may afford such persons opportunity to raise Forces, and seize upon strong places; he commanded the Marshal de la Force, to take with him about ten thousand foot and two thousand horse of the Lorrain forces, and to attend upon his motions, to pre­vent any further inconveniency, so that the Treaty of Liverdun being once con­cluded, Monsieur had but little time of rest in that Country. His Majesty likewise thought fit to send the Marshal de Schomberg upon the same design, with fifteen hundred Maistros, Gensdarmes, and Light-horse, as also nine hundred Musque­tiers mounted, which himself chose out of the Regiment of his Guard; so that ha­ting these two in his Rear, he was forced to march with the more speed. His [Page 494]Troops being all composed of strangers, committed great insolencies, where-ever they went, which thing, besides the obedience they owed unto his Majesty, obli­ged every little Town to stand upon their guard. Some of his Forces, attempted to seize upon about thirty or forty Mules, neer Corcone; but the Inhabitants fal­ling upon them, beat them back, and saved their Mules, but with the losse of twelve men left dead in the place, which so incens'd his Highnesse▪ that he resolv'd to be­siege the Town, and make them pay dearly for it: But the Bishop de Mande, whose Loyalty and Courage was well known, hearing thereof, raised a hundred Gentlemen▪ and four hundred foot, and with them got into the Town, and resol­ved to defend it: Whereupon, Monsieur who had no leisure to stay in any place, marched off, traversing the whole Kingdom, without any considerable thing done, untill he came to Languedoc, such good order had the Cardinal taken under his Ma­jesties Authority.

Politique Observation.

IT is great Prudence, not to neglect or slight the smallest Revolts, but to cut them off in the first growth. Some are so fatally blind, as to perswade themselves, that having great Forces a small Army can hardly get any advantage upon them. But the wisest men have learnt from Reason and Experience, that mean begin­nings, have sometimes had dangerous ends, and that insurrections, are like Ri­vers, which the further they run, the more they increase their Channels, and in­large their Banks. They are not ignorant of the instability of humane affairs, and that of all others the chances of War are most incertain. They know, that to dis­regard an enemy, giveth him a great advantage, for that he is thereby permitted to raise Forces, and to fortifie himself; so that in conclusion, it will be as hard a task to subdue him, as at first it would have been easie to have prevented him from making the least progress in his design. One of the Pharaohs of Egypt was so in­considerate, as to slight the Caldeans, being thereunto perswaded by some emi­nent men of Tunis, who told him, that for a Prince of his birth, descended from a stem of ancient Kings, Lord of a large Country, and esteemed by every one, as the Arbitrator of War and Peace; to fear so inconsiderable an enemy, would be injurious and dishonourable to him; but he was not long unpayed, for the Calde­ans invaded his Country, assaulted his Cities, and ruin'd his Kingdom, they mee­ting with no opposition at all. The small esteem which those of Ninive made of their Besiegers, and the great confidence they put in their own Walls and Power, were the causes of their being taken in the middest of their mirth. There need no more but one small sparkle to kindle a great Fire, and but a small Revolt to over-run a whole Kingdom, if there be not some preventive Force used. Do we not see how the greatest Storms, begin with a little Gale of Wind; and that the greatest darknesses are Ushered in by small Clouds; so do we likewise often see, the greatest Wars to grow from little beginnings. A State is seldome without, I think, I may safely say never, some discontented persons, who would be very glad to joyn their forces, with those of any Re­volted Prince, if they could have but a small opportunity: And some, indeed, too too many Rans [...]ckers, who would be extraordinary glad, to be under any protection, where they might be permitted to forrage, Pillage, and Plunder. The surest remedy in such cases, is, to prevent them betimes, and to wait up­on the first appearers in the field, with such power and force, that they may not have time to know where they are, and that others may not dare to stir a foot to joyn with them.

Monsieur de Montmorency's Discontents.

THe Duke of Montmorency, was the man who had ingaged Monsieur to come into Languedoc, giving him to hope for great assistance in those parts, and that himself had credit and power enough to arm all that Province in his be­half. He had been much discontented from the year, 1629. when the Esleus were established of such concern, was the Creation of those new Officers unto him; for they were then impowered to impose the Contributions upon the people which formerly belonged unto the States, and especially the Governour. Who sometimes would exact a hundred thousand Livres for his own share, which losse he could ill brook, by reason he was used to make great expences: It is true in­deed, the Sieur de Emery, Intendent of the Treasuries, being sent into Langue­doc to execute the Edict, about the year 1631, found a means to content him, which was to levy the said Contributions, by certain Commissioners, from whom the King should receive as great advantage as from the Esleus, and yet who should act nothing but by direction from the States, and thus had the Governour of the Province still liberty to make his usual profits: But the Marshal d'Effiat Super-in­tendent of the Treasuries, could not approve hereof, either by reason of the dis­gusts which happened between them whilest they commanded the Army together in Piedmont; or else because it was not just that the Governours of Provinces, should raise such sums upon the people, already too much oppressed, and that without any benefit to the King: So that Monsieur de Montmorency's Discontent, rendred Monsieur de Emery's Proposal of accommodation of no use. Besides, he was resolved to prosecute the Office of Marshal General of his Majesties Camps and Armies, which would have conferred upon him, almost all the Functions of Constable, which he could not obtain, upon just considerations, he having ever shewed more of Courage then Prudence in his Conduct. The Refusal hereof was the more sensibly resented by him, in regard his birth and the honour his Ancestors had in being Constables, perswaded him that he deserved it. These were the chief causes of his discontents, which ingaged him to revolt; whereunto may be added, his Wifes perswasions, who being an Italian born, for which and her particular merits rice Queen-Mother much honoured her, she so dealt with him, that he im­braced her interests; and consequently, Monsieur who was then strictly leagued with the Queen-Mother, for to ruine the Cardinal. For most certain it is, she did very much contribute to ingage him in those designs, unto which, he was of him­self sufficiently inclined, having naturally more fire then earth in his temper: Be­sides, he verily believed, that the great acquaintances which his fore-fathers Gover­nours of that Province, for a long tract of tis [...]e, had left unto him, together with what himself had acquired, would enable him to dispose the Cities, the Nobility, the States and people, as himself pleased, whereby he might raile the whole Pro­vince as one man, and being then countenanced by Monsieur, that he might force the Cardinal, and suppresse the Edict of Esleus, and to obtain for him what ho­nours he should desire. In order to this design, he used his utmost indeavours with the Bishops and Nobility of Languedoc, to oblige them to him, well know­ing, that the people are like the small stars in the Firmament, which having no particular motions of themselves, are guided by the higher Orbs. This his design succeeded according to his own wish, yet not without much detriment to his glo­ry; it being most certain, that the readinesse he met in many to imbrace his Pro­posals, was another tye to ingage him in that Revolt. His Majesty and the Car­dinal had particular notice of all these Passages, it being impossible that such con­trivances should long be kept secret. The Laws of Justice obliged his Majesty not to delay the punishment due to the Authors of them; but the Cardinal, consider­ing that Soveraigns ought not to be severe in such affairs, untill a trial of fair means perswade his Majesty to indeavour by the mediation of some ingenious person, to set him right again in his former duty, and not only for that reason, but [Page 496]because he thought it an act becoming a generous Prince, to preserve a man of his quality from a shipwrack, which had not fallen upon him, but in regard of an inconsiderate heat and fury. He gave the Arch-Bishop of Arles, and the Sieur d'Emery instructions and orders to go to him, to tell him from his Majesty what causes he had given of suspition, that he should have a care of himself, that if he regarded his duty, he would find it not to be lawful for a private person to order and govern the State as he should think fit, such power being only Regal: That if the good of the Province were in question, War and Rebellion were but two ill remedies to redress the grievances and disorders thereof. That if he designed to raise his Fortunes, Revolt was but an ill Foundation, and would be his infallible ruine, seeing his Majesty had hitherto oretopt all his neighbors, and would doubtless do the like by him, when-ever he should begin to stir. That in conclusion his Birth did lay an obligation upon him of being loyal, seeing his Ancestors had inviolably adhered unto their Kings Interests; And that he could not but injure himself, if he should eclipse the glory they had left him, by actions contrary to theirs. These Reasons were too weighty and just not to remove him from his designs, had he never so little considered of them; but discontent and passion had taken such deep root in his soul, that he had not the power to reflect on them; rather he stoutly disowned that he had any project in hand against the service and obedience which he owed unto his Majesty; yet at the same time he persisted to make sure of all such as might be useful to him in his designe. Oh what blindness and strange re­sistance was this! But who will not then bless himself at the Cardinal's goodness, which cannot without great reluctancy, perswade his Majesty to any rigorous pro­ceedings, how just soever; who would not accept of this resistance, but induced his Majesty to give new Orders and Instructions in that particular, unto the Sieur de Sondeuil, thinking perchance that he would sooner hear him then any other, be­cause he had ever admitted him into the first place of his confidence? The King caused him fortwith to set forwards, as soon as he had received the Cardinal's di­rections what to say unto Monsieur de Montmorency, to disswade him from his de­signs, and to keep him off from that Revolt, in which if he ingaged, be would even force his Majesty to destroy him. When he arrived to him, he used all his Rhetorique, his utmost care, affection, and address, though to no purpose; his Resolution being fixed, and himself then engaged to and with divers other persons.

Politique Observation.

IT is dangerous to be wilfully obstinate in any Design, and to be deaf to their counsels, who by their wisdom may force the ill consequences and successes thereof. Those great men, who suffer themselves so 'to abound in their own sense, are commonly the causers of great evils; they beget disorders, and ha­ving fallen into any adversity, do ruine not only themselves, but their friends and partakers. Though Alexander wanted neither courage nor success, yet was he blame-worthy, for so obstinately refusing the advices of the sage Egyptians, who counselled him not to go into Babylon, for that they found by their Art he would there die: For despising their opinions, he went thither, and was there poysoned by Thessalus his Physician. Somtimes it is prudence to change resolutions, especi­ally such as are unjust or rebellious. It is only proper to Mountains not to run back­ward, but it is a wise mans duty to break the course of his conduct, if evil, and to steer a contrary way, which may be more propitious; to change from bad actions to good and better, though never so often, cannot be accounted Inconstancy, nei­ther will any wise man be so wedded to an ill design, as to persist in it. A prudent man receiveth counsel with joy, and maketh use thereof as occasion requireth, knowing it is not lightness to forsake an error once found so to be: He had much rather confess his indiscretion, then persist in it; and he knoweth that somtimes to be vanquished, is to be victorious. In fine, Stubborness is then especially inexcu­sable, when it ingageth a man to fall off from that obedience which is due to his [Page 497]Soveraign. No one what-ever may take up Arms against Prince, upon what pretence soever. God hath placed the Sword in the hands of Kings, nor may any of their subjects draw it, unless by their Princes authority. Grandees are so much the more to be blamed for raising of troubles, by how much it is honourable for them to be makers of peace. They who raise seditions, and think to hide them­selves under a pretence of the publike good, do but deceive themselves; for there is not any man so simple who will believe insurrections to have been really made upon that account; and every one knows, that the first contrivers were set on work either by ambition or interests. But admit the State were in disorder, it is then no more tolerable for the Grandees of the Kingdom to give the Law unto their Sove­raign, then for the members of mans body to rule and direct the Head and Heart, those chiefer parts. Marcellus who heretofore lived in Heathenish darkness, said, Good Princes are to be begged from the Gods with vows and prayers; but be they what they will, they ought to be loved, honoured, feared. This was the opinion of an Heathen. But if any Nation have less excuses for rebellion then others, it is doubtless the Christian, whom God hath both in the Old and New Testament sundry times commanded to be obedient unto Kings, to be respectful unto Superior Powers, nay patiently to suffer their very disorders and Tyrannies.

The Duke de Montmorency re-doubleth his Intreagues upon Monsieur's arrival in Languedoc.

MOnsieur being once entred into Languedoc, the Duke of Montmorency having pre-assured him that the Nobility would generally rise, and divers strong pla­ces open their gates unto him, upon his first appearance in the field, he began to re-inforce his endeavours to effect both one and t'other; until then he fed the King with fair words, having sent seven Couriers to the Court one after another, and all to assure his Majesty of his Fidelity: But it was no more time to dissemble; whereupon he summoned all his Friends engaged with him, to reduce their pro­mises into action, which was follow'd by several open meetings, contrary to his Majesty's Laws and Service. Monsieur by several Placards published in his own Name, and declared himself to be his Majesty's Lievtenant General, against the present Government. The Cities of Alby, Bagnols, Beziers, and Lunel, the Castles of Beaucaire and Al [...]ts, with divers other places of less consequence, re­volted. There were seen four or five thousand Neapolitans in the Road near Nar­bone, sent by the Spaniard: There were many false Publications made, inveighing against the disorders of the State, only pretended so to be, whereby to raise the people. There was a practice had with many of the Prelats, Barons, and Depu­ties of the States, who were engaged so far, that by a Result of the States, they con­cluded to offer unto Monsieur that Province, with all its Dependencies, to assist him to re-establish the State in better order, and to afford him means to destroy such as opposed, of whom they made the Cardinal to be Head; and promised the Duke of Montmorency to league themselves with him, and never to forsake or fall off from his Interests; and particularly commanded, that nothing should be regi­stred of that which had been promised unto the Sieur d' Emery, concerning the Edict for Fsleus, but that all such Acts should be void and burn'd. Moreover the Duke of Montmorency sent several Commissions unto divers Gentlemen, and o­thers, in his own name, to proceed to divide the Kings money in the Diocesses: At the same time he writ letters unto the Commonalty, to invite them to approve of the said Commissions, and unanimously to embrace the States resolutions. He endeavoured to withdraw the Marquis de Fossez Governour of Montpellier, from his Majesties service, proffering to make him Mareschal of France immediately, and divers other rewards in future as was evidenced unto his Majesty by his own let­ters. He caused the Arch-bishop of Narbone, President of the States, and the Sieur d'Emery to be arrested, because they had ever opposed his Designs; He not only [Page 498]raised all the Souldiers he could both in that and the adjacent Provinces, but also he sent one of his Domestique servants into Spain, with the Sieur de Farg [...], to nego­tiate there for a supply of men and monies: To conclude, he left no stone unturn'd which he conceived might any way contribute to advance his Designs: and had Monsieur stay'd but one three weeks longer before he came thither, questionless his attempts and successes would have been more prejudicial to the State, as was conceived by all men who had any judgement in affairs of that nature. The Parli­ament of Tholose (which hath ever been notoriously true and faithful unto the King upon all occasions) taking notice of these his undue proceedings, issued out seve­ral Inhibitions, to hinder his further progressions; First they ordained that the Substitutes of the Atturney General in all Marshalsies and Courts of Judicature, should make diligent enquiries to discover his Designs and Actions: They con­demned the Result of the States, as rebellious: They prohibited any monies to be levied, paid, or collected in the Duke of Montmorency's name: They made a De­cree against all the Officers of the States, who had any way procured the said Re­sult, enjoying them to be taken and imprisoned, that they might be brought to tryal and condigne punishment; and particularly, the Bishop of Alby having de­livered the said place unto Monsieur, they seized upon all his Goods and Reve­nues, inhibiting his Tenants or Debitors to disseize them, under penalty of being accountable for it in their own names and persons: By which their generous exam­ple, they left a pattern to all other Parliaments, that they ought not to regard any man what-ever, when his Majesties service and the publique Peace is in question.

Politique Observation.

SEing Parliaments have only receiv'd the power of Justice from Kings, that they might preserve the obedience due unto them, and the people in their Dues and Rights, it cannot then be doubted but they are obliged to oppose all kinds of Re­volts, those known destroyers of Royal Authority: If they be deficient on such occasions, they are defective in the chiefest of their Duties: The Princes Power is with them intrusted for preservation of the Publique Peace; To what purpose then should they let it lie dormant, when the Peoples quiet and repose is attempted to be disturbed? In such conjunctures it is not enough that they barely keep them­selves within the limits of their duties; which example may peradventure be suffi­cient to contain the vulgar sort in good order, but they are withal obliged to lay out their utmost endeavours and Authority intrusted with them, for the preserva­tion of their Soveraigns power, which by Civil dissentions cannot but be very much endangered, if not totally destroyed▪ Doth not every one know, that Parlia­ments are living Laws, and that they have rigours and punishments in their hands, wherewith to crush any Rebellions in their Cradles? If they should be backward in restraining such disorders, were they not equally culpable with Souldiers, who re­fuse to fight when occasion requireth? Neither can they be guilty of this defect without ingratitude, & that in the highest degree, for that all their Honor and Pow­er is but derivative from that of their Soveraigns. The Sun is originally clothed with that splendour which makes him shine in the eyes of all mankinde, whereas the Stars twinkle not but by a light borrowed from his; so have Kings an absolute primitive power inherent in themselves, for which they are only beholding unto God: But otherwise it is with Magistrates, who upon stricter enquiry into them­selves, will find, that they have not any Authority or Honour but what is depen­dent upon their Soveraigns; which if so, do not the Laws of gratitude, as also those of submission, enjoyn them to oppose any thing which may intrench upon their Majesties and Glories? And is it not likewise true, that by upholding their Princes Power, they preserve their own, seeing in their first Institution they were subordinate to them, and depending on their good Will and Pleasure; and that themselves cannot be continued in that Respect due to their Qualities, but by the preservation and subsistence of the Original Fountain from whence theirs first [Page 499]flowed. Their Princes are like their souls, from whom they receive life and being If the obedience due to a King be violated, the Authority of a Magistrate cannot then long subsist. Rivers cease to run, when their Springs are stopped: The Body ceaseth to have life or motion, when deprived of the Soul; when-ever therefore Parliaments endeavour to preserve their Princes Authority, they labour to sustain themselves, and their own Powers; and they destroy themselves when-ever they forsake them.

The King granteth a Commission to Monsieur le Prince, to Com­mand divers Provinces in his absence.

AS in times of Revolts there ought alwaies especial eye to be had upon the In­surrections which a Rebellious party may make, especially in the absence of heir Soveraign. His Majesty before his removal from Paris, thought good to commit the Government of that place, and the adjacent Provinces, unto the ma­nagement of some Princes of the Blood. Accordingly he dispatched his letters un­to Monsieur le Prince de Conde, to impower him to command in Nivernois, Berry, Bourbon, Tourain, Poictou, Aunis, Zainctonge, Haut, and Basse, Marcke, Limosin, and Auvergne, to preserve them in peace and quiet, which he intrusted with him especially, in confidence that his loyalty and zeal for his service, as also his Prudence and good Conduct, would effectually cause him to be very sollicitous and diligent in preventing any troubles what ever. The Letters were accompanied with an ex­traordinary and unlimitted power, which did a little surprize some people of small understanding, who think a King never ought to intrust so great a power with any Prince of the Blood. But indeed it was an effect, and that a very remarkable one, of the Cardinal's Prudence, who knew there is not any cause to fear the power of a Grandee, where there is any assurance of his being discreet, The Laws of Gra­titude and Submission do both oblige them to oppose any thing which incroacheth upon their Kings glory; and it cannot be denied but that they preserve their own in particular, by preserving their Kings Authority. Whilst the Duke of Mont­morency was disposing all things in order for the war, Monsieur marched into Albi­gieis and the Bishop delivered Alby into his hands. He rested there some time to refresh his Army, and from thence he went, leaving five hundred horse behind him, unto Carcassenne, where he held some intelligence; but having been inform'd of the Sieur Mangot Villarceaux his great care to preserve the Inhabitants in their duties, he passed on Beziers, and gave order for a new Fortification. From thence he designed to march to Narbone, and make sure of that place, by the help of some Intelligence which he there had, which would have been a Port at com­mand, to have received any assistance from Spain, as likewise to retire unto, in case of necessity. But he was presently discomfited to hear that those of his party had been over pow'red by the Arch Bishop, and some other of his Majesty's ser­vants, who under pretence of assisting him, got into the place, and so mastered it. Now the King being informed of all these proceedings, The Result of the States, she Revolt of Cities, and of the inclinations of some Lords, thought his presence would be necessary about those parts; The Cardinal was of the same opi­nion, and assured his Majesty, that if he would undertake the trouble of the jour­ney, all those storms would pass away in fix weeks time, as it fell out accordingly. Hereupon the King concluded upon the expedition, and before he left Paris, caused the Parliament to publish a Declaration in common form, against all those who fol­lowed Monsieur, or favoured his designs, proclaiming them to be Rebels, guilty of high Treason, and Disturbers of the Publike Peace; commanding all Officers to proceed against them, according to the Rigour of the Law, yet with so particu­lar a testimony of affection unto Monsieur, that his Majesty would not have him declared guilty; but its the Declaration published, That he would totally forgive him, if he acknowledged his error within six weeks after publication thereof. His [Page 500]Majesty likewise made a Declaration sent unto the Parliament of Tholose, to pro­claim the Duke of Montmorency guity of high Treason, degraded from all honours and dignities, the Dutchy of Montmorency extinct, and re-united in the Crown, and all his goods confiscate, enjoyning the Parliament of Tholose to make his Pro­cess, and requiring all Prelats, Barons, Consuls and Deputies of any Cities, who had assisted, subscribed, or assented unto the Result of the States, to appear be­fore the Parliament at Tholose, or the next Presidial to their dwelling houses, with­in fifteen days after publication thereof, to dis-own their Actions and Consents; and in case of non-obedience, to be deemed as Rebels and Traytors, degraded from all honour and dignity, prohibiting the imposing of any Taxes, by vertue of any order from the said States. Moreover, his Majesty expresly commanded the Mareschals de la Force, and de Schomberg, to be careful that Monsieurs levies might not draw into a Body together, but that they should fall upon them upon their first appearance. These things thus setled, he departed from Paris the eleventh of August. The very news of his march out of Paris, so encouraged his Majesties servants, and disheartned the Rebels, that all their contrivances did forthwith be­gin to fall. The first thing which befel them (but which was a great good Fortune for France) was a division between their Leaders, which gave the two Mareschals a great advantage upon them: The Sieur de Puy-Laurens had been accustomed to command all who came neer Monsieur, and could not now well endure that the Duke of Montmorency should issue out Orders for the carrying on of the War; whereupon there grew a great jealousie between them. Moreover the Duke d' El­boeuf being of another quality then the Duke of Montmorency. pretended to be Monsieurs Lievtenant General, which however the Duke would not admit off, in regard he was Governour of the Province where all the Tragedy was to be acted. Hereupon it being hard to make any accommodation between them, it was thought requisite to part them, and to assigne every one what he should command, who being thus divided by and amongst themselves, were easily overcome by his Maje­sties Forces.

Politique Observation.

THere is not any thing which giveth more advantage against Revolts, and in general all enemies, then the division of their Commanders and Forces; if unexpectedly they fall into this disorder, fortune is to be thanked; and if it be possible to contribute in the least thereunto, it ought the more industri­ously to be attempted, in regard the effect cannot but be advantagious: All great Captains have been chiefly solicitous of this one thing. Coriolanus warring against the Romans, destroyed the possessions of all their principal men, but saved those of the people, that so he might provoke the one against the other: Hannibal on the contrary, he preserved those of Fabius, but burnt all the rest. The Thebans advised Mardonius to send great Presents to the most eminent of the Grecians, that the rest might be jealous of it: And Cleomenius the Athenian, assaulting the Fraezenians, cast certain darts into the City, with Letters fastened to them, which served to raise a sedition amongst them, in the heat whereof he fell upon them, and became Master of the City. To prevent this disorder, the wisest Politicians have ever thought it proper▪ that there should not be several Heads of an Army of equal power, unlesse every one so commanded in particular, that there should be only one at one time to be obeyed. We see if it he otherwise, jealousie takes place among them, and every one in particular is carefull that no one obtain any advan­tage which may procure him greater honour then himself; insomuch that they make a difficulty to support and assist one another; so many men, so many minds: This approveth one Counsel, he another; and in this diversity of opinions, the thing commonly is left undone: Was it not to prevent this inconvenience, that the Romans, having two Consuls, would not that both together should have the marks of Soveraign authority, but that each should take his turn? Did they not also Or­dain, [Page 501]that they should not both together command the Armies, but each in his day? And yet notwithstanding that care, some divisions happened amongst them. A well governed Army ought to be like the Body of Man, whose Members are joyned and united to the Head by invisible Nerves and Arteries, which enable him to move them according as he listeth. And thus to prevent divisions, it were ex­pedient, there were but one Head to command the motion of all the Forces, accor­ding as he shall think fit. Agesilaus King of the Lacedemonians (though one of the greatest men of Antiquity, yet) that he might countermine Lysander, and discredit his Authority, abrogated his sentences, and acted quite contrary to his advises: And usually it happens, where there are two Commanders of an Army the one thwarts the others designs, then hatred, envy, and obstinacy, [...]ri [...]g all things into disorder, which obstruct the carrying on of every small inconsiderable enterprize. For this cause was it, that Lycurgus one of the wisest Legislators among the Ancients ordained in his Laws that the Kings of Sparta in times of Peace, should act joyntly with their Magistrates, but in War should have Soveraign authority, and that all thing should depend upon their Wills.

Another Commission to Monsieur le Comte de Soissons.

AS in times of revolt, and the Soveraign's absence, the insurrections which Re­bels may make ought to be mistrusted his Majesty before his departure from the adjacent Provinces of Paris, gave the like power, to Monsieur le Comte de Soissons in Paris, and the Isle of France, as also over the Army in Picardy, with instructions to repair thither as occasions should require. By this means, the Pro­vinces thereabout remained in great quiet: But that I may say somewhat concern­ing that Army left by his Majesty in Picardy; and in that particular, evince the Cardinal's usual prudence, I shal observe the advantages which might there by have been made in the present conjucture of affairs. It cannot be doubted, but that it was the securing of those Provinces, and the awing of such factious spirits, at were inclinable to foment the troubles; for in case the least insurrection had been, that Army had soon fallen in upon them, and buried them in their own ruines. More­over, it was neer about that time, when the leading men of the Low-countries, weary of the Spanish Tyranny, insupportable to the common people, layed the design of shaking off that yoke, and setting their Country at liberty: The had recourse unto the King, to implore his protection, and made divers overtures un­to him, to enter upon the Comtez d' Artois and Flanders, which belonged to him by a just Title. But his Majesty who never approveth of Revolts in other Princes Subjects, more then in his own, made a scruple of absolute ingaging with them, or of passing his word to assist them in that design; though the Spaniards, being less religious in the observation of Treaties, and who preserve the greatnesse of their State, only by fomenting divisions among their neighbours, were at that very time ingag'd to support Monsieur in his revolt, and to furnish him with Forces for the over-running of Languedoc. His Majesty did not totally refuse them, but kept him­self in a condition of sending them forces, in case the Spaniard invaded France, as they had promised: Thus did this Army serve to keep off the Spaniards in the Bay of Languedoc from landing▪ they mistrusting to be repayed in the Low-countries, and doubting if they entred France, the French would do the like to assist those Lords who were sufficiently disposed for revolt. It is likewise true, that it served to beget such jealousie in the Spaniards, that they were forced to retain many of their Troops in the Low countries, Hainaut and Artois, which would have done them more service at Mastrich against the Dutch, whom by this means his Majesty did equally succour, as if he had sent the Marshal d'Estree with the Army, in the Country of Treves according to their own desires and proposals.

Politique Observation.

THough Armies for the most part are raised to fight, yet sometimes they are designed for other ends, wise Princes having oftentimes obtain'd great ad­vantages by them, without striking a blow. The meer jealousie which their motion may strike into an enemy, obligeth him to stand upon his guard, who otherwise had design'd to assault some place; and in case he have assaulted it, to recall some part of his Forces to prevent any attempts. This effect is not of mean consequence, because it divideth an enemies force, and consequently, rendreth him more easie to be conquered: Whilest the Waters of a great River are all shut up in their own Channel, their torrent is more impetuous, their force the greater; and who so then indeavoureth to waft over them, runneth no small hazard; whereas if dispersed into several Rivulets; their course is more slow, their depth lesse, so that they are both safely and easily to be Forded: Thus an enemies Army may some­times be so strong, that he is to be feared, and then nothing better then to divide him, and force him to separate himself by some motions which may fill him with suspicions. How oft have Princes been compell'd to stay at home in their own de­fence by their apprehensions of an Army appearing on their own Frontiers, just when they have been upon the point of invading their Neighbours? Besides, what Armies soever a Prince placeth on his Frontiers in times of War, they alwaies give him this advantage of keeping his own Country in security; either as to Forreign­ers, who commonly make use of any pretensions about the Borders of a Country to colour their attempts; or as to the discontented persons of a Kingdom, who possibly may stir in their Prince's absence. To preserve Peace without making war, is an effect advantagious enough, and indeed a cause sufficient always to keep an Army on Foot; A thing, in my sense, of the more use, in regard War ought not to be made, but in order to Peace; and withal, it being more useful for to preserve Peace by a shew of War, then by War it self, that common Usher of Fire and Sword. For this reason it is that a Prince ought not then to raise his Army, when a Forreiner is upon the point of invading his Kingdom, or when factious spirits are just ready to revolt: No, He ought to prevent both the one and the other: and the bare sight of an Army is sufficient to deter them from the boldness of any enterprize.

The Mareschals de la Force, and de Schomberg charge Monsieur's Army.

THe Mareschals de la Force, and de Schomberg being arrived with part of their Forces in Languedoc, were not men of that temper, as to stand with their hands in their pockets, and to let the Rebels play their game, without defending themselves, or indeed, without assaulting them; their courage redoubled when they saw the principal Cities stand firm in his Majesty's service, and that divers chief Lords of the Country, dis-abused of their first impressions, gave assurance of ser­ving his Majesty against all men. The Mareschal de la Force thought it time to shew himself to the Enemy; and whilst he was yet at Pont-Saint-Esprit, expecting the coming in of sundry other Troops, be deemed it proper for his Majesty's ser­vice, to send part of those he had into Vivarest to defeat those Souldiers which the Vicomte de l' Estrange had there levyed; He commanded part of the Regi­ments de Vaubecourt, and de Saut, with four Cornets of Horse, led by the Sieur de la R [...]cque Massebout, to march thither; and their courages having soon trans­ported them, they found most of the Forces in a Body near the Vicomt's quarter, who commanded them in person, and very near Privas. The Officers having cal­led a Council of War, and consider'd the State of the Enemy, resolved to fall on them in their Trenches, whereto they were retired; and having made their appro­ches, [Page 503]the Combat was very hot, and the defence couragious; but after three hours dispute, the Vicomte de l' Estrange was forced to tender himself Prisoner, and be­ing delivered over into the Sieur de Machault's hand, a Master of Requests, was convicted, and beheaded at l' Estrange, for in example to other Rebels, and [...]o oblige them, if possible, by the just rigour to return to their Duties. Not long after this defeat, the said Mareschal de la Force had Intelligence that the Baron [...] Peraut Governour of the Castle de Beautaire, and the Sieur de Rostide, Captain of the Town, wrought upon by the Duke de Montmorency, employed all their en­deavours to gain the thief Inhabitants, and perswade them to receive Monsieur with his Forces: But such was the course he took, that all their attempts were to no purpose. It was impossible on the sudden to prevent Monsieur's getting [...]nto the Castle, there being a particular Gate to receive any in, without passing through the City: But having instructed du Pay the King's Atturney, and la Roche chief Consul, with what they should do in their own defence against the Castle, in case it should declare it self, and that Monsieur or his should get into it; they shewed such courage and good conduct, that they preserv'd the Town in his Majesty's obedi­ence; and instead of furnishing them with any considerable Force, which might have much weakned the Army under his command, which he kept in a posture to fight the Enemy assembled in those parts, he thought it most proper to desire four hundred men of the Army under the command of the Mareschal de Vitry in Pro­vence, might cast themselves into the City. Mean while Monsieur gets into the Castle with store of Horse, and the Mareschal de Vitry having Intelligence there­of, dispatched thither his own Regiment, who himself followed in person; and there were such strong Fortifications raised against the Castle, that it was impossi­ble for them within it to force the City▪ without great loss to themselves. Yet such was Monsieur's courage, that the Assault was resolved; whereupon all his Forces were commanded to prepare themselves to fall on, and accordingly were disposed in order: But the Dukes de Montmorency and d' Elboeuf both there, were so exasperated by jealousies between them, that they could not resolve upon pre­cedence: so that their strife hindred the execution of the design, and changed their assault into store of Cannon shot discharged against the City, to batter and ruine it. The Inhabitants were no whit terrified hereat, rather on the contrary, as if their fidelity had receiv'd new vigour from those violences, they resolved to undertake a Siege against the Castle: In fine, some got upon the Towers, others into the Steeple of the great Church, from whence they found a means to shoot into the Castle, which did [...]ot a little disturb the Garrison; They likewise invested it on the other quarters, by the help of those Troops which the Mareschals de la Force, and de Vitry had sent unto them; so that the Garrison was much incommo­dated, having not Ammunitions necessary long to subsist, or to sustain a Siege. The Duke d' Elboeuf having got out, provided to send a Convoy with provision of Vi­ctuals, and Ammunition of War into the place: But the Garrisons placed by the Mareschal de Vitry, both in Vartabregues and the Castle de Saint Romain, prevented his Design, having twice or thrice intercepted the Mules; and besides, the Marre­scal de la Force inform'd that the Duke d' Elboeuf did gather together store of Am­munition at Monfrein, to clap them into the Castle, marched on the second of Sep­tember from Pont-Saint-Esprit, and presently forced the Duke d' Elboeuf to retire with his Forces from those Quarters; and having commanded the Sieur de N [...]ual­les to seize on Monfrien, upon the Governours promise to receive him, he march­ed into the place, and carried off all the said Ammunitions, together with the Duke d' Elboeuf's baggage, which did not a little refre [...] the King's Army. This once effected, they in the Castle despaired of relief, and surrendred upon composition on the sixt of September, The courage and fidelity of the Inhabitants giving the Lye to that Proverb, Who so is Master of the Castle, will soon be Master of the City; and the King to reward them, and incourage other Cities to do the like, bestowed on them divers Favours and Priviledges.

Politique Observation.

IT is an error to believe it impossible to preserve Cities, their Castles once ta­ken. Divers examples have evidenced, that, as there is hardly any force e­qual to their courages who are stoutly resolv'd to defend themselves; so there is not any thing which can compel a City to surrender, when it may be forti­fi'd against the Castle, and whose Inhabitants are men of courage. The order which the Commander of such a place ought to follow, is, first to inform himself whether the people be divided, whether some party among them be not well-wi [...]h­ers to the Castle; and in case there be, presently to send them packing; then ought he to animate the rest, both by discourses and example, to give proofs of their fi­delity: It were good that the Inhabitants did forthwith raise Barricadoes from one street to another, and place Guards to defend them. He is likewise oblig'd to use extraordinary diligence in raising Fortifications to secure it against the Castle, to guard the Ports, and all Avennues, with Souldiers sufficient to make good any as­sault against those of the Castle, in case they should attempt it. To this end, if there be not sufficient Force among the Inhabitants, trained up in the Exercises of War, he ought not to be defective in procuring them from other places; He shall do prudently, if he visit the main-guard every hour, to see that all be in a readiness. If the City be weak on any quarter, whereby it may be liable to a surprize, he ought to be dexterous in Fortifying it? and in conclusion, having once brought the place into a posture of Defence, he then ought to resolve on laying siege to the Castle: for as an assault addeth more courage to the Assailors then the Defendants, so doubtless his will shew more valour, then if they were reduced to the necessity of their own proper defence. But that which I esteem most considerable, is, that those of the Castle once surrounded and besieged, date not attempt any thing up­on the City, having enough to do to defend themselves: He ought so to invest the Castle, that there may be no way left for the carrying of men or provisions into it: which once brought to perfection, unless they are excellently provided, the Garrison will soon be straitned: If there be any Hill which doth command it, it were proper to raise a Battery thereon, whereby to play upon the Castle: as also to fill the highest Steeples with Souldiers, who by often shooting at them where­ever they appear, may in the end tyre them out. Neither is it less necessary that he have Souldiers abroad upon all Avennues, to prevent any relief; and thus the prudence of a Governour animated by his Courage, may secure a City after the loss of its Castle.

The taking of Monsieur de Montmorency.

THe Mareschal de Schomberg who commanded his Majesties other Army, being advanced near T [...]olouse, sought all occasions which might afford him any means of testifying his courage: He resolved to besiege Alby, but was first obliged to relieve the City of S. Felix de Carmain, whose Castle had been surpriz'd by four Brothers, called the Judges, then in Monsieur his service: In order whereunto, he sent thither the Marquis d' Ambres with some Forces, and himself followed with the residue of his small Army; But before his coming thither, he was acquainted how the Marquis d' Ambres, who held a particular correspondence with those four Brothers, had offer'd them a considerable sum of money, which they thought themselves happy in accepting of, and so to deliver up the place unto him on the first of October. Now Monsieur then upon his march to clap some Forces into the Castle, hearing of the surrender, was so much the more desirous to encounter the Mareschal de Schomberg, because he it was that had deprived him of that place; as also because his Highness Army was of the two the more numerous. He was re­turned from Beaucaire, having left the Duke d' Elboeuf there to secure the Castle if possible. The Duke de Montmorency was come with him, who animated him to [Page 505]fight; The Baron de Linieres offered himself to go and discover the state of the Mareschal's Army, which that he might the more easily and securely effect, he went in he habit of a Cordelier, which only served to render him suspected, so ap­parent was it that he had seldom used to wear it. The two Armies met near Ca­stelnaudery and the Mareschal de Schombergh having intelligence that the Duke de Montmorency, who led Monsieur's Army, had a design to fall upon him, he ac­quainted the Marquis de Breze therewith, who commanded the rest of his Majesty's Army, in the quality of Mareschal de Camp; and after some discourse together▪ they concluded and prepared to fight. The Marquis was the first who discovered Monsieur's Army, within two Musquet shot of the way, at what time he was pas­sing the King's Army over a little River, in the Valley. Now conceiving by the Enemy's countenance, that they design'd to let him pass over a small narrow Bridge with one half of his Army, which consisted only of a thousand Horse, four Com­panies of his Mjesty's Regiment des Gardes, and six of that of Chamblay, that they might the better fall upon the Rear-guard, and break it, being in a condition not to be relieved; he gave notice to the Mareschal de Schomberg, how he thought fit to pass the Army by a good passage about two thousand paces higher, by which they might get over before the Enemy could discover their intent. The Mareschal approved his advice, as very judicious; and having signified as much to him, he put it in execution, and whole Army passed the Brook, before any of the Ene­my advanced towards them. They presently saw the Army in Battalia within a great Meadow, and withall, to give the Kings Army leave to passe, they drew off a little neerer Castelnaudary: But had they taken their stations, when the enemy in hast passed the River, who were payed in their own coyn; for the Marshal de Schomberg discovering their Forlorn Hope, sent to charge them before they were all passed over; the foot made their shot, as also the enemy's, and the Horse ad­vancing, were at first impeded by certain ditches, though the Sieurs de Loriers, and de Beauregard Champreu, found a way to passe through with twelve or fifteen of their followers: And Monsieur de Montmorency, who was advanced onely to discover them, came on presently, and charged them with an hundred Gentlemen, they met with all possible courage, but with great losse on Monsieur's part; for the D. de Montmorency was wounded, the Comtes de Rieux, and de la Fucillade slain, four or five hundred slain upon the place, and amongst them the Comte de Moret; for the Kings Musquetiers having discharged upon their Horse, beat them out of the Field, insomuch as Monsieur de Montmorency, was on a sudden forsaken by all, saving four or five of his followers. His courage was neverthelesse so im­petuous, that he was not moved at it; but on the contrary, suffering himself to be transported by an inconsiderate rashness, as if his wounds had bereft him of sense, he advanced from the place where he was, with those four or five others in his com­pany, into the Field, where meeting the Mareschal de Schombergh's company of Gendarmes, he gave and received some wounds, both of Sword and Pistol, without any more consideration of the danger he ran, then if he had been immortal: He charged up to the very Guards, and Chamblay's Regiment, where they discharged so thick on him, that his Horse being wounded in divers places, fell down, and his Master under him, by which means he was taken Prisoner by the Officers and Soul­diers of the Regiment des Gardes; which yet was so far from incouraging Monsieur's Army to endeavour the fetching of him off, rather on the contrary, they were so astonish'd at it, that they kept their stand, as if fear and grief had equally surpriz'd them. Hereupon the Mareschal de Schomberg, and the Marquis de Breze found that they were out of danger, and having discoursed some few minutes concerning the present State of affairs, they judged, that having fought so luckily, slain so many persons of quality, and taken him prisoner who was the soul of the Rebelli­on, it would be improper to run a second hazard; because having the person of Monsieur de Montmorency, the residue of the revolt would dissipate of it self, with­out necessitating the King's Forces to go fight Monsieur's Army afresh, by a strait Bridge, where but few could march together, and that within Cannon-shot. How­ever [Page 506]they made a stand about and hour in the field, to see if the enemy would de­mand any thing, but perceiving them not to advance, they drew off the King's Ar­my to the City and Suburbs of Castelnaudary, where Monsieur de Montmorency was kept for some time, until his wounds would permit him to be conducted to some place of greater security, and that his Majesty's pleasure concerning him were known.

Politique Observation.

IT is usual with Souldiers upon obtaining any great advantage in fight, to prose­cute their Victory to the full; but a prudent General is obliged to curb in their impetuousness, and to enjoy the favours of Fortune with great moderation; The satisfaction of seeing his enemies overcome with fear, ought not to blind him, but he ought to make use of Prudence, and not to run the hazard of losing a cer­tain Victory already obtain'd, in hopes of a greater, but uncertain; He who can­not be contented with an indifferent Victory, endangereth the losing of that which he hath gotten. Briefly, It is great rashness to drive an enemy to extremities; for, to reduce them to a necessity of fighting, doth often expel all fear from them, filleth them with courage, raiseth up one to be as good as four, and redeems the Victory they had lost. What, but necessity made the Locrois behave themselves so couragiously, that fifteen thousand of them defeated an hundred and thirty thou­sand of their enemies? Was it not the same necessity, as History observes, which made the Romans, when so hotly pursued by the Lacedemonians, that they had not time to retire to their Vessels, to turn again, make a stand, fight like Lyons, kill two hundred of them, and take as many Prisoners? The Consul Manlius, that not a man of his enemies might escape him, set strong Guards upon all places by which they were to retreat, but the enemy perceiving it, and knowing the impossi­bility of saving themselves, fell upon him, slew him, and became so furious, that they had likewise cut the rest in pieces, had they not had free liberty to retreat granted them. For this very reason it was, that the French retreating from Na­ples, the ablest Italians were of opinion, to let them have free liberty of depar­ture; and which is more, if occasion were, to favour their retreat. It is always glory enough to vanquish, in what measure soever; but who so contenteth not himself, renders himself unworthy to keep the Victory he has gotten.

The Sequel of what hapned at Castelnaudary.

THe taking of Monsieur de Montmorency, was received by Monsieur's Army as the greatest misfortune that could befal them, though it was in fine the greatest happiness that his Majesty's servants could wish for, either in regard of Monsieur's person, who (had the Engagement longer continued) could not have been kept from it; or else in regard of the Interest of France, by this means secured from the enterprizes of a Faction, exposing her Natives to sundry miseries and violen­ces. Every one attributed this accident to the Leaders of Monsieur's Army, who had too much courage, and too little conduct; and to his Souldiers, who shewed no courage at all. But to omit the causes of this happy defeat, I shall say. The King received notice hereof at Lyons, from whence his Majesty resolved to depart, upon the Cardinal's assuring him, that his only presence, after such an advantage, would soon reduce the whole Province of Languedoc, as accordingly it hapned. Notwithstanding the satisfaction which his Majesty received from this Victory, be could not set forward, so apprehensive was he of Monsieur's state, without dis­patching unto him the Sieur d' Aiguebonne to assure him of his affection; who de­parted upon the ninth of September, with order to tell him, that his Majesty touch­ed with the same affection he always had for him, was ready to receive him, to en­tertain him favourably at Court, and to perform the contents of his last Declarati­on; that he should be restored to his Goods, Pensions, Annuities, and Govern­ments, [Page 507]in case he would acknowledge his fault, and relinquish all his correspon­dencies, both at home and abroad, who had engaged him in that Revolt: that if he had rather live in any other place, his Majesty would assent thereunto, Provided it were a place free from suspicion; That he would restore the Duke d' Elboeuf, and would pardon all his Domestiques their Lives and Estates. Could more tenderness and affection towards Monsieur be wished for in the Kings heart, then what was here shewed, which cannot be denyed to have proceeded from a bounty truly ex­traordinary?

The sequel of the Negotiation with Monsieur.

BUt that I may say somthing of the event of this Treaty, I shall tell you how the Sieur d' Aiguebonne coming to Monsieur, found him much discontented, not only for Monsieur de Montmorency being taken, but to see most of the Nobility of Languedoc falling off from him; which did not a little affright the Sieur de Puy-Leurens, and those of his Faction, no less sollicitous of their own, then their Master's interst; who then began to misdoubt their being taken, and made ob­jects of his Majesty's Justice; for that he was obliged to punish the whole Rebel­lion upon their persons, they having been the chief contrivers thereof. Neither were they less afflicted for having miss'd of those advantages which they fancy'd to obtain by the War. But on the other side, considering the preservation of life is to be preferr'd before all other Interests, they had already concluded, that Mon­sieur wanting Forces to carry on the War, should seem to desire Peace from the King, the only way to secure them from otherwise unavoydable misfortunes, and to betake them to their Arms again upon the first occasion of advantage, which might give them hopes of better success. Monsieur was the more readily inclined to follow their advice, in regard he found himself unable to prosecute the War, and reduced to a necessity of submitting to that Law which his Majesty would im­pose on him; so that he had already sent the Sieur de Chaudebonne towards his Ma­jesty, to testifie unto him his sorrow for having given him occasion of discontent; and to make him all sorts of Protestations of Obedience and Loyaltie for the fu­ture; beseeching him to forget what was past, and by the affection wherewith he had ever honour'd him, to moderate that anger he might have conceived against him for his late proceedings: Withal Chaudebonne had order to beg Monsieur de Montmorency's Freedom, his re establishment in his Goods and Offices, and the like for the Duke de Bellegarde, with all other his Adherents, or the Queen-Mo­thers. To demand a place of Security for Monsieur, That the Queer-Mother should be recall'd; That the places deposited by Monsieur de Lorrain should be re­stored; That a million of Livres should be granted to Monsieur, to pay off what he had borrowed from the Spaniards and the Duke of Lorrain; and that the Ar­rest issued out against the Lady du Fargis, should be repealed. All this had been acted before the Sieur d' Aiguibonne's Arrival; so that his coming to Monsieur was not a little welcom, all his Retinue beholding him as their Deliverer; and the Wisest among them were unable to admire the Excess of his Majesty's Bounty.

Politique Observation

AMongst the divers marks of Good-Will, Compassion (the Mother thereof) is the most assured; it being certain, that none is sollicitous to set a person indifferent to him, or against whom he hath some cause of anger, reduced to ex­tremity. Indifferency is too stupid to excite any sentiments of grief at others suf­ferings; and the heat of blood and choler cause joy rather then sadness. A man from the top of some Hill beholdeth with delight his enemies Vessel beaten by a Tempest, with his Masts already broken, and Sayls torn, ready to be swallowed up by the fury of the Winds and Waves; but otherwise is he affected if the Ship [Page 508]contain any person who is dear unto him; at such a sight he would be wholly transported with grief, his eyes would be lifted up to Heaven, and he would pre­sently addresse himself to send him assistance: In the same manner is a great Prince touch'd with compassion for those who relate to him, or are esteemed by him, when he sees them reduced to any deplorable condition. The Arms which they have carried against him cannot prevent such sentiments, it being most certain that true generousnesse never delights to behold a very enemy reduced to the utmost ex­tremity of misfortune. A well-grounded courage will rejoyce to obtain a victory against his enemy, but then he useth all means he can to comfort him in his afflicti­on, and beareth some part of his sadnesse with him. Thus a noble Roman Cap­tain, having defeated the Macedonians, began to shed tears when he saw their King brought Prisoner before him, and rising from his seat, went to receive him with all honour, as a grand person fallen by accident into such misfortune; and when he cast himself at his feet, would not suffer it, but raised him with a sence of compassi­on for that estate, wherein he then beheld him. In the same manner the Samnite having overthrown two Roman Consular Armies at the Furcae Caudinae, and brought them into slavery, would not enter into the City of Capua but by night, as if they would compassionately hide the confusions which they saw them suffer under the obscurity of darknesse: In conclusion, pittying their distresse, they re­stored to the Consuls their dgnities, their fasces, their Ushers, with the rest of their Train, and thus entring into Capua, both Magistrates and people came to comfort them. In the same manner, the ruine which befalleth persons of eminent quality, deserves the more pity from the greatnesse of their fall, and in regard their confusion is exposed not onely to a family or City, but many times to all Europe.

A Treaty of Peace with Monsieur.

MOnsieur received these testimonies of the King's Clemency, whilest he was yet at Castelnaudary, and though his present extremity caused him to re­ceive them with a great deal of satisfaction, yet his affection for the D. of Montmorency kept him off from concluding any thing, untill he had in­deavoured to obtain some assurances of his life and liberty: He seemed unto the Sieur de Aiguebonne, to be exceeding sensible of his Majesties goodnesse, besee­ching him to assure his Majesty that he was very sorry for having offended him; that he was firmly resolved to render him all manner of obedience for the future, and never to thwart his pleasure: In brief, he desired him to beseech his Majesty in his behalf, as himself most humbly did, to grant, according to his usual clemen­cy, those graces he had already requested by Chaudebonne, particulary in the behalf of the D. of Montmorency. That he respectfully accepted his Majesties offers, but that, adding that one favour to the person who he loved, and one who had not ingaged but for his sake, he should be infinitely much more obliged, and that he would then go any whither where his Majesty should think fit. The Sieur de Aiguebonne, returned with this answer of Monsieurs to the King, being yet at Pont-Saint Esprit, but there had been a return made thereunto by Chaudebonne, who had set forward the day before; by whom his Majesty writ to Monsieur that he could not grant him any other thing that what had already been proposed to the Sieur de Aiguebonne, and conjur'd him to accept of them without making other pretensions, his demands being neither agreeable to his Majesties dignity, the good of the State, nor his own proper interest. Now Chaudebonne returning with this Letter to Monsieur, his Highnesse was not a little troubled to see the diffi­culty of delivering the D. de Montmorency from the danger wherein he was; but the Sieur de Puy-Laurens, not forgetfull of those jealousies which had been between them, was solicitous to extinguish those thoughts, and pressed Monsieur to with­draw himself from the Precipice, by laying before him the obsolute necessities, as his affairs then stood, either of ruine or accommodation; neither did he much [Page 509]care, as every one observed, to let the D [...]de Montmorency to be cast away, provi­ded himself might be safe from shipwrack. Monsieur however could not be so soon induced to that resolution, though he was somewhat staggered, but sent Chaudebonne a second time, to make new instances upon his first Proposition [...] and then retired into Beziers with part of his Forces, which, however quartered there­abouts, but neither the Governour nor Inhabitants would permit them to enter. This was the cause that he made no long stay there, but departed on the twentieth of September before four in the morning by torch-light, having received an A [...]arm that the Kings Army commanded by the Marshals de Vitry, and de la Force were making their approaches to besiege him. Mean while the King removed from Pont-Saint Esprit, and came to Nismes, where Chaudebonne, who but three days before, had returned towards Monsieur, came again to meet his Majesty, and re-inforce the former Propositions, and more especially to procure that the favour which his Majesty granted unto Monsieur might be extended unto all of his party. But his Majesty persisted in admitting of no other conditions, whereupon Chaudebonne gave some hopes that Monsieur might be perswaded to submit, in case any one went to treat with him from his Majesty, for that the Sieur de Puy-Laurens was labouring to perswade him thereunto. By this his Highnesse was reduced to such extremity, that he knew not well where to make any sure retreat, his forces being many of them disbanded, and those of Beziers it self, now in his Majesties obedi­ence, and who, after his departure from them, had made fresh protestations of fidelity to him, refused to receive him; and in conclusion, had not admitted him at all but by order from his Majesty, who commanded them to receive him, but with his Train onely, and to render him all the honour due to his quality. The King approved of the overture, and seeing Monsieur was at Beziers, sent unto him the Sieur de Bullion Superintendent of the Treasury, and the Marquesse de Fossez, Governour of Montpellier, but without any other conditions then those, proposed by the Sieur de Aiguebonne: At their first arrival Monsieur declared, that he could not resolve to abandon the D of Montmorency, who had not ingaged himself in that War but for his sake, no more than the rest of his adherents; that for any thing else he was unalterably fixt to render all obedience and service to his Majesty. They replied, that indeed such sentiments could not but be commendable, neither could they proceed from any thing beside the goodnesse of his nature; and besee­ched his Highnesse to consider, that if he had any interest in their concerns, the King had incomparably much more reason not to capitulate at all with him, or to grant, by way of compulsion, any grace to such Rebellious Subjects, who had de­ferved the most rigorous chastizements of his Justice. They represented to him, that capitulations ought not to be made but between Soveraigns, and that Princes though of his quality, had no other way to obtain grace, but by submission and acknowledgement of their faults; that he might reasonably expect any favour from his Majesties goodnesse, seeing, his Majesty had of his own meer motion, and that before any overtures made by him unto him to obtain his favour, sent to in­vite him; that after all this, to mistrust his Clemency would be injurious; that for their parts they could not ensure him of any favour for the D. de Montmorency. or any other his Domesticks, having no order but the former; but that they might safely tell him, that in case it should stand with his Majesties service, to extend his favour towards all those whom his Highnesse desired, his own innate Clemency would invite him thereunto; that in fine, his Majesty was doubtlesse obliged to inflict some exemplary punishment upon the chief Authors of that Revolt, as a thing necessary to secure the tranquility of the State, to maintain his Majesties au­thority, to deter others, and to chastize this Rebellion, which of it self compelled his Majesty to execute some justice, unlesse he would render himself culpable against his own estate. These reasons were urged with such addresse, moderation, and prudence, that Monsieur was from that time, almost absolutely resolved to submit himself unto his Majesties Will, yet some time he desired to consider of it; which was in effect, that he might the better confer with the Sieur de Puy-Laurens, who [Page 510]finding no other way left then that of accommodation whereby to secure himself from the danger he was in, induced Monsieur to resolve to treat; he alledged to him that he ought to make the lesse difficulty of it, in regard he might afterwards take his own advantage, and put himself in a condition to obtain more advantagi­ous terms; and in fine, he acquainted the Sieur de Bullion, and the Marquesse de Fossez with Monsieurs resolution; they took his word, and the Articles of accom­modation were concluded, by which Monsieur acknowledging his fault beseeched his Majesty:

First, That he would forget and forgive him: He promised his Majesty to re­lapse no more; that he would relinquish all intelligences with Forreigners, and with the Queen-Mother, during her abode out of the Kingdom, contrary to his Majesties Will.

That he would dwell in such place as his Majesty would prescribe, and live like a true Brother and Subject.

Moreover, Monsieur obliged himself not to take any part in their Interest who were ingaged with him; nor complain, if at any time the King should bring them to condigne punishment.

To receive such persons as his Majesty should nominate into the Offices which should at any time become vacant in his family; and to remove such as should be disagreeable to his Majesty.

Briefly, It was agreed that the Sieur de Puy-Laurens, having been the chief Agent of those evil Councels, which had ingaged Monsieur in the War, should be obliged sincerely to inform his Majesty of what ever had been negotiated for the time past, by which the State might receive any prejudice, and that under penalty of being reputed Criminal, and to have incurred his Majesties displeasure.

These were the chief Articles whereunto Monsieur consented, an assured testi­mony they were of his natural inclination to live quietly and submissely: They were signed by him for his Majesties greater assurance; and thereupon the Sieurs de Bullion and Fossex, promised him in his Majesty behalf, that his Majesty should receive him into his favor, establish him in al his goods and pensions; give him liberty to live peaceably in such of his houses, as should be thought fit, and that a pardon should be granted to Monsieur de Elboeuf, and all others then residing neer his person, without ingaging any thing for the rest.

His Majesty received these Articles by the Marquesse de Fossez, and according­ly ratified them; and thus was this desired agreement concluded, which every one considered as one of the most certain foundations of France its happinesse. No­thing was discoursed of but Peace: the King permitted the strangers six days time to march out of France by Roussillon, who scattering themselves abroad from one Coast to another, received the same entertainment from the Country people as they had before offered unto them. Monsieur retired to his house of Champigzy near Tours, seemed to be satisfied in his very soul, and withall writ several Letters to the Cardinal full of affectionate expressions, disowning those aspersions publi­shed against him under his name, assuring him, that he had never consented to them in a though, and that in his greatest Passion he had ever much esteem for him, not only in regard of his loyalty towards the King, but also for his eminent vertues, and the great services he had done the State. And thus every one saw an agreeable calm succeed that storm wherewith France had been so much agitated.

Politique Observation.

AS Kings are obliged to chastize some of the chief Authors of a revolt, as shall hereafter be declared, so ought they readily to pardon the rest, Caesar was more esteemed for his easie condiscension to be reconciled to his enemies, that Hannibal for his harsh courage. It was his usual saying, that nothing [Page 511]was lesse proper for those who aspired unto great things, than willfully to persist in enmities, which oftentimes cause those forces, which were design'd for great atchievements, to be made use of in a mans own defence, and to secure him for the ambushments of his enemies. Clemency ought to shut a Soveraign's eys, that he may no more behold their faults, who beg his favour in matters of revolt, ha­ving first layed by some of the chief, for examples sake. And is it not then a gene­rous revenge to pardon a man already overcome, especially if he be of the same blood? Pardon is sometimes as difficult to be supported by Grandees, as the con­fusion of a defeat; some have chosen rather to perish then to beg it. Withall, a King is so far from receiving any detriment in his government by granting it, the rather on the contrary, Clemency is a spell which charmeth every one to love him; it is one of the strongest Pillars of his State, besides the glory which it carries with it, whose splendour is not small, generosity having no stamp more venerable then Clemency. And Experience evidenceth, that all good courages have a natural sweetnesse to cure wounds, without leaving any scars behind them. The Herb, called by Homer, Nepenthe, presented to Helen by the Queen of Egypt, was much esteemed of for the allaying of all griefs, for causing an oblivion of offences, and for restoring the same sentiments of affection, which had been before the breach of friendship. The Grecians were esteem'd very wise, who, when they could find no other expedient to redresse the many crimes, during the time of the thirty Ty­rants, published a Decree by them called the Amnesty, commanding they should all be buried in Oblivion; and the valiant Scipio took the same course with his re­volted Souldiers, telling them, he desired Oblivion might efface their fault, and in case that could not do it, it might at least be smothered in silence, to the intent it might not be cast in their teeth. All that Princes have to consider in communi­cating the effects of their Clemency, is, so to pardon, that they leave neither the courage nor the liberty of relapsing into a second fault, by making sure of those who may occasion it. Those who humble themselves, they ought to set free from the rigours of their justice; yet the favours they grant ought to be managed with such prudence, that whilest they forget those crimes which they pardon, the other may forget their ways of offending them.

The Cities of Languedoc, return to their Obedience.

AS a Tempest usually giveth place to the Sun so divers the revolted Cities of Lan­guedoc, upon his Majesties approach to their Province, returned to their obe­dience; and among others, Bagnols, Alby, Lunel, Villenene, Maguelonne, Fron­tignac and Beziers. But the Calm did intirely manifest it self, after Monsieur's accommodation had been signed and confirmed, every one then returning to his duty; yet because the Peace of that Province, and the peoples safety were necessa­rily to be secured, his Majesty commanded, that Brescon, the Castle of Pezenas, the Cittadel of Beziers, and divers other places should be eraz'd; which not being any Frontiers, could onely serve for a retreat to Rebels: Withall, he gave Com­mission to the Sieur de Muchaut, Master of the Requests, assisted by the Marquess de Tavannes, Marshal of his Camps and Armies, to chastize divers partakers of that Rebellion, both in their persons, and the razure of their Castles. And in con­clusion, that he might draw a general acknowledgement of the Rebellions commit­ted by those of that Province, and leave some better settlement behind him, he as­sembled the Estates at Beziers, upon the first of October, the next day the Session began, himself being personally present. He appeareth with that splendour where­with he is usually inviron'd when he sitteth in his Throne of Justice, being accom­panied by the Cardinals, Princes, Dukes, and Peers, Marshals of France, and other Lords attending him The first sitting of the Court was in his Majesties pre­sence, and the Keeper of the Seals, having represented to the Bishops, Gentle­men, and other Deputies there present, how hainous the crime of Rebellion, which they had committed in the late Commotions, was, he was most humbly beseeched by [Page 512]the Arch-Bishop of Narbone their Speaker, that he would pardon the whole Pro­vince; in whose name he promised him a most inviolable fidelity. Whereupon, the King that he might fully make to appear the effects of his Clemency, not only pardoned them, but suppress'd the Esleus, and confirm'd their priviledges; yet, he made a new order for the imposition of monies, which were at any time to be le­vied in their Province.

Politique Observation.

IT is not enough to beat Rebels out of the field, and to force them to their houses; a Soveraign is moreover obliged to establish such an Order in the Province where the Rebellion hath been, that it remain not exposed to the danger of a second storm, after he shall withdraw himself. He ought judici­ously to imitate the Prudent Physician, who having rais'd his Patient out his bed, indeavoureth to re-establish his temper, and to restore him to such a condition of health that he may not fear a relapse. It would be a great rashnesse to punish all that are guilty; so to do, would assuredly raise a greater revolt, and which instead of troubling one single Province, might indanger the whole Kingdome. It is in­deed proper to assemble some of them, that he may receive and acknowledgement of their crimes, their submissions, and their repentance; that once past, his Cle­mency ought to pardon the multitude, his Justice having reserved some of the Ring­leaders for exemplary punishment. Thus Aristides having received intelligence in the War, how some the noblest of the Athenians, finding themselves oppressed by poverty, and discontented to see themselves depriv'd of that Authority they had formerly injoyed in them management of affairs, had conspired against the peo­ple, and resolved to deliver the Common-Wealth into the hands of the Barbari­ans, rather then live in the estate whereunto they were then reduced, satisfied him­self with causing eight of the principle to be taken to punishment, and exhorted the rest to behave themselves with such courage, that their generousnesse might efface the memory of so ignominious and enterprize; which one thing wrought more effectually with them, then if he had severely punished them. It is only fit for inferiour Judges to raise informations against all the particular accessaries to a crime: Kings, who Clemency maketh far more glorious then Severity, ought to wink at the disorders of the multitude, seeing they had not ingaged in a Rebelli­on, but by the Artifice of the chief men of the Province, who are more in fault on, but by the Artifice of the chief men of the Province, who are more in fault then all the rest. I will moreover adde, that it were proper they did a little swee­ten those Orders which clash with the peoples sence, and which have served for a pretence to their Rebellion; for it is exceeding dangerous to be obstinately reso­lute in any thing that goes against the hair of the multitude; not that I should think it Prudence to admit of what ever they desire, that were too base a conde­scension, and would imbolden them too too much; a mean ought to be used, and a more pleasing way to obtain the same ends. The highest point of discretion consisteth in acquiring the end we propose, by such windings as may best convey us to it, though it be the further way about; and the greatest Triumph of reason seemeth sometimes to yeeld to Time and Necessity, and to sit still with effecting, though not all we would, yet what we may without exasperating the people. A King may lawfully, without all peradventure, establish that which is right, and which carrieth with it any advantage to the publick, but Prudence ought to pre­cede all his Decrees, and he ought to be carefull that there happen not at any time more evil then good by his commands.

The Requests of divers Lords for Monsieur de Montmorency, his life and liberty.

ALthough his Majesty had pardoned the common fry, yet the Duke of Mont­morency being their chief Ring-leader, there was small likelihood of passing by his Delinquency, without due punishment, unlesse it were purposely to give all other Governours free liberty to rebell as often as they pleased, consi­dering how it was by the chance of War, and his own only rashness, that he fell into the hands of his Majesties Officers. For this reason it was, that the King comman­ded him to be carried to Tholose (whither his Majesty came not long after) im­prisoned in the Town-House, and sent a particular Commission to the Parliament to prosecute his Indictment against him. He was examined, witnesses produced face to face, according to course, neither was there any great difficulty in proving such things as made him guilty of death; he having been taken with his Sword in his hand, against the King, as himself confessed (adding with tears in his eyes, as is usual with all persons of quality, when they find themselves convicted; That if it would please his Majesty to pardon him his life, he would not desire to obtain it unlesse to lay it out in his service, and that he might expiate part of his Crimes, with his Blood. Sundry persons of quality, and amongst others, the Princesse of Conde his sister; the Cardinal de la Valette, and the Dukes d' Espernon, and de Cheureuse, were very earnest with the King to obtain his pardon, and Monsieur himself sent the Sieur de Lavaupot, to cast himself at his Majesties feet, and to Pe­tition in his behalf. But what likelihood was there, of passing by so hainous an offence without chastizing it? What reason was there to give life unto him, who had indeavoured to raise all the Grandees in the Kingdom, with whom he had the least acquaintance, who had used his utmost to ingage one of the chief Provinces of the Kingdom in a Rebellion, who had induced Monsieur to march in Arms through all France, that he might the better countenance his designs, who had introduc'd the Spaniard, who had had the boldnesse to procure the States of the Province to authorize his Rebellion, who had raised all the Souldiers he possibly could against the King: briefly, who had left no stone unturn'd which might any ways contri­bute to the advancement of his pernicious designs? What reason can there be al­ledged sufficient to excuse such a crime? It was not a fault committed by mistake, or rashly, but a designed contrivance deliberated and discussed; for the effecting whereof, he had bent all his wits, and set all his Engines on work, for above seven or eight moneths together. His name was indeed honourable, in regard of his Ancestors, but he deserved no honour for having been deficient in following the Copies of their Loyalty, was his family illustrious, his Crime was of the greater consequence and the more dangerous for persons of his quality, especially such as had raised great advantages by the favours conferr'd upon them, and the punish­ment of his offence ought to be exemplary, to warn the Nobility to contain them­selves within the bounds of their duties, and within the limits of fear of his Maje­sties Justice. He had indeed done his Majesty service in two or three occasions, but not such as were any way considerable, with that of this his attempt, which strook at the root of the Kingdom, which forced the people from their obedience, which tended to the destruction of his Majesties authority, and the ruine of his Subjects. What would strangers have said at the report of such excessive Clemency, far diffe­rent from those prudent severities which themselves frequently exemplifie unto us, upon the least commotions in their own Countries? Had it not been a wilfull blindnesse in matters of State, and the establishment of the publick quiet to have suffered such a Rebellion to passe unpunished? To say truth, he must have no lon­ger been a King, had he tied up the hands of Justice, and hindred her from prose­cuting those Orders prescribed by the Laws on such occasions. Thus the Marshal de Chastillon, going to wait upon the King, with intent to join his request with [Page 514]others in his behalf told him, that the countenance and eys of those who supplica­ted him, did sufficiently declare, that his Majesty would oblige very many persons, if it would please him to pardon Monsieur de Montmorency's life, but was answer'd with a Prudence well-becomming his Majesty that he should not be King, if his sen­timents were such as those of private men.

Politique Observation.

A King would render himself much blame-worthy towards his State, if in all his actions he did not regard the publick good, before the satisfaction of divers persons. Good Emperours even according to the opinion of the most eminent Lights of the Church, have preferr'd the State before their Fathers or children; and indeed of such consideration ought it to be unto them, seeing they are obliged not to give way to their own wills, when they desire any thing in prejudice thereof. Were it not a madnesse to expose all the Souls in a Vessel to th hazard of Ship­wrack, by indeavouring to save one particular man? Seeing the very life of a King ought not by himself to be considered, when as the publick good is in agita­tion, of what weight then ought anothers life be to him? The object of Princes is the civil good, and is folded up in that of the people in general. No one can doubt▪ but that it is for the interest and advantage of the people, to prefer the common good, before that of any particular man, who hath run into any hainous offences. So the Laws have more regard to the safety of all, then of any one criminal, and that Prince who being obliged to propose to himself the Laws for a guide of his Actions, will commit a manifest oversight, if he dotq [...]not follow the like example. He deserveth not to wear the Crown, if he permit the oppression of his Subjects, and the Revolt of others to go unpunished; God Almighty ha­ving intrusted the Sword of Justice in his hands, that he might preserve them in obedience and defend them from oppressions. Kingdomes (saith Plato) are then well governed, when the guilty are punished. The Lawyer saith, that the chief­est care which a Governour of a Province ought to have, is to dreseree Peace; to which end, he must purge the Country of those who are likely to create troubles, by punishing them according to their demerits; in a word, private men propose the well-ordering of their families, for the end of heir businesse, and so ought Kings to prefer nothing before the good of their Kingdomes. It is the property of private men, to be solicitous of private concernments, and it is the duty of a King to regard nothing in regard of the publick good.

Mosieur de Montmorency's Death.

THese were the just considerations which moved the Parliament of Tholose, after processe made against him withall legal proceedings, to condemn him to be beheaded by their sentence of the 30. October. But before I proceed to the execution, I cannot but observe the Fortitude and Piety wherewith he received his death. The Cardinal de la Valette, fore-seeing no probability of saving him, beseeched the King would be pleased to allow him a Confessor, the better to dispose him to receive with submission the sentence of the Parliament. His Majesty was easily intreated to admit therof, being glad to contribute any thing towards the saving of his Soul, by making his body an example of Rebellion, which favour although it be not usually granted to persons indicted, before their sentence be passed, yet his Majesty gave oder to the Marshal de Breze, to conduct Father Arnoux, Superior of the Jesuits, particularly desired by the Duke of Montmo­rency, and to charge him to assist him, day and night, for so long time, as he should thing fit and requi [...]te for his consoation. The Father went to him, and found that God bestowed may Graces upon him, in order to his well-dying; to which end, he desired to make a general Confession. One thing did somewhat trouble him, which was this, he beleeved that to acquit himself of this pious duty; there [Page 515]would be longer time required, then was probably left for him; he supposing, as accordingly it was that they had resolv'd to sentence him the next morning where­upon he earnestly conjured the Father Arnoux, and the Sieur de Launay to go and acquaint his Majesty that he beseeched him to bestow the next whole morning upon him, that he might the more deliberately and without molestation, look back into his Conscience, that he might make such a Confession, as might cause him to die without inquietude of mind, and that he should take this for one of the greatest fa­vours he had ever received from him. The King condescended thereunto, and his Pi­ety being no lesse resplendent then his Justice, he readily granted him that liberty, commanding, that the sentencing of him should be deferr'd for one day; and also permitting him to communicate, although contrary to the use for persons in his condition. He ended those holy duties, which once passed over, he employed the afternoon in making his Will, according as his Majesty had permitted him, wherein he bequeathed unto Monsieur the Cardinal, one esteemed for the rarest peece of France, being a Picture, representing Saint Sebastian dying, and beseeched him to believe that he died his servant. The morning following, he was called unto the Palace to be examined at the Bar where be answered unto all Interrogations, such submission and generousnesse, that he discovered no other fear of death, but with what is natural to the greatest courages; and at the same time that he went out of the grand Chamber, the whole Court (the Lord Keeper being President) con­demned him to be beheaded in the place du Salin, as guilty of High Treason, in the highest degree. The Sentence was pronounced to him with the usual forms of Ju­stice, which when he heard he told the Commissaries, how he thanked them, and the whole Company, beseeching them to tell them in his behalf, that he receiv'd the Judgement from the Kings Justice, as a sentence of Mercy from God. After this, his thoughts were altogether taken up, in disposing of himself to die like a Christian. And having shewed all imaginable proofs of so dying, he was executed in the Court of the Town-house where his Majesty commanded it to be performed, though he was not intreated to bestow that last favour upon him.

Politique Observation.

TO pardon every one, is a cruelty more dangerous then to pardon no one; this only injureth the nocent, but that the innocent, seeing it exposeth all men to great misfortunes. This only destroyeth particular families, whereas that is commonly the occasion of the breaking out again of civil Wars, which were thought to have been quite extinguished by Clemency, but do then indanger the absolute ruine of a whole Kingdom, by their second eruptions. Now amongst those many which deserve to be chastiz'd, the chief heads of a Revolt, ought to be punished much rather then the hands and feet, which were but accessaries there­unto: It is the order prescribed by Justice, and in effect, it is more equitable to punish those who are the original and true causes of evil, then those who could hardly defend themselves from following their violent motions. The greatnesse of their qualities may not priviledge them from the punishment due to the hainous­nesse of their Crimes, although the faults of common mean persons are usually pardon'd by the too too great indulgence of Magistrates. On the contrary, if at any time Ambition transporteth them into seditions, it likewise rendreth, them much more culpable, and consequently more deserving of punishment, then the least and most obscure persons of the Kingdome. Their lapses are not only equal and liable to the inflictions provided for other Subjects; but they are the more no­torious, by how much their quality is more conspicuous, because their exorbitan­ces are of a more dangerous consequence. Every one is more concern'd at the Eclipses of the Sun, then those of other Stars, because such are commonly attended by sad events; so the crimes of the chief leading men in a Nation, are more to be regarded, because their effects are more to be feared then those of private men. The revolt of a mean Gentleman, is seldom capable to raise any great troubles in [Page 516]a Kingdom, but that of a Governour of a Province, or some chief person in the State cannot happen, without carrying great misfortunes along with it.

It is great Prudence in such occasions, to follow the councel, give by Thra­sibulus to Periander, who sent his Ambassadours to him, desiring to be inform'd how he might happily govern his State: He carried them out into a large field, and discoursing to them of things indifferent, he cut of the highest ears of Corn, and then told them they should acquaint their Master, with what they had seen him do, and how that was the best advice he could give him: Periander understood the meaning, and well concluded, that the only means to rule in quiet, was to cut off their heads, who might any ways trouble the State, and that Prince who follow­eth not this Rule, when Justice requireth it, shall quickly find himself necessitated to sustain the inconveniences of a Civil War. He who cherisheth that Serpent which hath formerly stung him, exposeth himself to the danger of a second wound; and that Prince who once pardoneth the Ring-leader of a Rebellion, giveth life to a man, who may in time find an opportunity to raise a second and more dangerous revolt, because he may then better provide in prevension of those evils which cau­sed his first ruine, whereas him death were a Quietus est. In a word, a Prince cannot but be commended for sacrificing the life of a Rebel, to the quiet of his State.

A Design to surprize the Dutchesse d' Esguillon.

THe news of Monsieur de Montmorency's taking, being brought to Bruxels, the Queen-Mother and Spaniards, received it with no less sorrow then asto­nishment; concluding, that seeing the strongest Pillar of the Rebellion by them raised in France, was surpriz'd and carried to a place, where he was onely in a condition of suffering, the whole contrivance which they had so finely spun to force the King to stoop unto their Wills, would now vanish into nothing. The Queen-Mother in particular, who had ever a great kindnesse for the Duke of Montmorency, was in great fear for him, lest the King should make him the ob­ject of his Justice, for an example to others, as he had well deserved. But Father Chanteloupe, who never wanteth remedies, at least imaginary ones, for all acci­dents, which do never so little provoke the Queen-Mothers passion, knowing that in Womens affairs, a Man is ever acceptable to them, in case he do but sooth them in their affections, advised to surprize Madam de Combalet, and to bring her away to Bruxels; assuring themselves, that having that Lady in their hands, who being the Cardinals Neece, and indued with such qualities, as rendred her not only the most amiable, but the most deserving person of the Court, was the object of his affections, that grand Minister would be compelled to obtain his pardon, for very fear lest she might find some harsh usage, in case they should put him to death. I may safely say, that the important services of this favourable Genius, ought to have hindred the Queen-Mother, who knew him better then any other person what­ever, from consenting to so unjust a design when it was first proposed, for that consideration alone, ought to have been an inviolable security to all his relations. But I will only say, the merit of that Lady was sufficient of it self, to oblige her to punish the Authors of such rash Councels, seeing she is the Ornament and Glory of the Court, the honour of her Sex, a miracle of Virtues, and replenished with exemplary Piety, not precise or disagreeable, but attractive and taking; that she doth (as it were) force a respective love in the Souls of all who behold the ma­ny Graces wherewith Heaven hath inriched her. But what reason was there, or indeed what reason could there be alledged to expiate the Duke de Montmorency's Crimes of Rebellion, upon a person whose acquired Vertues and innate Graces did oblige all Man-kind to pay her all imaginable honour and respect? Yet Passion having no eys to behold any truth which thwarts it; the Queen-Mother approved of Chanteloup's design, thought good to command the execution thereof at Beçan­çon, writ unto sundry Gentlemen whom she intrusted, to assist the attempt, and [Page 517]took care that for the safer bringing her away, horses should be layed ready upon the Road between Bruxels and Paris. But God who is pleased to defend Justice, and willingly protecteth such as are by him indued with any extraordinary qualities, discovered the Plot by one Rouure, one of the chief Conspirators, who acquain­ted Madam de Combalet with the whole contrivance; and moreover, furnished her with the means of taking nine principal Agents therein, by the Chevalier du G [...]t, who were all carried to the Bastille. It was not long before there were Commissi­oners appointed for their Examination, and their design being proved, by many undeniable testimonies, they could not have escaped the reward due to such crimes, had not Madam de Combalet, of her own good nature, whose charity shineth among her other virtues, hindred the execution, by her humble Petition unto the King. It was satisfaction enough for her, that she was safe from the danger, and she was more solicitous of rewarding Rouure, who had been instrumental in her escape, then of causiing them to be punished who would have acted so outragious a violence.

Politique Observation.

ALthough besides the injustice, it be an impudent boldnesse, to injure Ladies of Quality and Honour, their Sex and Merit having ever secured them from all outrages, even in the hottest times of War, yet they receive no little glo­ry by pardoning such rudenesse, if any be offered unto them. It is not the same thing in matter of forgiving wrongs, between private persons and Princes, the latter being often obliged to follow the rigor of the Laws for the good of his State; whereas it is alwaies honourable for the former to forgive, especially for Ladies, sweetnesse being a becomming Vertue of their Sex, although cruelty be a usual in­gredient in their constitutions. It is a most assured mark of Generosity, then to par­don injuries when one is able to revenge them. None but great Courages are touched with pitty; for those who have shewed themselves most inhumane, they only convert their Anger into Compassion, whereas they might justly enough take exceptions against them. Julius Caesar, whose Vertue is not only notorious, but admired by all the World, was hardly to be moved to anger by the common fry of men, thinking them (belike) beneath his Passion, and too inconsiderable to dis­quiet him. In a word, it is one of the highest points of Moral vertue, but Chri­stianity inhanceth in somewhat further, obliging us to forgive those who have of­fended us, for Gods sake, who invites us unto it; an advantage it is, and that much more advantagious against offenders, then punishing of them, seeing there is not any thing wherein we can more lively resemble the Divine Bounty, then in par­doning of injuries. Kings themselves are not more considerable for their Justice then their Clemency. Many there have been ingenious enough in punishing the guilty, but few are the examples of Clemency, it being rarely seen, that a grand patience cohabits with a Soveraign power; though the Sun be the most worthy Ornament of the Heavens, yet he is only respected by men, in regard of his benigne influences, which he sendeth amongst them; and true it is, that let a Lady be never so great, yet nothing can so much recommend her, as Clemency, especially such as carrieth her on, to do good unto them who have made themselves unworthy thereof, by their indeavours to do her a mischief.

Monsieur leaveth France, and goeth into Lorrain.

MOnsieur's accommodation being concluded, and his Majesties prudence having disposed of every thing, which seemed necessary for the establishing a secure Peace in France, every one supposed that the wings of those who favoured Mon­sieur's Revolt, had been so clipp'd, that it would be a long time ere they could flie into such disorders. All good Frenchmen, were touched with such joy, as they who having been long weather-beaten, by a Tempest at Sea, do at length safely [Page 518]arrive unto their wished Haven. But those joys were short lived, the Sea being quickly covered with Fleets scouring up and down, which threatned France with a furious storm: The Sieur de Puy-Laurens, and some others, who carried any sway in Monsieur's Councels, had only perswaded him to reconcile himself unto the King, with design to ingage him in some new Revolt, as occasion should pre­sent; and in hopes to make a more advantagious use of it towards the obtaining of their pretensions, then they had done in Languedoc; they were not long with­out a pretence to palliate their intentions, Monsieur de Montmorency's death, should be the ground of his leaving the Kingdom. They suggested to him that his intreaties having been so ineffectual and unconsidered in the saving his life, who was a person of such neer concernment to him, he could not think himself over se­cure of his own freedom, in case there should be any suspicion upon him, that how­ever it was a strange affront put upon him, in the sight of all Europe, seeing he had not credit enough to save a Gentleman, who had adventured his life and fortunes for his interests. At the same time they gave out, that his life had been promised un­to Monsieur upon his accommodation; whereas on the contrary, the Sieur de Bullion, and the Marquesse de Fossez, did never give him any such assurance, that having failed in a particular so much concerning his honour, his Highnesse could not make any longer abode in France. Now although all of that Cabal did jointly conclude to carry him out of the Kingdome, yet they could not agree upon the place whither to carry him. The Sieur de Puy-Laurens who was passionately in love with the Princesse de Phalsbourg, proposed Lorrain, the place where his heart was, and advised him to retire thither, it being a thing due to the Princesse Marguerite, and there being no such powerfull invitations to carry him into any other place: The rest found but little safety in Lorrain, by reason of the Dukes weaknesse, unable to secure their retreat, or stay there; but were of opinion, that Monsieur should retire into Cazal, where they assured themselves the Marshal de Toiras, would re­ceive his Highnesse, and where he might live secure from all fear. The little assu­rance of safety which Monsieur foresaw in Lorrain, did somewhat touch him, but the Sieur de Puy-Laurens, insinuating to him how easily he might retire from Nancy to Bruxelles, in case his Majesty should seem to incline towards any expedition against Lorrain; in consideration of him, and how that he would alwaies be re­ceived there, his birth rendring him considerable, swayed his former resolutions, and made him incline to that side, so powerfull was his credit with him; although the rest represented to him, that he would find lesse security by casting himself into the hands of the Spaniards, then in any other place whatever; that they might perchance entertain him with honour; but that it was to be feared, he would not long continue Master of his own liberty, or that he might have the freedom to get off when he should most desire it. The resolution of departing being concluded, Monsieur went into Lorrain in November, and for the more specious pretext of their relapse, they presumed to write unto the King, persisting to abuse his name and pen; how that the preservation of Monsieur to Montmorency's life, and the procuring of his liberty, having induc'd him to submit to whatever his Majesty was pleas'd to impose, the taking off of his head being a person so dear to him, was so publique an affront, and slight, that he could no longer indure it; and withall, that it was impossible he should longer continue in France, without giving cause to suspect, he had made his own accommodation with other intentions, then of ob­taining that favour, of which he was still fed with great hopes: Besides that, he could expect little satisfaction for his own person, seeing his requests and intreaties had been so little considerable in the executing of him, whose life was equally dear to him, with his own, and whose death he could not digest without great dishonor. This was the substance of the Letter, whereunto there need no other answer, but that the Duke of Montmorency having been condemned by one of the most famous Parliaments of the Kingdom, for a Crime which could not be let passe without pu­nishment, unlesse to the very great detriment of the State, especially after himself had sent seven Couriers to assure his Majesty of his fidelity, after he had conspired [Page 519]with Forraigners to destroy the Kingdom, after he had almost totally raised one of the chiefest Provinces, after he had been taken in the head of an Army, with his sword died with blood in his hand, actually fighting against his Majesties service, after he had somented divisions in his Majesties family, and committed several other enormities as hath been declared; there was little reason to expect his pardon, and as to the other part, that it was improbable his Highnesse should consent to the Treaty made at Beziers, only in order to obtain Monsieur de Montmorency's par­don, when as he was absolutely forced by necessity to submit thereunto, having not forces enough to defend himself. Such was the reply which the King sent unto him, wherein he testified to the whole World, how he never offered any just cause to those of his royal blood, to separate themselves from him, or to be deficient in paying those respects, unto which nature and his Majesties affection did not a little oblige them.

Politique Observation.

VVHatever refusal a Prince receiveth from his King, yet he rendreth him­self inexcusable, if his Passion transport him beyond his duty: He ought to recollect unto his memory, how that no one, in a well-govern'd State can im­pose the Law on his Soveraign, but that every one ought to submit his own private, to his Princes Will. There are in a State, as in the Soul, superiour and inferiour powers; and as the law of Nature hath ordained the weaker faculties give way un­to the stronger and more able; so the Grandees of a Kingdom are obliged to stoop under the Laws of their Supream Prince, and to comply with his Will, without any the least contradiction. What but Death can be expected from that body whose particular Members refuse to execute those Offices which are injoyned them by the Head? And what can be looked for from a State, where the Nobles flie out, and deny obedience to the Soveraigns Decrees? This were repugnant to the Order of Justice, nothing but misfortunes could attend it. It matters not whether they al­waies meet with their particular satisfaction, seeing a King is obliged to intend the publick good, not the requests of his Grandees. The Sun which presideth in the Heavens doth not alwaies shine and smile on the earth, as we would have him, but as he is obliged in order to the universal good, so he withdraweth himself at cer­tain hours, and who so should be discontented herewith, would it not appear un­reasonable? Are not Kings sometimes necessitated in consideration of their State, to with-hold their favours, and to deny their pardon for certain crimes, which otherwise they would not scruple to grant? And were it not too too little submis­sion, upon such occasions for a Subject to fall off, and to flie out into extremities? Reasons of State are often so visibly apparent, that there need nothing but a pri­vation of passion to behold and force a confession, that it were imprudence not to prosecute them; but admit there were no such evincing arguments, yet no man can justly complain against his Soveraign, in regard reasons of State are for the most part kept secret. Antiquity did observe a custome very mysterious, which was this, they placed a Sphynx over the Portals of their Temples, to teach the people they ought not to enter they but with submissions, such as should as it were lock up their bold curiosities, from inquiring into the mysteries which they adored, it being more proper humbly to reverence divine things, then to pry into them with a needlesse Inquisition. I could wish the like Statues were placed at the Gates of our Kings Pallaces, to teach men of all conditions, to receive their Commands and Laws with obedience, cheerfulnesse and submission, without examining the reasons of them, which ought by them, though unknown, to be esteemed for good and just, especially seeing at last, their Will ought to be a Law to all their Subjects, and that it is a kind of Rebellion, as it were, to contradict it. For my part, I think it likewise a great prudence not to inquire into the motives, reasons or in­ducements of their Wills, because Ministers might thereby be obliged to discover Truths, not proper to be known, as happened at Florence, in the time of Cosime [Page 520]de Medicis, who being extreamly pressed by a Florentine to tell him the reason, why he had refused him an Office whose Predecessor had been hang'd for ill dis­charging it; at last told him, after many importunities, that he did it, because he feared he would likewise be hanged as the former, letting him see by this answer, how he knew him to be like enough for his wickednesse to dance in the same rope. So a Prince expressing any discontent for punishing of any Grandee, who had in­gaged him in a Rebellion, and earnestly pressing to know the reason of such rigor, might be answered, that it was done for fear he might draw him a second time into the same snares. It is alwaies safer for Princes to dissemble their discontents, and cheerfully to submit unto their Soveraigns Will, then to expresse any dislikes which only serve to bring them into distrust, to raise suspicions and spies upon their acti­ons, and to hinder their receiving of any more favours; whereas by their seeming to be well satisfied, they preserve themselves in their Soveraigns good opinion, and in a condition to reap abundance of advantages: And Guichardine in his advices saith, that he had oftentimes obtained his ends, by dissembling his discontents with those, who else would never have served his turn, and that he had receiv'd such friendships and favours from them, as he could not have expected had he discove­red any dislike.

Certain Bishops of Languedoc, deposed from their Charges.

THe Duke of Montmorency, had acquired so great credit in Languedoc, that he not only drew off divers men of quality from his Majesties service, but several Bishops also, and perswaded seven or eight to subscribe unto the Declaration of the States; some recanted what they had done, and became conformable to what his Majesty had ordained in his Declaration; but othersome stood out in their Rebelli­on, amongst whom were those of Alby and Ʋsses, who had delivered their Cities into Monsieur's hands, of Nismes who would have done the like, of Alets and Saint-Pont, well-willers to the Rebellion, either by raising of forces or provisions to be sent to places already revolted. The Arch-Bishop of Narbone President of the States, had not been defective in indeavouring to divert them from their designs representing to them how contrary it was to their profession, which tended to pro­cure Peace, and to shew examples of obedience unto others. And why Gentle­men (quoth he, one day, in a full Assembly, speaking unto them) and why would you add fuel to the fire already kindled in this Province, or assist those who indeavour to subvert the State, or why will you dispence with the service you ow both the King and people, to assist those who contrive wickednesse? Will you be the men who shall make this place a Theater of bloody Tragedies? Why do you not consider that the designs in which you have been ingaged, tend only to serve some discontented persons of the Court, to come and extinguish the fire-brands of their Ambition, in the blood of our Diocesans, and to fight out their quarrels up­on our very Altars? Have ye not heard how that Forrainers are at the Gates of the Kingdome, and ready to invade us? Think you they will not fall to divide the spoil, in case they obtain any little successe? And shall this Province become a Conquest, where Rebels and strangers shall have so much as their Swords will in­title them unto? Have ye forgot the disasters which the Church suffered in these parts during the Civil Wars? Would ye be willing to see your Altars prophaned, your Goods destroyed, your Church Ornaments plundered, the Portions of the poor rifled, and the Priests of the whole Country, flying from their Cures into places of Safety? And admit these Heavenly considerations should not affect you, how can you countenance the revolt of this Province, where his Majesty hath de­stroyed Heresie, restored Peace, Liberty, and Glory to the Church, of which she had so many years been deprived? Can you forget how his Majesty came per­sonally into those very places, wherein you now countenance Rebellion with his Sword in his hand for our defence, what dangers he attempted, how often he grap­led with our enemies, and to what hazards he exposed himself, that be might re­establish [Page 521]us in our Functions, and the free injoyment of our Goods? Can you think on these things and not remain firm in the obedience you ow unto him? Be­hold an opportunity of obtaining great glory is now presented by God in us. It is in this occasion God hath injoyn'd us to shew forth that loyalty and submission, by him so often recommended unto his Apostles, whose successors we have the honor to be. This is it, unto which I cannot sufficiently invite you, yet you may herein gain honour and happinesse, and more then that too, if you will do me the honor to believe me. This Rhetorique had been powerfull enough to have retain'd them in their devoirs, had not their souls been pre-possessed by Passion, that alone pre­vented it, insomuch that most of them persevered to run on in their Rebellion. Hereupon, the King finding them who should have preserv'd the people in obe­dience, both by exhortation and example, to excite them to Rebellion, could not put up such disorders, but appointed Collectors in their several Bishopricks, to receive their Revenues, and to employ them in reparation of Religious Houses, and Episcopal Seas, and thinking it improper to intrust the care of Souls with such disloyal perso [...]s, he procured a breviat from the Pope address'd to the Arch-Bi­shop of Arles, the B [...]shops of St. Fl [...]ur, and St. Malo, to draw up their process against them. His Majesty might have made use of his own power, and have pu­nished them, by his ordinary Justice, inasmuch as it was Treason, from which there is no exemption, neither could it have been thought strange by themselves, seeing Jesus Christ himself, and the two Apostles whom we acknowledge for the chief of Ministers of the Gospel, refused not to be judged by the Laiety: Yet his Majesty ever a great respecter of Ecclesiastical men, would not commit their judg­ment but unto persons of their own Coat, who deposed the Bishops of Alby and Nismes only, death preventing the Bishop of Ʋssez from receiving the like punish­ment; the rest they restored to their Bishopricks, having not evidences enough to condemn them, although they might peradventure be sufficiently guilty.

Politique Observation.

ALthough Bishops by their places are raised to an high degree of honour, yet they wrong themselves if they think they are exempted from their Kings Authority, seeing the Popes have in their writings as Gelasius to the Emperor Anastatius, Pe­lagius to Childebert, one of our first Kings, and St Gregory to the Emperor Man­ritius, acknowledged themselves depending upon their authority. It is moreover true, that Bishops are more especially obliged, beyond any other Subjects, to live in an exemplary Loyalty, and by their indeavours to preserve the people in peace. Upon their promotion to that spiritual dignity, the take a new Oath of Allegi­ance, which as it were a second Chain, tieth them to the yoke of obedience, but admitting that were not so, yet the Ministers of the Church conforming themselves to the temper of their Mother, which is a spirit of peace, are bound to appease and pacifie the people when they are tumultuously given, and much more not to blow the Coals of their dissention. Savanarola was exceedingly condemned for exaspe­rating an insurrection in Florence, against the Medicis when he publiquely preach­ed, that it was Gods Will and Pleasure to have a popular Government established, to the intent the chief of the City might have no longer power to dispose of the safety of some, and the Libertie of others. They who are so inconsiderate as to follow such sedicious tracts, do render themselves the more unworthy of their cal­lings, by how much the Church doth abhor War and Blood. We should think it very strange, if Heaven which was created by the eternal Providence of God, to inlighten the World with its stars, to produce nourishments, by its influences for the preservation of all creatures, to enamel the earth with all sorts of Flowers, and to overspread it with a thousand kinds of Fruits, should in a sudden alter its nature, and only fill us with darknesse, terrifie us with Thunders, and load the Earth with Briars and Thorns: And would it not be more wonderfull to behold (the Son of God having not more strictly charged his Disciples with any one thing, then to [Page 527]be obedient, and to preserve that Peace which he had brought unto Man-kind) Bishops, their Successors, indeavouring to their utmost to destroy and die the land with blood, to divert people from their duties, to arm them against their lawfull Prince, and by their power of Souls to ruine that Authority, which Christ their Master hath given to their Soveraigns? This were absolutely repug­nant to the Orders by him established, and directly opposite to the Laws to them prescribed. If any of them should be so forgetfull of their duties, the Ministers of State are the more obliged to punish them, in regard the reverence wherewith they are esteemed, and the opinion which men have of their sanctity and Doctrine, ren­dreth their example of a more dangerous consequence, and their discourses more powerfull to perswade, whatever they are disposed to inculcate. For this very reason was it, that Giles Arch-Bishop of Rheimes, was deposed by Childebert, that Pretextatus was deprived of the Arch-Bishoprick of Rouen. In the time of Chil­dery, that Theodor lost that of Arles by the command of Clovis; upon this score it was, that Lewis the Debonair, forced the Arch-Bishop of Milan to give an account of his disloyalties, Abon Arch-Bishop of Rheims, Volsphod Bishop of Cre­mone, and Theodolph Bishop of Orleans, accomplices in the Conspiracy of Bernard King of Italy. Did not Hugh Capet cause Arnoul convicted of Falshood and Trea­son to be drawn from the Sea of Rheims. It is the ancient politique custom of France, a Right belonging to our Kings, and which Pope Zachary himself advi­sed Pepin to put in execution, without any scruple, when and so often as occasion should require. And what probability, I pray is there, that the Bishops and Church­men of a Kingdom, should have a priviledge to ingage men in Rebellion, and not be punished for so doing, to instill sedicious Tenents in the minds of men, and that Magistrates should not call them to accompt for it, or depose them from their fun­ctions, after they had rendred themselves unworthy of them, by their evil deport­ment.

Divers Cabals made by the Duke de Guise.

THe King having secured the Peace in Languedoc, Monsieur le Cardinal invi­ted him to have an eye after the establishment of it in Provence, where the Duke of Guise held divers practices tending to Rebellion, and which were depending upon the same design with Monsieur de Montmorency. The King having been inform'd of his evill deportment, for at least a year before, had often moved him to surrender the Government of that Province, in consideration of other recompences offered unto him; and upon his refusal had commanded him to come to Court, that he might fairly and handsomly dis-ingage him, without taking notice of those contrivances in which he was then imbarking: It having ever been the Cardinal's advice unto his Majesty, not to proceed unto the extremities of ri­gor, but when he should be, as it were, inforced it, by the extremities of dis-obe­dience. But the Duke of Guise kept himself in Provence, being fearfull lest his actions might be a means of stopping him at Court, and laying him up in a place where he could not be capable of imbroiling, whereupon instead of waiting upon his Majesty, he caused his Mother the Dutchesse of Guise, to beg leave of his Ma­jesty, that he might passe away two or three months time at Rome and Loretta. The King was very glad of it, and readily granted his desire, as knowing that travel doth often correct passion in matters of revolt and love; yet was it neverthelesse upon condition, that after his return, he should come to Court, and clear some suspicions which had been taken at the manner of his late Conduct. But instead of returning back from Italy, he dispatched the Sieur de Grand Pre, one of his Domestiques, to beseech his Majesty then at Vic, to bestow some employment upon him, amongst those forces which were then marching towards Italy, for the safety of his Allies: His Majesty denied to grant his request, conceiving that he ra­ther aimed to palliate his disobedience, then to do any real service, and thereupon renewed his former command, that he should come to him, and justifie himself as [Page 523]to divers particulars whereof he was suspected. But he being never inclined to obey this command; and on the contrary, living out of the Kingdom, without his Majesties permission, against the inhibition contained in the Law, which declares such Princes as violate it, guilty of High-Treason; withall, residing there to en­tertain intelligences to the King's disservice, of which he had particular advice, there was no other way to look on him, but in the quality of a Rebel, and to de­prive him of the Government of Provence, which lay convenient for him to let in a Forraign enemy; he being further to be suspected, in regard the House of Lor­rain layeth some ancient claim, although upon weak pretences to this Province; whereupon the King (provoked by these important reasons resolved to discharge him of that Government, and to bestow it on the Marshal de Vitry, whose valour prudence, and affection his Majesty might rely on, with confidence that the D.o Guise could attempt nothing in prejudice of the State, which would not as quickly be repelled; and withall, caused him to take the Oath of Governour the same day, that the Peace was concluded with Monsieur, though his Letters Patents had been dispatched in April.

Politique Observation.

IT is very dangerous to commit the Government of a Province to a Grandee who hath once had his hand in a Revolt, who hath declared his discontent, or hath any pretence to the place in his charge. The disloyalty which ingaged him in any faction, rendreth him more deserving of punishment then preferment, and the least chastisement which can be inflicted on him, is to deprive him of all imploy­ments, it being a thing of great concern, exemplarily to chastize those Governors which are guilty of such offences. The punishment inflicted on them, serveth for an example to others, and keepeth them in their duties, whereas impunity incoura­geth others to run into the same faults. Besides, he who hath once had the impu­dence to imbark himself in a rebellious design, will be ever ready to put it in exe­cution, when a fair opportunity invites him. Great sicknesses administer suspici­on of relapses; and the wisest Kings, having once seen a Grandee fall off from his Allegiance, have ever distrusted him, and never afforded him the opportunity of doing the least evill. Small things may be hazarded, but amongst such, the Go­vernment of a Province, one of the most important charges of a State may not be reckoned. It is likewise equally dangerous, to trust a Grandee who hath once shewed himself to be discontented; it were to be ignorant of the usual consequen­ces which attend great mens discontents to intrust the Government of a Province with them. There is not any thing more natural to a man who is either provoked or beleeveth himself injured, then to study revenge, and to use his utmost indea­vour to retort it. To give such a man authority, were to impower him to satisfie his Passion, which attended with weaknesse would be ineffectual. The great im­ployments of the Marshal de Marillac, did only serve to render him the more culpable, neither indeed may any thing else be reasonably suspected from those men that give themselves over to a male-contented humor.

But above all, it is a most signal imprudence to commit the government of great Provinces, to such as have any pretensions unto them, how old or ancient soever. This latter age hath afforded us a memorable example hereof, in the person of the Duke de Mercoeur, who had not raised a faction in Bretaign but upon some preten­ces as antient as frivolous. Doth not every one know, how much the late King was troubled to get him out? And was not the deceased King blamed, for having bestowed the Government of it upon the Sieur do Vendosm, his son-in-law, who in processe of time, was suspected to have designed to make himself Duke thereof. Ambition doth easily ground new designs upon ancient pretences, it teacheth Grandees disloyalty, and maketh them like Moles, alwaies undermining; it ma­keth them slight their quiet Life, Health, Laws, and Religion it self and all, that they may gain the ends unto which they aspire; nay, it sometimes so puffeth them [Page 524]up, that some of them have carried in their hearts, the Crowns which their Kings have wore on their heads. Mark Anthony made a discreet Order, when Cassius had made himself Master of Syria, his native Country, whose inhabitants had as­sisted him in that design, whereby he inhibited the conferring any command upon a man in his own Country. How dangerous is it then to bestow it upon such who perswade themselves it is their brith-right? If Ambition be to be feared, though without a pretext, how much more is it then to be suspected, when there is some apparent justice for the ground of it? If the Province be divided into parties, he need then onely adhere to the strongest, and then much may be done; but if it be united, he may possibly ingage the whole in revolt, if he once get the affections of the people, which is easily brought to passe if a man designs it, and makes it his businesse.

The King returneth from Languedoc to Paris.

THe King having setled all things in Languedoc, in such a posture, as there re­mained nothing to be feared; his Majesty parted from Tholose upon the 29. of October, to return towards Paris [...] Now having formerly understood, that Monsieur had onely made his Peace with a resolution to flie out again upon the first fair invitation, he intended to march thither with all speed; to which end, he would only be attended with some Light-horse, certain Companies of Musquetiers and Pikemen on horseback. The Cardianl whose body is not so vigorous as his Soul, could not resolve to make such speed, especially considering the labours he had undergone in the voyages, and much more the pains he had taken in smothering the Wars of Lorrain and Languedoc in their birth, had much decayed his strength: Whereupon he thought better to wait upon the Queen, but scarce was he gone two daies journey from Tholose, when he found himself seized with violent sicknesse, which forced him to retire to Bourdeaux, where is pains so increased, that France was like to loose him, who in the conduct of his Majesties Arms and affairs, had estab­lished her in the highest point of glory she had ever yet been. His Majesty was not only tenderly affected thereat but exceedingly afflicted; far otherwise it was with strangers the most ambitious of who were perswaded to beleeve he was dead. If they apprehended any joy thereat, much more did the factious spirits of the Court begin to lift up their heads, perswading themselves this Sun once set, they might rise with more lustre; and among the rest, le Garde des Sceaux de Chasteauneuf, instead of bewailing with tears of blood, the losse of him who had obtained all that honour for him which he possessed, and who had preserved him maugre the malice of his many enemies, suffered himself to be so vainly puft up with the hopes of succee­ding in his place, that he began to act the chief Minister, to issue out Orders which concerned him not, and to ingage himself in Cabals with such persons, who not onely hated Monsieur the Cardinal, and passionately wished his death, but had evill designs against the State. The Cardinal had ever prevented him from inga­ging very much among them by the strict hand which he kept over him, and by curbing in his vanities, but being once got out of his sight he lost himself, by setting too forward in affairs, and inconsiderately precipitated himself into disgrace by as­piring unto too much honour.

Politique Observation.

NOthing is more ordinary with men then to be bewitched to great imploy­ments. This was one of the chief reasons, that the Ancients painted For­tune blind, for few persons there are who can keep a medium in great Offi­ces. There are none but eminent genius's who can secure themselves from certain ebullitions, which do (as it were) naturally arise from extraordinary pro­sperity, and do cause most men to fall from favor to ruine. Ambition and Vanity do every day ingage those whom Fortune smiles upon in new designs to rise higher. [Page 525]and in case they want lawfull ways, they refuse none which flatter their Passion, when they find themselves most fix'd in their power, then do they most despise that of the law, and assume the licentiousnesse to advance themselves by any means whatever; the higher they are mounted, the sooner they forget those who have exalted them, and they are industrious to destroy their Benefactors, that they may injoy their honours. That which is most deplorable, is, neither age nor time can cure this Court-sicknesse; but on the contrary, it doth dayly acquire more force and deeper root in ordinary spirits who are the more apt to esteem their own deserts from the time of their experience. Hence it is that they can nerver be suffi­ciently rewarded. This is that which hath ever been a maxim with me, a g [...]eat rise is commonly the first step to misfortune, especially to a man who is not indued with an extraordinary conduct to curb his Passions, and preserve his soul in modesty neither did I ever think any man the happier for being in great Offices, he hath more trouble for the time to come, then satisfaction for the present; the super­abundant cares, the troubles and discontents which accompany him day and night, and his insatiable passions which do incessantly solicite him to aspire unto more, force him to deny himself, the enjoyment of what he hath▪ that he may arrive un­to what he hath not. Happy is the man who is content with his own condition, he is Master of more injoyments and tranquility then those who afflict themselves in their greater pretensions; and on the contrary, there is no person more unfortu­nate then him, which knoweth not how to bound his desires, nor to acknowledge his good fortune.

ANNO 1633.

The Arrival of the Cardinal at Paris, after his sicknesse at Languedoc.

IT is reported that the people of Thule grieved with the Sun's long absence, who for the space of 40 daies leaveth them in an absolute darknesse, did here­tofore go up to the tops of the Mountains, when first they saw the morning Usher him in, to welcome his approach with a thousand shouts of joy, and offered sacrifices to him. It should likewise seem that most men of quality, at Court, or in Paris the beginning of this year, impatient of once more seeing the Cardinal, who every one considered as a most propitious star, on whose Pru­dence the King hath often said the happinesse of his State depended, would imitate the like actions at his arrival. Heaven which is frequently pleased to mingle some evills with the prosperities of this life, had sent this grand Minister, together with the joys of those happy successes which his Counsels had obtained for his Majesty in Languedoc and Lorrain, a very dangerous sicknesse, to the great grief of all such who were any whit desirous of the good of France; but Passions changing with Objects, joy succeeded their grief, when it was once known that he was returning indifferent well, and the desire which all considerable persons had to see him invi­ted them out to meet him, so that they rode from Paris to Roche-Fort, a small Village belonging to the Duke de Montbazon, where he was to rest before he came to Paris, which was covered with Horses and Coaches f [...]ll of Nobility. Divers went to meet him as far a Estamps, and others to Orleans; but who will not be surprized to hear that the King himself was pleased to honour him so far, as to visit him at [Page 526] Rochefort, and to shew him the testimonies of so particular an affection, that no­thing could be more visible or obliging: Hardly had the Cardinal alighted, when the King arrived. His Majesty impatient to see him, went up into his Chamber by a back-stair, which was the nearer way, whil'st this grand Minister hearing of his comming, went down the great stairs with more diligence then his strength would well bear; so that instead of meeting, that agility which is natural unto the King, caused him to go down again, and after some hindrance by the presse of the Nobility, they at last met in the Castle Court. The Cardinal approaching his Majesty cast himself at his feet, but the King presently raising him with one hand, imbraced him with the other so tenderly, that most of the beholders could not forbear tears of joy, each one professing that it was impossible to see testimonies of a more cordial favour from a Master or more respectfull affection from a ser­vant. Such were the sentiments both of one and the other, that at first they were speechlesse; but having recovered the liberty of their tongues, the King told him, that he received as much joy to see him in so good plight, as the enemies of France had at the false report of his death, that this testimony of their hatred was a new instigation to augment that esteem he ever had on his services, and that he should not recommend any thing with more earnestnesse unto him, then the being care­full of his own health. The Cardinal answered, he desired not to live but to serve his Majesty, that he dayly begg'd of God that his services might be the boundaries of his life, and that his health would soon be recruited, since he found his Majesty in so good condition. After this they retired two hours in private together, to consider of divers affairs which his Majesty would not conclude without him, after which his Majesty returned to Paris.

Politique Observation.

EXtraordinary honours are justly due to great Ministers of State, as the only lustre of their fair attempts. The joy of their return from a long voyage, hath often invited the people to go forth and meet them, and to render them all imagi­nable respects. Thus Pompey returning, after he had been some time detained at Naples by a dangerous sicknesse, the greatest part of the Romans marched out of the City, the ways, the Port and the streets were so full, that there was hardly any Passage. Some were offering sacrifice for his health, others feasting and ma­king merry in sign of joy; some march'd before him with Torches, and others strewd the way with flowers. Thus likewise Scipio returning from Germany where he atchieved glorious exploits, every one long'd to see him return triumphing to Rome, that they might render him the glory which he deserved, yet because the Triumph was not a custom to be granted to such who were neither Pro-consuls nor Magistrates, the Senate could not resolve to grant him that honour neither did he desire it; but on the other side, it is observed in History, that there never was so great a concourse of people in Rome, as at his return either to see him, or to testi­fie their acknowledgements they had of his services by their going out to receive him. I will passe a little further, and add that justice and prudence, do oblige Kings to joyn with their people on such occasions, and so render extraordinary honours unto their Ministers, either for the more ample acknowledgement of the services they have receiv'd from them or for the more countenancing of them in the execution of their commands, or to incourage others to be affectionate to their service. Acknowledgement is a Virtue requisite both in Prince and people, and seeing the service done to a State is of no lesse advantage to a Prince, then to his Subjects, he is no lesse obliged to testifie his gratitude, if these proofs of his good will confer a great honour on those who have served him, himself receives no mean advantage thereby; because the Nobility who are extream sensible of honour, will not then sticke at any thing which may tend to his service, and the Agents of his Will have more credit and authority to execute his Commands. It there any thing more glorious (said the great Chancellor of Thiery, King of the Goths) then [Page 522]to deserve praise and approbation, who by reason of their Soveraignty are not to be suspected of Flattery? Surely no, the honour which they confer upon any one proceeding from the favourable Judgements which they give of his acti­ons, and their authority permitting not them to be guilty of adulation. Which if true (as doubtlesse it is) there is not any thing then which doth more incourage Nobility, then the glory wherewith Princes honour their servants, nor is there any thing which doth more impower a Minister then the carresses which his Prince be­stoweth upon him; they confer no lesse credit upon their Ministers, then their stamps do on their monies.

Tiberius one of the wisest Roman Emperours did well understand the import­ance of this maxime in the honours which he bestowed on the Consuls those chief Ministers of his Will, when he went to receive them at the Gate of his Palace, at such time as they came to sup with him, and waited on them back again when they took their leaves.

Ferdinand King of Spain, the man who layed the foundation of that great power which this Monarchy hath since obtained, was not to seek in it, when as Gonzalve one of his greatest Captains, returning to Burgos after having rendred him such important services as are well known to every one, he went out to receive him with such honour as cannot be exprest. Neither was the manner of his entertaining Cardinal Xinimes lesse remarkable, for he seldom spake to him but bare headed, and sometimes received him upon his knee. He well knew, that the honour where­with he acknowledged his services, did animate others to follow his example, and gave that grand Minister so powerfull an authority to execute his commands, that there was not a person of what condition soever durst oppose him.

A dispatch sent to the Hollanders to hinder the Treaty.

IT being of great concernment to prevent the conclusion of any Treaty be­tween the Spaniard and Hollander, his Majesty bent his chief care to take or­der accordingly: Indeed it was at that time a matter of so great concern­ment, that the Fortunes of most Princes of Europe seemed to depend there­upon; and so much the more circumspection ought his Majesty to use, in regard of the Procedures of the Spaniard, who had contrary to form permitted the States of the Provinces obeying the Low Countries, to negotiate the particulars of the Treaty with the Hollanders, and the advantagious proffers by him made to obtain it, gave great cause to look about, lest they might be induced to assent thereunto: Neither was it unknown, how that he designed (the League once concluded) to assist the Duke of Orleans with an Army, as also the Duke of Lorrain to invade France, and to send the residue of his Forces unto the Emperour, the better to curb the Swede, and to prosecute those advantages he had lately obtained against them. The Cardinal who pierceth into the depth of their pretensions, was indu­strious to fortifie his Majesty in the resolution of preventing the conclusion of that Treaty; in order to which, he likewise made him certain Proposals well-becom­ming the acutenesse of his more then humane spirit: He committed the manage­ment of that negotiation unto the Sieur of Charnace, who was newly returned from Germany, where he had given such sundry proofs of his prudence amongst divers Princes, that his well-acquitting himself of that imployment, could not be any ways suspected. I shall not say any thing concerning his instructions, onely this, the Orders contained in them were so many incomparable effects of the Car­dinal, to whom nothing was impossible, but I shall passe on to the addresse which he used in the execution of it, so happy I say it was that he obtained all that could be desired. After having pass'd the usual Complements in his Majesties behalf to the Prince of Orange, the Governours and Deputies of the States of Holland; he told them that his Majesty was very solicitous of such a League, which may con­clude their differences in an happy peace, but not finding any likelihood thereof in that now proposed unto them he was pleased out of his affection and good will to [Page 528]their interests to send him unto them to communicate such thoughts unto them as he conceived most advantagious to their Common-wealth. He beseeched them to consider that the eagernesse alone wherewith the Spaniards prosecuted it, was enough to render it suspected, that Counsels entertained with heat by an enemy, connot be but with design to advantage himself, that it was visible the disorder of his affairs was the onely cause he so passionately prosecuted it, that the extremity to which he was reduced being assaulted over all the Indies, in Germany, in Italy, in the Low-countries unable to furnish out new Levies or monies necessary for his security, did not a little incline him thereunto: He further represented to them, how it had alwaies been esteemed for a matter of great concernment, not to give an enemy breath when he is upon the point of falling, and made it easie to be con­cluded, that for them to make a Peace with the Spaniard in this his low condition, would be the more prejudicial to them, he having hardly any other shift to make himself considerable, than the reporting of this Treaty to be concluded; neither was he backward to represent unto them, that admitting these his reasons should be invalid, yet they did abuse themselves, if they beleeved that the Treaty could include their Peace in it, in regard of the Spaniards obstinate resolution of never relinquishing his pretended Soveraignty over their Countries, a resolution which he hath ever protested against the Decree of the 16. of July, ▪ 1588 which declared Philip the second to have lost all his right over them, and how that after he had treated with them as between Soveraign and Soveraign by concluding that Treaty, 1609, yet he could not forbear his ill intention during the 12 years that it lasted, and which is more set Berkins Chancellour of Brabant in the year 1621. to sosicite them to return unto the obedience, as he was pleased to say of their natural Prince that in vain they did perswade themselves the Councel of Spain would relinquish his pretensions; seeing on the contrary, upon every occasion he hath been ready to drive on his pretences both upon them and others, and that admitting the Trea­ty should be once concluded, yet they must ever be renewing of it; and in effect that nothing would be obtained thereby, but the losse of a fair opportunity, whiles the Spaniards were reduc'd to so low an ebb. He moreover, forced them to con­fesse, that the Treaty being uncapable of producing their Peace, the State of their affairs, and good of their Country did not oblige them in any respect to desire it, that their Provinces were never more flourishing, that Learning, Husbandry, Trade and whatever Peace maketh elsewhere to flourish, were with them freely exercised in times of War, that their Disciplines were so carefully improved, that the Athe­nians could never with so much reason represent an armed Pallas as they might, that their Pastures and Plains, were not in the least troubled with the Souldiers; that their Plow-shares were as bright as their Pikes and Swords; and that the noise of the Cannons did not at all hinder their Traffick, as the Province of Zealand, and those others which are most addicted unto Merchandize have declared by their aversions to this Treaty. Some private ones of Spain might paradventure object that admitting the State of their Provinces might not compel them to a cessation of Arms for some years! yet it could not however but be advantagious to them, because the Flemings and Walloons, would in that interim forget their warlike ex­ercises, and that the Swedes and Protestants would so weaken the House of Austria, that there would be no more cause of fear; but he easily convinced them of the vanity of their hopes, and represented to them, how little reason there was to be­leeve that the want of accompt during the Treaty, would effeminat the Flemings and Walloons, because the Spaniard would not leave them idle, but find employ­ments enough for them in other parts: and that on the contrary, undoubtedly the Spaniard would transport all his force into Germany, which he had formerly entertained in the Low-Countries; by which means he would force those Princes who counterpoised his Power, to receive the Law from him, and to lay down their Arms, and which once effected, that he would bring back his Forces from Germa­ny recruited with a far greater strength, which had for many years supported the House of Austria; and that it would not then be very difficult to reduce Holland [Page 529]unto slavery. This Answer was the more to be considered, in regard it was so convincing, contrary to the preservation of their State and Liberty; nor did he forget to add that on the contrary, it was not a little important to foresee how much this Treaty would undoubtedly weaken the united Provinces, both in regard of the Division it would raise among them, or the dis-use of Arms, and their Traf­fique in the Indies, so far was it from any likelyhood of encreasing their power; that it was but vain to hope for it without reliquishing the Trade of both the In­dies; the Spaniard being not so indiscreet as to condiscend thereunto after the re­ceiving so great detriment as he had from them; but that in case they concluded it, they would thereby blast their fairest hopes, diminish the stock of their riches, and cut off their right hand, their power by Sea, without which they were not consi­derable among their neighbors: As to what concern'd the discontinuation of the War, he freely told them that States preserve not themselves but by such means as have served to establish them, as natural bodies subsist not but by the same things as are in their first compositions; and that they did in vain strive to cause their State to flourish in peace, which had received it's birth and being from War, and which could not but by War be preserved in its present splendor. He layd before them that peace would be absolutely prejudicial to them, as experience had evin­ced in the late 12 years Treaty, during which the Spanish Plots, Gold, and de­vises had wrought them a 1000 times more damage then all their open force could ever do; besides, the Souldiers laying by their usual exercises, would loose much of their valor, by which till then they had obtained such signal advantages, and being not ignorant how powerful impressions truth maketh, when it is seconded by glory; that he might excite them, he proclaimed aloud, that there never yet was Common-wealth, so like the Roman, as that of the Hollander; adding withall, that if that had receiv'd such continual growth from War, as it had not in seven hundred years from it's first foundation untill Augustus time, but only twice shut up the Temple of Janus, so it had lost it self by an unactive Peace▪ and that nothing but the like misfortune could befall them, when once they should relinquish their exercise of Arms. Nor did he conceal from them that in case they should then conclude the Treaty, their Republique would totally discredit it self with its Allies, not only because they would no more esteem their conduct after they should fee them run on to so disadvantagious a resolution; but the more, in regard they did in such a conjuncture of time as would be very prejudicial to their neighbours, es­pecially those of Germany, who finding themselves thereby dis-obliged, could not for the future be so assisting to them, as formerly they had been. He beseeched them to remember that a State which injureth its Allies, injureth it self; and that in fine, if after so many victories they should humonr the Spaniard in his passionate desire of the Treaty, there could no other esteem be had of them but such as Caesar had of Pompey when he was well handled by him at Duras but not prosecuted, who openly said, Pompey knows not how to overcome. This was the substance of most of the reasons no lesse judicious then powerfull, which the Sieur de Charnace im­ployed at divers meetings had with the Ministers of Holland to prevent the Treaty, so dextrously did he manage them, so vigorously and with such addresse that he easily convinc'd the Prince of Orange, who for some particular interest was indiffe­rent well inclined thereunto, and perswaded the Governours and Deputies of the States to confesse, that there was no more to be thought but how to force the Spa­niard by Arms to an absolute relinquishing his pretensions over their country, in a Treaty of Peace, wherein all the Princes their Allies should be included to oblige him the more firmly to observe the conditions thereof, neither satisfied with this resolution, he assured them according as he was commanded, that they might the more readily take the field; how the King would cause a succour of then or twelve thousand men, to be sent unto them from the Swede, who accordingly were con­ducted unto them about August by the Collonell Melander; so that about the be­ginning of Spring, the Prince of Orange besieged Rimberg and carried it, and sent Count William of Nassau to the confines of Flanders to divert the Spaniard.

Politique Observation.

VVHatever terrour the horrour of Arms do naturally carry with them, yet do I think that Peace ought not to be concluded but on four occasions. The first is, when there is a just ground to believe that it will carry things to an ad­vantagious Peace, for seeing War ought not to be undertaken but in order to the ob­taining of a good Peace, and that the end is ever to be preferred before the means, it cannot be doubted but that Arms are to be layed by when there are any more likely means to obtain it: The Olive Trees, true Symbols of Peace, bearing fruit use-full for mans life are doubtlesse more to be esteemed then Lawrels which only put forth unprofitable berries; and the great advantages which are obtained by Peace, are more to be esteemed then the greatest glory acquired to Wars. I have formerly sufficiently proved this truth, nor wil I longer dwel upon it. The second is, when the eexpences and incommodities of War do in force a Treaty. There is not any cou­rage which is not obliged to submit to the law of necessity, and the impossibility of prosecuting an enterprize, how just and glorious soever, hath exempted the greatest Princes from any blame. War ought not to be continued but to obtain Victory, which when there is no likelihood of amidst the ruines of a Country, it is then much more expedient to make a League then totally to fall. The Gods themselves, saith an Ancient, do submit to necessity; there is nothing stronger then it, and the greatest vertue must stoop to it, neither is any valour or prudence obliged to op­pose it. The third is, when it may reasonably be hoped that the League will weaken the enemy, whom at that time we despair to overcome, and that either by sowing some division among them, or by effeminating them by the discontinuati­on of their warlike exercise. The wise Pilot doth not obstinately withstand the Tempest, when he seeth his Vessel extreamly bruised, but letting fall the Sails, run­neth into some shelter where he may ride at Anchor, untill such time as the fury of the Winds be abated that he may put to Sea again: Thus is it an effect of discre­tion to lay by the Sword for some time when an enemy is so potent that there is no likelihood of any thing but losse by the prosecution of the War. The fourth is that a League ought to be concluded, when it will afford the means of taking more ad­vantage. War is a kind of sicknesse in the State, and as sick people are permitted to rest, the better to recover their lost strength; so I think it cannot but be com­mendable in a Prince to surcease the War for some time, the better to refresh his forces, to recruit them, and to raise monies necessary to maintain them. If on such occasions it be reasonable to conclude a Treaty, it will then be very improper to conclude it, when a Country is flourishing, and raiseth more advantages by War then Peace. Most certain it is, that sometimes so it happens, and Hannibal well knew it, when seeing the Carthaginians weep upon the first demand of the Tribute granted to the Romans, at the end of the second Punick War, he reproached them, as Livy observeth it. Ye had much more reason, quoth he, to have weep'd when you were prohibited to War against strangers, that was the would which killed you. The Lacedemonians and the Romans were not ignorant of it, it being upon this ground that they would never discontinue the use of Arms, unlesse when Fortune designing the ruine of their Empires, perswaded them to taste the sweets of Idlenesse, which opening the door to delight and luxury, might in a little time dul their courages, and make them easily conquered by their enemies. This if true, among most States it is certainly much more apparent in relation to those who have received their Beings from War, nor can be preserved but by War. It were likewise great imprudence to make a League which might afford an enemy time to recruit. Had King Perseus known the condition of the Romans, he would have been more wary in concluding that Peace with them which he did, as Livy recor­deth, which gave their Ambassadours accasion at their return to laugh at him, for having suffered himself to be surprized by them; for he had then ready all provisions necessary for the War, of which the Romans were altogether unpro­vided; [Page 531]so that concluding a League he gave them time to settle their affairs and take an advantage upon him; besides all these considerations, if a League doth not at least serve to obtain an happy peace, it cannot but be esteemed for disadvan­tagious. For what reason can there be to deprive ones self of power, and to give a weakned enemy leave and leisure to re-inforce himself; when there is not an as­surance that it will end in a peace of use and profit? So to proceed were some kind of blindnesse, neither can any one so act, unlesse an enemy to his own interest.

The Marquess de St. Chaumont, sent by the King into the Country of the Elector of Treves, to force his Enemies from the rest of his Towns, and to establish him.

IF his Majesty shewed any thing of Prudence in preventing the conclusion of any Treaty between the Spaniard and the Hollanders, he discovered no lesse courage in his indeavour to re-establish the Elector of Treves, in the rest of those places which his enemies had usurped from him, Fumay and Reveign, scituated on two Pennisula's upon the River Meuse, had ever acknowledged him for their Soveraign Lord; but the Spaniard whom conveniency seemeth to intitle unto any places which they may master, had clapp'd a garrison into them, designing to fortifie them, to secure the Commerce of that River, and withall to make some enterprise upon the Frontier of Champagne. The King could not put up such an injury offe­red unto the Elector, since he had taken him into his protection, but ordered the Marquess de St. Chaumont to march toward Meziers, with those forces which he commanded in Champagne to dislodge them. The Sieur de Chastelliers Barlort, and the Comte de la Suze, were made Marshals de Camp, who comming to the Army marched directly away toward those two places. His courage made him wish that he might find some opposition, whereby he might obtain the more glo­ry to his Masters Arms; but making his approaches he understood that the Spanish Garison, notwithstanding all their Rodomontades had marched out the night be­fore without sound of Trumpet, so that instead of fighting, all he had to do, was to receive testimonies of the inhabitants joy, who acknowledging his Majesty for their Protector, did willingly receive the Regiment of Champagne into Fumay, and that of Normandy into Reveign. The Marquess de St. Chaumont, finding himself obliged to remunerate their good will, by all the favours which he could do them in quartering of the Army, setled so good an Order amongst the Souldiers, that they never took any thing without paying for it, but behaved themselves with great moderation and courtesie. The Enemy did not then oblige him to be more active at that time, and indeed the season of the year was such, in regard of the Snows and Frost, that he could not march without difficulty, so that his Majesty sent him Order to return, and to leave his Forces in Garrison upon the Frontier. He returned to spend some time at the Fort, whereupon the 10th. of February, he and the Comte Brissac were created Ministers of State to serve his Majesty in his Counsel, the Spaniards who never sleep but when they have nothing to do, took the occasion of his absence to return into the Country of the Elector of Treves, and to do what they pleased; but the King, and the invitation of the Spring, per­mitting his return, he carried the Army back again, and without much ado forced them to quit the Field. The next thing he resolved, was to assault Freidembourg, upon which they had seized, whose Garrison offered a thousand violences to Tra­vellers, and the adjacent places. The Comte de la Suze commanded it to be in­vested, and comming in person before it in the moneth of June, he summoned Machinister who commanded it for the Comte d'Embden, and upon refusal of a surrender they provided to assault it. The Town was won with little resistance, and the Castle forced within two daies after, there being not above three or four men slain on both parts. Thus the Country of Treves was totally reduced unto his Majesty's Possession; neverthelesse his Majesty having only secured it for the [Page 532]Arch-Bishop the true Lord thereof, caused him to be restored in his Metropolitan City, about the beginning of October, by the Sieur de Bussilamet. The Arch-Bi­shop indeed finding himself unable to make it good against the Spaniards, he desi­red him to stay with him and command his forces, and the Sieur de Bussy having presented the Keys unto him, he presently returned them, saying, I beseech you keep them for his Majesty; his Eminence likewise published a Declaration about the end of this year, commanding his Subjects to acknowledge the King for their Lord, to assist him in his interest, to receive his Souldiers into their Cities, joint­ly to defend them, and to give unto them the best entertainment the places could afford.

The principal Obligations of him who taketh a Prince into Protection.

DOubtlesse it is honourable for a great Prince to undertake the Protection of another, unable to subsist by his own force, but though it is honourable, yet it is not without care, if this protection be to his advantage, yet is he obliged to recover whatever is taken from him; and in fine, fairly to restore it. To leave him a prey to his enemies were a sign of weaknesse, or want of courage, or an ab­solute breach of promise in the first assumption. He that for fear of the charge, the successe of the War, or any other consideration shall neglect it doth not only deprive himself of that honour which the quality of a Protector ascribes unto him, but doth likewise cloath himself with shame. Moreover, what expences soever he is at on such occasions, yet he is obliged by Justice to restore all places into the hands of their natural Prince, he being only, as it were, a Depositary; and as the Laws of Deposition do not permit the appropriating of any thing to ones self, the restoring of them, will be as honourable, as the detaining of them will be un­just. Ptolomy King of Egypt dying, committed his son heir to his Crowns, then a child, unto the protection of the Common-Wealth of Rome, who professing a particular observation of their promises, were not deficient in resigning the King­dom into his power upon his first being capable of Government. Thus Archa­dius, seeing his son Theodosius very young and unable to secure himself from the power of the Persians, so played his Game with Indigertes their King, that he un­dertook his protection; and by this means he tied up his Arms by delivering his son into his hands. Indigertes receiv'd the Tutillage as an honour, and discharg'd it with such fidelity that he preserved Theodosius life and Empire. That I may let you see these latter ages want not the like examples, Philip of Austria, King of Castile, leaving his son Charles but of twelve years age, requested Lewis the Twelfth by his Will to be his Guardian, and to take the Kingdom into his prote­ction. The King accepted thereof, and in prosecution of his charge, was so punctually correspondent to the Trust Philip had reposed in it, that he preser­ved his States against France it self, nor would usurp the least whatever provocati­ons Maximilian gave him. In fine, notwithstanding all restitutions or expences, which a King is obliged unto, yet ought he never to refuse the protection of a Prince bordering upon his Countries; because besides the glory whereof he de­prives himself, he inforceth the other to throw himself into the protection of some one as powerfull as himself, who may raise advantages by it, and peradventure to his prejudice.

The Embassie and Negotiation of the Sieur de Feuquieres, to the Queen of Swede, and the renewing the treaty of Alliance between the two Crowns.

THe Cardinal representing unto the King how the affairs of Germany were no lesse considerable the those of Holland, his Majesty resolved to provide ac­cordingly, and made choice of the Sieur de Feuquieres, to negotiate those concerns with the Allies of this Crown. The experience this Gentleman had acquired in other considerable imployments, rendred him no lesse deserving of this, then the addresse and dispatch which he shewed in proving those Orders which were delive­red unto him; and it was the more needfull to make use of such a man as he was in this German affair, in regard it concerned the curbing in of the House of Austria's Ambition, who were become very powerfull by usurping the Protestant Princes States, who were feared by their neighbours, and would have been a terrour to France it self, could the have prosecuted their advantages. His Orders were chiefly three; the first was, to testifie to Christina Queen of Swede, daughter and heir to the late King in the person of the Chancellor Oxenstern, and all the Princes of the League of Leipsic; what care his Majesty took in their interest, the Passion he had to see them restored who had been despoiled of their Estates; and how rea­dy he was by assisting them to afford them the means of securing their late victo­ries. The second was, to re-unite them and confirm them in the resolution of prosecuting the designs of the League by a new Treaty of Alliance. And the third was to take such course for the management of the Wars, that their Armies might want nothing but might be alwaies ready for action. The Princes had resolv'd about the end of the last year to hold a Diet a Hailbron upon Nekar, to conclude upon the affairs of the War by a common consent, and there it was where the foun­dation of all was to be layed. The Sieur de Feuquieres took Post the fifth of Fe­bruary, that he might the sooner get thither; but the Cardinal knowing such like Assemblies are commonly full of confusion, unlesse each of them in particular be predisposed to reason, perswaded his Majesty to send him to the Courts of divers the chief among them, the better to insinuate unto them how much it concern'd them to continue in Union. He receiv'd Orders accordingly, nor was it of small consideration, because he could easilier dispose them one by one, then in a multi­tude, nor was he defective of comming with the first unto Hailbron, to prevent those whom he had not yet seen, and to confirm the others in their resolutions; and being arrived, the first care he took was to testifie the singular and constant affection which his Majesty had for the common good, and to assure them that they should receive indubitable proofs of it upon any fair occasion. The next thing he did was to illustrate what great assistances his Majesty had contributed to their part; what monies he had sent to the Crown of Swede and the Hollanders; the strong diversions he had made in Italy, in Lorrain, and other places, the great Armies he maintained in his Frontiers to assist them if occasion should require, the great expences he had been at in sundry Embassies, tending only to their advan­tage. Having thus recollected things past to their memories, he clearly represen­ted unto them the present State of affairs, how needfull it was that they should preserve their union, and take good Order for the subsistance of their Armies. This he did with such vigour and Prudence both to them in general and particular, that he confirmed divers among them in the first designs of the League who were then wavering upon the King of Swede's death, and inclining to make a Peace with the Emperour. He was not ignorant that private interest is the most sensible part to touch a Prince on, and therefore clearly evinced unto them, that Peace being the only remedy which could cure the distempers of Germany, and that his Peace being neither advantagious nor honourable, if it did not restore liberty unto the Empire, and the ejected Princes to their Estates, there would be no means to ob­tain it but by their strict union, which the Emperour not finding any means to break [Page 534]would in time despair of being able to support him against their power, the far grea­ter of the two, whilest their confederacy lasted. He had not much ado to con­firm them in beleeving the House of Austria had long designed to render it self Mistris of all Germany, they having too many pregnant proofs to be ignorant of that truth, neither found he much difficulty to insinuate unto them that their uni­on failing would weaken their party, and give the Emperour a fair opportunity to seiz upon the Estates at his pleasure. In fine, the found themselves forc'd to con­fesse they had no other way left but to be firm, and to strengthen their confedera­cy by a new Treaty. This advice conduced much to the end of his design, which having happily obtained, he lost no more time, but entred upon the new Alliance, between the King and Kingdom of France on the one part, and Christian Queen of Sweden and the Kingdom of Sweden, on the other part, which was concluded and signed by the Chancellour Oxenstern. The first Article conteined the grounds of their Alliance, which was for the defence of their common friends, for the se­curing of the Ocean and Baltick Sea; for the obtaining a lasting Peace in the Em­pire, by which every one might be restored to his rights. The rest imported that the Queen of Swede and her confederates should entertain 30000 foot, and 6000 horse, that the King should contribute every year a million of Livers towards the charge of the War, that the confederates might raise Souldiers in one anothers Countries, that Delinquents and Fugitives should be delivered to their Soveraign Lords to be by them punished; that the Queen of Swede should permit the free exercise of the Catholick Religion in all places which she should take, in the same manner as she found it; that the Duxe of Baviers and the Princes of the Catho­lick League might be admitted into the Treaty of Neutrality, if they pleased that all other States and Princes should be invited to be of their confederacy; that there should not be any Treaties but by and with the consent of all the confederates, that their confederacy should hold untill there were a Peace concluded, which if bro­ken by the enemies, the confederates should again take up Arms to assist one ano­ther. The first Treaty was the foundation of the Union of the German Princes, who otherwise had soon accommodated themselves with the Emperour, yet this was not all, it was necessary to conclude another with all the Princes and Prote­stant States of high Germany; to obtain which, the Sieur de Feuquieres used his utmost diligence. The Articles agreed upon were, that there should be a firm and strict union between the Kingdom of Swede, and the Electors Princes and Prote­stant States of high Germany; by vertue of which, they were to unite their Forces and to assist one another, untill Germany were setled in its first liberty; that the Laws of the Empire should be in force, that the Princes should be established in their States and Possessions; that the Crown of Swede should be satisfied for the expences of the War, and that a good and lasting Peace should be setled. More­over, that the Chancellour Oxenstern should have the management of affairs, who to this end should have a Counsel consigned unto him, composed of qualified per­sons; some Officers of the Crown of Swede, and a Deputy of each Circuit of the Empire; that none of the Confederates in particular, should treat of Peace with­out the joynt consent of the rest; in which, if any one failed he should be decla­red an enemy; that the Confederates of the four Circuits should furnish the Ar­mies with Victuals, Ammunition, and Artillery; that the Armies should take the Oath of Fidelity to the King of Swedes, and the Confederates; that the President with the Counsel, should take great care to retain the Souldier in good Order, and to secure Trade: In a word, that all the States and confederate Princes, should oblige themselves to maintain the Crown of Swede in the possession of what they should get in Germany, untill the War were ended, and that they were duly satis­fied, as well as the confederates, for the losse which they had sustained. This was the substance of the chief Articles of those Treaties, which were looked upon to be so advantagious, that they were the substance of those great Armies, which during this year check'd the House of Austria's proceedings. Neither did the Cardinal receive any little glory by it, who by his continual Instructions and Orders, gave [Page 535]life the Sieur de Feuquieres motions; glorious for him it was indeed, and the more, seeing he had for witnesses of it the, four Protestant [...] of Fran­cony, Swave, the upper and the lower Rhine, Amstrudel the English Embassador, the Chancellour Oxenstern, the Chevalier Raches, Embassadour of Swede; Le Sieur de Pau Embassadour of Holland, and divers free Lords of Germany, who en­tred the Treaty of Alliance, and who had granted unto them a Deputy to be of Chancellor Oxenstern's Councel.

That great Enterprizes ought to be prosecuted to the height.

THe glory of great enterprizes dependeth upon the end, not the beginning which a wise Prince is bound to drive to the height, without suffering him­self to be stopp'd with any obstacles whatever. I do not mean such incoun­ters where the misfortunes of War may oblige a Prince to make a Peace up­on what condition soever, to secure himself from an absolute ruine. It is then in­deed Prudence to comply, and to take in the Sails, untill a more favourable oppor­tunity permit him to put to Sea; but abating this one exception, a Prince is abso­lutely obliged to stand immoveable, as a Center, whiles Fortune the Mistris of War, raiseth divers motions in the circumference thereof. The timorous must in­evitably meet with impediments in the execution of their designs; but they who are couragious, raise Trophies of glory to themselves, so far are they from being diverted from their resolutions by every wind. Fire doth not only naturally move from the Earth, but consumes all obstacles which hinder its ascent; and a Prince truly generous, is not only excited by his valor to great designs, but likewise to van­quish all difficulties which oppose his glory. I may adde, that this Element would be inconsiderable, without this second quality, nor would a Prince be regarded by his neighbours, unlesse he testifie a strong resolution of surmounting all difficulties. The wise Pilot forsaketh not the Helm at the sight of every storm, but keepeth on his course toward his Port, nor will a valorous Prince relinquish a great design up­on every obstruction which thwarts him; but whetting his courage, and stirring up his valour he will bend all his indeavours to carry it to the end he first proposed, well knowing, that all things do in the end give way to him who is constant and re­solute in affairs. Though Julius Caesar were oftentimes inferiour to Pompey, as to number of Souldiers, yet was he never backward, during the whole War between them, to challenge him to the fight in confidence of the valour and experience of his Souldiers, long trained up in those exercises. Fabius Maximus was no lesse confident in the War which he managed against Hannibal; for seeing him appear like an impetuous torrent swoln up by fresh waters, whose course is hardly to be stopp'd at first by any obstacle whatever; he quitted not the resolution of over­comming him, but prudently judging that at the long run he might defeat him, without any hazard; he resolved to accost him in all straits and places of difficulty, where himself could not be assaulted but to the others great disadvantage, and by this means he dull'd the edge of his Armies valour, newly puff'd up with their late victory, and was so happy that whiles he continued in that resolution, Hannibal's Forces decayed. To such generous examples ought a Prince to conform himself. Prudence may peradventure prompt a man to alter his course, intended for the ob­taining of his design, but the Laws of valour do not permit him to relinquish his first design, though he incounter some obstacles in the execution; rather on the contrary, they oblige him to prosecute the end, otherwise he discrediteth himself, and letting his enemies take advantage of his weakness, offereth himself in the end a fit object for their victory.

The King sendeth the Duke de Crequy to Pope Urbane the Eighth, to congratulate him according to custome, and to compose the differences with the Venetians.

IT was not enough to provide for the affairs of Germany and Holland, unlesse those of Italy were likewise considered, unto which the Cardinal had dispo­sed his Majesty since the beginning of the year. Some person of quality was necessary to be sent Extraordinary Embassadour to the Pope to render him obedience, nor indeed could his Majesty longer defer that Complement. That this Embassie might serve for more then a bare ceremony, the Cardinal perswaded his Majesty to imploy some person capable to serve the Pope in the difference be­tween him and the Venetians, and to work his Holinesse to favour the interests of France, as occasion should happen. To this end, he proposed the Duke de Crea­quy, as a person whose great riches were not only able to bear the expence suitable to his honour; but withall, who had been a long time experienced in the affairs of Italy, and who had address enough to dispose the Pope to any thing, which would be reasonably desired. His Majesty approved of this grand Ministers choice, and concluded the Duke de Crecquy, to be a person very proper for that employment, nor was he ignorant that one of the greatest points of policy, is to proportionate ment to business. His Majesty according to the usual Piety of the Kings, his Prede­cessors, gave him order to perform that obedience to the Pope, and making use of his usual Prudence, commanded him to indeavour an accommodation between his Holiness and the Venetians; and withall, to take occasion from the troubles of Italy, to unite his Holiness to the interest of France. The Duke de Crecquy accep­ted this Embassie with joy, having ever been of the humour to spend his mony up­on his honour and pleasure. The Magnificence wherewith it was proper he should appear at Rome, obliged him to stay at Court till the beginning of May, the bet­ter to set forth his equipage; which ended, he went by water that he might re­gain his lost time by the help of the Winds. Being come to Rome, he was receiv'd with all honours due to the Extraordinary Embassadour of the Christian King, and eldest son of the Church; but the garb in which he appeared was such, that since the stately Triumphs of the Emperours, nothing hath been seen like unto it. I will not trouble my self to make a particular description thereof, seeing other Hi­stories relate it, intending only to observe that which passed of most considerati­on in the management of affairs. All I shall say, is, he had above five hundred persons to attend him, Gold and Silver did so abound upon his Liveries, his Offi­cers, and among his whole equipage, as if he had been Master of the Indies. His first reception and audience was very stately; but that I may come to the effect of his Embassie, he first kissed his Holiness's feet in his Majesty's name, and pass'd some Complements of Civility, next them the Sieur de B [...]issieu, Lievtenant Gene­ral of Grenoble, who accompanied him in quality of his Majesty's Orator, made the accustomed Oration of obedience, in which the most critical could discern no lesse discretion then eloquence. He represented unto the Pope, that his Majesty had not so long deferr'd to testifie his joy, for his promotion to the Papacy, but that he might likewise send with it, the Spoils his Arms had obtained upon the ene­mies of the Church, together with the proofs of his obedience. Next of all he observed to him the great benefits, protection, and assistance, which the Holy See had from time to received from the Kings of France; in consideration where­of, the had obtained the honour of Most Christian and eldest Son of the Church. Thence he descended to a more particular description of the signal advantages his Holinesse had receiv'd from his Majesties Victories, and assured his Holinesse that the defence of his interest, would ever be the most acceptable imployment for his Forces; and in conclusion, that he might satisfie the chief end of his Embassie, he told him, that his Majesty had no lesse joy at his Holinesse's promotion, then his [Page 537]Holiness had heretofore had at his birth; that imitating the Piety of the Kings his Predecessors, he prostrated himself at his feet, and most humbly kissed them with Protestations of honour and obedience due unto him, and that he acknowledged him for Christs only Vicar, the Successor of St. Peter, and the Arbitrator of the Kingdom of Heaven in all things which concern Salvation, with caution however, that this submission was done out of Christian civility, not duty, to prevent any mistakes which might induced a belief that this Crown had some temporal depen­dance upon the Holy See. One of his Holinesse's Secretaries, answered him with Complements and terms of honour, that his Holiness did receive with great joy, those testimonies of respect and obedience which his Majesty rendred unto him; nor did the Pope himself omit any thing which might expresse his content; but the Duke, who chiefly designed to induce the Pope to befriend his Masters inte­rests, as occasion should require, did no longer dwell upon Complements in his succeeding Audiences. He offered unto his Holinesse the Arms of France to serve him on any occasions, particularly his own indeavours to compose the difference he had with the Venetians; well knowing, that nothing doth more effectually ob­lige a Prince to the interest of another, then to let him see that he will meet with advantages by uniting himself with him. The difference between them, was con­cerning the Confines of Gorre, and certain Islands of the Country besides; some ran-contre there had been between the Romans and Venetians in Ferara, which was suspected would be get an absolute breach. The Pope whose power is never more conspicuous then in Peace, was fearfull of it, so that he willingly accepted of his interposition, and that with much acknowledgement of his Majesties affection for his interest; in prosecution whereof, the Duke parting from Rome, went to Venice to treat with such as the Senate should appoint concerning this affair. The Sieur de la Thuylerie, his Majesty's Ambassadour Resident with that Common-Wealth, so ordered affairs, that both parties did forbear their Arms, by which there was hopes of an accommodation. But before he departed from Rome, and after he had obliged his Holiness by assuring him of his Majesties readinesse to assist him, by mediating in this affair; he was not defective in obtaining all possible advantages for the interest of France. He gave his Holinesse a great insight into the affairs of Germany, and discovered to him that their War was not for Religion, but meer State, the only dispute being for the preserving of the German Princes, in the en­joyment of their estates, and those indubitable rights which belong unto them, that his Majesty was extreamly displeased to hear of some violences which were offered to certain Ecclesiastical persons, though they were not so bad as were represented to him; which however was absolutely contrary to the express words of the Trea­ty which is Majesty had made, and by the fault of the Catholick Princes them­selves who would not become Neuters; and that in fine, those damages which the Church had received would easily be repaired by such means as he represented unto his Holinesse, with which he remained very well satisfied. He further con­firmed him in the knowledge which he had a long time had of the House of Au­stria's designs upon Italy, which tend to the direct ruine of the Holy See; and as­sured his Holinesse that his Majesties Arms would protect him, and never forsake him. In fine, designing to ingage him in a defensive League with France for pro­tection of the Ecclesiastical estate against the Venetians, or for security of the Prin­ces of Italy. His Holiness who hath ever more feared then loved the Spaniards, could not be induced thereunto; alledging for his excuse, that he resolv'd to con­tine a common Father between the two Crowns. He was not backward to repre­sent unto him, that a father doth not at all act against his relation, if he support him­self by one of his children, against the violence of another; but the Popes humour, which is naturally fearfull would afford nothing but assurances that his Holinesse's forces should not lie idle if any enterprize were made against the Churches great­ness, or the liberties of Italy.

The Embassies of Obedience from our Kings unto his Holinesse.

THe Piety of our Kings and their zeal to the Pope, have made it a custom to send Extraordinary Embassadours to congratulate them shortly after their promotions, to acknowledge them for Fathers truly spiritual, to assure them of their obedience in that quality, and to recommend unto them the French Church, their persons and Kingdomes which God hath given them. There are ancient examples thereof, and withall, instructions yet extant given to Embassa­dours sent by our Kings, which declare this obedience to tend only to congratula­tion and Complement. The truth of this is evident, in the Letters which Philip le Bel, sent to Pope Benedict the Eleventh, by the Sieur de Mercueil, Messieur Guillau­me du Plessis Cheval [...]er & Maistre Pierre de Belle Perche, Canon of the Church of Chartres his Embassadors, to offer this obedience to his Holiness. Lewis the Eleventh indeed, for some particular consideration, would needs render a little more unto Pope Pius the Second, by the Cardinal d' Alby, but he was discommended for it by the whole Kingdom. The Court of Parliament made great Remonstrances against it, both by word of mouth and writing; besides the three States of the Kingdom assemb­led at Tours, complained to him of it, as may be seen in the papers presented to him by Ma [...]stre Jean Durety, Doctor of Divinity, and Canon of the Church of Paris their Deputy. Some Italians I know there are who will needs have this Protesta­tion of obedience to be an homage and a mark of temporal dependance; but the truth is, they only flatter the Pope upon no grounds: For to what end should our Kings have, in temporal things, any dependance upon the Pope; seeing divers of them have acknowledged themselves their Subjects, and confessed it in their wri­tings? As Pope Gelasius to the Emperor Anastatius, Pelagius the First, in his pro­fession of Faith, sent unto Childebert one of our first Kings, and St. Gregory the Great, to the Emperour Mauritius. The like is to be seen, in that of Pope Inno­cent the Third, in one of his Decrees, where he saith, the Kings of France in tem­poral things depend upon no one whatever. But how could the Popes themselves pretend that any such remporal dependance should be without contradicting the belief of the first Fathers of the Church; the Luminaries of our Faith, especially of [...]er [...]ullian, who in his Apology subjecteth Kings unto God alone; and of St. Hierom who expounding that of the Royal Prophet, Against thee only have I sin­ned, saith this great King, useth these terms, purposely to shew that there is none but God above Kings? I could easily adde the testimonies of many others; but I think I shall say enough, if I conclude, that this Protestation of obedience is offer­ed more out of Christian humility, that for any civil obligation or duty, as divers Popes have upon their promotions, sent unto our Kings the Professions of our Faith in authentick form, together with testimonies of their affections. Boniface the Eighth, sent his seal'd up in Lead, like unto that of Pelagius, Adon observeth in his Chronicle, that Pope Adrian dying in the year 786. Pope Leo who succeeded him, sent two Legats to Charlemain, to present him with the Keys of St. Peter's confession, and the Standard of the City of Rome. Stephen the Fifth, upon his pro­motion, sent Legats to Lewis the Debonnair, with great Presents, as Pledges of his friendship. There are to be seen in his Majesties Treasury of Records, several Bulls which divers Princes have sent unto our King, to acquaint them with their Conse­cration, and to assure them of their good Will, whereupon Charles de Lorrain, Cardinal de Guise, performing the obedience to the Pope, in the behalf of Henry the Second, Anno [...]547 amongst other things said unto them, that the Popes were or­dained by the Laws of the Church, presently after their assumption, to dispatch Le­gats unto the Kingdom of France for confirmation of the ancient friendship be­tween them.

Monsieur Seguyer made Chancellor of France.

AFter the disgrace which befell the Marquess de Chasteauneuf, of which we spake about the end of the last year; experience having taught his Majesty, to know of what great concern it was not to bestow the Office of Lord Keeper, but upon persons very eminently able both for integrity and all other vertues; he cast his eys upon Messieur Pierre Seguyer, one of the Presidents of the Parliament of Paris, to bestow it upon him, as a person fitted by Heaven for great imployments. His Majesty was not only pleased to send him a bare Commission of Garde Seaux, as is commonly done, but expedited Letters Patents, to assure him of the Office of Chancellor of France, after Monsieur de Halygres death, well knowing, that men of his merit ought to be treated beside the common Road, though such was the modesty of that great Minister, that he never ascribed that favour to any thing but his Majesties own goodnesse. This choice added much to his Majesties glory; it was a sufficient testimony of his judgement, intrusting the Sword of Justice in his hand, who had ever maintained it by his integrity, nor wanted any of those quali­ties requisite in an able man. His Prudence had taught his Majesty that chief pla­ces ought not to be filled but with persons of an illustrious birth; because men of mean descent are more envied the respected; neither was he ignorant that this man was born amidst the characters of honour, from a Family whose dignities have gone had in hand with their vertues for many ages; that he was the Fourth of his name who had the honour to sit upon the Flowers de luce in the quality of President of Mortier in the Parliament of Paris; and that there had not been any man in his family for a long time known, who had not either obtained or deserved the greatest imployment of the long Robe. It was said of the Emperour Co [...]stan­tine, that the moderation of Augustus Caesar, the vertue of Tra [...]ane, the Piety of Antonius, were all united in his person, to render him worthy of the Empire; and true it is, the integrity, sufficiency, knowledge, elocution, zeal, and fidelity for his Majesties service, which were eminently conspicuous in Monsieur le Lievtenant Ci­vil his father, and in the Messieurs the three Presidents of his name, were all uni­ted in his Soul to make him appear worthy of the chief place of Justice. Besides, if he were honourably descended, his Majesty was well informed that he was not satisfied with those bare Titles wherewith his Fathers had adorned him; but that like the Cedars, who though they grow on the tops of Mountains, cease not how­ever to raise up their heads; his merit and industry had advanced him to the highest degree of virtuous men. He was in the common opinion of men, reputed for one of the truest maintainers of Justice; and indeed, he had discharged himself with such courage and integrity, that neither the noise of greatnesse, nor the sight of riches, could ever so blind or affright him, as to surpize him. His Majesty most certainly could not intrust his Seals in any honester hand then his. The great Re­venues he possessed, rendred him incapable of that corruption, which is annexed unto a necessitous fortune; yet this happy incapacity, conjoined with such virtue made him so much the more proper for that office, in regard no one would dare to tempt him with money, who abounded both in riches and vertue. If his inte­grity made him immoveable in point of Justice, the solidity and penetrating viva­city, of his spirit secured him from all possibility of a surprise, these two qualities permitting him to incline to no part but that of truth. Disguisements and Artifi­ces could never form any Clouds, thick enough, to hide any thing from his judge­ment. Oftentimes hath he been seen to disguise darknesses and obscurities in the discoveries of great offences. Withall the Sciences which he hath acquired in an high degree, had added no smal perfection to the natural endowments of his mind, for that his family were both learned and honest. When age had first given him the use of Reason, his kindred had taught him that Sciences give much lustre to a man of Eminence; that they not only draw him from a stupid and savage life, but refine him, furbish him, and make him capable of all things, more sweet, more civil, [Page 540]more courteous, more venerable, and more worthy of honour; and in fine, when he came to a riper age, whereas common spirits satisfie themselves with learning some one Science conformable to their inclinations, he dived into the secrets of all, and became very accomplished in them, there being nothing so high which pas­sed his capacity. He had penetrated into the difficultest questions of Philosophy and Divinity, the Law was his usual employment, the Mathematicks his diversions, with History he was familiar, eloquence was natural to him; for before he had learned the rules of it, his discourses were so replenished with the strength of rea­son, with the purity of words, the sweetnesse and elegance of expression, that his language was bewitching. These things were not a little considerable in the ele­ction of a Garde de Seaux, who being his Majesties mouth to express his intenti­ons in all great Assemblies, is bound to speak royally, that is, in terms becomming the Majesty of his Master. I will not say any thing of his Piety, though that be so much the more considerable in a Statesman, as it is the foundation of a Kingdomes happinesse; because it is a subject too large for me to ingage in; my discourse of his merit being by accident, nor will I trouble my self to give you a description of the experience he had gotten in the Offices of a Councellour, a Master of Requests, Judge in divers Provinces, and President au Mortier; his conduct and reputation have sufficiently made it known: only this, these things concentring in him, seemed, as it were, to conspire to force his Majesty to chuse him Minister of his Justice; I shall adde, that if his Soul was replenished with all these qualities necessary in a great man; the King well saw the graces had indued his body, with all that could render him lovely, or acquire him respect and authority. He was alwaies gravely modest, his discourse serious, his conversation agreeable and profitable, his pati­ence in all affairs and all pleadings invincible, the complaisance wherewith he an­swered, was truly admirable, yet such, that he could never be won to abate from Justice or his Majesties service. There need no more to love him, but only to see him, the charms of his words rendred that severity which Justice obliged him sometimes to use, so taking, that none could be offended at it. I would adde more, if the Laws of his Majesties History would permit me, though in some sort it were not to desist from his Majesty's commendation, seeing there is not any thing which doth more apparently denote his Majesties wisedom, then the virtues and eminent qualities of his Ministers, his noblest creatures.

Qualities necessary for a Chancellor, and Lord Keeper.

SEeing the Chancellor, and the Lord Keeper who holdeth the place of Chan­cellor, executeth that change, and ought to succeed him, as the chief Officer of the Crown, the eyes of his Majesties Justice, the Depositories of his Seals, the Mi­nisters of his Councels; the Organs by which his Majesty useth to declare his inten­tions and pronounce his judgements; doubtless he ought to be eminently qualified with all those parts which may render a man signally remarkable. It matters not much whether the Potters who work altogether in clay, be dextrous; because what­ever he spoils is of small value; but otherwise it is, with men who are in the chief Offices of a State, none of their faults are little, and their actions are of consequence; and for this reason ought they to bee replenished with all sort of perfections. France hath ever had, as other States, certain families supporters of its glory, who have served like Pillars to uphold its greatness, and seem to have been destined by Heaven to preserve the beauty of its Flower de luces, the puissance of its Kings, and the glory of its Crown, against the injuries of time. A chief Minister of the Kingdom, when descended from such an house; hath a notable advantage by it, seeing his very name carries and Hereditary credit with it, which Plaineth out the way to all great actions; at least I think it fit that his vertue should be authorised by the Nobility of his blood, seeing his illustrious birth will acquire him such an opinion as an upstart, how prudent or vertuous soever, will hardly ac­quire, but after the shewing of many proofs of his deserts. If Nobility without Vir­tue [Page 541]be but a subject of reproach, in regard a man deviateth from the example of his Ancestors, it cannot be gain-sayed but that Virtue without Nobility carrieth little credit with it; but where Nobility and Vertue meet in one subject, they ad­vance that man to an high degree, and render him worthy of all eminent dignities. Among the rest of those virtuous qualities, or indeed in the Front of them, which ought to set off a person of quality, this I account the chiefest, that he be indued with an high natural ability, and that clearnesse of judgement which dissipateth the Clouds of falsities, discovereth truth, and going before Justice, ushereth it in as some Stars do the Sun. Learning ought to go hand in hand with this ability, seeing natural parts without improvement are so much the more dangerous, in re­gard they are subject to failings, and like the fruitfulnesse of a field, which if not cultivated, serves only to produce the more Thorns. Amongst the Sciences, those of Justice and Policy are most needfull, for that they are the true Objects of Chan­cellours and Lord Keepers; those are the Fountains, from whence they man de­rive the maximes of Government, the Fundamental Laws of Monarchy, the Sta­tutes and Customes, and generally whatever concerns the duty of Magistrates, the Office of Judges, and art of Lawyers. To this Doctrine, I may adde Experience, a thing so necessary in a Lord-Keeper and Chancellor, that without it, the very grea­test lights wherewith their natural parts or study can furnish them, are as little usefull, as the instrument in the hand of a workman, skill'd in the Theory, but not the Practick. Integrity ought to accompany him, being the Mother of Loyalty, and the Father of that zeal which all publick persons are obliged to evidence in the Administration of their Charges. The Integrity of a person of small ability, will indeed so far carry him, that the publick good will be the end at which he aims, but he cannot contribute so much unto it, as willingly he would, whereas he who is destitute thereof, doth most frequently look after his own interest. It was not the want of capacity but fidelity, which so often exposed the Athenians and those other Common-Wealths of Greece, to the fury of Forraign and Civil Wars. Ne­ver was that illustrious corner of the World so replenished with Phylosophers, Ora­tors and great Statesmen, as when it first began to decay; but that unbridled Pas­sion which leadeth great men to prefer their own interests before that of the States which they govern, hurrieth them into that misfortune which betides the body of man; where the Stomach which ought to concoct nutriment for the indi­vidual parts, digesteth it onely for it self. Eloquence will be of no small use to them in many occasions, where they are obliged to pronounce judgements, and declare their Masters Wills; it elevateth a man so much above others, saith the Roman Orator, as speech raiseth him above his fellow creatures. If it be befit­ting and usefull to any, it is particularly to Statesmen; for there is not any thing which acquires more authority to a man appearing in publick, then good elocution. For my part, I think Eloquence so much the more proper for them, in regard it perswades the people to approve what Wisedom directeth, what Prudence resol­veth, and what Justice requireth; without it, the wisest Counsels have oftentimes been ineffectual. I will not dis-approve the advancing of rich persons to such dig­nities; because riches if lawfully acquired, do give much credit to vertue, serve to excite it, and execute their just and generous designs. I think them very ne­cessary for a man who is to serve the publick, experience teaching us, that without them, vertue is often weak and languishing. Though vertue alone merit before God, it is unactive, unfruitfull, and inglorious among men. To be short, where the Goods of the body, co-habit with those of the mind and fortune, in eminent persons; it adds no small authority unto them, seeing the beauty and Majesty of the body hath certain attractions to captivate the courage, to inforce respect and reverence, and to perswade men to what ever they please; infomuch that the an­cients have thought them worthy of Crowns and Empires.

His Majesties choice of Learned and Religious Prelates at the Cardinal's request.

THe Church ought necessarily to be governed by Bishops, whose Doctrine and Piety may serve for a guide to the people to instruct them in the ways of Heaven. The State receiveth no small advantage by them. Hereupon, the Car­dinal did very wel resolve to perswade his Majesty not to bestow any Bishoprick, but upon persons well-deserving, who might be capable of serving God and the State, es­pecially not to grant them unto children or persons of a licentious life, or such as lay under any ignominy as had formerly been practiced; so that in a few yeas the face of the Clergy of France was much altered, being replenished with persons of abi­lity and virtue. This was put in execution in all vacant places, after the Cardinal's promotion to the Ministery. I shall forbear to speak of it, till the History of this year, because it furnisheth us with many examples. The Cardinal propos'd unto his Majesty, to be admitted into the Bishopricks of Languedoc, whose Pastors had been deposed, Le Sieur Cohon, for Nismes; the Sieur Grillet for Ʋssez; the Sieur Vilazel for St. Brieu. His Majesty whose Piety is no lesse illustrious then his Ju-Justice, which rendreth him venerable to all his people, being well satisfied of their merit, concluded them fit for that honour. The were persons who for above ten years past, had appeared in the most eminent Pulpits of Paris, to the great admiration of their auditory; and whereas the Doctrine of Preachers ought to be animated by a good life; their conduct had testified for them, that they had no lesse vertue and eloquence then zeal for his Majesties service, to preserve the people in the obedience they ow him, as Gods Lievtenant on earth.

That the right of presenting to Bishopricks, is one of the most ancient Privi­ledges of the Crown, and what Bishops ought to be chosen for the good of the State.

AMong the Rights of this Crown, that of the presenting to Bishopricks, is one of the most signal, as most ancient. The Primitive Bishops of the French Church, who have been the most shining lights of our Faith, have acknowledged it from the beginning of this Monarchy, in the fifth Councel of Orleans, where they ordained that none should consecrate any Bishop, without his Majesty's consent, the practice whereof is so frequent in History, that nothing but ignorance can question it. Gregory of Tours reporteth, that Bishop Quintianus being dead, Gallus was substituted in his place, and created Bishop of Overgne, by his Majesty's means; and that after Gallus his decease, there was some design to elect one Cato, but that the Arch-Deacon Cantinus having prevented the King, and first acquainted him with the news of Gallus his death, was constituted Bishop in his place. He likewise re­porteth that Nonnichius was established in the Bishoprick of Nantes, in the room of Felix, by the Kings Order; as also Vitus in that of Vie [...]na, that Childebert made St. German Bishop of Paris, Clodomir, Omatius, Bishop of Tours, Clotair St. Medard, Bishop of Vermandoi [...], and Euphronius, Bishop of Tours. History is pregnant with the like examples, so that to cite them were but vain, those already alledged being sufficient to confirm it, which who can question, seeing our Kings have with their Crown received power to dispose of all things, which concern the good of their Kingdom, and tranquility of their people; and that the election of Bishops is not an act meerly Ecclesiastical, but as much reflecting on the good of the State, as the Salvation of Souls? Bishops have a great influence over the peo­ples sprits, to draw them by the links of Piety and Religion, unto what they please, as experience hath evidenced, in the time of Lewis the Debonnair, who was almost Deposed by a Faction they raise against him, and as was afterward seen in Lan­guedoc, [Page 543]where five or six of them fomented a Civil War. The Empire of Souls i [...] wonderfully potent, and its Arms though spiritual, are more to be feared them Pikes or Muskets. The Soul once mastered, the body will soon yeeld, the one is the inevitable consequence of the other; and for this reason is it that the promotion of Bishops hath ever depended on our Kings, and that it hath been judged very necessary to elect persons for those imployments, who may, indeed, be able to edi­fie the people by their Doctrine and example, and altogether incapable of ind [...]n­gering the publick. The happinesse of States dependeth much upon Religion, and the splendour of Religion, doth more depend upon the vigilance and care of Bi­shops, next to the blessing of Heaven, the any other thing whatever. May they not indeed be called the foundation of it? Who doth more effectually fix the peo­ple in the fidelity which they ow their Soveraigns, in obedience to Magistrates, in reverence to Parents, in respect to Justice, the rule of their conduct? Doubtlesse it is then very considerable in Government, not to chuse such persons as are inca­pable of bringing these advantages to a State. I shall not in this place say any thing of the obedience they ought to shew to Magistrates; but only it is necessary that they be honest men; because if licentious they will be apt to do more hurt then good, and to neglect the restraining of the people, not that I shall approve of chusing such persons who are of an indiscreet zeal; for such persons designing to do too much good, do oftentimes raise great disorders, which themselves are unable to redresse. Preachers are so much the more deserving of this promotion, because the function of preaching, was primitively reserved to the Bishops, who communicated it unto Priests, only by way of priviledge, and that at sundry times in sundry places. The Bishops of the East, did first grant this power to Priests, as may be proved by the examples of Pierius and Chrysostome, who while they were yet Priests, Preached one in Alexandria, the other in Antioch, a thing not used in Affrick before St. Austine, who during his Priesthood, had the liberty of Preaching conferred upon him, by Bishop Valerius, a thing without President; and in Gaul this custom was introduced, about an hundred year after the Councel of Vaison.

The King maketh a Declaration to Depose three Officers, two of the Parliament of Paris, and one of the Chamber of Accompts, from their Charges.

SHortly after, Monsieur le President Seguiers, promotion to the Seals, the ill conduct of President Cogneux, the Sieur Deslandes, Councellor of the Parlia­ment, and the Sieur de Monsigot, Master of the Chamber of Accompts of Paris, forced his Majesty to deprive them of their Offices. I have inserted in the History of the fore-going years, the Rebellious acts in which they ingaged themselves; and in this I shall adde, that it being a shame for his Majesty, and unbefitting the repu­tation of the affairs of France, to suffer the chief Officers of the Parliament of Pa­ris, and a Master of the chief Chamber of Accompts in the Kingdom, to live abroad in Forraign parts, avoiding the punishment due to their Rebellion, and with the marks of their authority still about them, as if they had been innocent; his Maje­sty resolved to depose them; for the more orderly doing whereof, he went to the Parliament of sit in the Seat of Justice, and publish a Declaration, with expound­ing the Ordinance of Blois where it is said, that all guilty of High-Treason, par­ticularly, his Majesties Officers, should never be restored to their Offices; Decla­red, that it ought to be understood of Officers condemned of Rebellion or Trea­son, as well by default and contumacy of those who were present at their Tryals; there being no reason to suffer those who had had their hands in conspracies and intelligences prejudicial to his Majesties service, to injoy their dignities, those rays of his Majesties power; and moreover, that the twenty eighth Article of the Or­dinance of Molins, more ancient then that of Blois, where it is specified, that [Page 544]those who are condemned by default and contumacy, may have five years time to acquit themselves, should not be interpreted in favour of them; his Majesty requi­ring, that judgement once pronounced against Traitors, though condemned by default or contumacy, should after publication be put it execution, as to the con­fiscation of their offices only, without being restored either by Letters or other­wise. This very Declaration suppress'd the offices of President le Cogneux, and the Sieur Deslandes as guilty of High-Treason, whereof they were condemned by contumacy; they were unworthy of any favour, in regard his Majesty had given them a moneths time to recollect themselves, and to return into the Kingdom, which they had neglected to do. Besides, the King published his Letters Patents to create the like offices, and conferr'd that of the President a [...] Mortier, upon the Sieur de Lamoignon. formerly President of the third Chamber of Inquests; and pla­ced the Sieur de la Hage de Vantelay, Councellor of the grand Counsel, in that of Counsellor of the Parliament. His Majesty caused them to take their Oath in his Presence, and then to take their places. Monsieur le Comte de Soissons, went in his Majesties behalf to the Chamber of Accompts, to cause the like Declaration to be published against the Sieur de Monsigot, and his Letters Patents by which Le Sieur des Rues, was established in the office of Master of Accompts. Thus his Majesty ou­ted three Rebellious Officers, and taught the rest that they having no Authority but what depended upon his pleasure, they should be sure to be deprived of it, if once they should be sound unworthy by Revolts.

Politique Observation.

VVHen Kings create Magistrates, and communicate part of their power to them; it is not to exempt them from obedience, but to fix their Crowns by new supports, and to keep the people by their examples and decrees within the bounds of their subjection. To this end only it is, that Kings confer their power upon them, who as they command their people to make their addresses to them, to decide their differences; so do they no lesse oblige their Magistrates to preserve them within their bounds, by the example of their submissions, and the integrity of their judgements. If Magistrates ow the second to the people by their places, they are no lesse indebted to their Kings, in the first, with this distinction of obli­gation, that the good of the State invites them to it, the Order of Monarchy re­quireth it, and Justice it self commandeth it. What presumpion were it, for the Stars to indeavour to eclipse the Sun's light, when their own, is but the effect of his? What a disorder were it, if the inferiour Spheres, should oppose the moti­ons of the Primum mobile? And what likelyhood is there, that those Magistrates who receive their Authority from their Princes to support their Crowns, and con­firm their Subjects in their obedience, should flie into Rebellion, and indeavour to draw them to follow their examples? They ought to beware that their disobe­dience do not cause the Flower de luces to fade, and that they do not instead of cultivating them with care, to render them more beautifull to the French, and more respected by strangers, indanger them by their ill examples, and render themselves unworthy to sit upon them. Know they not that their obedience and the integrity of their judgements, is the foundation of the peoples submissions? The Rebellion of such men ought not to be connived at; in regard it may not be tolerated with­out putting all things into disorder. The People are like clay, without form in themselves, but easily wrought by the Potters. In fine, they behold most affairs with the eyes of their Magistrates, and suffer themselves easily to be directed by their motions; they dislike what the other reject, and if they should rise against their Soveraign, they would make no difficulty to follow them. In affairs of this nature, Kings are obliged to conform themselves to the example of the Sun, who finding the Moon to oppose her light to his, and indeavouring to eclipse his light presently depriveth her of all her light, and turneth her Christaline into a dark bo­dy King ought to re-assume to themselves their Justice, which formerly they [Page 545]had intrusted with them, and to punish their Rebellions with severity. They who are the most mild, are forc'd by such crimes to draw their Swords of Justice, to prevent the eclipsing of their power, to take the Thunder-bolts of severity into their hands, and dart them against them to reduce them to nothing.

Divers Changes of Governours in sundry Provinces made this year.

THose were not the only Changes which happened this year, there were divers others in the governments of Provinces, some that they might be intrusted with persons incapable of ingaging in any divisions which were suspected by reason of Monsieur's absence, and others for a recompence of several per­sons of quality which have deserved them, and which I cannot passe by unobserved. The Marshal de Thoyras, Governour of Cazal, had given some cause of jealousie, though indeed his fidelity was invincible, as hath since been seen; however, that place is of such importance, that nothing ought to be hazarded for the preservati­on of it. The King sent the Marquesse de Tavannes in his place, and gave the Mar­shal permission to slay in Italy, upon some difficulties which he made upon com­ming to Court. Le Sieur de Malissi, Captain of the Regiment des Gardes, was at the same time, made Governour of Pignerol, the Duke de Vantadour, was gra­tified with the Government of Limosin, and having surrendred into the Kings hands, the Lieutenancy of Languedoc; his Majesty divided it amongst four, and bestowed it upon the Comte de Tournon, the Vice Comte d' Arpajon, the Marquesse d' Ambres, and the Vice Comte de Polignac. Le Comte de Joncac was made Go­vernour and Lievtenant General of Xaintong, Angoulmois, Aunis, and the City of Rochel, the Baron de Pont Chasteau, Lievtenant General of Low Brittain, Le Comte de Palisse, Sieur do St. Geran, was made Governour of Bourbonnois, le Comte de Cheravet of Stenay, le Sieur de la Serre, first Captain of the Regiment of Picardy of Jamets, le Duc de la Valette of the Bishoprick of Mets, the Duc de Chaune of Picardy, le Duc d'Alvin of Languedoc, and the Cittadel of Montpellier, le Marquesse de Seneçay of Bourgogne au Bailliage de Masconnois; insomuch that there are few years which produce so great changes of government.

That it is necessary to commit the Government of Provinces and Places, into the hands of trusty Persons, in times of danger.

IT is very important, when there is any suspicion of civil dissentions, to intrust the Government of Provinces and places with persons of fidelity. I do much approve of the King of Spain's rule, who often changeth his Governours. A man must be altogether ignorant of History, if he knoweth not the great services which Gonzalvus did the King of Aragon his Master, in the Kingdom of Naples: How­ever, that wise prudent King, would not alwaies intrust the Government of that place with him; for fear, lest in processe of time, he might keep it to himself. The continuation of the Government of France granted unto Julius Caesar, incouraged him to attempt upon the Roman liberty; whereupon, remembring that nothing had made him so ambitious of commanding, as that continuation upon his return to Rome, after the Affrick War, he ordained that to Praetor should injoy his Of­fice, above one year, nor no Consul above two. The Governour who hath long resided in a Province, may make creatures, contract frienships; an so play his game, that he may act the little King, and will be apt to ingage himself to some Revolt, if Ambition, which great men seldom want, should once inflame him. This made the Dictator Mamercus, say, the short continuation of Governours is the surest preservative of the publick; besides, the liberty of changing of Gove­nours, [Page 546]after some few years, and substituting others in their places, is of great ad­vantage, for that a Soveraign may thereby render more persons capable of great affairs, then if he should alwaies continue them in the same places. The memo­ry of new benefits disposeth men to be gratefull, and doubtlesse maketh Kings to be served with more affection: Great men long accustomed do so habituate them­selves, that they look upon their Governments as their Demesne, without any sense of obligation to him who permitteth him; whereas he who is but lately pos­sessed of them, having the favour fresh in his memory, indeavoureth to deserve it with more industry and affection. This maxime, I know wil not very much agree with the sense of most great men; but surely their dislike relisheth more of Ambi­tion then reason; I may likewise adde, that it is little considerable to their For­tunes, seeing if they acquit themselves, as they ought, of a place, their merit will be a sufficient recommendation to attain them others. It were to be wished, that such men in their own concerns, were of Quintus Fabius Maximus his humour, who having been five times Consul; and considering with himself that his grand-father and great grand-father had often been charged with the same Office; and how it was very dangerous to continue great Offices in a family, was very earnest with the people of Rome, to divert them from conferring that honour on his son.

The Creation of Knights of the Holy Ghost.

THe King had for many years, receiv'd so many proofs of the valour of his Nobility, that he could not refuse them the honour of being Knights of his Orders; and his Majesty who hath a particular inclination to recompence valour, resolved to grant them this honourable reward. He was confirm'd in this resolution by Monsieur the Cardinal, who represented to him that the French Nobility could not be tied to his service, by any stricter Banes then those of honour, and that this would not a little augment that courage and fidelity, which they had as often as occasion required, discovered unto him; so that finding him­self at leisure about the beginning of the Spring, and without a necessity of being over early in the field, he resolved to perform the Ceremony of the Knights of the Holy Ghost, and to fill up all the vacant places. It is impossible in such affairs to content all men, because there are never so many places vacant, as men who think their services worthy of that honour. All that can be done, is to prefer those who are most considerable, either for their birth, their services, or the par­ticular inclination of the Prince, who in such things ought to have his own liberty. His Majesty took this course, but that he might totally follow the Orders of the Primitive constitution▪ he gave a Commission to the Cardinal de Lyon, great Alm­ner of France, and Commander of the Order, to inform him of their Religion, Life, and Works, who were proposed, and to send him his informations seal'd up. The next thing his Majesty did, was to assemble the Chapter of the Order at Fountainbleau, where the Ceremony was performed, and where all the Knights met, and told them by the mouth of the Sieur de Bullion, Lord Keeper of that Or­der, that he should be very glad before the Creation of the Knights, to have their opinions about the Rebellion and Felony of the Duke d' Elboeuf, and the Marquess de la Vieville, who being fled out of the Kingdom, and having born Arms contra­ry to his Majesties service; and consequently broken the Statutes of the Order, had rendred themselves unworthy of Knight-hood, and deserved to be degraded; the Sieur de Bullion, adding that his advice was, to follow the example of Charles Duke de Bourgogne, towards Charles Duke de Brabant his cousin, viz. to erase their Arms, and that in their Escutcheon should be inserted their judgement and degradation. All the Knights were of the same opinion with the Lord Keeper, excepting only the Marquesse de Trajanel: So that the judgement of their degra­dation was pronounced and executed before the new Creation. In prosecution of this judgement, his Majesty caused the Role of those whom he would have of this Order to be read aloud, and nominated eight Knights to assist at the tryal of the [Page 547]proofs of their Nobility, Life, and Manners; and the proposing the difference which was between those who were Dukes and Peers, and those who were only Dukes, concerning their order and place in the Ceremony; it was ordered that all the Dukes in general should march according to the Order of their Creation, be­cause the Peers hold no place in Assemblies. It was likewise decreed, that if any of those who were name to be Knights, did not appear at the time of the promo­tion to receive their Order, it should not be sent unto them. The 14 of May was the day assigned for the Ceremony, and his Majesty being there punctually follow­ed the Statutes of that Order, and conferred it upon

  • Monsieur the Cardinal of Richelieu,
  • The Cardinal de la Valette.
  • The Arch-Bishop of Paris.
  • The Arch-Bishop of Bourdeaux,
  • The Arch-Bishop of Narbone.
  • The Duc de Longueville.
  • The Comte d' Harcourt.
  • The Comte d' Alets.
  • The Duc de la Trimouille.
  • The Duc de Vantadour.
  • The Duc d' Alvin.
  • The Duc de Brissac.
  • The Duc de Candale.
  • The Duc de la Valette.
  • The Comte de Tonnerre.
  • The Mareschal d' Estree.
  • The Sieurs de Vaubecourt, & de Sene­terre.
  • The Vicomte de Pompadour.
  • The Marquis de Nesse.
  • The Marquis de Gordes.
  • The Comte de Lannoy.
  • The Marquis de Varennes.
  • The Mares [...]hal de Breze.
  • The Comte de Brassac.
  • The Comte de Noailles.
  • The Sieur de Popanne.
  • The Marquis de Fossez.
  • The Marquis de Bourbonne.
  • The Vicomte de Pollignac.
  • The Vicomte d' Arpajon.
  • The Marquis d' Aluye.
  • The Comte de Saulx.
  • The Comte d' Orval.
  • The Sieur de St. Simon premiers Escuyer.
  • The Baron de Pont-Chasteau.
  • The Sieur de Pont-Courlay.
  • The Sieur de la Messeray.
  • The Marquis de Mortemart.
  • The Sieur de Villequier.
  • The Comte de Teurnon.
  • The Sieur de la Mailleraye.
  • The Comte de Tianges.
  • The Marquis d' Ambres.
  • The Comte de Parabere.
  • The Sieurs de Montcaurel, &
  • De Liancourt.
  • De St. Simon l'aisne.

I will not trouble my self to describe the particulars of the Ceremony; it is be­yond my design; only for conclusion, I will say his Majesty by this conferring of Honour, shewed that he did as well acknowledge, as know the services of his No­bility.

Politique Observation.

THe reward of Services, and the punishment of Crimes, are equally great suppor­ters to a State; whereupon Socrates being demanded, what Estate could be esteemed the best governed, answered, that where honest men are rewarded, and knaves punished. Xenophon likewise thought, that a man being naturally more couragious the fearfull, should be excited sooner to great actions by praise riches or honours after a Victory? For this reason it was, that Plato in the Fifth of his Republicks, would that all men who behaved themselves couragiously in the War, should be gratified in all reasonable things, nay they were permitted to mar­ry divers women, the better to replenish the Common-Wealth with valiant men.

This licentiousnesse, I must confesse, is contrary to the Laws of Christianity, and Experience hath told us, that it is seldom seen, brave men beget children like them­selves; but in the main, the gratifying of valiant men in all reasonable things, is [Page 548]conformable to the rules of all politick States. Thus Homer to give a testimony of Agamemnon's conduct, doth usually bring him in at all feasts in the Greek Army, honoured with an whole Chine of Beef, being the greatest rarity among them. Upon the same example, Plato grounded his Decrees for the honouring of those at publick Feasts, who had given proofs of their valour by serving them with the greatest dainties, and the best Wines; and by singing of songs in their praise, to invite others to imitate them. To speak the truth, if the flame dies for want of Wood, generosity languisheth if unrewarded. All goeth to rack in that State where men of courage are no better treated then uselesse cowards. It should seem the greatest courages are, as it were, benum'd, where the splendour of honour, the reward of handsom actions, doth not incourage them. All that can be fur­ther observed is, that recompences be proportioned to the qualities of the persons. Souldiers are more usually pleas'd with riches then honour, and are more proper to be acknowledged with reward accordingly. The Nobility on the other side, are better satisfied with honour, Let them have it. This course did the Common-Wealth of Venice take, after that memorable battle of Tar; they exalted the Mar­quis of Mantua, from that government, to be general of the Army; and as to those Souldiers who had behav'd themselves couragiously, they increas'd their pay. They gave divers recompences to the Sons of such as were slain, Dowries to their daughters, and good Pensions to such as were maim'd. The Romans did much more esteem the rewards of honour, then any other; and indeed they are more to be esteemed, because Honour is more excellent then Wealth. There was no Crown more esteemed among them, then the obsidional, which however was made of Turf, that of Gold inlaid with Stones, was beneath it, because lesse ho­nourable; there was not any greater honour in their Common-Wealth then that of Triumph, which however brought no Wealth to the Triumpher; for after he had appeared in a Chariot cloathed and attended magnificently, he was obliged to live in the City, in the quality of a private person, without other reward then the glory of their actions. Cneus Ovillius, thought himself more highly rewarded, after he had concluded the first Carthaginian War, by the Common-Wealths per­mitting him to have a Trumpet alwaies march before him; and Pompey by the power granted him wear his Triumphant Robe at all publick Feasts and Caesar by the priviledge of continually wearing the Lawrel Crown, then if they had had all the riches of the Empire divided amongst them.

The Institution of the Parliament of Mets, after the King had reduc'd to his Obedience, divers Cities and Places of Lorrain.

AFter the King had reduc'd to his Obedience divers Cities and places of the Bi­shopricks of Mets, Toul, and Verdun. and recovered to his Crown divers Lands and Lordships, heretofore pulled from it; he thought it necessary for the preservation of the people in Obedience and Peace, and for conservation of the Rights of his Crown to establish a Soveraign court of Justice, which should have full power to Judge, without further Appeal, all matters both civil and criminal. His Majesty was the rather invited unto it, by the earnest intreaties of all the Or­ders of the Cities and Provinces, in prosecution of the promise made unto them, by the late King Henry le grand; especially to redresse those great abuses committed in the Administration of Justice, in regard of the inexperience of the Magistrates, as to prevent the Dukes of Lorrain's usurpation, who had oftentimes presumed to give judgement in places; and upon persons depending on the Crown of France. It was resolved about the beginning of the year. The King ordained a Soveraign court, with the Title of Parliament, in his Bishopricks of Toul, Mets, and Ver­dun; the seat whereof he founded at Mets; both in regard of the commodious­nesse of the scituation; as also the populousness of the place, and confluence of the people, which came from all parts; and besides, that place having been formerly [Page 549]the Metropolis of Austracia, one of the best Flowers of this Crown. His Majesty ordained there should be one chief President, six other Presidents, forty six Coun­sellors, of which six should be of the Clergy, the rest of the Laity, one Attorney General, two Advocates General; and to brief, all Officers usual in other Parliaments, to execute Justice, without Appeal, every six moneths, upon the Cities and persons of those Bishopricks; as also upon Mouzon, Chasteau-Regnaud, and its Appurte­nances; notwithstanding any Soveraignty they might heretofore claim: Lastly, desiring to chuse such persons as might be capable of doing actual service in this Parliament, he committed the charge of chief President to the Sieur de Bretaign, and of the other Presidents to the Sieurs of Charpentier, Blundeau, Pinon, Tres­lon, Vignier and Chanteclair, all men of worth; that of Attorney General to the Sieur de Paris, Master of Requests; those of the two Advocates General, to the Sieurs de la Gresliere, Remifort, and Fardoil; they had all Commission to go with four Masters of Request, and five or six who were created Counsellours, to esta­blish the Parliament, which they did about the end of August, to the great happi­nesse and satisfaction of the inhabitants of Mets, glad to see their City re-assume its ancient splendour; and true it is, the industry they used to preserve his Maje­sties right, and the people in their obedience, did not a little conduce to the esta­blishment of the Royal Authority in its lustre.

That new Magistrates of Justice ought to be established in Countries newly conquered.

AS Subjects ow love and obedience to their Kings; so Kings ow them Justice and affection. The debts are mutual, and two incumbent duties, which com­pose the most agreeable harmony in States, upon the accomplishment of which de­pendeth the good fortune of both Prince and People; which being so, a Prince can no sooner conquer a country, but be is obliged to do them Justice; nor is it of small importance to him to execute it by new Judges, and to change the old Ma­gistrates. Caesar and Nero knew it well enough, by their indeavours to suppresse the Senate, at least to diminish their power when they despaired of being able abso­lutely to depose them. In a word, the Soveraign power being composed of the Authority of a Prince, and that of Magistrates, to force a country out of the hands of another Prince, and not to change the Magistrates, were to be but half Master of it; for their Prince having bestowed those imployments on them, they cannot but preserve some affection for him, nor wil they ever fail to serve him, so that great inconveniences may thereby arise; for as they in some sort serve as a Chain to tie the people in obedience to their Soveraign, they will do their utmost indeavour to preserve them in their dependance upon him, from whom they have received their imployments, and with time they are able to cause a general insurrection. A Seat of Justice though without a Sword, with the Purple onely, and those other marks of its dignity, doth oftentimes cause that which they favour, to be more respected and obeyed, then the force of an whole Army, so much are the people us'd to sub­mit to its judgements, and to follow its motions; therefore there is nothing of a conquest secured, untill the Conquerour hath setled such Magistrates as are affecti­onate and loyal to his service. That once done, let the people mutiny, make un­lawfull Assemblies, and be factious, it signifies little; especially, if there are any strong Garisons or Souldiers in pay to quel them. The people do commonly re­turn to their duties, at the only sight of their Magistrates, and they quickly calm themselves, as tost vessels do at the appearance of Castor and Pollux; but if they find any to second their insurrection, they rage more and more, and flie out into all kind of extremities.

Alpheston and Chavagnac, executed at Mets by Decree of Parliament.

THe exemplary punishment which the Parliament of Mets, executed this year upon Alpheston and Chavagnac, was one of the greatest services which could be rendred to the State. Alpheston a notorious Assassinate, came to Mets about the end of September, with Sausier and Bellanger, who had both been of the Marshal de Marillac's guard. These two Souldiers touch'd with repent­ance and horrour for the crime, wherein they had been ingaged, made their ad­dresses to the Sieur de Mommas, Governour of the City, for the Duke de la Va­lette, and discovered to him, upon what design they were come from the Low Countries. The Sieur de Mommas secured them all three, which being signified to the chief President, they were examined, and Processe made against Alpheston in the usual form; it was proved, that Alpheston having murthered a certain Cou­rier, called Clairbourg, for fear lest he should discover a design upon St. Disier, which he had intrusted with him, fled into Flanders, where having made some stay at Bruxels, he got acquainted with Father Chanteloup, and one la Roche, intendent of his affairs, who had ingaged him, together with Sausier and Bellanger, to kill the Cardinal Duc de Richelieu, passing through Chaallons, where they were to lodge over against him; that they had been assured by Father Chanteloup, how that affair had been consulted by persons of Piety and Learning, and adjudged it might be ex­ecuted with a safe Conscience; that la Roche had given an hundred Livres to Sau­sier, as many to Bellanger, and a hundred crowns to Alpheston, with promise to reward their services better; that Alpheston had oftentimes conversed with Father Chanteloup concerning that affair; that la Roche had caused a Gelding of the Queens Stable to be given him, which was afterwards known to be the same, by the Sieur de Villiers, one of her Querris. All this was Deposed by Sausier and Bellanger, and confessed by Alpheston himself; so that he was condemned upon the 23 of September, to be broke on the wheel for his offence. The Sentence was executed, and as it is very important for the security of Kings and their States, to pardon those who discover things of this nature; Sausier and Bellanger were ac­quitted in conformity to the Law prescribed in such cases. Nor was this Assassina [...] the only Monster which Chanteloup, sent abroad to execute that horrible attempt; not long after Blaise Ruflet, was discovered under the name of Chavagnac, and con­victed in the same Parliament to have designed the death of that grand Minister, by causing him to read a poysoned Letter; an action so black, and full of horror, that it is hardly credible in a person of his condition, bad it not been formally proved, and withall confessed by himself, who for his punishment was adjudged to be hanged. The Parliament of Mets could not see Chanteloup guilty of such abhominations, without declaring what he was; whereupon they drew up his indictment, and con­demned him by default to be broken alive. Thus did God, by his Providence, de­fend this incomparable Minister from the fury of his enemies, who before they could effect their design, had the impudence to publish in divers places, that it were a piece of conscience to murther him; that the merit were greater then the crime; that it were an act of Justice, and that divers having already contrived, the design was only deterred by fear. Thus did they indeavour to infuse the poison of this abhominable Doctrine, into the minds of some melancholy men, and to per­swade them to Dye their hands in the blood of a Cardinal, a Bishop, a chief and incomparable Minister of State. This in a word, is the strangest fury that Hell can lead a man into; but that which was more wonderfull, was to see the Queen-Mother, whose Piety and Clemency had in all her Government been so conspicu­ous, suffer such persons as were about her, not only to publish, but approve such bloody Doctrines and Sacralegious maxims, and to be obstinate in the keeping him for her only Minister, who made it his businesse to cut the thread of his life; whose [Page 551]whose services the King her son did every day publish with so many honourable Eulogiums, that he ascribed the happy successe of all his enterprizes to his only counsels. This her procedure was totally repugnant to that pretended desire of hers, to return into France, and to make her Peace with his Majesty; however they who had the honour to know her, did not at all detract from their opinions of her goodness, knowing her to be by nature as far from this barbarous doctrine, as heaven is from earth, they only wish she had not so easily suffered her self to be surprised by those whom she honoured with her confidence.

How abhominable assassination hath ever been, and that great men never ought to be drawn into it.

TO murther a Cardinal is a detestable sacriledge, not onely because it injureth a particular person, but the sacred Colledge of Cardinals, the Pope, and the whole Church. He who murdereth a Minister of State, is guilty of high Treason, as I have heretofore made appear, and generally of all others, it is the most hor­rible Crime. Murderers among the Israelites were so much detested, that pri­vate men were allowed to destroy them, if the Magistrate did not; nay, he who had killed another by accident was in such abhomination with them, that he was ba­nished his Country as unworthy of their conversation and forced to retire to their Cities of refuge, under penalty of being slain, without punishment by him who had undertaken to revenge the death. All nations have chastised it with grievous pu­nishments; those of Brasil in particular do so detest it, that if the murderer save himself by flight, yet his children, sisters and cousins are all made slaves to the kin­dred of the party murthered. Hath not God declared himself an enemy unto it, when he saith, He who killeth his Brother shall dy by the sword. History is full of examples verifying his Divine justice to correspond with his threats. Plutarch though having the light of nature onely, writeth that a certain murderer of one Mitias a Grecian escaping scot free, the divine providence so ordered it, that his statue fell upon him in the publick place, and crushed him to death; but if mur­der destroy those that are guilty thereof with shame, surely all Princes peccant in this particular are much more blame-worthy; because they do an act contrary to that mercy, justice, generosity, and greatnesse of power which they are obliged to have. Never would the Romans in the flourishing time of their Common-Wealth, permit their enemies to be thus kill'd; and Tacitus reporteth, that when the Senate read Algau destrius Prince of the Catti his Letters, in which he under­took to poison Arminius the German Captain, provided they would send him poi­son, return'd him this answer, that the people of Rome used to have satisfaction from their enemies, openly and not by treachery. That I may shew this true va­lour hath not been unimitated in these latter ages, Dom Rogero Comte de Pallant, offered Alphonsus King of Naples, to kill the King of Castile his enemy with his own hands; whereunto Alphonsus answered, think not, I pray, upon such an acti­on; because were it to put me in quiet possession not only of Castile, but of the whole world, yet would I never give my consent unto it.

The Acts of Hostility committed by the Duke of Lorrain against France.

VVHilest his Majesties prudence and courage were taking care for his sundry affairs, the Duke of Lorrain, setting by the Laws of honour which obli­ged him to keep his promises, suffering himself to be transported by an unjust ha­tred against France, took all opportunities to discover his ill will; he was oblig'd by the last Treaty to send his Forces to his Majesty; but hardly was the Treaty sig­ned, and the Marshal d' Effiat, one of the Generals of his Majesties Army in Ger­many, [Page 552]received the command of them, ere he sent Order to their Commanders to disband them, that he might give Mont-Baillon Lorrain opportunity to gather them together, and lead them into Alsace for the Emperours service. Hereupon it was not long before they vanished, excepting the Regiments de Guerquoy, to the Commander of which he had forgot to make known his intention. Nor did he forbear to testifie that this very Regiment, abiding some while in his Majesties ser­vice was displeasing to him; for upon the return into his Territories, after the Marshal de Effiats decease, he disbanded them, that he might bestow them upon Vervane a Subject of his, and Souldier of Fortune, who led them into Alsace, where he got into Massenal, and was defeated by the Swede. He was oblig'd to hinder any Levies in his country, made without his Majesties consent; but he gave way thereunto, at the same time that Ajax the Italian indeavoured to get into Brisac. The Treaty ingaged him not do any thing against the Allies of France; and he past his word to General Horn, not to countenance any design against Haguenaw, which place he under-hand assisted with fifteen hundred men; and without regard had to his word, gave forces to the Cemte de Salme, under pretence of discharging them, which afforded him the means and opportunity of taking in that place; nor did he afterward contribute to preserve the place, by sending Victuals and Souldiers to fortifie that Garison. Every one knows he gave leave to Montecuculi Benti vog­lio & Nassau, to raise Forces in Lorrain, for three or four moneths time; the two former pretending all that while they would desert the service; but did indeed send them to fight against the Swede; and the last of them, did openly lead his forces into Alsace. Moreover, as weak courages do easily passe from anger to cruelty, the passion he had against France, and its Allies, transported him to many unworthy actions: For more cruel deeds, then those of Nassau, could not be conceived by the wit of Man, who sometimes was with his Forces at Sarguemine, robbing and killing all such French Merchants as he could meet with; he caused a murther to be executed upon Collonel du Bois, who had very worthily served the Swedes in Germany; he committed violences in the Territory of Strasbourg, in the Dutchy of Deux Ponts, and the Comte de Hanau; he highly injured the Comte d' Halberstein, taking him in his shirt out of his bed, and plundering his house with­out any other difference, but only because he had alwaies been affectionate to France; he kept barbarous cut throats, at Saint Hypolitus, to rob and kill all such Swedes and French, as passed by, but weakly attended. That he might the more absolutely declare himself for the House of Austria, against the Allies of France; did he not proclaim, in his Army, by sound of Trumpet, that no one should pre­sume to call it any other then the Emperours Army? And did he not cause it to march under that notion, unto the Fort of Gerbaden, to beat off the Swedes who had besieged it? Did he not frequently entertain discourses and correspondencies with the chief of his Officers, with the Comte de Salm, Montecuculi, Merode, and the Marquis de Celade? Did he not receive the monies brought by the last of them, to pay his forces, with the same satisfaction and facility, as the Souldiers sent by the Valsfeign, and the confiscation sent him by the Emperour, of all his Neighbour Princes, and Allies of France's lands, who were in the Assembly of Hailbron? Did he not likewise make a League with the Emperour; whereby Ha­guenau, and the other ten Cities of the Imperial Provost, together with Sclestat and Colmah, were delivered to him for their most strict intelligence, though at that very time he was obliged by Treaty with the King, not to ingage himself with any Prince, without his Majesties knowledge or consent? Nor satisfied with that alone, he caused the Marquis de Ville, to tell the Swedes contrary to all likelyhood and truth, that he might make them jealous of the King, how he acted nothing against them, but by his Order, and sent ten thousand men to force them from the siege of Haguenau. Indeed he was the Author of his own punishment; for they fin­ding themselves forc'd to leave their Trenches, march'd out, cut off a party of them, and took his Canon and Baggage. This Procedure did sufficiently discover his Passion, but he stayed not there, rather as if he had delighted to break all Articles [Page 553]of former Treaties, he would not be perswaded to do his homage for Bar and though after infinite delays, he did at last send Commissaries to estimate the Demesnes of Clermont; the Propositions they made in valuing the buildings and fortifications contrary to the Treaty, which imported that he should pay after the rate of fifty years purchase in hand; for the Revenue only, did sufficiently testifie that they came not to perform the Treaty, but under that pretext to break it. Nor was he more exact in observing that Article, wherein he was obliged not to give any har­bour or passage to his Majesties Subject, who should be out of France, contrary to his Majesties pleasure, nor to entertain any correspondence with them, seeing he continually treated with those who abused Monsieur the Duke of Orleans his cre­dulity and favour. In general it may be said, that hatred and choller had gotten so transcendent a possession over his Soul, that they forced him to recede from all kind of honour, nay, and to neglect his own interest, and all to revenge himself against France, which he hop'd to effect by the Spaniards means, who when he had concluded the Treaty with the Hollander, then in agitation and probability, had ingag'd to assist Monsieur with all his Forces, to invade the Kingdom, to force his Majesty to such conditions of Peace, as himself pleased, to compel him to rati­fie Monsieurs marriage with the Princesse Marguerite; and finally to surrender to him such places as he had made himself Master of.

That Soveraigns are obliged to moderate their Passion, principally in point of War.

IF Choler be blamable in private persons, it is no lesse dangerous for Soveraigns, then pernicious for their Estates; Prudence ought to be the guide of all their actions, without which they will be inevitably reduc'd to troublesom inconvenien­ces. Who knoweth not that Choler is incompatible with this vertue, and an ene­my to all good counsels? A Prince may sometimes make Choler as usefull to him as Souldiers, and may be thereby drawn to a generous impetuosity to surmount al­most incredible difficulties; but there is a difference betwixt that gentle heat which increases courage, and that fire which inflames and subdues our reason; and there­fore a Prince must be carefull that he let not his passion pervert his judgement, to precipitate his reason into base resolutions. He who among Kings hath deserved the name of wise, saith, It is better to moderate choler, then to take a City. Now although this Passion seemeth to carry the stamp of courage, because it pretendeth to vanquish all, and to subscribe to no man, yet really it is a weaknesse, which whoever surmounteth, is incomparably a person of more spirit and courage, then he who suffereth himself to be transported by it. It hath ever been the opinion of the wisest Polititians, that cholerick men are no waies fit for government. Curo­palates Commenus, Emperour of Constantinople, did sufficiently declare how inca­pable he thought them of it, when being on his death-bed, he sent for the chief men o [...] his Court, and told them, he thought his eldest son Isaac, lesse fit for the Empire, then his younger son Manuel, in regard of his inclination to anger, which oftentimes hindred him from being Master of his own reason. A Phylosopher was demanded why he would not meddle with publick affairs. Not, quoth he, that I fear them, but suspect my self; intimating, that his naturally cholerick humour was totally repugnant to the management of State-affairs. Amongst those mis­fortunes wherein choler may ingage a Prince, the provoking a Potent King to de­clare War against him, is one of the most dangerous; War is never to be under­taken in Passion, but to be entred into by the Gate of Prudence, else it turneth to the Adventurers ruine. Anger transporteth a Prince without giving him leave to compare his Forces with his enemies, without preparing means necessary for his defence, or obtaining an happy end, and without any thoughts of desisting, or of making any advantagious Peace; but having hastily taken up his Sword, he is of­tentimes seen to let it fall with repentance, though too late, because such heady [Page 554]resolutions can hardly restore him to his first state. He that hath once set a fire on a Forrest, is no more able to extinguish it, but it runs from Tree to Tree until it hath consumed all, nay hardly will it be quench'd upon the borders, and that Prince who hath once kindled a War cannot extinguish it at his pleasure, nor can he pre­vent the ruines, which by little and little attend it, or keep it back from doing all manner of out-rages in his own country. Well may Passion ingage the weakest, but being once heated, it belongeth to the Victorious to renounce it. There are many Princes, saith Polybius, who egg'd on by an impetuous violence, either to revenge themselves, or grow great, do attempt many things; but few there are who know rightly how to conduct their enterprizes to obtain an happy end, or have understanding or industry sufficient to vanquish the resistances of fortune.

The King sendeth the Sieur de Guron, to treat with the Duke of Lorrain.

THough Monsieur de Lorrain's behaviour, provok'd the King to fall upon him, both with his own and his Allies forces, yet such was his Clemency which di­verteth him from all proceedings of rigour, unlesse at the last extremity, that he sent to the Swedes after the battel of Haguenau, to intreat them not to prosecute any further their conquests in Lorrain, and gave them to understand that it was in his Majesties protection, assuring them the said Duke should no more thwart them in their undertakings. The truth is, it was not the Duke of Lorrain's interest alone which induc'd his Majesty so to do, for he was not ignorant that the neighbour­hood of great Conquerours, is alwaies to be feared; yet his Majesty had this de­sign in preserving him, he well hop'd this present assistance would work upon him so much the more, because his danger was so eminent. The Swedes were com­manded by persons, who amidst the prosperity of their Victories, thought no acti­on glorious, unlesse just and conformable to the Treaty made with the King, where­upon they made no difficulty to consent unto it, but pass'd their words not to at­tempt any thing for the future upon Lorrain. The Duke in reason ought to have been very sensible of this Protection, seeing in the opinion of all people, though of never so little judgement, it prevented his ruine; yet such was his Passion, that he took no notice of it. The King sorry for him, as for a man who would destroy himself, presently sent the Sieur de Guron, if possible, to open his eys, and to shew him how irrational proceedings were; but the Duke instead of reverencing his Majesties goodnesse, who could not resolve to ruine him, according as he deserv'd, hid himself, and for some time would not suffer the Sieur de Guron to see him. At Nancy where the Sieur de Guron went to see him, he was not to be found nor could he hear any news of him, whereupon he was forc'd to return upon his way toward Mets until the Duke fearful, it seems, lest his Majesty should resent his dis-res­pect of a person of quality coming in his behalf, sent to tell him that he was at Luneville; he had not Artifice enough to satisfie the Sieur de Guron in appearance, but on the contrary, suffered himself so to be hurried away by Passion, which had gotten the mastery of him, that he gave him cause to suspect, he only waited a fair occasion to declare himself against his Majesty. The Sieur de Guron used his utmost indeavour to bring him to reason; in order to which he layed before him the little Justice of his Procedures, and the danger whereunto he exposed himself, if he should still drive on those discontents, which he had for some years last past given unto his Majesty. However, when he found his indeavours ineffectual, according as he had receiv'd instructions, he appli'd himself to make a discovery of his designs, which in the Dukes anger he often did. The Duke passed many Complements un­to him, and made general protestations how ready he was to render his Majesty all respect; but when they came to the ground of affairs, his Passion would insensib­ly transport him to speak such things as did sufficiently evidence his ill intentions, especially after that light which those of his Court gave, who were gain'd to give in­telligence, [Page 555]and the Sieur de Guron himself learn'd from the particular conversation of divers persons, during his stay in those parts, he having dexterity enough to in­form himself of any thing he desired to know, or had charge to inquire. He was certainly inform'd that the new fortifications made by the Duke at Nancy, were to no other end but to secure himself with his own force, and to defend the injustice of his proceedings, under the shelter of those bulwarks, instead of obtaining par­don from his Majesties clemency, by a true change of his behaviour; that he had delivered his Commissions to raise store of horse and foot, whose Randezvouz was to be neer St. Michael, the first of July next following, and that those Forces were appointed to invade France, together with those which the Emperor and King of Spain had promised him. These designs were of great importance, of all which he gave his Majesty advice, as they came to his knowledge. The King unable to put up so insolent behaviour, presently resolved by the wise Counsel of the Cardi­nal, to reduce this small Prince by force of Arms to such a passe, that he should not be in a condition to attempt any thing, but what would make him be pitied.

That it is important to send Embassadours to such Princes against whom War is design'd, to discover their intentions: and how it may be done.

IF it be necessary to be well inform'd of an enemies designs, of his humour, of his Forces, of the succours he expecteth, and generally of all things which may strengthen or weaken him, as all Polititians are of opinion; it is no lesse usefull to send persons to him, who under pretence of some familiarity, may give advice thereof. Tiberius, one of the Roman Emperours, was so solicitous in this kind, as Tacitus observeth, that he was not ignorant of one of his enemies resolutions; so that he oft times raised great advantages from their stratagems. Amongst all per­sons fit for this imployment, none are so proper as Embassadours; because having the liberty of speaking to an enemy, to his Ministers and Statesmen, the may wel discover more then men of inferiour condition, who converse with none but those of their own quality. Xenophon reporteth that Cyrus sent Embassadours of a cer­tain King of the Indies, toward the King of the Assyrians, under pretence of ma­king a Treaty of League with him, but in effect to discover his designs. Not but that I think it necessary to send with them persons of inferiour qualities, who may be crafty and capable to find admission every where to get acquaintance, to inform themselves of all passages, and make their discoveries thereof, for such men give no small light to affairs. Thus did Scipio, as Plutarch observeth in his life, that he might discover the State of the Carthaginians and Siphax.

Merchants used to Traffique in an Enemies Country, are not improper for this purpose, in regard of their general acquaintance, as Xenophon, one of the ablest Statesmen of his time, hath declared; but one thing especially ought to be obser­ved in employing such persons, that is, that they be men of understanding and fi­delity; for if they be defective in the former, their advices will not only be frivo­lous, but hurtfull; because they may ingage resolutions contrary to what is fit: and if they be deficient in the latter, it is easie to conclude how dangerously inconveni­ent it may be. As to the means which all in general are to use for their informati­on, none are better, then those which ingage men to talk much, and discover them­selves: Anger hath been ever esteemed a fit subject to work upon, because it de­priveth the use of reason, and giveth only the tongue liberty; and therefore it would not be amisse that an Embassadour should dextrously provoke an Enemy-Prince, or his Ministers, to drive them into this Passion; however this ought to be managed both with ingenuity and respect, lest he so far exasperate them, as to re­fuse him any more audience. It will not a little conduce to this end, to visit such Grandees of State, who they find talkative; it being usual with great talkers, to let fall whatever is in their thoughts, just as Torrents hurry away all that oppose [Page 556]them. Ladies are very proper to discover secrets, especially where a man may partake of their favours. For this reason did Augustus usually make love to his Enemies Wives; and indeed, it is impossible the should keep any thing secret from their Gallants: Nor ought they to be defective in feasting those who know the Country, because Wine is as much an enemy to a secret, as love; but especially money makes the Mare go. That is it which discovereth all, and was one of the means used by that great Captain Gonzalvus, to inform himself of all his Masters enemies affairs, during his abode in Naples, as was to be seen in his account after the War, where to this end he had spent 600494 crowns.

The King sendeth the Sieur de la Nauve, to seiz upon Bar, for defect of Ho­mage, and to re-unite to the Crown all his lost Royalties.

THe King intending to be reveng'd on Monsieur de Lorrain, thought good to begin it by seizing upon Bar, as the best remedy, in hopes that by letting him see his Majesties resolution, no longer to indure the effects of his hatred; he would, in fine, return to his duty without ingaging himself in greater extremities. Upon this design he caused him to be summoned to the Parliament of Paris, to try whe­ther the said Dutchy were not laps'd to the Crown for default of Homage, upon whose non-appearance the Parliament decreed by the Judgement of the 30. of July. that a Commission should be issued out to the Attorney General to seiz upon it, and deliver it into his Majesties hands, together with its dependances, untill the said Duke should do his Homage. In prosecution of this Decree, the Parliament gave a Commission to the Sieur de la Nauve, one of their most ancient Counsellors, whose ability in learning, experience in affairs, and integrity in the Administrati­on of Justice, together with his birth and manners, were thought capable enough to cause his Majesties name to be honoured in Bar, and to re-establish his Authori­ty in that lustre, of which Monsieur de Lorrain's Ambition had deprived him. His Majesty approved of their choice; and the Sieur de la Nauve, going to take his leave of his Majesty, and receive the honour of his commands; he gave them another Commission, under the Great Seal, not only to execute the Parliaments Decree, but also to re-unite unto the Crown, the Royal Prerogatives of Bar, the grant of which had heretofore been made by Charles the Ninth, and Henry the Third, to the then Duke Lorrain, without mature consideration of the conse­quence of such alienation. These things thus ended, the Sieur de la Nauve, bent all his thought towards Bar, together with such Officers, as the Parliament doth usually appoint to attend upon their Commissaries on such occasions. The Offi­cers of the City receiv'd him with all honour, but not long after his arrival, the Ba­ron de Couuonges, Bayliff and Governour of Bar, came to meet him on the behalf of the Duke of Lorrain, to intreat him to deliver him a Copy of his Commission, assuring him in the interim, that the Duke had given leave to all the inhabitants and Officers of the City, to obey such commands as he had brought from his Ma­jesty, it being the order of Soveraignty, that the weaker should obey the stronger. This discourse did not at all surprise him, he knowing, that such an affair could not be ended without some contest; and accordingly, bee answered the Baron de Couuanges without any alteration, that his Commission being to be executed in publick, and himself being to be there in the head of his Officers, as Bayliff of Bar, to understand the King and Parliaments pleasure, it would be unnecessary to give him a copy thereof, and that it appertained not to the Duke of Lorrain, to give leave to the Officers and Inhabitants of Bar to obey his Majesties commands, seeing they having no other Soveraign but his Majesty, no one could have the power to ex­empt them from that duty which they owed him. The Sieur de Couuonges, upon this answer, withdrew; and the next morning, the Sieur de la Nauve going to the Palace where the Officers of Justice were assembled, took his place, and cau­sed his Commission to be read unto them, which impowered him to seiz the Dutchy [Page 557]of Bar for his Majesty, for default of Homage, and to re-unite unto the Crown, the rights of Royalty and Soveraignty, which had heretofore been alienated, and which a subject guilty of Felony could not justly injoy; that to this end, he was in­abled to alter the Titles of Justice, to ordain that all succeeding Acts should passe in his Majesties name, that they should be sealed with his Arms; that all the inha­bitants of Bar should have recourse to his Majesty, for Letters of Justice and Fa­vour of Pardon and Grace; that the money should be hereafter stamp'd with the Arms of France; and that in general, the same Orders should be established among them, as were observed in the other Provinces of France. Then he told them, he thought it unnecessary to exhort them to be obedient unto his Majesty, seeing they were his Subjects born, and that it could not but be glorious for them, to be under a Prince who had taken Justice for the rule of his actions; who for his Clemency, is beloved by his people; and who for his Valour, is honoured of all the World; that the seizure of Bar ought to seem the lesse strange unto them, in regard the Duke of Lorrain his Majesties Subject and Vassal, in relation to this Dutchy, which belonged in Fee to the Crown, had failed to do his Fealty and Homage, though by the customes of France, none but his Majesty could re-install him in it; that his Ma­jesty had for ten years past, expected his submission, though he might lawfully have seiz'd it upon the death of the late Duke; and that this Law of Fealty, should be the more vigorously executed, as to the Dukes of Lorrain, in regard they had of­ten failed to do their duties unto his Majesty. As to that which concerned the re­uniting of the Regal Rights to the Crown of France; he added, that those Rights being, as it were, a Flower, extracted from that Crown, by the importunities of the Dukes of Lorrain, it was the more equitable to re-unite them, and deprive the Duke of them, because he hath so far abused them, that he wanted little of a total usurpation, without considering how our Kings have reserved the last appeal, and Homage, as so many marks of Soveraign Authority, not to be alienated, that there was little reason to suffer them longer in his hands, who had for so many years to­gether delayed and refused to do homage for them; and indeavoured to perswade the World, that those perform'd by his Predecessors, were but so many visits and complements; especially considering, that bounty hath its limits, as well as Justice; and that it is taken for a dishonourable weaknesse in Kings, when it is excessive, or when it perswadeth them to put up abuses offered unto them. In fine, he ordered that the Dutchy of Bar should be seized and delivered into his Majesties hands, and that the Royal Prerogatives should be re-united to the Crown of France, by the Messengers of the Parliament, who accompanied him to be injoyed by his Majesty, untill he had receiv'd satisfaction in the causes of the seizure. This was the sub­stance of his discourse at the Palace. In the following days, he cause his com­mission to be read in the Bayliffs court, in the chamber of Accompts, and the Town-House. The Messengers of the Parliament executed the Decree, all the Officers took the Oath of Allegiance unto his Majesty, He did several acts of Ju­stice, required the Clergy to make publick Prayers for his Majesty and the Royal Family, inhibited all Gentlemen and inhabitants of Bar, to bear Arms for the Duke of Lorrain, regulated some disorders committed by the Provosts of Mareschals, in the exercise of their Office; and in general, setled every thing which he thought conducing to his Majesties service.

That Kings never ought to alienate their Demesnes, especially their rights of Soveraignty.

THough Liberality be so becomming Kings, that it is no lesse beseeming them to give, then to command, yet ought they never to extend their bounties so far, as to alienate their Demesnes. The Revenues of the crown, do chiefly contain two things, the rights of Soveraignty, and the lands which they have reserved to themselves, or acquired by any other way whatever. The rights [Page 558]of Soveraignty, consist in the power of executing Justice, coyning of money, gran­ting of Pardons, making Peace and War, establishing Laws, imposing Taxes, crea­ting Magistrates, and sending Embassadours. As for Demesne Lands, as it is impossible to support the charges of State, without a certain income, Kings have alwaies reserved some of this sort, beside their Soveraignty, to serve their occasions. This Demesne, though of lesse honour, hath ever been esteemed so sacred, that Kings at their Coronations have sworn to preserve and defend them to the utmost of their powers. Indeed it is impossible, as Tacitus observeth, to keep a people in quiet without Arms, Arms without Money, and Money without Revenue or Tri­bute. Hence it was, that Nero having deliberated how to abolish all the Tolls of the Kingdom, the Senate though they approved of his Magnificence, yet could not give their assents unto that; because the ruine of the Empire would be inevi­table, when the Nerves of it should be so destroyed. If the alienation of ordina­ry Lands and Tributes, be so prejudicial to States, those of Soveraign rights are incomparably more considerable and dangerous. These latter Rights are like the Rays of the Sun, inseparable from the Royal Family, and like the most noble parts of the Kingdom, without which it cannot be preserved in that strength which be­comes it. That of the Law, which inhibiteth the alienation of royal Prerogatives, ought to be understood more in relation of those, then of Lands; and thereupon hath ordained, that if any thing be alienated or dismembred, it shall notwithstanding be re-united to the Crown, as so many distracted members to their body, to restore it to its former strength. This hath been alwaies so exactly observed in this Kingdom, that in the very Pensions of the Sons of France, the Demesnes of the Crown are never a­lienated, but with expresse reservation of reverting to the Crowns, when the Males fail, and that without any right of Soveraignty; so that to grant such royal Preroga­tives to a Forraigner, were to treat them more favourably, then the Princes of the royal family; and withall, to indanger a loss of their Soveraignty. Ambition hath no bounds, and a Prince who hath obtained the priviledge of some Soveraignties, may be easily wrought upon, at least his Successors, to pretend to them, without and depending upon others; so that who so is peccant in this excesse of Liberality, what doth he but raise a power against his own, and sow the seeds of division in his Kingdom. Besides, States be not so much for Kings, as Kings for their States, they are no lesse oblig'd to preserve them in all their dependances, then the State is obliged to preserve it self in the obedience they ow them; from whence it is, that to alienate such rights, or any notable part of their Demesne, is one of the causes of their deposing, in those Kingdomes where it is permitted by the Fundamental Laws, as is observed by all those who have written on that Subject; and indeed, he seemeth to be unworthy of a Crown, who neglecteth to preserve it in its intire lustre.

How the Cardinal de Lorrain came to meet the King at Chasteauthierry, where his Majesty stayed to demand Nancy in Deposite.

IT had been not only commendable but advantagious to Monsieur de Lorrain, to have been more concern'd at the seizure at Bar, and to have waited upon his Majesty to do him homage, and satisfie the just discontents conceived against him by his submissions; but fortune contriving to destroy him, had cast her Mantle before his eyes, so that the continued immoveable in his first designs. Whereupon his Majesty, about August, found himself obliged to go to Chasteau­thierry, from thence to meet the Army, which he had recall'd from the Country of Treves, and to carry them before Nancy, the better to hinder the Duke of Lor­rain's Levies; and in case he persisted in his late Procedures, to reduce him to such a passe, that he might be no more in a condition of giving any jealousie to France, or interrupting the forces of its Allies. Whiles his Majesty was at Chasteauthierry, the Cardinal of Lorrain came to meet him, and after some complements and ex­cuses, [Page 559]beseeched his leave to make some Propositions unto him. He told him, that he did much condemn his brothers actions, and that he had never had any hand in them; both in regard of the respect he owed his Majesty; as also because be foresaw the issue could not but be disadvantagious; that if his Majesty should con­tinue in the resolution to drive this affair to the utmost, he concluded his Brothers ruine inevitable, and that for his own particular fortune, he should seek no other refuge but that of his royal bounty, beseech'd him to receive him into his protecti­on, and to permit him to retire into France. His Majesty received him very fa­vourably, and told him, that he should alwaies know how to distinguish betwixt his and his Brothers actions; that he was sufficiently inform'd, that he had no hand in his Brothers deport; and that he should willingly afford him all the proofs of as hearty a good will, as the interest of his affairs would permit; that he assured him of his protection; and that amidst his Brothers disgrace, he should be sure to find all the advantage which could be justly desired from his protection. The Car­dinal de Lorrain, would have made hereupon certain Proposals to his Majesty for the accommodation of affairs, which his Majesty remitted to Monsieur the Cardi­nal. The same day the Cardinal de Lorrain, went to visit Monsieur le Cardinal, assured him of Monsieurs marriage, proposed to him to break it, to put his sister, the Princesse Marguerite into his Majesties hands, and to cause the homage of the Dutchy of Bar, to be payed unto his Majesty in the Dutchesse of Lorrain's name. The Cardinal answered him, that the King could not give ear to any proposition, seeing the breach of that match was not in the power of Monsieur de Lorrain; that besides his so little fidelity in observing the three Treaties lately made with him; his Majesty had particular information of his evil conduct, and could no longer trust him without some more potent means to oblige him to keep his word; that his faltrings, had three several times constrained his Majesty to raise great Armies, to the great and trouble expence of his Subjects, which made his Majesty resolve to put a final end to the War, that there might be no more trouble in it; that the Duke his Brother might not have the boldnesse to intermeddle in any factions of his State, as he had formerly done, even to the ingaging of Monsieur in a match, which did equally offend the dignity of the Crown and Person of his Majesty, be­ing managed without his consent, against the Laws of the Kingdom, and to the countenancing of his invading France; and that the only means which could in­duce his Majesty to trust the Duke his Brother, was to Deposit Nancy in his hands, that this was the best course he could take, seeing it would preserve his Country; and that Nancy it self, should be assuredly restored unto him, if he carried himself for the future, as did become him; that in case he intended fairly, he need not fear any thing; but if on the contrary, he was resolv'd to persist in attempts against his Majesty, it would be to no purpose to treat; that his Majesty was positively resolved, to admit of no other conditions; and that Monsieur de Lorrain ought to make the lesse difficulty to consent thereunto, in regard he was despoiled of all his Estates, excepting Nancy it self, the losse of which would be unavoidable, un­lesse he gave his Majesty satisfaction; that this place indeed was strong, but that the Duke being unable to keep the field, and without Revenue, his Majesty would the more easily force him to surrender it, in regard he might manage the War against him at his own charges; that to ground his hopes upon the alteration of times, was a counsel very pernicious, seeing his Majesty was young, absolute in his Kingdom; and that his cause being just there was reason to hope that God would continue to prosper his Armies with the like happy successe, as he had hi­therto done. Hereupon the Cardinal of Lorrain, represented to him that this condition was so hard, that he could not advise his brother to accept of it; but at the last extremity, seeing the chance of War could not reduce him to a worse pass then to see his Captal City taken from him, and forced to depend upon anothers Will; That he doubted not of his Majesties intention to perform the trust of a De­posit; but that the state of affairs being subject to change, his enemies might by [Page 560]their ill Offices make his Majesty believe that he had broken the Treaty; and con­sequently, give him occasion to detain Nancy; that he beseeched the Cardinal to consider what a shame it would be for his brother to deliver up one of the best places in the World, in the sight of all Europe, without resistance, and not being forced thereunto; that he confess'd his Majesties Power was great, and that it would be difficult for him to withstand it; and that finding himself between two great Princes, he ought to be the more cautious of his deportment, in regard if he should satisfie the King by delivering Nancy, he should contract the Emperour's displeasure, from whom he holdeth his Dutchy, which doubtlesse he would de­clare to be forfeited by Proclamation of the Empire, with a resolution to seiz up­on it as soon as ever the affairs of Germany would permit him; That indeed he might reasonably expect his Majesties protection, but that then it might so fall out that his Majesty might be so far ingaged in other Wars, as not to be in a condition of assisting him, by which means his ruine would then be inevitable; and more­over, that he thought it impossible to perswade his brother to Deposit Nancy, un­lesse at the last extremity of his affairs. Whereunto the Cardinal answered, that he found it not strange that he should alledge his holding of the Empire, and the power of the House of Austria; but besides that, the King did not consider such pretensions, he thought that if the Duke of Lorrain did well weigh it, he would find no great reason to build upon it, because he well knew that those whose inte­rests he alledged, being the chief Authors of his evil conduct, had not been very solicitous to assist him: That he confess'd indeed Monsieur de Lorrain was under the P [...]otection of two Crowns; but that the Laws of the very protection, obli­ged him to deserve it from the King, by his respects and good deportment; and to conclude, by the desires which his Predecessors had testified, that his preservati­on intirely depended thereupon: That instead thereof he had provok'd his Maje­sty, broken his faith by infringing of Treaties, taken part with Spain, run into all acts of Hostility, and to compleat all the rest of his breaches of promise which might offend his Majesty, had ravish'd a son of France, and ingag'd Monsieur to marry his sister, whereupon his Majesty had but too much reason to invade his Countries; and that if he did more fear the power of the Emperour, then that of France, then at his Gates, he might chuse what party he pleased to defend himself by force; but that in case he would prudently avoid his ruine, which was inevita­ble, he could not take a better course, then by depositing of Nancy, which would secure his States without any loss to him.

As for matter of his holding of the Empire, the King was far enough from ad­mitting it, seeing he himself claimeth the Soveraignty of Lorrain, and that the Homage was due unto him; that the Empire had heretofore usurp'd it from this Crown, but that length of possession could not prejudice a Soveraigns right, be­cause great Princes, who acknowledge no other Tribunal upon earth, where they may claim their own, are alwaies permitted to demand their rights from Usurpers, and to enter them by force; so that no time can cause a prescription against them; that the affairs of France had not heretofore been in a condition to dispute these pretences; but that now God having opened his Majesty a way to establish his Monarchy, in its primitive greatnesse, Posterity would have a just cause to reproach him with negligence, if he should not imploy his forces in the recovery of the most ancient rights of his Crown: that Monsieur de Lorrain ought to have had those fears alledged by him in his mind, at such time as he was running on to provoke his Ma­jesty against him, but that now having done the injury, his Majesty could not dis­semble his resentment: wherefore he was absolutely resolved to be reveng'd unless he receiv'd such satisfaction that all Europe might know to be reasonable: that his P [...]edecessors had ever well-esteem'd the friendship of France, and that he himself might have rested secure in this protection, because his Majesty well knew how to defend him against any man: But in fine, that the King could not admit of any other condition then the Deposite of Nancy, seeing though he already had the [Page 561]best places of Lorrain in his hands, they could not oblige the Duke to keep his pro­mise, and that his Majesty had reason to suspect he would not be much more soli­citous for keeping it in future, after so many changes of his resolution: that his Maje­sty chiefly desired this assurance, that he might no more hazard the receiving a new injury, or be necessitated (to his great expence) to raise a new Army: a thing, peradventure, which might then fall out when the State of his affairs would hardly permit him to attend it, whereas the present conjuncture was such, that his Maje­sty could not wish it more favourable, there being no likelyhood of any thing to divert him; that the Duke of Lorrain might be thereby the more readily induc'd to this resolution; his Majesty desired to inform him of the present state of his af­fairs; that that of France was such, that it was not only at Peace, but without fear of civil War, all ill Subjects conspiring to be obedient, the Treasure being full of money to sustain the charge; and on the other side, the Treaty of the Low Countries being broken, without the least hopes of being brought on again, and the Spaniards being in so much want of assistance from their Allies; that the Duke of Lorrain could not pretend to expect any from them. As to Germany, that the Emperours forces had enough to do, to defend themselves from the prosperous successe of the Swede, who was not likely to be stopp'd. As to matter of Italy, that the Cardinal Infanta's forces; were not yet ready to march, and that admit­ting they were, yet that they might meet with great obstructions in the Valtoline, the Swedes being advanced thither to hinder their march; and that thus Nancy might be besieg'd, and taken without hopes of any assistance to releeve it, unlesse Monsieur de Lorrain, had rather Deposite it in his Majesties hands. The Cardi­nal de Lorrain found it an hard task to answer these reasons, and being retired, all the course he took was to beseech his Majesty, to give him time to confer with the Duke his brother; and in the mean time, not to make any further progresse. The King not only refus'd it, but assur'd that he would march before Nancy, with the greatest speed that might be, resolv'd never to depart, until he had reduc'd it to its obedience.

That there ought to be other assurances taken then bare words from an in­cens'd Prince, who hath oftentimes broke his word.

IT is necessary to take other kind of security then bare words, from a Prince who hath often failed of his word, & especially, who is known to be incens'd, & passio­nately desirous of revenging the punishments he hath receiv'd. His apparent submis­sions in matters of accommodation, are effects rather of his weakness then good wil; and as Passion rather treadeth under foot the Laws of honor and justice, it will after­wards make no difficulty to break its promises, if it find any overture to evade them, and re-assume its lost advantage. Asdrubal may serve for an example, who finding himself so block'd up in Spain, by Claudius Nero, that he must unavoidably die with famine in his Trenches, or fall under his Arms in a disadvantagious battel, sent him very fair Proposals of Peace, and in the interim, found away to escape his hand. Nero indeed angry for being thus surprized, for which he had been blam'd at Rome, made him afterwards suffer in the Marquisate of Ancona for his Treachery; but besides, that this was not without indangering his whole Army, yet had it been a shame to suffer himself to be deluded by his enemy, under shew of accommodati­on. Pope Julius the Second, that he might amuse Lewis the Twelfth, sent his Nuncio's to Treat a Peace, and conclude it, that he might gain time to make a League offensive with the Venetians and King of Aragon aginst him; but let us look back again into the examples of Antiquity. Mark Anthony, held Fraates besieged in Priaspe with full assurance of taking it in few days. Fraates sent his Embassadours to him, that it was thought a Peace might easily have been con­cluded [Page 562]between them. Mark Anthony gave them present Audience, and with­all, sent other Embassadour to Fraates to conclude it; but Fraates continuing his Treachery, made great complaints unto them of Mark Anthony; and in conclu­sions, added, that as often as he should withdraw his Army, from the place where­in he was incamp'd, he would be content to make a Peace with him. Mark An­thony hereupon presently withdrew his Forces, without breaking down his Tre­ches, or carrying away his Engines of War, he had not march'd far from his Camp, before the Medes sallied out of Priaspe, mastered it, and destroyed all his Engines, which he had inconsiderately left there, though peradventure not with­out hopes that he might be there soon enough to defend them, in case the Medes u­sed any Treachery. Besides, part of Mark Anthony's Forces were cut off when he led them back again to the Camp, so that he was forc'd to relinquish that design with shame and losse, and by his example, taught all Princes not to be over-credu­lous of an Enemies promises.

How the Cardinal of Lorrain came to meet his Majesty at St. Dezier, and made divers Propositions which Monsieur the Cardinal refused.

THe Cardinal de Lorrain, took his leave of the King upon the 20. of August, to meet his brother, and the same day, his Majesty, who seldom loseth any time in such enterprizes, advanc'd towards Nancy; but being neer St. Dezier, the Cardinal returned to him, and offered in the Duke of Lorrain's name, to deliver the Princesse Marguerite his Sister into his hands, in order to the dissolution of that marriage, and to surrender La Mothe unto him, one of the strongest places of his State. The King carried him to St. Dezier, and had two hours conference with him, at which Monsieur le Cardinal Duc, the Sieur de Brassac Bullion, and Bouthilier were present to examine the Propositions; but they were thought im­proper, because they did not deprive the Duke of Lorrain of the power to re-as­sume his former designs; so that his Majesty return'd him no other answer, but this, that he was resolv'd to have Nancy, as a place without which he had no as­surance for the performance of any Treaty; however, his Majesty knowing that the Cardinals negotiations were very frank and affectionate to procure an accom­modation; he testified unto him, that his inter position was not only acceptable, but that he had ever a regard to his particular interest, notwithstanding the inju­ries he had receiv'd from his Brother; and withall, offered him all sorts of honour and imployments suitable to his quality, if he thought good to reside in France. After this he returned to the Duke his brother, to acquaint him with the Kings re­solution; and having told him what extraordinary testimonies of favour and good will he had receiv'd from his Majesty; the Duke at last resolved to surrender his Estates into the Kings hands, hoping by this means to evade the effects of his Ma­jesties just displeasure, yet took assurance from the Cardinal his brother, to re­store them unto him. He discoursed of it with the Cardinal, who having assured him, that he would therein do whatever could be desired; he beseeched him to return to the King, to tell him, that seeing he was so unfortunate, that his Majesty could not beleeve his promises, he had resolv'd to put his estates, into his Brother the Cardinals hands; and that he hop'd his Majesty considering his deportment, whould the more readily consent thereunto, because then there was no cause of fear, and that he could not receive a greater satisfaction from him, then to see him re­duc'd to the quality of a private person, by devesting himself from that of a Sove­raign. The Cardinal de Lorrain, return'd to his Majesty at Pont au Mousson, upon the 28. of the same moneth, and proposed this to him, renewing his promised of delivering the Princesse Marguerite into his hands, and so to indeavour the dissolu­tion of that marriage. The King desir'd him to treat with Monsieur the Cardinal, [Page 563]relying upon this grand Minister, whom he knew to employ most of his time in ex­amination of what might be granted, and in prevention of such inconveniences as might probably arise from their Propositions. The Cardinal de Lorrain went to meet him, and made the same Proposition unto him, and withall told him, that to give him the greater assurance of his fidelity, and of his positive intention to keep his word; he beseeched him to give him Made de Combalet his Neece in marriage, and to procure the Kings consent unto it, professing that he desired it with a great deal of affection, as a most certian gage of his good will, and a pow­erfull means to preserve him in his Majesties favour, and protested totally to im­brace his counsels, and to have no other will then his, whereby he might abso­lutely root out all subject of division between France and Lorrain. Monsieur the Cardinal replied unto him, that as for matter of the surrender of the States of Lor­rain, he beleeved the King would not divert his brother from it, seeing his parti­cular actions gave sufficient ground to beleeve his behaviour toward France, would be such as would give his Majesty all kind of satisfaction; but that this was not to cure the disease, because M. de Lorrain, might repent of his surrender, and return into his states, either by open force, or under-hand dealing, and that then the whole businesse were to be begun again; wherefore it were necessary to find out another expedient, and that the Deposite of Nancy, was the only secure way which could be taken. This was sufficient to let him know, that it was mistrusted, lest there were some collusion between them; but that he might not exasperate him, and preserve him affectionate to the accommodation, whereby some advantage might be made upon the conclusion, he would not harp any more upon that string. As to his demand of Madam de Combalet, he told him, that he took it for a very great honour, and did not reject it, but that he thought it improper to treat of it at that time, to avoid the report of having ingag'd his Majesty to come into Lor­rain with a great Army for his private ends, and intreated him not to insert this affair with the publick, though for his part he was not waies averse from it. These words of agreement, were only an effect of his Purdence, which advised him not to estrange this Cardinals good will, but to preserve it to be made use of as occa­sion should require, for discoursing to the chief Ministers concerning this Proposi­tion; he told them, that neither the present, nor the future age, should have cause to believe, that he had mingle his own interests in this affair, where his only end was the Kings service, and the good of the State; that heretofore the Cardinal de Amboise, had made Lewis the Twelfth undertake a War in Italy, only upon an ambitious design of being Pope; but that for his part, he should alwaies shun the blame of managing the affairs of State by his own particular Interest, and as to that which concern'd the Princesse Marguerite, he assured him that the King would willingly accept thereof; any that the executing of it would give a great stroke to a conclusion, seeing she might much dispose his Majesty to relinquish somewhat of his resolution, because he could not but receive her as a pledge of Monsieur de Lorrain's good inclination to be at peace with his Majesty; but he told him, that his Majesty beleeved it was not in their power, for that he was inform'd of what had past. The Cardinal de Lorrain made himself ingnorant, and assured the Cardinal she was in a place where they could dispose of her; but that only ser­ved to make the Cardinal distrust his intentions, who knoweth, that in matters of Treaty, an enemies actions are more to be regarded them his words. After this, they brake up their conference, departed each from other, and the next morning the Cardinal de Lorrain took his leave of the King.

That a wise Minister ought to foresee the inconveniences of all Propositions made to him in Treaties.

It is the property of a wise Minister, to foresee the inconveniences of such Pro­positions as are made in Treaties to surprize him, and to be carefull that an ene­my who hath not been able to get any advantage by War, should not gain it by an accommodation. It is to this end that many have thought Prudence to be more necessary for him then valour, because the occasions of fighting are but sel­dom in War, whereas Propositions of Peace are daily made, which if he should admit of to his Masters detriment, would be no lesse prejudicial to him then a de­feat. To speak truth, this vertue is as needfull for him, as Art for a Work-man, and as the ignorant Workman doth only spoil that substance, which he pretendeth to form; so the imprudent Minister ruineth the affairs of a State, if he accept of injurious conditions for want of fore-seeing the consequences. Prudence it is which causeth him to know the means by which he may attain his proposed end, preven­teth his being deceived, serveth to regulate his counsels, guideth his actions, ma­keth him speak in agreeable terms, conducteth all his motions, teacheth him what to do in all Occurrences, maketh him clear sighted amidst the Artifices of his ene­mies, and giveth him addresse to obtain whatever he desires. The Philosopher saith, it is a virtue proper to him that governeth, not that it is unnecessary for pri­vate persons; but because it is so highly necessary for Kings and Ministers, that without it they are no more able to govern a State, than a Pilot to guide his Ves­sel without Steer and Rudder. He who is Master of it, doth easily master all others in matters of negotiation; and if his birth hath not made him a Soveraign, yet doth it afford him the means to work Soveraigns to what he pleaseth; so saith the wise man in his Proverbs, The pleasure of a King dependeth upon the Prudence of his ser­vant. To make a right use of this vertue, he ought advisedly to consider the parts which are proposed to him, and to bring them to the Touch-stone of those maximes which he hath laid down for the ground of the Treaty. To this end, the wise Minister often retires in private, as knowing, that then he hath full liberty to dis­cusse the Propositions made unto him, and is at leisure to consider them; a thing, saith Periander, able to overcome all things. He is not ignorant, that who so taketh resolutions without due consideration, is like those liquorish men, who charging their stomacks over hastily, do repent it as soon as they rise from the Ta­ble; wherefore he taketh great care to weigh the Propositions made to him, he applieth the Hypothesis to the Thesis, particular affairs, to general maximes; he re­collecteth the Experience of things past, proportioneth the means to the end, ob­serveth if by granting any thing, it may not serve the enemy to obtain his preten­ces, examineth what assurance he shall find of performance, and generally all other circumstances: And lastly, being thus secure from all surprizes, he is not only in a condition of being not cheated, but in a way of obtaining whatever he desireth.

The King besiegeth Nancy, and presseth hard upon the Duke of Lorrain.

DUring the Cardinal de Lorrains journying too and fro, and the divers Propo­sitions of Peace by him made his Majesties Army was not idle. The King gave Order to his Commanders, that they should seize upon all principal places, he sum­moned in person the Towns of St. Michael, and Ponto au Mousson, which pre­sently surrendred: Espinal surrendred to the Marshal de la Force; Charmes to the Comte de la Suze, and Luneville to the Marquesse de Sourdis; besides these, Halon [Page 565]du Chastel, and the Castles de Conde, la Chausset, Trognon, Malatour, Pargny and Boucouville, received the Garisons sent to them; so that his Majesty had no sooner entred into the Country, but he became Master of the Field; but that which was most of all, was, his Majesty having cause his Army to come to him from the Country of Treves, under the command of the Marquesse de St. Chaumond, and ordered divers other Troops to draw thither, which so invested the City of Nancy, that nothing could get in or out without a good passe-port. The Regi­ment de Florinville, designing to get in by night, was led by M. de Lorrains Hunts­men though Woods, and by unknown waies; yet they could not carry it so se­cretly, but some French discovered them, which strook them into such fear, that flying back again through the same Woods, they totally routed themselves. On the other side, the Comte de la Souze, kept the Field with seven Cornets of horse, and some foot, so that nothing durst appear against him: and to re-inforce the Dukes fear, at the advantages which the Kings army took, his Majesty command­ed the Marshal de la Force to pursue him, with 6000 foot, 1500 horse, and six pieces of Canon, and to invest him in any place where he should retreat; and withall, to treat those as enemies who should receive him, if they refused to deli­ver him, as an enemy of France; so that he was constrained to retire about Espi­nal, where he quartered with such Forces as he could get together, and to draw a little nearer to the Franche-Comte, where they who had perswaded him to take the Field, gave him incouragement to hope for certain Forces, which never came to him. To be short, that nothing might be omitted which might shake him, whom necessity alone was able to reduce to reason; his Majesty comming before Nancy, and quartering at Neufville, went in person to view the most advantagious Posts for his Army. The Cardinal likewise rid the round without Musquet shot of the City, the better of judge of the order of the Siege, and then his Majesty personally drew out the circumvalation, which was four Leagues about the Forts and Redoubts, and set the Pioneers to work. He digg'd first himself, and caused the work to be fol­lowed with such care and diligence, that in five days time the Camp was finished, and his under shelter. At the same time, they began a Bank thwart the River Meurthe, which stopping the Current, would not only have drowned the neighbouring country, but in a little time have forced in into the City, and com­pelled the inhabitants to quit it; insomuch, that the Duke seeing the unhappy con­dition of his affairs, knew not where to hide his head. Every one, in the interim, admired the happy successes of those counsels which the Cardinal gave his Majesty, with so much the more astonishment, in regard they admired upon what ground his Majesty should resolve to besiege one of the strongest places of Europe, in a season somewhat forward, without any likelihood of taking it before Winter.

That an Enemy in disorder, ought to be pursued, especially after he hath received a Foil.

ONe of the best effects of military Prudence, is to know how to take advan­tage of time, how to prosecute an enemy in disorder, when he hath recei­ved some foil; and hath so much to do in several places, that he is, as it were, necessitated to submit and consent to whatever is desired. A Prince thus disorde­red, will easily grant whatever is demanded of him; and assent unto conditions, which at another time he would not. Wherefore it is very expedient in such a con­juncture, to fall upon him resolutely, and to pursue him so hard, that he may not know which way to turn himself. Had Hannibal known how to have played his Game after the Battel of Cannes, he had forc'd the Romans to receive such conditions as he would have impos'd, it being the greatest blow their Empire ever felt; but he trifling away his time to refresh his Souldiers, and injoy the commo­diousness [Page 566]of his Quarters, drowned his Fortune in delights, and made no advan­tage of his good successe. A Prince never ought to let good Fortune so blind him amidst his happy successes, as to despise his enemies, or to forbear from prosecuting them to the utmost; not that I would advise to drive an enemy to extremity, who flies with a great Army, because it might make him couragious, force him to turn about, and as oftentimes it hath happened, to recover the advantage he had lost, rather he ought to set open the Gates, and make a Bridge for him to run away; but otherwise it is, if most part of his Towns he taken, if he cannot relieve those that are besieged, if his Forces be not in pieces, and routed in several places; and if he be so ill attended as not to be in a condition of defending himself if assaulted, then not to prosecute him, were a great oversight to be satisfied with half a victory, and to give him time to rally his forces again, were to break all the rules of War. Caesar by his example, shew'd all Captains how they ought to behave themselves on such affairs; never did any thing hinder him in the prosecution of his Victory; but as if Fortune had lent him wings, he flew after his enemies till he had quite de­feated them, or obtained such conditions as he demanded. He cannot be suffici­ently commended for his good conduct in Affrick, after the defeat of King Juba, Scipio and Afranius, where such was his good fortune, that he routed them all three in one day, and pursued them so smartly, that he left neither of them nor their Officers, who was not either killed or taken prisoner, nor any of his Towns, which he did not reduce to his power.

The Princesse Marguerite leaveth Nancy, and go [...]th to Bruxels.

THough the Cardinal de Lorrain had assured his Majesty that the Princesse Marguerite was in his disposal; yet it was well known that the Princesse de Falsbourg her sister, unable to indure the Propositions of delivering her into his Majesties hands, in order to the nulling of her marriage by Law, had found an invention to save her, which she had made use of with the better effect, in regard Ambition and Love make all things feasible to women. It was known that she had habited her self like a Cavalier with Boots and Spurs, well horsed; and in this equipage she left Nancy, about four of the clock in the morning, attended by a Gentleman, named Davise, who had heretofore belonged to Madam de Remire­mont, together with two others, that she pass'd through divers Sentinels, and that at last being stopp'd by one, Davise made him beleeve that they related to the Marquesse de St Chaumont, and that by this means she had got thirteen Leagues on horseback; that meeting with certain Swedish Troops, she had been compell'd to hide her self in a very thick Copse Wood, where she much scratch'd her hands, and that the next morning she got to Thiomville, where at first they would not open the Gates, and indeed had absolutely refus'd her, But for the charms of her beauty, which mov'd great compassion in those who beheld her lying on the ground wrapp'd up in Clokes, whiles Davise treated for her admission; and that at last being got in, the Governours Wife of the Town had chang'd her habit. From thence she writ to the Sieur de Puy-Laurens, to intreat him, to acquaint Mon­sieur with the manner of her escape, and that she should stay in those places to ex­pect his commands; but afterward thinking it more proper to go to Namour, for fear lest the way might not be open after her escape, she resolv'd to advance thi­ther. His Majesty receive this news with some regret, foreseeing that her flight might be succeeded with troublesom consequences, and make the dissolution of the marriage more difficult: He much blamed the Marquesse de St. Chaumont, for suffering himself to be surprized, especially after he had been advis'd by the Cardi­nal, to have a great care of all those who should travel upon the Road, because [Page 567]she might probably passe by him in some disguise; to which he return'd this an­swer, that they should rely upon his diligence. Monsieur Duc d'Orleans, recei­ved no great satisfaction from it, fore-seeing that this Princess would be a new Obligation to tie him to the Low-Countries; but the Laws of Civility, and the consideration of the Spaniards, who he was forc'd to content, perswaded him to seem very glad of it. He presently dispatch'd the Sieurs de Fontain Chalendre, de Rames, and de Lavaupot to Thionville, who were followed by the Duke d'Elboeuf, and the Sieur de Puy-Laurens; they met her upon the way, and Monsieur, in per­son, went with much affection to receive her, as far as Marshe, and accompanied her from Namour to Bruxelles, with all the honour and endearments she could de­sire. That day that she was to go into Bruxelles, the Infanta, with the whole Court went to receive her, half a League from the Town, and meeting, they both aligh­ted from their Coaches to salute her; the Infanta kissed her, and then taking her by the hand, led her into her own Coach, where she alwaies gave her the right hand. Comming to the Gate of Bruxelles, the Companies of the City gave her a Volley of small shot, and the Magistrates went to welcome her; she alighted in company of the Infanta at the Queen-Mothers, who testified much joy for her arrival, and kissed her, and after half an hours entertainment, the Infanta carried her to her own lodgings, which she had prepared two dayes before, with very rich Furniture, her soul being no lesse replenished with Magnificence then Piety. The Princesse Marguerite could not forbear the expressing her content, so sweet it is to attain any eminent point of honour, after the running of great hazards; but often repeated, that she could never have beleev'd what History relateth, concern­ing fugitive Princesses, had she not her self experimented it. The Infanta did dayly indeavour to augment her joy, by her great care, and the Presents she sent her, in which the quaintnesse of her fancy, was no lesse admirable then her liberality.

Nothing is more ingenious then Women to attain their Designs.

VVOmen of all creatures are the most dexterous in contriving their designs, their natural sprightlinesse of imagination, furnisheth them with a thou­sand expedients, and proposeth all kinds of overtures, with such probabilities of happy successe, that they are easily inflam'd with a desire of trying them. This desire maketh so great an impression upon their Passions, that in case any obsta­cle present it self to divert them, they never want anger; which so disturbeth them, that they admit of no rest, untill they have surmounted it, and obtain the ends which they propose to themselves. This their violent apprehension, augmenteth the fruitfulnesse of their conceptions; and as the heat of the ayr doth every day disclose new productions in the bosom of the earth; so their ardent desires beget new expedients in their minds, carrieth all their thoughts, conducteth all their motions, guideth all their affections, and so disposeth of all their power, that they neither think, desire, discourse, or do any thing, but what tendeth to their ends; they sleep with the consideration of those means which may conduce to their own ends, the desire of executing them, awakeneth them in the morning; and as they have little diversions in the day time, they have no greater delight then to discourse with them, in whom they put their confidence. Men who are imploy'd in great affairs, have their imginary faculties more barren, and granting them to be as fertile as those of Ladies, yet the diversity of their imployments doth so divert them, that it is impossible for them ever to be ruminating upon the same Subject; but otherwise it is with Ladies, especially those of quality, who have nothing to do but to please their own fancies. I might likewise adde, that the defect of Prudence, [Page 568]which is evident in most of them, is in some sort to their advantage, because it gives them more courage to execute, than the wisest of men, whose judgement makes them fore-see many inconveniences, which women do not at all apprehend. Besides, the respect which every one beareth to their Sex, seemeth to take away al [...] [...]ear from them, by perswading them that the worst that can befall them, is but to discover their Sex and quality; and that once known, not any person of quality will use them uncivilly. Amongst the many inventions which they have used to save themselves by flight, or to obtain their desires, that of changing their ha­bits is one of the most frequent. So Laodice, the wife of Mithridates, unwilling to forsake her husband, when vanquish'd by Pompey, cloath'd her self like a man, and follow'd him a long time, as if she had had an indefatigable body and courage. Se­miramis knowing most people impatient of the Government of women, left off her usual habit after her husbands death, and assum'd that of the Kings, the better to preserve the government in her hands, during the nonage of her son Ninus. Doth not History record the same of divers Persian women, who in the habit of Souldi­ers followed their Husbands to the Wars, between the King of Persia, and Selim the Turkish Emperour? We read that divers Germans went to the Holy War with the Emperour Conradus, cloath'd and accoutred like Cavaliers, with as much valor as Amazons.

The Treaty made with Monsieur de Lorrain, and how after all his difficul­ties, he was forced to put it in execution.

THe advantages which the Kings Army had obtained upon the Duke of Lorrain produc'd those effects, of which the Cardinal had given his Majesty great hopes. He dispos'd himself to grant all that could be desir'd, according as the Army made its progresse. He was forc'd to send to Cardinal of Lorrain to his Majesty at Neufville, to offer him the new Town of Nancy; but his Majesty being not ig­norant that leaving the City in his hands, would give him the occasion and means to re-commence his imbroyls, when ever those who had ingag'd him, should send him a powerfull assistance, would not be perswaded to assent thereunto. He then sent again the same Cardinal, with full power to deliver him both the Towns of Nancy in Deposite, upon such conditions as should be resolv'd between him and Monsieur the Cardinal. This was as much in apparence as could be desired; but Monsieur the Cardinal, too too well inform'd of the Dukes wavering homour, to trust him, was not backward to tell the King that he thought it not fit to rely up­on it, or to be certain of any thing, untill the Gates of Nancy were opened, that his forces might take possession of it; so that the works of the Siege were prosecu­ted with all diligence; yet at last, the Cardinal having full power from the King to treat, entred into conference with the Cardinal of Lorrain, and concluded a Treaty upon these following conditions.

  • 1. That the Duke of Lorrain, should renounce all new Alliances, it prejudice to that of France.
  • 2. Thatt he should oblige himself to serve the King, with, and against all.
  • 3. That he should not make any Levies of War, during the present troubles of Ger­many, without his Majesties consent.
  • 4. The he should disband, as soon as his Majesty should receive notice from the Chancellour Oxenstern, that he would not attempt any thing, but withdraw the Swedish forces from his Countries.
  • 5. That he should deliver the City of Nancy, both old and new, in Deposit to his Majesties hands, within three days, until such time as his good behaviour, or the pacification of the trubles of Germany, should take away all cause of suspi­cion [Page 569]of the like enterprizes as he had heretofore made against his Majesty, and his Allies, and also untill such time as the pretended marriage between Monsieur and the Princess Marguerite, were declared null by Law; and that the differ­ences between the King, and the said Duke were decided, each of them in the mean while, enjoying their rights, without prejudice of this Treaty; yet however, that in case the War of Germany should last four years, the conditions of this Treaty being first accomplished, his Majesty should restore Nancy into the hands of the said Duke or his Successors.
  • 6. That the Princess Marguerite should be delivered into the Kings hands within fifteen days; or at least, that the said Cardinal and Duke of Lorrain, should use their utmost endeavour to recover her from whence she was, and to deliver her into his Majesties hands; and should so order the business, that her retreat should not hinder the dissolution of the marriage.
  • 7. That the Dutchy of Bar should continue sequestred untill such time as his Ma­jesty should be satisfied for the homage thereof.
  • 8. That the Revenue of Lorrain, and the States thereupon depending, should be receiv'd by the said Duke, with all sort of liberty.
  • 9. That he whom his Majesty should place in Nancy, during the Deposit should have the absolute command of the Arms, without other obligation then that of receiving the word from the Cardinal of Lorrain, in case he would make his abode there.
  • 10. That Order should be taken that the Garison might not offer any distast to the Inhabitants.

This was the conclusion, made in the Camp before Nancy, the 6. of September: Whereupon the Cardinal went to the Duke, to procure his ratification. He brought in, and the Cardinal accompanied by Janin his Secretary of State, com­ing to give his Majesty assurance thereof; there were three days time alotted for execution of the Treaty, and for his Majesties entring into Nancy: But the day be­ing come, the Cardinal de Lorrain fell off to delays and excuses, pretending that his brother had sent order to the contrary, by a certain Gentleman, named Giton; so that the whole businesse was to be begun again. However, the Cardinal sen­sible of his own power, and not ignorant of the advantages he had upon the Duke of Lorrain, would not totally break off the Treaty, but sent the Marquesse de Chanvalon to Nancy, to the Cardinal of Lorrain, with charge to tell him, as from himself, that the King found himself by divers reasons, forced to carry his affairs to the height, yet had however some unwillingnesse to put that resolution in executi­on; because of the franknesse and affection he had testified to contribute his endea­vours for a reasonable accommodation. The Cardinal testified, that his good will was no whit diminished, & that he would once again see what he could work upon his Brother, to induce him to adhere to the Treaty; in order whereunto, he sent a Gentleman to him, with such effectual expressions, perswading him to settle his affairs, then in a declining condition, that he at last hearkned to his advice, and sent the Sieur de Contrisson to his Majesty, to desire a safe conduct to confer with Monsieur the Cardinal at St. Nicholas. His Majesty granted it; but the morning following, thinking it more fit that the Cardinal should go as far as Charmes to treat with him, for fear lest he might have propos'd this conference at St. Nicholas, that he might the better get away into Flanders, where once being, there was no l [...]k [...]lyhood of his depositing Nancy; it was signified unto him, that Charmes would be a place much more proper for the Treaty, which he accepting of, the Cardinal, and he came thither upon the 18. Monsieur le Cardinal, came first thither, about five in the evening, accompanied by the Cardinal de la Valette, the Popes Nuntio, a great many Lords and Gentlemen, and a good party of Horse and Foot. The Duke came not untill about eleven at night; so that finding the Cardinal in bed; and not willing to permit his people to wake him, according as he had command­ed, they met not untill the morning following. That day they had two long de­bates [Page 570]without any conclusion; so that every one thought there would be no agree­ment; but in fine, the Duke perswaded by the Cardinal's eloquence and addresse, submitted just as his eminence was bidding him adieu at his Lodging, and pass'd his word to conclude the Treaty which his brother had made, by his Order, without including any other condition, but this, that he might make his abode at Nancy, with all honours due to his quality; as also, the Cardinal his Brother; and that the Treaty being within three moneths particularly, that which ingag'd him to de­liver the Princess Marguerite into the Kings hands; his Majesty should restore him the City of Nancy, without more ado then demolishing the Fortifications, if his Majesty should so think fit. Monsieur le Cardinal, did the more willingly consent unto these two Articles, in regard he pretended only to put things into a way of reason, not to extend the bounds of France, which was of it self large enough to obtain as much glory, as his Majesty could desire; so that both of them having signed it, there wanted nothing but the execution of them. Monsieur le Cardinall was not ignorant how important it was, not to abandon Monsieur de Lorrain, or to leave him to his own honesty, which possibly might have been shaken by the natural inconstancy of his humour. So that he earnestly laboured to perswade him to meet his Majesty in person, in order to the performance of his promises. He represented to him, that it would be the more glorious for him, in regard it would testifie unto all Princes, that he had not Deposited Nancy upon compulsi­on; as also of great advantage, in regard it would be an ample demonstration of his real intentions of submitting his, unto his Majesties Will: Who would thereupon be the more indulgent of him, and surrender Nancy unto him, as soon as ever he should be assured he might be confident of his good deportment. Such were the charms of his words, that they perswaded him to resolve thereupon, that upon the 21 they departed together to wait upon the King. Approaching neer Nancy, the Cardinal hasted to acquaint the King, before the Cardinal de Lorrains comming, with the se­cret of the affair, and to advise him of such things as were most conducing to his service. All that appeared, was that Monsieur de Lorrain, saluting the King, bowed himself very low made his excused with a great deal of submission, assured him of the inclination he had to obey him; beseeched him to forget what was past, to pardon him, and to believe that he would punctually perform the Treary. The King imbrac'd him with a cheerfull countenance, and told him, that he willingly accepted those proffers of his service and friendship, that he should forget what was pass'd, and that he forgave him. Afterwards, he led him into his Cabinet, where the Cardinal was with the chief of the Councel. Their entertainment was for some time upon ordinary discourse, and many things were said concerning the Dukes courage and inclination to Arms, which he did not unwillingly hear. The King told him, I must confesse, I have had an ill opinion of you, and when I found you perform'd not the Treaties, made by the Cardinal your Brother, which your self had ratified, I shaid you had neither faith nor honesty; but now in confidence of the promises you have made me to perform all, I begin to be of another opinion, and shall be ready to testifie the desire I have to love you. Monsieur the Cardi­nal took up the discourse, and said, Sirs, I shall willingly passe my word for the affection which Monsieur de Lorrain hath for you service; and for the desire he hath to live otherwise than heretofore. You ought to forget the occasions of dis­content which your Majesty hath receiv'd, and to believe, that his deportment for the future will be satisfactory; he must fight under your Colours, and in the head of your Troops. Hereupon Monsieur de Lorrain made great complements, be­seeching the King to receive him into his favour. The King re-interated the assu­rances of his good will; and it being Supper time, his Majesty caused him to be conducted to Monsieur le Duc de la Valette's lodging, who his Majesty had commanded to entertain him. Notwithstanding all this, and these several prot [...] ­ [...]tations made by the Duke of Lorrain, to live otherwise then he had for the future, yet the knowledge of his humour, oblig'd the King to cause him to be watch'd by divers trusty persons; nor was it without reason, seeing the very next morning [Page 571]there were many probable conjectures that he intended to save himself without making good any thing that he had promised. The reverend Father Joseph, and the Sieur Bouthillier, went to wait upon him, to conclude upon the Orders for his Ma­jesties entrance into Nancy; but he entertained the motions with so much coldness, that there could be no more doubt of it; however, because it was not absolutely certain, his Majesty did forbear to seiz upon his person. The course he took by an admirable piece of Prundence, not to break the Laws of Hospitality, yet to prevent his getting off which would be much to his Majesties damage, was the com­manding of divers trusty persons to be near his Lodging, who without shew of mi­strust, might watch that he escaped them not. Indeed it had been a shame for the King to have suffered the Duke to have mock'd his Majesty by an escape of that na­ture; and it had been as much weaknesse as inconsideratenesse not to have stop'd him in his flight. It was absolutely necessary indeed to observe the promise of se­curity given him, for his comming to execute the Treaty; which in case he refus'd to do, the King was not oblig'd to his word; and the Duke relying only upon the faith of his Treaty, might and ought to be stop'd; seeing the non-performance of it made him an enemy as before, and he could not be arrested untill he had open­ly declare himself; but his evasion discovering him sufficiently, it had been im­prudence to have suffered him to passe into Flanders, without securing his person.

That Prince who after a Treaty attempteth to break his promise, may be se­cured as an Enemy.

THat Prince who after a Treaty made, either resolveth or indeavoureth to be worse then his word, declareth himself an enemy to him with whom he treat­ted, and as such he may lawfully be accounted; for the breach of promise is one of the greatest indignities which one Prince can offer another. Amongst Gentlemen, it is a just ground for the cutting of Throats in Duels, and Soveraigns look upon it, as one of the most lawful occasions of War. By Treaties of Peace they are made friends, the breach of which makes them enemies; and consequently, they may freely be taken by the same Law, whereby it is permitted to secure an enemy where ever he be found. It is without reason that the infringers of them should alledge their security, seeing themselves have broke it. The Duke de Bourgogne who seized upon Lewis the Eleventh, in the Castle of Peronne, is commended for it in Hisstory, as an act of Prudence, because the King had provok'd him to it. They had appoin­ted that City to treat a Peace, which was concluded between them; but Lewis the Eleventh, too little sincere in his proceedings, having sent Embassadours to the Liegeois, to perswade them to take up Arms against the Duke, upon a great many fair promises which he made them; and the Liegeois revolting upon his Majesties first motion, the Duke fully inform'd, that this rebellion proceeded from his indea­vours, set guards upon him to hinder his escape. The truth is, if any mis-fortune befall those that break Treaties, they may thank themselves, and it had not been amisse for their own securities to have remembred the counsel of Ecclesiasticus, who faith, The sin of him which deceiveth his Brother, shall fall upon himself. He who dis­se [...]leth, sinneth doubly, and who so sweareth in vain, shall not be justified, but his house shall be filled with dishonour.

His Majesties entrance into Nancy, and the Orders therein established.

THe Duke of Lorrain seeing his Artifices availed little, and that he must think of nothing but performing his promise, did at last, upon the 24 of Sept. com­mand the Gates of Nancy to be opened for his Majesties forces. The Mar­shals of his lodgings went to prepare his Quarters, and the Garison of Lorrain being marched out, in number 2300 foot, and 230 horse only, which was not enough, by a third part, to make good the fortifications: His Majesties Army en­tred [Page 572]the place, and divided themselves into the several quarters of the City, accord­ing as they were commanded. The 25 the King accompanied by the Cardinal of Lorrain, and all the persons of quality, who had followed him in that expedition, made his entrance. The people indeed at first, seemed but ill satisfied; but when they saw the admirable Order which his Majesty had prescribed, to prevent their receiving any injury, they made Bonfires before their doors; the morning follow­ing, the Queen came thither to partake of the Kings joy, for having mastred one of the strongest places of Europe in so little time, and without losse of blood. The King went to receive her, at the Port of St. John, where the Regiment of Picardy was im­battelled; and shortly after her arrival, the Duke de Lorrain, accompanied by the Cardinal his brother, and the Princess de Falsbourg, went to do their devoirs to her, with more civility then joy: And thus was Nancy the Metropolitan City of Lor­rain, whom the force of her Bastions, and the largenesse of three great Motes see­med to render impregnable, taken as soon as besieg'd. It might have held out at least two years; but his Majesty assisted by the sage advices of the Cardinal, as he himself hath testified, took it in fourteen days. The address of this grand Minister, forced the Duke to keep his word, and to Deposit Nancy for some time, fearing lest he might have lost it for ever. Hardly had fame published this siege, but she was oblig'd to make known the taking of it, confirming the custom of Poets and Pain­ters, who represent victory with wings, to signifie that the actions of fortunate Princes, are as swift as the wings of birds. Conquests have been atchieved beyond hope, and the dispatch wherewith the King hath obtained, some rendreth those example of History now credible, which before were thought miraculous. Nor was the Order which his Majesty took to keep this place, the least considerable thing in this expedition: He committed the Government of it to the Sieur de Brassac, a Gentleman of quality, newly return'd from an Embassie from Rome, whose sweet­ness and modesty was as capable of perswading the Inhabitants not to mislike the change of their Master, as his fidelity and vigilance of assuring his Majesty of his well keeping it. He assign'd him between seven and eight thousand men to guard it, chosen out of the best Regiments of his Army, with express command to keep them in such order, that the inhabitants might receive no discontent from them. He commanded the Magazeens to be stored with Ammunitions of all sorts, he converted the fortifications which served for a Communication between the new and the old Town into a Cittadel, where the Garison might be secure, in case the inhabitants should mutiny, for the preventing of which he disarm'd them. His Majesties presence being of no longer use in that place, he return'd towards Paris, not with that State and Pride, wherewith the ancient Emperours caused themselves to be ador'd by the people, at least honoured with costly triumphs, after the obtain­ing of their victories, but with much modesty, though it was his glory never to have undertaken any expedition, so without acquiring new Palms.

What Orders ought to be taken in a place newly conquered.

THe affection of the people being the strongest chain wherewith a Soveraign can bind his Subjects to his Empire, it cannot be doubted but that the testi­monies of his bounty and clemency, ought to be the chiefest Orders establi­shed in a City newly conquered, seeing they do most of all serve to excite that Passion. If they be not affectionate to him, his Victory will be like a Plant without a root, and as a small wind doth easily blow down a Tree not well fastned, so the least occasions of revolt transport them to shake off the yoak of their obedi­ence. Interest is the most potent charm to captivate their spirits; and if a Prince can but once win them into his government, by making them taste any sweetness or advantage more then in that of their former Prince, there is then nothing to be fear'd. The French in the time of one Vesp [...]rs lost Sicily; and in a small time the Kingdom of Naples, and the Dutchy of Milan, and all because their government was so rigorous, that the Princes had no incouragement to be loyal to them, or to defend them. The conduct of the Romans being full of sweetness and moderation, [Page 573]begot them the affections of the Sagentines and Italians, after they had conquered them, who had preserved them in their Soveraignty, whereas the harsh usage of Hannibal caused him to lose them, almost as soon as he had vanquished them. I will adde some few particular Orders fit to be established in a City, or among a people newly conquered to hold them in allegiance. It will not a litle conduce thereunto, to render them exact justice in their affairs, and to pro­cure them plenty of all kinds of provision, to countenance Piety, to caresse the Nobility, and to gain the learned. Religious men ought not to be neglected, they ought rather to be courted and honoured by bestowing Alms on them, and preserving them in the just injoyment of their priviledges; for they have the con­science of the people in their hands, and the credit which they have acquired by their good life, procureth them so much authority, that whatever they do or say, is thought well done, well said, and fit to be followed. But especially it being not in the power of the best and wisest Princes, to work by all the testimonies of their goodnesse, upon the afflictions of a people naturally brutish, unreasonable, and insensible of benefits, there ought to be no small care taken in leaving a strong garison among them that may aw them, and curb them in case of insurrections; not but that their Commanders ought to be charged to keep them in such order and moderation that the Inhabitants be not oppress'd by them. Besides they ought to be disarm'd of all those things which may tend to insurrections by Arms, I mean souldiers, warlike Engines, such men as are capable of making parties, and the com­mand of all Towers and strong places. Thus did Caesar upon the surrender of any City, he commanded their Horses and Arms to be delivered; and that all men of any valour or credit among the Inhabitants, should be given him in hostage, know­ing that this was the true way to secure them from any insurrection, it being not enough to disarm them, unlesse they be depriv'd of men of credit and counsel, such as are able under hand to procure others, and all such Souldiers as are likely to be active. The Carthaginians made it appear by experience, when the Romans had totally disarmed them, they finding a way to forge every day in their City an hun­dred Targets, and three hundred Swords, besides Darts and Engines for throwing of Stones, and to make ropes of their Wives hair for want of Hemp. To con­clude, men of spirit and War, are more to be feared then Weapons, and there ought to be more care taken to secure such men in a City, then all the Musquets, Pikes, and Pistols.

The indeavours of Feria and Aldringuer, to secure Nancy, rendred vain by Monsieur the Cardinal's Prudence.

AT the same time that the King disposed his Armies, to hinder the unjust en­terprizes of Monsieur de Lorrain; the house of Austria provided Aldringuer in Germany, and the Duke de Feria in Italy to meet neer Constance, and from thence to march into Alsace, and Lorrain, to secure him from ruine. The Duke had intelligence thereof; and for this reason it was, that he used many delays and indeavours to get into the Low Countries', hoping that if Nancy could hold out six weeks or two moneths, these two Armies might come in good time to defend his interest. Upon this score it was, that the Cardinal who knoweth how to reme­dy inconveniences before they happen, pressed so hard upon him, that he forc'd him to conclude the Treaty, perswaded his Majesty to send the Swedes to come to meet Feria and Aldringuer to hinder their march into Alsace, and to leave the Marshal de la Force in Lorrain, with an army of twenty thousand men. He had order to hinder any insurrections or enterprises which might be made by the Dukes indeavours; as also to send such assistance to the Swedes as they should desire, the better to give a check to the proceedings of these two Generals. The strict intelli­gence between the King and Swedes, obliged Marshal Horn to march towards Fe­ria's Quarters; and as there is nothing seems impossible to Conquerors, he used [Page 574]his utmost to get into Constance, a place by which the Duke of Feria must of neces­sity passe into Germany; but the approach of his Army, and the irruption which he might have made into Wirtenberg; together with the strong assistance which the besieged had received; as also the improbability of cutting off their Commerce by the Lake, forc'd him upon the Duke de Rohan's, pressing him on the Kings be­half to draw off; so that Feria and Aldringuer joyned their Armies together. In the interim, Bernard Duc de Wimar, to divert them from entring into Alsace, be­sieged Ratisbone and took it, as also Stroubinguin, with some other places upon the Danube: However Feria and Aldringuer prosecuting their design, pass'd the Rhine, and march'd into Alsace, by the Territory of Basle. The Marshal Horn, and the Palatine de Birkenfield, receiving intelligence thereof, followed them so close, that having pass'd the Rhine at Strasbourg, they soon got before them neer Colemaer, with a resolution to fight them; but their Generals who had no other design then to assist the Duke of Lorrain, would not ingage, but drew off the fur­ther, when they heard the Marshal de la Force, had sent to offer the Swedes some Forces. Aldringuer seeing there was no good to be done, re-pass'd the Rhine at Brisac; and the Marshal Horn without losing any time, repass'd it likewise, and pursued him so briskly, that he defeated part of his Army; so that finding himself too weak, he got into Brisac; where the Duke de Feria, who remain'd in Alsace, infested by the Palatine de Birkenfield, and the Rhingrave Otho, came to rejoyn with him, and both together pass'd over the Svave to seek a better Fortune, but found it not; for the Duke de Feria died some moneths after, without effecting his design, and the most of his forces disbanded for hunger, cold, and diseases: This was not the only advantage the King made of the Swedes, the interest of his Allies, being no lesse dear to him than his own; for he imploy'd them to succour the Duke de Wirtenberg, and the Comte de Hanau, who had put themselves under his prote­ction, into whose countries those two Generals of the House of Austria, who take all for enemies that favour not their designs, had a great desire to enter to refresh their Souldiers, by giving them leave to plunder it, but they assisted them with such good successe, that they received no damage that year. They were not in­deed alone imploy'd in the defence of those two Princes, for the Marshal de la Force sent by his Majesties order, part of his Army into some of their Towns; the Mar­quesse de Bourbonne, one of the Marshals de Camp, marched with six hundred men into Morbelliard, belonging to the Duke de Wirtenberg, and secur'd it from all violence, by his valour, prudence, vigilance, and zeal for his Majesties glory, four fortifications able to secure any place. The Marshal likewise sent other Forces in­to Buswiller, Suswiller, and Neuwiller, belonging to the Comte de Hanau, who knew how to defend them. Thus were the Allies of France protected, the Duke of Lorrain unreliev'd, and Monsieur le Cardinal, acquired the glory of having by his counsels and management of the Allies of France, stop'd the course of those two Armies, which were marching into Lorrain, to trouble his Majesty in the possession of his conquests.

That it is wisdom to assault an Enemy with the forces of allied Princes in his march.

A Prince who seeth his enemies Army resolute to assault him amidst his new conquests, doth a great deal better to prevent him by meeting him, than to expect him. I have in other place given the reasons. This course did the Ro­mans take in all their great expeditions, excepting in the War with the Gaules and second Punick, which they could never terminate until they had pass'd the Sea and Alps with their Armies. He who would spare his Troops, or employ them in other designes, shall do it best if he send to stop his march, and so to divert him either in his own Countrey, or in the passages by the interposition of his Alleys, that he may not be able to advance. Thus Hannibal despairing to overcome the Ro­mans [Page 575]in Asrick with Antiochus to go fight them in Italy, which succeeded very fortunately. Thus likewise Gensericus King of the Vandals being routed by Basi­lius Patricius in a great Sea-fight, perswaded the Ostrogoths and Visigoths, to in­vade the Roman empire, by which means he secur'd himself from the imminent danger of being taken. To adde some reasons to examples, is it not true which Craesus said to Cyrus, when he exhorted him to assault Thomyris in her own Coun­trey, if you expect your enemy to come to you, he'l commit a thousand deva­stations, and in case you should loose a Battle, he will not be content with the Victory, but will prosecute it to the overrunning of your whole Country? Be­sides there is little hazarded by causing him, to be assaulted in his march by Allies or in his own Country, for it preserveth an Army entire against a time of need. Besides if he be assaulted by his neighbor Allies, they will be alwaies better acquain­ted with the waies and passages, and may easily be assisted with provisions and re­cruits. An Enemies Army likewise marching through anothers Coutrey where he sindeth opposition, must necessarily diminish his forces by sickness, fighting and the like, whereas his will remain in its full vigour, and consequently the better able to resist him. Thus will he be able to obtain his design, which is to prevent his comming into his Countrey, a thing of the more advantage, in regard he may ef­fect it without danger, and preserve his Army fresh to assist his Alleys, in case they are unable of themselfs to make good the passages.

Divers journeys made for the accommodation of the Queen Mother and Monsieur.

THough the Queen-Mother and Monsieur le Duc d'Orleans, had for the two last years run into great extremities, by the perswasions of some people, whose advices they too much credited; yet such was the Kings tenderness for them, that he took great care to bring them to themselves, and to perswade them to return into France. The Queen-Mother had been for some time sick, and the King to testifie how much he was concern'd in her health, upon his first hearing of it, presently dispatch'd the Sieurs Rioland and Pietre, very famous Physitians to use their utmost care and industry for her recovery; and also often sent several Gentlemen to visit her. The Cardinal did not a little contribute to those his cares, nor did he omit any opportunity to testifie unto the Queen-Mother the earnest desire he had to serve her, so that at last she was forc'd to yeild her self, in so much that it was verily thought she would quickly have re-assum'd her for­mer sentiments of love for the King, and confidence in the Cardinal; but for those damnable counsels which those whom she honoured with her ear, infus'd into her, especially Father Chanteloupe who unable to make himself considerable, unless in broiles did alwayes prefer a storm before a calm. He could divert her from often­times sending unto the King to assure him of the inclinations she had to be neer him, and of the passion she had for his, though he wanted no artifice to prevent the effects of it, glory and welfare. There need no other proof beside the instruction under his own hand, which she gave unto the Sieur de Laleu when she was sent to the King: nor was he deficient to second the affection which this great Princesse had for the King by his fair words, as also to suffer her to write unto the Cardinal to assure him that she would honour him with her good opinion, it being only the better to cover his designes; but he well knew the King unless he had lost his judgment, which rendred him so admirable in all affaires could not suffer him to re­turn with her, to be of her counsel after the discovery made by Alpheston and Cha­vag [...]ac, of his design to murder this grand Minister. He not onely confirm'd the Queen Mothers inclination by those of his cabal, in the resolution of keeping him neer her as a faitful very fit servant, and one whom she could not forsake without prejudice to her reputation and affaires; but the instruction which he gave the Sieur de Laleu obliged her to give security in that behalf. It is true indeed that thinking [Page 576]to cover his malice with a specious vaile, he beseech'd the Cardinal to exclude him as unwilling, that his person should hinder a good accommodation, but that only serv'd the better to set him forth, seeing it was most certain that his exclusion would hinder the Queen-Mothers return, and that on the contrary it was only to make the Cardinal more odious unto her, whom he knew not to be so imprudent, or disaffectio nate to his Majesties service, as to suffer his return. He knew distrust to be the greatest obstacle in the Accommodations of Great men, who were never to be reconciled, but by a mutual confidence, whereupon he labour'd nothing more, then to infuse it, into the mind of this Great Princesse, as the very same in­struction of the Sieur de Laleu testifieth, which required him to say, that her Ma­jesties returning into France, would hazard all, that the Cardinal would destroy her when he pleas'd, without her being able to prevent it, or to hurt him, in case she had a mind to it, and that she doubted whether the Cardinal had not some-distrust of her, though he had above twenty times declared unto her, how passionatly desi­rous be was of her return, so that it was easy to be known by this Procedure of Father Chanteloupe, that with one hand he did prosecute the accommodation, and with the other obstructed it, and that he could not better be compar'd then to him, who calling all people to quench a fire doth underhand endeavour to make it burn the more. This was not the only testimony that the Courts of Brussels made evi­dent of the misfortunes, whereunto Grandees are exposed, when they suffer them­selves to be transported by ambitious Ministers, who prefer their own before their Masters interest. There were no less eminent proofs hereof in the treaty, which was negotiated by the Sieur D'Elbene, whom the King permitted to come often from Brussels to the Court, to consider of the means to draw him out of the Spa­niards hands. Had Monsieur known he might have been secure in France, that the King desir'd nothing with more passion, than to see him partake of his glory and recreation, and that his Majesty lov'd him like a Son; he would not have slaied 24. Hours in the Low-Countries, but would have forc'd through all obstacles to have got away, however the Sieur Puy-Laurens who had a greater interest upon him than any other, fearing belike to receive the punishments due, for his rashness in carrying Monsieur 3. several times out of the Kingdom, and unwilling to lose the advantages which he expected from his affection, had artifice enough to perswade him the contrary, and to transport him into extream-distrusts. He made him be­lieve that there was no assurance for him in France, that he should no sooner he there, but he would be clap'd up in the Bois de Vincennes, or his house fill'd with spies, which would make it worse than a prison to him, that the King did not much care to withdraw him from the Spaniards, but only for fear lest he might enter with an Army into France, that his Majesty had no other passion for him; but that of jealousy, Soveraigns being not well pleas'd with the sight of their Successors, and that he never ought to permit the King to place any persons about him in his counsel, who might give an account of his affaires, making him to look upon all of that quality, as so many spies who would keep him in perpetual vexation, and to make themselves considerable, with his Majesty, would raise continual distrusts upon him, and would in fine so worke, that he must be laid up in some Castle, [...]ill such time as he was to receive the Crown. He was not ignorant how importantly necessary it was for Kings, to be absosure Masters of the wills of the Princes of the bloud, and to be inform'd of all their designes of concernment; he well knew that if a person of understanding should have been placed neer his Master, he would in a little while insinuate himself into his confidence and favour, and with all that such a man might discover to his highness, how he had only brought him, and kept him so long in the Low-Countries for his own private interest, which would quickly expose him to an absolute mine. What likelihood was there that he would give Monsieur any counsel, [...]ending to peace or sweetness, knowing most assuredly that he oftentimes egg'd him on to such discourses as offended the King and the Cardinal, even to threaten him, as is well known to those who treated with him. To say the truth, if there was no great trust to be repos'd in Chanteloup, consider­ing [Page 577]the extremities into which he had run, and the inalterable resolution wherein he had fixed the Queen-Mother not to forsake him; surely there was not much more confidence to be put in Puy-Laurens, upon the score of his inclination, and for fear lest he might once again make use of Monsieurs person, to raise another civil War in France, or lest he might a fourth time carry him out of France, upon the least cause of mistrust. There was the less reason to trust him, because his Soul was possess'd by Ambition, a Passion which imboldneth men to undertake any thing; and Monsieur honoured him with such extraordinary favour, as impower'd him to carry him where he pleas'd; so that thus to recall Monsieur, with one from whose presence he would never be perswaded to depart, were to raise a fire in the bosom of France, which was at that time the more heedfully to be preserved in a strict union; in regard Forraigners had raised great advantages, from the divisi­ons by them fomented, in the royal family. In short, what likelihood was there to permit him to continue neer Monsieur, unlesse he changed his procedure and humour, so long as he had the boldness to treat with the King in that manner as he did, rejecting the conditions upon which his Majesty desired Monsieur should re­turn, and proposing others, as if he had treated between Soveraign and Soveraign, presuming to drive on his own interests, instead of casting himself at his Majesties feet, whom he had so highly offended? Surely this could not have been done, with­out a great blemish to the Kings honour, by discovering so much weaknesse in the sight of all Europe, as to be compell'd to receive the Law from a Subject, who de­serv'd rather to be punish'd by the rigours of his justice. The common people who had not insight enough to dive into these consequences, seem'd to wonder that Monsieur, and the Queen-Mothers accommodation, could not be ended after so ma­ny journies to and fro; but all wise men well satisfi'd with the reasons of it, could not sufficiently admire the Kings Prudence, in making use of that authority, which the Laws give all Soveraigns over their Parents, when the interest of their State is in question, and in not precipitating their return; which, considering the ill inclination of those whom they honoured with their confidence, could only serve to trouble the Kingdom, and hinder the prosecution of the Lorrain expedition.

That it is great discretion not to precipitate accommodations, where there is any danger in the State.

IT is great wisedom not to hasten any Treaty wherein there may be any danger to the State, It is most certain in general, that precipitation is an enemy to wise counsels, that instead of ending affairs it imbroileth them, and that it hath alwaies been receiv'd for an ill servant, because being blind and without foresight, it seldom makes any Treaties which are not disadvantagious; but most particularly true it is, in such Treaties as are concluded where the parties are not well dispos'd to keep a Peace though they seem very plausible at first sight, yet are they seldom of long continuance, by reason of the sharpnes remaining in their minds when they are con­cluded, which coming to increase by some new discontents, division presently re-as­sumeth her first place, and thus instead of any satisfaction from it, there oftentimes arise more causes of repentance. In effect they ought to be the further from end­ing affairs, because the easinesse of concluding them, hath often begotten more distrusts among great men, than if there had been great difficulties in the making their peace. Hatred doth easily revive among Princes, and they sooner forget any thing then injuries they pretend to have received, which though for some time they dissemble, yet are they never deficient to testifie their resentments, when they find opportunity proper for it. There were heretofore divers accommodations made be­tween Lewis the Eleventh, and Charls Duc de Borgogne, which seemed to settle their States in peace, but as they were oftentimes made more by necessity on the Dukes part, which rather forc'd him then inclin'd him to live in friendship with the King; the main business was still to be begun anew; nor was any thing but death able to [Page 578]give a period to their divisions. How often hath the house of Orleans and Bour­gogne been reconcil'd, yet alwaies to little purpose, because the Princes not laying by the hatred which was between them, did presently fly out again upon the least cause of suspicion. Henry the Third, wrought nothing upon the Duke of Guise by pardoning him, for he forbore not to prosecute the enterprizes which his Ambiti­on suggested. They who are little acquainted in State-affairs, are not very solici­tous of the great trouble which is in making Peace between Princes, but think that it is enough so they are made friends; yet it may so fall out that great inconveniences may arise from want of care, when civil Wars break out again, which they re-in­gaging in may indanger the whole State, at least afford Forraigners great advanta­ges. It is much better that Grandees should continue out of the Kingdom in dis­cord and impotency, that in the Court or in some Province, where they might easily raise Cabals and insurrections I think that rash considerations may not more fitly be compar'd to any thing then to too quick a digestion, which as Physicians say, replenisheth the body with many crudities, the cause of divers diseases; and it of­ten happens that such considerations like jealousies and new differences, serve only to sow the seeds of civil Wars; so that better it is to defer the resolution of them for some time, than to precipitate them into a short continuance, and a production of new broils.

Differences between the Arch-Bishop of Bourdeaux, and the Duc de Espernon.

ABout the end of this year there happened great disputes between: Messieur Henry de Sourdis Arch-Bishop of Bourdeaux, and the Duc de Espernon, Go­vernour of Guyenne. The Arch Bishop whose Genius is capable of all kind of im­ployments had charge during the siege of Rochel, of some men of War in this Pro­vince, by a particular Commission exempted from all other dependances; and the Duke who was of an humour never to let feathers be pluck'd out of his wings, did not a little resent it, though for the present he dissembled it, expecting an oppor­tunity to shew it with the more advantage, which did not so soon offer it self, the Arch Bishop being imployed at Court, and at Poiton in his Majesties service; but as he had no lesse memory then courage, he preserv'd the memory of it untill the latter end of this year, at which time the Arch-Bishop return'd to Bourdeaux. The custom of this City, is that the Jurats go to wait on the Arch-Bishop at the Bridge as often as he cometh from the Country. The Duke to prevent him of this honor, sent for them that afternoon, that he should come to Town, and entertained them either upon some affairs which he was willing to conclude or by some other devices, until the Arch-Bishop was arrived at his Palace. The Jurats indeavoured to make their excuses to the Arch-Bishop for their not receiving him, but he was not very well satisfied with it, no more then with a trick the Duke put upon him, some days after,Which is an Of [...]ice that [...]ath Precedency to buy be­fore and in the Market. in the quality * Capital de Buch, who by virtue thereof may take the first Panier of fish, which he pleaseth, paying for it in the Market called la Clie, where all the fresh fish is sold, and is opened and shut by particular Officers who have the charge of it. Now the Master of the Arch-Bishops Palace comming to the Clie to buy fish, was refused to be admitted, upon pretext that the priviledge of the Capital de Buch, had not as yet been served. This affront was more prejudicial to the Arch-Bishops table, then person; however he complained of it with formalities of justice, which served to exasperate the matter. For the Duke moved at it, put the same af­front on him some few days after, upon a time when he had designed to entertain the Jurats and other Officers of the Town, by sending his Guards to hinder the ope­ning of the Clie, and the Arch-Bishops servants comming to force it were beaten. It was further reported, how that the Duke to prevent the Arch-Bishops receiving fish from any other place, had set guards upon the Passages which led to the Arch-Bishoprick, with order to search those who should go in, and to take away their fish if they had any about them. The Arch-Bishop provok'd at this procedure re-itera­ted [Page 579]his complaints to the Attorney General, and the Jurats, and made them sign di­vers instruments protesting to complain unto the King accusing certain men cloth'd in Coats of sad green, with white crosses, but without declaring them to be the Dukes guards. These second complaints were no more to his advantage then the former; on the other side, the Duke commanded Naugas Lievtenant of his guards, to take an occasion to meet the Arch-Bishop in the streets of Bourdeaux, and to present his guards unto him, beseeching him to take notice of those who had dis­pleas'd him, and assuring him that he had never given any command with design to offend him, or to stop the Passages to his Palace. Naugas wanted not a fair oppor­tunity to execute what he was commanded, and going with twenty of his Masters guard, met the Arch-Bishop in St. Andrews Cloister, as he was returning from the City in his Coach. He stop'd the Coach-man, and took the Horses by the bridles; and told him confusedly in the uproar that was then made, that he came in behalf of the Governour Duke, to present to him those men cloath'd with a sad green, and white crosses, and to tell him they belong'd to him, to the end he might know those whom he pretended had offended them; assuring him in the interim, that he had not commanded any one to displease him. This passage made a great noise, being of great scandal to some, though others laugh'd at it. The Arch-Bishop seem'd highly [...]o resent it, and having assembled his Clergy to propose the injury offered his person, and to take their advice upon it; it was concluded that Naugas should be Excommunicated; but before the Publication of it, to send two Canons, two Cu­rates, and two men in Orders to the Duke, to complain unto him of his guards; and to understand if it had been done by his command. The Duke receiv'd his Depu­ties with civility, but that he might not transgress in his answer, he desir'd that they would give him their desire in writing. The Arch-Bishop was acquainted there­with, who thereupon assembled his Clergy the second time; and the result was to to publish the next morning, being All-Saints day, the censure of Excommunication against Naugas and his adherents. Naugas advis'd of this censure, appeal'd against it as an abuse, gave notice of his appeal to the Arch-Bishop, and the Duke having assembled in his house all the Professors of the Canon Law, together with a great many religious, to have their advice upon this censure, where he propos'd to them the matter in his own form; whereupon the most part of them were of opinion, that there was some exception to be taken against the censure; and said that all the forms being not observ'd, they thought that those against whom it was pronounc'd were not oblig'd by it. The Duke presently published their opinion by sound of Trumpet; at which the Arch-Bishop was so angry that without considering the impossibility for those religious persons, not to wait upon the Duke being sent for, that they had not given their judgement; but upon the fact as he had propos'd it unto them, and that this their advice was not definitive, only a bare testimony of their opinions, like those of Lawyers, which are usual in all affairs, and upon judge­ments wherin his Majesty himself is concern'd, he resolv'd to chastise them withrigor. This advice was conformable to that which the Bishop of Nantes, a Prelate whose reputation is clear, his life without blemish, and whose conscience is without com­pare, gave the Duke upon the same fact propos'd unto him by his Letters, sent to him for fear lest those Doctors and religious men, might be led by complaisance to incline too much to his interest; however such was the Arch-Bishops discontent, that he issued out a sentence whereby all those who had been of that opinion which the Duke had published, were condemn'd as guilty of his person and dignity, were inter­dicted their charges and Ecclesiastical functions, prohibited to Preach the Word of God, to hear confessions, administer Sacraments in the Diocess of Bourdeaux, com­manding the superiour Provincials, to chastize them, and expel them out of the Covents of Bourdeaux. The heat of his discontent was such, that it transport­ed him so far as not to have any respect to the priviledges granted to Religious Orders, by the Holy See, by which all Prelates are inhibited to make any censures against them, upon penalty of drawing that Excommunication their own head, which they intend to inflict upon others. The Religious hereupon appeal'd from this sentence to the Pope, alledging that it had been decreed against them without au­thority; [Page 580]but the Arch-Bishop unwilling to put up the lie, assembled the superiors of the Religious houses in his Palace, to condemn that opinion which they had gi­ven in favour of Naugas. The Duke having notice hereof, design'd to prevent this assembly; to which end, he commanded the Chevalier du Guet of the City of Bourdeaux to beset the Arch-Bishops Palace with his Archers, and to hinder any Religious person from entring in, pretending it might disturb the publique Peace, for which by his charge he was oblig'd to provide. The Arch-Bishop was very sen­sibly displeas'd to see his designs so forcibly countermin'd and not resolved so to relinquish them, he went in person to the Religious, to carry them to his Palace, a resolution which was the cause of all the misfortune that happened, what had pass'd till then being look'd upon by most people, only as a gallantry of spirit. The Duke having never learn'd patience enough to suffer the Arch-Bishop to incroach upon his power, by any Ecclesiastical priviledge, went to meet him in person with his guards, and some other Gentlemen, at the entrance of the Cathedral Cloister, and the Arch-Bishop coming thither, he went up to him, spoke some angry words, struck off his Hat and Cap, and as some witnesses depos'd in the information taken, by authority of Parliament, put the end of the stick which he had in his hand, to his breast. This Procedure made a great noise in the City, and the Arch-Bishop losing no time, the very next morning, being the eleventh of November, assem­bled those of his Clergy, and by common consent Excommunicated the Duke and his Assistants, interdicted the Cities and Suburbs of Bourdeaux and Cadillac. The Parliament seeing this great trouble, did what they could to make an accommo­dation; but it was to little purpose, all they could obtain was that the Parliament might hear masse in the Palace Chappel. He likewise sent to the King informations of what had pass'd, whereupon his Majesty sent order to the Arch-Bishop to take away the interdiction, and to the Duke to go to his house of Plassac, which is out of the Diocess of Bourdeaux, to expect the Popes resolution, to whom the decision of that controversie properly belong'd, seeing they had appeal'd to his Holiness, which hung in suspence about five or six moneths, nor was it ended untill the yeer following, till when I forbear to say any more of it.

That much respect hath been alwaies given to Prelates and Bishops.

THe Function of Prelates and Priests is so eminent and holy that all people, nay Emperors themselves, have been oblig'd to respect them. Plutarch alledg­ing the cause, saith, it is because they pray to the Gods not only for themselves and friends, but for all mankind. The Romans in the times of Paganism, did so much honour them, that the Priests of Jupiter going in the City, had a Lictor, and a cella curulis, and condemned Cneux Cornelius Praetor of Rome, for having injuriously disputed with Aemilius Lepidus the High Priest. Alexander Severus had so great a respect to them in such causes where religion was interessed, that he was not of­fended when their judgements were contrary to his; and how respectfully did Alexander treat the High Priest of the Jews, when in his fury going to Jerusalem with a design to ruine it, he met him comming in his Pontisicalibus, he was not only appeas'd; but as the History saith, worshipped God in his person with a great deal of reverence. All Pagans in general have next to their Kings ascrib'd the chief place to their Priests, and held it a great crime to offend them. If the light of na­ture hath induc'd them so to respect them, Christianity obligeth us to honour them much more, seeing Bishops are receiv'd for Fathers and Pastors of the Church, for the Successors of Religion, and the Pastors of Jesus Christ; they ought to be res­pected as the Law of well-living, as certain rules of good works, as Angels who have intelligence of the mysteries of our faith, and who are more purified by the flames of the Holy Ghost; they ought to be respected as persons of an eminent dig­nity, who ought to have their minds rais'd in the contemplation of heavenly things, to live in a noble scorn of al earthly things, as so māy bright stars, whose lustre is ne­ver sullied by the Clouds of Vice, as heavenly men who have familiar converse with [Page 581]God, as living books of the true Doctrine, as the true Organs of Christianity, and the Idea by which the people ought to frame their lives. Constantine the great, said, he did not consider them as common men, but as so many Thrones where the Divinity inhabited; for which reason, he could not indure that any should speak of them slightly, and threatned those with death who offended him, as is to be seen in History, and chiefly commanded all governours of Provinces especially to honour them. I shall likewise add, a particular care in punishing those who injure them. History is full of examples which the brevity of these maximes give me not leave to insert. I shall only add, that Prelates to render themselves wor­thy of this extraordinary honour, are oblig'd to contain themselves within the limits of their condition; because as the shadow cannot be without the body, so it is un­reasonable to pretend to glory, without meriting it by virtue.

An Edict to abate superfluous expences.

THough the Forraign Wars undertaken by his Majesty of late years consum'd great sums of money, and forc'd the King to levy great Taxes, which did not a little diminish private mens Revenues; yet such was the fruitfulnesse of France, that they found means to satisfie their natural inclination of going richly cloath'd. His Majesty dislik'd the ill deportment of many, who notwithstanding the great ne­cessities of the State, did not cease to make superfluous expences in Stuffs, Embroide­ries, gold and silver, Laces Bone-laces, and other like vanities, not to be permitted but in a full and long Peace. It was the more needfull to redress these disorders, because for the satisfying of such excessive curiosities, there was a great deal of silver trans­ported out of France, which thereby was much impoverished, whereby his Majesty was disabled at a time of need to raise monies for the supplying of his occasions, or to exact those contributions which the glory and interest of his state did really re­quire. These reasons oblig'd him to make an Edict in the moneth of December, by which the wearing of any Stuffs, Embroideries, gold and silver lace, or any bone­lace of above nine Livres the Ell, was prohibited upon pain of confiscation, and six hundred Livres to be levied on them, on them who should wear it, and a thousand Crowns upon the Merchants who should sell it. His Majesty knowing how power­full the example of a Soveraign is amongst his people, taught the French by his ha­bit how to follow this rule, and was so carefull in it, that this Edict was better obser­ved then any of the like quality had a long time been.

That Edicts inhibiting superfluous Expences, are profitable both to Sove­raign and People.

EDicts which forbid vain Expences, are no lesse profitable to Soveraigns than the people, especially in times of War. Private mens plenty is the Princes trea­sure, which he may make use of in time of necessity; and as it cannot be preserv'd without frugality, which prohibiteth the use of unnecessary things; so there is no way better to lay the foundations of it, then to establish it by law. It is impossible he should make War without laying extraordinary contributions on the people, at least for the maintenance of an Army in that honour so long as is needfull. How should the people assist him at a time of need, if superfluous expences should exhaust their Wealth. They may indeed be so press'd that any thing may be extracted from them, but that must be by force, whereby not only their ill will, but a thousand im­precations folow their monies. It may be objected that great men who are the most subject to these expences, do not pay any tax or aid to their Soveraign: But I reply that being imploi'd in the War where a great masse of money is consum'd, they contribute more then the people to the publick charge, and by consequence ought to live in the more order and frugality. Nobility impoverished cannot serve when occasion requires, but is forc'd to keep at home, whereas they who perserve their wealth, by the means of a well regulated expence, may put himself in a equipage to [Page 582]appear in an Army in a quality becomming their honour. Excessive expences are usually made in such commodities as come from forraign Countries, nor can a So­veraign permit the use of them without enriching him, from whom they are brought to the impoverishment of his own; which State, if it be an enemy, or powerfull enough to render it self suspected, it were not only to deprive his own of the means to resist him, but to give new force to that Forraigner to attempt up­on him. In fine, the necessities of man are satisfied with so little, that it were very unreasonable to make vast expences upon commodities of no use, and from which there is not that satisfaction to be receiv'd as in convenience. Content your selves with that which is enough, saith St. Austine, the rest serveth only to make the life more burthensom, instead of refreshing it from care, and superfluous expences, which are made for the obtaining of an apparent honour, have very troublesom conse­quences.

A Difference between the Bishops and Religious, decided by a Judgement from the Councel.

ALthough the Cardinal had made up by his admirabl dexterity in the foregoing yeer, some differences which were mov'd between the Bishops and Religious by perswading the latter to condiscend to some Articles, to which no man else could have brought them; yet so it was, that some troublesom spirits publish'd books, some for one part, and some for another. The main ground of the quarrel, was concerning a word which was found in some manuscripts of a Canon of the second Counsel of Orange, and not in others. They who were for the Religious, raised this conse­quence from it, That Confirmation was not absolutely necessary after Baptism: Those on the other side, unable to salve the matter, maintained the contrary. All that the Laws of History permit me to say, is, that the consequence rais'd by those for the Religious, was very dangerous; because it might be inferr'd that the Bishops in England, might be easily pass'd by, seeing all the exercises of Christianity, might be practic'd there by the Catholicks, excepting confirmation only. The heat of this dispute did sometimes transport them beyond the bounds of Doctrine, and to fall foul upon some Subjects, which could not but give some advantage to Hereticks, and trouble the Consciences of many tenderly affected, and disturb the publick quiet. The course at first taken was, to prohibit the Printing of Books of this nature, with­out leave obtain'd from the grand Chancellery; but the Doctors of Divinity of Pa­ris not satisfied therewith, ordered in one of their Assemblies that the books of Pere Sirmond, made to maintain that word, should be re-examined; so that this was the occasion of publishing without priviledge certian books repugnant to that Christi­an peace and charity, which ought especially to be between Ecclesiasticks. The King took notice thereof, and not to leave it unremedied, commanded Monsieur le Garde des Seaux to take care in it; who order'd that the books printed and published un­der the name of Pere Sirmond, and Petrus Aurelius; the two chief of the parties, should be examin'd by nine Doctors of Divinity, prohibited them upon penalty of corporal punishment, to determine any thing in their Assemblies concerning these books, and all Book-sellers to sell them without permission under the Great Seal. Some Prelates more zealous then wise in matter of the Kings priviledge, complain'd of this Arrest, pretending it was not the custom for Kings to intermeddle with the Doctrine of the Church; but they were not long unanswer'd; for Monsieur le Gar­de des Seaux, was too well acquainted with the King his Masters power, and too wel vers'd in the reading of good books, to be ignorant how Kings and Emperors have alwaies taken cognisance of affairs of this nature, and determin'd them in order to the good of their State, and the continuation of the publick quiet.

The Power which Kings have in Ecclesiastical Affairs.

THe Power which Kings have in Ecclesiastical affairs. Though God hath chie­fly put the Scepter into the hands of Kings and Emperors to exercise a tem­poral power over their people; yet custom obligeth them to know that they have no small authority in Ecclesiastical affairs. There need no more ancient example then that of Constantine the first Christian Emperour. Doth not every one know that he call'd himself Bishop of such things as pass'd out of the Church, that writing to the Bishops, he told them he took part of their ministry to be the more carefull of the Church? And in fine, he undertook the management thereof, with so much zeal and Prudence that his actions acquir'd him the Title of Founder of Law and Religion, as is to be seen in an ancient inscription. It was with no little trouble and care that he quieted the Church in the time of Arius, that he assembled divers Counsels upon his Doctrine, and that he prohibited the reading of his books. To shew that his procedure was without usurpation; every one may see in History that the Popes themselves, and particular Clergies likewise, have from time to time, made their addresses to Emperors to be by them countenanc'd in affairs which hap­ned unto them. The Clergy and Monks of Constantinople, beseech'd Theodosius and Valentinian to be solicitous of the Church, and to suppress Heresies. Whereupon those two Emperors commanded St. Cyril, to examine the Doctrine of Nestorius. The Bishops of the Counsel of Constantinople, beseech'd Theodosius to confirm their Decree; and Pope Bonisace acknowledg'd so great a power to the Emperor Hono­rius, in Ecclesiastical affairs, that he intreated him to make a Decree to prohibit all kind of under-hand dealing in the Election of the Popes. I could easily prove this custom by the examples of suceeding Emperors; but I had rather shew that our Kings have usually done the like: For Clouis the first of those that imbrac'd Chri­stianity, made divers Ordinances for the ministery of the Church, as he himself hath written in a Letter to the Bishops of France, to be seen at this present intire and un­defac'd for above eleven ages. He assembled the Bishops of Orleans in a Cousel, where it was prohibited to admit any of his Subjects to be Clerks, without his Ma­jesties permission, and at their intreaty, he confirm'd their Canons. I will go a little further, and say, that Ecclesiastical persons being born Subjects of a Soveraign Prince; their Kings have reciev'd power from God with their Crowns to deter­mine their personal causes, where the good of the State may be interessed, a thing not to be doubted of; that the power of judging, is inseparably annex'd unto that of the Soveraignty; and that he who is a Princes Subject, is of necessity to submit to his Justice; and that Ecclesiastiques cannot deny themselves to be Subjects, see­ing as hath been already said, the greatest Poper themselves have not made any dif­ficulty to put themselves in this rank; as Gelasius in a Letter which he writ to the Emperor Anastasius Pelagius the first, in profession of his Faith, which he sent to Childebert one of our first Kings; and St Gregory to the Emperor Maurice. What reason can they pretend to resist it, seeing Jesus Christ himself and St. Paul have ac­knowledg'd themselves to be subject to their power. Did not Jesus Christ tell Pi­late by way of acknowledging his Authority, that he could have no power over him but what he receiv'd from heaven? whereupon St. Austine, and St. Bernard, expoun­ding those words say, that Pilates sentence, though very unjust was not usurp'd, be­cause he had a lawfull authority. So likewise St. Paul thinking himself happy to walk in the steps of his Masters humility, did not appeal from Festus his Tribunal, to that of St. Peter; but to that of Caesar acknowledging his power and authority of judging in that affair then in question. Nor are the Disciples greater then their Masters.

The End of the Second Part.

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