THE HISTORY OF THE Revolutions IN SWEDEN.

SWEDEN was anciently an Elective Kingdom, 1350 and was still such about the middle of the Fourteenth Age; for tho' the Children and nearest Relations of the Deceas'd Monarch were usually advanc'd to the Throne, the Order of Birth­right was sometimes neglected, and the Succession was always determin'd by Choice. And by virtue of this Right of Election, the Swedes oftentimes claim'd a Power to Depose their Sovereigns, when they incroach'd upon the Liberty and Privileges of the Nation.

The Royal Authority was confin'd within very narrow Limits; for the King cou'd neither make War nor Peace, and much less raise Money or Soldiers without the Consent of the Senate, or of the Estates when they were assembl [...]d: 'Twas not lawful for him to erect new Forts, or to put [Page 2]the Government of the old Castles into the Hands of Strangers. 1282 The bringing of Forreign Troops in­to the Kingdom, wou'd have infallibly expos'd him to the Danger of an Universal Revolt: For every thing that might serve to extend, or even to con­firm the Prerogative, was hated and suspected by the People, who were as jealous of the Power of their Sovereigns, as of that of their Neighbours and Enemies.

The Patrimonial Revenue of the Crown, consisted only in certain small Territories near Upsal, and in a very easie Tribute which was exacted from the Peasants by way of a Poll-Tax. In the Reign of King Magnus Ladaslasz, the Copper Mines, the Propriety of the three great Lakes Meler, Vener, and Veter, and the Right of Fishing upon the Coast of the Baltick Sea, were by the Senate reunited to the Crown; and by the same Authority it was ordain'd, That they who had purchas'd untill'd Lands held in Fee, or a Right to Pasturage in the Forests, should afterwards pay those Duties to the Crown, from which they had freed themselves during the Civil Wars. Since by the Laws of the Kingdom, there were few Offences punishable with Death, the Fines and Forfeitures that were exacted on such Occa­sions, were of old a considerable Branch of the King's Revenue; but the Bishops and Clergy had seiz'd on the Profits which accru'd that way, and perhaps colour'd their Injustice under a Pretext that these Fines belong'd to the Church, as a kind of Expiation or Atonement for the Crimes of the Malefactors.

The Fees or Mannors, and the Governments of Castles, which at first were only granted for Life, or for a Term of Years, were insensibly chang'd to Hereditary Possessions: For the Noble-men who enjoy'd 'em, neglected the Payment of the usual Daties for those Posts which they held by no other [Page 3]Title but their own Power, and the Weakness of the Crown. And the Bishops, and others of the Clergy, who were possest of such Places, made use of the plausible Pretext of Religion, to claim an Exemption from the Duties they were oblig'd to pay for those Estates which they pretended were devolv'd to the Church, and become part of its Patrimony. Thus the Clergy and Nobility had, by several Usurpations, engross'd so great a part of the Prince's Revenue, that the Remainder at that time was scarce sufficient to maintain 500 Horse. The King was almost only consider'd as the Captain-General of the State during the War, and as the President of the Senate in time of Peace: 'Tis true, the former of these Junctures was always most favourable to the Prerogative, especially when the War was carry'd on with Success against the Enemies of the Nation; but the Conclusion of a Peace put a stop to his growing Authority, and left him only a Power to call a Meeting of the Estates, to propose Matter for their Deliberation, and to execute their Decrees.

The Public Authority was almost entirely lodg'd in the Senate, 1350 which was usually compos'd of Twelve Lords, who for the most part were Governors of Pro­vinces, or Principal Officers of State. These Lords attended the King at Stockholm, the Capital City of the Kingdom, when any Important Affairs were to be transacted. The Archbishop of Upsal, Primate of Sweden, Lincepinc, Seregnez, Vesteras, Seara, Abeo, and Vexio. was a Senator by his Office; and the six Bishops of the Kingdom bore a great Sway in the Meeting of the Estates, tho' they had no right to sit in the Senate, un­less they were nominated by the King, or chosen by the Estates during an Interregnum. 1282 The Dignity of a Senator was not Hereditary, for the Nomination of those Officers was a Branch of the Royal Preroga­tive; and some of the Bishops, or principal Lords of the Kingdom, were chosen by the King to supply the vacant Places, who by this means had a fair Oppor­tunity [Page 4]to introduce his Friends and Creatures into the Senate. But he was frequently disappointed in his Choice, and for the most part lost a Friend when he made him a Senator: For the nearer a Favorite was advanc'd to his Master's Power and Authority, he was the farther remov'd from his Interest. And besides the Love of Liberty and Affection to their Country, were in those days the predominant Pas­sions of the Swedes; nor could any Engagement or Obligation weaken the Biass of so powerful an In­clination.

The Senate which at first was only instituted as a Council to advise the King, had by degrees assum'd an Authority over his Actions. The eldest Senator pretended a Right to admonish and check the Prince, when he transgress'd the Limits of his Prerogative. The People look'd upon the Senators as the Prote­ctors of the Liberty and Privileges of the Nation. The Sovereign Power and Majesty of the State was properly lodg'd in that Body. There Justice was administer'd Independently and without Appeal, and both War and Peace depended on their Delibera­tions. 'Tis true they acted joyntly with the King, but he was oftentimes oblig'd to content himself with the Honour of executing their Resolutions.

The Clergy were postest of greater Riches than the King and all the other Estates of the Kingdom. The Archbishop of Upsal and his six Suffragans, main­tain'd their Dignity with all the Splendor that a vast Treasure cou'd enable 'em to display. They were for the most part the Temporal Lords of their Epis­copal Sees: And besides the Possessions that were an­nex'd to their Bishopricks, which consisted in several considerable Signiories or Lordships, they had made themselves Heirs to all the Ecclesiasticks that died Intestate in their respective Diocesses, which by de­grees had extreamly augmented their Revenues. They enjoy'd the Prosits of Fines and Forfeitures which [Page 5]formerly belong'd to the Crown, and by several Foundations and Pious Legacies, had made them­selves Masters of a considerable number of the King's Mannors and Fees. The Patrimony of the Church was daily augmented by Donations, but cou'd never be diminish'd by Sale or Alienation, for such Pra­ctises were forbidden by express Laws; which were as prejudicial to the Laity, as advantageous to the Clergy, and serv'd only to establish the Grandeur of the latter, upon the Ruins of the former.

The Bishops made so good Use of the Influence they had over the People at Elections, and of the Need a Pretender had of their Votes and In­terest, that they obtain'd on such Occasions several Privileges, which did very considerably diminish both the Revenue and Authority of the Prince. They exacted what Conditions they pleas'd of the King, before they wou'd own him to be their Sovereign: And before they wou'd perform the Ceremony of his Coronation, they oblig'd him to Swear, That he wou'd inviolably preserve 'em in the Possession [...] their Rights and Privileges; That he wou'd never attempt to put a Garrison into any of their Castles or Forts; That the Lands and Mannors which they enjoy'd, by what Means soever they had come to the Possession of 'em, shou'd not be re-united to the Crown; and at the same time they made him Sign a Paper, declaring that he consented to his own De­position, if ever he shou'd violate his Oath by in­croaching upon their Privileges.

These Prelates grew so proud of their Riches, and of the number of their Vassals, that they began by degrees, to act like so many little Sovereigns. They fortify'd their Castles, and kept Garrisons in 'em: They never appear'd without a numerous Atten­dance of Gentlemen and Soldiers, and were still at the Head of all Factions and Intrigues. They fre­quently took up Arms against their Neighbours, for [Page 6]Differences relating to their Vassals, or about the Li­mits of their Estates; and even sometimes scrupl'd not to march at the Head of an Army against their Sovereign, especially when they suspected him of a Design to recover the Duties and Lands that be­long'd to the Crown.

The Lords and Gentlemen fortify'd their Castles, and made 'em the Seats of their petty Empires. They treated their Vassals like menial Servants, tho' they allow'd 'em no Wages; they made 'em Till their Lands, and oftentimes put 'em in Arms to make In­cursions into the Territories of their Neighbours. The Swedish Nobility was not then distinguish'd by the Titles of Baron, Count, or Marquess, or by Here­ditary Names of Families: They were only known by the respective Arms of their Houses, and by their Fathers Name, Gustavus E­ricson, i. e. Gustavus the Son of Eric. which they bore joyntly with their own; and were noted only for their Valour, and for the numerous Train of Vassals that follow'd 'em to the War. They defended their Rights, and reveng'd the Injuries they receiv'd, by Force of Arms, and neither sought nor expected Redress from the publick Justice, because there was no Power in the Government to put the Laws in Execution. Force was the Standard of Law and Justice, and the Supream Decider of all sorts of Controversies.

The Burghers of Stockholm, and the Inhabitants of other Maritime Towns, who subsisted merely by Trading, were more submissive to the King, and better affected to the Government. The Merchants especially were so dishearten'd by that Lawless Li­berty, which expos'd 'em to the Insolency of every Potent Oppressor, that they wou'd have willingly consented to invest the Prince with a sufficient Au­thority to restore the Publick Quiet, and establish the Trade of the Nation in a flourishing Condition: But there were so few Cities in the Kingdom, that their Deputies had no great Interest, and were not much regarded in the Diets.

The Peasants, on the contrary, who in this King­dom have the peculiar Privilege to send Deputies of their own Body to the Estates, out of a blind Obe­dience to their Lords, were obstinate Assertors of the Liberties and Privileges of their Provinces. Those who liv'd in fertile Countries apply'd themselves to Husbandry; but in Helfingland, Cuestricland, Angerme­land, and other Northern Provinces, they spent their time in Hunting Fallow. Deer, which furnish'd 'em with Meat for their Subsistence, and Skins for the Prince's Tribute. They were mere Savages, for the most part bred in Woods, jealous of their Customs, and having little to lose, were ready upon the least Occasion to rise up in Arms and revolt against the Government. Idolatry was still openly profess'd in some of their Villages, and Christianity prevail'd in others; but their Religion was so disfigur'd by a Mixture of their Ancient Superstitions, that they scarce retain'd more of it than the bare Name of Chri­stians.

The Peasants were the most numerous and potent Body of the State: Some of 'em held immediately of the Crown, and sent Deputies to the Diets; and the rest were Vassals to the Clergy and Nobility. Tho' the Tribute they paid to the King was very easy and inconsiderable, he was oftentimes oblig'd to levy it by Force, and to send some regulated Troops to the Forrests and Mountains, for the Security of those who were appointed to collect his Duties. They seldom or never contributed their Assistance to the Preservation of the State, but in the Quality of Sol­diers; and even in that Case they thought them­selves oblig'd only to defend the Frontiers of their respective Provinces, and always claim'd the Privi­lege of chusing their own Leaders.

In all other Respects they liv'd almost without any Dependence upon the Court, and ev'n without any Union or Concord among themselves; being equally [Page 8]incapable of Society and Submission, and affecting rather an untractable Wildness than a generous Li­ber [...]y.

If we reflect upon the Independency of the Sub­jects, the limited Authority of the Sovereign, and the different Interests of the several Orders that com­pos'd the State, 'twill not appear Strange, that the Kingdom was almost perpetually harass'd with Insur­rections and Civil Wars. Most of the Kings aspir'd at a more absolute Authority, and some of 'em by the Assistance of their Friends and Creatures, endea­vour'd to make themselves Masters of the Govern­ment, and to shake off their Dependence on the Se­nate: But the People were so far from being uncon­cern'd Spectators of an open Violation of the Liber­ties and Privileges of the Nation, that the very Sha­dow and least Appearance of Arbitrary Power occa­sion'd an universal Revolt, and re-united all the States against the King.

The Bishops were afraid of Reprizals under too powerful a Prince, who might seize upon his alie­nated Revenues, and perhaps confine the Clergy within the Limits of their Profession: The Noble­men took up Arms to defend the Privileges that made 'em in a manner Independent; and the Pea­sants, without comprehending their true Interest, fought with the utmost Vigor and Obstinacy for the Preservation of certain Customs that were useless to the Public, but agreeable to their Savage Temper. The whole Kingdom was a perpetual Scene of Sedi­tions, Desolations, and Revolts: The Fate of the King seem'd to be in the Hands of his Subjects, and to depend on their Capricious Humour; and several Princes were driven out of the Kingdom, for attempt­ing to make themselves Absolute.

The Jealousy that reign'd among the principal Fa­milies of the Kingdom, made 'em willing to retain the Title and Dignity of a King: But at the same [Page 9]Time they resolv'd to bestow that Honour only up­on a Foreign Prince, that having no private Estate in the Kingdom, and being wholly destitute of Re­lations and Creatures, they might oblige him to content himself with as much Authority as they thought fit to allow him.

About the year 1363. Magnus Smock, 1363 reign'd in Sweden: he had two Sons, Eric and Haquin, by his Wife Blanch, Daughter to the Count of Namur. The Elder of these Princes being dead, the Peo­ple of Norway bestow'd the Crown of that Kingdom upon the Younger, who by his Father's Advice had marry'd Margaret Daughter to Valdemar IV. King of Denmark. Magnus having secur'd Norway, and being supported by his Danish Aliance, wou'd not let slip so favourable an Opportunity to make himself absolute in Sweden, by abolishing the Senate of that Kingdom: And perhaps that Project was concerted by all the Three Kings, and design'd to be put in Execution in their respective Kingdoms, to rid themselves of that dreaded Assembly which check'd their growing Authority and controul'd all their ambitious Designs. But as soon as the Swedes discover'd the Intentions and Correspondence of these three Princes, they took up Arms immediate­ly, and Sweden became the Theatre of a cruel and bloody War. Valdemar, during his Life, was ve­ry diligent in assisting his Ally; and Haquin sent a considerable Body of Men to re-inforce his Father's Army: But the Swedes alone, who were always strong enough when they fought for the Defence of their Liberty, 1365 routed the Joynt-Forces of these three Mo­narchs, and at last drove Magnus out of the King­dom, esteeming themselves sufficiently rewarded for all the Blood they had spent in the Cause, by the Liberty they had to chuse a new Sovereign. They proceeded immediately to an Election, and the Choice fell upon Prince Albert, second Son to the [Page 10]Duke of Meckelburgh, and Nephew to the late King Magnus, excluding King Haquin, and Henry, Albert's Elder Brother, whom they hated and suspected, as persons who had always promoted the Interest of the Prince whom they had lately dethron'd.

Thus Albert ow'd his Advancement to the impa­tient Humour of the Swedes, which cou'd not bear the Yoke of too absolute a power. Before his Ac­cession to the Crown, that he might promote his own Interest he seem'd to embrace that of the Peo­ple; but as soon as he found himself fix'd upon the Throne, he began to follow the Maxims of his Pre­decessors, and study'd the most promising Methods by which he might make himself the absolute Master of his Subjects.

The Senate was the object both of his Jealousy, and Aversion; but the Fate of King Magnus de­terr'd him from attempting to abolish that powerful Body, much less cou'd he hope either to gain or over-aw those rich and potent Lords that look'd upon themselves rather as his Tutors than Councellors. And therefore to ballance their Authority, he sent for some Princes of his Family, and several German Lords and Captains, whom he intrusted with the Command of the Troops and principal Forts of the Kingdom. He introduc'd some of these Strangers, into the Senate, against the fundamental Laws of the State; and under various pretexts brought into Sweden a considerable Number of Foreign Troops, who began to render him terrible to his own Subjects. Then he proceeded to impose exorbitant Taxes upon the People for the payment of his Army: But this politic Contrivance to esta­blish his Authority being push'd on too far, serv'd only to hasten his Destruction; for the Swedes grew jealous of their Privileges, and resolv'd to shake off that rigorous Yoke which they were not ac­custom'd to bear.

Margaret the Daughter of Valdemar King of Denmark, and Widow of Haquin King of Norwey, was at the same time possess'd of the Crowns of both these Kingdoms. For after the Death of the King her Husband, who did not long Survive the Defeat and ABDICATION of his Father King Magnus, the States of Norwey intrusted her with the Regency of the Kingdom, and the Guardianship of her Son Olaus. And during her Administration of the Government she made so good Use of her Time, and manag'd her designs with so much Dex­terity and Success, that when the young Prince dy­ed, the Norwegians found they were not at liberty to proceed to a new Choice.

She was Mistress of the Army, 1374 and of the Forts or places of Strength; so that the Principal Lords of the Kingdom, who were not gain'd to her party, durst not seem dissatisfi'd nor so much as indifferent at a Time when they cou'd not without Danger discover their true Sentiments. Thus Margaret was elected by the Estates, and exchang'd the Qua­lity of a Regent for that of a Sovereign Queen, having already born the same Title as the Wife of King Haquin.

King Valdemar her Father dying the same Year, without leaving any Prince of his Blood whom the Danes might chuse for his Successor, she sent Depu­ties to the States General of the Kingdom to Solicite her Election to that Crown. Henry of Mackelburgh, the Elder brother of Albert King of Sweden, and Husband of her Elder Sister the Princess Ingelburge, employ'd his interest to obtain the same Dignity; and flattering himself with the advantage he had of being a Son-in-Law to the deceas'd, King thought he might easily contend with a Female Competitor: But the Queen's Agents drew such convincing Ar­guments from the Merit, and perhaps also from the Money of their Mistress, that she was unanimously [Page 12]elected by the whole Assembly, 1375 and proclam'd Queen of Denmark in the Meeting of the Estates. As soon as she receiv'd the News of her Advancement, she left Norwey, and went immediately to Copen­hagen, where she fixt the Seat of her Empire.

This Princess, who by some is call'd the Semira­mis of the North, besides the usual Ambition of her Sex, was Mistress of a Dexterity in the Manage­ment of Affairs, and of a Capacity to form a long Series of coherent Projects, that are rarely observ'd in a Woman. Her Inclinations to Love were suta­ble to her Character and Dignity, that is, she was not really in love with any thing but Glory, or sen­sible of any Passion but her Ambition to extend the limits of her Empire, and advance her Autho­rity.

She rejoyc'd in secret at the Dissatisfaction of the Swedes, and endeavour'd to gain some of the Lead­ing Men of that Nation. She bestow'd Pensions and an honourable Entertainment on those that were ill treated by King Albert; and openly blam'd his injustice in violating the Liberty and Privileges of his Subjects. That Prince was daily laying new Impositions upon his People, without the consent ei­ther of the Estates or Senat, and had already Squeez'd considerable Sums out of the Clergy by way of Loans: But nothing render'd him more odious both to the Bishops and Nobility, than his Reuniting to the Crown the third part of those Fees or Estates to which the Clergy and Gentry claim'd a right by vertue of so long a Possession.

This was the fatal signal of an universal Revolt; the Swedes conspir'd unanimously against him, re­solving to drive him out of the Kingdom, and to offer the Crown to Queen Margaret. They ima­gin'd that she had already so much business in Den­mark that she wou'd content her self with almost the bare Title of Queen of Sweden: And tho' she shou'd [Page 13]endeavour to stretch the Prerogative too far, they concluded that the Danes and Norwegians wou'd unite all their Forces to keep their common Soveraign in a dependence on the Estates and Senate of each King­dom.

In pursuance of this Design, they secretly depu­ted some of the most considerable Lords of the Kingdom to offer her the Crown, and she receiv'd the Proposal with joy, as the most probable means to secure the Peace of Denmark. For the violent Ani­mosity that reign'd betwixt the Subjects of both Na­tions, was of as ancient a date as the Foundation of the two Kingdoms; and that Antipathy, which is usually observ'd betwixt Neighbouring States, had all along been a perpetual source of War, which had oftentimes prov'd fatal to Denmark. And besides this prudent Princess concluded, that her new Ad­vancement might one day furnish her with an op­portunity to unite Sweden to Denmark. These consi­derations made her resolve to give a favourable an­swer to the Proposals of the Male contents: She agreed with their Deputies that the Nobility shou'd rise up in Arms, that they shou'd acquaint King Albert with his Deposition, that the Army and Estates shou'd publickly acknowledge her to be their Soveraign, and that after her Election she shou'd be oblig'd to send a considerable Body of Troops to support and defend 'em.

The Treaty being sign'd, 1385 the Swedes immediately took up arms against the King, and sent a Herald to intimate and declare that they renounc'd the Al­legiance they had sworn to him. At the same time they proclaim'd Margaret de Valdemar, Queen of Sweden, and assoon as they had receiv'd the Rein­forcement which they expected from that Princess, the united Armies march'd towards West-Gothland, where King Albert was drawing his Forces together to oppose 'em. That Prince had taken all possible [Page 14]care to put himself in a posture of defence: he had rais'd a considerable Body of Troops, obtain'd the Assistance of several German Princes who were either his Relations or Allies, and en­gag'd the Isle of Gothland for the payment of twenty Thousand Rose-Nobles of the Coin of England, which he borrow'd of the Knights of the Teutonick Order to maintain the Charge of the War. But all these preparations could not divert his impending Fate: The two Armies met near Falcopinc, and Albert was not only defeated, but had the Misfor­tune to fall into the Hands of his Enemies, with his Son Prince Eric, and the principal Lords of his Party.

The Princes of the House of Meckelburgh, and Gerard Count of Holstein endeavour'd to revive the drooping Hopes of this unfortunate Prince. They levy'd new Troops, and obtain'd considerable Suc­cours from the Hans-Towns who were jealous of the Queen's Power, and dreaded the successful progress of her Arms. Thus Sweden was made a prey to se­veral different and Jarring Nations, who seem'd on­ly to agree in a Design to ruin that Kingdom; and amid'st so many Disasters, the poor Inhabitants cou'd not distinguish their Friends from their Enemies. The War lasted almost seven Years with extraordi­nary Fury, and a vast expence of Blood: And the Peace that succeeded was rather an effect of the Weariness of the two contending Parties, 1392 than of any Abatement of the Rage that animated 'em. Albert was at last constrain'd to exchange his Crown for his Liberty, and retir'd to his Native Country; after which Queen Margaret's Title to the Crowns of the Three Kingdoms of the North was univer­sally own'd and acknowledg'd.

The Swedes seeing themselves subject to a Princess that had no Children, and fearing that after her Death King Albert or the Prince his Son might re­new [Page 15]their pretensions to the Crown, intreated her to secure the happiness of the Kingdom by an ad­vantageous Match. This Proposal, however in­tended, was not at all welcome to the Queen: She was too fond of the Sovereign Power to share it with a Husband: Yet that she might not seem to slight the Petition of her new Subjects, she con­sented to appoint her Successor. But at the same Time she resolv'd to chuse a Prince whose tender Age might secure the quiet of her Government, and keep him from attempting to mount the Throne during her Life. In pursuance of this Resolution she sent for Prince Henry of Pomerania the Son of Wartislas VII, and of Mary of Meckelburgh, the Daugh­ter of Henry of Meckelburgh and of Ingelburge the Queen's Elder Sister. She order'd him to be call'd Eric, a Name which Twelve Kings of Sweden had already born, resolving to educate him at her Court, and to make him the Heir of the Three Northern Crowns.

The Form of Government in these Kingdoms was almost the same: All three were Elective, and eve­ry Nation had its Senate, without whose advice, or the consent of the Estates, the Prince cou'd not un­dertake any important Affair. In order to the Ac­complishment of her great Design, the Queen spent some time in gaining Creatures, and securing the in­terest of some of the Leading Men of each Nation. And assoon as she found her Project ripe for Exe­cution, she call'd a Meeting or Convention of the Estates of her Three Kingdoms to be held at Calmar in Sweden, whither Forty Deputies of each Nati­on repair'd to establish a Fundamental Law, for the uniting of the Three Kingdoms under one Mo­narch.

The Queen presented the young Duke of Pomerania to the Convention, and entreated 'em to confirm her Choice. She endeavour'd with a great [Page 16]deal of Eloquence to make 'em sensible of the ad­vantages they might expect by obeying the same Sovereign; and put 'em in mind of the happy con­sequences of her Election, which had establish'd the public Tranquillity, and compos'd all those fatal Animosities that are wont to disturb the quiet of Neighbouring States. She represented to 'em the inviting prospect they had of making themselves Masters of all the Trade of the Baltic Sea, and that the Hanse-Towns cou'd never afterwards enrich them­selves by their Divisions: adding that the only way to perpetuate these advantages, and to make the Union solid and durable, was to unite the Three Kingdoms into one Monarchy, by a solemn and Fundamental Law.

The Presence of so great a Princess, 1395 the solidity of her Arguments, the Applauses and Interest of her Creatures, either gain'd or commanded the Consent of all the Deputies. The Election of the Duke of Pomerania was unanimously approv'd, and the Three Kingdoms of the North were united un­der that Prince and his Successors, by a Funda­mental Law, which was receiv'd by the Three Na­tions, and confirm'd by the most solemn Oaths.

This Celebrated Union of Calmar instead of esta­blishing a lasting Concord betwixt the Northern Kingdoms, was the fatal occasion of those bloody Wars that kept Sweden and Denmark in a perpetual Flame for above a hundred Years. It consisted of Three Main Articles, which seem'd to have been fram'd on purpose to secure the liberty and Inde­pendence of each Nation. By the First 'twas or­dain'd that these three Kingdoms which by the constitution of their Government were Elective shou'd afterwards be Subject to one King, who shou'd be elected by turns in each Kingdom; and that the Royal Dignity shou'd not be appropriated to any one Nation to the prejudice or Exclusion of the rest, [Page 17]unless the deceast Prince shou'd leave Children or Relations, whom the Convention of the three Estates shou'd judge worthy to succeed him. The Second oblig'd the Soveraign to share his Presence betwixt the three Realms, and to spend the Revenue of each Crown in the respective Kingdom, without ex­porting the Money he receiv'd, or applying it to any other use than the particular advantage and bene­fit of the Kingdom where 'twas levy'd. And by the Third and most important Article 'twas provi­ded that each Kingdom shou'd retain its Senate, Laws, Customs, and Privileges; that the Govern­ors, Magistrates, Generals, Bishops, Soldiers and Garrisons shou'd be Natives of the Kingdom where they were employ'd; and that the King shou'd ne­ver dispose of any of these Posts to Foreigners, or to the Subjects of his other Kingdoms who shou'd be reputed Foreigners and Aliens to the Govern­ment of the Countrey where they were not born.

The Swedes were extremely pleas'd to think that the Royal Prerogative was so effectually re­strain'd by this Treaty, that the Soveraign cou'd never afterwards invade the liberties of the Subject. But they were soon convinc'd of their Error, and both saw and felt the fatal Consequences of their mistaken Policy. The Queen was too Powerful and Ambitious to content her self with so limited an Authority. She was scarce settl'd upon the Throne of Sweden; when she began to extend her Power, and endeavour'd with an extraordinary Application to make her self the Absolute Mistress of the Kingdom. She seiz'd on all the Principal Forts, which she cunningly got out of the Hands of the Gentry by proposing some tempting Exchange that might enrich their Families, but lessen their Power and augment their Dependance on the Court. She bestow'd most of the Vacant Govern­ments [Page 18]on Danish Lords, against the Proviso expresly mention'd in the Treaty of Calmar, and by degrees remov'd the Swedish Nobility from all the considera­ble Places of Honour and Trust in the Kingdom. Abraham Broderson a young Swedish Lord, who had a very graceful Mien and was admirably well shap'd had the peculiar honour of her Favor: She gave him the Government of Haland and made him her only Confident. But her extraordinary kindness to a Man whose Handsomeness was his only Merit, in­stead of obliging the rest of his Countrimen, furnish'd the disaffected party with a new pretext to cen­sure her Behaviour, and murmur against the Go­vernment. At last they adventur'd to express their dissatisfaction to the Queen her self: They went in a Body to attend her, and laid before her the Titles by which they held their Priviledges, and a Copy of the Treaty of Calmar, the Violation of which gaul'd 'em extreamly. But that cunning and imperi­ous Princess was too well acquainted with her own Power to dread the Effects of their Impotent Rage: and instead of returning a Satisfactory Answer to their Address, she told 'em in a slighting and disdainful Manner, That she wou'd advise 'em to keep their Charters and Titles as carefully as she intended to keep the Forts of the Kingdom. She govern'd ever af­terwards with an absolute Power, and endeavour'd to secure and confirm her Authority by keeping the Nobility at a distance from the management of State-Affairs, and empoverishing the Common Peo­ple, that they might not be able to carry on a design against the Government.

But since these Politic cautions were not sufficient to restrain a Nation that had been accustom'd to a Boundless Liberty, and was always ready to revol [...] upon the least Provocation; She made it her busi­ness to gain Creatures and to form a Party in the Kingdom that might be able to maintain her Au­thority [Page 19]and baffle all the Attempts of her Enemies. For the more effectual Prosecution of that design she cast her Eyes upon the Clergy, who were very potent both by reason of their vast Riches and the great Number of their Vassals: Nor cou'd she have taken a better way to curb the fury of a grumbling and Superstitious People who thought themselves ob­lig'd to be govern'd by the Maxims of their Spiritual Guides. There was not a Church in Sweden that did not receive some conspicuous Marks of her Bounty: She augmented the Power and confirm'd all the Pri­viledges of the Bishops, and afterwards admitted 'em to a share in the Government, that their own Inte­rest and the Preservation of their Grandeur might oblige 'em to maintain the Authority of the Crown.

The Bishops gain'd by such high and distinguish­ing Favors, devoted themselves to the Interest of the Court; and the inferior Clergy follow'd their Ex­ample, both by reason of their dependence upon their Superiors, and because the Favor of the Court, and the Queen's Recommendation to the Chapters were the most effectual means to obtain a Bisho­prick. The Lords and Gentlemen, who were al­ready jealous of the Riches and Power of the Clergy, cou'd not without Grief and Indignation behold this new Addition to their Authority; but they were forc'd to content themselves with repining in secret during the life of the Queen. For that wise and powerful Princess entertain'd Private Spies among the Disa­fected Party; and by that means was acquainted with all their Resolutions, and enabl'd to break all the Measures they cou'd take to shake off the Yoke she had impos'd upon 'em.

After her Death, King Eric succeeded in the Three Kingdoms, but did neither inherit her Power nor her Prudence. He retir'd to Denmark, and sent Governors to Sweden who treated the People of that Kingdom rather as disarm'd Enemies, than as free [Page 20]Subjects. The Nation was over-loaded with Taxes, and fill'd with Soldiers, who domineer'd over the wretched Inhabitants, and not only robb'd and plunder'd 'em without Controul, but added scorn and Insolency to their unmanly Barbarity. The Officers conniv'd at these Disorders, and rather en­courag'd than check'd the Offenders. From whence we may reasonably conclude that either they re­ceiv'd a share of the Booty, or had secret Orders to tolerate these Abuses. The Complaints of the Op­press'd did not reach the Ears of the Prince, or were rejected with Disdain: Nor cou'd they hope to see an End, or so much as an Alleviation of their misery without an entire Alteration of their Govern­ment. And therefore they resolv'd in so desperate a case to have recourse to the most violent remedies and to free themselves from a Power that seem'd un­just at its first Establishment, and was now become Tyrannical and insupportable.

Engelbreoth, 1434 a Gentleman of the Province of Dale­carlia, was the first that adventur'd to appear in Arms against the Public Oppressors of his Countrey. H [...] rous'd the Courage of the Neighboring Peasants and engag'd 'em in the same design. They were a rude and simple People, Lovers of their Prince and Countrey, but jealous of their Privileges, and Ene­mies to Slavery and Oppression. He march'd at the head of his Tumultuary Forces, and cut to pieces some Danish Troops that endeavor'd to oppose his Progress. His Army was quickly reinforc'd by a multitude of Peasants whom the News of his success drew from the Neighboring Provinces: and no [...] long after he was join'd by the Noblemen of West­mania and Nericia. He made himself master of Up­land; and his Presence and Fame engag'd several other Provinces in the Revolt. He abrogated the Taxes that were impos'd by King Eric, and raz'd all the New Forts which that Prince or his Prede­cessors [Page 21]had built to keep the People in subjection to their Authority. The Senators who still acknow­ledg'd King Eric assembl'd at Wadestein to consult a­bout the most proper Methods to put a stop to these Disturbances. But Engelbrecth hearing of their De­sign was resolv'd either to perswade or fright 'em in­to a Sense of their Duty. He march'd with all pos­sible haste to the place appointed for their meeting, at the Head of a Thousand Peasants, and entering compleatly arm'd into the Assembly, represented to 'em the Injustice and Cruelty of the Danish Go­vernment, and swore he wou'd stab the first Man that shou'd venture to oppose the Preservation of his Countrey. The pathetic violence of his Discourse and the boldness of his Words and Actions, struck such a Terror into the Minds of the Senators, that they publickly renounc'd the Allegiance and Fealty they had sworn to King Eric.

Charles Canutson Great Marechal of Sweden and Go­vernor of Finland comply'd with the Resolutions of the Senate. He was descended from the Illustrious Family of Bonde, Canut. Eric XI. which reckons several Kings of Sweden among its Ancestors. He saw with Joy that his Countrey was like to be speedily freed from the Danish Yoke, but he was vex'd to think that an ordi­nary Gentleman, such as Engelbrecth, shou'd carry away all the Glory of so noble an Attempt, and was even a­fraid least the Peasants in the Heat of their Affection to their Deliverer, shou'd dispose of a Kingdom in his fa­vor which they had almost entirely conquer'd under his Conduct. He went to that Gentleman's Army and sided with his Party on purpose that he might make himself the Head and Master of 'em: nor was he dis­appointed of his Hope, for he quickly obtain'd the Authority which was due to his Birth and Dignity.

He took advantage of the misunderstanding that was betwixt King Eric and the Danes. This Mo­narch seeing himself Master of Three Great King­doms [Page 22]fancy'd himself above the Laws and Privi­leges of those Nations. He treated the Danes and Norwegians little better than the Swedes, and assum'd an arbitrary Power over a People who were willing to be his Subjects but cou'd not endure to be us'd like Slaves.

The Tyrannical Disposition of this Prince made him so odious to his Subjects, that all the three King­doms conspir'd against him; and the Revolt was so general; that there were none left to support him. The Danes drove him out of the Kingdom, and con­ferr'd the Crown upon his Nephew, 1439 Christopher of Bavaria, who immediately sent to the Estates of Norwey and Sweden, requiring 'em to confirm his Election in pursuance of the Treaty of Calmar. The Norwegians acknowledg'd him as their Sovereign; but the Great Marechal of Sweden and the chief No­blemen of that Kingdom, endeavour'd to oppose his Advancement. They represented to the Estates that the Election of that Prince ought to be rejected, be­cause the Danes had chosen him without the know­ledge and Consent of their Allies: But the Bishops and Clergy made so strong an Interest for him, that his Election was confirm'd by the Plurality of Voices.

Sweden receiv'd no benefit by the Change of her Master. He follow'd the Maxims of his Predeces­sors; Denmark was his Favorite Kingdom, and he left no means unattempted to bring Sweden under the Dominion of that Crown; But Death prevent­ed the Execution of his designs. He was succeeded by Christiern I. Count of Oldenburg, from whom the present King of Denmark is descended. The Danes advanc'd him to the Throne without asking or ex­pecting the Approbation of the Swedes and Norwegi­ans. Yet in imitation of his Predecessor he pretend­ed that by vertue of his Election in Denmark he had a just Title to the Crowns of Sweden and Norwey [...] [Page 23]but his Pretensions to the former were thwarted by the Great Mareschal Canutson, who oppos'd his preten­ded right with Great Courage and Resolution.

That Lord had observ'd ever since Engelbrecth's Re­volt, that the Swedes were weary of being under the Dominion of a Foreign Power: And from that ve­ry time he began secretly to aspire to the Crown, and to draw a Scheme of his future Advancement. His Office made him Master of the Forces and Mili­tia of the Kingdom; he govern'd a large province, and was the richest Lord in Sweden. The Estates being assembled at Stockholm, the Great Mareschal came thither at the Head of so numerous a Compa­ny of Finlandish Lords and Gentlemen, that 'twas generally concluded he wou'd be Master of the Election. He represented to the Assembly that the Treaty of Calmar was extreamly prejudicial to the whole Kingdom; that Queen Margaret and the Kings her Successors had always made use of that pernicious Law as a Means and pretext to bring Sweden under Subjection to the Crown of Denmark; that the Danes treated 'em rather like Slaves than Allies, assuming a Power to impose a Sovereign upon 'em, without calling 'em to his Election; and that they cou'd only blame themselves for so unwor­thy a Treatment, if they did not abrogate and disan­nul a Treaty that was so dishonourable to the Nati­on.

This Discourse rais'd the languid Courage of the Swedes, and awaken'd their ancient Aversion a­gainst the Danish Government. It put 'em in Mind of the Tyranny of King Eric; and every Man be­gan to accuse himself of Weakness and stupidity for submitting to the Prince of Bavaria. The Election of the Count of Oldenburgh was rejected with a great deal of Vehemency; 1448 and the Royal Dignity was conferr'd upon the Great Mareschal as a Recompence for the Zeal he had always profess'd for the Interest [Page 24]of his Country. At the same time he manag'd the Estates of Norway so dexterously, and had so great an Influence over 'em, that he was chosen Sovereign of that Kingdom, whither he went, and was Crown'd at Drunthlin, and intrusted the Government of the State to two of the Principal Lords of the Country.

The Swedish Bishops had been devoted to the Crown of Denmark, ever since Queen Margaret pre­ferr'd them before the Nobility in the Government of the Kingdom. They only gave their Consent to the Election of the Great Mareschal, because they cou'd not oppose it; and were vex'd to behold the Increase of his power and Authority. He was not ignorant of their Spie and Aversion against him, and that they were only dissatisfied because he did not allow 'em a share in the Government. If he had consider'd their temporal Authority, he would have soon perceiv'd that it was his true Interest to gain 'em: But he thought himself so well settl'd up­on the Throne, that 'twas beyond the power of his most potent Adversaries to disturb the Quiet of his Reign. He resolv'd to humble those lofty Prelates, and concluded that the most effectual Way to make 'em harmless and submissive to the Government, was to deprive 'em of part of those vast Riches, which serv'd only to make 'em terrible to their Sovereign. He obtain'd an Order of the Senate to make an Exact Inquiry into all the Rights of the Crown, 1452 and the public Revenues which the Clergy had usurp'd; and ordain'd that no person for the future shou'd erect any new Foundations, under pretext that the Su­perstition of the People wou'd give the Clergy an Opportunity by Degrees to make themselves Masters of all the Lands in the Kingdom.

The Bishops and other Ecclesiasticks were extream­ly incens'd at this Declaration. They affirm'd publick­ly that the King was a Heretick, and endeavour'd to perswade the people that this Invasion of their tem­poral [Page 25]Estates was only made use of as a Cloak to co­ver more pernicious Designs, and that the Blow was aim'd at Religion it self. To prevent the pretended Consequences of a Regulation that touch'd 'em in the most sensible part, they resolv'd to take up Arms a­gainst the King, and engag'd their Relations, Vassals, and Creatures in the Conspiracy. To favour their de­sign'd Revolt, John de Salstat Arch-bishop of Upsal, of the Illustrious Family of Bielke, dispatch'd a Gen­tleman with secret Instructions to Christiern I. King of Denmark, to invite him to Sweden, in order to the Re-establishment of the Treaty of Calmar. And least that Prince shou'd be discourag'd by the seem­ing difficulty of the Attempt, he assur'd him that all the Bishops of the Kingdom wou'd second his Pre­tentions, and that they were ready to receive him as their Sovereign into all their Cities and Forts.

Christiern was then in Norwey, whither he went upon a like Invitation from a Party that revolted a­gainst King Canuton: But notwithstanding the War in which he was engag'd in that Kingdom, he sent a powerful Army to support the Intended Rebellion of the Swedish Clergy. Assoon as Archbishop Salstat receiv'd advice of the Danes appearing on the Fron­tiers, he call'd a General Assembly of the Clergy, to be held at Upsal, where he excommunicated the King in a solemn Mass which he said on that occasion. After the Office was ended he laid his Ecclesiastical Ornaments and Habits upon the Altar, swearing that he wou'd never put 'em on again till he had driven that Prince out of the Kingdom. Then he took a Cuirass and Sword, and went out of the Church in that warlike Equipage at the head of his Vassals to fight against his Soveraign. The rest of the Bishops follow'd his Example, and took up Arms for the pre­servation of their Privileges. They joyn'd openly with the Danes, and long'd to see their Country under the Dominion of Foreign Princes who during their [Page 26]necessary absence, left the Clergy in possession of all the marks of Sovereignty, and even of a large share of the Royal Authority. They scrupl'd not to fight against the King at the Head of the Danes, and the whole Kingdom was distracted with a dreadful Com­plication of Civil and Foreign Wars.

Yet that Prince might have easily disperst the Clouds that seem'd to threaten him with inevitable Ruin, and might have triumph'd over the joint Forces of his Foreign and Domestic Enemies, if he cou'd have contented himself with the Regal Dignity and the Revenues that were annex'd to the Crown. But he began too soon to domineer over his new Subjects, and not only impos'd unusual Taxes upon the People, but invaded the Privileges of the Nobility, without reflecting on the fatal consequences of disobliging those to whom he ow'd his Crown and Authority. By these violent proceedings he lost several of his best Friends, and the most considerable Lords of the Kingdom. The Arch-Bishop, taking advantage of this Misunderstanding, routed the King's Army which was already weaken'd by the Desertion of the Nobility, and pursu'd him to Stockholm whither he retir'd after the Loss of the Battle. That unfortu­nate Prince perceiving that the Nobility had for­saken him, and that he had neither Forces nor pro­visions to undergo a Siege, was so afraid of falling in­to the Hands of his Enemies that he left the Kingdom, and retir'd to Dantsick with a Design to raise Forces in Prussia and Germany, and to appear once again in Sweden at the Head of an Army.

In the mean Time the Arch-Bishop was receiv'd into Stockholm, 1457 where he caus'd Christiern I. to be proclam'd King of Sweden. That Prince was still in Norway, but as soon as he had settl'd his Affairs there, he march'd immediately to Sweden, and was receiv'd as Sovereign of the Kingdom. The Arch-bishop flat­ter'd himself with the Expectation of Governing the [Page 27]Kingdom, and imagin'd that Christiern wou'd in imi­tation of his Predecessors content himself with the Title of King; but that Prince declar'd openly that he was resolv'd to keep the power in his own Hands, and did not think fit to gratify the Ambition of his Benefactor. The haughty Prelate finding himself so un­expectedly slighted, and (as he thought) ungratefully treated, express'd his Dissatisfaction in Terms that were not much different from a positive Menace. But Christiern knowing him to be a Person of a turbulent and daring Temper was so far from complying with his Humor, or endeavouring to appease his Passion, that he order'd him to be apprehended, and sent him under a strong Guard to Denmark. Catil Bishop of Lincopinc, the Arch-bishop's Nephew, took up Arms immediately to revenge the Affront that was put upon his Uncle, and having in a little time rais'd a considerable Body of Soldiers, had the good fortune to obtain several Victories over that Prince's Army. Christiern perceiving that his Army was not strong enough to keep the Field, in opposition to that Pre­late, disperst his Forces into the Places that were in his Possession, and return'd to Denmark to Levy a sufficient Number of Men to recruit and augment his Army.

Bishop Catil remain'd Master of the Government during the War, which lasted almost seven Years. He offer'd several times to receive the King of Den­mark into the Kingdom, if he wou'd set the Arch­bishop at liberty: But that Monarch was too proud to submit to a forc'd compliance, and scorn'd to own the Reduction of Sweden to any but himself. Ca­nutson's Friends perceiving that the Breach grew-still wider, took advantage of so favourable a Juncture, and prevail'd with Catil to consent to the King's Restoration. Assoon as that Prince receiv'd the wel­come News he return'd to Sweden, and re-mounted the Throne after he had liv'd seven Years in Exile; [Page 28]but he saw himself quickly reduc'd to his former Condition. 1464 This unexpected Revolution open'd the King of Denmark's Eyes, and convinc'd him of the Error he had committed in disobliging the Cler­gy: He endeavor'd to regain their Favor by setting the Arch-bishop at liberty, and that Prelate assur'd him that he wou'd raise a new Insurrection against King Canutson. Christiern was engag'd in a War with the Count of Holstein who had invaded Jutland, so that he cou'd not at present spare any Soldiers: but he furnish'd the Arch-bishop with a considerable sum to [...]y Forces in Sweden, and order'd a Com­pany of his Guards to wait upon him, that he might enter the Kingdom with an honourable at­tendance.

The Arch-bishop was met and receiv'd on the Frontiers by Bishop Catin and all his Followers. He blam'd 'em for contributing to King Canutson's Re­storation; and 'twas resolv'd by all that were pre­sent to Dethrone him a second time. The War broke forth again with more fury than ever: and not long after there was a bloody Battle fought on the Lake Meler which was then frozen, where the King was so entirely defeated that he had not Men enough lest to secure his Retreat, so that he was forc'd to put himself into the Hands of his Enemies. The Arch-bishop made him renounce the Title of King and afterwards confin'd him to a Ca­stle in Finland, which he allow'd him for his Sub­sistence.

This Prelat was not so fond of King Christiern as before, nor to forward to acknowledge him as King of Sweden. His Imprisonment had given him a clearer view of the Policy and Temper of that Prince; and he had found by experience that 'tis sometimes dangerous for a Subject to put too great obligations on his Soveraign. He resolv'd to enjoy the Fruit of his Victory, and to share the Supreme [Page 29]Authority with the principal Lords of his Party. 1457 Thus Sweden had the Misfortune to be made the Scene of a confus'd and fatal Anarchy, and to groan under the Tyrannical Dominion of as many Sove­reigns as there were Lords that cou'd raise any Forces, or were Masters of a Castle or Fort. Eve­ry private Quarrel was the occasion of a War, and the contending Parties made use of the Names of King Canutson or King Christiern, to cover their ri­sing up in Arms with a Pretence of Authority, tho' at the bottom they did not own the Right or Inte­rest of either of these Princes. 1468 This Scene of Disor­der lasted four Years, during which Time the King­dom was perpetually distracted with intestine Wars; and the people were so weary of a liberty that ex­pos'd 'em to so many and such terrible Miseries that they demanded the Restauration of King Canutson with extraordinary Eagerness and Importunity, pre­ferring an easy Subjection to a wild and troublesom Freedom.

Thus after so many Revolutions that Prince had the good Fortune to mount the Throne a third Time. He was solemnly invested with the Title and Qua­lity of a King, and was put in possession of the Ca­pital City; but the Bishops and Lords retain'd their Authority over the Provinces. He did not long survive this happy turn of his Fortune, and was so sensible at his Death of the Difficulties with which the Sovereign of an elective State must resolve to en­counter, 1470 that he advis'd his Nephew Steno Sture whom he appointed to succeed him, to content him­self with the Quality of Administrator of Sweden, for fear of provoking the Jealousy of the Lords by assuming a more elevated Title. The Estates, af­ter his Death, approv'd the choice he had made, and the advice he had given his Successor. The Bishops and the Nobility fearing that if he were invested with the Royal Dignity, he wou'd re-demand the Tributes, [Page 30]Revenues, and Forts which they had seiz'd, con­firm'd the Title of Administrator, and in that Qua­lity intrusted him with the Command of the Army, and the Government of the State.

The Dignity of Administrator was properly a Com­mission during the Inter-Regnum or Vacancy of the Throne, which might be revok'd and made void by the Estates. He was by his Office the General of the Kingdom, and had a more immediate Autho­rity over the Soldiers and Officers, who took an Oath of Fidelity to him. The Arch-Bishop of Upsal, as Chief Senator, which was a Dignity annex'd to his Office, had the Precedency in publick Solemnities and on Days of Ceremony; but in Time of War the Sovereign Power was lodg'd in the Person of the Administrator, and he enjoy'd all the Authority of a King, tho' he durst not assume the Title. The Swedes were so afraid of absolute Power, that they dreaded the very Name of a King, and imagin'd that they en­joy'd a greater Liberty under an Administrator, tho' his Authority was not Inferior to that of a King, and might be advanc'd as high as he had the Courage and Dexterity to raise it.

Christiern the First endeavour'd sometimes by Trea­ties and sometimes by Force to abolish that Dignity, and re-establish the Union of Calmar. The Bishops were still devoted to his Interest, and declar'd in his Favour as often as they cou'd discover their Inclina­tions without Danger. During the space of Four and Forty Years, that Monarch and King John the Se­cond his Son, govern'd Sweden by Turns with the Administrator Steno, and Suanto Sture: For it hap­pen'd not unfrequently that the King of Denmark and the Administrator were at the same Time Masters of several Provinces according as the Faction of the Bi­shops, or the Party of the Nobility prevail'd. In the mean time neither of 'em cou'd make themselves Absolute in a Kingdom where the Sovereigns were [Page 31]oftentimes oblig'd to part with some Branch of their Prerogative, to purchase the Obedience of their Subjects.

Such was the State of Sweden, when it began to be made the Theatre of the most memorable Revo­lutions that ever happen'd in the North, which may be justly reckon'd the Foundations of the Swedish Monarchy, Charles XI. King of Sweden, of the Pala­tine Branch of Deux­ponts is the Grand-son of Cathe­rine de Vasa, the Daughter of Charles of Suderma­nia, and Wife of Ca­simir Count Palatine of the Rhine. and of the Grandeur of that Family which at present possesses the Throne.

After the Death of Swanto Sture the last Admini­strator of Sweden, the Factions and Parties, which by his Power and Policy he had broken and disperst, began to break forth with fresh Violence. He ow'd his Advancement to his own Merit, and to the need the Kingdom had of his Protection: For he was chosen Administrator at a time when that Dignity seem'd to be instituted on purpose to oppose the At­tempts of the Danes. His Victories over the Musco­vites rais'd his Glory and Reputation, and made his Memory Illustrious.

His Power was almost equal to the Authority of the most Absolute Monarchs. He was Fortunate in War, and respected in Peace. he oblig'd John II. 1504 King of Denmark, by the Terror of his Arms, to make a Truce with Sweden; and establish'd Peace and Plenty among his People. The Nobility and Peasants look'd upon him as the Protector of the Pu­blick Liberty; and his Merit procur'd him the Friend­ship of some of the Bishops, whom he had per­swaded to disingage themselves from the Danish Fa­ction.

He never undertook any important Affair, with­out imparting his Designs to James Ulfonis Arch­bishop of Upsal, and Heming Gadde Bishop of Lin­copine: For tho' those Prelates were Enemies to his Dignity, they cou'd not forbear loving and esteem­ing his Person. He shew'd an extraordinary Respect to the Senate, and affected so little Superiority over [Page 32]the Noble men, that he seem'd only to excel 'em in Merit, tho' he was willing that People shou'd know that this was rather an Effect of his Moderation, than of Weakness and Meanness of Spirit. He kept always a considerable Body of Standing Forces, that his Ene­mies might never find an Opportunity to Surprize him, before he was prepar'd to receive 'em. His Court and Houshold were compos'd of the Officers of his Army; he maintain'd 'em with his own Re­venues in time of Peace, and made 'em his Mini­sters and Favorites. These prudent Maxims which he observ'd in the Management of all his Affairs, made him the Terror of the Danes, and their Faction, who durst never engage in any Attempt against Sweden, during his Government.

After his Death, the Senate call'd a Meeting, or Convention of the Estates at Arboga, to proceed to the Choice of a Successor. The Bishops, led by the Con­sideration of their private Interest, endeavour'd to support the Claim of the Kings of Denmark, under whose Reign they had always the largest Share in the Government, and lest no Means unattempted to revive the Union of Calmar. They represented to the Estates, that Plenty and a flourishing Trade, were the happy Effects of the Observance of that Treaty in Norway; that this was the only Way to change the present Truce with Denmark to a solid Peace, which cou'd not but be extreamly Advan­tageous to Sweden; and that on the contrary, the Election of an Administrator wou'd make the King­dom the Seat of a bloody and pernicious War, so long as there were any Kings in Denmark able to maintain the Justice of their Pretensions to the Crown of Sweden.

But these Arguments were not much regarded by the rest of the Assembly, who were convinc'd that these designing Prelates wou'd, for their own In­terest, bring the Nation under a Yoak that was [Page 33]Grievous and Insupportable to all the other Estates of the Kingdom. The greatest part of the Deputies declar'd aloud, That they wou'd have an Admini­strator, and the Bishops were forc'd to comply with the prevailing Opinion. The Archbishop of Upsal was the first that gave his Vote, and declar'd in Fa­vour of the Senator Eric Trolle, who was a prudent and deserving Person; and besides recommended by his Age, Birth, Riches, and Alliance to the late Ad­ministrator. The Archbishop, to prevent any Oppo­sition that might be made against that Senator's Ad­vancement, assur'd the Friends and Relations of the late Administrator, that 'twas only the Respect he had for the Memory of that Great Man, which made him name Trolle for his Successor; adding, That by this means Swanto's Son, who by reason of his Youth, cou'd not be suppos'd to be yet Master of so much Skill and Experience as was requir'd for the Dis­charge of so great a Trust, wou'd have an Excellent Opportunity to fit himself for the Management of Affairs, and to learn the Art of War under the In­spection of his Kinsman, who by reason of his old Age, cou'd not keep him long from the Possession of his Father's Dignity.

But this was only a specious Pretence to cover his hidden Designs. He had resum'd the old Max­ims of the Clergy after the Death of Swanto, or ra­ther began now to discover those Inclinations which he durst not own under the Reign of that wise and powerful Prince. Eric Trolle was his intimate Friend, and he was not ignorant of his secret Affection and Dependence on the King of Denmark, by reason of a considerable Estate which he had in that Kingdom. 'Tis true, that Lord was a very Wise and Judicious Person, but he had neither Courage nor Resolution, [Page 34]and both his Age and Inclination made him Incapa­ble of engaging in a War with Denmark.

Besides the Archbishop concluded, That the Fear of losing his Estate in Denmark, and the sure Pro­spect of a considerable Recompence, wou'd have so great an Influence over him, that he wou'd be easily perswaded to accept of this Dignity by way of Trust, and afterwards make use of the Power it gave him, to make the King of Denmark Master of the King­dom.

But all these Politick Contrivances were frustrated, by the unconquerable Aversion with which the Swedes were possess'd against all that were suspected to favour the Danish Interest. The Lay-Senators, the Nobility, the Deputies of the Provinces, and Consuls of Steckholm, agreed unanimously to exclude Eric Trolle, and at the same time declar'd for the young Prince Steno. The Bishops and their Faction persisted obstinately in the Choice of Trolle; and the Heat of the Two contending Parties began to occasion a terrible Disorder in the Assembly. But the Noble-men and Deputies maintain'd the Interest of Prince Steno with so much Zeal and Vigor, that the Bishops finding they cou'd not safely oppose his Advancement any longer, submitted to the plurality of Voices, and even seem'd to approve what they cou'd not prevent. 1513 Thus the young Prince was at last invested with a Dignity which he ow'd to the Merit and Memory of his Father. July 21.

Not long after the Disaffected Party began to raise new Dis [...]bances, and to dispute the Validity of the Election, pretending that it was carry'd on by indirect Methods, and that the Electors were either byass'd or over-aw'd 'Tis hard to divine what might have been the Event of a Contest about so consi­ [...] le a Prize as the Supreme Power: But 'tis pro­bable [Page 35]the Animosity of the two Contending Fa­ctions might at last have occasion'd a Civil War, especially in an Elective Kingdom, where People are generally so unwilling to acknowledge a Man for their Sovereign, whom they us'd to cousider as their Equal; if the Difference had not been compos'd by the Mediation of the Common Friends of both Parties.

By the Articles of this Agreement, the young Ad­ministrator was oblig'd to consent, that the Arch­bishop shou'd resign his Benefice and Dignity to Eric Trolle's Son. 'Twas hop'd that the Son's Ad­vancement wou'd soften the Father's Anger, and make him bear his Disappointment with less Impa­tience: And this was reckon'd the surest Expedi­ent to establish a good Understanding betwixt the two Families, and to preserve the Peace of the Nation.

But notwithstanding all these pretended Advan­tages, the Promotion of young Trolle was oppos'd by the greatest part of the Nobility and Gentry, who look'd upon this Agreement as a Condescen­tion beneath their Courage, and injurious to the Re­putation of their Party. They assur'd the Admini­strator, that they were able to maintain his Right with their Swords in the Field, against the Bishops and the Danish Faction: And some of [...]em who pe­netrated deeper into the Intrigues of State, and were better acquainted with the Art of Govern­ment, told him in private, That the Fate of his Predecessors shou'd deter him from conferring the principal Dignity of the Church upon a Person that was already possest of the highest Advantages both of Birth and Fortune: That since the fatal Tr [...]aty of Calmar, the Archbishops had b [...]n the Authors and Fomenters of all the Intestine Wars that had harafs'd [Page 36]the Kingdom, under the Reign and Administration of his Predecessors: That young Trolle was reputed a turbulent and daring Person: That those who consider'd the Zeal with which the Clergy and Da­nish Faction solicited his Preferment, cou'd not but suspect his Fidelity to the present Government: And that 'twas absolutely inconsistent with the most obvious Rules of Prudence, to advance a Man that was in a manner oblig'd both by Interest and Na­tural Affection, to hate the Person who was the only Obstacle of the Grandeur of his Family.

These were the principal Arguments with which these Grave Politicians endeavour'd to convince the Administrator of the Dangerous Consequences of the propos'd Agreement: But in this, as well as in most other cases, it appear'd that the Force of Reason is not able to curb the unbridld Heat of Youth. The young Prince wanted Experience, and was unwilling to be govern'd by that of others: He was dazl'd with the Splendor of his new Dig­nity, and cou'd not think himself secur'd in the Possession of his beloved Grandeur, so long as his Title was controverted by so powerful a Rival. His mind was so taken up with the Pleasures of a present Enjoyment, that he was not at leisure to think of future Dangers; and perhaps he was so deluded by the seeming Generosity of the Action, that he was incapable of foreseeing the Hazard to which it expos'd him. But whatever were the Induce­ments that betray'd him into this Error, 'tis cer­tain that the Archbishop resign'd with his Consent, and that Trolle was elected by the Chapter upon his Recommendation. 1514 He wrote to Pope Leo X. in his Favour, and remitted a considerable Sum of Money to the new Prelate, who was then at Rome, [Page 37]that he might be able to appear in an Equipage suit­able to his Dignity, and to the Honor and Reputa­tion of the Kingdom.

The old Archbishop sent a secret Message to his Successor, by one of his Confidents, with private Orders to pass by the Court of Denmark, with which the Swedish Clergy kept an uninterrupted Correspondence. The Election of the Administra­tor, and the Advancement of Trolle to the Arch­bishoprick of Upsal, were News of too great Impor­tance to the King of Denmark, not to be imparted to him with all possible haste. King John had not long before left the Crown to his Son Christiern II. whose Temper was a sufficient Indication of his fu­ture Misfortunes. He was naturally Sowre, Fierce, and untractable; his Courage proceeded rather from Transports of Fury, than from a magnanim­ous Desire of Glory; and he seem'd only to make War, that he might feed his Eyes with the Bloody Horrors of Death. His Birth and the Choice of the Danes, had put him in Possession of two Crowns; but he cou'd not think himself Happy in a King­dom, where the Sovereign Power was restrain'd by the Laws, and by the Authority of the Senate. On the contrary, he look'd upon Sweden as a Coun­try, where by the Success of his Arms, and Right of Conquest, he might one day have the Plea­sure to Rule with a boundless and unbridl'd Power.

He waited with an extream Impatience, 1515 till the Truce which his Father made with the late Admi­nistrator shou'd expire, that he might put his De­signs against that Kingdom in Execution. The Ad­vancement of Trolle, who was descended of a Fa­mily, and engag'd in a Party, that were always ready to promote the Interests of Denmark, help'd [Page 38]him to bear the mortifying News of the Election of a new Administrator: And he imagin'd, that by the Assistance of the Swedish Clergy, he might ob­tain an easie Victory over a Prince whose Autho­rity was not yet firmly establish'd. He wrote with his own hand to that young Prelate, to congra­tulate his late Advancement, and sent him a con­siderable Sum of Money as a Token of his Friend­ship.

Trolle was consecrated at Rome, and receiv'd the Pallium from Pope Leo X. In his return to Sweden, he pass'd by Lubeck, which at that time was the principal and most potent City of all the Hanse-Towns, and had engross'd the whole Trade of the Northern Kingdoms. There he sound a Gentle­man whom King Christiern had sent to engage him in his Party. The Danish Minister, who was ac­quainted with his Master's most secret Designs, after he had deliver'd his Credentials, told the Archbishop in the King's Name, that His Majesty cou'd not forbear taking this occasion to repeat the Assurances of his Friendship, and that he hop'd to see the Union of Calmar reviv'd by his Assistance, and by the Interest and Power to which the Dignity of his Office gave him so just a Title.

Trolle was not ignorant of the Interest and Incli­nation of his Family; and both his Father and the old Archbishop had taken care to engage him in their Faction. He told the Gentleman that he was fully perswaded of the Justice of his Master's Pre­tensions to the Crown of Sweden; and pray'd him to assure that Prince, in his Name, that he was very sensible of the Obligations which the Consi­deration both of his Office and Family laid upon him, to promote the Danish Interest; and that as [Page 39]soon as he had taken Possession of his Archbishop­rick, he wou'd endeavour to give His Majesty the most convincing Marks of his Zeal and Affection to his Service.

He had afterwards several private Conferences with King Christiern's Agent, during his abode at Lubeck. The Dane finding him to be of a haughty and imperious Temper, and extreamly proud of his new Dignity, and of the Grandeur of his Family, resolv'd to attack him on the weak side, and to make him an Enemy to the Administrator, as well as a Friend to the King of Denmark. He insinuated with a great deal of Art, that he was oblig'd, in Justice to himself, and to the Honor of his Family, to resent the Affront that was put upon his Father; and added, That he cou'd never believe that a Per­son of his Merit wou'd tamely bear the Arrogancy of an Insolent Youth.

He represented to him afterwards, That the Ele­ction of an Administrator was a late Invention of the Nobility to elude the Treaty of Calmar. That by this means the Kings of Denmark were depriv'd of their undoubted Right to the Crown of Swedon; and the Prelates of that Kingdom excluded from the Share which those Princes allow'd 'em in the Government. Then finding that his Discourse had made a considerable Impression on the Arch­bishop's Mind, he added, as it were to comfort him after such Melancholy Reflexions, That in all probability the young Administrator wou'd not con­tinue long in the Possession of his Dignity; That the King his Master was resolv'd to insist upon the Execution of the Treaty of Calmar; That his Claim wou'd be asserted by Coarl [...], and Ferdinand of Austria, whose Sister he had lately marry'd, by the Dukes of Saxony his Uncles, and the Marquess [Page 40]of Brandenburg his Brother-in-law; That he was at Peace with all the Hanse-Towns; That the City of Lubeck, which formerly pretended to preserve an Equality betwixt the Northern Crowns, was not now in a Condition to assist Sweden; That the Re­publick was so weaken'd by the late War, in which it was engag'd for the space of ten Years against the King of Denmark, that the Regency were wholly taken up with contriving Expedients to re-establish their Trade, and wou'd think themselves oblig'd to Christiern, if he wou'd consent to confirm and maintain the Peace which they had obtain'd; That his Master was endeavouring to make a League with France and England; and that as soon as the Truce betwixt Denmark and Sweden expir'd, he wou'd enter the last of these Kingdoms at the Head of his Army, to maintain his Right, and establish his Authority. He added, That he had Orders to assure him in his Master's Name, That his Majesty wou'd entrust him with the Govern­ment during his Absence, and advance him to the same Post which the Archbishops of Upsal enjoy'd under the Reign of his Predecessors.

The haughty Prelate listen'd attentively to a Proposal that flatter'd his Ambition. He look'd upon the Kindness he had lately receiv'd from the Administrator, as a meer forc'd Condescention; and instead of loving and honouring him, as his Benefactor, he began to hate and suspect him as a secret and implacable Enemy of his Family, and one who was oblig'd by Interest to humble and oppose him. He fancy'd that he might aspire to the Authority which that Prince enjoy'd, and even that he might obtain it, by devoting himself entirely to the King of Denmark's Ser­vice.

Having consider'd all the advantageous Con­sequences of such a Revolution, he repeated his Protestations to the Envoy, that he wou'd imitate the most Zealous of his Predecessors in their invio­lable Fidelity to the Crown of Denmark. But since he was not well acquainted with the present State of a Kingdom from which he had been so long absent, 'twas resolv'd and agreed upon betwixt 'em, that he shou'd spend some time in reviving and increasing the Danish Faction; and that the King shou'd from time to time send private Agents to take an account of the Strength and Condition of their Party, and to concert the surest and most convenient Measures to put their Designs in Exe­cution.

The Danish Envoy having finish'd his Negotiation return'd to his Master; and the Arch-Bishop em­bark'd for Sweden with a full resolution to Plot the ruin of the Administrator.

Tho' that Prelate was educated at Rome, he had made but a slender progress in the Arts of Subtilty and Dissimulation, that are so industriously taught at that Court. He was naturally of a stiff and violent Temper, more learned than Politic, proud of the Riches and Power of his Family and absolutely go­vern'd by his Humor. He was extremely imperi­ous and haughty, and even incapable of Complai­sance: he hated his Superiours, cou'd not endure his Equals, and slighted his Inferiours, among whom he reckon'd all those who were not so rich as him­self. He was so far from regulating his Behaviour to the Administrator according to the Maxims of Po­licy, that he did not so much as observe the com­mon Rules of decency. He industriously avoided that Prince, who in an obliging manner came out [Page 42]of his Palace to meet him; and assoon as he came ashore, he went by Land to Upsal without sending any compliment to the Administrator, as if he had forgot both his Dignity and Kindness.

He spent the first days after his Arrival in recei­ving the Compliments of his Suffragans, and the Ho­mage of his Clergy. His Relations and Friends, and the chief Persons of the Danish Faction went to visit him, some to congratulate his advancement, and others to discover his humor, and observe his Behaviour to the Administrator. In the mean time there was nothing to be seen at Upsal but Feasting and Rejoicing, which lasted above a Month; for that young Prelate affected so extraordinary a Mag­nificence, and his Friends and the Creatures of his Family were so numerous, that he was attended with a Court which in some measure obscur'd that of his the Soveraign.

But they were not so wholly intent upon their pleasure, as to forget Politicks and Affairs of State. 'Twas during these Feasts and in the heat of an En­tertainment that the violent and impetuous Prelate began to discover his Dissatisfaction. He com­plain'd to his Friends of the Injury which he pretend­ed was done to his Father in the late Election; and even cou'd not forbear saying publickly that Steno wou'd have had but few Voices if the Election had been free. Afterwards he discours'd in private with the Bishops to discover their Inclinations to the Go­vernment, and to know what confidence he might place in their Assistance, if he shou'd be engag'd in any Design against the Administrator. He insinua­ted, as it were by way of common discourse; that 'twas to be fear'd the end of the Truce with Den­mark wou'd be the beginning of a bloody War; that he was perswaded Christiern wou'd leave no Means [Page 43]unattempted to re-establish the Union of the King­doms upon the Foot of the Treaty of Calmar, notwithstanding the Election of an Administrator; that he pity'd the miserable condition of his Coun­try, which, in all probability, wou'd be Sacri­fic'd to the ambition of these two Princes; that he knew not what side the Clergy ought to take, in case of an open Rupture; that 'twas true the Office of the Administrator seem'd to be instituted for the de­fence of the Nation and the Preservation of it's li­berty; but that the Pretensions of the Kings of Denmark were founded on a just Claim; and besides that those Princes seem'd only to contend for the Title of Kings of Sweden, that they might entrust the Clergy with the whole care and Authority of the Government.

He added that Time and their Advice wou'd in­struct him what measures he ought to observe with the King of Denmark: But as for Prince Steno, he declar'd that he was so fully convinc'd of the violent and indirect Methods that were us'd in his Electi­on, that he did not think the Clergy oblig'd to de­fend and support the Dignity of the Administrator against the Danes, so long as that Prince was possest of it.

The Arch-bishop's Discourse was receiv'd with an universal Applause by his Suffragans. They una­nimously declar'd for the King of Denmark, and even some of the most violent of 'em were of Opini­on, that they ought immediately to invite him to break the Truce, and surprize Prince Steno, whom they reckon'd an Usurper; and that at the same Time each Prelate shou'd oblige the Towns and Castles in their respective Jurisdictions to own the Justice of the Danish pretensions. Others thought it necessary to put all Things in a Readiness to fa­vour [Page 44]your the Invasion, and without losing Time to en­gage all their Friends and Vassals in the Design: and in the general all the Bishops endeavour'd to out­vie each other in expressing their Complaisance to their Primate and an entire Resignation to his Con­duct, which they were the more willing to pro­mise, because the intended Invasion was yet but an uncertain project, and both the War and the Dan­gers that attend it seem'd to be at a Distance.

Afterwards the Arch-Bishop made it his Business to enquire into the Number and Strength of his Vas­sals. He sent a Body of Soldiers to take possession of the Fort of Steque, which belong'd to the Arch-Bishoprick, and furnish'd it with Stores and Amuni­tion, as if the War had been already declar'd. He oblig'd his Friends and Relations to give him new Assurances of their Assistance, and by his Magnifi­cence and Liberality engag'd a considerable Number of 'em to remain with him.

The misunderstanding betwixt that Prelate and the Administrator, and the preparations that were made by his Creatures and the rest of the Danish Faction, gave Occasion to People to believe that the Kingdom wou'd quickly be made the Scene of a Civil War. Upsal became the general Rendevous of all the Male-contents, and of those stragling Adventurers, who are always ready to offer their Service upon the first Appearance of a Faction, and are afterwards as apt to desert or betray their party, as they are variously acted by Fear or Inte­rest. They were extreamly well receiv'd by the Arch-Bishop, who heard with pleasure their Com­plaints against the Government, and seem'd to be touch'd with a Sence of their Grievances. He en­deavour'd to express his Dissatisfaction by his Dis­course and all his Actions, that the disatisfacted [Page 45]Party might be encourag'd to make their Addresses to him: but he carefully avoided every Thing that might give the People Occasion to suspect his Cor­respondence with the Danes, who, he knew, were generally hated by the whole Swedish Nation, ex­cept the Clergy. And therefore he took care to re­gulate his Behaviour in such a Manner, that his Ha­tred and aversion against the Administrator might be thought to proceed from a private Quarrel betwixt the two Families, in which the Estate was not at all concern'd.

The Administrator was equally surpriz'd and in­cens'd at the News of these Transactions. He per­ceiv'd that the Arch-Bishop was preparing for a Rup­ture, and was so enrag'd at that Prelate's Ingratitude, that being naturally of an impatient and fiery Tem­per, he wou'd have immediately march'd against him at the Head of his Army, if his Council had not moderated his Fury. They told him that Princes must not proceed in such Cases like private Persons; that his Anger and Resentment wou'd only serve to strengthen the Arch-Bishop's Party, and augment the Number of the Male-Contents; that he had to do with a People who were extremely Jealous of their Liberty, and always ready to oppose the Attempts of their Sovereigns: and therefore they advis'd him to conceal his Indignation, and to endeavour to gain that Prelate by gentle and obliging Methods.

Steno submitted to their Opinion, and under pre­text of taking a Journey to some Lands that belong'd to him, he pass'd through Upsal, which lay directly in his Way, and is but ten Swedish Leagues from Stockholm. He alighted at the Arch-Bishop's Palace, and went to visit him with all the Demonstrations of Joy and an obliging Confidence that cou'd be ex­press'd by a Prince who had Reason to believe that [Page 46]his Dignity and Kindness wou'd procure him a hearty Welcom. After he had congratulated his happy Return to the Kingdom, he told him that he was extreamly glad that he had had an occasion to conttibute to his Advancement, and began to complain in a very kind and obliging Manner that he had not yet appear'd at the Court. And in the general he omitted no Expressions of Kindness and Civility that might appease the Anger of that stub­born-Prelate, and bring him back to a Sence of his Duty.

The Arch Bishop who was both vex'd and sur­priz'd at that Prince's Arrival answer'd his Caresses with a Constraint and Disturbance that appear'd vi­sibly in all his Actions. However he entertain'd him with extraordinary Magnificence; but that was meerly an Effect of his vanity, and design'd rather to display his Power and Riches, than to ex­press his Joy and Gratitude for the Honor the Ad­ministrator had done him. Nor cou'd he forbear in the Heat of their Discourse to reproach that Prince indirectly for using violent Methods, to ob­tain a Dignity which was only due to the Merits of his Father.

The Administrator who was loath to quarrel with a Man whom he purposely came to oblige, began to justify his Election; but that haughty Prelate won'd not so much as condescend to hear his Rea­sons, and told him with a great deal of heat that the Time wou'd come when a free Convention of the Estates wou'd do Justice to his Father, and to all those who were dissatisfied with the Govern­ment.

The Prince was equally surpriz'd at the Arch-Bishop's Threatnings, and incens'd at his Pride and Insolency. He retir'd with a Resolution to [Page 47]imploy all his Power and Interest to humble him; and least the Court of Rome, which usually takes hold of such Occasions to extend its Authority, un­der pretext of protecting the Clergy, shou'd inter­pose in this Affair, the Administrator wrote to the Pope to complain of the Insolence and ill Behavi­our of that Prelate.

Not long after the Pope return'd an Answer full of kind and obliging Expressions. He blam'd Trolle for his Turbulency and ingratitude, and added that he had sent Orders to his Legat who was then at the Court of Denmark, to go immediately to Sweden and in his Name to admonish the Arch-Bishop of his Duty.

But notwithstanding those specious pretences, the Instructions he gave to his Legate were intended rather for a Complement than a real Satisfaction: For tho' he seem'd to blame the Arch-Bishop, he cou'd not but rejoyce in his Heart that both he and the other Prelates of the Kingdom, whom the Court of Rome is wont always to look upon as her Subjects and Creatures, shou'd extend their Power, and assume a Share in the Government of the State. And besides the Popes had always bore a secret Aversion to the Kings, and Sovereigns of Swe­den, since those Princes had discontinu'd the pay­ment of the Tribute usually call'd St. Peter's Pence. Ann. 940. Bazius Hist. Ec­cles. Suec. & Gotica. 'Twas impos'd by King Olaus as a Tax upon all his Subjects, when the Christian Religion was first in­troduc'd into the Kingdom. But most of his Succes­sors refus'd to submit to an Imposition, which was equally injurious both to the Prince and to the Sub­jects.

Several Popes had in Vain demanded that Tri­bute; Honorius III. John XXII. In­nocent VI. Gregory XI. and even some of 'em had darted their usu­al Thunders of Excommunication, but without mak­ing [Page 48]the least impression upon those Princes: So that the Court of Rome was at last oblig'd to give over its successless Attempts upon a People, whose Eyes were open'd rather by Policy than Learning, and who by an early and unanimous Resolution had shaken off the Fear of Ecclefiastical Censures. The Administrator was admonish'd by his Coun­cil, who were acquainted with the Inclinations and Politicks of the Court of Rome, not to rely upon the Pope's Assistance in so dangerous a Jun­cture: Nor did he place so much Confidence in the Apostolical Letters, but at the same Time he took more effectual Measures for the Defence and preser­vation of his Authority.

He summon'd a Meeting of the Estates at Tellia, under pretext that the Truce with Denmark was ready to expire; but in effect to procure a new Confirma­tion of this Title and Authority, and at the same time to discover the Strength of the Archbishop's Party.

That Prelate, on the other hand, made it his Business to gain more Friends to the King of Den­mark, and to raise new Enemies to the Administrator. He exacted fresh Assurances of Fidelity from those of his Party, and even engag'd the Governours of the Castles of Stockholm and Nicopinc in the Danish Faction. Afterwards he sent a trusty Messenger to King Christiern, to give him an Account of the present Posture of Affairs, and of the Condition of his Party; and to intreat him to advance imme­diately at the Head of his Army, without staying for the end of the Truce, which he might easily find several plausible Pretexts to violate. And be­sides he order'd his Agent to assure him, That the Government of the Castles of Stockholm and Nico­pinc wou'd declare in his Favour, and receive his Forces into the Places under their Command.

Christiern, replied to these Solicitations, that it wou'd not be sufficient to break the Truce, unless the Estates of Denmark wou'd contribute to the War against Sweden; that he was endeavouring to engage the principal persons of the Kingdom in that Design; that he believ'd he had already gain'd the Legate that was going to Sweden; that if the Negotiation of that Prelate shou'd not be attended with success, he wou'd take care to start some difference betwixt the Two Nations, and push it on so far that the Estates of Denmark shou'd be ob­lig'd to take up Arms in the defence of the Nation.

In the mean time the Estates of Sweden Assem­bled at Tellia, where the Administrator had ap­pointed 'em to meet; and he had the pleasure to see that most of the Deputies were the same per­sons who had contributed most effectually to his Advancement. This encourag'd him to summon the Arch-Bishop to repair thither, in order to his qualifying himself for his Office, by taking the u­sual Oath of Fidelity to the Estates. But that Pre­late not daring to appear in an Assembly, where his Enemy had so strong a party, shut himself up in the Fort of Steque, which was a Castle seated on the top of a Hill, and equally fortifi'd by Art and Nature. The Arch-Bishop of Upsal had ta­ken all imaginable care to render it Impregnable, according to the Rules that were observ'd in those days; and besides, it was sufficiently secur'd by the privileges of the Clergy which made it an in­violable Sanctuary. The Arch-Bishop call'd a meet­ing of the Bishops and others of his Faction, and the Assembly was held in that Castle, as if the Convention at Tellia had neither been free nor lawfully call'd. Thus both parties were making preparations for an open Rupture, Joan. Mag­nus vit. Ar­c [...]iep. Ʋp­sal. when John An­gelo Arcemboldi, Pope Leo the Tenth's Legate in the Northern Kingdoms arriv'd in Sweden, and offer'd [Page 50]his Mediation to negotiate an Agreement betwixt the Arch-Bishop and the Administrator.

The Legate was of a smooth and pliant Tem­per, extreamly Polite and Complaisant, and seem'd to make the getting of Money his principal Busi­ness, and the main Object of his Desires He pre­tended, among his other Commissions, to be intru­sted with a full power to grant Licenses for the eat­ing of Flesh on Fish-days, to those who wou'd be at the charge of purchasing a dispensation. At the same time he distributed indulgences to all those who wou'd con­tribute a certain summ for the Building of St. Peter's Church at Rome. These new Projects for draining the People of their Money were set on foot about that time, and carry'd a little too far by the Mini­sters of the Court of Rome under the Pontificate of Leo X. though perhaps without his knowledge.

Arcemboldi, scrap'd together those profitable In­comes, with all the greediness of a Soldier that is sent to levy Contributions. He had fleec'd a part of Denmark under the protection of his Bulls, and not satisfy'd with the considerable summs he had rais'd in that Kingdom, he put his Money out to Interest, or imploy'd it in Merchandizing, when he was preparing for his departure to Sweden.

King Christiern, was extreamly dissatisfy'd with the Commission and Behaviour of that Legate, who under a Religious pretext drew all the Money out of his Dominions; but he durst not express his displeasure. He cou'd not hope to succeed in his design against Sweden, without the assistance of the Clergy, and he was fraid least they wou'd become his Enemies, if he shou'd quarrel with the Court of Rome. Thus he was forc'd to purchase the fa­vour of that Prelate at the rate of exposing his King­dom as a prey to his Avarice. He over-loaded him with Caresses and Obligations during his A­bode in Denmark, and at his departure he receiv'd [Page 51]his last visit with the highest Demonstrations of kindness and Civility.

He pray'd him to imploy the interest and Au­thority to which his Character entitl'd him for the Establishment of a firm and lasting Peace be­twixt the Two Kingdoms. He assur'd him that he was ready to consent to any reasonable expedi­ents for the carrying on of so good a design, pro­vided the Swedes wou'd engage to put the Treaty of Calmar in execution. He added that neither the Civil Wars, nor the most successful Rebellions cou'd be suppos'd to make void the Obligation of so solemn a Treaty; that the Clergy and all the honest party in the Kingdom look'd upon the U­nion that was agreed upon in that famous Assem­bly as the truest way to establish a solid and du­rable Peace betwixt the Two Nations; and that this was the only fault which the Administrator cou'd object against the Arch-Bishop. He pray'd the Legate to protect that Prelate from the unjust Rage of a rash and insolent youth; and concluded that he hop'd he wou'd put some difference be­twixt a Captain of Rebels, and a Soveraign, whose Family had been always devoted to the interest of the holy See.

The Legate was not ignorant that the Court of Rome was extreamly well pleas'd with the Danes, and very much dissatisfy'd with the Swedes; and besides he knew that King Christiern was ally'd to the House of Austria, for which the Pope had an extraordinary respect: but the most prevailing Mo­tive that engag'd him in that Prince's service was the consideration of the Money he left in the King­dom, and of that which he hop'd to get at his return, in some Provinces where he had not yet publish'd his Indulgences. He assur'd the King that he wou'd prosecute his designs with all ima­ginable Vigor and Zeal, and even insinuated to [Page 52]him that he had secret orders to favour his pretensi­ons and protect his Creatures, adding, that under the seeming Character of a Mediator, would he promote his Interest, and serve him with as much Fidelity and Affection as he cou'd expect to find in his own Ministers.

The King of Denmark relying upon these Pro­testations discover'd his most secret designs, and talk'd to him with more freedom than a Prince ought to use with a Foreign Minister. He told him, that he was sure of the Castles of Stockholm and Nico­pinc, that all the Bishops were ready to receive him into the places that were under their Com­mand, and that the Arch-Bishop of Upsal who ma­nag'd the whole design wou'd come over to his Army assoon as he shou'd appear on the Frontiers of the Kingdom. He entreated the Legate to confer with that Prelate, if it were possible to keep any Correspondence with him without giving peo­ple occasion to suspect the design of their Confe­rences. He desir'd him also to concert with the Arch-Bishop the surest and most convenient Me­thods to put their project in execution.

The Legate left Denmark with these Instructions, and as soon as he arriv'd at the Court of Sweden, he publickly exhorted the Administrator and the Senate in the Pope's Name to conclude a firm and lasting Peace with Denmark. Some days af­ter he demanded a private Audience of the Ad­ministrator, in which he intreated that Prince to grant the honour of his Friendship to the Arch-Bishop, and not to disturb that Prelate in the pos­session of a dignity which the Pope conferr'd up­on him meerly at his Recommendation. Steno re­ply'd in few Words, and with a great deal of Courage and Resolution, that he wou'd always re­ceive his Holiness's desires with Submission and Respect, and have an honourable regard for the [Page 53]Person of his Legate; but withal he told him, that he ought in the first place to offer his Advice and Admonitions to the Arch-Bishop, who he assur'd him might enjoy his Dignity without the least di­sturbance or molestation, if he wou'd return to a sence of his duty.

The Legate who only waited for an occasion to enter upon the Subject of his Negotiation, told the Prince that he had receiv'd orders from the Pope to offer and consult about the best expedients for bringing the difference betwixt him and the Arch-Bishop to an amicable agreement, and for establish­ing a firm and durable peace between Sweden and Denmark; and that he perceiv'd that the latter could hardly be accomplish'd without the former. He pray'd him to accept the mediation of the holy See, he exhorted him to prefer a solid Peace before the uncertain chance of Warr, which perhaps wou'd not be equally agreeable to all the Estates of the Kingdom, and wou'd make him odious even to the Nobility and Commons, if it shou'd happen to be prolong'd beyond their Expectation, or if they shou'd be disappointed of their hope of success.

This discourse and the care the Legate took to confound the Arch-Bishop's Affair with the King of Denmark's pretensions, made the Administrator suspect the intentions of that Prelate, who he con­cluded was gain'd by his Enemies, and acquainted with all their Designs. He knew how much it was his interest to discover the bottom of their project; but 'twas not an easie Task for a young Swedish Prince to pump a secret out of an Italian Prelate, who had been train'd up in the art of dis­simulation in the Court of Rome. And therefore instead of endeavouring to unriddle the mystery by over-reaching that crafty Minister in an art of which he was an absolute Master, he resolv'd to [Page 54]attack him on the weak side; and in pursuance of that design, he intreated him, by the advice of the Senate, to distribute his indulgences in the King­dom, assuring him that during that time he wou'd take such measures as might be conducive to the publick good, and agreeable to the inclinations of the holy Father.

This contrivance had all the success that cou'd be desir'd: The Legate was extreamly glad of so favourable an opportunity of continuing his gain­ful trade with so fair a prospect of Advantage, which was the only design of his Legation to the Northern Countries. He was afraid that if the Two Nations shou'd come to an open Rupture, 'twould be impossible for him to pursue his Com­mission in Sweden, and that the tumultuous confu­sion of War wou'd deprive him of the profits of his Mission, for which 'twas thought he had ad­vanc'd a considerable Summ to the Apostolical Chamber. And therefore as soon as he had ob­tain'd the consent of the Administrator and Senate, he publish'd his Bulls thro the whole Kingdom, and his Officers took care to disperse 'em thro all the Provinces. Those under-Collectors, or Li­cens'd Beggars whom he carry'd about with him, were certain persons who had farm'd the right of publishing his Bulls, and were oblig'd to purchase their Leases for a considerable summ of Money. 'Twas always his Custom to agree with the high­est bidder, without regarding the qualifications of those mercenary Preachers, provided they cou'd give him sufficient security for the payment of his Money.

The Administrator, either out of Policy or Devotion, seem'd very desirous of obtaining these indulgences. He was very liberal on that occasi­on; and in imitation of his example the Senators and all the Nobility laid out considerable summs [Page 55]of Money on these Commodities. The common people who are usually the best customers at such Markets, emptied their pockets to secure their Souls: every one was willing to contribute to the pious design, and even the wildest Debauches seem'd to grow fond of the modish Devotion, which the Administrator had brought into fashion, and were easily perswaded to submit to a pennance that tended only to mortifie their purses.

Arcemboldi amass'd a prodigious Treasure in Swe­den, Vit. Archiep. Ʋpsal. Joan. Mag­ni. and the Administrator suffer'd him to export the Money in Specie, without paying any Customs or Duties. This was a very considerable favour; for all the Princes of Germany exacted a third part of the profits of the indulgences that were pub­lish'd in their Dominions. And as a further mark of his kindness he sent several magnificent presents to the Legate, and among the rest a considerable quantity of rich Furs, and a very large Table of massy Silver.

The Administrator imagining that he had ab­solutely gain'd the Legate by so many obliging De­monstrations of his Favour, and by the richness of his presents, some time after took an occasion to discourse with him in private. After he had com­plain'd of the Arch-Bishop's ingratitude, he told the Legate that he had receiv'd a full information of that Prelate's pernicious designs, and that he was resolv'd either to bring him to a sence of his duty, or to make him leave the Kingdom. Ar­cemboldi was so charm'd with that Prince's liberality that he acknowledg'd the Justice of his resolution, and even cou [...]d not forbear discovering the King of Denmark's secret. He thought his Conscience oblig'd him to bestow his favours, where he re­ceiv'd the most bountiful returns, and perhaps was afraid that the Administrator was already acquain­ted with the instructions he had receiv'd from the [Page 56]King of Denmark, and wou'd stop the Money he had rais'd in the Kingdom, if he shou'd still con­tinue to conceal so dangerous a secret. Resolving then to make the best advantage of a discovery which perhaps he cou'd not prevent, he gave the Prince a full account of the King of Denmark's de­signs, of the correspondence he entertain'd with the Swedish Clergy, and of the infidelity of the Governours of the Castles of Stockholm and Nico­pinc.

Yet for his own security he made the Admini­strator promise to carry on his design with so much prudence and caution, that the Arch-Bishop might not have the least occasion to suspect that he had betray'd King Christiern's Secret. At his Return to Denmark, he seem'd to be extreamly afflicted with the ill success of his Negotiation. He told the King that the Administrator was so exasperated a­gainst the Arch-Bishop, that there was no hope of a speedy Reconciliation; that in his opinion that Prelate was an obstacle to the Re-establishment of the Treaty of Calmar; that he kept himself con­stantly shut up in the Castle of Steque, from whence he seem'd to threaten the Administrator with a Civil War; that he did not think it convenient to go thither, least Steno shou'd have suspected his design; that the Administrator was possess'd with an extraordinary Aversion against the person of that Prelate; and that he had Reason to believe that though 'twere possible to prevail with the Prince to resign his dignity, he wou'd never be perswaded to consent to that proposal, while he thought it might prove advantageous to his Ene­my.

The King of Denmark perceiving the ill success of the Legate's Negotiation, concluded that he cou'd never make himself Master of Sweden but at the head of a powerful Army. He consider'd also [Page 57]that the Truce was not yet expir'd, and that he cou'd not begin the War without the consent and approbation of the Estates of Denmark: and there­fore he gave private orders to his Admiral to af­front the first Swedish Ships he should meet with, not doubting but that the Administrator wou'd en­deavour to revenge such an indignity, by way of Reprizal or Retaliation, either by Land or Sea, which wou'd oblige the Estates and Senate of Den­mark to declare War against Sweden.

In the mean time the Administrator took all possible care to frustrate the designs of his Enemies; and resolv'd to make the best improvement of the Legate's discovery without betraying his secret. He inform'd the Senate that several persons in the Kingdom were engag'd in a Conspiracy against the State, and that the Governours of Stockholm and Nicopinc had betray'd their Trust, and were ready to receive the Enemies into the places which they commanded. The Senate was alarm'd at the News of so black a design, and pray'd him to se­cure the Traytors. He pretended to take a review of the Garison of Nicopinc, and as soon as the Governour and Soldiers came out of the Fort he order'd a new Garrison to take possession of the place, under the Command of a Governour who was absolutely devoted to his Interest. At the same time he gave orders to arrest the Governour of the Castle of Stockholm, Septemia. who attended at Court ac­cording to his usual Custom. 1516 Then he call'd a meeting of the Estates at Westeras, the Capital Ci­ty of Westmannia, where those two Governours were accus'd of contriving and abetting a Treaso­nable design against their Countrey, and Com­missioners were appointed to draw their Indict­ment. The fear of punishment and the hope of a pardon made so strong an impression upon 'em, that they confess'd their design to deliver up these [Page 58]places to the King of Denmark, and accus'd the Arch-Bishop as the Author and Fomenter of the Conspiracy.

The Administrator having this advantage over him, resolv'd to proceed against him with the ut­most Rigour; and in order to his Conviction or­der'd him to be summon'd to give an account of his Behaviour to the Estates. Some of the Senators who were sensible of the dangerous tendency of these divisions, and dreaded the fatal consequences of an open Rupture, endeavour'd under-hand to per­swade the Arch-Bishop to submit to the Admini­strator, and even offer'd him a safe Conduct sign'd by the principal Members of the Estates, hoping to divert the threatning storm, and to gain the stubborn Prelate by easie and gentle methods.

The Arch-Bishop was enrag'd to find that his designs were blasted by too early a discovery: he complain'd to his Friends of the King of Denmark's remissness and neglect, and immediately sent one of his Creatures to that Prince to acquaint him with the danger to which his party in Sweden was expos'd, and to hasten his March to that Kingdom. In the mean time to amuse the Senate, he desir'd that a new Convention of the Estates might be summon'd, under pretext that the greatest part of the deputies that compos'd the Assembly at Weste­ras were either the Creatures or Relations of his de­clar'd Enemy.

The Estates were so incens'd at the Pride and Ob­stinacy of that religious Prelate, that they resolv'd to secure his person and bring him to a Tryal. They intreated the Administrator to invest the place where he resided; and at the same time orders were given out to apprehend his Father, and such of his Friends and Relations as were suspected to be privy to his designs against the Government, or might be suppos'd to be able and willing to take [Page 59]up Arms in his Defence. And since they foresaw that these Proceedings would infallibly occasion a Rupture with the King of Denmark, the Admini­strator was desir'd to raise the Militia, and to put the Kingdom in such a posture, that it might not be in danger to be surpriz'd by its Enemies.

The Breach betwixt the Arch-Bishop and the E­states, gave the Prince an occasion to revenge a private quarrel, under the plausible pretext of pu­nishing a publick Enemy, and that he might not lose so favourable an opportunity, he gave Orders immediately for a general Rendezvous of all the Nobility and Militia of the Kingdom. His Friends and Relations repair'd to his Assistance at the head of their Forces, every one striving to signalize his Fidelity to his Country, and Affection to the Prince, in a War that was undertaken to maintain his Election, and defend the Liberty of the Na­tion.

Among all the Noblemen who assisted the Ad­ministrator on this occasion, there was none who expressed a more vigorous Zeal for his Interest then Gustavus Ericson, the great Standard Bearer of the Crown: A young Lord about Six and Twenty Years of Age, descended from the ancient Kings of Sweden, and particularly from King Canutson, who was his great Uncle. He was the Son of Eric Vasa, Governour of Finland, and Cousin Ger­main to the Administrator, with whom he was edu­cated. He had naturally a high and daring Spirit, his Soul was postess'd with an eager desire of Glo­ry, and infinitely more sensible of the Manly De­lights of Ambition, than of the softer Charms of Pleasure. The Administrator divided his Favour and Confidence betwixt him and his Father; but the old Age of that Senator, and a certain Timo­rousness that appear'd in all his Actions, made such an impression upon the Prince, that tho [Page 60]he did not esteem him less for these Disadvantages, he took more pleasure in Gustavus, who with an equal solidity of Judgment, was Master of more Courage and Strength of Mind, and never propos'd any Designs or Expedients, but what were suitable to the Bravery, and agreeable to the Inclinations of his young Master.

'Twas by his Advice that the Prince resolv'd to give Fire Arms to the Peasants, who till then, had only, or for the most part, made use of Bows and Arrows. The Administrator order'd a considera­ble number of Musquets to be brought to Lubeck, and put on Board a Ship, which [...] Sail immedi­ately for Stockholm, but was taken by the Danish Admiral, as she came out of the Mouth of the Trave, which passes by Lubeck. This Act of Ho­stility serv'd for a Declaration and Signal of a Bloody War, which began betwixt the two Nati­ons, notwithstanding the opposition made by the Estates of Denmark, who were desirous to continue the Truce.

The Administrator was not so discourag'd by this Loss, as to give over the design he had form'd against the Arch-Bishop. He put himself at the head of the Militia or Infantry, which was the most numerous Body in his Army, and gave the Command of the Horse to Gastavus. The Bishops of Stregnez and Lincopinc march'd before, under pre­text of interposing their Interest and Mediation, to bring their Primate to a Sence of his Duty; but their real Design was to give him notice of the Strength and Condition of the Administrator's For­ces. For though the Prelates were engag'd both by Interest and Inclination in the Danish Faction, as well as the Arch-Bishop, they were more Poli­tick and Cunning, and took care to conceal their real Sentiments, the discovery of which cou'd nei­ther be advantageous to their Party, nor safe for [Page 61]themselves, at a time when the whole Nation was in Arms for the Administrator. At their arrival at Steque, they intreated the Administrator to excuse 'em for not declaring against that Prince, accor­ding to their agreement at Upsal, assuring him that they only waited till the King of Denmark shou'd enter the Kingdom to support 'em. They advis'd him to reflect upon the Power and Strength of the Administrator, who in few days wou'd appear be­fore the W [...]s of his Castle, at the head of a nu­merous Army; and concluded with telling him, that 'twould be an Action worthy his Prudence to divert the impending Storm, and amuse the young Prince with a seeming Submission, from which he might easily disengage himself, as soon as they should meet with a more favourable juncture to put their desirous in Execution.

The Arch-Fishop rejected the Advice of his po­sitick Subingans with Anger and Disdain, and chid 'em for their Weakness, which he branded with the names of Treason and Cowardice. He told 'em he had to [...]ived Advice by an Envoy from Denmark, that Christiern was preparing to invade Sweden with all his Forces; that his Fleet was fit­ted out, and ready to make a Descent; that the Administrator was [...] in a Condition to oppose so potent an Enemy, that be hop'd in a little time to see the King of Denmark seated on the Swedish Throne, and that they had reason to fear that he wou'd be reveng'd on his false Friends, as well as on his declar'd Enemies. The Bishops finding that their Remonstrances serv'd only to exasperate their fierce and stubborn Primate, retir'd to give place the Administrators Army, which at the same time appear'd before the Castle.

The Prince hop'd to carry the Place, before the Danes cou'd be able to make a Diversion, but he had scarce open'd the Trenches, when he was in­form'd [Page 62]that the Enemy had made a descent near Stockholm, and were destroying the Countrey with Fire and Sword. Upon this advice he divided his Army, and leaving the Infantry to guard the lines, he march'd with the Cavalry towards the Enemy, accompanied with Gustavus, and follow'd by all the Swedish youth, who long'd for an occasion to signalize their Courage under the Command and in the presence of their Prince. August.

The Administrator met the Danes near the Castle of Wedel; 1517 and Gustavus was the first who charg'd 'em at the head of a Squadron. The Action was very bloody, and the Victory was for some time disputed on both sides with all the obstinacy which is usually observ'd in those first Encounters, on the event of which the honour of the Nation and the success of the Campaign seems to depend. But at last the Danish Troops were defeated, and the greatest part of 'em cut to pieces: those who had the good fortune to escape made a disorderly Re­treat to their Ships, and retir'd to Denmark.

The Prince ascrib'd all the glory of this impor­tant Action to Gustavus, who after he had attack'd the Enemies with a great deal of Vigour, ran in­to themidst of 'em with his Sword in his hand, and pursu'd 'em to their Vessels, without giving 'em time to Rally. 'Twas upon this occasion that the Prince began to consider him as an useful person, whom before he had only lov'd as an agreeable Companion. He admir'd the surprizing genius of that young Lord, his eager inclination to War, his Courage, Valour, and above all the extraordi­nary presence of Mind he had shewn in the first Essay of his Arms. He was the best Judge of such Qualities as these, and naturally inclin'd to pre­fer 'em before other endowments: and conse­quently they made a stronger and more lasting im­pression upon his Mind.

After so considerable a success, the Prince led back his Victorious Troops to the Siege of Steque. The Arch-Bishop was extreamly alarm'd at the News of the intire defeat and flight of the Danes, who abandon'd him to the mercy of his Enemies; for he imagin'd that the King of Denmark wou'd have taken more effectual measures to support and relieve him. The Bishops, and the rest of his par­ty were so over-aw'd by the Prince's power that they durst not declare against him and even those who were most suspected were either secur'd, or driven out of the places that were under their Command. In the mean time the besiegers car­ry'd on their Works to the foot of the Wall: but tho the Arch-Bishop was not able to make a longer resistance, the natural Pride and fierceness of his Temper, and his implacable aversion against the Administrator wou'd not suffer him to con­descend to a Treaty. He defended the Castle for some days with all the fury and obstinacy of a de­sperate Man who resolves to bury himself under the ruins of the Walls that enclose him: but the Officers of the Garrison were of another opinion, and fearing to be treated as Rebels if the place shou'd be storm'd and they found in Arms against their Prince and Countrey, forc'd their haughty Governour to Capitulate.

He desir'd to treat with the Administrator in person, and offer'd to come to his Tent provided Gustavus shou'd be deliver'd as a Hostage. Steno consented to that proposal, and Gustavus enter'd the Castle at the same time that the Arch-Bishop came out of it in order to attend the Administrator. But he was so scar'd with a sence of his guilt, that he durst neither rely upon the exchange nor the Faith of a Treaty, which is reckon'd an inviolable secu­rity according to the Law of Nations. And there­fore knowing how dear Gustavus was to the Prince, [Page 64]that he might at least have the pleasure to tast the cruel delights of Revenge, he left orders with the Officers of the Garrison, to cause that Lord to be hang'd on the Battlements of the Castle, if they shou'd receive advice that the Administrator treat­ed him as a Prisoner.

When he came before the Prince he desir'd leave to Capitulate, with as much confidence as if he had been defending the place, for the ser­vice of his Countrey, against the publick Enemies of the Nation. But the Administrator, desiring that the obstinacy of that Prelate might be repu­ted a Crime against the State, and a downright Rebellion, refus'd to enter into a Treaty, and in the name and behalf of the Estates of Sweden, re­quir'd, that a Garrison might be put into the Ca­stle. He told the Arch-Bishop that 'twas the Se­nate's business to give Judgment concerning his behaviour; and to regulate the conditions of the Treaty; adding that he wou'd not appear in the Senate till they had decided that affair; and that he wou'd neither be his Friend nor his Judge, since he refus'd to acknowledge his Authority.

The Arch-Bishop, who was still as haughty and insolent as ever, imagin'd that the Administrator, notwithstanding his seeming Resolution, referr'd the decision of their difference to the Senate, on purpose that some of the Members of that illustri­ous Body might offer their mediation in order to a friendly agreement. Upon this Consideration he surrender'd the Castle to the Prince, and having obtain'd a safe Conduct or protection, took Journey to Stockholm accompany'd with a numerous Train of his Followers, and attended with as magnifi­cent an Equipage, as if he had triumph'd over all his Enemies. He sanfy'd that his interest with the King of Denmark wou'd strike such a Terrour into his Judges, that they would think themselves a­bundantly [Page 65]satisfy'd by his pretending to be inno­cent; concluding that they wou'd look upon his Revolt, as a private quarrel betwixt him and the Administrator, occasion'd by the jealousie of the Government, and wou'd expect no other Satisfacti­on, than a bare acknowledgment of that Prince's Authority.

But he was quickly made sensible of his Error, and of the vanity of his Airy Hopes; for as soon as he arriv'd at Stockholm, they began to proceed against him with Vigour. The Senate finding that they might safely rely upon the assistance of the Ad­ministrator, who was still at the head of his Army, gave judgment against that Prelate; and the Bi­shops of Lincoping, Stregnez, and Scara, who were Members of that Body, were oblig'd to submit to the plurality of Voices, and to subscribe his Condemnation, for fear of being suspected and pro­secuted as Favourers and Abettors of his Rebellion. He was declar'd an Enemy to his Country, and 'twas ordain'd by the Senate that he shou'd imme­diately resign his Title to the Arch-Bishoprick, that he shou'd retire to a Monastery to do Pen­nance for all the Disturbances his Ambition had rais'd in the Kingdom; that the Fort of Steque which had encourag'd the Danes to invade Sweden; and under the former Arch-Bishops had been always made a Sanctuary and Retiring-place for Rebels and disaffected Persons, shou'd be demolish'd, that publick Thanks shou'd be given to the Administra­tor, for his Diligence in stifling the Rebellion; and that the whole Kingdom shou'd unanimously con­cur to maintain the authority of that Prince, and the Decree of the Senate, in case the Pope thro' mis-information or prejudice, shou'd endeavour to restore the Arch-Bishop.

This Decree was enter'd in the publick Registers, sign'd by all the Senators, Spiritual and Temporal; and in execution of these Orders, the Fort of Steque was demolish'd, and the Arch-Bishop forc'd to re­nounce his Dignity. He deliver'd his Resignation in full Senate, to be transmitted to the Pope; but at the same time, he sent one of his Creatures to Rome, to complain of these violent Proceedings, and to beg the Protection of the Holy See.

The King of Denmark engag'd all his Friends at the Court of Rome, to employ their Interest to sup­port and defend that Prelate, whose Abdication had blasted all his Designs, and ruin'd his Party in Sweden. He was rather irritated than discourag'd at the defeat of his Forces, and made new Levies to invade Sweden, during the next Campaign; for the Estates of Denmark thought themselves oblig'd to revenge the loss they sustain'd at Wedel. He sent to Muscovy to sollicite the Czar to declare against the Administrator, and endeavour'd to prevail with the Pope, to joyn his Ecclesiastical Thunders to the Forces with which he design'd to attack that Prince.

His importunity and the Arch-Bishop's Com­plaints, made so great an impression upon the Pope, that he order'd his Legate Arcemboldi, who was still in Denmark, to return immediately to Sweden, and require the Administrator to put the Arch-Bishop in possession of his Office and Dignity upon pain of Excommunication. The Legate, at his arrival in Sweden, employ'd all his Interest and Rhetorick to perswade that Prince to give the Pope Satisfaction. He represented to him in private, with an ingenu­ity and freedom that were not suitable to his Cha­racter, but seem'd to be the effects of their former Friendship, and a requital of the Administrators Kindness, that the Anger and Dissatisfaction of the Court of R [...], were terrible to the greatest Mo­narchs; [Page 67]that he ought to dread and avoid the fatal Consequences of an Excommunication; that in such a Case, the People as well as the Clergy wou'd forsake him; that even his Friends and most devoted Creatures, wou'd hardly venture to incur the Censure and Indignation of the Church; that since both his Honour and Revenge were satisfy'd by the Arch-Bishops Resignation, he had a fair op­portunity to lay an Obligation upon the Holy See, and that the Pope wou'd by that means, be engag'd to be surety for that Prelate's good Behaviour.

The Administrator communicated the Pope's Message to the Senate, and acquainted 'em both with his Desires and Menaces. The Bishops of Lincoping, Stregnez, and Scara, who had been [...]forc'd to sign the Arch-Bishop's Sentence, seconded the Legate's Proposal with a great deal of Vigour, but were unanimously oppos'd by the Lay-Senators, who were the most powerful and numerous part of the Assembly. They told the Administrator, that he ought not to be scar'd at the Thunders of the Vatican, since their Strength and Efficacy depended meerly upon the Weakness and Credulity of those against whom they were pointed, that the Contrivan­ces and Machinations of the Court of Rome were al­ways cover'd with a religious Disguise; that Scorn and Contempt was the best security against such Menaces; that the Pope was incens'd against 'em for denying his Tribute, and that the King of Den­mark, in Conjunction with Leo X. sollicited the Restoration of a Rebel, to his former Power and Dignity, that he might afterwards by his Assist­ance, make himself master of the Kingdom.

Steno by their Advice, answer'd the Legate, that he cou'd not imagine what motives sho [...]'d induce the Pope to undertake the defence of a Traytor, who was seiz'd in actual Rebellion against his [...]ountry, and deserv'd to be punish'd with Death, [Page 68]for holding Intelligence with the Enemies of the Nation; that his Character and Dignity cou'd not be suppos'd to protect him from the just indignati­on of his injur'd Sovereign; that his Judges thought they had pronounc'd a very favourable Sentence against him, by condemning him only to perpetu­al Imprisonment; that his Brethren of the Clergy had sign'd his Condemnation, and that his Judg­ment cou'd not be revers'd without exposing the Kingdom to new and fatal Disorders.

The Experience he had formerly had of the Le­gate's temper, made him resolve to strengthen these Reasons with a more prevailing and demonstrative Argument; and therefore after he had soften'd him with several considerable Presents, he offer'd him the Arch-Bishoprick of Upsal, and engag'd to ob­tain a Decree of the Estates in his favour, impow­ering him to hold that Benefice, during his Life, without being oblig'd to reside in the Kingdom.

The Legate was so dazl'd with the tem [...]ting prospect of filling his Cossers with the Revenues of so fat a Benefice, that he forgot his Commission, and thought he might plead a sufficient excuse for neglecting to execute the Orders he had receiv'd from the Pope. He embrac'd the alluring proposal with joy, and in Testimony of his Gratitude to his Benefactor, he approv'd all that he had done, and publickly blam'd the Arch-Bishop. He wrote to Rome against that Prelate, and assur'd the Pope, that he had justly drawn upon himself the Indig­nation of the Administrator and Estates of Sweden, by rebelling against his Country. At the same time he sollicited all his Friends to employ their In­terest with the Holy Father, to procure a Confir­mation of the Sentence pronounc'd against that Prelate, and leave to appear a Candidate at the a [...] ­proaching Election. But the Pope rejected his Re­queit, and absolutely refus'd to grant the Permi [...] ­sion [Page 69]that was requir'd to qualifie him for that Dig­nity; either out of regard to the house of Austria and the King of Denmark, who declar'd in favour of the Arch-Bishop, or as a mark of his just resent­ment for the Offence he had given by his scanda­lous way of distributing Indulgences in the North.

Upon the Administrator's refusal to restore the Arch-Bishop, the Pope discharg'd his Thunders a­gainst the whole Kingdom, and particularly against the Administrator and Senate, whom he Excom­municated. Besides he ordain'd 'em to rebuild the Fort of Steque at their own charge, 1518 and to pay a Hundred Thousand Ducats as a sine to the Arch-Bishop. The Bull was directed to Theodore Arch-Bishop of Lunden in Denmark, and the Bishop of Odensee in Fuenen, who at King Christiern's solicita­tion were entrusted with the care of publishing i [...]: and that Prince was desir'd to put it in execution and to treat the disobedient Swedes as Excommuni­cated persons and obstinate Schismaticks.

The suddenness of so terrible a blow surpriz'd all Europe, and the Swedes were extreamly offended at the last article of the Bull which committed the execution of it to the King of Denmark. They said that it did not become the common Father of Chri­stendom to side with either of the contending par­ties, much less to make [...]se of his power which was altogether spiritual, to protect a Rebel and a Tray­tor, and to authorize a Prince, who endeavour'd to make himself master of their liberties and For­tunes. The Senate issu'd out a strict order prohibit­ing all persons to give obedience to the Bull under severe penalties: and the Administrator took all possible care to put himself in a condition to op­pose the Danish Army, without which he was not much afraid of all the Thunders of the Vatican.

The Legate perceiving that 'twou'd be scanda­lous to reside longer at the Court of a Prince wh [...]m [Page 70]his Master had Excommunicated; was forc'd to leave Sweden and to relinquish his expectation of the Arch-Bishoprick of Upsal. At his return to Den­mark he found King Christiern drawing his forces together in order to his expedition against Sweden. Assoon as that Prince receiv'd the Pope's Bull, he enter'd into that Kingdom at the head of his Ar­my, May. and immediately began to destroy the Coun­trey with Fire and Sword, to stun the Swedes with terrible apprehensions of his vengeance. But at the same time to give some colour of Justice and Religion to those Barbarities which he committed purely out of Revenge, he caus'd the Bull to be solemnly affix'd in all the places where he left the marks of his Fury, as if he had only come with a design to execute the Pope's orders.

Some time after he sate down with all his For­ces before Stockholm, hoping that the Terrour of his Arms, the Consternation of the Citizens, and especially the fear of Excommunication wou'd oc­casion some Tumult that might be improv'd to his advantage: But the Governour and Magistrates of the City took such effectual measures to keep the people in order, that there was not the least appearance of any disturbance. The Inhabitants were possest with so strong an aversion against the Danes that they resolv'd to desend the Town to the last extremity; and the Burghers mingl'd with the Soldiers of the Garrison made frequent and fu­nous Sallies. The Besiegers found every where an incredible resistance: every Foot of Ground which they gain'd cost 'em the Lives of a great number of their Men; and they were oftentimes beaten out of those pos [...]s in the day, which they had surpriz'd during the obscurity of the Night. The Garrison made a continual Fire which did a great deal of Execution; and besides the Danes infler'd extreamly for want of necessary Provisions.

The King was advis'd by his Officers to retire, before the Swedes came up, who were upon their march to relieve the Town: but he was so incens'd against the Burghers for their vigorous resist­ance, that he resolv'd obstinately to continue the Siege. In the mean time the Administrator was putting himself in a condition to march a­gainst the Enemy with all the Forces of the King­dom. The whole Nation took the Alarm, and ran to arms with an incredible Ardor: every Man thought himself concern'd in the defence of the common cause, and all the Provinces of the King­dom seem'd to be animated with a spirit of Re­venge and Fury. Thus instead of an Army of re­gulated Troops the Administrator saw himself at the head of a vast Body of Tumultuary Forces who without waiting for Orders took up Arms for the preservation of their liberty. The whole Coun­trey was overspread with swarms of Peasants who came flocking to the general Rendezvous, some descending from the Mountains, and others run­ning out of the Woods. Most of these savage Warriors were cloath'd with the Skins of Wild Beasts, and arm'd after a very odd and even ri­diculous manner: but they were inspir'd with a certain undaunted [...]ury, that supply'd the place of bravery and made 'em resolve to spend the last drop of their Blood in the defence of their Coun­trey.

The Administrator having assembl'd all his For­ces, march'd straight towards the King of Denmark, July. who searing to be enclos'd betwixt the Swedish Army and the City, rais'd the Siege, and retir'd to his Ships. But the Swedes taking advantage of the motion his Troops were oblig'd to make in order to their Retreat, charg'd 'em so vigorously, that the Rear of the Danish Army was almost entirely defeated. They fied to the shore with so much [Page 72]precipitation and disorder, that the greatest part of 'em were cut to pieces; and many of those who escap'd the Fury of the pursuers were drown'd in attempting to swim to their Vessels. The Swedes made themselves masters of all the Baggage, and took above Three hundred Prisoners, who for the most part were Officers and Persons of note that halted to sustain the shock of the Enemy while the Soldiers were imbarking, and with the loss of their liberty, preserv'd the King himself and the greatest part of his Army.

But this was not the only Misfortune which at­tended that disastrous Expedition; for the Danes were detain'd above three Months in the Road of Stockholm by contrary Winds, and at last were so straiten'd for want of provisions that they were sorc'd to make frequent Descents to supply their necessities. But they were always repuls'd by the Swedish Cavalry, under the command of the brave Gustavus, who was perpetually in motion, and oblig'd 'em to retire with precipitation to their Ships. His Courage and Vigilancy produc'd so good an effect, that the Danish Fleet was reduc'd to the utmost ex­tremity: they had neither Water nor Victuals, and there was a great mortality among the Soldiers. The King himself was in danger of perishing, either for want of provisions, or by the contagi­ous distempers that began to break forth in his Ar­my.

To deliver himself out of so miserable a conditi­on, he sent a messenger to the Administrator with orders to propose a Truce for some days under pretext of treating about the Ransom of the Soldi­ers. After the Envoy had deliver'd his message, he insinuated dexterously that twou'd not be im­possible to change the Truce to an eternal peace betwixt the two Nations. The Administrator was not [...]gnorant of the extremity to which Christiern [Page 73]was reduc'd, and knew that he might easily com­pleat his Victory by starving his Enemy: but either out of generosity, or in hopes of procuring a so­lid peace, which wou'd have secur'd him in the possessionof his dignity, he consented immediately to the Truce, and sent several Boats laden with provisions for the use of the King, and all his Navy.

Christiern perceiving that the Administrator was extreamly desirous of a Peace, imagin'd that this might furnish him with an Opportunity to make himself Master of his Person. He pretended to be overcome by that Princes Generosity, and acknow­ledg'd himself extreamly oblig'd to him for the sea­sonable Relief he had sent him. Some time after, he propos'd an interview on Board the Fleet, whi­ther he invited the Administrator, in order to treat about a Peace; and for the security of his Person, he sent several of the most considerable Persons in his Army to the Court at Stockholm.

The Prince, who was naturally of a very free and candid temper, was easily perswaded to give him that satisfaction, but the Senate oppos'd his Resolution, either because they suspected that there was some treacherous Design hidden under so plau­sible a pretext, or were resolv'd to maintain the Honour of the State in the Person of the Admini­strator. In compliance with their desire, Steno sent back the Hostages with fresh supplies of Pro­visions, and a Message to the King of Denmark, by which he acquainted him that he wou'd have wil­lingly consented to the interview on Board the Fleet, but that the Senate thought it more conve­nient, that the Treaty shou'd be manag'd by Com­missioners from both sides in some place on the Frontiers, that shou'd be mutually agreed upon.

Christiern perceiving that the Administrator had escap'd the Snare that was laid for him, resolv'd upon another project to facilitate the Execution of his Designs. He dreaded the valour of Gustavus, and the authority of his Family in the Kingdom; and besides, he had a particular spite against him, for his Affection and Fidelity to the Administrator. He projected a Contrivance, to make himself Ma­ster of his Person, and of five or six other Lords in the Swedish Army, imagining, that by threatning to put these Officers to death, he might oblige the Administrator to consent to the Re-establishment of the Treaty of Calmar, or at least, hoping to cre­ate a difference betwixt the Prince, and the most considerable Families in the Kingdom, if he shou'd refuse upon any Terms, to save the Lives of Gusta­vus and his Companions.

In pursuance of this design, he propos'd an in­terview in the City of Stockholm, offering to repair thither with some of his Council, provided Gustavus and six other Lords whom he shou'd name, shou'd be deliver'd as Hostages for the security of his Per­son. And to make both the Prince and Senate sen­sible that 'twas their Interest to comply with this expedient; he represented to the Administrator, that they might come to a more speedy agreement by conferring together, than by imploying Pleni­potentiaries, who usually consume a great deal of time in debating about the Preliminaries of a Treaty.

Thus the Senate was oblig'd to consent to a Proposal, Lawrence Sigonis, O­laus Ry­ning, Bennet Nicolai. George Sig­gones, Hen­ing Gadde. which they cou'd not reject with any shadow of Reason. As soon as Gustavus and the other Hostages appear'd on the Shore, the Danish Ad­miral, follow'd by a considerable number of Officers advanc'd to salute 'em; and at the same time they [Page 75]were surrounded by several Soldiers, disguis'd like Mariners, who had come ashore during the Truce, under pretext of buying Strong-Waters, and other Provisions.

Then the Admiral desir'd 'em to go in his Boat to salute the King, who was coming to see the Ad­ministrator. Gustavus wou'd have willingly de­clin'd the Complement, and waited till the King was landed, but he saw so many Danes about him, that he chose rather to comply with a seeming Chearfulness, than to make an useless Resistance.

Thus he and his Companions went on Board, and were immediately carry'd before the King, who commanded 'em to be arrested and disarm'd, contrary to his own Promise, and to the Law of Nations. Afterwards he sent word to the Admini­strator, that he wou'd order 'em to be Beheaded as bels and Excommunicated Persons, if he would not immediately consent to restore the Arch-Bishop, and Reestablish the Treaty of Calmar. Steno was so incens'd at so base a piece of Treachery, that he mann'd immediately all the Boats and Ships in the Harbour. David Chy­traus, lio. 7. p. 200. Loccen. l. 5. p. 196. E­dit. Ʋpsa­salieu. Jo­ann. Mag­nus, l. 23. p. 780. O­laus Mag­nus, lib. 16. p. 289. Edit. Lug­dun. The Noblemen who were then in the City, and especially the Friends and Rela­tions of the Prisoners, leap'd into the first Boats they cou'd meet with. The Prince himself went on Board a Frigat, which he found ready fitted, and set Sail with his little Fleet, resolving with these Boats to attack the Danish Men of War, and either to release the Hostages, or perish in the At­tempt: But he cou'd not find his Enemies, who had taken the advantage of a favourable Gale that began to blow some hours before, and set Sail for Denmark.

King Christiern left no means unattempted to cor­rupt the Fidelity of Gustavus and his Companions: but they resisted with equal steddiness and courage all his Promises and Threats, and cou'd neither be scar'd nor flatter'd into a Compliance with his de­sires. Their Resolution and Constancy had almost cost 'em their Lives; for the King finding that he cou'd not gain 'em, and dreading the Courage and Indignation of Gustavus, if he shou'd be oblig'd to release him, gave secret orders to put 'em to Death. But the Danish Officer whom he entrusted with that Commission, abhorring so barbarous an Action, and fearing perhaps the law of Retaliation; if by the chance of War, he shou'd fall into the Hands of the Swedes, took the Liberty to tell his Master, that the Death of these Lords wou'd be prejudicial to his Interest, whereas by detaining 'em Prisoners, he might keep their Relations in awe. These Conside­rations made so great an Impression upon the King, that he contented himself with imprisoning 'em in the Castle of Copenhagen, where they were so cru­elly treated by his Order, that some of 'em ended their Days in that miserable Condition.

Eric Banner, a Danish Lord, pitying the hard fate of Gustavus, who was his Kinsman, begg'd him of the King, upon his parole of Honour, and that he might the more easily obtain a Suit of that Nature, from that jealous and diffident Prince; he assur'd him, that the only reason that made him wish to have that young Lord in his House, was, that he might have an opportunity to gain so considera­ble a Friend to his Majesty. That Consideration prevail'd with Christiern, to grant his Request; but on Condition that he shou'd carry his Prisoner to the Castle of Calo in Jutland, of which he was Governour, and shou'd pay 6000 Crowns of Gold [Page 77]for his Ransom, if he shou'd suffer him to escape, or cou'd not produce him upon Demand.

The Generous Banner thought no Conditions too hard to save the Life of his Kinsman, which he believ'd, was not secure in the Castle of Copenhagen. He carry'd him to Calo, October. and endeavour'd by a kind and civil Entertainment, to make him forget the Misery he had suffer'd at Copenhagen. The good Mien, Majestick Air, and graceful behaviour of that Prince, produc'd their usual effect upon the Mind of his friendly Jaylor, who after some time, allow'd him the liberty of walking abroad, and suffer'd him to take the diversion of Hunting. New Recreations were propos'd to him every day, and it seem'd to be the main Business of the Family, to please him: But all the Pleasures he enjoy'd in so obliging a Society, cou'd neither make him forget that he was a Prisoner, nor give him the least sa­tisfaction while his Confinement depriv'd him of a share in the Hazard and Glory of the War. His eager desire to serve the Administrator in the De­fence of his Countrey; and at the same time to execute his just Vengeance on the perfidious Author of his Captivity, made him so uneasie, that the most study'd Delights serv'd only to encrease his Melancholy.

On the other Hand, King Christiern's Thoughts were so deeply six'd on the Conquest of Sweden, and his Mind was so agitated with the tumultuous Motions of a disappointed Ambition, that his Spite against the Administrator was exasperated by the ill success of the Siege of Steckholm. He cou'd not forgive that Prince, for obliging him to make so disorderly and ignominious a Retreat, and cutting off part of his Army. He was both vex'd and a­sham'd, [Page 78]that he had publickly violated his Faith, and the Law of Nations, to no purpose, by de­taining Gustavus and the rest of the Hostages; but nothing afflicted him more sensibly than the daily decrease of his Party in Sweden. His Mind became a dismal Scene of Spite, Rage, and Shame, and in the heat of his Fury, he resolv'd to make a last ef­fort the next Campaign, to repair all his Losses by the ruine of his Enemy, hoping that the success of his Arms wou'd in some measure justifie him for proceeding against the Swedes as rebellious Subjects and excommunicated Wretches, without allowing 'em the Treatment which is usually granted to common Enemies.

He stood equally in need of Men and Money to carry on his Designs; and to supply the last of these Deficiencies, he gave Orders to his Officers to seize the Legate Archemboldi's Treasures, under pretext that he had laid out the Money he had rais'd by the Sale of Indulgences, on contraband Goods. But his Guilt really consisted in a Million of Florins, which he was going to carry out of the Northern Kingdoms, and in holding Intelligence with the Administrator. The King had heard of the ill Of­fices he did to the Arch-Bishop, and was not igno­rant that he had oblig'd all his Friends to make use of their Interest with the Pope, to obtain the Arch-Bishoprick of Upsal. And from thence he concluded, that the Dignity to which he aspir'd with the Administrator's consent, was the reward of his betraying the Secret, with which he had entrust­ed him to that Prince, and that his Infidelity had ruin'd the Danish Faction in Sweden. The Prospect of so profitable a Revenge, was in his Opinion a sufficient Ground to excuse an open violation of the Law of Nations. He caus'd the Legate to be [Page 79]secur'd with all his Effects, and that he might not be oblig'd to restore the Treasure he had seiz'd, or submit to an Examination of the Privileges, to which the Function and Character of that Prelate entitl'd him; he gave secret Orders to suffer him to steal out of the Kingdom, after he had been kept for some time in perpetual Fear of Death, that he might take hold of the first Opportunity to make his Escape. By this usage of the Legate, it ap­pear'd that the seeming Zeal of that Prince, in executing the Orders of the Holy See, was only a Politick Contrivance to carry on his Ambitious Designs, which he endeavour'd always to cover with a pretext of Religion.

He imploy'd the Legate's Money in making new Levies, and impos'd heavy and unusual Taxes up­on his Subjects, without the Advice or Consent of the Estates. The Clergy and Nobility oppos'd these Innovations, and positively refus'd to contri­bute towards the raising of the Supplies, under pretext, that neither the Taxes, nor the Declaration of the War, were authoriz'd or approv'd, either by the Senate or Estates. But their real design was to put a stop to his Ambition, and curb the Impetuo­sity of his Temper, for they were extreamly jea­lous of his Designs, and perhaps were not less a­fraid than the Swedes, of the Success of his Arms.

In the mean time, he squeez'd considerable sums out of the common People, who are usually the first who feel the burthen of Taxes, and are sel­dom or never assisted by the Nobility and other Estates, who content themselves with securing themselves. He levy'd foreign Troops with the Money he had rais'd by these Impositions; he in­vited all the Soldiers of Fortune, and straggling [Page 80]Adventurers that would enter into his Service, and even preferr'd 'em before the Danes in the Distri­bution of Offices and Places, that his Arms might be lodg'd in the hands of those who depended in­tirely upon him. At the same time he prevailed with Francis I. King of France, to assist him with 4000 Foot, under the Command of Gaston de Brezé, the Prince of Foucarmont, and the Baron of Gondrin. Thus in a little time, he had the Plea­sure to see himself at the head of a numerous Ar­my, which made him equally terrible to his Sub­jects and Enemies. He conferr'd the Title and Authority of General on Otho Crumpein, who was esteem'd one of the greatest Captains in the North, and entrusted him with the management of his Designs, and the command of his Forces, not da­ring to leave Copenhagen at a time, when there were so many visible Signs of a general Dissatisfaction among the Senators, and the principal Lords of the Kingdom.

Otho led his Army to Westgethland, 1519 where he made a terrible havock, to draw the Enemy to an Engagement. Febr. In the mean time the Administrator march'd at the head of his Army, follow'd by Ten Thousand Peasants of that Province, who came vo­luntarily to his Assistance. He encamp'd at the entry of the Forest of Tyvede, having order'd a great num­ber of Trees to be cut down, to fortifie his Camp and Trenches. Otho pretended to be somewhat daun­ted at the sight of the Swedish Forces, and retreat­ed with a seeming Precipitation to the Lake Veler, which was at that time cover'd with Ice, upon which he encamp'd with his whole Army. Steno was so transported at the sight of a Flying Enemy, that he was not master of so much presence of Mind, as to restrain the impetuous Ardor of his Courage. [Page 81]He left his Infantry and the Peasants in the Wood, where they lay entrench'd, and march'd with his Cavalry after the Danes, whom he attack'd near Bogesund. His Valor and Example inspir'd all the Soldiers in his Army, with a Resolution to conquer or die. He charg'd at the Head of a Squadron compos'd of the principal Noblemen of the Kingdom; he drove back all that durst ven­ture to stand the Shock of his Attack, and broke thro' their thickest Ranks with so brave a Fury, that he was just ready to taste the pleasure of so glorious a Victory, when one of his Legs was shot off by a Cannon-builet. The Swedes were so dishearten'd at the sight of their General's Mis­fortune, that they began to shrink and give ground. The Danish General was too well ac­quainted with the Art of War, to neglect so fair an opportunity of snatching the Victory out of the Hands of a staggering and dismaid Enemy: And therefore as soon as he perceiv'd their Dis­order, he order'd his Cannon to be charg'd with Cartouches, and pointed at the Swedish Cavalry; and at the same time he brought up his Infantry, who made a continual Fire. The Swedish Caval­ry having lost the Spirit that animated 'em, man­tain'd a running Fight for some time; but at last fearing to be surrounded, they fled with the ut­most Precipitation and Confusion. During the general Disorder, the Administrator was carry'd off upon a Sledge by his Servants, and dy'd of his Wound near Stregnez, as they were bringing him to Stockholm. He was extreamly valiant; but his undaunted Courage was not accompany'd with an equal Dexterity in the Management of Affairs; In a word, he was a better Soldier than a States­man, and fitter to command a Party, than to go­vern a Kingdom.

Otho, who knew as well how to improve as how to obtain a Victory, gave Orders to his Troops to march immediately against the Swedish Infantry, and the Peasants who guarded the Pass of Tyvede. He imagin'd that he cou'd easily force their Trenches, and commanded the Danish Foot to attack 'em; but the Swedes made so brave a Resistance, that their Enemies were oblig'd to re­tire with a considerable Loss.

The General, enrag'd at the Cowardice of his Men, order'd the French Infantry to renew the Attack, and at the same time went round the Trenches, to see whether he cou'd discover an ea­sier Passage, or a Place that was not so strongly guarded. In the mean time the Prince of Fou­carmont advanc'd at the Head of the French, and was the first Man who mounted the Rampart with his Sword in his hand; but immediately after he receiv'd so dangerous a Wound with an Arrow that he fell into the Ditch. The French, as if the Fall of their Commander had been design'd for a Signal, attack'd the Swedes with so obstinate a Fury, that they made themselves Masters of the Trenches, notwithstanding an incredible Re­sistance; and while they kept the Enemy in play, Otho open'd a Passage in another Place. Tho' the Swedes were extreamly weaken'd and fatigu'd by the Length of the Engagement, and surrounded on all Sides, they continu'd to make a very brave Desence: the Peasants animated with Despair and Rage r [...]n into the thickest Battalions, neither ex­pecling nor desiring to live, and even willing to die pr [...]vided they cou'd revenge their Death by that [...] an Enemy. They were all cut to pieces, except some who made their Escape in the Night, and fled to the Woods, from whence they return'd by Degrees to their respective Habitations.

The Danish General, perceiving that there were no Forces left to oppose him, pass'd thro' the Fo­rest of Tyvede, and penetrated into the Heart of the Kingdom. There were no regulated Troops, nor Militia on Foot, to make Head against the Enemy; the People generally fled to the remo­test Provinces; the greatest Part of the Senators shut themselves up in their Castles; the Admini­strator's Widow retir'd to the Cittadel of Stock­holm, with the two young Princes her Children; and the Peasants dreading the Fate of their Coun­trymen, took shelter in the Woods. There was no possibility of putting a Stop to the Carrier of the Publick Mistortunes, and retrieving the Ho­nour of the Kingdom, but by procee [...]ing to the Election of a new Administrator, who might have encourag'd and commanded the Nobility to make another, and more vigorous Effort, rasly'd the Militia and scatter'd Troops, and oppos'd Chri­stiern's Pretensions to the Crown of Sweden.

The Clergy imploy'd all their Interest to pre­vent an Election, which they foresaw wou'd be extreamly prejudicial to the Interest of that Prince. As soon as the Archbishop receiv'd Advice of the Administrator's Death, he left the Monartery whither he had retir'd, and resuming the Autho­rity which he had solemnly resign'd in the Senate, he march'd straight to Ʋpsal, and made that City declare for the King of Denmark. The Bishops of Lincoping and Stregnez, were always secret Abet­tors of the Danish Faction, but had declin'd siding openly with either Party, while the Event of the War seem'd to be uncertain, took this occasion to discover their real Inclinations. They publick­ly own'd the Justice and Reasonableness of the King of Denmark's Claim, and visited all the Pla­ces in their respective Dioceses, to hinder the No­bility from taking up Arms, flattering some with [Page 84]Hope of Reward, and terrifying others with the Fear of Punishment. They endeavour'd to per­swade all sorts of Persons, that Sweden was not in a Condition to resist the Danes; that the late Administrator by disobeying the Head of the Church had provok'd the Indignation of Heav'n, and receiv'd the Just Reward of his Contumacy; that a new Election wou'd only serve to encrease the Guilt of the Nation, and expose it to utter Ruin, whereas 'twas in their Power to restore Plenty and Tranquillity by submitting to the Or­ders of the holy See, and concluding a solid Peace with Denmark.

By such subtle Insinuations they gain'd three Senators and several Lords, First Trelle, Eric Abra­hami, Be­nedict Ca­ [...]ut. whose Lands were most expos'd to the Fury of the Enemy. And under pretext of securing the Quiet and Safety of their Country, they perswaded these Lords to send Deputies to General Crumpein, to desire a Truce in the Name of the whole Nation, and to assure him, that in the mean time they wou'd take such Resolutions, as might be equally profitable to both Kingdoms, and agreeable to the King his Master.

The cunning General wou'd not absolutely de­ny their Request, but he took care they shou'd not have time to reflect upon their Condition, and upon their true Interest. He granted only a Truce for Eleven Days, and during that Time he requir'd that a Meeting of the Estates shou'd be held at Ʋpsal, where he wou'd appear to acquaint 'em with his Master's pretensions. The Archbishop who by his Office was the first Senator, call'd the Meeting, and the Clergy us'd all their Inte­rest and Rhetoric to perswade the Nobility and Commons either to come in Person, or send De­puties to the Assembly; but the greatest Part of 'em refus'd positively to meet in a Place that had [Page 85]declar'd for the Enemy. So that the whole As­sembly consisted only of the Bishops; the three Se­nators whom they had gain'd, and some Lords of West Gothland, who were scar'd into a Compliance by the Troops and Menaces of the Danish Gene­ral. However the Archbishop open'd the Conven­tion, which being intirely compos'd of his Friends and Creatures, was absolutely govern'd by him. In the mean time Otho repair'd to Ʋpsal accom­panied with the principal Officers of his Army, and requir'd the Estates to abolish the Dignity and Office of an Administrator, and to re-establish the Union of Calmar, in Favour of the King his Master. There was no need of using Arguments to perswade an Assembly that consisted of such Persons as were already engag'd in the Danish Faction, either by Fear or Inclination. They pre­vented the General's Demands, abolish'd the Dig­nity of an Administrator, and condemn'd the Me­mory of those Princes who had born that Title, as Rebels against their lawful Sovereigns. And they were even so zealous to out-do each other, in hastening the intire Ruin of their Country, that Otho was oblig'd to moderate their Ardor, least it shou'd be suspected that the Treaty, which he concluded with the Estates was only sign'd by Traytors, or at least by Persons whose Consent was extorted by violent Methods.

He promis'd in the Name of the King his Ma­ster, May. that the Laws and Privileges of the King­dom shou'd be preserv'd and maintain'd; that all the Articles of the Treaty of Calmar should be punctually observ'd; that the Prisoners, and par­ticularly Gustavus Ericson, shou'd be deliver'd without Ransom; and that no Person shou'd be molested for engaging in any Party during the War, since the Death of the Administrator Suanto, Then the Archbishop conferr'd the Title of King [Page 86]of Sweden upon Christiern in the name of the whole Assembly, as if his Sovereignty had been acknowledg'd by all the Estates of the Kingdom. He sent also Circular Letters into all the Provin­ces, intimating the Conditions of the Treaty he had concluded, and requiring all the People to submit to the Resolution of the Estates, upon Pain of being Prosecuted with the utmost Rigour for their Disobedience.

Afterwards Otho march'd with his Army into the remote Provinces of the Kingdom, to make the People acknowledg the Authority of his Ma­ster. He routed several Bodies of the Peasants, who cou'd not bear the sight of their Enemies, without putting themselves in a Posture of De­fence. Their Natural Courage was animated by all the Motions of Fury and Revenge; but they were equally destitute of Leaders and Fortune. After the Danish General had dispers'd the Rab­ble, who fought with more Impetuosity than Or­der, he detach'd several Party's; who burnt the Villages, pursu'd the Peasants to the Woods, and destroy'd a prodigious Number of 'em.

The Archbishop, to terrify the rest with the Fear of a Punishment, which the Superstitious Pea­sants dreaded more than Death it self, prohibited the Clergy to grant Christian Burial to those who dy'd in Rebellion against the Prince, that was Authoriz'd by the Holy See. The Danish General destroy'd the Lands and Castles of those Lords who refus'd to acknowledg his Master; and at the same time entertain'd those who declar'd in his Favour, with all the Demonstrations of Kindness and Civility. The Lords and Gentlemen, wea­ken'd by their mutual Divisions, were at last con­strain'd to yield their Necks to the Danish Yoke, and the whole Kingdom was forc'd to submit to it's new Master. The People ran to meet the [Page 87]Conqueror, and endeavour'd to make their Peace on the easiest Terms. The greatest part of the City sent Deputy's to promise Obedience; only Stockholm and Calmar persisted in their Fidelity to the Administrator's Widow. Otho invested the first of these Cities and canton'd his Troops about it in such a manner, that 'twas impossible to re­lieve the Town by Land. Then he wrote to the King his Master, to acquaint him with the Success of the Campaign, and the Treaty that was con­cluded at Ʋpsal.

The News of the Reduction of Sweden were Novemb. extreamly agreeable to the Court of Denmark: but while every one strove to express his Joy for so glorious and important a Success, the King who was most concern'd in it, cou'd not forbear discover­ing the Trouble and Uneasiness of his Mind. That Jealous and Apprehensive Prince was afraid, that Otho wou'd make use of his Name, and of an Ar­my that was wholly compos'd of Foreigners, to make himself Master of the Kingdom: And e­ven his Fears suggested to him, that the Swedes, who were naturally possess'd with an implacable Aversion against the Danes wou'd endeavour to bribe that General's Fidelity by offering to ac­knowledg him as Administrator. However he dis­sembl'd his Suspicions, and sent him Letters full of Expressions of Gratitude for the important Ser­vices he had receiv'd from him; but at the same Time to keep him in awe, he acquainted him that he was resolv'd to march to Sweden next Spring at the Head of a numerous Army, and that he wou'd command the Siege of Stockholm in Person Some time after he sent several Ships laden with Salt, which was very scarce and dear in Sweden, and order'd the General to cause it to be distri­buted Gratis among the principal Persons of every Village, that the Peasants might esteem [Page 88]themselves happy, in being subject to so kind a Master.

Gustavus was soon after alarm'd with the dis­mal News of the Ruin of his Country. He was extremely afflicted at the Administrator's Death, and concluded that the King of Denmark wou'd take advantage of the general Consternation to make himself Master of the whole Kingdom. His Restraint became insupportable to him, tho' he was still entertain'd by Banner with all the obli­ging Tenderness he cou'd expect or desire from a kind Relation. The Tranquillity of his Thoughts was perpetually disturb'd with the most violent Transports of Revenge for the Death of Steno, and of a most passionate Love to his Country; and perhaps he had already began to form some ambitious Designs, which encreas'd the Agitation of his Mind. He was too well ac­quainted with the King of Denmark's Character to entertain the least Hope of procuring his Liberty from that Prince before the End of the War, tho' to gain the Nobility that was made an express Article of the Treaty of Ʋpsal; and the natural Generosity of his Temper, wou'd not suffer him to make any proposal to Banner that might seem inconsistent with his Duty to his So­vereign. And therefore he resolv'd to make his Escape privately, concluding that 'twou'd be no injury to his Kinsman, if the Ransom appointed by the King were paid.

In order to the Execution of that Design, Decem­ber. he went out of the Castle one Morning, under pre­text of hunting in the Woods, according to his usual Custom. Assoon as he came to a convenient Place. he disguis'd himself in a Peasant's Habit, and in that Equipage travell'd on Foot thro' By­ways, and in two Days arriv'd at Flensburg. Since no Man was suffer'd to go out of that City [Page 89]without a Passport, Gustavus durst not appear at the Gate, or go before the Governor, for fear of being discover'd; but as if Fortune had design'd to favor his Escape, this happen'd to be the time of the Year, when the Merchants of lower Saxony come to Jutland to buy Oxen, with which they drive a considerable Trade. Gustavus offer'd his Service to one of these German Merchants, who hir'd him to drive his Oxen; by the help of which Disguise he escap'd out of the Danish Territories, and arriv'd safe at Lubeck.

Assoon as Banner heard of his Prisoner's Flight, he pursu'd him with extraordinary Haste and Di­ligence, and overtook him at Lubeck. In the first Transports of his Anger he began to treat him as a Person, who by a base Action had expos'd his Friend and Benefactor to the Indignation of his Sovereign, and the Forfeiture of a considerable Summ of Money. Gustavus, knowing that these Reproaches were not altogether groundless, was so far from being offended at 'em, that he endea­vour'd in the mildest and most obliging Terms to pacifie his Kinsman, and to convince him of the Innocency, and even Necessity of that Action which he blam'd. He begg'd him to consider cooly and impartially the Injustice of his Restraint, and the Injury that was done him against the public Faith, and the Law of Nations. He told him, that he himself was a Witness with what Patience and Submission he had born his Imprisonment, so long as he cou'd entertain the least Hope that the King of Denmark might at last be perswaded to do him Justice: and that no reasonable Person cou'd blame him for endeavouring to procure his Liberty, since even the Treaty of Ʋpsal cou'd not oblige his im­placable Enemy to release him. He added, that he wou'd never forget the obliging Treatment he had receiv'd at his House; and that he wou'd [Page 90]take care to send him the Summ which the King requir'd for his Ransom.

Banner was so fully convinc'd by his Reasons, and satisfy'd with his Promise, that he went home and gave out that he cou'd not find his Prisoner. The King fearing that his old Enemy wou'd en­deavour to form a Party against him in Sweden, sent Orders to General Otho to make a diligent Search for him. But notwithstanding all the Dan­gers that threaten'd him, he persisted in his Reso­lution to return to Sweden, and to incite his Coun­trymen, to make a vigorous Effort to recover their Liberty. In pursuance of that Design he discover'd himself to Nicholas Gems, the first Consul of Lu­beck, and endeavour'd by several Reasons to per­swade that Magistrate to favor him with his Ad­vice and Assistance. He intreated him to consider that 'twas the Interest of the Regency, to put a seasonable Stop to the boundless Ambition of King Christiern; that the Conquest of Sweden wou'd make that Prince Master of all the Trade of the Baltic Sea, and consequently ruin the Merchants of the Hanse Towns; and that the Inhabitants of Lubeck cou'd never reckon themselves secure, while the three Northern Crowns were united in the Person of one Sovereign. Afterwards he put him in mind of the Hatred which the Danes had on all occasions express'd against that City; and of the many and important Services which the Republic had receiv'd from Sweden. He ad­ded, that he was confident the Regency had not yet forgotten, that they ow'd their Liberty to Eric Blesus, King of Sweden, who deliver'd 'em from the Tyrannical Usurpation of Waldemar II. 1248 King of Denmark; and that their Merchants were oblig'd to the Trade and Protection of Sweden, for all the Riches they enjoy'd. And concluded, that he hop'd, that both Interest and Gratitude [Page 91]wou'd prevail with the Re-publick to assist their 1519 Ancient Allies in the just Defence of their Liberty and Privileges.

The Consul was very sensible of the Reasonable­ness of Gustavus's Desire, and promis'd to propose it at the first Meeting of the Council: But the Regency, who were all Merchants, did not think fit to declare for a Party that had no standing Forces to support 'em, and were not in a Conditi­on to put themselves in a Posture of Defence. These Burghers were only concern'd for the pre­sent Security of their Trade, and they were so afraid of incurring the Displeasure of the King of Denmark, who was Master of a potent Fleet, that they refus'd to grant Gustavus a Passage to Stock­holm, where he was desirous to make his first Ap­pearance. But it seems the Consul saw further, or was better acquainted with the Interests of the City, than the rest of the Council; or perhaps had private Orders to show more favor to that illustrious Adventurer, than the Regency were willing to own: For he told him in secret, that he wou'd provide a Vessel that shou'd carry him to Sweden; and at his Departure assur'd him, that if he cou'd form a Party strong enough to take the Field, the Regency wou'd infallibly declare for him.

Gustavus wou'd have landed at Stockholm, but the Master of the Ship, either in Obedience to private Orders, or because he was bound to an­other Place; set him ashore near Calmar, which seem'd still to adhere to the Party and Interest of the Princess Christina, the Administrator's Wi­dow; or rather was kept by the Governor, till the Danes shou'd offer some advantageous Propo­sal to make amends for the Loss of his Govern­ment.

Gustavus discover'd himself to the Governor, and to the principal Officers of the Garrison, who were for the most part Germans, and had serv'd under him in Prince Steno's Army; imagining that they wou'd have so much regard to his Birth, and former Authority, as to intrust him with the Command of the Town. He exhorted 'em to sig­nalize their Courage in so noble a Cause, and to preserve that Fidelity to the Princess, which they had promis'd to her deceast Husband: He told 'em that he had run thro' all Dangers, that he might have a share in the Glory of a vigorous and ho­nourable Defence; and assur'd 'em that they might confidently expect a speedy and seasonable Relief. But those mercenary Foreigners, seeing that he had neither Troops nor so much as Ser­vants to attend him, look'd upon him as a lost Man, and were so far from submitting to his Au­thority, or engaging in his Party, that when he attempted to gain some Soldiers of the Garrison, they threaten'd so positively to kill him, or to deliver him up to King Christiern, that he was forc'd to prevent the Execution of their Me­naces by a speedy Flight, and was even oblig'd to have recourse to his former Disguise, upon advice that the Danes who were advertis'd of his Arrival, had sent out several Parties to apprehend him. And fearing least so vigilant an Enemy might easily discover a young Lord in the Habit of a Peasant, he hid himself in a Waggon laden with Straw, and in that Equipage pass'd thro' all the Quarters of the Danish Army, to a Castle that belong'd to his Father in the Province of Su­dermania.

From thence he wrote to his Friends, to ac­quaint 'em with his Escape and Return, desiring 'em to repair immediately to the Place where he lay with all their Vassals and Followers. For he [Page 93]hop'd that by their Assistance he might be able to force some Quarter of the Danish Army, and afterwards to march to the Relief of Stockholm. But they were so far from engaging in so hazar­dous a Design, that even his Relations refus'd to entertain any Correspondence with him. That passionate Love, or rather fondness of Liberty, which was always reckon'd the peculiar Chara­cter of the Nation, seem'd to be quite extinct, and the haughty and untractable Swedes became the tame Slaves of their most hated Enemies. Every Man endeavour'd to avoid the least shadow of Suspicion, and contented himself with securing his private Interest, without regarding the Safety and Honor of his Country.

Gustavus disdaining the Cowardise of his Friends, resolv'd to have recourse to the Peasants, conclu­ding that 'twou'd be an easie Task to inflame the natural Fierceness of the Rabble, who cou'd neither be engag'd by Fear nor Hope in the Danish Faction. He went about the neighboring Villages in the Night, endeavouring to gain the principal Persons, and at last ventur'd to appear in Public on Festival-days, to incite the Mobile to take up Arms against their Oppressors. But he soon perceiv'd that their wonted Fury was but too effectually cool'd by the late disastrous War, in which most of 'em had seen the Death of some of their Relations: And instead of offer­ing him their Assistance, they told him in a blunt and clownish Manner, that they wanted neither Herrings nor Salt under the Dominion of the King of Denmark, but cou'd not avoid certain Destruction, if they shou'd make the least Attempt against so potent a Prince.

Gustavus was equally vex'd, and surpris'd at so unexpected a Disappointment. He knew not what to do, for whither to retire: He cou'd not be safe [Page 94]in Sweden, but at the Head of an Army; the Danes were still in quest of him, and he cou'd neither continue long in one place, nor make frequent Removes without exposing himself to manifest and even almost unavoidable Dangers. At last he re­solv'd, tho' with the hazard of his Life, to get into Stockholm, hoping that his Presence wou'd in­spire the Burghers, and Garrison, with new Reso­lution and Courage, and that by making a brave Defence, he might prevail with the Hanse Towns, to send him a seasonable Relief. He left the Ca­stle of Refnas, without acquainting any Person with his Design, and travell'd for some Days thro' By ways, spending the Night in solitary Cottages, to avoid meeting with his vigilant Pursuers. But notwithstanding all his Caution, he was once in so great Danger of being surpriz'd, that the Ene­my came but an Hour too late. So that finding it impossible to proceed on his Journey, with­out falling into the Hands of the Danes, he re­turn'd by another Road, and in so pressing an Extremity, resolv'd to take Sanctuary for some time in a Convent of Carthusians at Griphysolm, which was founded by his Ancestors. But the Monks preferring their present Interest to the Memory of past Favors, refus'd to admit him, under pretext that they were afraid of exposing their House and Order, to the Fury and Indigna­tion of the Danes. And therefore perceiving that 'twou'd be in vain to expect a safe Retreat, where there was so little Appearance of Generosity or Gratitude, he return'd to the Province of Suder­mania, and retir'd to the House of a Peasant, that had been an old Servant in his Family, where he lay hid for some time, and sent his Host with Letters to several Lords, endeavouring to re­animate their drooping Courage, and inspire 'em with a noble Resolution to recover their Liberty [Page 95]and Honour. 1520 But they were so terrifi'd and over­aw'd by the presence of the Danish General, and by the report he had industreously spread abroad, that King Christiern was ready to enter the King­dom at the head of a powerful Army, that they durst not discover the least inclination to a Revolt. In the mean time, Gustavus comforted himself with the hope of some Revolution after that Prince's arrival, concluding that the severity of his Government would rouse the aversion of the Swedes against their ancient Enemies. King Christiern, long'd ex­tremely to enjoy the Fruit of his Victories, and to awe his new Subjects with the sight of their Con­queror. He enter'd Sweden in the spring, as he had intimated in his Letter to the General, and was re­ceiv'd by the Archbishop and the rest of the Prelates with all the joy that usually appears in the Air and Behaviour, of the Fortunate. The Archbishop es­pecially thought himself oblig'd to signalize his zeal on this occasion, and to express a more than ordina­ry Satisfaction for the success of a Revolution by which he hop'd to be the principal gainer: For he concluded that as soon as the King had compleated the Conquest of Sweden, he would entrust him with the sole management of his Authority.

Christiern at his arrival solemnly ratifi'd the trea­ty of Ʋpsal, and as if that Ceremony had given him an uncontroverted title to the Crown, he dis­patch'd Expresses immediately to the Administra­tor's Widow at Stockholm, and to the Governour of Calmar, requiring 'em to surrender these two places. The Governor capitulated without expecting a siege; and Christiern without employing any other Artillery than what he drew [...] purse, made himself Master of that important place, which was the most considerable Port in the Kingdom next to Stockholm. He conferr'd the Government of it up­on Severin de Norbi, Governor of the Isle of Goth­land, [Page 96]and Admiral of Denmark, who insinuated him­self into that Prince's Favour, by expressing upon all occasions an intire resignation to his desires and inclinations, at a time when the Senators of Den­mark, and the principal Lords of the Kingdom claim'd a Right to offer their advice to the Prince and even to contradict his Opinion when they thought it inconsistent with the good of the Nation.

But the Administrator's Widow exprest a more Heroical Resolution than that treacherous Gover­nor. She sent Christiern word that she wou'd ne­ver submit to the Destroyer of her Family and Country, nor comply with the Resolutions of an Assembly that was compos'd of Traitors and Re­bels, and govern'd by the Enemies of the Nation. The Courage of that Princess and the boldness of her Answer was a sufficient Intimation to Chri­stiern, that the Conquest of Stockholm wou'd cost him dearer and require more substantial Batte­ries than that of Calmar. And therefore since he perceiv'd that in all probability the Garrison wou'd make an obstinate Defence, he advanc'd with his Army to invest the Place, and order'd Admiral Norbi to block up the Port with his Fleet.

He carry'd on the Siege with all the earnest­ness and vigour that can be suppos'd to animate an Ambitious Prince, who is just upon the point of compleating the Conquest of a Kingdom. He was day and night on Horse-back; he encourag'd his Souldiers both by his own Example, and by considerable Rewards; he went daily to the Tren­ches, and visited the most advanc'd Works; he shar'd all the danger and fatigue of the Siege with the meanest of his Soldiers; and, which was still a more difficult and laborious Task he curb'd the im­petuous violence of his humour, dissembled his secret and implacable aversion against the Swedish Nation, [Page 97]and even caress'd the Nobility to keep 'em from taking up Arms for the Defence of their Princess, and the Preservation of their Country.

In the mean time, the Administrator's Widow made a brave resistance: The Soldiers of [...]he Gar­rison animated by her Presence, and the Inhabi­tants encourag'd by the Success of their late De­fence, repuls'd the Artacks of their Enemies with incredible Valor. But th [...] they wanted neither Courage nor Resolution, they began to suffer ex­treamly for want of Provisions and Ammunition; and the City was so straiten'd by the Besiegers both by Sea and Land, that they cou'd not hope to be reliev'd, tho' their Countryme or Allies shou'd have taken the Field in their Defence. The King of Denmark was inform'd of their Gondition by some Deserters, and receiv'd the welcome News with extraordinary Transports of Joy. He knew that the Conquest of Sweden depended on the Re­duction of the Capital City, and was still afraid least Gustavus, whose Residence he cou'd not dis­cover, shou'd raise an Insurrection in some part of the Kingdom, or perswade the Hanse-Towns, to make a Diversion in Denmark.

He sent a new Summons to the Administrator's Widow, to open the Gates at Stockholm; and to perswade her to a speedy Submission, he order'd his Messenger to represent to her, that her Obsti­nacy cou'd not prevent the Loss of the Town; that he was Master of the whole Kingdom; that his Army was lodg'd at the Foot of the Wall, and only expected the Signal for a general Assault; that he was sorry she seem'd resolv'd to expose her self to the Disorders that are usually com­mitted when a Place is taken by Storm; and that since the Convention of the Estates a [...] Ʋp [...]al had by a solemn Treaty declar'd him Sovereign of the Kingdom, her Resistance cou'd not be esteem'd [Page 98]less criminal than an open Rebellion, especially since she headed a Faction that was excommu­nicated by the Pope. At the same time he of­fer'd to agree with her upon the following Con­ditions; that her Estate shou'd be preserv'd en­tire; that she shou'd still enjoy the same Dignity and Honours which she possess'd during the Life of her Husband; that the Prisoners on both sides shou'd be releas'd without paying any Ransome; and that the City of Stockholm, shou'd continue in the Possession of all its Privileges.

'Twas not without an extream Reluctancy, that the Princess condescended to hear so unwel­come a Message. 'Tis certainly the most sensi­ble Mortification that can befal a Sovereign, when he is oblig'd to divest himself of his belov'd Power, especially when his Disaster is attended with this cruel Circumstance, that he must resign his Authority to his Enemy. However the Am­bassador's Widow was so sensible of the hopeless Posture of her Affairs, that she was at last per­swaded by her Council to treat with the King of Denmark. The Articles of the Capitulation were drawn by the Consuls and Magistrates of Stockholm, who took care to make 'em as advan­tageous to the Princess, as they durst propose in the present Juncture. Nor did the King make the least Scruple to grant all the Terms which they desir'd, well knowing that assoon as he shou'd be Master of the City, 'twou'd be in his Power to give what Sense he pleas'd to the Articles of the Treaty. Thus he sign'd the Capitulation, and was receiv'd into Stockholm, Septem­ber. at the Head of 4000 Men, whom he left to keep Garrison in the Place.

He call'd a Meeting of the Estates to be held on the Fourth of November; and appointed the same Day for the Solemnity of his Coronation [Page 99]Afterwards he sent Detachments from his Army to the principal Places of the Kingdom, to keep the Provinces in awe. He sent back the General whom he suspected by reason of the Glory of his Victories, and his Interest among the Soldiers, and having entrusted Norbi, with the Command of the Army, and the Archbishop of Ʋ [...]sal with the Management of the State, he march'd with all possible Diligence to Denmark, at the Head of his French and German Auxiliaries, having re­ceiv'd repeated Advices that his Presence was absolutely necessary in that Kingdom to crush a brooding Revolt.

He stood in need of all his Power, and of the Fame of his Conquests and Arms, to keep his Subjects from breaking out into open Rebel­lion. The People encourag'd by his Absence, and by the Necessity of his present Circumstances, which oblig'd him to remove his Forces; obsti­nately refus'd to pay the new Taxes, which he had laid upon 'em. They were generally dissa­tisfy'd, and complain'd against the Government; they blam'd him openly for invading Sweden, and gave out that his Army was beaten, tho' that Report was only grounded on their Wishes that it might prove true. The Senate, and principal Lords of the Kingdom were so far from oppo­sing and suppressing so visible a Tendency to a Revolt, that they fomented the Discontent of the People. They hated Christiern for excluding 'em from their wonted share in the Government; and were incens'd even to Madness, because he seem'd only to assume an Arbitrary Power, that he might lodge it entirely in the Hands of an old Dutch woman call'd Sigebrite, who had neither Birth nor Beauty to engage his Affection, and yet, meerly by her Wit and Cunning, had made him one of the most desperate Lovers in the [Page 100]World. She govern'd him with an absolute and uncontroul'd Empire; her Pleasure was the Su­preme Law, on which the Fate of the Court, and of the whole Kingdom depended. 'Twas as impossible to undermine, as 'twas dangerous to oppose her Interest: She gave, and took away all Places, Offices, and Dignities as she pleas'd, without reg [...]rding the Laws of the Countrey; and not unfrequently undertook the Management and Promoting of unjust Designs, on purpose to show the Arbitrariness of her Power. Yet not­withstanding her Age, and other Defects, the delu­ded King approv'd all that she did, and seem'd am­batious to be reckon'd the principal Minister of her Heasure.

The quick Return of that Monarch from his victorious Expedition surpriz'd his murmuring Sub­jects, and broke all their Designs. They en­deavour'd with all possible Care to conceal their Discontent, and to express a seeming Joy for their Prince's Success. He was receiv'd at his Arrival with all those Marks of Affection and Re­spect, which are the perpetual Companions of the Fortunate. His Ministers, according to the usual Maxims of Courtiers, who are always ready to flatter, and comply with the Humour, and In­clinations of their Sovereign, told him in a Ca­binet-Council, that in pursuance of the indispen­sable Rules of Policy, he ought to secure the principal Lords of Sweden; that he cou'd not hope to preserve his Conquests, without abolish­ing the Senate of that Kingdom, which they re­presented as a Body of Factious Persons, who upon all occasions assum'd a Liberty to controul and oppose the Royal Authority; that there was not one Member of that Assembly, who wou'd not joyfully embrace the first Opportunity of a Revolt, to make himself Master of the Sovereign [Page 101]Power under the Title of Administrator, which for several Years had been the Reward of the Au­thors, and Fomenters of a successful Rebellion; that he ought to rid himself of the Senators, who were formidable to the Crown, by reason of the vastness of their Estates, and the Authority they had over the People; and that he ought only to leave such Persons in the Kingdom, whose Am­bition was curb'd by the meanness of their Condi­tion, and who cou'd not pretend to any higher Employment than Tilling the Ground, and pay­ing Tribute to their Sovereign.

In the mean time Sigebrite made it her business to confirm the Opinion, and Advice of these flat­tering Courtiers, by representing to the King, that his Victory wou'd be imperfect, and the Consequences of it doubtful and uncertain, while there were any Lords in the Kingdom, able or willing to dispute the Lawfulness of his Title; that the Senators and the principal Noblemen were implacable Enemies to his Authority; that he ought to secure his Conquests, and compleat his Victory by the Death of those who were in a Condition to oppose him; that to prevent all future Disturbances, he ought not to spare even those who were most zealous and active in pro­moting his Interest; that the seeming Friend­ship of the Bishops was only an Effect of the Ancient Emulation and Animosity betwixt them and the Nobility; and that those ambiti­ous Prelates wou'd prove the most dangerous Re­bels, if he shou'd give 'em the least occasion to suspect that he intended to curb their Autho­rity, or exclude 'em from a share in the Govern­ment.

The inhumane Politics of this She-Favorite were extremely agreeable to the sierce and cruel Hu­mour of a Prince, who look'd upon the Liberty [Page 102]of his Subjects as inconsistent with his Honour and Safety. He imagin'd that his Authority was essentially annex'd to the Dignity of his Chara­cter, without any Dependence upon the Laws of the Kingdom, and that his Will was the only Rule and Standard of his Government. These were the Principles and Maxims by which he re­gulated his Actions; so that he was easily per­swaded to Sacrifice the Senate, and most consi­derable Noblemen of Sweden, to the Extravagan­cy of his Ambition, and to secure his Conquests by the Death of so many illustrious Victims. But he wanted a specious Pretext to justifie, or at least to excuse so barbarous an Attempt; for he durst not without a plausible Shew of Reason proceed to the Execution of so many Persons of Quality, who had voluntarily submitted to him, and rely'd upon the Faith of a solemn Treaty.

Sigebrite advis'd him to commit the Execution of that inhumane Sentence to the Officers of the Garrison of Stockholm, who, under the Pretext of a Quarrel betwixt the Soldiers and Inhabitants of the City, might encourage the former to ex­ecute their Revenge, by an Universal Massacre of all the Persons of Note in the Town. But notwithstanding the natural Impetuosity of his Temper, he was loath to venture upon an At­tempt that was clogg'd with so many Difficul­ties, and might probably be attended with dan­gerous and fatal Consequences: He consider'd that the Burghers of that City were numerous, and inur'd to War by the late Siege which they had sustain'd; that the Garrison might be over­power'd, and cut to pieces in the Heat of the Tumult; and that the Success of their Resistance might serve as a Signal for a Revolt thro' the whole Kingdom.

For these Reasons he chose rather to make use of the Pretext of Excommunication, and of the pretended Injustice that was done to the Arch­bishop, that the People might be deluded by a certain Appearance of Uniformity, and coherency in all his Proceedings, and that he might seem to be acted only by a stedfast Zeal for execu­ting the Pope's Bull against the Enemies of that Prelate. He spent some Time in Denmark, in contriving the most probable Measures, and gi­ving necessary Orders to prevent the Commoti­ons that might happen in his Absence; and be­fore his Departure disbanded the French Troops that were in his Service. This was probably an Effect of his Complaisance to his Brother-in-Law, At Franc­fort, June 20, 1519. Charles of Austria, who not long before had ob­tain'd the Imperial Dignity; for the Soldiers were not only dismiss'd with all the Marks of Contempt and Disrespect, but treated rather as Prisoners of War, than as Allies, and Auxiliary Forces, to whose Valour he ow'd the best Part of his Conquests. They cou'd neither obtain the Payment of their Arrears, nor a Supply of ne­cessary Provisions; nor wou'd he furnish 'em with Ships to transport 'em to their own Country; so that they were forc'd to wander about the Coun­try, like a Company of stragling Vagabonds. Many of 'em were starv'd to Death, others were Massacr'd by the Danes, some were constrain'd to list themselves in the Danish Service, and their Officers were oblig'd to encounter with a Thou­sand Difficulties in bringing home the Rest.

Assoon as the King had order'd his Affairs in Denmark, he prepar'd for his Departure to Swe­den, that he might be present at the Convention of the Estates, which he had call'd in Order to performing of the Ceremony of his Coronation. Sigebrite advis'd him to carry Two Danish Sena­tors [Page 104]along with him, that the Cruelty of his premeditated Attem [...]t might in some Measure be authoriz'd by their Presence, and that the Blame of so inhumane an Action might be laid on these Ministers.

'Twas by her Advice that he made Choice of Theodore Archbishop of Lunden, and Primate of Denmark, and the Bishop of Odensee, one of his Suffragans; the same to whom he had formerly procur'd the Bull of Excommunication to be di­rected, which Pope Leo the Tenth publish'd a­gainst the Administrator. They were intirely de­voted to the Court, and were only respected as the Ministers of the King's irregular Passions. He plac'd a great deal of Confidence in the Arch­bishop of Lunden, who was a Person of mean Birth, and cou'd neither be reckon'd a Scholar nor a Statesman; but to make amends for these Defects, he was a most ingenious Contriver of new and refin'd Pleasures, and admirably well acquainted with all the Secrets and Improvements of that mysterious Art. He ow'd his Advance­ment, and the Favor of his Master to Sigchritc, who first brought him to Court to serve her in the Quality of a Spy, and afterwards rais'd him from the mean Office of the King's Barber, to the Dignity of Archbishop of Lunden. And as he had the good Fortune to be supported by so powerful a Benefactress, he quickly became the Favorite and Confident of his Master, by furnish­ing him with a constant Supply of fresh and di­versify'd Pleasures.

The King set Sail for Sweden, accompany'd with the Queen his Wife, and attended by all the Court. But Sigebrite declin'd the Voyage, either because she was unwilling to expose her self to the Sa­tyrical Mirth of the Swedish Lords, who were oftentimes wont to make the King's extravagant [Page 105]Passion to his old Mistress, the Subject of their Wit and Diversion; or because that Prince thought fit to leave her at Copenhagen, to observe the Mo­tions of the Senate.

At his Arrival in Sweden, he receiv'd an Am­bassador from the Emperor, who came to invest him with the Order of the Golden Fleece, and to congratulate his Victories, and the happy Success of all his Designs. The Concern which the Em­peror express'd for promoting the Interest of his Brother-in-Law, was too warm and zealous to be reckon'd meerly an Effect of their Affinity, which seldom or never produces so strong an Af­fection among Sovereigns. 'Tis thought that aspi­ring Prince bestow'd his Sister upon the King of Denmark, on Condition that he shou'd declare him to be his Successor in the three Kingdoms of the North, in Case he shou'd die without Issue. Those who are acquainted with the Character of Charles V. will never suppose him guilty of neglecting to take the most promising Measures, to secure so impor­tant Branch of the Ʋniversal Monarchy. This was his beloved Project, the Object of all his Hope and Desires, and the Aiery Mistress whom he courted, or rather ador'd with so eager and la­sting a Passion. And the same Fondness for that imaginary Scheme seems to have been entail'd upon his Family and Successors, till the Terror and Rapidity of the Swedish Conquests, and the fortunate Valor of their Royal Leader, rous'd the Emperor Ferdinand II. out of his Golden Dream, Gustavus Adolphus. 1631. and instead of a vain Ambition to extend his Em­pire over of all Europe, oblig'd him to content himself with defending the Hereditary Domini­ons of the House of Austria.

Christiern put off the Ceremony of receiving the Order of the Golden Fleece till the day of his Corona­tion, that the Solemnity might be more splendid and [Page 106]magnificent: And in the mean time he took se­cret Measures with the Archbishop of Ʋpsal, to execute their Revenge upon their common Ene­mies. The Result of their Consultations was, that the Archbishop shou'd appear in the Convention, and present an Address to the King, demanding Justice against those who depriv'd him of his Dig­nity and Estate. Matters being thus concerted, the King open'd the Meeting of the Estates, where he was solemnly acknowledg'd as the lawful So­vereign of Sweden. The next Day the Archbishop persorm'd the Ceremony of his Coronation; November 4. and the King swore upon the Gospels, and the Re­liques of the Saints, that he wou'd inviolably preserve and maintain the Laws, Privileges, and Customs of the Nation. The Senate, Clergy, Nobility, and the Deputies of the Provinces took the usual Oath of Fidelity to him; and the Em­peror's Ambassador appearing in the Midst of the Assembly, presented him with the Order of the Golden Fleece, and in his Master's Name wish'd him a prosperous and successful Reign.

Afterwards, the new King invited all the Lords to a magnificent Feast, which he had order'd to be prepar'd in the Castle, as a public Mark of his Joy upon the Occasion of his Accession to the Crown. The Senate in a Body, and all the prin­cipal Noblemen who were then at Stockholm, at­tended His Majesty in Obedience to his Desire: The two first Days were spent in Entertainments, and all manner of solemn and diverting Recrea­tions; the King receiv'd his Guests with all the Marks of an obliging Kindness and Familiarity, and the mutual Aversion, which had been so long fomented betwixt the Two opposite Factions, seem'd to be intirely forgotten and extinguish'd. The Swedes endeavour'd to lose the Memory of their Ancient Fears and Jealousies, and flatter'd them­selves [Page 107]with the Prospect of a lasting and undisturb'd Happiness; but on the third Day they were a­waken'd out of their excessive Security in a most terrible and surprizing Manner.

The Archbishop of Ʋupsal, accompanied with his Relations and Creatures, appear'd before the King in a full Meeting of the Estates, and pub­lickly demanded Justice against the deceas'd Ad­ministrator, and all the Senators and Lords of the Kingdom, who forc'd him to resign his Dignity, and demolish'd the Fort of Steque, which belong'd to the Patrimony of the Church. The King de­ [...]lin'd medling with an Affair, of which he pre­tended that the Pope's Commissioners were the only proper Judges, and desir'd the Arch­bishop to propose his Grievances to the Two Da­ [...]ish Prelates, to whom the Bull publish'd by Leo X. was directed, protesting that he wou'd only make [...]se of his Authority to execute their Sentence ac­cording to the Bull, and the Intentions of the Holy Father.

Immediately the Two Danish. Prelates, who were the secret Ministers of the Passions of that Monarch, requir'd and demanded, that the Ad­ministrator's Widow shou'd be brought before 'em, to give an Account of her Husband's Actions; tho' it was both inconsistent with Reason, and the usual Methods of proceeding in such Cases, that a Woman shou'd be made accountable for the Be­haviour of her Husband, in the Management of Af­fairs of State, concerning which Persons of that Sex are very rarely consulted. However the King, with­out considering the Justice of their Demand, o­blig'd the Princess to come to the Assembly. She appear'd before him with a modest Assurance, and at first refus'd to plead before the Pope's Com­missioners. She put the King in mind of the Trea­ties of Ʋpsal and Stockholm, by which he soletnnly [Page 108]oblig'd himself to bury all that was past in Obli [...] ­vion, conjuring him to let her Husband rest quietly in his Grave, and to pity the Fate of a Princess who had nothing left but her Fears and Sorrow. But that inexorable Prince, with a seeming Calmness, referr'd the Hearing of he [...] Defence to the Pope's Commissioners, under pretext that the Arch-Bishop's Complaint had no Relation to the Differences that were formerly betwixt him and the Administrator.

The Princess perceiving that the King was in­flexible, and that she must resolve to defend the Actions of the Prince her Husband, answer'd at last with a great deal of Courage, that the Admi­nistrator besieg'd the Arch-Bishop, and demolish'd his Castle by virtue of express Order from the Estates and Senate of the Kingdom; that the Arch-Bishop was arraign'd and convicted of Trea­son against his Country, according to the usual Forms of proceeding in such Cases that were prescrib'd by the Laws of the Nation; and that his Sentence was still extant in the Public Re­gisters, sign'd by all the Senators both Secular and Ecclesiastical.

Tho' the King was acquainted with all the Circumstances of that Affair, he sent for the Re­gisters, and order'd the Arch-Bishop's Sentence to be read publickly before the Assembly, with the Names of all those who subscrib'd it: after which he went out, as if he had only withdrawn that the Commissioners might not be under the least Appearance of a Constraint. But imme­diately after the whole Assembly was alarm'd with the sight of a Troop of his Guards, who came by his Order to arrest the Administrator's Widow, the Senators, Bishops, and all the Swedish Lords and Gentlemen that were in the Castle.

The Danish Bishops, by virtue of the Pope's Commission, began to proceed against 'em as Here­ [...]cks, as if the Inquisition had been establish'd in that Country. But the King of Denmark being un­ [...]illing to loose time in examining and convict­ing those whom he had already doom'd to De­ [...]ruction, and fearing least their Friends shou'd [...]ake an attempt to relieve 'em, resolv'd to dis­sence with the Formality of a Tryal, and sent Executioners to acquaint the Prisoners with their [...]pproaching Fate. Novemb.

The Eighth of November was the day appoin­ted for the Fatal Solemnity. In the Morning a Proclamation was publish'd by the Heralds with [...]und of Trumpet, prohibiting all Persons, in the King's Name, to go out of the City, upon pain of Death. The whole Garrison was in Arms, [...]nd there were Corps de Guard at all the Gates, [...]nd in all the public Places of the City. The Great Guns were mounted in the Market-place, [...]ith their Mouth's turn'd toward the principal Streets; the People were seiz'd with Terror, and expected with a melancholic impatience the e­vent of these unusual Preparations. At last, about [...]oon, the Gates of the Castle were open'd, and disclos'd the mournful Scene: A Troop of Alustrious Victims, who for the most part were [...]ill adorn'd with the Badges of their Dignity, march'd out in a dismal Pomp, and were led by [...]heir Executioners to the Slaughter.

Assoon as they came to the Place of Execu­ [...]on, a Danish Officer read the Pope's Bull aloud, [...]s if it had been the Sentence of their Condem­ [...]ation; adding that they were Executed by the Orders of the Apostolical Commissioners, and [...]e Advice of the Archbishop of Ʋpsal. The Bi­ [...]ops and the rest of the Lor [...]s begg'd earnestly [...]at some Confessors might [...] suffer'd to assist, [Page 110]'em at their Death: But the Inhumane Ki [...] ­refus'd to grant 'em the last Comfort they wer [...] capable of enjoying, either to glut his implaca­ble Rage with the barbarous delight of exp [...] ­sing his Enemies to Punishments in another World or because he was unwilling to treat 'em as C [...] ­tholicks after they had been Condemn'd as H [...] ­reticks. Nor was the cruelty of his Policy le [...] remarkable in the Resolution he took to Sacri­fice his Friends, that people might not susped that his pretended Zeal was meerly the Effect [...] Revenge. The Bishops of Stregnez and Scara were known to be devoted to his Interest, but all th [...] Faithful and Important Services they had don [...] him cou'd not procure so much as a Mitigatio [...] of their Sentence: Their being Members of th [...] Senate was their Crime, and their Signing th [...] Archbishops Condemnation was the pretext o [...] their Punishment.

Yet the Bishop of Lincoping escap'd the fata [...] Blow; John Brach Locc. l. 5. p. 203. Olaus Magnus, an Eye­witness. Ziglerus an Eye­witness of the Massa­cre of Stock­holm. for as the Executioner was just going to cut off his Head, he told the Danish Officer who was appointed by the King to see the Execution perform'd, that he might find an undeniable Proof of his Innocence under the Signet of hi [...] Coat of Arms, which he had affix'd to the Arch­bishop's Sentence, and begg'd him to send som [...] Person to examine the truth of his Assertion. Th [...] King being inform'd of his Request lifted up the Wax with his own Hand, and found a little Note which that cunning Prelate had slipt under i [...] as if he had foreseen the Tragical Consequence [...] of that Affair. He protested, in the Note, that he was forc'd to Sign the Archbishop's Sentence to avoid the Indignation of his Enemies wh [...] threaten'd to treat him after the same manne [...] This Politic Contrivance sav'd his Life, for th [...] King order'd him to be set at liberty, to sh [...] [Page 111]that he only design'd to punish the Archbishop's Enemies, and those of the Administrator's Party, who he pretended, were involv'd in the Sentence of Excommunication which the Pope pronounc'd against that Prince.

Then they proceeded to the Execution of the Lay-Senators, beginning with Eric Vasa, Eric Abraham. Eric Jo­h [...]nson, Fric Ca­nut, Eric Rining, Eric and Eschille Nicolai, Joachim Brahe, Magnus Green, Eric Ku­sius, Ola­us Beron, Gunnar Gallus, Benedict Erici John Gud­mund, Andrew Olai, and Andrew Erici. Con­suls of Stock­holm.Gustavus's Father. The Consuls and Magistrates of Stockholm, and Ninety four Lords who were arrested in the Castle underwent the same Fate. Yet the King instead of being satisfi'd with the Death of so many illustrious Persons, was extremely vex'd, that some Lords, whom he had particularly inserted in the black Roll, had escap'd his Fury. He ima­gin'd that they lay conceal'd in the Town, and was so afraid least they shou'd make their E­scape, and so desirous to discover Gustavus, who, he thought might be hid in some House in the City, that to give a full Scope to his Vengeance, he resolv'd to confound the Innocent with the Guilty, and to expose the Town to the Fury of his Souldiers. Assoon as they had receiv'd those bloody Orders, they fell upon the People that were come to be Witnesses of that dismal Specta­cle, and promiscuously murder'd all that had the misfortime to be in their way. Afterwards they broke into the Principal Houses, under pretext of searching for Gustavus. and the rest of the pro­scrib'd Lords: The Citizens were stabb'd in the Arms of their howling Wives, their Houses were plunder'd, and the Honor of their Wives and Daughters was expos'd to the brutish Lust of the Soldiers. None were spar'd, but those who were protected either by Poverty or Ʋgliness: All the rest were made a Prey to the Rage of the Sol­diers, who by the Orders and after the Exam­ple of their Inhumane Sovereign, strove to out­do each other in the wildest and most extrava­gunt Barbarity.

A certain Gentleman of the Swedish Nation was so sensibly touch'd with the moving sight of so many deplorable Objects, that he cou'd not re­strain the Impetuosity of his Grief, nor behold such a Scene of Horror without bewailing the Misery of his Country. The furious King was so enrag'd at those Marks of Compassion which his guilty Conscience interpreted as secret Reproaches of his Cruelty, that he commanded the Unfortunate Mourner to be fasten'd to a Gibbet. His Privy Members were cut off, his Belly ript up, and his Heart pluck'd out, as if Pity and Compassion had been the foulest and most Enormous Crimes. Af­terwards the King pretending that the Admini­strator, by incurring the Sentence of Excommuni­cation had render'd himself unworthy of Christi­an Burial, order'd his Body to be taken up and expos'd in the public Place among the mangl'd Carkasses of his Ancient Friends. He issu'd out an Order that no Person shou'd presume to bury a­ny of these Bodies upon pain of Death; and wou'd have suffer'd 'em to lie in the open Place, as a terrible Monument of [...]is Vengence, if the stench and Putrefaction had not oblig'd him to command 'em to be taken away. But before they were remov'd, he cou'd not forbear going on purpose to take a view of the dismal Trophies of his Fury. At last he order'd 'em to be carry'd out of the City and Burnt, that even Death it self might not exempt 'em from a Second Punishment, which he pretended to inflict upon 'em as Ex­communicated Persons.

Afterwards he ordain'd that the Administra­tor's Widow shou'd be drown'd, but the Execu­tion of that cruel Sentence was prevented by Admiral Norbi, who under a seeming Complai­sance and Resignation to all the Humors and In­clinations of his Master conceal'd a secret Pro­ject [Page 113]of high and ambitious Designs. He [...] swaded that so Tyrannical a Government [...] not be long maintain'd; he saw himself Master of a pote [...]t-Fleet, Governor of the Isle of Gothland that lies opposite to the Coast of Sweden, and of the City of Calmar which was the second Port in the Kingdom. He plac'd so much confidence in his Power and in his Interest at Court, that he did not think himself oblig'd to set any Limits to his aspiring desires: He fancy'd [...] one day raise himself above the Quality of a Subject, and lay aside the Title of a Favorite to assume that of a Prince. He flatter'd his Ambi­tion with the secret hope of marrying the Ad­ministrator's Widow, concluding that her Interest and Authority wou'd facilitate his Accession to the Crown of Sweden, or at least to the dignity of Administrator. And therefore to save that Princesse's Life he told the King his Master that she wou'd deliver up all her Husband's Treasures for her Ransom. The King who was as Cove­tous as Cruel, consented to recall her doom upon that condition, and imagining that she was extremely oblig'd to his Mercy for changing her punishment to a perpetual Imprisonment. He sent her to Denmark, with Gustavus's Mother and Sister, and the rest of the Swedish Ladies whose Husbands perish'd in the Massacre of Stockholm. They were thrown into different Pri­sons, where they were very ill treated without any regard to their Birth, Sex or Beauty and kept 'em as Hostages for the Fidelity of the Children, and Rulations that they left in Sweden

Christiern imagin'd that he had establish'd his [...] Authority by this Massacre of all the principal Nobility, he thought himself too powerful, and too formidable to the rest of the Swedes to be a­fraid [Page 114]of 'em, he chang'd the Form of the Go­vernment at his Pleasure, and order'd matters as in a conquer'd Country, he oppress'd the People with new Taxes, he threatned the Peasants to cause one of their Feet and Hands to be cut off, ad­ding in a kind of Raillery, that a Peasant who was born for the Plow, and not for the War, ought to content himself with one Hand, and a wooden Leg.

He nominated Theodorus Archbishop of Lunden, Vice-Roy in his Absence, and appointed the Arch­bishop of Ʋpsal, and the Bishop of Oldensee for his Ministers and Councellors, advancing these two Danish Prelates, by his absolute Power, to the Rich Bishopricks of Stregnez, and Scara, with­out any regard to the Rights of these two Churches, which had a Privilege to choose their own Bishops. And he had also Interest enough at Rome, to induce the Pope to allow of the In­trusion of these two Danish Prelates, whose Hands were in a manner imbru'd in the Blood of their Brethren. Christiern at his Departure, gave Or­ders to spare neither Pains nor Cost, to discover Gustavus's Retreat; he set a Price upon his Head, and promis'd considerable Summs of Mony to those that shou'd bring him Prisoner, dead or a­live, after which he return'd to Denmark, laden with the Curses of the Swedes, by whom he was styl'd the Northern Nero.

His Troops in his Absence continu'd the Barbari­ties, they had exercis'd in the Capital City, many Lord's were surpriz'd, and Massacr'd in their Castles by his Order, without laying any other Crime to their Charge, than that they were emi­nent for Birth and Courage; neither was the or­dinary Pretext of Excommunication any longer made use of; it was Crime enough to be accus'd of being too rich, or of having Interest in the [Page 115]Province. The Vice-Roy swallow'd up in Plea­sure, spent his Time in heaping up Money, by the Confiscation of the Goods and Estates of those that were daily out-law'd; The chief Officers of his Army ravag'd the Provinces, every ones Troop being independent and separate, without any Order or Discipline; and among so many different Interests, and so little Subjection, they thought of nothing else but pillaging and oppres­sing the People.

The Nobility terrify'd with so many Massacres, and not well united among themselves, destitute of a Head, Money and Forces, were oblig'd to avoid the Danish Cruelty, to submit to the Arch­bishop: So that every one strove to court this Prelate, and every one wou'd be thought to have done it always. It seem'd as if all the Sweedish Gentry had perish'd in the Massacre of Stockholm, for no Body wou'd acknowledge that they had serv'd in the Administrator's Army, the greater Part of the Nobility were glad to be employ'd in the Vice Roy's Troops, as a secure Asylum: And the Calamities of Sweden were so great, that even their Happiness was envy'd that were al­low'd to be Soldiers, tho' to fight against their own Country.

Admiral Norbi feigning to commiserate this de­plorable State of Sweden, receiv'd many Gentle­men on board his Ships, and into his Governments; and affected to treat 'em with all manner of Ci­vility, with Relation to his secret Designs: Those that were not under his Protection, being un­certain of their Fate, and always between Hope and Despair, were expos'd to the Insolence and Avarice of the Danes; and it was dangerous for those who were not of the Archbishop's Party to be possess'd of an Estate: And whosoever had [Page 116]been his Enemies, were forc'd either to escape by Flight, or resolve to die: For this haughty Pre­late pardon'd none, but destroy'd all his Adver­saries under pretence of Sacrificing them to the publick Safety, but above all, he Endeavour'd to to make himself Master of Gustavus's Person whom he hated as a Kinsman and Fovourite of the de­ceas'd Administrator; besides he knew very well that he could not better make his Court to Chri­stiern than by Imprisoning or Destroying that Lord.

Gustavus during his retreat look'd about him on all sides to see if he could discover any thing that might favour his designs; he had privately sent to Stockholm, that old Servant at whose house he lay conceal'd, to inform him of the Occurences of the State. And at his return it was that he heard of the Death of his Father and all the Se­nators, and the general Massacre that had hap­pen'd in that miserable City; this so lamentable a piece of news did extreamly afflict him, the Death of so many Lords, having taken off all his Family and Friends, and almost depriv'd him of all means and hopes of saving himself. He knew not what measures to take, nor whether to retire, for he was encompass'd with Danish Troops, and knew very well that besides the great pro­mises, to any that shou'd discover him, all those were threatned with Death that had conceal'd or shou'd not immediately deliver him up. So that he durst not stir from the place he was in, nor trust any of the Swedes, lest the great rewards shou'd make 'em betray him. He resolv'd in this exigence privately to retreat to the Mountains of Dalecarlia, hoping he might easily lye hid in the Woods with which that Country is cover'd, and imagin'd that it would not be difficult to cause [Page 117]the Inhabitants to Revolt, being the last of the Kingdom that submitted to the Danish Dominion. There was not one good Town in the whole Pro­vince, and hardly any but small Villages Situa­ted on the edges of the Forests, or on the banks of Lakes and Rivers, some of these Villages de­pended on the Gentlemen of the Country, but most belong'd to the Crown and were Govern'd by the Peasants themselves; the Elders in every Village supply'd the place of Judges and Cap­tains, tho' these were neither more Powerful nor Richer than their Neighbours; the Honour of Commander consisting only in the priviledge of Fighting at the head of the Troops; for the chief Power was in the hands of the Multitude, who Assembl'd on holydays, and took upon them to determine all manner of Affairs.

The Government durst not send either Troops or Garrisons into this Province, nor did the Kings themselves ever enter it, till they had given pledges to the Inhabitants for maintaining their Priveledges; they manag'd with caution this Sa­vage People who inhabited in inaccessiable Moun­tains, lest they shou'd discover that it was in their power no longer to obey, and were contented with the Tribute of a few skins only from these Pea­sants, and for the rest, they were suffer'd to Live according to their own particular Cust [...]ms which were very different from those of the other Provinces.

Gustavus in the disguise of a Peasant, set for­ward on his way to these Mountains, accompa­ny'd only with a Country Fellow, who serv'd for his guide. He cross'd over the whole Country of Sudermania, then pass'd between Nericia and Westmania, and after the fatigues of a long and dangerous Journey arriv'd safe in that part of [Page 118]the Mountains of Dalecarlia which the Natives call'd Daalfield.

He had no sooner enter'd into the Country, but he was abandon'd by his guide, who robb'd him of all the money that he had provided for his Subsistence: He wander'd up and down in those dreadful Mountains, and amidst those Savages, destitute of Company, Friends and Money; not dareing to own his Name, or discover himself, he was forc'd for a Living, and to be conceal'd, to hire himself for a Labourer and to work in the Copper-Mines, from whence the People of these parts have their chiefest Subsistance, he was always at work with the other Miners to get his Live­lihood, and lay buri'd as it were in those Subter­ranean Work-houses.

Gustavus hop'd that the Misery of his Condition might serve at least to conceal him, and that they would never think of searching for the General of the Swedish Horse in so sorry a Habitation, not­withstanding which be was discover'd and known in this Disguise. For a Woman in whose House he Lodg'd accidentally perceiv'd under his La­bourers Habit, a Silke Robe Embroider'd with Gold; which news was soon carri'd to the whole Village, and came to the Ears of the Lord of the Place, who either out of curiosity of seeing a Stranger whose Gentile Mien was much talk'd of, or rather that this disguise made him believe him to be one of the Proscrib'd, came to the Mines with intent to offer him his House and to con­tribute to his Safety; but was extremely surpriz'd when he found it to be Gustavus, whom it was not very difficult for him to discover, because he having spent his Youth with him in the Uni­versity of Ʋpsal: And though he was much con­cern'd to see this Young Lord in so miserable a [Page 119]Condition, yet he feigned not to know him, lest it might discover him to others; but as soon as he return'd to his House he sent for him by a pri­vate Messenger, and having in a most obliging manner told him that he knew him, gave him all possible Assurances of his Service and Friendship and entreated him to accept of his House where he might lye hid more securely than in the Mines, and in his transport of Com­passion and Kindness promis'd him to cause his Friends and Vassals to take up Arms in his De­fence if the Danes should attempt to offer Violence to him in his House. Gustavus accepted these Offers with a great deal of Joy, and at first liv'd with him as if he had no other design than to avoid the pursuit of his Enemy's, but at the same time employ'd himself in getting Information of the strength of the Province, and in finding out the Inclinations of the Inhabitants of the new Govern­ment.

His Landlord told him the Dalecarlians suffer'd the Danish Tyranny with great Impatience, that they publickly murmur'd at certain Taxes that Christiern had impos'd on 'em, that which tho small in reality appear'd excessive and intolera­ble because they were new; and that the People detested the King of Denmark's Cruelty: He ad­ded that he doubted not but the Peasants would Revolt of themselves, if the Danes continu'd to infringe their Priviledges; afterwards he boasted of the Strength of Dalecanlia with an Exaggera­tion that is usual in those that would make their Country be valud: He told him that that Province alone was able to raise twenty thousand Men, that all the Peasants were born Souldiers, and by the help of their Mountains cou'd stop and defeat all Christiern's Forces; this discourse being seve­ral [Page 120]times repeated induc'd Gustavus to Resolve to Attempt to make the Province Revolt, which he discover'd to his Landlord, and Conjur'd him to Affist in it, he represented to him that the Kingdom was Involv'd in the greatest Calamity's; that neither the Faith of Treaty's, nor the Sub­mission and Obedience of the People could bound or satisfie the bloody Inclinations of Christierne, that especially it seem'd that this barbarous King had Sworn the Death of all the Swedish Nobility, that the Massacre of Stockholm was but a Prelude to the Cruelty and Outrages which his Troops Exercis'd in the Provinces, that the News was daily brought of the barbarous Murther of some Gentlemen or other, that it was more generous and a surer way to prevent and surprize the Danes than Cowardly to wait till they Invaded the Province and Massacred the People in their own Houses.

But this Gentleman terrifi'd with the Danger of the Enterprize, upon apprehension of the Formi­dable Power of the Danes, declin'd being con­cern'd in it, Where are (said he to Gustavus) the the Forces necessary for carrying on so great a Design, and what Army have you to Oppose the Enemies Troops, which seem hitherto to have had some regard to our Priviledges, but will outragiously over-run the whole Province upon the first Motion we shall make?

It seem'd as if Fear made this Gentleman for­get what he had just before told him of the Strength of his Province and the Inclinations of it's Inhabitants; for he sought new Reasons to overthrow the former, and to oblige Gustavus to take other Measures; he enlarg'd with much heat upon the Politick Considerations, not so much indeed out of Affection to his Person as to justify that it was not for want of Courage and [Page 121]Zeal for his Country that he declin'd engaging in his Designs. But perceiving that Gustavus con­stantly persever'd in his Resolution to take up Arms and Publickly to declare against the Danes, he advis'd him to defer, at least for some time the Execution of his Enterprize, he told him that per­haps he might meet with a lucky Opportunity when the whole Province might of it's self be dis­pos'd to Revolt, that the Peasants had little regard to the Interest of the Gentry, whom they always look'd upon as severe Masters, that tho' they seem'd to pity the Fate of the Lords and Senators who perish'd in the Mas­sacre of Stockholm, they had never hitherto dis­covered any Inclination to Revenge their Death upon their Murtherers; but that the least At­tempt of the Danes to violate the Privi­leges of the People wou'd infallibly occasion a general Revolt; and that he was perswaded the Danish Army wou'd march to Dalecarlia as soon as they had compleated the ruine of the rest of the Kingdom. That then the Peasants wou'd be oblig'd to take up Arms in their own Defence; that he was resolv'd to let others begin the Revolt, and wou'd neither envy the Glory nor Danger of so rash an undertaking. He conjur'd him to wait patiently at his House till the People shou'd appear in Arms; insinuating that wherever the Revolt shou'd begin, the leading men of the Party wou'd always be ready to yield him that submission which they ow'd to his birth and merit; And concluded with advising him not to ruin so generous design by a preposterous haste in the execution of it; least, instead of becoming the Avenger and Deliverer of his Countrey, he shou'd only furnish the Danes with a new pretext to compleat the Destruction of the Nation.

Gustavus was too judicious and resolute to be either deceiv'd or convinc'd by his Landlord's Arguments; but tho' he was sensible that his pre­tended Caution and Policy was rather the effect of his Fear than Prudence, he cou'd not be of­fended at the Weakness of a man whom he look'd upon as an object of compassion. He was so far from suspecting that he was a secret Well-wisher to the Danish Interest, or that he was capable of betraying his Guest, that he did him the justice to believe the sincerity of his Affection to his Countrey: but at the same time he perceiv'd that the difficulty of the Attempt deterr'd him from engaging in it. And therefore instead of reproaching him with Cowardice and Pusillanimity, he contented himself with conju­ring him to keep the secret with which he had entrusted him; and resolv'd upon a speedy de­parture to free his timorous Landlord of the Trou­ble and Uneasiness which he might suffer upon his account. He set out alone, and in the night, to avoid suspicion, and after several days Journey thro' the Woods arriv'd at the seat of another Gentleman, call'd Peterson, whom he knew in the Army, and who, he hop'd wou'd receive and em­brace his Proposals with more Courage and Re­solution.

Peterson receiv'd him with all the marks of an obliging Civility; and entertain'd him with that respect and submission which is usally so agree­able to great Persons when they are under a Cloud. He seem'd to be more sensibly afflicted with his misfortunes than Gustavus himself: he exclaim'd against the Tyranny of the Danes; and cheerfully embrac'd the first proposal which Gu­stavus made to him, some days after his arrival, to form a Party, and engage all his Vassals and Followers in the Design.

Gustavus was extremely glad that he had at last found a man who was not afraid to draw his sword in the defence of his Countrey; and en­deavor'd by all the most winning Expressions of Kindness, and by the sure propect of a sutable Recompence to confirm him in so generous a Resolution. Peterson answer'd him with repea­ted assurances of an inviolable Fidelity: he na­m'd the Gentlemen and the chief Persons among the Peasants whom he hop'd to engage in the Attempt: and some days after he went privately from his house, in order, as he pretended, to put the design in Execution.

But under the specious pretext of a zealous Affection to Gustavus, the treacherous Dalecarlian was contriving his Ruine. The hope of making his Court to the new King, and the Expectation of a large reward, made him resolve to sacrifice his Honor to his Ambition, and to violate the most sacred Laws of Hospitality by betraying his Illustrious Guest. In pursuance of that base Re­solution he went straight to one of King Chri­stiern's Officers, and inform'd him that Gustavus lay conceal'd at his House. The Danish Officer march'd thither immediately at the head of a Party of Soldiers: he invested the House, and took possession of the Principal Gate which Pe­terson deliver'd up to him. He concluded that he had done his Master a very important and acceptable piece of service, by securing his most terrible Enemy. But he had the mor­tification to find that he had taken a great deal of pains to no purpose: For Gustavus had made his Escape the Night before, and even ow'd his Preservation to the Wife of the Traitor that design'd to betray him. She was prompted by Pity, and perhaps by a more tender Passion, to [Page 158]discover her Husband's Plot, and not only sent Gustavus away in the Night, but order d a Ser­vant in whom she plac'd a more than ordinary Confidence to carry him to the House of a Cu­rate, who was one of her Friends. Thus by the Kindness and Discretion of that generous Lady, and by the Secrecy of her faithful Servant, Gu­stavus escap'd the Snare that was laid for him, and avoided the Pursuit of his Enemies, who cou'd neither discover the Occasion of his Flight, nor the place whither he retir'd.

The Curate receiv'd him with all the Civility and Respect which he ow'd to his Birth, and to the Recommendation of the Person that entru­sted him with so important a Secret. He was a sincere lover of his Country, and did not think himself oblig'd to follow the Maxims of the Cler­gy, since he had no design to raise his Fortune by aspiring to higher Preferment. He assur'd Gustaevus of an inviolable Secrecy, and least the Place of his abode shou'd be discover'd by the In­fidelity, or Indiscretion of the Servant that brought him thither, he carry'd him to his Church, and hid him in a Place that was wholly at his Dis­posal, and of which he alone kept the Keys.

He visited him every Day, and by degrees began to feel a secret and resistless Inclination to love and esteem him; which was the usual Effect of the Presence and Conversation of that young Lord. Nor did the generous Curate con­tent himself with expressing his Affection to Gu­stavus's Person; he approv'd his Resolution, and encourag'd him to undertake the great Attempt, assuring him that he wou'd employ all his In­terest in the Village, and engage all his Acquain­tances in other Places, to carry on the Design with the utmost Vigor and Diligence. But at the [Page 125]same time he acknowledg'd that he cou'd neither advise him to desire the Assistance, nor rely up­on the Fidelity of the Dalecarlian Gentlemen.

He inform'd him that the Nobility and Gentry of that Province, contented themselves with a se­cure Enjoyment of their Estates, and the inde­pendent Authority they assum'd in their inacces­sible Mountains; that they neither thought them­selves concern'd in the Motions and Revolutions of the Court, nor regarded the public Interest of the Nation; that they were seldom willing, and sometimes unable to make their Vassals take up Arms; and that they wou'd hardly be per­swaded to engage in a War, since it either de­priv'd 'em of their principal Riches, which consi­sted in the Number of their Followers, or made the Peasants less tractable after their Return, and more apt to revolt against their Masters. And therefore he concluded, that 'twou'd be his best and safest Method, to apply himself immediately to the Peasants, assuring him that he might expect a more vigorous and effectual Assistance from 'em, if they shou'd take up Arms, and declare for him of their own accord, than if the Villages were only engag'd by the Authority of their re­spective Lords.

After they had consulted together about the most proper Expedients, to put their Design in Execution, they agreed that 'twou'd be highly conducive to the Success of the intended Enter­prize, to prepossess the minds of the Peasants, and prepare 'em for an Insurrection, by giving out that the Danes were just ready to enter in­to the Province to levy new Taxes and Impositi­ons. The Curate undertook to spread the Report, and assur'd Gustavus that he wou'd shortly make it the Publick News of the Country, by the joint [Page 126]Assistance of the rest of the Curates in that Di­strict, who for the most part were either his Re­lations or Correspondents. Afterwards he ad­vis'd him to go to Mora, a populous Diocess or Parish, about Twelve Swedish Leagues in Com­pass; where every Year during the Christmass-Holy-days there was an extraordinary Concourse of Peasants, from all the neighboring Villages. He told him that he cou'd neither expect nor de­sire a more favorable Opportunity to propose his Design to the Peasants, who were never bolder, nor more easily perswaded to revolt than in such Public Assemblies, where they have a full View of their Numbers and Strength. And in the mean time he promis'd to secure and engage the prin­cipal and leading Persons that he might not be in any Danger, who' the Croud shou'd reject his Proposals.

In pursuance of the Curate's advice, Gustavus went to Mora on the day appointed, where he found the Peasants already acquainted with his design to make 'em a visit, and expecting with impatience to see a Man of whose merit and valor they had receiv'd so advantageous a Cha­racter, one that was equally illustrious both for his Birth and Courage, and had acquir'd more Glory by Christiern's hatred than by the Favor of Steno. He laid aside his usual Habit, and took care that his Dress shou'd be sutable to his Quality, to engage the attention of the People, who are apt to be dazzl'd with the ex­ternal marks of Grandeur. Afterwards he ap­pear'd in the Assembly with a certain Noble Fierceness in his Air, which was somewhat allay d and soften'd by a mixture of Tenderness and Grief for the Death of his Father and all the rest of the Senate. And that Majestic sorrow, which [Page 127]the admiring Multitude observ'd in his Counte­nance and actions, inpir'd 'em at the same time with a submissive respect and a tender and af­fectionate Compassion.

After he had entertain'd 'em with a general but lively description of the deplorable and al­most hopeless condition of their native Countrey; he represented to 'em, with a pathetic and mo­ving Eloquence, that the Senators and principal Lords of the Kingdom were Barbarously Massa­cred by Christern's Order; that by the same Prince's Command the Magistrates of Stockholm were put to Death and the greatest part of the Citizens Murder'd in their Houses; that after­wards he dispers'd his Army into the several Pro­vinces, that they might the sooner compleat the Destruction of the Kingdom; that he was resolv'd to secure his Authority by the Death of all those, whether Noble, or Ignoble, who were either able or willing to undertake the Defence of their Country; that he was particularly incens'd a­gainst the Dalecarlians, whose Valor and Courage had made him tremble so often during the Reign of the late Administrator; that consequently they had all the reason in the World to expect the most inhumane Treatment from a treacherous and cruel Prince, that wou'd never forgive 'em so long as he dreaded their Bravery; that under pretext of putting his Army into Winter-Quar­ters, he was actually sending his Troops to dis­arm 'em; that they wou'd quickly be expos'd to the Fury of enrag'd Soldiers; that their Lives and Liberty wou'd be at the Disposal of their insolent and merciless Enemies; and that the only way to prevent their impending Ruine, was to resolve upon a vigorous and seasonable Resistance. That the Dalecarlians had always [Page 128]look'd upon Liberty, as a dearer and more valu­able Blessing than Life; that the Eyes of the whole Nation were sixt upon 'em in so critical a Juncture; that the World expected to see a convincing Proof, that they inherited the Brave­ry of their Heroical Ancestors, and the noble Re­solution with which those Illustrious Patrio [...] had always oppos'd the pretended Authority of Ty­rannical Usurpers; that he was ready to sacri­fice his Life and Fortune in the Defence of their Liberty; that his Friends and all true Swedes, wou'd join in so glorious an Attempt; that be­sides he had receiv'd positive Assurances of a con­siderable Reinforcement of the ancient Allies o Sweden, but supposing that their Forces were not equal in number to those of the Danes, Revenge and Self-preservation wou'd inspire 'em with a generous Fury, which wou'd easily supply that Defect; and that for his part, he wou'd rather chuse to die, with his Sword in his hand, than to preserve his Life by a base Submission to a perfidious and cruel Enemy.

The Dalecarlians answer'd this Discourse with Shouts and Exclamations, threatening to exeaute their just Revenge upon Christiern, and the Danish Nation: One wou'd have thought that this had been the first time they heard of the Massacre of Stockholm; the Discourse and Presence of Gu­stavus, had made so deep an Impression of Grief and Resentment upon their Minds. They swore to revenge the Death of their Country-men, and immediately resolv'd to disown Christiern's Authority, and to destroy all the Danes they shou'd meet, without Mercy. Not but that some of these Peasants were at first inclin'd to oppose this Revolt, under the Pretext of communicating their Designs to the other Villages; either because [Page 129]they were gain'd by the Danes, or upon a poli­tic Account were afraid of exasperating a potent and victorious Prince. But the enrag'd Multi­tude rejected this cowardly Motion with indig­nation, so that the most violent, and those that declar'd for the War, were hearken'd to with a general Applause. Thus they unanimously took up Arms, and entreated Gustavus to command 'em, being charm'd with his graceful Mien, and ad­miring the Largeness of his Stature, and the strong Constitution of his Body.

But nothing confirm'd 'em more in the Re­solution they had taken to follow that young Lord, with a full assurance, than an obs [...]rvation made by the ancient Inhabitants of the Village, that the North-wind continu'd to blow incessantly while he made his Speech to 'em. This Accident among those superstitious People, was look'd up­on as an infallible Sign of prosperous Success, and therefore without any further Deliberation, imagining that the matter cou'd be no longer deferr'd without opposing the Orders of Heaven, which had so manifestly declar'd in favour of Gustavus; they immediately form'd a Body of four hundred Men, and out of that Number chose sixteen of the handsomest and best shap'd Men that were descended of the principal Families, whom they presented to Gustavus, to attend upon his Per­son, as Life-guards, and to serve as a Mark of Badge of the Authority, which they had so lately con­ferr'd upon him.

Gustavus resolving to take advantage of their Heat and Eagerness, lead 'em directly against the Governour of the Province; for 'twas his in­terest to prevent that Officer, and to make him incapable of opposing the Revolt of the other Villages: In pursuance of that Resolution, he di­vided [Page 130]his Troop into several Bands, the better to conceal his March and Design, and under Co­vert of the Night and the Woods, arriv'd at the Foot of the Castle, with the Dalecarlians, who march'd thither secretly by different Roads. The Darkness of the Night, and the Surprize of so unexpected an Attack, favour'd his Attempt, so that the Castle was taken by Scalade, some Da­nish Soldiers that compos'd the Governour's Guard, and the most part of his Domestick Servants, who stood in his Defence were immediately sacrific'd to the Rage of the Dalecarlians; and Gustavus had much ado to rescue the Governour, who by Im­prisonment suffer'd for his Imprudence in presu­ming to maintain a Post in a conquer'd Country, and amidst so fierce a Nation, without a Garri­s [...]n sufficient for the security of his Person and Dignity. Gustavus permitted his Soldiers to plun­der the Governour's Apartment, and several Danish Merchants were treated almost after the same man­ner, who since Christiern's new Government came to trade in that Province; so that their richest Stuffs became a Prey to the Dalecarlian Peasants, who dress'd themselves with 'em after their odd Fashi­on. They also kill'd the Officers that were em­ploy'd in levying the new Taxes, which Christiern had impos'd. Gustavus seem'd to take no notice of their Proceedings, and perhaps was not offen­ded at these disorders, which serv'd only to make the breach between the Dalecarlians and Danes wi­der, and their mutual Hatred more irreconcile­able.

Tho' this Enterprize was not very considerable in it self, it tended to confirm the Peasants in their good Opinion of Gustavus, and they gave him Commendations so much the more willingly, because they took him for a Witness of the Cou­rage [Page 131]and Bravery they shew'd on this Occasion. The Report and Success of this Expedition, with­in a few dayes caus'd almost the whole Pro­vince to declare in his Favour, for the Peasants came flocking from their Villages to joyn his For­ces, some by reason of their eager and impatient desire to be avenged on the Danes, while others were excited by the hope of getting Booty, or by their natural Inclination to undertake bold and desperate Enterprizes.

Many Swedish Gentlemen and among others Olai, Lawrence Erici, Fredage and Jonas of Neder­by, who were Outlaw'd by Christiern, and had fled for Refuge to that Province, repair'd to his Ar­my as it were to a common Sanctuary. He ap­pointed 'em in the Quality of Officers, to com­mand these Tumultuary Forces who usually fought with greater Impetuosity than Order. After­ward he travers'd with extraordinary Diligence, Helsingland, Medelpadia, Angermania, Gestricia and Bothnia, caus'd all these small Provinces to Revolt which are for the most part destitute of considerable Towns, and secur'd 'em by the good Order he took in fortifying the Passages of the Mountains, which are the Principal Forts of those Countries.

His Army was daily encreas'd in his march by the concourse of the Peasants, who came over to him in Crowd's, and oftentimes in spite of their Respective Lords: He abolish'd the Taxes which Christiern had laid upon the People, and establish'd Commissaries to receive the ordinary Contribu­tions, whch he appropriated for the subsistence of his Forces. Afterwards he dispatch'd private E­missaries thro the whole Kingdom, to dispose the Nobility and Peasants to appear in Arms as soon as he shou'd enter into their Provinces. He [Page 132]also gain'd by secret Negociations the greater part of the Swedish Officers that serv'd in Norby's Fleet or in the Vice-Roy's Army: He left no means unessay'd that might serve to augment his Forces and diminish those of his Enemy, and did not make Preparations to enter into the Heart of the Kingdom, till he thought himself almost as sure of the Fidelity of all the Swedes that re­main'd in the Army of that Prelate, as of the Zeal of the Delecarlians.

The Vice-Roy made it his principal and almost only care to heap up Money which he spent in gratifying his Voluptuousness; he aspir'd only to this Dignity in hopes of finding means to Pillage those People whom his Master design'd to Weaken and Ruin, and he would never have undertaken the Administration of the Government, if he had foreseen that he shou'd have had to do with other Enemies then disarmed People, that were not a­ble to defend themselves: The Revolt of the Da­lecarlians was a very Surprizing and Mortifying piece of News to him, the Danish Forces that were left in the Kingdom were very much wea­ken'd for want of Discipline and by Desertion; he suspected the Fidelity of the Swedes who had declar'd for him or were employ'd in his Army; nor did he place much Confidence in the Assi­stance of the Auxiliary and Foreign Troops, who for the most part in Civil Wars are alwayes rea­dy to change their Masters, when they meet with more advantageous Proposals. The Valour of Gustavus was formidable to him, he dreaded the Courage and Resentment of that Young Lord; but he was yet more afraid of Christiern's Indig­nation, as being a Prince whose Displeasure was extremely terrible, and who usually punish'd the Unfortunate, with as much severity as the Guil­ey.

He dispatch'd a Courier to that Prince to give him an Account of the Revolt of the Northern Provinces, and at the same time recall'd those Troops that were dispers'd in different parts of the Kingdom. The Danes obey'd their Orders, tho not without a secret Reluctancy to leave those Places, where they enrich'd themselves at the People's cost, and committed all manner of Dis­orders with Impunity. But the greater part of the Auxiliary Forces refus'd to take the Field under pretext of the want of their Pay. They made themselves Masters of the Towns and Castles, where they were in Garrison, and shut themselves up in those Places, not so much to defend and keep 'em for the King of Denmark, as on purpose to retain 'em as Pledges for the payment of their Arrears; and to obtain more advantageous Terms from the Victorious Party.

It was with no small Trouble and Vexation that Christiern heard of the Transactions in Sweden; he did not find himself in a condition to go into that Kingdom, and cou'd not spare the Forces he had in Denmark. The whole Realm was full of Disaffected Persons, for that Prince who was grown more cru­el fince the Massacre at Stockholm observ'd no Measures with his Subjects; he indifferently exercis'd his Authority on the Lives and Estates of the Danes, without any respect to the Digni­ty of the Persons, or to the Laws and Priviledges of the Country; he had caus'd several Gentlemen to be put to death without any Formality, and on very weak Surmises, and he had no less offen­ded the Bishops and the whole body of the Cler­gy by the Praises he publickly bestow'd on Lu­ther who under colour of blaming the Abuses that were committed in Germany in the publica­tion of Indulgences openly Condemn'd the [Page 134]Wealth which the Bishops enjoy'd and the Temporal Power they assum'd.

The Court of Rome usually employ'd the Au­gustine Fryars to publish Indulgences in Saxony, by which they reap'd no small profit, and which procur'd 'em a great Authority in that Country. The Jacobins under the Pontificate of Leo the X. got this Commission from 'em: These Monks to shew their Zeal in this new employment, and perhaps to inhance the income of their Mission, cry'd up in their Sermons the vertues and effi­cacy of Indulgences, in which they us'd certain Expressions that were not at all agreeable either to the design of the Church, or to the intent of the Bull that Authoriz'd 'em. Besides, these Collectors led a Life not over Regular; 'tis said they kept their Offices in Taverns, and often spent there in Feasting what was the product of the people's Zeal, and what good mens Devotion made em spare even from their necessary occa­sions.

Martin Luther, of the Order of St. Austin, Doctor and Professor in the University of Witem­berg, pretended to be mov'd with these disorders, but in reality desirous to revenge his Brethren, be­gan in his Sermons to fly out into sharp invectives against the bad use these Collectors made of their Authority. He was a great Scholar and an Eloquent Orator, hasty, daring and headstrong, conceited with his own Learning and Sentiments, and over fond of that glory which is acquir'd by broaching new Opinions; undaunted, and so ob­stinate as never to retract what he had once af­firm'd. He contenttd himfelf at first with preach­ing against the unedifying manner of bestowing these extraordinary Favours; but exasperated by the Affronts and Threats of the Jacobins he loo­ked [Page 135]back as far as the first Original of Indul­gences.

He proposed new Doctrines on the Subject of Iustification, of Remission of sins, of Penance and Purgatory, and at last spoke against the Popes Authority, from whence his adversaries derived, the proofs by which they wou'd establish Indul­gences.

He taught in his Wiritings and Preached in his Sermons, that we are justified by Fa [...]th alone, that Penance consisted only in a sincere Contrition, and that Confession was but an unprofitable Re­petition of our Faults; that to obtain Remission of sins, 'twas sufficient to believe with a Lively Faith, that they were forgiven; that Indulgences were neither recommended nor ordained to us for our practices, and that they were equally useless in this World, and in the next; that Pur­gatory was but a Modern invention contrived by the Monks to cheat People out of their money; that the Mass was no Sacrifice, that it was of no benefit to the dead, that that, and all other Prayers of the Church were to be Read in the vulgar tongue; and above all that the Holy Sacrament was to be Administred to the Faithful in both kinds.

The Pope allarm'd by this new Doctrine, which seemed to expose the nature and extent of his Power to the censure and examination of every particular Person, thought to stifle so dangerous a Doctrine by condemning Luther as a Heretick, and even ordered Jerom Alexander his Nuntio to Solicit the Elector of Saxony to deliver up the Seditious Monk, that he might punish him as an Enemy to Religion.

Luther to secure himself against the practices of that Court, and to engage the Duke of Sax­ony [Page 136]and all Secular Magistrates to protect him, publish'd some new Writings as much in oppo­sition to the Pope's Power as they were fovoura­ble to Sovereign Princes; he wrote against the Celibacy of the Priests and the Monachal vows; he taught that the only vows that were obliga­tory, were those of Baptism; he inveigh'd against Hierarchy, which he pretended was a Tyrannical Government; he exclaim'd against the corruption of the Court of Rome, and against the excessive Riches of the Church; he advised in his Books and Sermons all the Sovereign Princes to take possession of the Funds and Revenues of the Bishopricks, Abbys and Monasteries, unless when there was a Sovereignty annexed to the Bishop­ricks, and in that case, he wou'd have the Bi­shop marry, and not suffer such Persons, as under the specious pretence of Celibacy ingag'd their Allegiance to a Foreign Power to remain in his Territories; he wou'd have the Monasteries con­verted into publick Schools and Hospitals, and the great Treatures those Houses enjoy'd to be em­ploy'd partly in maintaining the Preachers, Overse­ers and other Officers who should take care of the Poor, and partly by the Prince in supplying the Ex­igences of the State and the Necessities of his People.

These last Opinions gain'd Luther more Follow­ers, then the first Propositions he had advanc'd, on the obscure and crabbed Doctrine of Justifica­tion, and of the merit of good Works. Many German Princes under colour of this Doctrine, depriv'd the Church of several Lands and Estates which they thought lay convenient for 'em: And the King of Denmark after their Example usurp'd part of the Demeans of the Archbishop of Lunden, as if he had already declar'd openly for the new Religion.

The Danish Clergy, to be reveng'd for the Af­front they met with under his Reign, and perhaps to dispose People to a Rebellion, gave out a Prophecy of S. Bridget, to this effect, That a King of Denmark should be expell'd out of his Kingdom, because of his Barbarity. Every one took Pleasure in applying this to Christiern; but he having heard of it, pub­lickly made a Jest of it; telling his Courtiers, That that Bigot, wrote every Morning the Dreams she had had over Night, which she very piously took for Revelations, and affecting to make that Saint the subject of his Mirth, either out of a Spirit of Liber­tinism, or, which is more probable, to discredit by a seeming Contempt and Derision, a Prediction which whether true or false, might make a danger­ous Impression in Peoples Minds.

However, since by reason of the general Discontent of all his Subjects, he cou'd neither leave Copenhagen nor dismiss his Army without exposing himself to a Re­bellion; he wrote to the Vice-roy of Sweden, com­manding him to march with his Army, in order to bring the Rebels to reasonable Terms, and at the same time he sent Word to Gustavus, That he would make his Mother and his Sisters to suffer the most cruel Torments; if he understood that he appear'd again at the Head of the Rebels.

Gustavus, despising his Threats, continu'd still to ad­vance with his Dalecarlians, puting all the Danes he met with to the Sword, and even the Swedes who adher'd to them or to the Archbishop; and his Forces in­creas'd daily, during his March, so that in a short Time he saw himself at the Head of an Army of above Fifteen thousand Men, all animated with his Courage and Resentment, and resolv'd either to conquer or die. He march'd towards Westmania, while the Vice-roy, on the other Side, at the Head of his Army, advanc'd to the River Brun [...]b [...], with [Page 138]a Design to oppose his Passage, and fight him, if he should attempt to pass the River.

No sooner was he come to the Banks of the River but he saw Gustavus appear on the other Side, at the Head of his Horse, and ready to force his Passage. He was so daunted at the Sight of so resolute an Ene­my, that he retir'd with much Precipitation, and basely left a Post, where he might have fought with Advantage, either because he was diffident of his own Capacity, in giving the necessary Orders, and Commanding during the Heat and Tumult of the Action, or because he durst not trust the Swedes, who were very numerous in his Army. He retir'd at first into the Castle of Westeras, which was not far off; but not thinking himself safe while he was so near Gustavus, and fearing a Siege if he shou'd continue, he left the best part of his Troops to defend that Place, and, returning to Stockholm, shut himself up in the Castle of that City, where he began to in­dulge his Luxury, without suffering any Business to be brought before him, as tho' by his Retreat, and keeping out all bad News, he could keep out the Enemy, or put a Stop to their Progress.

Gustavus took all the Advantage which the Vice­roy's Retreat assorded him; he laid a Bridge over the River, his Forces pass'd it without any Opposi­tion, and continu'd their March towards Westeras, the Capital City of Westmania. It was equally danger­ous for him to leave behind him a place of that im­portance, or to spend too much time in besieging it: Most of his Troops were compos'd of Country­men, that were very unfit for this way of Fighting; he had neither Powder nor Cannon; the Place was defended by a numerous Garrison, little differing from an Army, and the Length and [...]issiculty of a Siege might have discourag'd the [...]lians, and ruin'd his Designs.

To rid himself of this Trouble, he resov'd to at­tempt that by a bold Action and a Stratag [...]m, which he foresaw was impracticable according to the Or [...] ­nary Rules of the Art of War: He detach'd all his Civalry, under the Command of [...]ence Erici, his Lieutenant, with Orders to advance behind the Woods, as near as he could to the City Gat [...]; he left Olai another of his Lieutenants, with the best part of his Foot, behind a Mountain, near the Village Ballunga, and having commanded him to fellow him slowly, he advanc'd with a Body of Three thousand Men, as if his whole Army had consisted only in that Number.

That Evening he appear'd in Sight of the Place, and immediately retre [...]ch'd himself near the Chap­pel of S. Olaus, with all the Care and Diligence of a Man that is afraid of being attacked, and ende [...]vours to avoid an Engagement; which the Danes perceiv­ing, and withal seeing the small number of his Men, send all their Horse to attack him. Gustavus, after a small Resistance, maintain'd a running Fight, to get into the Desiles, and insensibly to draw the Ene­my among the Body of his Foot, which was advanc­ing to his Assistance: The Danes, deceiv'd by this Retreat, which they mistook for the [...]light of a rout­ed Enemy, ran disorderly our of [...], to have a Share in the Victory, thinking to sind [...] in Consu­sion and Disorder, so that none remained in the City but the Swedish Forces of their Part [...], and [...] Da [...]es that were in Garrison in the Castle, whom the Go­vernour would not suffer to go out.

Gustavus having drawn 'em sar enough from the City, to give Erici an Opportunity to execute his Orders, made head against the Enemy: He took his Post at the He [...]d of all his Foot, which was now got together, and turning about to his Dalecarlians, with his [...]. Sword in his Hand, and a dreadful Look, which s [...]'d to threaten no less than a sull Vengeance [Page 140]for his Father's Death; Remember, my Friends, cry'd he, the Cruclty and Avarice of our Tyrants, and consider that we must either conquer, or prevent an Ignominious Slavery by an honourable [...]eath.

The Dalecarlians having answer'd their General's Discourse with repeated Shouts and Acclamations, immediately let sly a shower of Arrows upon the Danes, and afterwards broke, with Sword in Hand into the midst of their Battalions. The Ground was quickly cover'd with dead Bodies; and both Parties enrag'd with all the Fury and Obstinacy that usually appear between two neighbouring and hostile Na­tions, when one of 'em fights to enlarge their Do­minions, and the other to recover their Liberty. Gustavus seem'd to be every where; and at the same time that he charg'd the Enemies, as the meanest pri­vate Centinel in his Army, gave out Orders with that admirable presence of Mind, which is so rare and yet so necessary on such Occasions. The Fight was obstinately maintain'd for some time by the un­daunted Valour of both Parties; but since People that revolt and take up Arms for the Recovery of their Liberty, seem always to be inspir'd with a more than ordinary Fury, the Swedes made such powerful Essorts, that the Danes were sorc'd to give Ground, and to endeavour to regain the Walls of Weste­ras.

However, they retreated in good Order, and when they were charg'd by the Horse under the Command of Erici, who had intercepted their Pas­sage, the Fight was renew'd, and by reason of the unavoidable necessity of Overcoming or Dying, was more furious than before. The Danes being attack'd on all sides, and animated with Rage and Despair, sought like Persons who took less care to defend themselves, than to assault their Pursuers, every Man endeavouring to revenge his Death by that of an Enemy. The greatest part of 'em were cut to [Page 141]pieces, few were taken Prisoners, and the pitiless and bloody Dalecarlians put all to the Sword, with­out giving Quarter; nor were their Officers able to moderate their impetuous Fury.

The Horse, under the Command of Erici, pursued the routed Enemy so vigorously, that they enter'd with 'em into Westeras, by means of the Swedes that belong'd to the Garrison and were in the Dan [...], Service, but declar'd for Gustavus as soon as they cou'd with safety. These Troops had no sooner enter'd the City, but they disbanded in the Might, and ran to plunder the Town with so much eager­ness, that their Officers were not able to s [...]op 'em, nor even to find a sufficient number of Soldiers to mount the Guard, and to take such [...]ecautions as were necessary to secure their Conquest. They broke into the Houses of several Merchants that sold Brandy, Wine and strong Waters. And the [...] ­carlians, under the Command of Gustavus, being in­form'd that their Companions were so well employ'd, left their Colours, and in spite of their Officers ran to the Town, to get their share of a Liquor, which affords an enchanting Delight to these Northern People.

The Governor of the Castle perceiving this Dis­order, made a Sally at the Head of his Garrison, to charge the Swedes, his Soldiers having first set Fire to several Houses on purpose to encrease the Tumult and Confusion: Afterward they enter'd the City with Sword in Hand, and without any opposition kill'd a great number of the Dalcearlians, whom they found for the most part Drunk and destitute of Arms and Defence. Assoon as Gustavus was insorm'd of so terrible and unexpected a Disaster, he enter'd the Town, and was enrag'd to see his Soldiers massacred almost in his Presence, without finding any that were able to oppose the Enemies: He commanded [...]lai to raise a [...]rricadoe in the high Street, and to [Page 142]make Head against the Danes with all the Officers and Volunteers that were with him, whilst he him­self ran through the City, to put a stop to the Pil­lage, and to rally his disperst Troops. The greater part of his Soldiers sculking in the bottom of the Cellars, and intoxicated with Wine and Brandy, fled almost with equal fear and precipitation from the presence of their General and from their Ene­mies. But [...]stavus, accompanied with his Guards, w [...]t down himself into the Cellars, stav'd the Ves­sels, spilt the strong Wat [...]s and Brandy, and by this Pr [...]aution, which the [...]alecarlians lookt upon as unjust and cruel, drew them out of these ench [...]ted Places; at last he beat back the Daves into the Castle, tho' rather by his own Pres [...]e than by the Assistance of his Sol [...]ers.

Afterwards he cau [...]'d the Governor's Pulse to be selt, April. 29. to know whether he might be pre vail'd with to deliver up the Castle upon Composition; but having found him resolute and unmoveable, he contented himself with blocking up the [...]ort; he was not wil­ling to hazard an Attack, which perhaps might [...]is­courage his Soldiers; nor to begin a formal S [...]g [...], for fear of giving time to the Danes to rally. He only order'd Lines of Contravallation to be drawn round the Place, [...] hinder the [...]e [...]eg'd from [...]lly­ing out, and to cut off all hope of Relief: He first took a Spade to break the Ground, and was immedi­ately imitated by all the Officers of his Army; after which, the Burghers of the Town, mingled with his Soldiers, carry'd on the Work with so much Dili­gence and Vigor, that in less than two Days they rais'd the Entrenchments in some places [...] 24 foot high.

Gustavus had no sooner given the [...]ecess [...]ry [...] to prevent the cenveying of Suc [...]in [...]s the [...] but he march'd again into the Field; several [...] and Gentlemen, at the [...]ad of their Vassals, [...] [Page 143]him on the Road, and join'd his Forces; and 70 Swe­dish Officers at once deserted the Vice-roy, and came over to Gustavus's Army: These Advantages were lookt upon as the beginning of a great Revolution, and the taking of Westeras seem'd to be the Signal agreed upon for the Revolt of the whole Kingdom of Sweden. Arwide, a considerable Lord in West­gothland, Laurentius Petri of Sudermania, and Olaus Bonde of Nericia, came to assure him that the Nobi­lity and People of their Provinces, waited only for his presence to take up Arms and to declare in his Favor; and even those who were either with-held or over­aw'd by the Power and Neighbourhood of the Danes, secretly assisted him with Intelligence and Mony; the Eyes of all the People were sixt upon him, and his own Merit, with the rigor of the Da­nish Tyranny, procur'd him the good Wis [...]es and Love of the whole Swedish Nation.

Gustavus seeing himself at the Head of an Army, and of so potent a Party, resolv'd to undertake se­veral Enterprizes at the same time, that the Fame of his Conquests might draw all the People to his Army, and that the Danes might be at a Loss where to em­ploy their Troops. He sent back these Lords who came to meet him to their respective Provinces, with Detachments from his Army, which he gave them to begin the War, and to promote the Revolt and Insurrection of the People. Arwide, by his Orde [...] besieg'd the Castle of Wadestene in Ostrogothland, Lau­rentius Petri the Town of Nicopinc, and Olaus Bond, Or [...]bro, the Capital of Nericia, whilst Olai and Erici at the same time invested the City of Ʋpsal. This Place was large and very populous, but almost de­stitute of Walls and other Fortifications, except some old Towers on the side of the Arch bishoprick. The Archbish. who was Lord of it, had put a Garison in it under the Command of a Governor, tho' rather with a design to shew the Inhabitants that he did not for­sake [Page 144]sake them, than in hopes of defending it if it should be attackt: The Soldiers of the Garrison had no sooner perceiv'd the Dalecarlians with Sword in hand descending into the Ditch and ready to mount to the Assault, but they abandon'd the Ramparts, after once firing, and lest a free passage to the Dalecarlians, who enter'd the Town without opposition; and being re­form'd by what happen'd to them at the taking of We­steras, they pursu'd the Danes, without staying to plunder the Houses: The greater part of the Garri­son was cut to pieces, and the Governor in endeavor­ing to escape by Flight, receiv'd a shot with an Ar­row, of which he died a few Days after.

Gustavus having receiv'd information that his For­ces were in Ʋpsal, 1521 repair'd thither with speed. He took care to preserve the Archbishop's Palace and Goods, May 11. either to render him suspected to the Danish Ministers, or to gain and draw him to his Party. Af­terward he sent an Envoy to the Consul of Lubeck, to notify to him the happy success of his Arms, and at the same time to put him in mind of the Sup­lies which he had promis'd him in behalf of the Re­gency. His Agent represented to that Magistrate, how much 'twas the Interest of that Republick, and of all the other Hanse-Towns, that Sweden should be always separated from, and at enmity with Denmark; that the Regency of Lubeck could never meet with a more favourable opportunity to settle the Affairs of that Kingdom; that Gustavus had already made him­self Master of several large Provinces, and that he had compleated all these Conquests at the Head of the Dalecarlians, but that these Peasants serving for the most part without Pay, were also free from any Tie or Engagement, and that they were not ignorant that those who begin a Revolt, and undertake a War with the greatest eagerness, are usually soonest tir'd; that his Master stood in need of a Fleet to besiege Stockholm, and the other Maritim Towns of the Kingdom, as [Page 145]also of some regular Troops to carry on the War; and that this Lord hop'd with these Supplies, within a little while to expel the Danes out of the whole Kingdom of Sweden.

The Consul of Lubeck gave an account of his De­mands to the Regency; but these Republicans found that their Interest was chang'd with the fortune of Gustavus. The rapid progress of his Conquests, his undaunted Courage and aspiring Genius began to di­sturb 'em, and Christiern on the contrary ceas'd to be any longer formidable to 'em by reason of his violent Proceedings with respect to his own Subjects.

But tho' Gustavus's Agent made little progress in his Negotiation, he had the good fortune to meet with an old German Colonel, nam'd Stephen de Sassi, who was one of those Soldiers of Fortune that make a Trade of War, and are always ready to venture their Lives for Gain, without taking any care to en­quire into the Justice of the Cause which they engage to defend. Gustavus's Envoy treated with him in the name of his Master, and in consideration of a certain Sum agreed upon, a considerable part of which was paid in hand, the Colonel oblig'd himself to Land in Sweden before the end of the Month of August, at the Head of 1200 Men. Gustavus's Agent instantly gave him an account of this Treaty, and receiv'd Orders to continue at Lubeck to solicit that Regency to de­clare in his favour; but he thought fit to acquaint him at the same time, that he was sensible there would not have been so much difficulty in prevailing with these Republicans, if he had not made so quick a pro­gress, and if the success of his Enterprize were more uncertain.

Gustavus had not hitherto met with any Disaster, every thing having succeeded beyond his expecta­tion: He was at the Head of a considerable Army, with which he had made himself Master of half the Kingdom, and the rest of Sweden waited only for [Page 146]his Presence to declare in his Favour, when in the full career of his Conquests, he saw himself suddenly abandon'd by the greater part of his Forces; July 10. for the Peasants begg'd leave of him to be dismiss'd, that they might go and take care of the Harvest in their Provinces. Gustavus, notwithstanding the urgent necessity of his Affairs, could not refuse those People who serv'd him voluntarily, and to whom he was also oblig'd for all his Authority; and therefore he consented to their departure, upon the promise they made him to return with a Reinforcement af­ter the Harvest, reserving only for his Guard and for the Defence of the City of Ʋpsal, one Com­pany of Horse and six hundred Foot, for the most part Dalecarlians, who were resolv'd to follow his Fortune, and never to leave him.

He resided at Ʋpsal, which was as it were the Center of his Conquests, from whence he gave out necessary Orders thro' all the Provinces that had de­clar'd for him, and where his Lieutenants carry'd on the War in his Name: He endeavour'd, at the same time to divide and distract his Enemies by se­cret Negotiations, till he shou'd be in a condition to reduce 'em by Force.

The Archbishop was more especially formidable to him, by reason of the great Number of his Vassals and Followers; for he alone was capable of sup­porting Christiern's Party by the Reputation of his Family, and his Authority over the Clergy. He sent Letters thro' the Provinces, obliging his Relations and Friends to endeavour to retain the People in their Obedience to the King of Denmark; so that Gustavus met with, in the single Person of that Pre­late, a vigilant Enemy, that created him more trou­ble than all the Danes together. However, he made an attempt to draw him off from their Party, and engag'd two Canons of Ʋpsal, who imagin'd they had a great Interest with the Archbishop. Gustavus [Page 147]publickly granted 'em a Pass, under colour that they desir'd Leave to Retire to their Metropolitan, and at the same time privately charg'd 'em with a Letter, which was submissive, full of Respect, and proper to flatter the haughty and arrogant Temper of that Pre­late. In this Letter he conjur'd him no longer to op­pose the Liberty of his Country; and offer'd, with all possible Demonstrations of Sincerity to restore his City of Ʋpsal, and his whole Estate, without exacting any other Conditions than to engage in his Party, and to be their Head; assuring him with­al, That every one would be ready to obey his Or­ders with Delight, and that for his own part, he should only reserve to himself the Glory of putting his Advice and Counsels in Execution.

The two Canons being arriv'd at Stockholm, deli­ver'd Gustavus's Letter to the Archbishop, and even took the boldness to commend his Moderation, on purpose to feel the Pulse of that Prelate. But the Archbishop rejected the Letter and their Service, with a great deal of Scorn and Indignation; and fearing lest the Danes shou'd suspect that he hearken'd to their Proposals, he caus'd the Letter to be imme­diately carry'd to the Vice-roy: He also sent to him, at the same Time, the Persons of the two Canons, who were the Bearers of it, and demanded that they should be put to Death as Traytors and Spies.

The Vice-roy, who knew not how to destroy his Enemies but when he found 'em unarm'd, would have made no great Difficulty to give him this Satisfaction if he had not been afraid of offending the Clergy, who almost alone continu'd to adhere to the party of the Danes: He also perceiv'd that the Archbishop requir'd their Death with so much earnestness, only to take off a Suspicion, which might arise, that he held Correspondence with Gustavus: Besides that, these Ecclesiastical Persons, terrifi'd with the Dan­ger they had incurr'd, protested to him, They took [Page 148]the Charge of Gustavus's Letter, only to obtain a Pass, and the liberty of departing out of a City, which was no longer ingag'd in their Party. After­ward they inveigh'd against the Rebellion of that Lord, with an Eloquence that was the effect of their Fear. They promis'd an unviolable Fidelity to King Christiern, whom they acknowledg'd as their lawful Sovereign; and the more effectually to justifie them­selves, and appease the Anger of the Vice-roy and Archbishop, they told 'em, That the Peasants had abandon'd Gustavus, and gave 'em an account of the state of the City, and the Forces of that Lord, which they likewise diminish'd, according to the usual Language of Deserters, on purpose to make their Court, and to obtain a more favourable Treat­ment.

The Archbishop demanded Troops of the Vice-roy, with which he promis'd to surprize Gustavus in Ʋpsal, and bring him back Prisoner, or at least to force him to flee once more to the Mountains of Dale­carlia. In compliance with his Desire, the Vice-roy gave him three thousand Foot and five hundred Horse, which was the greatest part of the Garison of Stockholm: The Archbishop marcht, at the Head of these Forces, with so much Diligence and Secrecy, that he was very near seizing on the Person of Gu­stavus in Ʋpsal; for he receiv'd Advice of his De­signs only 2 Hours before his Arrival, by the means of two Swedish Gentlemen, who seem'd still of the Archbishop's Party, Suart, One­garz. but had been gain'd by Gustavus; they departed privately, and came with all possible speed to give him notice of the Danger that threat'n'd him. The City was large and open on all Sides, and the Inhabitants were also well-affected to the Archbishop, who was their Lord, and therefore Gu­stavus did not think sit, with so small a number of Troops, that remain'd under his Command to under­take the Defence of the Place, but instantly caus'd [Page 149]the Infantry to file off toward the Forest of Nostan, and put himself in the Rear with his Troop of Horse, and his Guards, to secure their March.

He had scarce got out of the City, when the Archbishop enter'd it, at the Head of all his Forces, and as soon as he was inform'd of Gustavus's Depar­ture, he pursu'd him with all his Horse. The Danes overtook him at the Ford of Lateby, where his In­fantry, already terrifi'd with a precipitated Retreat, ran away at the sight of the Enemy, and even his Ca­valry, tho' retain'd by his Presence, were dismay'd while the whole multitude, press'd forward to gain the Forest. His Squire being mounted on an unruly Horse, and hurry'd away in this Disorder, unhap­pily fell upon his Master, and threw him backward into the Water, out of which he was immediately rescued by his Guards. But Gustavus was so far from being daunted with the Hazard he had run, or dis­courag'd by the Number of his Enemies, that he rode boldly at the Head of his Guards; and that brave Lord, who was equally remarkable for the grateful heighth of his Stature and undaunted Courage, su­stain'd almost alone the whole Shock of the Danish Army, while his Troops were gaining the Forest: As soon as he saw them in Safety, he retir'd in spite of the Multitude of those that charg'd him, having lost in the Encounter only ten or twelve Horse, so that this was all the Advantage that the Archbishop gain'd from an Opportunity by which Fortune and the dis­order of Gustavus's Troops seem'd to assure him an entire Victory.

The Danger to which he had been expos'd by the means of this Prelate, serv'd only to revive his Cou­rage and resentment, so that he form'd a Design to surprize him by way of Retaliation; to which pur­pose he recall'd part of the Troops, which he had given to Arwide, and sent them Orders to lie hid in the Woods on the Road from [...] to Ʋpsal▪ At [Page 150]the same time he receiv'd the German Troops, com­manded by Col. July 5. de Sassi; and most part of his Friends alarm'd at the Danger he had incur'd on this occasion, repair'd to him with great Diligence; the hatred they bore to Christiern, and the fear of falling again under his Power rendring Gustavus's Person extremly dear to all the Swedes, insomuch that within a few days he found himself Master of a new Army, cap­able of keeping the Field: He encamp'd near the Castle of Rimning, and made an Entrenchment there, as if he had only the same Troops with which he march'd out of Ʋpsal. He also took all the necessary Precautions to conceal the Knowledge of his Forces from the Archbishop, and to promote the Confidence and Presumption with which he was possess'd, by rea­son of the small Advantage he had gain'd.

This Prelate being puff'd up with the Pride of having put Gustavus to Flight, set forward to return to Stockholm, as that prudent Lord had foreseen, and march'd with the same State as if he led his Enemy Prisoner with him: But his Troops sell into the Am­bush; for Arwide's Infantry that lay hid in the Wood suddenly appear'd, and fell on 'em with terrible Shouts. The Archbishop, who feared no Enemies where Gustavus was not present, being surpriz'd with an unexpected Attack, determin'd to re-enter into Ʋpsal; but he met with that Lord on the Road, who had thrown himself, during his March, between the City and his Forces: Whereupon the Danes were struck with Terror, and saw themselves beset both in Front and Rear; some of 'em endeavour'd to ad­vance toward Stockholm, and others return'd towards Ʋpsal: Every one in this Disorder imagin'd the Opposition and Danger to be less where he was not, yet met with the Enemy and Death whithersoever they went. Thus the greater part of the Danes were cut to pieces, and the rest provided for their Safety by Flight. The Archbishop, who had boasted that he [Page 151]wou'd take Gustavus Prisoner, could scarce bring back the sixth part of the Forces with which he was entrusted by the Vice-roy. In the mean while Gusta­vus re-enter'd into Ʋpsal at the Head of his victorious Army, and perceiving that no Agreement cou'd be any longer made with the Archbishop, caus'd a Tower to be demolish'd, which serv'd both as an Orna­ment and a Fort in the Archbishop's Quarter, to hin­der the Danes from lodging in it for the future.

The Doctrin of L [...]ther began to be introduc'd about this time into Sweden, and in Gustavus's Army. The German Soldiers first brought it thither, but their Religion consisted only in their Licentiousness and the Contempt with which they treated the Monks and all sorts of Religious Orders. Afterwards the two Brothers Laurentius and Olaus Petri, of the Province of Nericia propagated this Doctrin with very great Success. They had both studied under Luther in the University of Witemberg; they brought both his Do­ctrin and Writings into Sweden, and publish'd them with all the Zeal that is usually shewn in the divulg­ing of new Opinions, especially when 'tis believ'd to be necessary that old Errors should be confuted, and the Truth establish'd.

Laurentius Petri, who was naturally timorous, dis­cover'd his Sentiments with much reservedness and Precaution; he contented himself only with disper­sing Luther's Books in private, and discoursing about them with his particular Friends; but Olaus, who was bold and cloquent, publickly preach'd Luthera­nism in the Church of Stregnez, whereof he was Canon and Protonotary: He inveigh'd in his Sermons against the ill use the Clergy and Monks made of their Pow­er and Riches, and was chearfully heard by the Peo­ple, who were not ignorant that the Ambition of the Bishops had caus'd all the Calamities of Sweden.

Afterward he held Conferences, posted up Theses in Ʋpsel, disputed every Day in the University of [Page 152]that City, and finally left no means unattempted to spread abroad his Master's Doctrin, during the Dis­orders and Commotions of the Civil War; a Time always favourable for the Change or establishment of new Religions. These Opinions were readily em­brac'd by the Youth, and he gain'd the most part of the Professors and Scholars of the University, who esteem'd it their honor to become the Ministers and Publishers of that Doctrin, and every one was de­sirous to be instructed in it. Thus Lutheranism pass'd insensibly from the School into the Houses of private Persons, and the Families were divided, every one taking part according to his Inclination; while some maintain'd the Roman Catholick Religion, because it was that of their Fathers, and some adher'd to it purely upon the score of its Antiquity; others com­plain'd of the Abuses which the Covetousness of the Clergy had introduc'd into the Administration of the Sacraments, and attack'd those Abuses with so much the more Heat, as they found it their Interest to dis­credit 'em. The very Women engag'd in these Dis­putes, some out of Vanity and others thro' an ex­cessive Fear of not being in the true way to Salvation; and every one set up for a Judge of Controversies. The remaining part of the Bishops of Sweden, after the Massacre of Stockholm, being more mindful of Gustavus's Conquests than of their Episcopal Functions in their respective Diocesses, took no notice of the Progress of Lutheranism. Gustavus, for his part was desirous to conceal his Knowledge of these Opinions, whether he look'd upon them as the Effect of some Di­sputes among idle Divines; or perhaps he was not displeas'd, that in a Kingdom, in which the Bishops had so far oppos'd his Designs, there should arise, even from amidst the Clergy, a Party that made Pro­fession of condemning the Temporal Power, and great Revenues of those Prelates.

1520 Gustavus after the Flight of the Archbishop re­united all his Forces, which were divided into different small Bodies, and march'd directly to Stockholm. He did not design as yet to under­take the Siege, as not having a Fleet to block up the Harbour; but he only caus'd his Army to draw near, hoping that the Consternation of the Danes, upon the Defeat of the Archbishop might give occasion to the Friends, whom he had in the Place to attempt somewhat in his behalf. The Vice-Roy and Archbishop having little assu­rance of the Fidelity of the Burghers, and be­ing afraid of falling into the Hands of Gustavus, resolv'd to make their Escape whilst the Sea con­tinu'd open. They conferr'd the Government of the Place upon an ancient Officer, who com­manded the Garrison, and retir'd with Precipi­tation into Denmark, giving out that they only went to hasten the Succours which were expe­cted daily from Christiern. And 'tis certain that he us'd his utmost endeavours to send an Army into Sweden, but the Danes terrify'd with the Massacre of Stockholm, detested both his Enter­prize and Government. and refus'd to grant him any Kind of Supplies, under pretence that they were already exhausted by the long continuance of the War.

Gustavus was over-joy'd to hear that the two Prelates were departed for Denmark; since the Vice-Roy seem'd to leave him the Kingdom by his Flight, and the Retreat of the Archbishop free'd him from an Enemy that was always formida­ble by reason of his Authority over the Clergy; but the Governour put things into to good Order in Stockholm, that the Inhabitants were not able to undertake any Attempt in Gustavus's Favour: at the same time that Lord receiv'd a Courier from Arwide, who brought him word that he [Page 154]made himself Master of the Castles of Wadestene, Hora, and Scening in Ostrogothland; that at the very first Approach of his Forces, the Towns of Lincoping, Norcoping, and Sudercoping had taken up Arms, and expell'd the Danes; and that he was marching to besiege the Castle of Stegeburg, in which Colonel Bernard de Milen a German by Nation kept Garrison with his Regiment.

The great Joy occasion'd by such prosperous Successes was allay'd with the sad News, which Gustavus receiv'd of the deplorable Death of his Mother and Sister. For King Christiern exaspe­rated at the Progress of his Victories, of which he was certainly assur'd by the flight of the Vice-Roy and Archbishop, caus'd these Ladies to be wrapp'd up in a Sack, and cast into the Sea, and gave Orders at the same time to the Danish Officers, who comman­ded in those Places, which still remain'd under his Dominion in Sweden, to destroy all the Swede [...] that were still among his Troops, as so many Traitors hir'd by his Enemy; which orders were put in Execution with a great deal of Inhuma­nity, especially by the Governour of Aboo, the Capital City of Finland, who put to Death many Finlandish Gentlemen of his Government.

Gustavus being extremely afflicted at the Loss of his Mother, and Sister; publish'd a Proclama­tion in his Army, as also in all the Places where his Authority was acknowledge, that all the Danes that cou'd be taken shou'd be put to death without Mercy; hoping that these violent Pro­ceedings wou'd render Christiern, more odious to his own Subjects. He left the greater part of his Forces before Stockholm, to form a Blockado under the Command of Colonel De Sassi and Fre­dage, and afterward march'd into Ostrogothland; which was almost wholly gain'd by the prudent Conduct, and the Valor of Arwide, and had lately [Page 155]declar'd against the Danes. Gustavus put Garri­sons into all the Towns that adher'd and own'd his Authority, caus'd the old Fortifications to be carefully Repair'd, order'd new ones to be made in all places where they were necessary, and left 'em under the command of Governours that were zealous Defenders of their Country, and for the most part had been out-law'd by Christiern. All the Noble Men of the Province appear'd before him to offer their Service, and to congratulate him upon the happy Success of his Arms. The Bishop of Linceping alone was di­sturb'd and wavering, notwithstanding so speedy and private a Revolution, and shut himself up in his Castle of Munquebode, not daring as yet to declare for Gustavus.

This was the same Prelate who had fortu­nately escap'd the Massacre of Stockholm; so that the risk that he run on this occasion, made him look upon all the Parties that oppos'd Christiern's Interest as so many dangerous Precipices; nei­ther could all Gustavus's Conquests revive his Spirits, as being persuaded that he could never be able to maintain a War against so potent a Monarch as the King of Denmark, and expecting every moment to see this Prince re-enter Sweden at the head of a formidable Army, to treat Gusta­vus and his Followers, as he had done Erie Vasa his Father and the rest of the Senators. H [...] ex­horted the People both by Word and Writing, not to be concern'd in the Commotions of the State, tho' the only Reason why he made so great a noise, was that he might have a suffici-Number of Witnesses, to depose, that he had constantly persever'd in supporting the interest of Denmark.

Gustavus incens'd at the Weakness and Cowar­dice of that Prelate, who in the middle of a [Page 156]Province, whereof he was Master, durst not de­clare against the Danes, march'd toward his Ca­stle at the head of part of his Troops, with a de­sign to oblige him to explain himself, and to drive him out of his hold, if after the ill treatment he had receiv'd from Christiern, he still persisted in taking his part. The Bishop being inform'd of the displeasure and march of Gustavus, went out to meet him with his principal Clergy, and to appease his Anger omitted neither commendations nor protestations of his Fidelity. It was indeed the interest of Gustavus to make himself Master of the Bishop's Castle, which was fortified, but he durst not put a Garrison into it, lest even those of his own party should blame him for violating the previledges of the Clergy in the Person of a Bishop, that could not be accus'd of appearing in Arms, and who had volutarily open'd the Gates of his Castle. Gustavus contented himself with giving him a severe reprimand, and the Bishop th [...]ught himself very happy to purchase his Liber­ty at the rate of some Oaths of Fidelity which he was fully resolv'd to keep no longer than he shou'd be over aw'd by the presence and arms of Gustavus

That victorious Lord having establish'd so good order throughout all his Conquests solemnly call'd a Meering or Convention of the Estates of the Kingdom at Wadestone, to give some form to the Government, and more especially to cause his own Authority to be confirm'd and acknowledg'd, which as yet he held only by the right of his Sword, and the Election of certain Pea ants of Dalecarlia. Few of the Deputies of the Provinces were present in this Assembl [...]; for the murther of the principal Nobility, the difference of parties, the disorders of the War, the marching of Troops, and even the fear of some now Revolution in Favour of [Page 157]King Christiern hinder'd the greatest part of the Deputies from appearing. The Convention was scarce compos'd of any other Persons than mili­tary Officers and many Gentleman, who were outlaw'd by Christiern and resorted to Gustavus's Army as it were to a Sanctuary or Place of Re­fuge; so that the whole Body of the State was in a manner comprehended in the Army. Gustavus represented to them with a graceful meen and a charming Eloquence, the necessity of proceeding to the Election of an Administrator, who might be capable of giving the last fatal blow to the Danish Tyranny; and that the Forces of that Nation now in the Kingdom, were rather Pri­soners then Masters in the places they possess'd, that afterwards he told them with a great deal of generosity that he did not intend that his Services should constrain their choice, assuring them that he would be the first that should acknowledg that person among them whom they shou'd think fit to Elect, and that in whatsoever rank they plac'd him, he should always esteem himself happy in Fighting and Exposing his Life for the defence of his Country.

The Estates answer'd his Harangue with the Applause and Applauding Acclamations that were the to his Valour and Moderation: All the Gen­tle-Men and Officers in the Convention were inse­parably united to his Person and Fortune; they subsi­ [...]ed only by his Benefits, and there was no safety for them in Sweden except in his Army: The whole As­sembly earneastly intreated him to take upon him­self the charge of the Governm. and they were de­sirous even to confer upon him the Quality of King, to engage him more effectually to defend his Country; but he possitively refus'd that Title, and contented himself after the Example of his Pre­decessors with the Quality of Admmistrator, as [Page 158]being more Modest and more Agreeable to the State of his Fortune and the present posture of the Kingdom. Then all the Members of the Estates took an Oath of Allegience to him, and he was acknowledg'd and proclaim'd with a loud Voice in the Assembly of the Estates, and in the Army, as the General Governour and Sovereign Administrator of Sweden.

THE HISTORY OF THE Revolutions in Sweden.
PART II.

GƲSTAVƲS having dismist the Assem­bly, 1521 began to give a full career to his vast Designs, and to follow the motions of that noble Ardor which prompted him to extend his Conquests, and atchieve some new Exploits that might answer the hope and expecta­tion of the Swedes. The success of his Arms, the glory of his Victories, the numbers and valor of his Troops, and the zeal and affection of the People, inspir'd him with Thoughts suitable to his Courage and Ambition, and flatter'd him with the alluring Prospect of mounting the Throne of Sweden, as soon as he shou'd compleat the great Work in which he was engag'd, by the entire Expulsion of the Danes out of the Kingdom.

He was not ignorant of the extreme Difficulty of the Task he had undertaken; the Danes were still Masters of the Capital City, and of several Provinces, and he wanted Mony to carry on the War. But for his comfort he perceiv'd that his Adversary labour'd under the same Inconveniency; and his Wants were in a manner supply'd by the Poverty of his Enemies. This Encouragement was sufficient to keep him from despairing of Success, but he was not willing to build his Hope on so uncertain a Foundation. He either sold or mortgag'd all his Patrimonial Lands, to make new Levies; wisely considering that he only parted with an Estate, of which an un­fortunate Battle might quickly deprive him, and that a Victory wou'd make up all his Losses.

He sent some of the Forces, which he had newly Levy'd, to Arwide, with Orders to carry on the Siege of Stegeburgh with vigor. Colonel de Sassi and Fredage besieg'd Stockholm, which they had block'd up for some time. The Administrator sent another Body of his Men to Finland under the Com­mand of Arwide's Brother, and kept a flying Camp with himself, for the security of his Person, and the execution of his private Designs. He ran thro' all the Provinces with an incredible Diligence; and it may be said, in some sense, that he was present in all his Armies at once. He projected every Enter­prise, and both contriv'd and executed all the At­tempts that were made. He pass'd frequently thro' the Enemies Country, and even under the Canon of their Garrisons, without being assaulted; the se­crecy of his Designs, and the quickness of his Marches, securing him from their Attacks. He weat to Smaland in Person, and made himself Master of that Province, almost in less time than wou'd seem necessary to travel thro' it.

From thence he march'd to Stegeburgh, Decem­ber [...]. which was still besieg'd by Arwide, and defended with [...] [Page 3]Courage and Resolution by the Governor. The whole Fortune of that Officer consisted in the Go­vernment of this Place; and he endeavour'd to pre­serve it as his Estate and Patrimony, rather than out of Zeal and Fidelity to his Master's Interest. Gusta­vus soon discover'd his weak side, and concluding that he might be more easily Brib'd than Forc'd, made some advantageous Proposals to him, which quickly produc'd the desir'd effect. The Governor was not able to resist the Presence and Bounty of that young Conquer or; he not only surrender'd the Place, but enter'd into his late Enemy's Service, and the whole Garrison follow'd his Example. So power­fully was he charm'd with that Prince's Valor and Generosity, and allur'd with the Pensions and Pre­ferment which he bestow'd upon him.

After the Reduction of Stereburgh, Gustavus made himself Master of the Castles and Forts of Nicopinc and Tynelso; from whence he march'd to Westmania, and took the Castle of Vesteras, which by a long Elockade was reduc'd to scarcity of Provisions, and cou'd not expect Relief. However, be granted ho­nourable Terms to the Covernor, besides and advan­tageous Composition in private: For 'twas one of his Maxims, That a Conqueror can never pay too dear a price for the time he saves; and tho' he was full of Courage and undaunted Bravery, 'twas his usual custom to court his Enemies before he attack'd 'em, and only to force those who wou'd not be gain'd. He had the Art of preparing his Designs for execu­tion by private Negotiations, and was admirably well acquainted with all the mysterious Secrets of the most refin'd Politicks.

Assoon as he had made himself M [...]ster of the Ca­stle of Westeras, he march'd towards Stockholm at the Head of his Army, resolving to Command in Per­son at the Sieve, and to compleat the Conquest of the Kingdom by the Reduction of the Capital City. [Page 4]But about two days Journey from the Town, he met with the unwelcome News of the Defeat of his two Officers that lay before it, and of the raising of the Siege. Christiern had made a desperate Essort to prevent the Loss of Sweden; he had set out a potent Fleet, mann'd with a considerable number of Land Forces, and Admiral Norbi, who express'd a great deal of Zeal and Forwardness on this Occasion, was intrusted with the Conduct of the Expedition.

That Lord could not forgive Gustavus for getting the start of him, and baulking the secret Designs he had form'd against Sweden; and Christiern ima­gin'd that his extream Aversion and Spight against that Prince, which he did not endeavour to dissemble, proceeded merely from his Loyalty and Zeal for the Interest of his Sovereign. He had us'd a great deal of Diligence, and ev'n spent a great deal of Mony in sitting out the Fleet: His Friends accom­panied him in the Expedition, the Troops that he commanded were absolutely devoted to him, and he still entertain'd some flattering Hopes that if he cou'd beat Gustavus, 'twou'd not be impossible to obtain the Dignity of Administrator, and afterwards to mount the Throne, by improving the violent Hatred with which the Swedes were possess'd, against the Tyranny of his Master.

1522 Gustavus had no Fleet at Sea to dispute the passage of the Danes; their Admiral enter'd without any opposition into the Port of Stockholm, April. and as soon as his Troops were landed, made a Sally with all his Forces to surprize the Besiegers. There was a lucky Combination of several Circumstances that seem'd to favour the execution of his Designs; for besides the Weakness of his Enemies at Sea, there was a fatal mis-understanding betwixt the two Officers that commanded the Siege. The German Colonel, who was an old and Weather beaten Soldier, claim'd the supream Command, as an Honour due to his Skill [Page 5]and Experience: But the Swedish Officer was too proud and consident of his own Courage, and too jealous of the Honor of his Nation, to submit to a Man whom he did not think braver than himself. After this unhappy Difference they lodg'd their Troops in separate Quarters, without the least Com­munication between one another: They acted on all Occasions like declar'd Enemies, and were more sus­picious of each other, than of the Danish Garrison, whom they despis'd both for their Weakness and the smallness of their Numbers.

Norbi taking the advantage of so favourable an Opportunity, made a Sally upon Fredage's Quarters; and the Swedes were so ill prepar'd to receive him, that they abandon'd their Lines, and endeavour'd to save themselves by a shameful Flight. The Ger­man Colonel was so far from assisting 'em, that he remain'd an unconcern'd Spectator of the Action, and ev'n rejoyc'd at their Misfortune: But he was soon made sensible of his Imprudence, for his Camp was attack'd so vigorously by the Danish Admiral, that his Soldiers were not able to endure so surions a Shock, and fled after a slight Resistance. Thus Norbi had the good Fortune to succeed in his first At­tempt; and that he might not lose the Fruit of so important a Victory, he order'd the Soldiers of the Garrison to fill up the Lines, and demolish all the Enemies Works, while the rest of the Troops were in pursuit of the routed Besiegers.

Yet the Shame and Confusion of this Desent, was greater than the Loss they sustain'd; for the greatest part of the Swedish Troops rally'd again under their respective Officers. The two Commanders endea­vour'd reciprocally to cast the [...]ame of this Disaster upon one another. Their common Misfortune ex­asperated the Fury of their Aversion, and widen'd the Breach that was between 'em: But Gustavus was too deeply concern'd in the fatal Consequences of [Page 6]that unhappy Division, to suffer it to make a further Progress. He march'd with all possible haste to the Army, and by his Presence depriv'd 'em both of that Power and Superiority, which was the main Cause of their Hatred and Jealousy. Immediately after he gave Orders to his Troops to repair to their former Posts, and renew'd the Siege, notwithstand­ing the great sharpness of the Winter, that the News of his Arrival might prevent, or at least les­sen the Noise of the Defeat of his Army.

Norbi was not much alarm'd at this second At­tempt, which was rather a Blockade than a Siege. He lose a great Garrison in the Town, and being Master of the Sea set sail for Finland, where he put to Flight Arwide's Brother, whom Gustavus had sent to reduce that Province.

The Administrator perceiving that he cou'd not hope to succeed in his Designs, nor to make himself Master of Stockholm, without a Fleet to block up the Port, dispatch'd his Secretary Siguard de Holten to hasten the Succors which that Republic had promis'd him, and to obtain a sufficient Number both of Man and Ships to carry on the War. This Envoy was more favourably receiv'd than his Predecessor; for the Magistrates of that City had heard of the Action at Stockholm, and believ'd the Accounts that were industriously spread abroad by the Danes, who gave out that the Administrator's Army was totally de­feated. And therefore since 'twas their Interest to prevent the utter Ruin of that Prince, as well as to curb the Progress of his Victories, they were soon perswaded to grant the Succors which he demanded, thinking by that means to perpetrute the War be­twixt the Northern Crowns. They oblig'd them­selve, to send forthwich Eighteen Men of War, with Four thousand Soldiers, furnish'd with one Year's Pay: But at the same time they resolv'd to make the Administrator pay dear for the Assistance they gave him.

They propos'd, That he shou'd enter into an Obligation in the Name and Behalf of the States of Sweden, to pay to their City for the Charge of the Fleet, the Sum of Sixty thousand Marks of Silver; That till the Kingdom shou'd be in a Condition to advance so considerable a Sum, the Merchants of Lubeck, Trading to Sweden, shou'd be exempted from all Customs and Duties, for the Goods which they shou'd either Export or Import; That no other Nation shou'd be permitted to Trade in the King­dom; That the Administrator shou'd not conclude a Peace or Truce with Denmark, without the Consent of the Regency; and, That in case they shou'd be attack'd by Christiern, he shou'd be oblig'd to invade Denmark with Twenty thousand Men, to make a Diversion.

The greatest part of these Conditions seem'd very hard to Gustavus: For he perceiv'd that the execution of this Treaty wou'd ruin the Trade of the Kingdom, and quite destroy the Revenue of the Crown, which at that time consisted almost wholly in the Customs that were laid upon the Im­portation and Exportation of Goods. But on the other Hand, there was an absolute Necessity for a Fleet to carry on the Siege of Stockholm, Calmar, and other Maritime Places. He had no Mony either to build or buy Ships, and was sensible that as long as Christiern shou'd remain Master of the Sea, and consequently of these Ports, he might easily pro­long the War, by pouring in fresh Forces into the Kingdom. Thus the Administrator was constrain'd to conclude a Treaty, which wou'd have been shame­ful and dishonourable, if it had not been necessary: Siguard de Holten sign'd it by his Order, and the Fleet set Sail some time after. Frederick Brum was Admiral of the Navy, and the Land Forces were com­manded by John Stammel.

The Fleet arriv'd safely in the Port of Sudercopinc on Whitson-Eve, and the Troops that were to serve a Shoar were landed. As soon as the Administrator [Page 8]receiv'd the News of their Arrival, he sent Bernard de Milen, who was their Country-man, to admini­ster the Oath of Fidelty to 'em: But they resus'd obstinately to obey or acknowledge that Officer, tho' he was a Native of Germany. They begg'd earnest­ly that they might see Gustavus; and the greatest part of 'em protested that they wou'd never have left their Country, if they had not expected to serve under a Prince whose Valor was celebrated thro' all Germany.

To satisfy these Foreign Auxiliaries, the Admini­strator was oblig'd to take a Journey to Sudercepinc. He charm'd 'em with the gracefulness of his Mien, and gain'd their Hearts with the winning Eloquence of his Discourse. They took the usual Oath of Fi­delity for the time their Superiors had engag'd 'em in his Service, with all imaginable Expressions of Joy and Chearfulness; and resolv'd to follow his Fortune with as ardent a Zeal, as if they had been born his Subjects.

He made use of these Troops to reinforce the Ar­my that lay before Stockholm, ordering 'em to en­camp on the side next the Sea, over against the Port, which was the weakest part of the Camp. At the same time he form'd a Squadron of as many Ships as he cou'd find, and gave the Command of it to Eric Fleming, a Finlandish Lord, with Orders to Cruise before the Harbor, that all Hope of Relief might be cut off from the Besieg'd.

Fleming lying in the height of Stockholm, disco­ver'd a Squadron of Danish Ships making their way directly towards the Harbor. This was a consi­derable Convoy, commanded by the Governor of Aboo, whom Norbi had sent to re-victual Stockholm; for it seems he had not yet receiv'd Advice that the Regency of Lubeck had declar'd for the Swedes, and that their Fleet kept the Sea. Immediately Fleming gave Orders to all his Ships to stand in behind the [Page 9]Cape of Stockholm; and in the mean time the Con­voy, with the Ships under his Command, advanc'd with a favourable Gale, having order'd two light Frigats to sail before the Fleet, at an equal distance, to make Discoveries.

As soon as the first of these Frigats had doubl'd the Cape, she was surrounded and taken by Fleming, who took out all the Ship's Company, and mann'd her with Swedish Seamen and Soldiers. Then, with­out losing time, he went on Board his Prize, and put out to Sea to meet the other Frigat, which was making the best of her way, without the least sus­picion of what had happen'd. As soon as the Com­modore of the Convoy, who was on Board that Ves­sel, perceiv'd the first Frigat making towards him, he came in his Boat to learn the Cause of her return; but instead of receiving the Advice he expected, he found himself in the Hands of his Enemies. Imme­diately Fleming gave the Signal for the whole Fleet to come up; and made himself Master of the Convoy and all the Ships in his Company, before the Cap­tains, who were at a loss for want of their Admiral, cou'd agree upon the Order of Battle. There was only one Finlandish Ship that made Resistance; the Captain defended himself with extraordinary Valor from Noon till Night; and at last chose rather to burn his Ship, than to fall under the power of his Enemies. The Commodore of the Convoy was hang'd by Gustavus's Order, by way of Reprisal, or Retaliation, for the Cruelties he had committed in his Government.

This was a very mortifying piece of News to Admiral Norbi, who, reckoning himself Master of these Seas, cou'd not endure to be affronted in his own Element, by such bungling Seamen as the Swedes were generally reputed to be. He order'd his Fleet to be sitted out with all possible haste; and as soon as it was ready to put to Sea, he set sail with a [Page 10]Convoy of Provisions and Soldiers for Stockholm, which was still closely block'd up by Gustavus. As soon as he drew near the Lubeck-Fleet and Fleming's Squadron, which were Riding at Anchor in the Road of that City, the Guns on both sides began to play very furiously, and the two Fleets continu'd a whole Day firing at one another without Intermission. Norbi intended to renew the Fight next Morning; but perceiving some appearances of an approaching Storm, he was forc'd to stand in to a little Island, where there was safe Anchorage, tho' it was very near the Shoar.

Having cast Anchor in that place, he was surpriz'd in the Night with so violent a Frost, that all his Ships were engag'd in the Ice. Gustavus hearing of this Accident, resolv'd not to neglect so fair an op­portunity of obtaining a compleat and easy Victory, by setting Fire to his Enemies Navy. In pursuance of that Design, he march'd immediately with the Forces of Lubeck, who were encamp'd on that side, and whom he thought fitter for such an Attempt than the Dalecarlians and other Peasants, of which his Army was compos'd. He pass'd over into the Island upon the Ice, and gave Orders to the Soldiers to ad­vance as near the Enemy as they cou'd, during the obscurity of the Night. They quickly found that Norbi was not asleep; for upon their Approach, they were saluted with repeated Discharges of great and small Shot. However, they receiv'd the Ene­mies Fire without shrinking, and march'd on boldly to the sides of the Ships: Some shot Arrows, others darted burning Torches, and some, transported with the eagerness of their Courage, endeavour'd to climb up the sides of the Ships; but they were quickly repuls'd and thrown down upon the Ice by the Danes, who fought with advantage upon the Decks of their Ships. The Action was extreamly hot on both sides: The Danes were attack'd with [Page 11]extraordinary Vigor and Obstinacy, and defended themselves with no less Courage and Bravery; but notwithstanding all their Care and Resistance, seve­ral Ships were set on Fire, and both the Conquer'd and Conquerors were forc'd, with equal haste and precipitation, to avoid the fury of the merciless Flames. The gloomy Horror of the Night, the Shrieks of half-burnt Wretches, the falling of Masts and cracking of the Ships, with the confus'd Medly of so many dismal Objects, struck the most undaunt­ed Minds with a secret and resistless Terror. The Danes were at once assaulted by the raging Fire and their victorious Enemies: They had already lost se­veral Ships, and cou'd not have sav'd one of the rest, if those who commanded under Gustavus wou'd have compleated the Victory.

The Lubeck General order'd a Retreat to be sounded in the heat of the Action, John Stammel. and in spight of Gustavus's Threats and Intreaties, drew off his Troops, under pretext that they were too much expos'd to the Enemies Fire. 'Tis not certainly known whether he was secretly gain'd by Norbi, as the Administrator suspected; or whether he had re­ceiv'd private Orders from his Superiors to prolong the War, by ballancing the Advantages on both sides. The Season was not yet so far advanc'd, but that the Heat of the Sun in the Morning was strong enough to thaw the Ice, Novem­ber. which was quickly dispers'd by a brisk Southerly Gale, which happen'd to arise at the same time. Norbi set sail immediately, and retir'd to the Port of Calmar, with the rest of his Fleet which was extreamly shatter'd.

Gustavus was enrag'd at the Lubeck General's Treachery, who, by an ill-tim'd Retreat, had robb'd him of a certain Victory, and retarded the Conquest of Stockholm, upon which the success of all his [...] signs depended. He was convinc'd, by this Action, that he cou'd not safely rely upon such Allies, who [Page 12]had only assisted him out of a politic Design to put a stop to the growing power of Denmark; and concluded that they wou'd not only withdraw their Assistance, but turn their Arms against him, if he shou'd, by extending his Conquests, make himself the Object of their Fear. However, the necessity of having a Fleet to block up the Port of Stockholm, made him dissemble his Anger; and having sent those Foreign Troops into good Winter Quarters, he continu'd the Blockade with an Army of his own Subjects, who were accustom'd to endure Cold, and to encamp in the Snow. In the mean time he took care to keep so strict a Guard upon all the Avenues of the Town, that 'twas impossible for the Enemy to supply it either with Men or Provi­sions.

Norbi hearing of the Extremity to which the Place was reduc'd, resolv'd to hazard another Bot­tle, as soon as the Sea shou'd be open. He be­stow'd a great deal of care and charge upon the Careening and Fitting out of his Fleet, and Mann'd it with a considerable Number of Soldiers, whom he drew out of the Garrisons of the Isle of Goth­land, and of the City of Calmar, of which he was Governour. He was still entertaining him­self with the pleasing hope of forcing Gustavus once more to raise the Siege of the Capital City of Sweden, when he receiv'd advice that all Den­mark was in Arms against Christiern.

That violent Prince contemning the Laws and Privileges of his Country, imagin'd that he might, without controul, dispose of the Lives and For­tunes of his Subjects as he pleas'd, and make his own fantastical humour the Standard and Measure of his Government. The Bishops and Nobility were the principal Objects of his Fury; for the conscious­ness of his own Guilt made him conclude that they cou'd not continue Loyal to their Tyrannical Op­pressor. [Page 13]He had put to Death several Lords and two Bishops without any form of Justice; and both the Clergy and Nobility were equally incens'd a­gainst him. Those Barbarities and the Massacre of Stockholm procur'd him the hatred of all his Sub­jects; but their Hatred was accompanied with so much Fear, that notwithstanding all his Cruelties, he might have still continu'd on the Throne if he had not over-loaded the Danes with insupportable Taxes and Impositions to carry on the War a­gainst Sweden, which was still his predominant Passion.

At last the People grew weary of Slavery and Oppression, and cou'd not longer bear the unsuf­ferable Yoak of so Tyrannical a Government: They lost their Fear and Patience, at the same time that they lost their Estates, and chearfully imbrac'd the Quarrel of the Clergy and Nobility: All things being ripe for an universal Insurrection, and the Conspiracy being carried on by the United Coun­sels and Interests of all the Estates and Orders of the Kingdom; they enter'd into a secret Treaty with Frederick of Oldenburgh, Duke of H [...]stein, and Chri­stiern's Uncle. That Prince liv'd quietly in the Lands of his Appennage, and had never discover'd any Ambition: But he was so dazzl'd with the tempting Prospect of a Crown, that he heard with Pleasure the Proposals of the Malecontents, and consented to the Dethroning of his Nephew, con­cluding that the Tyrannical Proceedings of that unhappy Prince, wou'd justify his appearing in Arms against him, and save him from the Character of an Usurper. He levy'd Troops in his own Lands to support the Malecontents: And the revolt be­gan in the Province of Jutland, which borders up­on Holstein. The Estates of that Country, assem­bl'd at Arhusen, depos'd Christiern publickly, and even had the confidence to send him the Art or In­strument [Page 14]of his Deposition by Munce, the chief Ju­stice of that Province.

Christiern was extreamly daunted with this Message, which a Wiser and more Resolute Prince wou'd have answer'd at the head of his Army. He was still Master of the Kingdom of Norway, which King Christiern I. his Grandfather had entail'd upon his Family. Copenhagen, and the Islands of the Bal­tick Sea, had not yet declar'd in favour of his Uncle; and he was sure of the Fleet under the Command of an Admiral, who was inseparably united to his Interest. Yet he neither endeavour'd to oppose the Mutineers, nor to dispute the Crown with the Duke of Holstein. He concluded that the Conspiracy was universal, tho' it had only broken out in one Province. He was diffident and afraid of all Men, and even suspected his Domestic Ser­vants, and the Officers of his Houshold, fearing that they might be tempted to betray him to the Prince, his Uncle. He degraded himself, and for­getting his Birth and Dignity, shamefully begg'd the advice and assistance of those whom he had treated most unworthily. His Disgrace expos'd him in his true and naked Colours to the eyes of his Subjects, and shew'd him to be as Base and Cowardly under Adversity, as he had been Haughty and Insolent in Prosperity. He chose rather to live a private Person than to die a King, and sav'd himself by an Ignomi­nious flight out of his Dominions, with the Queen his Wife, 1523 and the Pri [...]es, his Children. He was also accompained by S [...]ite, who notwithstanding the ill success of he [...] Counsels, April 13. retain'd her wonted Empire and Authority over the mind of this mi­serable Prince. He plac'd his only confidence in the assistance of his Brother-in- [...]aw the Emperor, imagining that he wou'd Arm all Cermany to re­store him to the Throne he h [...]d sursaken; as if he cou'd not have more easily kept the Possession of [Page 15]his Crown with his own Army, than regain it with all the Forces of the Empirc.

As soon as Norbi receiv'd the news of his Ma­sters Flight and ABDICATION, he took his leave of Sweden, and gave over his design of reliev­ing Stockholm. He left a weak Garrison in Calmar, and retir'd with his whole Fleet to the Isle of Goth­land, under pretext of securing it for Christiern, tho' his true Design was to keep it for himself, and under the Name of that Prince to make him­self the absolute Master and Sovereign of the Island, while the Kingdoms of the North were distracted with such terrible confusions.

Gustavus resolv'd to make the best advantage of his Enemies retreat. He had some secret intelligence in Calmar, who prevail'd with the Burghers to re­ceive his Troops in the Night; and the whole Gar­rison was put to the Sword. At the same time Arwide seiz'd on the Isle of Docland, and Bernard de Milen Conquer'd all Bleking. And these successes were quickly follow'd with the Reduction of the whole Kingdom, except Stockholm, and some places in Finland.

The Garrison of Stockholm, weaken'd by the length of the Siege, straiten'd both by Land and Sea, and kept in Awe by the Burghers of the City, who did not longer conceal their Affection to the Admi­nistrator, began to think of Capitulating. They knew not for whose sake they suffer'd all the In­commodities of so close a Siege; and were reduc'd to such Extremities, by want of Pay and of neces­sary Provisions, that they offer'd to surrender, in­sisting only on the Payment of the Arrears due to 'em since they enter'd into the Place.

But Gustavus did not think fit to observe his usual Maxim on this occasion; for tho' 'twas so much his interest to be Master of that City, he rejected the advantageous Proposals th [...] were made to him [Page 16]by the Garrison. He knew that their Numbers were extreamly lessen'd, and that they wanted both Victuals and Powder. But this seeming Severity was only a pretext to prolong the Siege for some days, which in the present juncture was a neces­sary piece of policy for the Advancement of his Fortune, and the carrying on of his secret De­signs. He saw that Sweden was absolutely deliver'd from the Danish Yoke; that Christiern was hated and slighted by all the World, and that he wan­der'd about like a miserable Exile, begging the As­sistance of his former Allies to restore him to the Crown of Denmark. Gustavus had never a nearer Prospect of mounting the Throne; but at the same time he stood in need of his most resin'd Politicks to manage so nice a Game: He consider'd that the re­duction of Stockholm, instead of sixing him on the Throne, might set him at a further distance from it: He knew that Ingratitude is the usual Compa­nion of Security, and was afraid that the Swedes being freed from the apprehension of a common Enemy, wou'd not unanimously concur to his Electi­on, and the Establishment of his Authority. And therefore he concluded that the best resolution he cou'd take in so Critical a Juncture was to lengthen the Siege of their Capital City, that the uncertainty of so important an event might keep 'em in awe, and in a dependence upon his Assistance.

In pursuance of this Design he call'd a Meeting or Convention of the Estates at Stregnez, May 25. whither the Deputies of all the Provinces resorted, attend­ed with a vast concourse of the Nobility and com­mon People, who flock'd thither from all parts to see Gusta [...]us, whom they look'd upon as the Hero and Guardian Argel of his Country. As soon as the Assembly was open'd they proceeded to the Election of Senators, to supply the vacant Places of those who lost their Lives in the Massacre of [Page 17]Stockholm. The Administrator had so great an in­fluence upon the Deputies, Bernard Milen, Pe [...] ter Erland Ivard and Eric Fl [...]m­ing, Axc [...] Andrew, Canut An­drew, Peter John, Be­ [...]o Claud, Tordo Bon­de. and manag'd the Voices with so successful a Dexterity, that the choice fell upon such Persons as were intirely devoted to his Interest, and were either his Relations or Crea­tures.

The Canut Provost of the Ca­thedral of Wester as. Speaker of the Estates represented to the Assembly the absolute necessity of proceeding spee­dily to the Election of a King. Then he imyloy'd all his Art in Painting forth the Qualities of an excellent Prince, one that was Vigilant, Laborious, full of Courage, and indu'd with a sufficient Stock of Valour and Prudence, to oppose the unjust pre­tensions of the Danes to the Swedish Crown; that in this description they might see, and take notice of the Picture of Gustavus. He concluded, that af­ter all the Services which the Administrator had done to the State, and the illustrious Proofs he had given of his extraordinary Endowments and Virtues, they were oblig'd in Gratitude to him, and in Justice to the Interests of those whom they repre­sented, to confer the Royal Titie and Authority upon their Benefactor.

This Discourse was receiv'd with an universal Applause. The Nobility and Commons Trans­ported with their Zeal and Affection, prevented the Senators and Deputies. The whole Assembly with a loud Voice Proclaim'd Gustavus, King of of Sweden: 'Twas impossible to gather the Votes, or to proceed according to the usual Forms that are observ'd in such Cases. His praises were eccho'd thro' the whole Convention; he was Stil'd the Sa­viour and Deliverer of his Country: The Peasants and Burghers mingling confusedly with the Deputies, [...]eglecting all marks of Distinction, and even for­getting the respect they ow'd to the Senators and other Lords, strugg [...]'d and crowded to approach the King. The Name of Gustavns was repeated [Page 18]by every Mouth, he was the Object of every Eye; and all in general endeavour'd to express their Joy at his Election, and to congratulate their own Happiness, in having an opportunity to contribute to his Advancement.

The Privce was charm'd with so many extraor­dinary demonstrations of his Peoples Affection: He own'd that it exceeded all his Services, and that their Kindness was more agreeable to him than the Noble Essect of their Gratitude. He had so much real or seeming Modesty as to decline the offer they made him: But the first Words he utter'd to that Effect, dampt the Joy of the whole Assembly. There was nothing to be seen or heard among 'em but Tears and Supplications; and so deep a Sorrow sate upon every Face, that one wou'd have thought the Danes had still been at the Gates of the City. At last he was prevail'd with to submit to the pleasing violence, and consented to an Advancement, which was both a Reward and an Effect of his Valour and Prudence. He was solemnly acknowledg'd as King and Sovereign of Sweden, and the two Gothlands; and receiv'd an Oath of Fidelity from the Senate and the Deputies of the Provinces.

The Estates wou'd have immediately proceeded to his Coronation, but he cunningly avoided that Ceremony, under pretext that he was oblig'd to return instantly to the Siege of Stockholm. The true Reason why he refus'd to be Crown'd so soon was, that he was not yet sufficiently Establish'd up­on the Throne, to refuse the Oaths which the Clergy exacted upon such Occasions for the preservation of their Rights and Privileges.

He invited the Senate and the greatest part of the Deputies to accompany him to the Army, that they might be present at the Surrendring of their Capital City. He knew the place cou'd not hold out longer; for the Garrison was so pinch'd with [Page 19]Famine, and so afraid of the Burghers, who began openly to threaten 'em, that they desir'd several times to Capitulate; but the Generals had Orders to prolong the Treaty during the Meeting of the Estates at Stregnez. As soon as the news of his E­lection and of his return to the Camp was divulg'd in the City, new Deputies were sent to him, and the Governor yielded up the Place, submitting all the Articles of the C [...]pi [...]ulation to his Pleasure and Discretion.

He requir'd the Governour to deliver up to his Officers all the Mony, Papers, Furnit [...]re, and other Effects that belong'd to King Christren, the Vice-Roy, Arch-Bishop Trolle, and Admiral Nor [...]i. He permitted the Garrison to march out with their Arms and Baggage, upon condition that for the space of Six Months they shou'd not bear Arms a­gainst the Crown of Sweden or its Allies. He oblig'd himself to provide Vessels to Transport [...]em to Wismar or Lubeck; and promis'd with a great deal of chearsulness to preserve inviolably all the Privileges of the City.

As soon as the King's Forces had taken Possession of the Town, he made his public Entry, accom­pany'd with all the Senators, and follow'd by a vast Number of Lords, Gentlemen, and Military Officers, [...]ll magnisicently Cloath'd. The Prince himself [...]gmented the Splendor of the Cavalcade by his graceful Mien, and his Noble and Majestic Air, which was very advantageoully set off by the Lustre [...]f his Youth. He was receiv'd at the Gate by the [...]onsuls and Magistrates, who preserted the Keys [...]f the City on their Knces: And the People ming­ing with the Soldiers without either F [...]r or Order, [...]ade the Air resound with a thousand joy [...] Accla­ [...]ations. The King went st [...]ight to the Church, [...] gave Thanks to God for the [...]ccess of his Arms; [...] which, he gave a splendid Enter [...]inment to [Page 20]all the Seantors and the principal Officers of his Army.

Thus Gustavus became Master of the Capital City of his Kingdom, and began the publick Exercise o [...] the Regal Authority: He sent orders to notify his Election, to all the Provinces, that the People might accknowledge him as Sovereign; and com­manded all the Governours of Places, and the prin­cipal Officers of his Troops to repair with all di­ligence to their respective Posts. He gave Audi­ence at all Hours, receiving Persons of Quality with Civility and Marks of Honour, and Persons of Mer [...] with Demonstrations of Kindness and Esteem. Th [...] People began to breath after so many terrible Di [...] ­afters: Trade was restor'd, and the Swedes had th [...] picasure to contemplate the unwonted Prospect [...] a lasting Peace. The whole Kingdom was free [...] from the Tyrannical Dominion of its Old Ene­mics, and subject to a Prince that was able to pr [...] ­tect and defend it. He introduc'd a Politeness [...] Manners and Magnificence of Habit into the Cour [...] that were not known, or at least not so remarkable in the preceeding Reigns. For there was a certa [...] rough wildness in the Temper of most of that N [...] ­tion, which stood very much in need of Polishin [...] and Resining. And perhaps he us'd these Arts o [...] purpose to allure the Nobility from their Count [...] Seats and Castles, and to oblige 'em to depen [...] upon the Court for Places, or Pensions to defra [...] the Charge of that Expensive way of Living.

He had not forgotten the danger to which he w [...] expos'd by Peterson the Dalecarl [...]an; but a good Offi [...] he receiv'd from the Wife, aton'd for the Treacher of the Hasband. He remember'd also and design'd [...] reward the Kindness and Hospitality of the Cura [...] of Sa [...]rdsio, who receiv'd him into his House a [...] enter [...]i [...]'d him in his lowest Condition: And hea [...] ­ing [...] his Benefactor was dead, he order'd [Page 21]Crown of Copper Gilt to be plac'd on the top of the Parish-Church, as a Monument of his Grati­tude.

The King sent the two Flemings with a strong Bo­dy of Soldiers to drive out the Danes, who were still Masters of some Places in Finland: And the Arrival of these two Lords at the Head of a Victo­rious Army, struck their dishearten'd Fnemies with such a Terror that they obey'd the first Summons, and Surrender'd the Places without Firing a G [...]n. They desir'd no other conditions, but that they should be safely conducted to Denmark, and were even glad to shelter themselves in the Sw [...]sh Arm [...] [...] the Fury of an incens'd Rabble, who [...] ing the Articles of their Capitualtion would [...] taken a full and Bloody Revenge for all the [...] ­ties and Robberies they had committed in the Corn­try during the Reign of Christiern. But Gusha is took care to send 'em under the protection of a strong Convoy to Denmark, where they sill'd the whole Country with the News of his Conquests and Election: The Officers extoll'd his Power, and the Numbers and Valour of his Armies, that they might not be Censur'd for sabmitting to the un­equal Force of so potent an Enemy.

Arch-Bishop Trolle was extremely mortifi'd with the report of Gustavus's Advancement, 1524 which lest him no hope of returning to Sweden and recover­ing his former Dignity. He stay'd in Denmark after his Masters slight, where he liv'd obscurely, contemn'd by the Danes, and forgotten by the Court. He saw himself expos'd to the usual Fate of Traitors, who are always slighted and abhor'd, as soon as they become uscless and unserviceable; but his Temper was so little after'd by his Misfortunes that he endeavour'd to regain his Credit and Interest by new Treasons, and b [...] rekindling the slame that seem'd to be almost extinguish'd. He address'd [Page 22]himself to the new King of Denmark, and told him, in a private Audience, that he had an undoubted Right to Sweden, as he was the Son of King Chri­stiern I. and that the Danes themselves wou'd despise him, if he shou'd tamely suffer that Crown to re­main on the Head of an Usurper. He added, that the Swedish Clergy had not forgotten their old affe­ction to the Danish Interest; and assur'd him that there were many considerable Persons in that King­dom who wou'd own his Right, assoon as he shou'd think fit to claim it.

Frederic was not able to withstand a Temptation that slatter'd his Interest and Ambition. He caus'd himself to be crown'd King of Sweden by that Prelate at Copenhagen; as if there had been nothing else re­quir'd to put him in possession of the Crown, but the Ceremony of setting it on his Head. At the same time he sout an Ambassador to the Senate of that Kingdom, to complain of the late Election, as a violation of the Treaty of Calmar, and an Injury to the Crown of Denmark.

The Senate of Sweden wou'd have sent the Ambes­sedor back without suffering him to deliver his Mes­sage; but Gustavus was so far from being of that Opinion, that he sent some of his Officers to receive him, and allow'd him a magnisicent Entertainment during his stay in the Kingdom. Afterwards he summon'd a Convertion of the Estates, not so much to consult about the King of Denmark's Propo [...]ls, as to make that Prince' [...] Envoy an Eye-witness of the Confirmation of his Election by all the Orders of the Kingdom. The Ambassador was introduc'd into the Assembly, and in a long Harangue endeavour'd to convince 'em that they were oblig'd to own his Moster's Title to the Crown of Sweden, by vertue of the Treat [...] of Calmar. He magnify'd the Power of [...] Monarch, and extoll'd his Verthes and tare En­ [...]ents; concluding, that they ought to [...]itate [Page 23]the Example of the Norwegians, and put themselves under the protection of a Prince that was able to defend 'em against Christiern, who was preparing to force a Passage into the Kingdoms of the North with all the Forces of the Empire.

After the Assembly had heard this Discourse with a great deal of Impatience and Indignation, the Speaker of the Estates made a short, but very brisk and smart Reply. He told the Ambassador, That Sweden had been too long subject to the Dominion of her Enemies, and wou'd take care to lodge the su­preme Power in better Hands for the future; That all the Inhabitants of the Kingdom had, by a volun­tary Election, put themselves under the Pro [...]ction of their Deliverer, who wou'd preserve his Right and their Liberty in spite of the Pretensions [...]n [...] Opposition of the Danes; That the Treaty of Cal­mar was violated almost assoon as it was concluded; That the Swedes, notwithstanding their intestine Divisions, chose rather to make the Kingdom the Seat of a bloody War for more than a hundred Years, than to submit to a Treaty that was so inju­rious and odious to the whole Nation; and that now they were united under a Victorious Prince, he would find it a hard Task to perswade 'em to resume their broken Fetters.

The Estates were not satisfy'd with rejecting the King of Denmark's Claim; but, to give Gustavus a more convincing Mark of their Affection and Fide­lity to his Interest, they proceeded immediately to give Judgment against Archbishop Trolle, and, in the Ambassador's presence, declar'd that Prelate a Traitor and an Enemy to his Country: And, in the heat of their Zeal, they m [...]de a solemn Act or De­cree, by which they oblig'd themselves to approve whatever Gustavus shou'd think fit to do or attempt for the Preservation of his Dignity, Lec. l. 6. p. 237. granting him full Power to declare War or conclude a Peace with­out [Page 24]out calling a Meeting or Convention of the Estates, and resolving that his Enemies shou'd be reputed Enemies to the State and Nation. Thus the Swedes were so charm'd with the Valor and excellent Qua­lities of their new Monarch, that they thought they cou'd not more effectually secure the Liberty and Happiness of the Subject, than by confirming and eularging the Prerogative of the Crown: And that cunning, Prince, under the specious Title of the De­fender of the Public Liberty, was advancing by slow, but sure Steps, to an absolute Authority over the Kingdom.

He kept the Danish Ambassador at Court some Da [...]s after [...] he had receiv'd his Audience; and or­der'd the principal Lords of the Kingdom to Treat him by turns at their Houses. Afterwards he invited him to be present at a Review which he took of his Forces, pretending that 'twas meerly an effect of his Complaisance to that Minister, tho' his true de­sign was to make him a Witness of the Strength and Numbers of his Troops. He honour'd him with magnificent Presents at his departure; and left no means unessay'd to gain him, or at least to make him give an advantageous Character of his Power and Grandeur. At last he dismist him, and sent an Envoy along with him to the King of Denmark, with Orders to demand the Liberty of the Administrator's Widow, and of the other Ladies whose Husbands were put to Death by Christiern.

These Ladies were still kept Prisoners in Den­mark; and Gustavus knew that he cou'd neither oblige the Swedes, nor raise his own Glory more effectually, than by procuring their Liberty. But these were not the only, nor the most important In­structions he gave to his Envoy: He consider'd that Christiern had put himself under the Protection of a Prince who was able to pur him in possession of the Kingdoms he had lost, especially if he shou'd sind [Page 25]'em divided. And therefore he gave secret Orders to his Agent to study the Character of King Frederic, to discover his Designs and the Inclinations of his Council, and to dispose 'em to a firm and lasting Peace, which was equally necessary for both these Mo­narchs, to settle their Authority in the beginning of their Reigns.

The Swedish Envoy, at his arrival at the Court of Denmark, deliver'd his Message publickly, demand­ing the Liberty of the Princess and the other Swedish Ladies: But afterwards, in a private Audience, he complain'd, in his Master's Name, of the Injury that Monarch had receiv'd from the King of Denmark, by sending an Ambassador to Sweden, without ac­quainting him with his Intention, or directing the Embassy to him. He represented to him, That the Kings, his Predecessors, notwithstanding their Pre­tensions to the Crown of Sweden, were more careful to observe the common Rules of Decency, even dur­ing the late War betwixt the two Kingdoms; and that they were so far from scrupling to acknowledge the Dignity and Authority of the Administrators, that they directed the Letters and Embassies to them, which they sent to the whole Nation. He added, with a great deal of Courage and Resolution, that 'twou'd be more proper, for a Prince that was not well fix'd upon his Throne, to secure his Interest at home, than to think of Invading his Neighbors; and that tho' the King, his Master, entertain'd not any ambitious Thoughts of aggrandizing himself or extending the Limits of his Dominions, his Ar­my and Garrisons were in so good a Condition, that 'twas beyond the Power of all his Enemies to make themselves Masters of one Inch of Swedish Ground. And besides, the cunning Minister took occasion to insinuate, that Gustavus might, if he pleas'd, be acknowledg'd King of Sweden by Christiern himself, who, sixing all his Thoughts and Designs upon the [Page 26]Reduction of Denmark, had offer'd to relinquish and resign his Pretensions to Sweden, provided Gustavus wou'd enter into a League against the Danes. But he added, that his Master refus'd absolutely to en­tertain any Correspondence with his Father's Mur­derer, and declar'd that he was his Enemy both as a private Person, and as King of Sweden.

Frederic perceiv'd, by the Courage and Resolu­tion of the Swedish Envoy, and by the Relation of his own Ambassador, that Gustavus's Power was greater than the Archbishop had represented it: He found that 'twou'd not be convenient, in thepresent Juncture of Affairs, to renew ancient Pretensions that might make his Country the Seat of a War. He offer'd to come to a Friendly Agreement with Gustavus, and to enter into an Offensive and De­fensive League with him against Christiern; and for a Pledge and Mark of his Esteem and Friendship, he sent back the Administrator's Widow, and the rest of the Swedish Ladies that had been retain'd his Priso­ners in Denmark since the Massacre of Stockholm, appointing an honourable Convoy to attend 'em.

Gustavus, July. with all his Court, went to meet the Widow-Princess, and receiv'd her with all the Re­spect that was due to her Birth and Merit. He gave her an Apartment in the Castle of Stockholm, and advanc'd her to the Rank she held in the Kingdom during the Life of the Administrator. He endea­vor'd, with all imaginable Marks of Honor and Respect, to make her bear with less impatience the Misfortunes of her Family, and put all the rest of the Ladies in possession of their Estates. Most of 'em had Youth enough to recommend 'em to second Husbands; but almost all the Lords of their Qua­lity were either kill'd in the Massacre of Stockholm, or were already marry'd. No Woman of Quality, whether Maid or Widow, was suffer'd, in Sweden, [Page 27]to contract an Alliance with a Family less noble than her own. But the King remov'd that Obstacle and permitted these Ladies to chuse their Husbands as they pleas'd, tho' under that seeming Complaisance he conceal'd a politic Design; for he manag'd their Inclinations so dexterously that they were easily per­swaded to chuse the principal Officers of his Army. He exhorted these Illustrious Widows to prefer Me­rit before Riches, and to bestow their Fortunes and Affections on Men that had lost part of their Blood in the Service of their Country, rather than on those who deriv'd their Blood from a long series of noble Ancestors, but had never spent a drop of it for the defence and preservation of the State. By these Alliances he secur'd the greatest Families of the Kingdom, and at the same time found out a cheap way to reward his Creatures, and to enable 'em to serve him more effectually.

Whatever Joy he exprest at the Arrival of the Administrator's Widow, the inward satisfaction of his Mind was not answerable to those external De­monstrations. She had two Children, who were meer Infants at the death of her Husband, Prince Steno, for whose Memory and Family the Swedes had an extraordinary Veneration. Gustavus took the two young Princes, under pretext of educating 'em in the Palace, and resolv'd to provide a Husband for the Princess their Mother, who cou'd not draw any advantage from that Alliance to the prejudice of his Authority and Government. He propos'd and made her accept of Tureiohanson, the first Senator and Great Mareschal of the Kingdom. The King had consider'd the Character of that Lord, and found him to be such a Person as he design'd for a Husband to the Princess. He was a Man of great Quality, and had a considerable Estate both in Sweden and Denmark: He was extreamly proud of these Ad­vantages, but had neither Valor nor Courage to re­commend [Page 28]him to the Esteem and Affection of the Soldiers. His Birth was his only Merit, and conse­quently he cou'd not be suppos'd to have any consi­derable Interest in a Kingdom where a brave War­rior was infinitely more esteem'd than one that cou'd only boast of his Descent from an Illustrious Fa­mily.

Gustavus made it his next care to sind out the best Expedients to weaken the Power of the Clergy, whom he suspected and hated for their great Riches, and for the Affection they still retain'd to the Da­nish Government, which had always maintain'd their Authority. Arch-bishop Trolle was still a zealous Promoter of that Interest: 'Twas by his Advice that Frederic caus'd himself to be crown'd King of Swe­den, and to preserve his Credit with that Prince, he entertain'd a secret Correspondence with the Swedish Clergy. The King was resolv'd to humble a Body of Men, who by their Power and Cabals had always disturb'd the Government and oppos'd the Authority of the Prince, and were never satisfied but when they were intrusted with the largest share of the management of public Affairs. But he was oblig'd to defer the execution of that Design for some time, and was too prudent to begin his Reign with disputing the Privileges of an Order, whom the most absolute Prince shou'd never touch but with a tender and wary Hand.

He contented himself at first with managing the Elections for the filling up of vacant Benefices. He procur'd two Persons to be nam'd to the Bishopricks of Stregnez and Westeras, Sommor, and Petrus Magni. who were entirely devoted to him, and cou'd not pretend to any Power or In­terest in the Kingdom but by his Favour and Pro­tection. Afterwards he sent word to the Canons of Ʋpsal, that considering the Flight and Condemna­tion of their Arch-bishop, 'twou'd be convenient to chuse a sit Person to succeed him. After the Forms [Page 29]and Proceedings that are requisite in such Cases, and the usual Citation and Summoning of that Prelate to return to the Kingdom and vindicate himself from the Crimes that were laid to his Charge, his Contu­macy in not appearing was reputed a voluntary Ab­dication, and the Chapter proceeded to a new Ele­ction. By virtue of a Recommendation from the Court, which even then was not much different from an absolute Order, the Choice fell upon one John Magnus, a Native of Sweden, who was learned in Scholastick Divinity, very pious, and of an ex­emplary Life. He was naturally of a fearful Tem­per, and unfit for the management of Affairs: He was a Lover of Solitude, and had no Interest in the Kingdom; and consequently was neither capable of forming nor prosecuting any Designs against the Government.

Gustavus concluded that by these Nominations he had secur'd the Quiet of the State, which was usu­ally disturb'd by the Ambition of the Bishops. But as he was entertaining himself with the delightful Prospect of an un-interrupted Prosperity, as the glorious Reward and Fruit of his Labours, and was preparing to make his Subjects sensible of their Hap­piness under the kind Influences of his Government, he was engag'd, by the Regency of Lubeck, in an Affair that put him to a great deal of Charge and Trouble.

After the Flight and ABDICATION of Christiern, 1525 Severin de Norbi retir'd to the Isle of Goth­land, exclaiming against the Danish Rebellion, and protesting that he wou'd revenge his Master's In­juries upon Frederick and Gustavus, whom he brand­ed with the odious Name of Ʋsurpers. His Ships cruis'd perpetually upon the Baltick Sea, and took several considerable Prizes. The success of his first Attempts, and the Richness of his Prizes made him extreamly arrogant; and he was so powerfully [Page 30]charm'd with the tempting Prospect of raising his Fortune by so quick and easy a way that he re­solv'd to Attack all the Ships that had the missor­tune to fall into his Hands, and made the Port of Wisbi, the Capital City of the Island, a Rendezvous or Retiring-Place for several other Pirates who in­fested the Baltick Sea. Thus of Admiral of Den­mark he became a Captain of Pirates, and taking down the Danish Colours from his Ships, assum'd the Quality of Prince of Gothland. He stil'd him­self the Friend of God, and Enemy of all the World; and boasted with a great deal of Insolence that he acknowledg'd no other Superiors but God and the Sun.

The Merchants of Lubeck were possess'd of the whole Commerce and Trade of Sweden, in Exclu­sion to all other Nations, by Virtue of the Treaty which the Regency concluded with Gustavus's Se­cretary: And the Magistrates of that City had granted a Right of Partner-Ship to the Hanse-Towns of Dantzick, Hamburgh, Rostock, Wismar, and Lunenburgh. But their Ships were so narrowly watch'd by Norbi, and the rest of the Pirates, that few or none of them escap'd. The Regency of Lu­beck, which for the most part was compos'd of the Principal Merchants of the City, being deeply con­cern'd in these Losses, wou'd have assaulted Norbi and endeavour'd to unkennel the rest of the Corsai­res, if they had not been deterr'd by the expen­siveness of the War, and the uncertainty of the Event. In so pressing a Difficulty they resolv'd to have recourse to the Celebrated Valour of Gustavus, and to send one of their principal Magistrates to engage him in the attempt, under pretext that the Isle of Gothland was an Ancient Fief or Dependency of the Crown of Sweden. They intrusted the Ne­gotiation of so important an Affair to one Her­man, an Old Consul of the City, who under the [Page 31]seeming Candour and Simplicity of an honest Mer­chant, conceal'd all the Craftiness and Subtilty of the most dissembling Statesman.

After his Arrival at Stockholm he complimented Gustavus in the name of his Masters, and Congra­tulated the Glory and Prosperity of his Reign. Then complaining of Norbi's Piracies he told the King that the Regency wou'd have sent an Army to Gothland, to extirpate that Nest of Pirates, if they had not been certainly inform'd that the Island be­long'd to the Crown of Sweden; that all the Inha­bitants of the North were surpriz'd that so potent and Victorious a Prince would suffer such an infa­mous Crew to chuse a Retreat in his Dominions, that Sweden was in a manner invested by the Ships of those insolent Pirates; that his Majesty's Ho­nour and the interest of his Subjects oblig'd him to Scour the Seas of these Rovers, who ruin'd the Trade of his Kingdom; and that it would be of great Importance for the security of his Govern­ment to make himself Master of an Island which cover'd the greatest part of the Swedish Coasts.

Gustavus was not ignorant of the pretensions he had to that Island, and of all the Advantages of its Situation with respect to Sweden; but he was loath to engage in a Foreign War, and to carry his Ar­my out of the Kingdom in the beginning of his Reign, lest some disturbance should happen, or Christiern should make a Descent, in his absence. Nor was he Master of a sufficient Fund to defray the Charge of so considerable an Expedition, much less to carry on the War, if Norbi shou'd make a longer Defence than he expected, or if the King of Denmark should take his part, and concern himself in the Quarrel. And besides, he was sensible that the only Reason which made those Trading Cities so desirous to engage him in a War with the P [...] ­rates, was, that they might oblige him at his own [Page 32]Charge to secure 'em in the Possession of those vast Advantages they enjoy'd by ingrossing the whole Commerce of Sweden.

Having duly weigh'd the Importance of these Rea­sons, he told the Lubeck Ambassador that he was not dispos'd to undertake the Imployment of a Knight Errant, and to rove about the World in Quest of Adventures; that his Presence was necessary in his own Kingdom, and that 'twas reasonable his Sub­jects shou'd enjoy the sweetness of a Peace which he had procur'd for 'em by the success of his Arms. He added, that he was not ignorant of his undoubted Right to the Isle of Gothland, but that the King of Denmark had also some pretensions to the same Island, and consequently that the Attempt in which the Regency of Lubeck wou'd engage him wou'd cer­tainly make that Prince his Enemy; and concluded with assuring the Ambassador that he wou'd endea­vour to expel Norbi and the rest of the Pyrates out of the Island, as soon as the Difference betwixt him and Frederick cou'd be brought to an amicable Con­clusion.

The Lubeck Envoy perceiv'd by this Answer that the King was dissatisfied that the Merchants of that City shou'd enjoy the whole advantage of the Swedish Commerce, without paying any Customs or Duties; and that he was resolv'd to repay 'em in their own Coin by taking advantage of their present Neces­sities. And therefore to gain him to a Compliance with the Desires of that Republic, he made the fol­lowing Proposals: That the Hanse-Towns shou'd fur­nish him with a Fleet to transport his Forces into the island; that by the consent of the Regency of Lubeck, the payment of the Sum due to that Repub­lic from Sweden, shou'd be delay'd for five Years; and that in case his Majesty cou'd not make himself Master of the Island, the Regency shou'd bear a share in the Charge of the Expedition. He offer'd also [Page 33]that the Hanse-Towns, associated with Lubeck, shou'd keep the Sea with a potent Fleet, to intercept any Succors or Relief that might be sent from Denmark; and added, that in case King Frederic shou'd obsti­nately persist in claiming the Sovereignty of Goth­land, the Regency wou'd undertake to negotiate a Match betwixt his Majesty and Dorothy the Princess of Denmark; and that in consideration of the Marri­age, her Father shou'd resign all his Pretensions to that Island.

The Ambassador industriously divulg'd, both at Court and among the People, the advantageous Pro­posals he had made to the King, that the Swedes might think themselves concern'd in the success of his Negotiation. And besides, he endeavour'd to perswade some of the Senators, by subtil and crafty Insinuations, that if the King shou'd reject the Offers he had made him, the Hanse-Towns wou'd be oblig'd to have recourse to the King of Denmark, and to join their Forces with that Prince's Army to drive the Pirates out of the Island. At the same time he gain'd several Merchants who dealt and corresponded with those of Lubeck, and consequently were con­cern'd, as well as they, in the Prizes that were taken by Norbi. Thus he form'd a Party in the Senate, and among the Inhabitants of Stockholm, who had not yet lost their Right to discover their Senti­ments concerning State-Affairs. The common Peo­ple were so accustom'd to hear of Gustavus's Victo­ries, that they fansied him to be invincible; and being cunningly wheedl'd by the Ambassador's Emis­saries, they ran to the Gates of the Palace, crying out all the way, that 'twas a shame for Sweden to suffer the Insolency of those Pyrates, who ruin'd the Trade of the Kingdom; that the Sea was so pester'd with 'em that a Boat durst scarce adventure to sail out of the Port, and that they were not afraid to come within the reach of the Guns of the [Page 34]Castle. And even some of the principal Lords of the Kingdom, perceiving that the King was still irresolute, cou'd not forbear telling him, that the Administrator Suanto wou'd never have suffer'd these Pirates to insult the Coasts of the Kingdom.

Gustavus wou'd not bear a Reproach that seem'd to accuse him of Weakness and Cowardise: He re­plied, in an angry Tone, that neither his Friends nor his Enemies had over suspected him of want of Courage; that he wou'd no longer resist their Im­portunities, but that he might venture to foretel that the success of that Expedition wou'd not answer their Desires and Expectations. Thus he was at last prevail'd with to sign the Treaty, which was also subscrib'd by the Ambassador, as Plenipoten­tiary from the Regency of Lubeck, whither he re­turn'd to hasten the departure of the Fleet, ac­cording to the Agreement concluded with Gusta­vus.

That wise Monarch had establish'd his Authority on such solid Foundations, that he neither dreaded the Murmuring of the People nor the Dissatisfaction of the Nobility nor cou'd the united Remon­strances of all his Subjects have engag'd him in that Design, if he had not been afraid that the Hanse-Towns wou'd have enter'd into a Treaty with the Danes. He knew that Norbi was not in a condition to oppose the Force of Sweden, and that he might easily find an opportunity to crush so feeble an Ene­my; but he was sensible that 'twou'd be a dissicult Task to expel the Danes, if they shou'd take this occation to make themselves Masters of the Island. In order to the execution of the Design he had un­dertaken, he commanded the Troops that were ap­pointed for that Expedition to march, without nolse, towards the Port of Calmar, which is oppo­ [...]te to [...] And notwithstanding his Unwil­li [...]ness to undertake a War in the present jun­cture [Page 35]of Affairs, as soon as he was engag'd in the Attempt he began to prosecute it with so much Vi­gor, that he order'd all the Plate in the Palace to be melted down, to maintain the Charge of the Ex­pedition. He went himself to Calmar to receive the Lubeck Ships, and saw his Troops embark under the Command of Bernard de Milen.

The General landed without opposition at the Head of Eight thousand Men, and in less than 15 Days made himself Master of all Gothland, except Wisbi, the Capital City, and the only fortifi'd Place in the Island, which he invested. Norbi surpriz'd at so unexpected an Attack, and finding himself un­able to resist the power of the King of Sweden, set up King Frederick's Colors in the highest place of the Town, and at the same time sent one of his Crea­tures to that Prince, offering to acknowledge him as Sovereign, if he wou'd assist him with some Troops to oppose the Swedish Invasion.

These Proposals were very welcom to Frederic; for tho' he had not look'd upon Gothland as a depen­dency of the Crown of Denmark, 'twas his Interest, according to the usual policy of all Sovereigns, to curb the growing Power of a neighbouring Prince. He was glad of any opportunity to stop the rapid progress of that young Conqueror, and wou'd have willingly sent Norbi the Assistance he desir'd; but the Fleet of Lubeck and of the rest of the Hanse Towns kept the Sea, and he was afraid of engaging in a Fo­reign War, at a time when he had reason to sear a Domestick Invasion, in order to the Restauration of Christiern, whom the Emperor had selemnly receiv'd under his Protection.

These Considerations made him chuse rather to try the effect of a Negotiation, than to hazard a Rupture with so potent a Neighbour: And in pur­sance of that Design, he sint an Ambassa dor to Libeth, to complain of the King of Sweden's In­justice, [Page 36]and to desire the Regency to imploy their Interest with that Prince to oblige him to withdraw his Forces out of an Island that did not belong to him. Frederic was not ignorant of the League which that Republic had made with Gustavus: But to prevent the ill Consequences of that Treaty, his Ambassador had Orders to represent to the Magi­strates of Lubeck, that 'twas their Interest to put a timely stop to the prevailing power of Sweden; that Gustavus was a daring and couragious Prince, who wou'd infallibly endeavour to make his Conquests as boundless as his Ambition, if his Designs were not prevented by a seasonable Opposition; that the Sovereignty of the Isle of Gothland was an undoubted Right of the Crown of Denmark; that Norbi was intrusted with the Government of it by Christiern II. and that since he was willing to submit to his lawful Sovereign, the King his Master cou'd not refuse to protect his own Subject, and to defend that Island to the utmost of his power, as a Territory that be­long'd to his Crown. He added, that his Majesty wou'd submit his Right to the Judgment of the Hanse-Towns, rather than disturb the Peace of the North, and that he was willing the Island shou'd re­main sequester'd in the Hands of the Regency of Lu­beck, till the Controversy betwixt him and Gustavus, shou'd be decided by a sinal Sentence.

The Magistrates of that City were easily per­swaded to embrace a Proposal, which if it shou'd take effect, wou'd not only secure 'em from the Pi­rates, but free 'em from the Obligation of keeping a Fleet at Sea to cover the Swedish Conquests. They were extreamly pleas'd with the Sequestration, and resolv'd rather to be at the Charge of maintaining a Garrison in the Island, than to suffer it to fall into the Hands of Gustavus, who might one Day make use of that opporiunity to disturb their Trade, and to render himself more absolute in the Baltick Sea. [Page 37]Thus the Regency concluded a secret Treaty with Frederic's Ambassador, by which they oblig'd them­selves to open a free passage to the Danish Succers. 'Twas also agreed, that the King of Denmark shou'd send an Ambassador to Gustavus, to complain of his Expedition against the Isle of Gothland; and that his Envoy shou'd be follow'd by Ambassadors from the Hanse-Towns, who shou'd offer their Mediation, and declare War against either of the two contending Parties that shou'd refuse to come to an Accommo­dation.

Immediately the Danish Forces were order'd to Embark, and enter'd the Port of Wisbi without any opposition from the Fleet of Lubeck, and soon after the Ambassador of that Town arriv'd at Stock­holm, to expostulate with Gustavus in the Name of the King his Master, for besieging a Place in his Dominions without declaring War against him. At the same Time the Ambassadors of the Hanse-Towns came to propose a Truce, and to desire an Inter­view betwixt the two Kings at Malnogen. They offer'd the Mediation of their Masters, and re­quir'd the Interview in so peremptory a manner, that Gustavus perceiv'd he must either submit to that Expedient, or expect immediately the Decla­ration of an open War.

Thus fearing to be Assaulted by so potent a Con­federacy, he was forc'd to divert the threatning Storm by consenting to the conditions that were propos'd to him. To prevent any Suspicion of Treachery, Frederick, who was Master of the Place appointed for the Interview, sent Four Senators, and Six of the most considerable Lords in Denmark, to remain at Stockholm as Hostages, during the Con­ference betwixt the two Kings. Gustavus was sensible of the danger to which he expos'd himself, but he was so afraid of irritating the Hanse-Towns, and so desirous to make the Danes themselves ac­knowledge [Page 38]his Title to the Crown of Sweden, that he resolv'd at all Adventures to pursue his intended Journey. He repair'd to Malmogen, accompanied with the Great Marshal Tureiohanson, and two o­ther Senators, after he had receiv'd another safe Conduct from Frederick, and the security of the Harse-Towns for the safety of his Person; tho' it may be doubted whether any security can be given for a King, when he is in the Dominions of his E­nemies.

The reciprocal pretensions of the two Crowas to the Isle of Gothland were the Subject of this Con­ference. September. The matter was debated on both sides with a great deal of heat; and each party produc'd their respective Titles. Bildius, High Chamberlain to the King of Denmark, and Tureiohanson, for Gus­tavus, urg'd the Claims and defended the Rights of their Masters: But in the Progress of the Con­ference the Great Marshal betray'd the Cause and Interest of the Crown of Sweden. He cou'd not without a secret envy behold the Power and Pros­peri [...]y of Gustavus; and was unwilling to submit to a Master who not long before was his equal. He had a very considerable Estate in Denmark, which made him afraid of disobliging that Monarch, who had threaten'd to deprive him of all the Lands he possess'd in his Kingdom, if he shou'd persist too obstinately in the Defence of his Master. That Menace stopp'd his Mouth so effectually, that he pretended a Cold and a violent Cough, to excuse him from speaking. Gustavus seeing himself be­tray'd by his Treacherons Minister, under took the Defence of his own Cause, and alledg'd with a great deal of Vigor and Eloquence that the Isle of Gothland was always reckon'd a part of the King­dom of Sweden; that the Danes were only admit­ted into it by vertue of the Treaty of Calmar; that their Kings had no other right to it, during the uni­on [Page 39]of the two Kingdoms; but as they were So­vereigns of Sweden; that 'twas plain and undoubt­edly certain that King Albert Mortgag'd the Island to the Knights of the Teutonic Order for the Sum of Twenty Thousand Rose-Nobles; that Queen Margaret impos'd a Tax, which was levy'd only in S [...]eden, to redeem it; that King Eric her Nephew and Successor retir'd thither after his ABDIC A­TION, and afterwards deliver'd it up to the Danes, to the prejudice of the Crown of Swed [...]n. The solidity of these Reasons put the Danish Minister to silence; but the Ambassadors of the Hanse-Towns, resolving to keep up the difference, refert'd the Decision of it to the Regency of Lubeck, under pre­text of bringing it to a Friendly Agreement. They wou'd have also oblig'd the King of Sweden to with­draw his Troops out of the Island, and propos'd that the City of Lubeck shou'd put a Garrison into Wisbi according to the privare Treaty they had con­daded with the Danish Ambassador. But Gustavus was so far from consenting to either of these mo­tions, that he protested he wou'd rather [...] off the Conference and declare War, than suffer him­self to be bubbl'd out of his Conquests: And the King of Denmark, who had put a strong Garrison into Wisbi, instead of insisting upon the Sequestration, which he had only propos'd to Tempt the Lubeckers to break their Treaty with Gustavus, was easily per­swaded to consent, that every thing should remain in the same posture in expectation of the Regency's Sentence.

These two Princes gave one another reciprocal marks of Esteem and Respect, notwithstanding the differences that reign'd between 'em. They found themselves ingag'd in the same Interest, and enter'd into a League Offensive and Desensive against the late King Christiern, without mentioning the Treaty of Calmar. They gave each other mutual affarances [Page 40]of a sincere Friendship notwithstanding the Na­tural Antipathy betwixt the Two Kingdoms. Af­ter their last Complements, Gustavus took leave of the King of Denmark, and left Malmogen to return to Sweden. Herman. He had not gone far when he met the Lubeck Ambassador, who engag'd him in the Expe­dition against Gothland. The sight of that Minister put him in mind of the Treachery of the Repub­lic, and he was so Transported with fury at so provoking an Idea, that he stopt the subtle Con­sul, and ask'd him fiercely what was become of the Treaty and the Magnificent promises of his Ma­sters? At the same time he put his hand to his Poinard, as if he had been going to kill him: But one of the Senators that accompained him, pre­vented the Blow, and the Ambassador made his Escape. Thus Gnstavus retir'd out of the Dani [...] Territories, and as he enter'd into his own Domi­nions, he told those who follow'd him, that he would never go out of 'em again but at the head of an Ar­my.

Some of the Senators and Officers of the Army, who had the largest share in his Considence and Fa­vor, took this occasion to conjure him that he wou'd not longer delay the Ceremony of his Coronation. To convince him of the importance and reason­ableness of their desire they told him that 'twas but too probable the Success of his Arms and the Glory of his Victories had procur'd him the Envy and Jealousy of his Neighbors, and perhaps also the secret hatred of some Great Persons in his own Kingdom; and that if either of 'em cou'd obtain their desire he wou'd be less Fortunate and Happy. They added that there were several Lords in Swe­den who pretended they cou'd hardly look upon him as their Sovereign, because he had not yet receiv'd the Crown; and concluded that the Ceremony of his Coronation was absolutely necessary for the [Page 41]Establishment of his Authority, and the Confirma­tion of his Title, that neither his Foreign nor Do­mestic Enemies might entertain the least hope of seeing any disadvantageous alteration in his Fortune.

Gustavus was not ignorant of the Importance and Necessity of that Ceremony in an Elective Kingdom: But nothing cou'd shake the resolution he had taken to put off his Coronation till he had Exe­cuted those secret designs, without which he thought he cou'd neither settle his Authority nor secure the Happiness of his Reign. 'Tis true, he was ac­knowledg'd as Sovereign, and the Army was at his disposal: But he was not Master of a sufficient Fund to carry on a War. The Revenues of the Crown were either Alienated or Usurp'd, the Im­position of Taxes was reputed Tyrannical, the Commons were reduc'd to extream Poverty, and the Nobility exhausted by a long and Expensive War. On the contrary, the Clergy was Rich and Powerful, especially the Bishops who had seiz'd on the Principal Forts and part of the Revenues of the Crown. He knew that these Prelates were always very careful to make the Prince take a Solemn Oath, on the day of his Coronation, to preserve and maintain all their Priviledges: And he was so far from intending either to take or per­form an Oath of that Nature, that he was firmly resolv'd to Abrogate and Cancel all those Priviledges, which he look'd upon either as forc'd and involun­tary Grants, or unjust Usurpations of the Lands and Revenues of the Crown.

After he had, in a very obliging manner, thank'd these Lords for the Zeal they express'd for his In­terest, he told 'em that the Ceremony of his Co­ronation con'd not be perform'd without a vast Ex­pence; that there were other more pressing occa­sions for Mony that were absolutely necessary for the Preservation of the State; that he had receiv'd [Page 42]advice of the daily increase of Christern's Forces and Party; that the Emperor seem'd resolv'd to re-esca­blish that Prince in the possession of his former Do­minions; that 'twas uncertain whether the Forces design'd for that Expedition wou'd invade Sweden or Denmark; that twas absolutely impossible to op­pose their Descent without an Army by Land, and a Fleet at Sea; that he was wholly destitute of Mo­ny to raise Forces and make other necessary Prepara­tions; that 'twas well known he had Mortgag'd his own Estate to expel the Danes out of the Kingdom; that he had lately melted down the Plate that belong'd to the Crown to pay the Charge of the Expediti­on to Gothland which was thought to be of so great Importance for the security and freedom of Trade, and that considering the extream misery of the com­mon People and the Poverty of the Nobility after so long a War, 'twas high time to demand a Subsidy of the Clergy, who were actually in possession of a­bove one half of the Lands and Revenues of the Kingdom, and perhaps made their Coure to King Christiern in private, on the score of their never having contributed to the support of his Enemies. He did not then think fit to give 'em a clearer view of his secret Intentions, but contented himself with telling 'em that 'twas the part and ought to be the care of his Friends, and especially of those who had set him upon the Throne, to furnish him with sufficient Power and Authority to maintain the Honor of the Post to which they had advanc'd him, instead of flattering him with the vain show of an empty Ceremony.

Afterwards be open'd his mind more freely to Larz Anderson, the Chancellor, who was a Person of an obscure Birth, but full of Ambition, of a vast and soaring Genius, cunning and cloquent and bold in Council. He was Master of a very fruit­ful Invention in contriving Projects and Expedients, [Page 43]and his Mind was always full of great Designs. In his Youth he enter'd into Ecclefiastical Orders, and the Interest of his Friends joyn'd to his own Abili­ties procur'd him the Dignity of Arch-Deacon of the Church of Stregnez. He had also some pros­pect of obtaining the Bishoprick, for there were some who Voted for him at the Election; but he was so discourag'd by the Rubs he met with in that Way to Preferment, that he resolv'd to try his For­tune in another Road, and left the Church for the Court, were his Merit was quickly taken notice of, and procur'd him the Esteem of Gustavus. His skill in the Laws of the Country, and his Resentment against the Clergy for excluding him from a Bishop­rick were sufficient Qualifications to recommend him to the Favour of that Prince, who wanted a proper Instrument to humble an Order of Men whom he both fear'd and suspected. That wise Monarch having found so fit a Person for the Ex­ecuting of his Designs, gave him several distinguish­ing marks of his Esteem and of the Considence he plac'd in him, and advanc'd him to the Dignity of Chancellor. At last perceiving that his Friends urg'd him with so much earnestness to hasten the Cere­mony of his Coronation, he told that Minister that he cou'd not look upon himself as Sovereign of Sweden, so long as the Bishops were Masters of so many Forts and retain'd the Possession of those Lands and Revenues which his Predecessors had alienated from the Crown to enrich the secular and regular Clergy. But at the same time he acknow­ledg'd that he was afraid the least Attempt upon the Priviledges of the Church wou'd occasion new disorders in the State, and that the Swedes out of their blind Obedience and Respect to their Spiritual Guides, wou'd accuse him of profaneness for chal­lenging his own property, and imagine him to be Guilty of a Crime against Religion for seizing on [Page 44]those Lands and Treasures, which they believ'd were consecrated to God, tho' they serv'd only to maintain the Luxury and Vanity of idle and sediti­ous Persons, who were always ready to sacrifice the public Interest to their Ambition.

Anderson, who was possess'd with the new Doctrin that was propagated by Luther, and perhaps look'd upon Religious Controversies as mere Philosophical Pro­blems, endeavour'd, like a politic Courtier, to con­firm his Master in a Design, which he perceiv'd was agreeable to him. He told him, that he saw no rea­son why he shou'd make the least scruple of obliging the Clergy to contribute for the Defence of the Kingdom, and even in case of necessity of seizing those Lands or Revenues which they possess'd by vertue of Legacies or Donations; that the Church was not confin'd to the Clergy, but included the whole Body of the Faithful; that in the pure and unspotted Infancy of the Church, and in those hap­py Days when that Name was common to the whole Assembly of Christians, those Riches and Revenues that are at present appropriated to the Clergy were possess'd in Common by the People, who bestow'd 'em on public Uses, and especially for the Relief of the Poor; that the Name of Church was afterwards claim'd by the Clergy as their peculiar Privilege, that under the specious pretext of that Title they might make themselves Masters of those Revenues, of which they were only the Stewards and Distribu­ters; that the Estates and Revenues of the Laity ought to be reputed the Patrimony of the Church as well as those of the Clergy; that the Clergy was the smallest part of the Church, and ought to con­tribute proportionably for the security and preser­vation of the Government by which they were pro­tected. That he acknowledg'd 'twou'd be expedi­ent to find out some other more plausible Pretences than the Good of the State, to prevent an Insurre­ction [Page 45]of the People; who were commonly possess'd both by the Regular and Secular Clergy, that all Attempts upon their Temporalties strike at Religi­on it self. That, to frustrate their Claims, he must take advantage of Luther's Reformation, which be­gan then to take Root in the Kingdom; and by the help of his Doctrin, which equally invaded the Temporal Power and the excessive Wealth of the Clergy, he might afterwards seize the Forts that were in the Hands of the Bishops, and re-unite to the Crown all the Lands that were alienated by his Predecessors, with more Zeal than Policy.

That Pope Leo X. had indeed condemn'd Luther, but it was well known that famous Doctor was only odious to the Court of Rome, because he boldly and publickly censur'd its great Corruption and Abuses; and that his Opinions, which might pass for indif­ferent among other Nations, as long as they were not condemn'd by the Church in a General Council, were in the mean time of the greatest Importance for the settling of his Power in Sweden, and the suc­cess of his Design.

That the People, having their Minds prepar'd and possess'd by Lutheran Doctors, wou'd see with great satisfaction the Clergy stript of their great Estates, especially if care were taken at the same time to ease the People of the heavy Taxes. That one of the best Expedients wou'd be to restore to the Gen­try the Lands given away by their Ancestors to the Church, and that they wou'd never be tempted to oppose a Doctrin that shou'd bring so great a Bles­sing to their Families. That the greatest part of the Monks lookt upon their Monasteries as dismal, tho' stately Prisons; and many of 'em would be glad to quit 'em, and embrace a Religion which restor'd 'em to all the Rights of Civil Society. That the inferior Clergy wou'd joyfully take hold of that occasion to free themselves from the Vows of Celi­bacy, [Page 46]and exchange their scandalous Concubinage for lawful Matrimony. That the Bishops alone, as be­ing most powerful and most concern'd in that Change, would probably oppose it; but that things were in a better posture than in the Reign of King Canutson, there being no Bishops in Sweden in a con­dition to make War against their Sovereign; and, if they shou'd obstinately persist in the old Religion, it might perhaps be an Advantage to him. That their Number was inconsiderable, and 'twould be no difficult matter, under specious Pretences, to re­move or banish 'em; whereas, if they embrace Lutheranism, they might pretend, by marrying, to erect their Bishopricks into secular Principalities, and consequently frustrate him of the main Benefit he cou'd expect from the Establishment of the Lu­theran Doctrin in his Kingdom.

That after all, the Archbishop and Primate John Magnus was a timorous and wavering Prelate, and a Man of no Interest, who probably wou'd think him­self happy, tho' with the loss of part of his Estate, to be excused from imbracing the predominant Re­ligion of the Kingdom. That the Bishops of Stregnez and Westeras, whom he had newly preferred to those two rich Benefices, were of mean Extraction, and of too little Credit among the People to dare to op­pose his Will; and that the Bishops of Vexio and Aboo, knew little of the state of the Controversy betwixt the Roman Catholicks and the Lutherans, and had no great mind to dive into that Matter. That those Prelates were illiterate Men, and such as wou'd be affected with nothing so much as the les­sening of their Revenues. That their irregular Lives and Conversations had drawn such a Scandal upon 'em as wou'd make it inconsistent with their Interest to thwart the Designs of their Sovereign, but wou'd rather incline 'em to imbrace any Offer that shou'd not oblige 'em to forsake their Pleasures. [Page 47]So there remain'd only the Bishops of Lincopine and Scara who might oppose his Designs; two Prelates really infatuated with their Dignity, jealous of all their Rights, wedded to their own Opinions, in­clin'd still to the Danish Faction, notwithstanding all King Christiern's Cruelties, and the most like to blind the People with a plausible pretence of ap­pearing in the Defence of the true Religion. But when Lutheranism shou'd be once receiv'd by the States of the Realm, by the plurality of Voices, 'twou'd be an easy thing to make the Resistance of those Bishops a Crime of State, and to banish 'em out of the Kingdom, with all such as should appear most stifly bent for the preservation of the ancient Religion. To which he added, That he was not ignorant of the great Difficulties which always at­tended the Infancy of Governments and Empires; but that those very Princes, who meet with opposi­tion and resistance in the beginning of their Reigns, are at last commonly respected and lookt upon as the Fathers of their Country.

Gustavus cou'd not but relish those Reasons of State, that were so agreeable to the secret Scheme he had laid for the securing of his Government. He foresaw the Emperor's Credit with the Pope wou'd hinder his Holiness from declaring in his behalf, and therefore thought 'twou'd be expedient to pull down his Authority in Sweden, and that nothing cou'd be more conducive to that end than Luther­anism. He therefore easily suckt in those Tenents, which perhaps he lookt upon but as the Result of some Disputations among Divines; and thought at the same time, he might reasonably imbrace that Party which seemed most favourable to the settling of his Regal Power, which most Sovereigns either do not or, will not distinguish from the Good of the State.

The King wou'd have willingly declar'd in be­half of Lutheranism, but that the Change of Reli­gion was not a sufficient Ground for him to compass his Designs; and besides, a sudden Change might have prov'd of very ill consequence. It was there­fore safest for his unsettl'd Power, to see the Change begun by the People, and that he shou'd seem after­wards to embrace this Doctrin out of meer Com­plaisance to his Subjects. But all the Swedes had not the same Inclination to those new Opinions as the King had, nor so pressing an Interest to change their Religion. Gustavus foresaw, that this Change wou'd not be the Work of one Year, by reason of the great and apparent Obstacles that must be first overcome.

He was not ignorant, there wou'd be a great number of eminent Persons in the Realm, and even in his own Court, that wou'd oppose his Enterprise and quit his Interest, upon the very first step he should make to abolish the ancient Religion. And, on the other hand, he cou'd not endure to be charg'd with the care and defence of the State, while the strongest Forts, which properly belong'd to the Crown, and the greatest part of the Reve­nues of the Kingdom, were in the hands of those who often imploy'd 'em only to curb the Re­gal Power, and to favour the Enemies of the State. He chose rather, it seems, to expose himself to the issue of a Civil War, and even to venture his Crown, than to Reign so precariously; or rather he saw himself so potent and respected by his People, that he thought it not at all hazardous to re-unite to the Crown a part of the Church-Lands, under the spe­cious pretence of a Reformation, and of the publick Good.

In so great a Design, and so very nice a Juncture, Gustavus shew'd himself an able and great Politi­cian. He took great care to conceal his Thoughts [Page 49]as to Luther's Opinions; but at the same time gave secret Instructions to Chancellor Anderson, not only to protect, as it were without his know­ledge, Olaus Petri and the other Lutheran Doctors, but also to invite others from the Universities of Germany, that Lutheranism might make the quicker progress thro' the Kingdom.

Olaus, and the other Lutheran Doctors, being as­sur'd of the Chancellor's Protection, labour'd with great application to establish their Doctrin, which they daily explain'd in their Sermons with unexpres­sible Zeal. Most of these new Doctors surpalt the Swedish Clergy in Learning and Elequence, to which they added a certain appearance of strictness in their Lives and Conversations, which always attends the first Heats of a new-broach'd Religion. These Men were heard with great satisfaction by the common People, who are always greedy of Novelties that put 'em to no charge, and tend to the lessening of the Power of their spiritual Governors. The Credit they got insensibly among the Vulgar, pro­cured them the Attention and Favour of the Courti­ers and the prime Nobility, who were glad to see the Bishops humbled.

While these Doctors endeavor'd to propagate the Lutheran Doctrin by their Sermons, Gustavus labour'd hard to find out some specious Pretences to overthrow the Temporal Power of the Bishops and Clergy. Immediately he sell upon the Ecclesiasticks of the second Order, and issu'd out several Declara­tions against the Priests and in behalf of the Peo­ple, that the Laity might be oblig'd, by Interest, to favor these encroachments upon the Clergy, and that the People might be accustom'd, by degrees, to see the Privileges of the Clergy abrogated.

The Priests in that Kingdom exacted, as it were a Tribute of the People, upon certain publick Sins, and with great rigor extorted considerable Fines [Page 50]from such as took the Diversion of Hunting or Fish­ing in the time of Divine Service, or abus'd the Wo­men to whom they were contracted before the so­lemn Celebration of the Sacrament of Marriage. By one of the King's Declarations this Right was taken away, and the Priests were prohibited to exact such Impositions for the future. By another Decla­ration, the Priests were forbidden to Excommuni­cate either their private Enemies, or their Credi­tors. The Truth is, the Bishops and their Officials had so far over-stretch'd the Ecclesiastick Jurisdi­ction, as to appropriate to themselves all the Con­cerns of the Nation, that had the least relation to Religion: An Oath made in a Treaty, the Interpo­sition of a Clergy-man which was oftentimes begg'd, the least Difference in a Contract of Marriage, were Grounds sufficient to remove a Cause from the com­mon Courts of Justice; which made the Clergy pow­erful and formidable. Gustavus therefore abrogated that Jurisdiction entirely, under pretext that the Examination of Suits was not consistent with the or­dinary Functions of Clergy-men; and by the same Declaration commanded the Clergy, that they shou'd bring their Differences before the secular Judges, to whom he committed the Cognizance and Judg­ment of all Causes.

At last he publish'd a Declaration against the Bi­shops themselves, by which they were expresly for­bidden for the future to appropriate to themselves the Estates and Succession of the Clergy-men of their respective Diocesses, to the prejudice of their lawful Heirs; and commanded 'em to produce be­fore the Senate, the Titles by vertue of which they exacted Fines and Confiscations. Thus Gustavus issu'd out Declarations one after another, propor­tionably to the progress of Lutheranism, which ex­cited the Curiosity of all his Subjects, and made 'em speak every one according to his private Interest or [Page 51]Inclination. The Nobility and Gentry, without examining the new-preach'd Doctrin, applauded the King for weakning the Power of the Clergy, which was become so odious; and some of the most emi­nent Persons in the Kingdom declar'd publickly in favor of the Lutherans, hoping by this new Do­ctrin to recover those Estates which their Ancestors had given away for the Foundation of so many rich Monasteries, of which the Kingdom was full.

Those even among the People who had some knowledge of public Affairs were not displeas'd to see the Power of the Clergy moderated, or at least part of their many Extorsions abolished, the inven­tion of which was attributed to the Court of Rome, under the plausible Names of Tithes, Indulgences and Alms. But that which gave 'em the greatest satisfaction, was, that the King had put a stop to the litigious Proceedings of the Bishops Officials, and other Ministers who oppress'd the Kingdom, un­der pretext of Correction and Ecclesiastical Judg­ment.

But both the Regular and Secular Clergy grew very uneasy at this Attempt against their Authority, nor cou'd they endure to be thus disturb'd in the possession of their Rights and Priviledges. The King, slighting their Discontent, put his Troops into Winter Quarters upon their Lands, which none of his Predecessors had ever attempted to do, and quarter'd his Horse in the Abbies and Monaste­ries, pretending that the Peasants were ruin'd, but in effect to keep the Monks in awe by the presence and terror of his Soldiers. His Officers of Justice brought into Question, by his Order, the Title of the Carthusians to the rich Monastery of Griphysholm, who own'd the King's Ancestors to be the Founders of it, and they were oblig'd to prove the Donation or Acquisition of the Lands they injoy'd. Having lost their Title, they had recourse to Prescription; [Page 52]alledging, that they held the best part of their Lands from the Piety of the Lords of Vasa, but had lost their Title during the Confusions and Troubles of the Civil Wars. The King, without regarding the Prescription, re-united to his own Estate the Lands of this Monastery, which belong'd origi­nally to his Family; and expell'd the Monks out of it, under pretext that it was built upon his own Ground. But perhaps the true Reason was, be­cause they denied him Admittance into their House, when he was Persecuted by Christiern. And 'tis not improbable that he took this way to feel the Pulse of the People, and at the same time to kindle in the Nobility a Desire to follow his Example, by appro­priating to themselves the Lands that were alienated by their Ancestors.

The Lutheran Doctors, to make their Court, told the chief Lords of the Realm, that they had been gulled too long both by the Regular and Secular Clergy; that Purgatory was a Net in which they caught the best part of their Wealth, and that with this pious Cheat the Monks especially had bubbl'd 'em of many large Possessions they injoy'd with so much effeminacy. That they ought to re-enter their ancient Patrimony as an usurp'd Estate, with­out being deterr'd by an imaginary Fire. And, tho' there were such a Thing as Purgatory, yet 'twas but a Weakness to think, that the Rigor of it cou'd be allay'd by the Prayers, or Songs of a few Monks.

At the same time there was publish'd by Olaus a Ver­sion of the New Testament into the Swedish Language, being but a bare Translation of that which Luther had publish'd in the German Tongue. Olaus's Disciples fail'd not to recommend the Reading of that Work in their Sermons, preaching the great Necessity and Value of it, and spreading this Book, with great care, over the whole Kingdom. They did not question [Page 53]but the People, and Women especially, wou'd be pleased to see themselves enabl'd to pass their Verdict upon Points of Religion; and that they wou'd sooner yield to the Authority of some places of Scripture, Translated according to the Doctrin Preach'd to 'em, than have any thoughts of calling in­to Question the Faithfulness of the Translation.

The Swedish Bishops saw plainly that Olaus's Translation came from the same Hand that in­vaded their Priviledges, and that their Religion was insulted for no other end than to pull down their Dignities. They observ'd in the King's Manage­ment of Affairs a Series of Projects and Designs, and at the same time an insuperable [...]ifficulty to baffle 'em. However as the King took great care to conceal his Inclination to Lutheranism, and always made an outward shew of the R [...]man Religion, those Prelates thought, they cou'd not without offence entertain any Suspicion of his being an E­nemy to their Religion.

In short, they resolv'd to dissemble as he did. But they went in a Body to attend his Majesty, and pray'd him to order that Olaus's Followers might be brought to their Trials as Notorious Hereticks. The Arch-Bishop of Ʋpsal, who spoke in the name of all the rest, represented to the King, that Claus's Translation was but a Copy of Luther's, condemned by the Holy See, and by the most famous Universi­ties of Europe. Then he suggested to him in a few words, but with a great deal of respect and moderation, that the Church-Immunities, and even the Priviledges of the People, had been violated by his late Declarations, which they were sensible he was advised to publish by the Enemies of their Religion. He therefore pray'd him in the name of the whole Clergy to call 'em in, and exhorted him in pathetick and respectful Terms to be the Protect­or of the Religion of the State, and of its Ministers.

In answer to which the King said, that the Cler­gy having seiz'd upon the Crown-Lands in the time of the Civil Wars, they must not take it in, [...]nis Officers made a strict inquiry into that ma [...]er, and that he requir'd only a Restitution of what had been usurp'd, or unjustly a [...]enated. As for Olaus, he told them with a seeming I [...]difference, that he was ready not only to deliver him up to 'em, but also any other of his Subjects that shou'd be convicted of Heresy; but that he cou'd not deny him the Justice to hear him before he were condemn'd, adding that he had a good Account of his Life and Manners; that the Charge laid against him by his Brethren might be the effect of Envy, and that it was no new thing for most Divines promiscuously to Brand all that differ'd from 'em in Opinion, with the odious name of Hereticks, tho' very often upon frivolous Questi­ons of Scholastick Divinity, that are not essential to Religion.

The Arch-Bishop being equally surpris'd and dis­pleas'd to see the King look upon the Affair of Olaus but as a Quarrel of idle and conceited Di­vines, offer'd, with some heat, to convince that Clergy-man, in the presence of his Majesty and the whole Senate, of many dangerous Errors, not consi­dering that such Witnesses are always the Judges of the Conferences at which they assist. The King, willing by his example to accustom his Subjects to a strict Inquiry into matters of Religon, accepted of the Bishop's offer, and the Conference was order'd to be held at Ʋpsal.

The King, 1526 March. attended by the Senate, and follow'd by his whole Court, went thither at the time ap­pointed. Olaus, on his side, appear'd in the Assem­bly, with all the Assurance he had of the King's private Protection. But the Bishops refusing to enter the Lists with him, under pretence that their Dignity made 'em his Judges, but perhaps loth to [Page 55]expose themselves with a Man that was both Learn'd and Eloquent, they produc'd a Famous Divine nam'd Gallus, and set him up for a Champion against Olaus.

The King order'd the Acts of this Conference to be Register'd. The two Doctors disputed very long concerning Purgatory, Indulgences, Bazius Hist. F [...] ­cles. Su [...]s. Commu­nion in both kinds, Celibacy of the Clergy, the Temporal Power and Dignities of the Church; but cou'd not agree among themselves, as to the Na­ture of their Proofs. The Roman Catholick Do­ctor us'd promiscuously the Authority of the Holy Scriptures, Tradition, the Fathers and Councils. But Olaus wou'd only admit the Authority of Scrip­ture, and wou'd oblige his Adversary to prove not only the Doctrin, but even the Discipline of the Church, by so many express passages of the New Testament.

Among other things, he requir'd him earnest­ly to shew him in the Gospel, and make it out by the Example of the Apostles, that Bishops might enjoy Principalities and secular Dignities, and make use (as they did daily) of the Thunderbolts of the Church against their Enemies, meerly for worldly concerns. The Courtiers, being always of the Religion of their Prince, highly applauded Olaus. Some of the Senators ask'd Gallus, whe­ther it were possible that the Holy Writ shou'd not contain all the necessary Proofs to maintain the Con­fession of Faith. To which the C [...]tholick Doctor gave this Answer, That he cou'd not lay aside his Proofs from Tradition in matter of Discipline, without betraying the Cause he was bound to defend; and, tho' he shou'd confine himself to the Authori­ty of Scripture, he wou'd never consent, that his Adversary shou'd make use of so unfaithful Tran­slation as his own.

Olaus undertook to justify it, but might have re­pented so rash an Attempt, for 'twou'd have been a hard task for him to defend all the Faults he had com­mitted in that Work after his Master. The King therefore fearing least Gallus shou'd convince him of having corrupted the Sacred Text to serve his own Opinions, put a sudden stop to the Conference, by desiring the Arch Bishop to make a new Translation of the New Testament, to compare it with the other. He ass [...]r'd him, he wou'd read it with great satisfaction: And for a further Incouragement, he told him such a P [...]ce of Work would be the more useful in the Kingdom, because few Fri [...]sts in it underst [...]d the Latine Tongue, and that they frequently m [...]st [...]ok the meaning of the Text, for want of having it in their Mother Tongue. To which Reasons he added some private Caresses he made to that Prelate, and dismiss'd him, with assu­rances that he wou'd suffer nothing to pass in his Kingdom in Matters of Religion, without his know­ledge and advice.

The Arch Bishop dazel'd by those plausible Rea­sons and the Caresses of his Prince, summon'd to Stockholm his Six Suffragan Bishops, and the Principal Persons both of the Regular and Secular Clergy. To whom he represented the necessity of making a speedy Translation of the New Testament, in op­position to that of Olaus; he told 'em, it was the King's desire, and that it was an infallibe means to please his Maj [...]sty, and keep him in their Com­munion. The Bishop of Lincopire vigorously op­pos'd the undertaking of that Work, saying that our Saviour had left the Interpretation of the Holy Scriptures to the Bishop [...] and Doctors of his Church, left no occasion that there might be for the simple and ignorant to co [...]tend about it. That a Tra [...]s­lation in the present Juncture of Assairs wou'd ra­ther be instrumental to the Propagation of Luthe­ranism [Page 57]in the State and by the Authority of that Book the People would take upon 'em to judge of Controversies. That the Church and Religion were not liable to Examination, and that he had never approv'd of the Conference at Ʋpsal. That it was far more Prudential to Excommunicate Olaus and his followers, that the Bishop of Streg­nez his Superior ought to secure him, and bring him to his Trial, or else send him to Rome, and that such Hereticks ought only to be confuted with Fire and Sword.

But all these Remonstrances could not prevail with the Arch-Bishop to deny in some measure so just a thing to the King, and to which he had oblig'd himself in the Conference at Ʋpsal Thus he persisted in his design, unmov'd by the Argu­ments of the Bishop of Lincopinc; who told him in the full Assembly, that he wou'd ruin the Religion by his immoderate complaisance for the Court.

The Regular and Secular Clergy divided the whole Work among 'em, Pufendorf. to have it the sooner finished. The latter undertook the Translation of the four Evangelists, the Acts of the Apostles, and St. Pauls Epistles; the Mendicant Friars, St. Peter's, St. John's, St. James's and St. Jude's Epistles; and the Carthusians were appointed to Translate the Apocalypse.

Olaus, proud of his pretended success in the Con­ference at Ʋpsal, printed an Account of it, and Pub­lish'd it to his Advantage. Soon after he pub­lickly Married, tho' a Priest, to confirm, by so viting an Example, the Doctrine which he preach'd. Many of his Brethern follow'd his Ex­ample without the least reluctancy, and publickly ass [...]m'd the Name of Lutherans, as a shelter against their Superiors, and a Support to their Marriages. Most of the Nobility got Ministers to Preach in [Page 58]their Castles, some out of curiosity to hear their Eloquence, others to please the King, and per­haps in order to get those Church-Lands they had an eye upon.

Gustavus was extremely pleas'd to see so sudden a change in Matters of Religion: And he, who never suf­fer'd his designs to appear, but according as Luther­anism got ground, thought he might now without danger seize upon part of the Church-Lands. In order to which he call'd the Senate to meet at Stockholm, up­on intelligences he procur'd from time to time, and which he dexterously caus'd to be spread all over the Kingdom, that the Emperor himself was pre­paring to March with all the Forces of the Empire to restore King Christiern.

No sooner were the Senators arriv'd at Stock­holm, but he desir'd 'em to take all possible care to put the Kingdom in a State of Defense against the attempts of the Enemy. The Lords, who for the most part ow'd him their Fortunes and Digni­ties, guess'd presently at his intentions, and gave this answer suitable to his Designs. That the Peo­ple were utterly exhausted by the long Wars of Sweden, and that the Merchants of Lubeck and o­ther Hanse-Towns did absolutely ruin the Kingdom by their extorted Privilege to drive alone the Trade of Sweden, and that without paying any Customs. That there was no way left to recruit his Treasure but by opening all the Ports of this Kingdom to the Merchants of other Nations; but that the Town of Lubeck must be first paid, before those Priviledges cou'd be cancell'd, which Sweden was forc'd to grant in lieu of Interest for the Mony and Troops that Regency had lent the Crown against the Danes. The Senate agreed both in the necessity of making that Payment, and at the same time in the present impossibility of doing it.

The King, under colour of easing the People, propos'd by his Chancellour to take for the sub­sistence of his Troops, the two Thirds of the Tithes belonging for the most part to Bishops or Rich Abbots. And that cunning Statesman did at the same time insinuate, that the superfluous Plate and Bells of Churches might be apply'd to pay the Re­gency of Lubeck; by which means its Priviledges might be at once abolish'd, which tended to the abso­lute ruin both of the King and Kingdom.

The Power and Authority of Gustavus were settl'd by this time upon so firm and solid a Foundation, that the Resolves of the Senate were in a manner but a meer Formality. So that all the Senators, with great submission, approv'd of this Expedient, of which a solemn Decree was forthwith made; and Commissioners were appointed by the King, who seiz'd, all over the Kingdom, upon the Church-plate and Bells which they found to be superfluous, and same time laid up in public Granaries the Tithes and all the Grains design'd for the Subsistence of his Troops.

This Order of the Senate stunn'd, like a Thunder­bolt, both the Superior and Inferior Clergy. They saw that they had set a wise and mighty Prince upon the Throne who was resolv'd to ruin their Autho­rity, and was so much the more terrible because of his Dexterity in concealing his Hatred and Designs under the specious pretence of the public Good. The Archbishop of Ʋpsal brought his Complaints to the King, and told him, that his Officers committed such Depredations in all the Churches, as were scarce to be fear'd from the most outragious Hereticks or Fanaticks.

The King, having thus at last pull'd off the Mask, answer'd the Bishop with an Ai [...] of Authority, that what had been seiz'd by his Order wou'd be better imploy'd for the Defence of the Realm, than for [Page 60]maintaining the Grandeur and Pride of the Clergy. After these words he dismiss'd him, and wou'd not give him a longer Audience.

The King's Answer, and the Violence of his Offi­cers, did extremely exasperate most of the zealous Catholicks of the Kingdom. The Clergy-men, but the Monks especially, exclaim'd against him with all the extravagance of Spite and Fury, scattering scur­rilous Libels among the People, in which they branded him with the odious Character of a Here­tic and of an excommunicated Prince: And even some of the hottest of 'em propos'd to make void his Election. The Mob, that were easily set on Fire by any pretext of Religion, join'd with 'em in the heat of their Resentment. The Peasants, among others, cou'd not indure to part with their Bells, and the Silver Crosses of their Churches, which often made the most essential part of their Worship. These wild and savage People were the fittest Tools to carry on the Designs of the Priests, who perswaded 'em that these Innovations tended directly to the subversion of Religion and Liberty. Some of 'em took up Arms, pursu'd the King's Offi­cers, and having recover'd their Bells, brought 'em back to their Villages in a kind of Triumph.

A great Fair was yearly held near Ʋpsal about this time of the Year, with an extraordinary Concourse of People from all the neighbouring Provinces. This was a sort of Convention of the Estates for the Country People, who discoursed here of their Trade, of the Affairs of each Province, but especially of the Differences that arose about the Preservation of their Rights and Priviledges. The Malecontents, glad of this opportunity to stir up a Rebellion, did privately dispose the chief of 'em to demand the Revocation of the last Decree of the Senate, as to the Tithes and Church-bells.

The King had timely notice of their Designs by the secret Intelligencers whom he kept every where. The Mony he liberally distributed among 'em, made 'em pry into every Corner, and industriously pump out the greatest Secrets. By these Spies he learnt, that the Country-people, animated by the Clergy, were resolv'd to rise up in Arms at Ʋpsal-Fair, un­less their Bells were speedily restor'd.

To prevent the threatening Danger, Gustavus went immediately to the Fair, at the Head of a Body of Horse; and by his unexpected Arrival surpriz'd the Mutineers, and put 'em into a great Consternation. He spoke to 'em with a certain Air of Greatness and Authority, like a Prince that has a Right to com­mand and will be obey'd. He ask'd 'em, with a fierce Look, who had intrusted 'em with the Care of the Government, by what Authority they censured the Decrees of the Senate, and whether they had for­gotten that the Bishops and the whole Clergy were greater Enemies to their Country than the very Danes? Then, to gain 'em by the most winning and convincing Argument, he told 'em, that by the late Decree of the Senate, concerning the Tithes, to which he gave his Assent, 'twas plain the Ease of the People was his principal Aim; that to pay the Re­gency of Lubeck in so pressing a juncture of Affairs, 'twas thought more reasonable to fleece a rich Cler­gy, than to over-burden the People with new Taxes and Impositions. He hop'd that this Discourse wou'd have either frighten'd or wheedl'd 'em into a Compliance with his Desires; but instead of that, the insolent Multitude began to exclaim with a great deal of Violence, that they wou'd never suffer their Religion to be alter'd, nor their Bells and Church­plate to be taken from 'em. The King, incens'd at their Audaciousness, commanded his Men to fire upon the Mutineers; who, observing the posture of his Horse just going to give sire, [...]ll upon their Knees, [Page 62]and begg'd his Majesty's Pardon. The Ring-leaders of the Mutiny were secur'd, while the rest hid them­selves in the Crowd, or escap'd in the Dark. In short, they presently dispers'd, and retir'd with an awful Idea of a Prince who knew so well how to ex­tort Obedience.

This mutinous Assembly was no sooner dispers'd by his Presence, but a new Plot was laid to Dethrone him. A certain Groom call'd Hans, of the Parish of Biorchstrat in the Province of Westmannia, form'd a Design infinitely above the meanness of his Con­dition. Afpiring to no less than a Crown, he per­sonated the eldest Son of the deceased Administrator, tho' that young Prince died a Year before. He was perswaded by some disaffected People, that the Swedes, who were incens'd against Gustavus and weary of his Government, wou'd chuse rather to place him upon the Throne, than suffer any change in Religion.

The Impostor was a handsom and bold Person: He spoke with a great deal of Freedom and Ease, and had a nobler Air than was suitable to his Birth or Education. He travell'd over all the Province of Dalecarlia, under the Name of Nils Steno; never appear'd but in the remotest Places, and such as had the least relation to the Court; nor did he long reside in the same place. When he appear'd abroad, he was very Reserv'd and full of Precaution; insinuat­ing that Gustavus cou'd not indure the sight of him, because it check'd his Conscience, and put him in mind of the Crown he had usurp'd, to the prejudice of the Family to which he ow'd his Fortune and Ad­vancement. Therefore that violent Prince cou'd never look upon him but with Eyes full of Fury; that he had several times attempted to Kill him; and that the Princess, his Mother, fearing the worst, had advis'd him to retire.

Then he ask'd the People, in a very moving and pathe [...]ic manner, whether so inhuman and cruel a Treatment was a suitable Recompence for the Life his Father, the Administrator, had lost in the De­fence of their Country. At the Name of Steno, this Cheat always burst forth into Tears.

Falling upon his Knees, he conjur'd the Peasants to pray to God for the Soul of the Prince his Father, and to say each a Pater noster in his behalf, while they were allow'd to believe a Purgatory. Then he ex­claim'd against Gustavus's Government, calling him an Usurper and an Heretic, that had renounc'd the Religion of his Ancestors. And, whereas those Peasants were extremely jealous of their Customs, he charg'd him with Innovation for affecting a more stately Garb than his Predecessors, pretending that he design'd to alter the very Habit as well as the Religion of the Nation, and wou'd oblige all his Sub­jects to consent to these unsufferable Changes.

'Tis thought, the Bishop of Lincopinc and the chief of the Clergy had a hand in this Conspiracy, hoping by this means to raise such a Commotion as might occasion a Revolution in the Government. At least 'tis certain, that that Bishop, and those of his Party, seem'd to believe that he was really the Administrator's Son, to give the greater Credit to the Impostor, who by the secret Protection of the Cler­gy and other Malecontents, saw himself in a short time follow'd by a Crowd of Peasants and other in­debted Persons, whose desperate Condition made 'em ready to embrace the first opportunity of a Change.

Gustavus knew not whether to march against him, or neglect so groundless a Rumor; he was irresolute for some time, and waver'd 'twixt Hope and Fear; for tho' he was sensible of the Danger of slighting the feeblest Enemy, he was afraid lest by shewing too visible a Concern on this occasion he shou'd stren­gthen [Page 64]the Party of the Impostor. At last he resolv'd to desire the Administrator's Widow to write to the Dalecarlians; and that Princess, in obedience to his Request, assur'd 'em, by a Letter, that her Son died above a Year ago; that all the Inhabitants of Stock­holm, who assisted at his Funeral, were Witnesses of his Death; and that she had but one young Child living, of whose Education the King took as much care as if he were his own Son.

This Letter had all the success Gustavus cou'd ex­pect; and the undeceiv'd Peasants forsook their fictitious Prince, who, fearing that they wou'd de­liver him up to the King, fled to Norway; where he found a new Protection, upon the Recommendation, of the Bishops of Sweden to the Archbishop of Dron­them, by whom he was receiv'd and entertain'd as Prince of Sweden. By this Prelate's Interest the Impo­stor rais'd new Troops in that Kingdom, and by his own Insinuations he persuaded a Lady of the highest Quality there, that the Crown of Sweden did rightly belong to him, and promis'd he wou'd one day raise her Daughter to the Dignity of a Queen. The Lady, dazel'd with the prospect of a Crown, made her Tenants take up Arms in Defence of his Right, furnish'd him with great Sums of Mony to begin the War, and presented him with a Gold Chain of con­siderable Weight, as the Pledge of the Alliance she wou'd contract with him.

The King, upon Advice that the Impostor was preparing to return to Sweden, order'd a Body of Horse to prevent him. At the same time he writ to Frederic King of Denmark, complaining of the Pro­tection he gave, in his Dominions, to a notorious Cheat, protesting he wou'd seek him out at the Head of his Army in the furthest Parts of Norway, if he were not speedily expell'd out of that King­dom.

That wise and politick Prince cou'd not, with­out a secret Jealousy, look upon the Union of the Swedes, and the Prosperity of Gustavus's Reign, and wou'd have been glad to see Sweden imbroil'd in Ci­vil Wars by the Counterfeit Steno. But fearing a Storm from Sweden, when he expected every mo­ment a Descent from Christiern, he sent Orders to Hans to depart immediately out of his Dominions; and that unhappy Wretch fled from Norway to Ro­stock, a Free and Imperial City in Mecklemburg upon the Baltick. Gustavus, having receiv'd advice of his Retreat, sent to the Magistrates of that City requir­ing 'em to deliver up the Impostor, and threaten'd to stop all their Ships that shou'd he found in his Ports, if they wou'd not comply with so just a De­sire. The Magistrates of Rostock, having no reason to protect such an abandon'd Wretch, caus'd him to be Beheaded; by which Execution they put an end to Gustavus's fears, and baffled all the Hopes of his dissaffected Subjects.

Tho' the Clergy had not publickly appear'd in this Revolt, yet the King was fully convinc'd that they wou'd have infallibly declar'd for the Impostor, if his Attempt had been attended with success. He knew them to be his most dangerous Enemies, and that nothing but the Fear of his Power, kept them from open Rebellion. The Bishops influenc'd the Curates and inferiour Clergy to keep the People steady in their ancient Religion, being sensible they must lose the best part of their Revenues, assoon as Lutheranism shou'd be establish'd. Such powerful Motives as Religion and Self-Interest, put the whole Body of the Clergy into a ferment, and made them turn every Stone. The Monks, but especially those call'd Mendicant Frius, run thro' all the Pro­vinces, under pretext of begging Bread for their Subsistence, but in effect to foment the Discontents of the People. They made sure of their Friends, [Page 66]influenc'd their Devotoes, form'd Cabals in all the Villages, and spoke so disrespectfully of their Prince, as if their affected Zeal for the Defence of the Ca­tholick Faith, cou'd have justify'd the Spirit of Re­bellion.

The King, being under some apprehension that the Clergy and those Monks might at last occasion some dangerous Revolt, resolv'd to gain the Bishops, and especially the Heads and Superiors of the Religious Houses, and to remove such as wou'd not comply with his Designs. Most of the Superiors of the Mendicant Friars were Germans and Foreigners, all Doctors in the chief Universities of Germany, who were sent by their Generals to visit and govern the Swedish Monasteries. The King issued out a Decla­ration, forbidding those Foreigners to meddle with the Government of the Monks his natural Subjects, under pretence that being Subjects of the Emperor and other Princes who were Enemies to the Nation, they incited not only the Monks, but even the com­mon People, to Rebellious Practices. So that they were oblig'd immediately to leave the Kingdom, and the King took care to substitute in their Places such Monks as were intirely devoted to the Court. This Declaration was follow'd by another, to pro­hibit the Visits and too frequent Journies of the Monks. By this Edict they were not allow'd to go above twice a Year out of their Monasteries, and to stay but a Fortnight each time to receive the Bounty and Alms of the People. This done, the King ap­ply'd himself to the Bishops of Stregnez and Westeras, who were his Creatures, and assur'd 'em, that in all these Proceedings he had no other Aim, than to see the Word of God observ'd in his Kingdom, and to banish all Superstitions that a worldly Interest had introduc'd into religious Worship. He desir'd 'em cheerfully to surrender the Fortresses that were in their Hands, promis'd to make 'em futable and ad­vantageous [Page 67]Returns, and to advance their Families to the principal and highest Dignities in the Kingdom. Upon which Declarations of his Affection and the Confidence he plac'd in 'em, they told him they shou'd always be ready to submit to his Will with­out inquiring into the Reason of his Orders; imagi­ning that their Complaisance cou'd not be reputed Criminal, so long as they did not openly profess those Doctrins which they look'd upon as erroneous, especially since they cou'd not oppose the King's Designs, without exposing themselves to his Indig­nation. But the Archbishop of Ʋpsal resisted the Temptation, with a Resolution that cou'd neither be shaken by Promises or Threats. His Tempora­lities were seized, his Family persecuted, and his Person for some time confined to a Convent at Stockholm, under pretence that he had a hand in the Impostor's Rebellion. In a word, none of those indirect Persecutions were omitted to which Princes usually have Recourse when they wou'd reclaim ob­stinate Subjects, that will not be reduc'd by gentler Methods. He answer'd those who urged him to yield to the King's Will, that he was advanc'd to his Dignity without making the least Interest for it; that King Gustavus himself recommended him of his own accord, made an Interest for his Choice, and he cou'd not imagine that Prince shou'd expect from him, by way of Acknowledgment, that he shou'd so basely betray his Dignity and Ministry. The King, finding him Inflexible, found out an honourable way to get rid of him, by conferring upon him the Cha­racter of Embassador. He was order'd forthwith to set out for Poland, and the King sent him word that he shou'd receive his Dispatches at Dantzie. The Archbishop apprehended presently the Drist of this Commission, and lookt upon his Embassy as little better than a Banishment. However, he they'd the King's Orders with a great deal of sub­mission, [Page 68]and went for Dantzic, 1527 with his Brother Olaus Magnus. Where having waited some time (but in vain) for his Dispatches and his Majesty's Orders, and hearing that Lutheranism got ground every Day in Sweden, he went to Rome to implore the Pope's Assistance, and inform his Holiness of the Danger that threatned the Catholick Religion in Sweden, under so politick and so mighty a Prince.

But the Pope was in so bad Circumstances that he cou'd not take much notice of the Affairs of Sweden. Clement VII. His extraordinary Ambition to advance and aggran­dize his Family, made him enter the Year before into a League with Francis I. King of France, and the States of Venice, Florence and Switzerland, against the Emperor Charles V. The Design of the Confede­racy was to procure the Liberty of the Children of France who were then Hostages in Spain, to recover the Kingdom of Naples to the Holy See, to main­tain Sforza in the Dukedom of Milan, and to de­fend the Liberty of Italy; in a word, to oppose the Power of the Emperor, who was grown formidable ever since the Battel of Pavia.

That Prince was so incens'd against the Pope, whom he lookt upon as the Author of the League, that he rais'd a bloody War against him. But the War it self was not so grievous to the Pope, as the Emperor's Exhortation to the Cardinals to summon a lawful Council for the Good of the Church, which wanted to be Reformed (as the Emperor was pleas'd to express it) both in her Head and Members. Cle­ment was extremely averse to a Council, which he dreaded wou'd not only regulate the Papaal Power, but enter upon some Enquiry that might be preju­dicial to his Person and Dignity. He was always reputed the natural Son of Julian de Medicis, till Pope Leo X. being of the same Family declar'd him Legitimate, upon the Information of his Mother's [Page 69]Brother, and of certain Monks who deposed that there was a Promise of Marriage, tho' such an Evi­dence was somewhat suspicious in so nice an Affair. There was indeed no positive Law to exclude Ba­stards from the Pontificate; but 'twas the common Opinion, that so eminent and holy a Dignity was inconsistent with so great a Blemish. The Pope therefore might justly fear, that the Emperor wou'd insist upon it in a Council, and by his Authority colour it with a Pretext of Justice and Reli­gion.

Besides, he knew that the Emperor had a Note in his Hands, which he had given to Cardinal Colouna in the Conclave, to purchase his Vote. Thus he saw himself in danger of being depos'd, as was Bal­thazar Cossa, known during his Pontificate by the Name of John XXIII. and the rather, because Pope Julius II. had issued out a strict Bull, annulling and making void all Simoniacal Elections, and putting it out of the Power of the Cardinals, by a posterior Consent, to make 'em valid.

But Charles V. did not so much aim at his Person, as the Principalities annex'd to his Dignity. His eagerness for a Council was only to get an oppor­tunity to raise him new Enemies, and to make him depend upon his pleasure. He wou'd fain have had the Command of the Pope's Territories, which lay so convenient for him in that juncture of War for the Communication of the Milanese with the King­dom of Naples, and the late League the Pope had made with his Enemies afforded him a plausible pre­tence to seize on 'em.

He gave Orders to his Army to march into the Pope's Territories. His Troops besieg'd, and took Rome by Storm, where they committed such Barba­rities as cou'd not be expected from Infidels. Both the Massacre and Plunder lasted several Days, the Virgins were ravish'd in their Mothers Arm, and [Page 70]at the foot of the very Altars, 1526 the Monuments of the Apostles and the Relics of the Saints were prophan'd by the Avarice and Insolence of the Soldiers; the Cardinals and Prelates of the Court of Rome were thrown into dismal Dungeons, where they were perpetually alarm'd with the fear of an ignominious Death, to make 'em deliver up the Treasures of the Church. The Pope himself was seiz'd and impri­son'd in the Castle of St. Angelo, by the Emperor's Officers. And that Prince, who affected the religious Title of Catholick, design'd to send him to Spain, as he had done Francis I. that he might al­most at the same time Triumph over the two great­est Powers of Europe, one Spiritual, and the other Temporal.

Gustavus heard with a secret Joy the News of this War betwixt the Pope and the Emperor, but especially of the amazing Success of the last. He therefore resolv'd to follow his Example, and to make use of this Juncture to give the fatal Blow to the Dignity of the Bishops of his Realm. His Power was so great, that he feared no Rebellion; having a considerable number of Troops on foot, which made him formidable to his Enemies at home and abroad. Most of his Officers were Foreigners or Lutherans, all equally devoted both to his Per­son and Fortune; the Senators were all his Crea­tures; and the Danes his Allies.

Thus whilst all Europe dreaded his Power or ad­mir'd his Greatness, he form'd a Design to take from the Lishops all the strong Holds that were un­der their Jurisdiction, and at the same time to make an exact Enquiry into all the Purchases or Usur­pations of both the Regular and Secular Clergy, since the Prohibition of King Canietson. But above all he resolv'd to get all his Declarations, and the Decree made in the Senate relating to the Tithes, confirm'd by the Estates of the Kingdom.

In pursuance of this Resolution he call'd a Meet­ing of the Estates at Westeras, 1527 and made use of his Authority in all the Provinces to influence the Ele­ction of such Deputies as might serve his turn. He sent secret Orders to a certain number of his Offi­cers of War to be present at the Elections, under colour of soliciting for the Payment of the Troops. He himself follow'd 'em soon after, attended by all the Senators, and follow'd by a Crowd of Courti­ers; who shew'd his Greatness, and served at the same time to maintain it.

He began to discover his Intention in the order­ing of a Treat which he gave the Bishops, Senators, Deputies of Provinces, and all the Members of the Estates. The Officers of his Houshold alter'd the usual order of the Seats at Table: The chief Places were given to the Temporal Senators, to the preju­dice of the Bishops, who claim'd that Honour by prescription. And the same Precedency was given to the Gentry, who were plac'd above the Deputies of the inferior Clergy. By which alteration the King design'd to create a Difference betwixt the bishop: and the Senators, and to make the Gentry approve his Intentions to humble the Clergy.

Assoon as the Bishops and other Ecclesiastical De­puties rose from Table, they retir'd in great discon­tent from the Hall, and even out of the Castle, and went to St. Giles's Church, where they shut them­selves in. Being alone, and (as they thought) safe, they ask'd one another what might be the Reason of the publick Injury and Affront which the King had put upon 'em. The Bishop of Lincopinc pre­siding in the Assembly as being the first Suffragan to the Arch-Bishop of Ʋpsal, made a Speech to this effect, That they knew by their own expe­fience, that the King never did any publick Action, without some private Design; That this alterati­on to the prejudice of their Order, was but a [Page 72]forerunner of greater Persecutions; That the Kings Declarations, the Decrees of the Senate, the Attempts of his Majestys Officers, his Power and his Armies, were so many Prognosticks of the loss of their Liberty, and the best part of their Re­venues; That under the specious Title of Defen­der of the Country, he assum'd an absolute Au­thority, above the reach of the Laws; That he was resolved to seize upon their Castles and For­tresses, and afterwards deprive 'em of that share in the Government which they had so long injoy'd; and that Religon it self would be in great danger, if they did not resolve vigorously to oppose the Lutherans.

The Bishop of Stregnez, Somm [...]r. who was gain'd by the Court, reply'd, that they could not indeed be too watchful for the Defence of their Religion; but withal he insinuated that they ought not by an unseasonable Zeal to provoke a Potent Prince, who in all other respects deserv'd so well of the Nation. He added, that in his Opinion the Cler­gy should contribute part of their Revenues to­wards the Defence of the Kingdom; and declared his readiness to put his Castle into the King's Hands, who was better able to defend it against the Enemies of the State than a Clergy-Man.

The Bishop of Lincopinc could not hear that Pre­lates Discourse without Indignation. He ask'd him in an angry Tone, whether he thought he could as Lawfully dispose of his Church Lands as of his Patrimony, and that in behalf of a Heretick Prince, or one at least who countenanced Heresy. He tax'd him, that he spoke more like a Statesman and a Courtier, than a true Bishop, and, to soften those hard and offensive expressions, he conjur'd him with all earnestness to stick to the Interests of his Brethren, and to A [...]t unanimously with them for the [...] of their Rights and Dignities. He [Page 73]exhorted the whole Assembly to follow their Arch-Bishops steps, who had generously withstood both the Caresses and Threats of the Court; telling them, that upon all such Occasions they were oblig'd to remember the Oath they had taken at their Consecration, to venture their Lives in the De­fence of Religion and the Rights and Privileges of their Churches. In a word, he omitted nothing that cou'd revive in their minds a true Episcopal Zeal, or convince them that the severest punish­ment that cou'd be inflicted on 'em for an Apo­stolical constancy or stedfastness would be far more glorious to 'em than all the favour of the Court.

This Discourse being pronounc'd with a great deal of heat, drew in the three other Bishops, and all the other Ecclesiasticks that Compos'd the As­sembly; so that it was resolv'd, they were oblig'd to maintain to the utmost of their power the Re­venues and Rights of the Swedish Church against all opposers. The Bishops of Stregnez and Westeras, as great Courtiers as they were, durst not oppose so generous a motion; or perhaps were not sorry to see their Brethren undertake, at their Perils, to Defend their Dignities. In short, these Six Bi­shops took a Solemn Oath to Defend with vigor the Rights and Priviledges of the Church against all the Attempts of the King. They made an Act to which they subscrib'd, and which they cans'd to be sign'd by all the rest of the Clergy who were pre­sent; then they hid it in a Tomb in the Church, lest it should fall into the King's hands.

The Bishop of Lincopinc endeavour'd also to pro­cure the favour of some powerful Lay-Patrons: He privately made sure of Tureiohanson the great Marshal, whose Birth and Dignity gave him the next rank to the King; but these advantages were ob­scur'd by the defect of his Merit and by his Pride. He [Page 74]talk'd perpetually of his Pedegree; and tho' he had neither Valour nor Courage, he fansi'd that his Birth and Quality entitl'd him to the esteem of all Mankind. The Bishop begg'd his Protection for the Clergy and that was ground enough to obtain it. The Marshal, was so over joy'd to see himself court­ed by so considerable a Party, that he made a So­lemn Promise, to maintain and support the ancient Religion and its Ministers. Besides him, that Pre­late gain'd some Lords of West-Gothland, and se­veral Deputies of the Peasants, who combin'd to­gether to oppose all the Attempts of the Luthe­rans.

The next day the Estates met, and the Chan­cellour open'd the Sessions with a pathetic Speech, upon the Exigences of the State. He told them from the King, that there was no Fund settl'd for the Payment of the Forces; that most of the Fron­tier places wanted to be Fortifi'd; that the Arse­nals were unfurnish'd, and that there were few Ships in the Ports. He forgot not to Alarm 'em with an account of King Christiern's preparations. He put 'em in mind of all the Cruelties which that Prince committed in the Kingdom, represent­ing in the most dismal colours, the miserable con­dition of that Kingdom under his Government. Besides the Massacre of the Senate, he presented 'em with a frightful Catalogue of all the Robbe­ries, Plunders, Assassinates, Burnings, Rapes, and other Enormous Barbarities that were Authoriz'd by a Prince who never gave himself the trouble to seek for any pretext to excuse or cover his Crimes. A dreadful Time, when the Kingdom was become a Prey to Implacable Enemies, or to Treacherous and Rebellious Natives, more cruel than they, whose Credit and Rewards were more Intolera­ble, than there very Treasons and Villanies. He told 'em that when the Nation was in these deplo­rable [Page 75]and hopeless circumstances, the King alone formed, a generous design to deliver his Native Country. In order to which he had expos'd [...]im­self to the greatest Dangers; and, as he had not spar'd his life for their defence, so 'twas well known he had Mortgag'd all his Estate to carry on the War against the Danes. That by his Va­lour and Conduct, the Swedes had at last Triumph'd over their Enemies; but that the same cruel Enemies were preparing for a new Invasion with all the Forces of the Emperour, if speedy care were not taken to oppose 'em. To which he added, that the Revenues of the Crown were so diminish'd by the Usurpations of the Clergy, that they were scarce sufficient to answer the Charge of the civil List. That the Nobility and Gentry were also ruin'd by the imprudent Bounty of their Ancestors. That it was plain, the Church of Sweden alone had the command of more Wealth, than the King, and all the other Estates of the Realm together. That the Bishops had always made Religion subservient to their Interest, and the Establishing of their Authority; and by in­direct means had made themselves Masters of the best Mannours and Principal Fortresses. That these Prelates, growing by degrees Richer and more Potent than their Sovereign had frequently revolted against their Princes. That their Ambi­tion had occasion'd all the Civil and Foreign Wars, with which the Kingdom had been harrass'd for near the space of 120 Years. That they had several times call'd in the Enemies, and receiv'd 'em into their Forts, sticking at no Treachery to compass their wicked Designs.

That the Senate, sensible of the present Exigen­cies, and knowing how prejudical the excessive Power and Wealth of the Bishops was to the Peace of Sweden, had wisely ordain'd, that two Thirds [Page 76]of the Tithes shou'd be apply'd to the Maintenance and Subsistence of the Army. That the King de­sir'd that his late Declarations, and the Senate's Decree, which aimed at nothing but the ease of the People, shou'd be confirm'd by the Estates. That both the Regular and Secular Clergy should forth­with restore to the Crown, to the Nobility, and to all private Persons, the Lands and Estates which they pretended had been bequeath'd to 'em since the Reign and Prohibition of King Canutson. 1452 That they shou'd be oblig'd to contribute, as well as the Laity to the support of the Army, proportionably to their ancient Estates and Acquisitions: That the Bishops shou'd not hereafter inherit the Estates of the inferiour Clergy, by which means the best Families of the Kingdom insensible decay'd and came to ruin. That those Prelates shou'd renounce their pretended Right and Penalties and Forfeitures. That they shou'd forthwith put the King in possession of their Forts, which had often serv'd for a shel­ter to Seditious and Rebellions Persons. And Last­ly, that they shou'd be for ever excluded from the Senate, or any share in the Government.

No sooner had the Chancellor ended his Speech, but the Bishop of Lincopinc stood up to oppose him, and spoke to this effect. That it was no wonder to hear of that bold Proposal, to take away the Church-Lands from the Clergy, while the Luthe­rans were countenanced in their endeavours to ex­tirpate the true Religion. He declared to the E­states, that he and the whole Clergy were re­solv'd to defend the Catholick Faith, never to part with any Church-Lands, or yield up any of their Rights or Priviledges, without an express Order from the Pope, whom they own'd as the Supreme Disposer of the Church Revenues, as he was the Infallible Judge in Matters of Religi­on.

The King, amaz'd at the boldness of that Prelate, 1527 turn'd towards the Senators and the Nobility, as it were to ingage some of 'em to make a sutable reply. Immediately Tureiohanson stood up; who, far from siding with the King, told him with a great deal of considence, that the Bishop of Lincopinc cou'd not be too much commended for his Zeal, and that he wish'd all the Swedes were inspir'd with so noble a resolution to defend the Catho­lick Faith and the Liberty of the Nation: He was applauded by the Bishops and the whole Clergy, and their Acclamations were seconded by many De­puties of West-Gothland, who bewail'd in secret the decaying State of the Ancient Religion, but durst not freely speak their mind for sear of the King's displeasure.

Tureiohanson's discourse, and the Applause it met with among those of his party, did both surprise the King, and stir up his Passion: He complain'd of their ingratitude and want of respect, and told them that the Swedes cou'd neither live without Kings, nor endure 'em after they were chosen; that he was sensible, his Declarations against the Clergy and the Senate's Decree concerning Tithes, had procur'd him more Enemies in the Kingdom, than he had among the Neighbouring Nations, who envi'd the Hap­piness of Sweden; that he knew, there were many in that Assembly, who (according to the Swedish Proverb) wished the Head of an Ax struck deep into his Head, tho' none were so bold as to take up the handle; and that they were grossly mistaken, if they thought he mounted the Throne, as an Actor comes upon a Stage, only to personate a King: He declar'd withal, that he expected obe­dience, and that in the present juncture of Assairs it was requisite he shou'd use an absolute Power, to resist the Designs and Attempts both of the Emperor and King Christiern.

But if they thought he cou'd not justly require Obedience and Submission, he protested that he was ready to resign the Crown. That he only de­manded a re-imbursment for the Charge he had been at for the defence of the State, since he un­dertook the Government; that afterwards he wou'd let them peaceably injoy the Fruit of his Victo­ries, and solemnly promise to leave the Kingdom, for ever. At these words Grief and Anger drew some Tears from his Eyes, and without expect­ing an answer he suddenly left the Assembly, and went into the Castle, follow'd by the Principal Officers of his Army; who urg'd him, to assume an absolute Power, and offer'd to execute his Or­ders without the consent of the Estates.

The Chancellor staid, to hinder the Estates from taking any Resolutions contrary to the King's In­terest, in his Absence. But nothing was concluded that Day. The Temporal Senators and principal Lords, alarmed at the angry Retreat of Gustavus, rose up immediately, as if they had been afraid to be seen in the Company of the King's Adversaries. On the other Hand the Bishops and the whole Cler­gy, most of the Lords of West-Gothland, and all the Rabble of Westeras conducted Tureiohanson home as it were in Triumph.

That haughty Lord was so puff'd up with their Applauses, that he cou'd not conceal his Joy to see himself at the Head of a Party which he lookt upon as formidable to the King. He fancy'd that he should Govern the Estates, and by his Au­thority influence all their resolutions. He enter'd his House with the sound of Trumpets and Kettle Drums, elevated with his present success, without considering, that the Favour of the People is usually short-liv'd, and that 'tis extreamly hard for a great Man to come off with Honour when the Prince's Authority seems to be slighted or disregarded.

The Estates met again the next Day, which was spent wholly in Contests on both sides. Olaus Pe­tri made a new Challenge to Dr. Gallus, but it came to nothing; because Gallus wou'd argue in Latin, and in a Scholastic manner, and Olaus resolv'd to dispute in the Swedish Tongue. The Assembly was divided into two Parties; one that stood up for the Preservation of the Rights and Privileges of the Church, as the greatest Bulwark of the ancient Religion; and the other, considering Luther's Do­ctrin as a problematical and indifferent Opinion, till the Church shou'd decide the Controversy in a general Council, were for an intire submission to the King's Will.

The Chancellor omitted nothing to make the chief Deputies sensible, that Kingdoms ought not to be Rul'd by the Maxims of Priests and Monks, who have a separate Interest from that of the State, owning a Foreign Prince, the Pope, for their So­vereign. That the safety of the State, upon all Oc­casions and in all Emergencies, ought to be the prime and over-ruling Law; and all other humane Con­stitutions being made only for the Preservation of Civil Society, the Prince and supream Magistrate ought to be vested with a Power to alter 'em, accord­ing to the Exigencies and Temper of every Nation. That the greatest part of the Ecclesiasticks and Monks had seiz'd on the whole Wealth of the Kingdom, un­der different Pretences of Devotion. That the Bishops, by the Claim they assum'd of being the sole Heirs of the Priests, ruin'd daily some of the best Families; and by that Title, as well as their pretended Right to Penalties and Consiscations, incroach'd insensi­bly upon all the Estates; that they secur'd their un­just Acquisitiones from all Attempts of Recovery, under the Name of Church Lands; terrifying with the B [...]g-bear of Excommunication, all that shou'd [...]ser just Complaines against their Oppression, and [Page 80]branding with Heresy any Opinion condemned by the Pope as Heretical, tho' they deem'd him no otherwise Infallible, than so far as his Infallibility consisted with their Interests.

By such Discourses, and other secret Ways, the Chancellor brought over most of the Deputies to the King's Party; and gain'd many of the Clergy them­selves to yield to his Arguments, under pretext that Religion was not the Thing aimed at, but meerly a Temporal Concern; besides, that they were over­aw'd by the Power and the Anger of the King, and terrify'd with this Notion, That too obstinate a Resistance was next to down-right Treason and Rebellion.

The King had already made sure of the best part of the Assembly, when Tureiohanson, flattering him­self with the imaginary Strength of his Party, talkt of nothing but burning the Hereticks, and urg'd the Estates, with a great deal of Earnestness, to make a Law to declare Lutherans incapable of pos­sessing the Crown, with a secret Design to exclude the King, and that he might have a sufficient Ground to oppose the Solemnity of his Coronation. This Point was debated with a great deal of heat in the Assembly, every one speaking according to his In­terest or Inclination; when the Bishop of Stregnez, who had been secretly gain'd by the Court, desir'd leave to speak.

As soon as that Prelate had obtain'd liberty to be heard, Loc. l. 6. p. 270. he told the Estates, That he was surpriz'd to see Men in that Assembly who had the considence to speak so publickly of the King's Abdication, al­most within his hearing, or at least under the Canon of his Castle. That Matters of such vast Impor­tance were not to be decided by Caballing, or Plu­rality of Voices. That there were many in that Assembly who cou'd signalize their Courage against his as in a Field of Battel, and yet perhaps cou'd [Page 81]hardly bear the very Looks and Presence of their King, if he shou'd appear in Arms. He ask'd 'em what Forces they had to oppose a Prince who had the sole Command of all the Troops? And, in case he were willing to Abdicate, whether they had a sufficient Fund to repay him the vast Charge he had been at for the Defence of the State?

He added, That 'twas not an easy matter to reckon with a great Captain at the Head of a con­siderable Army, who might as long as he pleas'd re­tain the Sovereign Power, for a Pledge of Payment. That they were grosly mistaken if they thought that Sweden under another Prince, or another Form of Government, was able to make a long Resistance against so many Enemies with which the Kingdom was surrounded. That all intelligent Persons were sensible, that the Power and Strength of the King­dom lay more in the King's Person than Dignity; that his Majesty cou'd never make a step to quit the Throne, but what wou'd make way for the Kings of Denmark, Christiern or Frederick to ascend it; and that 'twas only his Courage and Valor that kept all the Enemies of the Nation in awe.

The same Prelate added, That tho' the King did not appear a Friend to the Clergy, yet the prevail­ing Power of Truth, and the cordial Affection he bore to the State oblig'd him to own, that the safety of the Kingdom depended entirely upon his Royal Person. That he acknowledg'd the Great Marshal's Zeal was to be commended, by which he had laid eternal Obligations upon both the Regular and Se­cular Clergy; but that a violent and unlimited Zeal had often occasion'd great Mischiefs. That for his part he thought it more expedient for 'em to quit some Rights, and to give up some of their Privi­ledges, at a time when their Compliance was so ne­cessary for the preservation of the Kingdom, than by too great a Stiffness and Self-interessedness to [Page 82]exasperate a Prince who was equally powerful and necessary. 1525 That however it was unreasonable to suspect that the King had chang'd his Religion, meerly because he wou'd not burn all those who said their Prayers in their Mother Tongue. That the King had often declar'd, he was resolv'd to persist in the Religion of his Ancestors. That, after all, they cou'd not but own, that the Monks had, under the pretence of Devotion, introduc'd into the Church many Superstitions, which utterly defac'd the Christian Religion. That the King, with the help of the ablest Men of the Kingdom, might cor­rect those Abuses, without giving any occasion to accuse or suspect him of a Design to incroach upon Religion, and that he might shake off the Yoak of the Court of Rome, without separating from the Communion of the Roman Church.

This Prelate's Discourse made the greater Im­pression upon the Estates, because 'twas not expected from one of his Character. The Bishops and the whole Clergy were full of Rage and Indignation, but he receiv'd a loud and general Applause from al­most all the rest of the Assembly. In short, his Dis­course seem'd at once to have dispers'd all those In­chantments, which had made 'em so long oppose the King's Designs. They lookt upon his Absence both as their Fault and Misfortune. Their Heat against their Prince was chang'd to an Emulation among 'em to give him what satisfaction he de­manded, that they might have the Happiness to see him sooner at the Head of the Assembly. Immedi­ately they made a Declaration sutable to his Inten­tions, notwithstanding the clamorous opposition of the Clergy; and notice was given to the Great Mar­shal that it was not safe for him to make so great a noise in the Assembly. Pafendorf. The Deputies of the Com­monalty, believing that the Contest was meerly about Temporal Assairs, made high Protestations, [Page 83]that they wou'd cut in pieces the first Man who shou'd offer to oppose the King's Will. 1527 And these Menaces struck such a Terror in the Minds of Tu­reiohanson and the Lords of West-Gothland, that they were forc'd to be silent and withdraw.

At last it was solemnly Enacted by the Estates, That the Bishops shou'd immediately put their Forts into the Hands of the King's Officers, and disband their Troops and Garrisons. That those Prelates shou'd not any more be admitted into the Senate, as being a hinderance to the discharge of their Mi­nisterial Functions. That it shou'd not be in their power to deprive the lawful Heirs of Ecclesiasticks, of their Right of Inheritance; nor shou'd thereafter convert to their own Uses the Penalties and For­feitures, which properly belong'd to the Crown. That all superfluous Church-plate and useless Bells shou'd be apply'd to pay the Regency of Lubeck. That all Church-Lands that had accru'd to the Cler­gy, by Foundations made since the Prohibition of K. Canutson, shou'd be re-united to the Crown. That the Nobility and Gentry might recover their Estates mortgag'd to the Church, by paying off the Mort­gage. That the two Thirds of the Tithes, injoy'd by most Bishops and Abbots, shou'd be sequester'd for the subsistence of the Troops, so long as there shou'd be any Ground to apprehend a War in the King­dom; and that in time of Peace they shou'd be ap­ply'd to the Erecting and Indowing of publick Schools and Hospitals in all the Provinces. That those among the Clergy shou'd be severely Punish'd, who shou'd offer to Excommunicate any one for a meerly Temporal Concern. That the Magistrates shou'd restrain the Mendicant Friars from their usual Rambles, and the King shou'd dispose, at his plea­sure, of all the Priviledges of the Clergy. Lastly, by the Chancellor's cunning Insinuation, it was or­der'd, That all considerable Churches shou'd be pro­vided [Page 84]with learned and godly Men, that shou'd ex­pound to the People the pure Word of God; which in the Language of those Times signify'd, that Lu­theranism shou'd be preach'd with Authority.

No sooner was this Act put into form, but all the Deputies sign'd it; and even the Bishops, who were not well united among themselves. Some of 'em were gain'd by the Court, and others out of fear were forc'd to subscribe; tho' they plainly saw that they sign'd the Abdication of their Dignities, and even an Article contrary to the Catholick Religion. The Estates pray'd the Chancellor and Dr. Olaus Petri to carry the Act to the King; and charg'd 'em to assure his Majesty, that he shou'd never hereafter find any opposition to his Will in that Assem­bly.

The King, having thus brought 'em to his own Terms, went to the Assembly, where, by the Chan­cellor's Mouth he thank'd the Deputies for their having at last taken Resolutions sutable to the present Exigencies. He assur'd 'em, That henceforward he wou'd have a particular regard for the People; and that he hop'd, by the help of that Supply alone which they had now granted him, Sweden shou'd have no cause to fear her Enemies. Then he dismiss'd the Estates, with Assurances of his Gratitude to such among the Deputies as had express'd most Zeal for his Interest.

By this Act Gustavus, finding himself Master in a manner both of the Wealth and Religion of the Church, went at the Head of a Body of Horse to see the Act put in execution. He past successively from Province to Province, attended by Olaus Petri and many other Lutheran Doctors, whom he order'd to Preach before him in the principal Churches. At the same time he commanded the Titles of all Church-Lands to be brought before him; Re-uniting presently to his Demesn, and restoring to the an­cient [Page 85]Proprietors or their Heirs, such Lands as the Clergy had acquir'd since the Reign of King Canutson. By which means he recover'd both from the Regular and Secular Clergy more than two Thirds of their Revenues, and by computation seiz'd upon Thirteen Thousand considerable Farms, some of which he reunited to his own Demesns, and with the rest he recompens'd his Creatures and the Prin­cipal Officers of his Army. At the same time he made great Sums of Mony of the Church-Plate, which he caus'd to be melted down to enrich the publick Treasury.

The Progress of the King all over his Kingdom gave the Final Blow to the Catholick Religion. An open War was in a manner declar'd against the Clergy, and the Foundations of the old Religion were undermin'd by the Flight or Change of its Ministers. There could be no want of pretences at a time when none were requir'd to turn Priests out of their Benefices for persevering in the profession of their Ancient Religion.

Most Curates and other Benefic'd Clergy-Men scrupl'd not to own the Lutheran Doctrin, to keep their Dwelling-Houses and part of their Livings. Many of 'em were only requir'd to Marry, and to introduce into their Churches the Divine Service in the Vulgar Tongue, which was the surest mark of a Priest's conversion to Lutheranism. The Bishop of Lincopinc retir'd to Poland, and the rest of the Prelates lay sculking in their Houses without dare­ing to perform the Functions of their Ministry, for fear of exposing themselves to new Persecutions. They waited with a servile patience for the King's Orders to dispose of their Persons and Dignities, always ready to yield him obedience; but much more vex'd at the Alteration he made in their Re­venues, than for the change of Religion. The Bi­shop of Scara, who was not well acquainted with the [Page 86]controversies that were agitated among the Divines on both sides, was the only Bishop who resolv'd to defend by the strength of Arms his Dignity and the Revenues of his Church. In pursuance of this De­sign, he engag'd Tureiohanson with several Lords of West-Gothland, who endeavour'd to raise an Insur­rection in that Province; but the Country-People were so prepossess'd with Esteem and Respect for the King, that they refus'd to rise up in Arms; and the Bishop saw himself abandon'd by the whole Chapter which began to savour Luther's Opini­ons.

The greatest part of the Monks quitted their Monastries, some out of a desire of Liberty, and others for want of a settl'd subsistence. Those who remain'd stedfast in their Religion fied to the Dale­carlians, who had openly declar'd against Luthera­nism. There these miserable Fugitives thought to have their Wants reliev'd and their Grievances re­dress'd. Dalecarlia, as I said before, is a remote Province in the Northern parts of Sweden, inhabi­ted by a rude and ignorant People, fond of their Ancient Religion, almost meer Savages, inur'd to hardship, and in that respect fit for War, but in­capable of Discipline. The whole Province swarm'd with Ecclesiasticks, both of the Secular and Regu­lar Clergy, old Men and Women loaded with young Children; who having quitted their Housholds, chose rather to wander in the Mountains, than embrace Lutheranism. The Dalecarlians, mov'd with their complaints, and incens'd at the sight of the new Pastors in their Churches, or of the old ones who alter'd the usual Ceremonies, took up Arms with a great deal of fury: The Priests and Monks joyn'd with 'em, and all the Catholicks and Malecontents espous'd their Quarrel; some out of zeal for their Ancient Religion, and others out of spite because they had no share in the Spoils of the Church.

The Bishop of Scara no sooner heard of this Com­motion, but he fled privately to that Province, to joyn with the Rebels. He was accompany'd by the Great Marshal, and many Gentlemen of West-Goth­land; who had ingag'd not to lay down their Arms, till they had obtain'd the Restoration of the An­cient Religion. They were receiv'd with great Acclamations by the Dalecarlians, who gave the general Command of their Forces to Tureiohan­son.

This Lord had three Sons, the two Eldest of whom were near the King's Person, and the Third was Grand Provost of the Cathedral of Ʋpsal, who hearing that his Father was at the head of the Re­bels, made it his business to scatter Manifestos against the King thro' the whole Province of Ʋpland; exhor­ting the People to take up Arms and revenge the In­juries that were done to the Altars; and to incou­rage the People by his example, he put himself at the head of some Troops. In the mean time the great Marshal, his Father sent order to his two other Sons, to steal away from the Court, and joyn their Brother, or come to him with as many of their Friends as they cou'd perswade to follow 'em. But these young Lords, were highly displeas'd with their Father's Rebellion, which oblig'd 'em either to declare against him, or against their Sovereign, and of two Duties which appear'd to 'em equal­ly indispensable, to chuse the one, and renounce the other.

But their Allegiance to the King prevail'd at last over their Duty to their Father, and even to Re­ligion it self. They concluded, that in a State-Af­fair they ought to adhere to the Supream Autho­rity, and that the difference of Religious Wor­ship was not a sufficient ground to excuse 'em from the obedience they ow'd to their Lawful Prince. They consider'd besides, that their Loyalty to the [Page 88]King might probably obtain their Father's Pardon; and that it was more agreeable to the rules of pru­dence, to put themselves in a condition by their Fidelity to obtain Pardon for their Father, than to make themselves guilty of the same Crime, in expectation of a better Fortune. Upon these con­siderations they deliver'd their Letters to the King, protesting that they were ready to lay down their Lives for his service. Gustavus receiv'd 'em very graciously, and promis'd to prefer 'em: But seem'd neither to be surpriz'd nor alarm'd at the News. Nor did he make any apparent preparati­ons, in order to reduce the Rebels; saying that he wou'd decline appearing in Arms, that his Subjects might not be oblig'd to fight against each other, and that he hop'd to crush the Rebellion by gentler Methods.

Yet he lost no time, but made his Troops secret­ly file off by different ways, towards the Borders of Dalecarlia, that he might be all of a sudden in a condition to reduce the Rebels by the fear of Pu­nishment. Upon the first News of the Insurrection he had sent some Persons from Court, who had Friends among the Malecontents, and were not un­known among the Dalecarlians, with instructions to reduce the Rebels by fair means. These Agents ap­ply'd themselves first to the Bishop of Scara, the great Marshal, and other Malecontents that had joyn'd the Dalecarlians. They indeavour'd to gain the leading Men by advantageous Offers, but they found 'em most obstinate; and those who were wil­ling to treat, had so little an influence upon the party, and stood upon so high Terms, that the A­gents did not think fit to buy 'em off at so great a rate. They had better success among the Dalecar­lian Peasants, whom they prevail'd upon to send Deputies to the Court; perswading 'em, that his Majesty wou'd deny nothing to a People to whom [Page 89]he ow'd his Crown and Glory; but their true de­sign was only to amuse 'em, that they might be less cautious in providing for their own defence.

The Deputies of the Dalecarlians, not penetrating into the King's Policy, but concluding by the steps he made, that he stood in Awe of 'em, thought they might easily make their own Terms. In the Name of their Province, and of all the Roman Catholicks of the Kingdom, they demanded that Lutheranism shou'd be punish'd in Sweden as a Capital Crime; that the Marriage of Priests and Monks shou'd be Abo­lish'd; the Bells and Church-Plate restor'd; and all Persons Burnt without any Regard or Di­stinction, that shou'd be convicted to have eaten Flesh on Fish-Days. That the King shou'd oblige himself, after the example of his Predecessors, never to pass the River of Brunebeck, which separates their Province from Westmania, without giving 'em Ho­stages for the security of their Priviledges. But, above all, that both King and Courtiers shou'd re­assume the ancient Habit of Sweden, and not be be­holden to strangers for new Fashions and Dres­ses.

Gustavus gave the Deputies great hopes that he wou'd grant at least part of their Demands; while he secretly put all things in a readiness to sur­prize the Rebels, with his whole Army. Having receiv'd advice, that his Troops were come within a days March of their appointed Rendezvous, he im­mediately dismiss'd the Deputies, and order'd them to tell their Country-men that he wou'd never con­descend to treat with his Subjects, and that they might appear in Arms in the Plain of Tuna, to fight the Battel he was resolv'd to offer them at the head of his Army. He added, that if they wou'd avoid the effects of his indignation, they must ex­pel the Malecontents out of their Province, lay down their Arms, and submit to his Mercy.

Assoon as the King had dismist the Deputies, 1525 he took Post immediately for the Army; and the Re­bels, were so amaz'd at his unexpected Diligence and Resolution, that they were seiz'd with a sud­den Fear and Consternation when they heard of his Approach. Tureiohanson and those of his party suspected the Dalecarlians, and fancy'd they had made a separate Peace for themselves; and the Pea­sants reciprocally thought they were betray'd by the Lords. In short, they were jealous of each other, and their mutual suspicion and distrust was by degrees chang'd to Hatred and Enmity.

The Bishop of Scara and Tureiohanson not think­ing themselves safe with the Dalecarlians made their escape privately into Norway; from whence they retir'd to King Christiern in the Low-Countries; and the rest of the Malecontents, alarm'd at their flight, some fled one way, some another. The Dalecar­lians, seeing themselves without a Head or Leader, resolv'd to submit, and yield to their Prince's Mer­cy. They went to the Plain of Tuna, where the King staid for 'em at the Head of his Army. He commanded his Horse to surround 'em, and the Rebels at the same time to discover their Ring lead­ers. The affrighted Peasants declar'd their names and the King immediately caus'd 'em to be Be­headed, to curb by so necessary a severity the se­ditious and inconstant Humor of these People. Thus by an innocent Artifice and commendable Diligence, he appeas'd a furious Infurrection, without any Effusion of Blood, or Diminution of his Forces.

These were the last Efforts of an Unbridl'd and Tumultuous Liberty, which was forc'd to give way to a more absolute, and consequently more peace­ful Dominion. After this the whole Kingdom sub­mitted to the King, and all his Subjects imbrac'd Lutheranism; some out of regard to their private Interest, and to make their Court, and others out [Page 91]of their abhorrence of the irregular Life of the Clergy. 1527 The Lutheran Doctors gain'd some Prose­lytes by perswading 'em that their Masters Opini­ons in Matters of Religion, which were falsly reckon'd Innovations, were nothing else but primitive Chri­stianity restor'd and purg'd from all Monkish Su­perstitions; and many were glad to be convinc'd of the Truth of the prevailing Religion, that they might preserve their Estates without being forc'd to seek their Fortunes abroad.

Gustavus, seeing that most of his Subjects had chang'd their Religion, at last declar'd himself a Lutheran. He made Olaus Petri Pastor of the Church of Stockholm, and his Brother Laurentius Petri Arch-Bishop of Ʋpsal. Upon this new Prelate, he be­stow'd a Lady who was related to him, that the Honor of his Alliance might oblige the People to entertain less scandalous notions of a Marri'd Priest; or perhaps that so illustrious a Match might make amends for the great Revenues he had withdrawn from so rich a Benefice. The King's Coronation follow'd soon after, 1528 and was perform'd at Ʋpsal by this Prelate, with great Solemnity, January, 12. and at the same time he Conferr'd the Honor of Knighthood on all the Senators, and the chief Lords of the Court.

Sweden was Lutheran all over, King, Senators, Bishops, and all the Nobility made publick Profes­sion of that Religion. But, whereas most of the Country Curates and others of the inferior Clergy had imbrac'd it meerly by force, or out of weak­ness, an extravagant Medly of Roman Ceremonies and Lutheran Prayers was introduc'd into several Churches in the Kingdom. Some Married Priests, and Curates continu'd still to say Mass in several Places, according to the Roman Ritual and Liturgy. Baptism was administred with all the Prayers and Exorcisms appointed by the Church; and the Dead [Page 92]were Buri'd with the same Prayers that are us'd to beg God to relieve the Souls of the Faithful, tho' the Doctrin of Purgatory was condemn'd by the Lu­therans.

The King, desirous to establish an uniformity of Worship throughout the whole Kingdom, a thing so necessary for the publick Peace, especially in a Mo­narchy, call a general Assembly of the whole Cler­gy, in the form of a National Council.

The Assembly was held at Orebro, 1529 the chief Town of Nericia, Loc. l. 6. p. 276. Bazius Mist. Eccle. Succ. and the Chancellor Lardz-Anderson presided in the Kings Name. This Lutheran Coun­cil was compos'd of the Bishops, Doctors, and Pa­stors of the principal Churches. They own'd the Augsburg-Confession as the Rule and Standard of their Faith, and solemnly renounc'd their Obedi­ence to the Pope, as Head of the Church. They order'd the Roman Worship to be intirely abolish'd, prohibited all Prayers for the Dead, borrow'd from the Lutheran Churches of Germany the manner of administring Baptism and the Communion, declar'd the Marriage of Priests Lawful, and Condemn'd Ce­libacy and Monastick Vows. They confirm'd the Ordinance of the Estates at Westeras, by which the Church lost her Priviledges, and the greatest part of her Revenues. And, which is observable, these Regulations were made by almost the same Persons who the Year before had shew'd so much zeal for the Defence of the Ancient Religion; so few there are that can long withstand the fear of Persecution, or the hopes of Favour.

Yet they met with great difficulties in abolishing the Practice of the Roman Church in the Admini­stration of the Sacraments. The People, and the Women especially, cou'd not be satisfy'd without the Ceremonies of Baptism, and the Prayers for the Dead. The whole Kingdom was fill'd with Mar­murings and Complaints upon the Occasion. Most [Page 93]Women, thro' an excessive Fear, proceeding per­haps as much from their Temper as Virtue, thought their Children cou'd not be well baptiz'd without the use of Salt and Exorcisms. And a small residue of Faith as to the belief of Purgatory created such a disturbance in their Minds, on the account of their deceas'd Relations, as cou'd not be allay'd by all the Eloquence of the Lutheran Doctors.

Gustavus, fearing the Complaints and Discontent of the People shou'd break out into a new Rebellion, order'd the Lutheran Ministers to comply with those who stood up obstinately for the ancient Ceremonies, and not to use the new, but where they found a Tem­per dispos'd to receive 'em.

The King having thus compleated the alteration of Religion, 1530 undertook another Project which gave him no less hope of filling his Coffers. Most of the Swedish Provinces were formerly over-spread with vast Forests. King Olaus Traetelga, Amund, An. 891. and some of their Successors, caus'd a great part of 'em to be Dis-forested, and bestow'd these new Lands in Fee-farm upon the Nobility and Gentry, for which they were to pay a certain Duty to the Crown. The Lords and Gentlemen had, by degrees, during the Civil Wars, exempted themselves from paying those ancient Duties, and a long Prescription seem'd to have abolish'd 'em, till they were reviv'd by the King, who requir'd both from the Nobility and Gentry, either to part with their Fiefs or to pay Rents at which they were originally tax'd. The Claims and Demands of this Prince differ'd not much from the most arbitrary Laws and Decrees; and the Parties concern'd, alarm'd at this after-clap, offer'd to come to a fair Composition. The chief Lords of each Province came and treated about it with the Chancellor, and agreed to pay to the King Ten Marks of Silver for every Fief or Mannor, or (as it was then call'd) for every Land that paid Tri­bute to the Crown.

Thus every thing succeeded with this Prince ac­cording to his desire, and even beyond his hope. He look'd upon the alteration of Religion as the hap­piest and most important passage of his Reign; and the humbling of the Clergy, who were no less for­midable to him than the Danes, as a second Conquest of Sweden. Of all his Enemies he had none left but Christiern, that cou'd make him uneasy, or occasion the least disturbance. That Prince was still in Flan­ders, from whence he earnestly solicited the Empe­ror, his Brother-in-law, that he wou'd contribute his assistance in order to his Restoration. Gustavus kept Spies about him, who gave him Intelligence, that Christiern was levying Soldiers in Holland. From thence he concluded, that the Threats and Design of a Descent in the Northern Kingdoms were ready to break out into Action, and that Swe­den and Denmark were like to be the Scene of the War. He immediately sent notice of it to Frederick K. of Denmark; and at the same time thought it con­venient to fortify himself against the Designs of the House of Austria, by some considerable Alliance. He conceiv'd, that the Lutheran Princes of Germany, who were extremely jealous of the Emperor's Power, wou'd be easily perswaded to support his Interest, by reason of their Conformity in point of Religion. Upon these Considerations he demanded in Marriage the eldest Daughter of the Duke of Saxe Lawenburg. The Duke, charm'd with the valor and fame of Gu­stavus, heard the Proposal with great satisfaction, and sent the Princess, his Daughter, with a nume­rous Attendance to Lubeck, whither Gustavus sent his whole Fleet to receive her. After her arrival at Stockholm, 1531 the Marriage was consummated with all the Joy and Magnificence that are usual on such Oc­casions. Sept. 24. At the same time the King sent the late Administrator's Son to the Duke of Saxe, his Father-in-law, under pretext of improving his Knowledge, [Page 95]by making him Travel; but in effect that he might remove, from the sight of the Swedes, a young Prince that seem'd to have a better Title to the Crown, whose Presence stirr'd up the Compassion of the most Moderate, and might serve for a Pretence to all dissaffected Persons.

Gustavus's Nuptial Ceremonies were scarce at an end, when he receiv'd Intelligence, that a great number of Troops rais'd for the late King Christiern, were privately Imbarking at one of the Ports of Holland. Upon which he dispatch'd a new Courier to the K. of Denmark (according to a former Agree­ment) and at the same time put himself at the Head of his Army, both to observe the Enemy, and to hinder the Catholicks and Malecontents from favor­ing the Descent of that Prince.

The Emperor had all along flatter'd him with hopes, that he wou'd undertake the Expedition him­self, with all the Forces of the Empire. But the almost continual War in which he was engag'd with France, broke that Design; so that Christiern, dis­courag'd by so many Disappointments and weary of personating so long, in a Foreign Country, a King without a Crown, resolv'd, with some Troops he had gather'd from several Parts, to try his Fortune, and endeavour to force a Passage into his own Do­minions.

Tureiohanson, who was always as brave as a Hero at plotting and contriving Work for others, us'd all possible Arguments to perswade that Prince to make an Attempt upon Sweden. To flatter him, and at the same time to engage him in a Design that cou'd not be prosecuted without his Assistance, he assur'd him, that the Swedes were so incens'd at the late Change of Religion, that they long'd for his Re­stauration. That 'twou'd be sufficient to land 3000 Horse in that Kingdom, and that the first Mass that was said in his Camp wou'd draw thither all the [Page 96]Malecontents, and even many of Gustavus's own Soldiers. That notwithstanding the fam'd Politicks and Subtilty of that Prince, he had sign'd his own Abdication in the Assembly of the Clergy at Orebro, by abolishing the Catholick Religion. That, ex­cepting a small number of Courtiers, and some mi­litary Officers who had a share in the spoils of the Clergy, the whole Nation detested his Tyranny and the Change of Religion. That he had disbanded his Foreign Horse, and that his Foot consisted only of an undisciplin'd Militia, the greatest part of whom wou'd certainly desert Gustavus, as soon as King Christiern shou'd declare, that his only Design was to restore the true Religion, and to redress the Grievances of the Clergy.

Upon these plausible Assurances, Christiern re­solv'd to try the chance of War, with about Ten thousand Men of different Nations, whom he had listed in his Service during his abode in the Low Countries. With this Body of Men, imbark'd in Thirty Ships, he set out of a Port in Holland, and steer'd his Course for Norway, which at that time was almost destitute of Troops and Garrisons, which seem'd to be a needless Precaution in a Country that was sufficiently defended by the Barrenness of its Soil, and the Rocks and Mountains with which 'tis overspread. Christiern knew, that he was less ex­pected there, than in Denmark or Sweden, and from thence he design'd to enter Sweden, either by West-Gothland or Dalecarlia; imagining, that the Country People of these Provinces, were still so incens'd at the Execution of their Country-men, that they wou'd immediately rise up again in Arms, and favor his Attempt.

This unfortunate Prince met in his voyage with a terrible Storm, 1532 which dispers'd all his Fleet, and sunk some of his Ships. He narrowly escap'd Ship­wrack upon the Coast of Norway, and with much a [Page 97]do got to the Bay of Bahus, with the shatter'd re­mainders of his Fleet; where he landed without the least opposition, and resolv'd to march to West-Goth­land, as a more commodious place for the subsistence of his Troops: But, upon Information that there was a considerable Body of Horse upon the Borders, to oppose his Passage, he was oblig'd to march North­wards, towards Dalecarlia. In his way he besieg'd a Town call'd Obslo, which yielded on the first Sum­mons, not being in a condition to make any Resistance. After that he storm'd the Castle of Carlostadt, and some days after made himself Master of Congel. These small Successes drew into his Army a great number of Country People of Norway, encourag'd with the hopes of plund'ring the Sweedish Frontiers; and Archbishop Trolle joyn'd him with some Troops he had rais'd in Brandenburg.

Christiern had perhaps as little Respect for the Church of Rome as Gustavus; but 'twas his Interest to appear a zealous Assertor of that Religion since his Enemy was a profest Lutheran, and since the Suc­cess of his Designs depended entirely on the Assistance of the Clergy and Catholicks. He publish'd a Gene­ral Pardon, by way of a Manifesto; in which he de­clar'd, That his principal Design was the Re-esta­blishment of the old Religion. This Declaration was industriously dispers'd by the Archbishop's Emissaries; who made it their Business to perswade People ev'ry where, That Christiern had learn'd Wis­dom and Moderation in the School of Adversity; That he was become a mild, affable and most graci­ous Prince; but especially, that in Flanders, and so near the House of Austria, he had contracted an un­alterable Affection and Zeal for the Catholick Re­ligion.

This Manifesto, and these private Insinuations drew into his Party many Swedes, who still adher'd to that Religion: And among others some Dalecar­lians, [Page 98]who invited him to march into their Province. These Peasants cou'd not brook the Change of Church Ceremonies, but, above all things, cou'd not en­dure to hear the Praises of God sung in their Mother-Tongue. They offer'd to take up Arms, and to de­clare for him, as soon as he should enter into their Province; provided that he wou'd oblige himself, after his Restoration, to cause all the Lutherans to be burnt.

But his March into that Province was stopt by the Snow, that cover'd all the Mountains which separate Dalecarlia from the Kingdom of Norway. However, that he might find some Occupation for his Army, he advanc'd towards Akerhuys, and laid Siege before it, notwithstanding the sharpness of the Winter. Magnus Gyllenstiern, a Danish Lord, and Viceroy of Norway, got into the Place, and resisted all the Pro­mises and Threats with which Christiern endeavour'd to corrupt his Fidelity. He dispatch'd several Cou­riers to King Frederick, his Master, to acquaint him with the Enemy's Descent; assuring him, That Christiern was very much straitned for want of Pro­visions, and that Akerhuys was so well defended by the Snow and cold Weather, that he cou'd hold out above Four Months, in expectation of Relief from Denmark.

No sooner was the Sea open, but Frederick order'd his Fleet to put to Sea, with a considerable Body of Land-Forces, under the Command of Canut Gyllen­stiern, Bishop elect of Odensee in Funen, and Erie Gyllenstiern, the Viceroy of Norway's Brothers; Concluding, That they wou'd use all possible Dili­gence to save their Brother from falling into the Hands of a Prince, who, without regarding the Faith of Treaties, seldom gave his Enemies Quarter.

Gustavns on the other side, sent several Detach­ments of his Forces, to cover the Swedish Frontiers, with Orders to his Officers to observe Christiern's [Page 99]Motions, and to act joyntly with Frederick's Gene­rals. He sent also a considerable number of Troops into Dalecarlia, to prevent an Insurrection of that re­bellious People, and put himself at the head of the main Body of his Army, to keep the Catholicks and Malecontents from assisting the Rebels. The two Danish Generals set sail for Norway, with a Design to attack Christiern's Fleet; which they sound in the Bay of Bahuys, and burnt entirely, after a Fight that lasted a whole day. After so important a Victory they landed their Forces, and march'd immediately to relieve the Viceroy.

Christiern, upon the News of the entire Destructi­on of his Fleet, and the Descent of the Danes, rais'd the Siege of Akerhuys. He attempted once more to enter Sweden by the way of West-Gothland, but met in his Way 3000 Swedish Horse, who stopt his Passage. The Danes and Swedes advancing to attack him, he threw himself into the little Town of Congel, where he entrench'd himself, not so much in hope of escaping from his Enemies, as to avoid the fatal Blow for some Days. There he found himself invested on all Sides, surrounded with dis­mal Mountains, that were still cover'd with Snow; in great want of Provisions, and straiten'd with Hunger more than by his Enemies. He was natural­ly subject to furious and violent Passions, which were sowr'd and heighten'd by his Disasters: He grew so jealous and diffident that he suspected Tureiohanson of entertaining a private Correspondence with King Gustavus, because he had told him in Flanders, That there were few Horse in the Swedish Army; he look'd upon that unfor tunate Lord with an Indigna­tion that seem'd to denounce his approaching Fate; and ask'd him, Whether the Troops that appear'd upon the Frontiers of Gothland were Squadrons of Swedish Women? The Great Marshal wou'd have reply'd in his own Vindication, but he was order'd [Page 100]to withdraw, and the next day he was found in the Streets of Congel, wallowing in his Blood, having, in all probability, been murder'd the Night before, by secret Orders from Christiern.

In the mean time, that miserable Prince perceiv'd that his Ruine grew daily more inevitable; the Famine increas'd in the Town, all the Avenues were possess'd by the Enemies, and their Trenches were so strong that 'twas impossible to force 'em to fight. In these unhappy Circumstances, the starv'd and despairing Christiern had not so much as the sad Comfort of hoping to die with his Sword in his hand. Most of his Troops perish'd for hunger or deserted before his Eyes; his Orders were slighted, and there was not the least shadow of Discipline in his Army. Death, which seem'd unavoidable, made 'em forsake a Prince, who was neither lov'd nor fear'd. Many of his Offi­cers fled into the Danish Camp, and thought them­selves happy to exchange their Liberty for Bread.

The Bishop of Odensee, mov'd with Compassion for a Prince, that had been his Sovereign, offer'd him an Interview, to which Christiern consented, and both repair'd immediately to the Place appointed for their meeting. The Bishop advis'd his late Sove­reign to submit to less implacable Enemies than Hun­ger and Misery, assuring him that 'twas still in his Power to procure honourable Terms from the King, his Uncle, since the Royal Family of Oldenburg was possess'd of so many Sovereignties, that there migh [...] be a Treaty set on foot, to the Advantage and Satis­faction of both Parties. He added, That if he wou'd suffer himself to be carried to Copenhagen [...] Frederick's Resentment wou'd be mitigated at the Sight of an unfortunate Nephew; and at the same time he assur'd him, That in case he could not obtain honourable Terms, suitable to his Birth and Dignity he would bring him back to Norway, and even to Congel, of which he own'd him to be Master, or els [...] [Page 101]wou'd conduct him safe into the Emperor's Ter­ritories.

Christiern was so sensible of the hopelessness of his present Condition, and so earnestly importun'd by his Soldiers to accept of such Advantageous Pro­posals, that he consented to treat with that Prelate and his two Brothers, who commanded the Danish Forces. He obtain'd a Safe-Conduct and Provisions for Archbishop Trolle and all his Party, and put himself into the Bishop's Hands: Who, after some short stay in Norway, to settle Affairs in that King­dom, departed thence with Christiern, to whom he gave repeated Assurances as to the Safety of his Per­son. But the Bishop, it seems, had exceeded his Commission; without considering, That Princes seldom forgive Attempts upon their Crowns, and that an Usurper can never promise himself a quiet Possession of his Dignity while the dispossess'd Prince is alive, and at Liberty.

As soon as Christiern arriv'd at Copenhagen, Aug. 2 King Frederick sent a Captain of his Guards to secure his Person, and carry him to the Castle of Sonderburg; where he lay in Prison fourteen Years. 'Tis true Christiern III. his Cousin German, Son and imme­diate Successor to Frederick, did somewhat allay the Rigor of his Confinement; but he was forc'd to purchase that Favour with a formal Resignation of his Right to the Crowns of Denmark, Sweden and Norway. After his signing of that Act, he was suf­fer'd to take the Divertisement of Hunting or Fish­ing; the Revenues of the Castle of Calemburg and of the Isle of Sebergard were made over to him for his Subsistence, and the Castle of Coldinger for his Habitation. There he was treated like a Prince, as long as he liv'd; but, in the mean time, the Go­vernour of the Castle kept an Eye upon him, and was oblig'd to answer for the Security of his Per­son.

Arch-Bishop Trolle, his unfortunate and only Con­sident, retir'd to Lubeck by Vertue of the safe Con­duct he had got from the Bishop of Odensee. There he form'd some time after, a League with that Re­gency, and Prince Christopher of Oldenburg, a Young­er Son of that Family, with a design to release Chri­stiern II. who was still a Prisoner in the Castle of Sunderberg. In order to which that Prelate levi'd Forces and scrupl'd not once more to prophane the sanctity of his Character: He was wounded and taken Prisoner in a Battel fought in Funen betwixt the Forces of Christiern III. 1535 and those of Lubeck; and was carri'd to Sleswick in Holstein, where he di'd of his Wounds.

Gustavus, being thus happily deliver'd from all his Enemies, Reign'd afterwards without any Dis­turbance or Molestation, and with as much Autho­rity as if the Crown had been his Birth-right. All the Princes of Europe, that had no dependency up­on the House of Austria, gave him extraordinary marks of the singular Esteem they had for his Per­sonal Merit and Valour. Francis I. King of France, notwithstanding their Difference in Point of Reli­gion, sent him the order of St. Michael, the only Order that was then establish'd in France. A de­sensive League was made betwixt these two Prin­ces against the Emperor and the House of Anstria, by which they were both engag'd to Assist each o­ther, in case of War, with 6000 Men, to be paid by the Assistant; and, if Occasion requir'd, to Assist the Invaded Prince with 25000 Men and Fifty Ships. Gushavus was the first King of Sweden, who rais'd the Reputation of the Crown, and made it appear to the World, what Insurence it might have upon the general Affairs of hurope. The Princes of the League of Smalcalden invited him to joyn with them for the common Desence of their Religion, and thought [Page 103]themselves happy to have so great a King on their side. 1542

To compleat his Happiness, there was nothing wanting but the fixing of the Succession upon his Royal Issue. This was a very nice and difficult Point; for the Nobility was extreamly Jealous of that Pri­viledge, well knowing that Arbritary Power do's commonly attend a Hereditary Succession, and that it wou'd by degrees destroy the Liberty of the Na­tion.

However the King call'd a meeting of the Estates of the Kingdom at Westeras, to abrogate the Right and Custom of Election. He put 'em in mind of the great Services his Family had done to Sweden, and of the fatal Consequences of the Division; and Contests of opposite parties at Elections. His Ancho­rity was already so well Establish'd that there was not one in the Assembly who durst oppose his Designs. The Heads of the Principal Families, and the Anci­ent Senators were kill'd in the Massacre of Stock­holm, and the young Lords that came into the World since his Accession to the Crown, were accustom'd to a blind Obedience. There was not the least Foot-step left of their former Liberty, or of the Ancient constitution of their Government, so that the Deputies consented with great Submission to the abrogating of the Right of Election, in behalf of Prince Eric and the other Princes his Children and Successors both in the direct and collateral Line.

This Resignation was solemnly entred as a Fun­damental Law, call'd the Hereditary Ʋnion, 1544 by which the Crown with an absolute Power was made sure to his Children and Successors. This was a very mortifying peace of News to Christiern III. King of Denmark, who still pretended a Right to the Crown of Sweden; for by this Hereditary Ʋnion the Treaty of Calmar was entirely disannuli'd and [Page 104]abrogated. Christiern quarter'd the Three Crowns in his Coat Armorial, which are the Royal Arms of Sweden, as a publick Claim and Mark of his Right to that Kingdom, under pretext that Queen Mar­garet the Daughter of Waldemar Reign'd over the three Kingdoms of the North; tho' 'twas proba­bly a like reason that made the Kings of Sweden take these Three Crowns for their Arms, since they are found in the Shields and Seals of the Kings Steric and Birger II. about the middle of the Twelfth Age.

King Gustavus sent an Embassy to Christiern, to complain of his Attempt; but cou'd obtain no sa­tisfaction from a Young and Ambitious Prince, who was puff'd up with some Advantages he had got­ten over the Hanse-Towns, and obstinately resolv'd to pursue his Ancient Claim. Gustavus finding him­self weakn'd and spent with Age, and the Fatigues of War, conceal'd his Resentment; and did not think it convenient to ingage in a new War, or to hazard his Fortune and that of his Children, at a time when he maintain'd his Authority rather by his Reputation, than by his Valour. He was so far from dreading the opposition of a pretended Claim against the actual Possession of a Crown which had lately been Intail'd upon his Issue by a Solemn Act, that he contented himself with procuring a Treaty to be set on foot at Bromsebroo, 1546 by which 'twas mutually agreed to leave the difference unde­cided for the space of Fifty Years.

Gustavus, having thus settl'd a solid and dura­ble Peace in his Dominions, apply'd himself wholly to the Improvement of Trade; in order to which he receiv'd into his Ports all Merchant Ships from France and Holland, that his Subjects might be free'd from their dependence on the Lubeckers, who were possest of the whole Trade of Sweden. He erect­ed Citadels on the Frontiers of his Kingdom, and [Page 105]built Royal Palaces in several Places with a Mag­nificence that till then was unknown to the Swedes. 1545 He never stay'd long in one place, but travell'd suc­cessively from Province to Province, always atten­ded with a numerous Train of Courtiers, who stir'd up the Curiosity and Admiration of his People, and accustom'd 'em by their Example to respect his Authority. He sign'd all Orders and Dispatches with his own Hand, took Cognizance of all Af­fairs, gave Audience to all Men, and Admini­nistred Justice with great strictness and severity. All Controversies and Suits about Religion, Revenues and Buildings; and even Differences and Law-Suits betwixt Noble Men were pleaded before him, and decided by him. As he had manag'd his Wars without Generals, so he rul'd in Peace without Ministers. He reign'd alone without either Fa­vourites or Mistresses; and the only object of all his Passions and Designs was his own Glory and the Happiness of his Subjects. Some time before his Death he began to apply his mind to the find­ing out of a suitable Match for his Eldest Son Prince Eric, that his Family might be supported by a con­siderable Alliance. In pursuance of this design he cast his Eyes upon Elizabeth Queen of England, who was then Courted with great Assiduity by the great­est Princes of Europe. But that Politick Queen had the dexterity to manage her Lovers as she pleas'd and to feed 'em all with hopes, according to her own Inclination and the posture of her Af­fairs; by which it appear'd, that she had taken a secret Resolution never to Marry any of 'em.

Gustavus sent an Embassy to her, to propose a strict Alliance betwixt both Nations; and the chief Embassador was charg'd to feel her Pulse, as to this Match. Denis Beure, the Prince's Governour, had that particular Commission from the King. He was a Frenchman born, but a zealous Calvi­nist; [Page 106]who imagin'd that if he cou'd negotiate that Match for his Pupil, 1546 he might one Day establish Cal­vinism in Sweden.

Queen Elizabeth receiv'd, with all the external Marks of kindness and respect, the Proposals he made to her in the Name of his Master, relating to Trade, and the Alliance or League betwixt the two Nations; and gave him a favourable Answer with respect to Prince Eric, but only in general Terms. The Embassador, fancying that all her obliging Ex­pressions concerning that Prince were real Promi­ses, made haste home to Stockholm, as if he had con­summated his Negotiation. At his return he assur'd the King, that nothing but the Prince's Presence was wanting to bring it to perfection, and that he was consident his good Mien and personal Merit wou'd fix the Queen's Affections. Prince Eric, flat­ter'd with so tempting a Prospect, was very earnest with the King his Father, and press'd him hard to consent that he might take a Journey to England. But Custavus, jealous of the Glory of his Family, wou'd not expose the presumptive Heir of the Crown to a Refusal, nor give his consent that he shou'd go out of the Kingdom, before some Articles were sign'd.

'Tis possible a more important, but more secret Reason, induc'd the King to reject that Voyage. Eric was a Prince indow'd with many excellent na­tural Qualities. He had a majestick Presence, an Air of Authority which drew Respect from all Men, a fiery Briskness in his Behavior, and a certain Ar­dor that was usually taken for Courage or Valor. But the lustre of all these external Advantages was obscur'd by some inward Defects that were not un­known to the King his Father, which he was willing to hide from the English. This Prince inherited a sort of Extravagancy or Distraction from the Queen [Page 107]his Mother, which now and then seiz'd upon his Brain, and prompted him to outragious Acts: There was a certain peevish Sulleness that appear'd in his Behaviour and Actions, which by an odd kind of Contagion seem'd to infect all those who ap­proach'd him. And in his most lucid Intervals he discover'd so much hardness and wildness of Tem­per, that People were afraid of his Government, even before he was own'd and declar'd to be the next Successor to the King his Father.

These Considerations made such an impression upon Gustavus, that he was sometimes resolv'd to leave the Crown to his second Son, a generous and good-natur'd Prince, who, by his Caresses and obliging Behavior, had won the Hearts of all those who were to be his Brother's Subjects. But the King, fearing lest this Preference wou'd stir up a Civil War both in his Family and Kingdom, resolv'd at last to regulate the Succession according to the order of Birth-right. In the mean time to satisfy Prince Eric, whom his Tutor had inspir'd with a violent Passion for Queen Elizabeth, he consented at last, that Prince John, his second Son, shou'd go to the Court of England under pretence of Travelling, and indeavour to draw at least a verbal Promise from the Queen.

This young Prince, being arriv'd at London, was receiv'd by Queen Elizabeth with great Demonstra­tions of Joy. He had a share in all her Divertise­ments, and she frequently invited him to Hunting. In short, that wise Princess, who made those several Proposals of Marriage subservient to her Interest and politick Ends, omitted nothing that might amuse the young Prince, by insinuating that both his Presence and Proposals were agreeable to her. But she declin'd ingaging further in that Affair, pre­tending that she cou'd not in the present Juncture [Page 108]conclude that Marriage so soon as she cou'd have wish'd. 1544 This was the usual Pretext with which she amus'd all the Princes that courted her, whom she was willing to admit as Lovers, but cou'd not re­solve to accept 'em for Husbands.

Upon the return of this Prince into Sweden, the King presently concluded that his eldest Son Prince Eric wou'd have no better success in the Pursuit of this Match, Philip II. than the K. of Spain, the D. of Alenson, the Arch-duke of Austria, E. of Leicester, my Lord Court­ney, and so many others, whom this Princess had flatter'd with the same Hopes, one after another, and often at the same time. But Prince Eric was so deluded by his Tutor's Suggestions, that he imagin'd his Presence wou'd surmount all Obstacles; and pre­tended that his Brother had thwarted his Incli­nation, either out of Jealousy or Self-interest. He solicited the Senators and the King's Ministers, both by Intreaties and Threats, to procure the King's Consent for him to go to the English Court. Gustavus considering his fierce and unruly Temper, and fearing that he wou'd either go without his Con­sent, or raise some Disturbance in the State, was at last persuaded to grant his Desire, and nam'd the Persons that were to attend him.

Then he made his last Will, and divided his Do­minions among the Princes his Children: He left his Crown to Prince Eric, the Dukedom of Finland to Prince John, East-Gothland to Magnus, and Su­dermania to Charles. The younger Princes being to injoy their Provinces by the Title of Principalities, but on condition of paying Homage and Fealty to the Crown of Sweden.

Prince Eric was so highly displeas'd at this Distri­bution, that he was ready to take up Arms to de­mand the Revocation of the Will; but the fear of his Father, who was King of his Children as well as of [Page 109]his Subjects, kept him in awe. He conceal'd his An­ger, with a Resolution to do himself Justice when the supreme Power shou'd fall into his Hands; and was just ready to set Sail for England, when he was detain'd at the Port of Elsburg, by the News he re­ceiv'd of his Father's Decease.

That great Prince was seiz'd at Stockholm with an inward Fever, that wasted him by degrees; yet he continu'd still to manage Affairs with his usual ap­plication, and resolv'd to Reign to the last moment of his Life. Some hours before his Death he sent for Eric Steno the Secretary of State, to whom he dictated Memoris concerning the most secret Affairs of the Kingdom. Then he sent for the young Princes, and charg'd 'em to love one another, and submit peaceably to Prince Eric, who was now ready to mount the Throne. He gave each of 'em his Blessing, and made 'em presently withdraw, lest his Mind shou'd be disturb'd by the Tears of his Family. He dismist even his Physicians, (who in that Extremity continu'd still to flatter him with hopes of Life,) that he might spend the last moments of his Life in fixing his Thoughts wholly upon God. Thus he died peaceably in the Arms of his Servants, 1560 in the 70th Year of his Age. His Body was carried to Ʋpsal, Sept. 29. where his Funeral was solemniz'd with publick Orations and Panegyricks, with the Tears of all his Subjects, and the immortal Memory of his glorious Actions.

He ow'd his Crown meerly to his own Valor, and Reign'd with as absolute a Power as if the Crown had been his Birth-right. He made what Alterati­ons he pleas'd in Religion, the Laws, and the Pro­perty of his Subjects, and yet dy'd ador'd by the People, and admir'd by the Nobility. He left his Kingdom in Peace with all his Neighbors, secur'd by a League with France, and enrich'd by a fiourishing [Page 110]Trade with all the Nations of Europe; the Revenues of the Crown were much augmented, his Treasury full, his Arsenals well furnish'd; there was a con­siderable Fleet in the Ports, the Frontier-places were fortify'd, and, in a word, Sweden was in a condition to strike her Enemies with Terror, and inspire her Allies with Respect.