IF any Augury or Conjecture could be made of the Course and Fortune of Mens Lives by the Calculation of their Nativity, the Birth of Dr. Peter Heylyn, according to the Rules of our Astrologers, presaged firm Constitution of Body, and prosperous Success in the Civil Affairs of Humane Life. For it was Novemb. 29. 1599. at Burford, in the County of Oxon, between Eight and Nine in the Morning. At which time the Sun was in the Horoscope of his Nativity, and the Houses very well disposed. But our Almanack Prognostications about Weather, &c. shew what inconsiderable Influence the Stars have upon the inanimate-part of the Creation, much less upon free and discerning Agents; especially upon men Wise and Learned: For Wisdom has an Empire over Stars and Constellations, according to that Adagy, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 And this Reverend Man was in this particular fortunate, that he • ad the honor to carry the mark of the Cross, which was imprinted on him at the Font, through the most considerable part of his Pilgrimage; having frequent opportunities in Suffering for a Righteous Cause, to manifest his Passive, as well as his Active Courage; as will sufficiently appear in the subsequent Circumstances and Account of his Life.

He was the second Son of Henry Heylyn, Gentleman, descended from the Antient Family of the Heylyns of Pentre-Heylyn in Montgomery-shire, then part of Powes-land; from the Princes whereof they were derived, and unto whom they were Hereditary Cup-Bearers: For so the word Heylyn doth signifie in the Welsh or British Language. After which Office, they were in great Authority with the Princes of North-Wales; as plainly appears from Llewellyn, the last Prince of that Country, who made choice of Grono-Ap-Heylyn to Treat with the Commissioners of Edward the First, King of England, for the Concluding of a full and final Peace between them. And Pentre-Heylyn continued the Seat of this Antient Family till about the Year 1637. at which time Rowland Heylyn, Alderman and Sheriff of London, and Cousin-German to our Doctors Father, dying without Issue-Male, the Seat was transferred to another Family, into which some of the Heiresses were Married: But the Doctor design'd to repurchase it, and had infallibly effected it, had not Death prevented the Execution of his Purpose.

His Mother was Elizabeth Clampard, Daughter of Francis Clampard of Wrotham in Kent, Gentleman, and of Mary Dodge his Wife; Descended in a direct Line from that Peter Dodge of Stopworth in Cheshire, unto whom King Edward the First gave the Seigneury or Lordship of Padenhugh in the Barony of Coldingham in the Realm of Scotland, as well for the especial Services done by him in the Sieges of Barwick and Dunbar, as his Valour shew'd in divers Battels; Encontre son grand Enemy & Rebelle le Baillol Roy d' Escoce & Vassal d'Angleterre, as the words are in the Original Charter of Arms, given to the said Peter Dodge by Guyen King of Arms at the said Kings Command, dated April 8. in the 34th. year of King Edward the First. Neither is this unworthy of observation, that one of the Descendents from the said Peter Dodge was Uncle to Doctor Heylyn's Mother, and gave the Mannor of Lechlade in Glocestershire, worth 1400 l. per ann. to Robert Bathurst Esq Uncle to our Reverend Doctor, and Grand-Father to that honest and modest Gentleman Sir Edward Bathurst Baronet, now living.

In the sixth year of his Age, he was committed to the Tuition of Master North, School-Master of Burford; under whose Instructions he so well profited, that in a short time he was able to make true Latine: and his Improvements were so very considerable, that in a little space after he was advanc'd a Form higher than his Fellows; with which he kept pace and arrived to the ability of making Verses: to which excellency, together with History, his Genius did so naturally incline him, that at the Age of ten years he framed a Story in Verse and Prose upon a ludicrous Subject, of which he himself was Spectator. And he Composed it in imitation of the History of the Destruction of Troy, and some other Books of Chivalry, upon which he was then very studious and intent. The Story was exceedingly prized by his School-Fellows, and afterward by one Master Hinton, Fellow of Merton-College, unto whom it was communicated by his Father. And I presume to specifie it as an Argument of the prodigious pregnancy of those Endowments which God had bestowed upon him. For he may truly be accounted one of the Praecoces Fructus, the forward Fruits of his time, that was soon ripe, and contrary to the Proverb, of a lasting duration. It may be truly affirmed of him, as once of Lipsius, Ingenium babuit docile, & omnium capax: Memoria non sine praeceptorum miraculo (etiam in puero) quae senectute non defecit.

But his proficiency in Letters was very much retarded by a Distemper that seized on his Head; the Cure of which was not effected under the space of two years; and therefore occasion'd great loss of time, as well as infinite pain and torture of Body to one so young and tender. For by reason of the unskilfulness of Country Empericks who first undertook him, the Flesh in the fore-part of his Head rotted to the Skull, where never any Hair came afterward. And the Distemper again returning upon him as the Flesh grew up, he was in the 13th. year of his Age sent to London by his Father, to be under the Cure of Dr. Turner (Husband to that Gentlewoman that had a hand in the Death of Sir Tho. Overbury) who keeping him to a strict Diet and frequent Sweatings, sent him back into the Country after four Months time. But his Distemper again returning, he was fain once more to apply himself unto his old Doctor, before a Cure could be completed.

Upon his return to Burford, he found his old Master dead, and was committed to the Care of a Successor, viz. Mr. Davis, a Reverend good man; who notwithstanding his long discontinuance from School, found his Scholar not to have mis-spent or mis-employed any time, that gave him the least Relaxation from his Distemper, and therefore placed him Third in the • ppermost Form. Mr. Davis spared no diligence that might tend to the cultivating of a Plant so flourishing and hopeful, making him fit for the University by having him but twelve Months under his Tuition: A kindness so gratefully resented by our Doctor, that he dedicated to him one of his Books, called Ecclesia Vindicata; and had it not been for the misfortune of the War, had given better Testimonies of a thankful and generous mind in preferring him to some considerable Benefice or Dignity in the Church.

He was the beginning of December, 1613. in the 14th. year of his Age sent to Oxford, and placed under the Tuition of Mr. Ioseph Hill, an antient Batchelor in Divinity, once one of the Fellows of Corpus Christi College, but then Commoner of Hart-Hall; by whom Mr. Walter Newberry (afterward a zealous Puritan) was made choice of to instruct him in Logick, and other Academical Studies, as far as the tenderness of his Age rendred him capable. And he made such progress in them, that upon the 22d. of Iuly, 1614. he stood Candidate for a Demies place in Magdalen College, having no other Recommendations than Sir Iohn Walters, then Attorney General to the Prince, and afterward Lord Chief Baron of the Exchequer, Grand-Father to that worthy Gentleman Sir William Walter now of Sarsden in the County of Oxford, Baronet. Dr. Langton, President of the College, put Mr▪ Heylyn the Eighth upon the Roll; which was the first place of the second Course; but it succeeded not till the year following, being then Elected First upon the Roll, and having very much endeared himself to the President and Fellows by a facetious Latine Poem upon a Journey that he made with his two Tutors, unto Woodstock.

But immediately after his admission into that noble Foundation, he fell into a Consumption, which constrained him to retire to his Native Air, where he continued till Christmas following. He was a year after his Admission made Impositor of the Hall; in which Office he acquitted himself with so much Fidelity, that the College-Dean continued him longer in it, than any ever before; by which means he contracted a great deal of Hatred and Enmity from those Students that were of his own standing, being called by them the Perpetual Dictator. But he diverted the violence of the Storm by the assiduity of his Studies, and particularly by Composing an English Tragedy, called Spurius; which was so well approved of by some learned persons of that Foundation, that the President caused it to be privately acted in his own Lodgings.

In Iuly 1617. he obtained his Grace for the degree of Batchelor of Arts, but was not Presented to it till the October following, by reason of the absence of one of his Seniors, holding it unworthy to prejudice another person for his own Advancement. After the performance of the Lent-Exercises for his Degree, he fell into a Fever, which increasing with great violence, at last turned into a Tertian Ague, and caused him again to retreat unto his Countrey Air; which he enjoyed till the middle of Iuly following, and then according to the College Statutes (which require that Exercise to be performed every long Vacation by some Batchelor of Arts) he began his Cosmographical Lectures, and finished them in the end of the next August. His Reading of those Lectures drew the whole Society into a profound admiration of his Learning and Abilities; insomuch that before he had ended them, he was admitted Fellow upon Probation, in the place of one Mr. Love. And that he might give a Testimony of his grateful mind for so unexpected a Favour, he writ a Latine Comedy, call'd Theomachia, which he Composed and Transcribed in a Fortnights space. On Iuly 29. 1619. he was admitted in verum & perpetuum Socium; and not long before was made Moderator of the Senior Form, which he retained above two years: And within that compass of time he began to write his Geography, accordingly as he designed when he Read his Cosmographic-Lectures; which Book he finish'd in little more than two months, beginning it Feb. 22. and completing it the 29th. of April following. At the Act, Ann. Dom. 1620, he was admitted Master of Arts; the honor of which Degree was the more remarkable, because that very year the Earl of Pembroke, Chancellor of the University, signified his pleasure by special Letters, that from that time forward, the Masters of Arts, who before sate bare, should wear their Caps in all Congregations and Convocations; unto which Act of Grace his Lordship was induced by an humble Petition presented to him by the Regent Masters in behalf of themselves and Non-Regents; as also by Dr. Prideaux then Vice-Chancellor, who being preacquainted with the business, gave great encouragement to proceed onward in it; and lastly by the indefatigable pains of one Master Clopton, junior, of Corpus-Christi-Colledge, who was the principal Solicitor in that Affair.

His Geography was committed by him to the perusal of some Learned Friends, and being by them well approved, he obtained his Fathers consent for the Printing of it; which was done accordingly, November 7. 1621. The first Copy of it was presented by him to King Charles the First, then Prince of Wales, unto whom he Dedicated it; and by whom, together with its Author, it was very graciously received; being introduced into the Princes Presence by Sir Robert Carre, one of the Gentlemen of his Highnesses Bed-Chamber, and since Earl of Ancram; unto whose Care Master Heylyn was commended by the Lord Danvers, then at Cornbury by reason of some bodily Indisposition. But after this Sun-shine of Favour and Honor darted on him by the Prince, there followed a Cloud which darkened all his Joys: for in a few months after, his Father died at Oxon with an Ulcer in his Bladder, occasioned by the Stone, with which he had been for many years grievously afflicted: His Body was conveyed to Lechlade in Glocestershire, where he was buried near his Wife, who died six years before him of a Contagious Fever, and lay in the Chancel of that Parish-Church.

Septemb. 15. 1622. he received Confirmation from the hands of Bishop Lake, in the Parish Church of Wells; and in a short space after exhibited a Certificate to Doctor Langton concerning his Age; by which means he obtained a Dispensation, notwithstanding any Local Statutes to the contrary, that he should not be compelled to enter into Holy Orders till he was Twenty four years of Age, according to the time appointed, both in the Canons of the Church, and the Statutes of the Realm. And such were his fears to enter upon the Study, as well as undertake the profession of Divinity, that it was not without great Reluctance and Difficulty on his own part, as well as many weighty Arguments and Persuasions of a very Learned and Reverend person (Mr. Buckner) that he applied himself unto Theology. Thus Moses pleaded his Inability, and notwithstanding the express command of the Almighty, refused to be sent upon the Divine Embassie, persevering in his unseasonable modesty, till God threatned him with his Anger, as he had before encouraged him with his promises. But as the difficulties in Divinity made Mr. Heylyn for some time to desist, so the sweetness and amabilities of that Study allured him to undertake the Profession. And therefore he received the Orders of Deacon and Priest (but at distant times) in St. Aldates Church in Oxon from the Right Reverend Bishop Howson. And when he was Ordained Priest, he Preach'd the Ordination Sermon upon those words of our Blessed Saviour to St. Peter, Luke 22. 32. And when thou art converted, strengthen thy Brethren. What course and method he observed in his Theological Studies, he tells of with his own Pen; When I began my Studies in Divinity, Theol. Vet. Pref. to the Reader. I thought no course so proper and expedient for me, as the way commended by King Iames (which was, that young Students in Divinity should be excited to study such Books as were most agreeable in Doctrine and Discipline to the Church of England,K. Iames Instructions to the University, Ian. 18. 1616. and to bestow their time in the Fathers and Councils, Schoolmen, Histories, and Controversies, and not to insist too long upon Compendiums and Abbreviators, making them the grounds of their Study) and opened at the charges of Bishop Montague, though not then a Bishop. For though I had a good respect to the memory of Luther, and the name of Calvin, as those whose Writings had awakened all these parts of Europe out of the ignorance and superstition in which they suffered, yet I always took them to be men: men as obnoxious unto Error, as subject to humane Frailty, and as indulgent too unto their own Opinions, as any others whatsoever. The little knowledge I had gained in the course of Stories, had pre-acquainted me with the Fiery Spirit of the one, and the Busie Humor of the other; thought thereupon unfit by Arch-Bishop Cranmer and others, the chief Agents in the Reformation of this Church, to be employed as Instruments in that weighty Business. Nor was I ignorant how much they differed fsom us in their Doctrinals and Forms of Government. And I was apt enough to think, that they were no fit Guides to direct my▪ Judgment in order to the Discipline and Doctrine of the Church of England; to the establishing whereof they were held unuseful; and who both by their Practices and Positions had declared themselves Friends to neither.

The Geography was in less than three years Re-printed; and in this second Edition Enlarged and again Presented by him to the Prince of Wales, and by him received with most affectionate Commendations of the Author. But it met with a far different entertainment from K. Iames. For the Book being put into the hands of that learned Monarch by Dr. Young Dean of Winton (who thereby designed nothing else but the highest kindness to Mr. Heylyn) the King at first expressed the great Value he had for the Author: but unfortunately falling on a passage, wherein Mr. Heylyn gave Precedency to the French King, and called France the more Famous Kingdom, King Iames became very much offended, and ordered the Lord Keeper that the Book should be call'd in. The good Dean gave notice to Mr. Heylyn of his Majesties Displeasure, advising him to repair to Court, and to make use of the Princes Patronage, as the best lenitive to prevent the rankling of this wound, lest it festered and became incurable. But he rather chose to abide at Oxon, acquainting the Lord Danvers with the business, and requesting his Advice and Intercession, and sending afterward an Apology and Explanation of his meaning to Doctor Young, the substance of which was, That some crimes are of a nature so unjustifiable, that they are improved by an Apology; yet considering the purpose he had in those places, which gave offence to his Sacred Majesty, he was unwilling that his Innocence should be condemn'd for want of an Advocate: The burthen under which he suffered was rather a mistake than a crime, and that mistake not his own, but the Printers. For if in the first line of page 441. was be read instead of is, the sense runs as he design'd it: And this appears from the words immediately following; for by them may be gathered the sense of this corrected reading,When Edward the Third quartered the Arms of France and England, he gave Precedency to the French; first, because France was the greater and more famous Kingdom. Secondly, That the French, &c. These Reasons are to be referr'd to the time of that King, by whom those Arms were first quartered with the Arms of England, and who desired by this honor done unto their Arms to gain upon the good opinion of that Nation, for the Crown and Love whereof he was a Suitor. For at this time (besides that it may seem ridiculous to use a Verb of the present Tense in a matter done so long ago) that Reason is not of the least force or consequence; the French having so long since forgot the Rights of England, and our late Princes claiming nothing but the Title only.

The place and passage so corrected, I hope (says Mr. Heylyn) I may without detraction from the Glory of this Nation affirm, That France was at this time the more famous Kingdom. Our English Swords for more than half the time since the Norman Conquest had been turned against our own Bosoms; and the Wars we then made (except some fortunate Excursions of King Edward the First in France, and King Richard in the Holy Land) in my conceit were fuller of Pity than of Honor. For what was our Kingdom under the Reign of Edward the Second, Henry the Third, Iohn, Stephen and Rufus but a publick Theatre, on which the Tragedies of Blood and civil Dissentions had been continually acted? On the other side, the French had exercised their Arms with Credit and Renown both in Syria, Palestine, and Egypt; and had much added to the Glory of their Name and Nation by Conquering the Kingdoms of Naples and Sicily, and driving the English themselves out of all France, Guyen only excepted. If we look higher, we shall find France to be the first Seat of the Western Empire, and the Forces of it to be known and felt by the Saracens in Spain, the Saxons in Germany, and the Lombards in Italy; at which time the Valour of the English was imprisoned in the same Seas with their Island: And therefore France was at that time, when first the Arms were quartered, the more famous Kingdom. 'Tis true indeed, since the time of those victorious Princes, those Duo Fulmina Belli, Edward the Third and the Black Prince his Son, the Arms of England have been exercised in most parts of Europe. Nor am I ignorant how high we stand above France and all other Nations in the true fame of our Atchievements. France it self divers times over-run, and once Conquered, the House of Burgundy upheld from Ruine, the Hollanders Supported, Spain Awed and the Ocean Commanded, are sufficient testimonies, that in pursuit of Fame and Honor, we had no Equals. That I was always of this opinion my Book speaks for me (and indeed so unworthy a person needs no better an Advocate) in which I have been no where wanting to commit to memory the honorable performances of my Countrey. The great Annalist Baronius pretending only a true and sincere History of the Church, yet tells the Pope in his Epistle Dedicatory, that he principally did intend that work, pro Sacrarum Traditionum Antiquitate, & Authoritate Romanae Ecclesiae. The like may I say of my self, though not with like imputation of Imposture. I promised a Description of all the World, and have according to the measure of my poor Abilities fully performed it: yet have I apprehended withal every modest occasion of enobling and extolling the So •• ers and Kings of England. Besides that I do not now speak of England as it now stands augmented with, by the happy Addition of Scotland, I had had it from an Author, whom in poverty of reading I conceived above all exception, viz. Cambden Clarencieux, that general and accomplish'd Scholar in the fifth part of his Remains, had so informed me. If there be error in it, 'tis not mine but my Authors. The Precedency which he there speaks of is in General Councils. And I do heartily wish it would please the Lord to give such a sudden Blessing to his Church, that I might live to see Mr. Cambden Confuted by so good an Argument as the sitting of a General Council.

Thus Mr. Heylyn was the interpreter of his own words; and by these demonstrations of his integrity, King Iames's indignation was appeased, and his own fears were ended: Only he took care to have these offensive words blotted out of his Book, as the Dean of Winton advised him.

In the year 1625. he took a Journey with Mr. Levet of Lincolns-Inn into France, where he visited more Cities, and made more Observations in the space of five weeks (for he staid there no longer) than many others have done in so many years. The particulars of this Journey he put in Writing, and some years after gratified his Countrey with the Publication of it, together with some other very excellent Remarks made by him, when he attended upon the Earl of Danby to the Isles of Guernsey and Iersey, Anno Dom. 1628. Had King Iames lived to have perused that Book, Mr. Heylyn had needed no other Advocate to have restored him to his Princely Favour and Protection. For never was the Vanity and Levity of the Monsieurs, and the Deformity and Sluttishness of their Madames more ingeniously exposed both in Prose and Verse, than in the Account that he gives of his Voyage into France.

On April 18. 1627. he opposed in the Divinity-School, and the 24th. day following he answered pro Forma upon these two Questions, viz. An. Ecclesia unquam fuerit invisibilis? An Ecclesia possit errare? Both which he determined in the Negative: And in stating of the first, he fell upon a different way from that of Doctor Prideaux in his Lecture de Visibilitate Ecclesiae, Appendix to the Adv. on Mr. Sanderson's Histories. and other Tractates of and about that time; in which the visibility of the Protestant Church (and consequently of the Renowned Church of England) was no otherwise proved, than by looking for it into the scattered Conventicles of the Berengarians in Italy, the Waldenses in France, the Wickliffs in England, and the Hussites in Bohemia; which manner of proceeding not being liked by Mr. Heylyn, because it utterly discontinued that Succession in the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, which the Church of England claims from the Apostles; he rather chose to look for a continual Visible Church in Asia, Aethiopia, Greece, Italy, yea and Rome it self; as also in all the Western Provinces then subject to the power of the Popes thereof: And for the proof whereof he shewed, 1. That the Church of England received no Succession of Doctrine or Government from any of the scattered Conventicles before remembred. 2. That the Wickliffes, together with the rest (before remembred) held many Heterodoxies in Religion, as different from the Establish'd Doctrine of the Church of England, as any point that was maintained at that time in the Church of Rome. And 3. That the Learned Writers of that Church, and Bellarmin himself among them have stood up as cordially and stoutly in maintenance of some Fundamental points of the Christian Faith against Socinians, Anabaptists and Anti-Trinitarians, and other Hereticks of these Ages, as any of the Divines and other Learned men of the Protestant Churches; which point Mr. Heylyn closed with these words, viz. Vtinam quod ipse de Calvino, sic semper errasset nobilissimus Cardinalis. And this so much displeased the Doctor of the Chair, that so soon as our young Divine had ended his Determination, he fell most heavily upon him, calling him by the most odious names of Papicola, Bellarminianus, Pontificius, &c. bitterly complaining to the younger part of his Audients (unto whom he made the greatest part of his Addresses) of the unprofitable pains he had took amongst them, if Bellarmin, whom he had laboured to decry for so many years, should now be honored with the Title of Nobilissimus. The like he did within a few days after (Tantaene animis coelestibus irae?) when the Respondent became prior Oppenent, loading him with so many Reproaches, that he was branded for a Papist before he understood what Popery was. And because this Report should not prepossess the minds of some great Persons, the Disputant went to London; and after the Lord Chamberlain had ordered him to Preach before the Kings Houshold, Arch-Bishop Laud, then Bishop of Bath and Wells, took notice of the passages that had happened at Oxford. But Mr. Heylyn told him the story at large, and for a farther testimony of his Judgment and Innocency, gave him a Copy of his Supposition; which, when it was perused, the Disputant waited on him, and his Lordship made him to sit down by him, and after enquiry made into the course of his Studies, told him, That his Supposition was strongly grounded, and not to be over thrown in a fair way of Scholastick Arguing, That he would not have him be discouraged by noise and clamour. That he himself had in his younger days maintained the same Positions in Disputation in St. Iohns College, for which he was much blamed by Arch-Bishop Abbot, then Vice-Chancellor, and made a By-word and Reproach in the University. Finally he exhorted him to continue in that moderate course, telling him, That as God had given him more than ordinary Gifts, so he would pray to God that he might employ them in such a way and manner, as might make up the Breaches in the Walls of Christendom. The Discourse between them continued for the space of two hours, Amotis Arbitris. For he ordered his Servants that no one should come to him on any occasion before he called.

But this was not all that was done then by our young Divine to secure himself from the Reproach of a Papist. For in November next following, he Preached before the King on those words, Iohn 4. 20. Our Fathers worshipped on this Mountain. In which Sermon he declared himself with such warm zeal against some Errors and Corruptions in the Roman Church, that he shewed himself to be far enough from any inclination to the Roman Religion, But his innocency in that matter will be made more apparent in some following passages of his Life.

Unto one of the most principal parts of which the Reader is now invited, viz. his Marriage, which was so far from being Clandestine and Clancular (as it was objected to him in Print above thirty years after its solemnization) that he ordered it to be performed upon St. Simon and Iudes day, between ten and eleven of the Clock in the morning in his own College-Chappel, which by his appointment was set out with the richest Ornaments, in the presence of a sufficient number of Witnesses of both Sexes, according to Law and Practice. The Wedding-Dinner was kept in his own Chamber, some Doctors and their Wives, with five or six of the Society being invited to it. Mrs. Bride was placed at the head of the Table, the Town-Musick playing, and himself waiting most part of the Dinner, and no Formality wanting which was accustomably required (even to the very giving of Gloves) at the most solemn Wedding. These things are more particularly related, because some of his Enemies, having nothing else with which they could blast his Reputation, were pleased to accuse him of a Clandestine Marriage, and that he was obliged in Conscience to restore all the Emoluments that he had received from his Fellowship between that time and his Resignation. But what shall be given to thee, or what shall be done unto thee, thou false tongue? It seems it must be injustice in Mr. Heylyn to receive his share of an half-years Divident, which was usually allowed to persons in his circumstances, but it was no act of unrighteousness in other men to take bread out of the mouths of young Students, and send them to wander in solitary ways, being hungry and thirsty, and their souls ready to faint in them. The Ceremony was performed by his faithful and ingenuous friend Dr. Allibond; and the person that he made choice of for his Wife was Mrs. Laetitia Heygate, third Daughter of Thomas Heygate of Heys Esq one of his Majesties Justices of Peace for the County of Middlesex (who in his younger days, whilst his elder Brother was alive, had been Provost-Marshal-General of the Army under the Earl of Essex at the Action of Cales) and of Margery Skipwith his Wife, one of the Daughters of—Skipwith of— in the County of Leicester, a Family of good note and credit in those parts. Which said Thomas Heygate the Father was second Son of that Thomas Heygate, who was Field-Marshal-General of the English Forces before St. Quintins, under the Command of the Earl of Pembroke, Anno Dom. 1557. and of—Stonner his Wife, a Daughter of the antient Family of the Stonners in Oxfordshire.

These particulars are set down by our learned Doctor in his little Manuscript to this end, That Posterity might know from what Roots they sprang, and not engage in any thing unworthy their Extraction. 'Tis an inestimable blessing for any one to be well Born and Descended, but the present guilt and future account of that person will be increased who blemishes and stains his Family by unworthy and ill-done actions.

Continuing this time, Mr. Heylyn had no very considerable subsistence for himself and his new Companion. For the Portion which he was to have by her (being a thousand pounds) was never paid, many irreparable losses and mis-fortunes happening to her eldest Brother, which he was not able to recover, though left by his Father in the possession of 800 l. per Annum. His Fellowship he resigned, and although he had the Advowson of Bradwel, a very good Living in Glocestershire, left him by his Father, together with a Rent-charge of Inheritance paid him out of the Mannor of Lechlade, yet he was constrained for a while to wrestle with some necessities and frowns of Fortune. He parted with his Title to Bradwel, resolving to lay the foundation of his future Felicity in this world by his own honest industry, and not bury himself in the obscurity of a Rural Life. His noble Friend, the Earl of Danby, whom he attended in the quality of a Chaplain to the Isles of Guernsey and Iersey (his own Chaplains modestly refusing a Voyage which they conceived to be troublesome and dangerous) was not a little troubled to see such extraordinary merits continue still discouraged and unrewarded; and therefore out of his generous Nature presented him to the great Judg and Mecoenas of Learning, Arch-Bishop Laud, then Bishop of London; who making a second and more narrow enquiry into his Temporal concerns, appointed him to meet him Court, which not long after was to remove to Woodstock. But his Lordship fell sick at Reading; and Mr. Heylyn met with some rude usages in the Kings Chappel, which was talked of the more at Oxon, the interest he had at Court being universally known in that University. But it was not very many months after, that power was given him to revenge the Affront, being admitted Chaplain in Ordinary to the King, and into great Favour with the Grandees of that time. But a soul enobled with the principles of Gratitude and Generosity is as averse to retaliate, as to do an injury. The first person therefore, unto whom he paid his thankful Acknowledgments for his honorable Preferment, was the Earl of Danby, who presently told him, That those thanks were not in the least due unto himself, but to the Lord Bishop of London, unto whose generous and active mind the whole of that Dignity was to be ascribed. Upon which hint he attended upon the Bishop; who after he had wish'd him happiness in his new Preferment, gave him some particular Instructions for his behaviour in it, which he carefully observed the whole time of his Attendance upon the Sacred Person of his gracious Master.

Having thus gained the advantage of this rising ground, he found out an honest Art by which he might recommend himself to the Patronage of some noble mind; and that was to assert the History of St. George, Patron of the most noble Order of the Garter, A business (as he tells the King in his Epistle Dedicatory) of so intricate and involved a nature, that he had no Guide to follow, nor any Path to tread, but what he had made unto himself. Neither had that Task ever come to perfection, had not so able an hand undertaken it, whose industry and abilities were superior to every thing but themselves. Many enemies the Book met withal, when it came first to light. But 'tis more easie to load learned Authors with Railing and Reproaches, than to Encounter and Confute their Arguments.

The Historian had the honor to be introduced by the Bishop of London into his Masters Bed-Chamber, unto whom he presented his Book, which his Majesty graciously accepted, and held some conference with the Author about the subject-matter contained in it. He also gave Copies of the History to all the Knights of the Order, that were then attending at Court, who all used him with respect suitable to his merits, except the Earl of E. who called him a begging Scholar; of which words he was afterward very much ashamed, when the incivility unbecoming a Nobleman and Courtier, came to the knowledge of those that were of hiw own Quality. Against this History Doctor Hackwel appeared in Print; of which the King was presently informed, and sending for Mr. Heylyn, commanded him to consider the Arguments of his Antagonist, and withal sent him to Windsor to search into the Records of the Order. This occasioned a second Edition of the History, wherein were answered all the Doctors Arguments and Allegations, but no Reply made to his Invectives, which were too frequently interspersed in the Book of that learned Writer; of whom Mr. Heylyn heard no more till his very excellent Book about the Supposed Decay of Nature came out in a new Edition, wherein there was a Retractation made of those passages that related to St. George.

Mr. Heylyn began now to conceive some hopes of not being any longer unkindly dealt withal by the hand of Fortune, having a Presentation given him by one Mr. Bridges to the Parsonage of Meysie-Hampton in the Diocess of Glocester; unto the Bishop of which he made Application, but found him already pre-engaged to further the pretended Title of Corpus Christi College in Oxon. However his Lordship promised not to give Institution to any person, till the Title was cleared; advising Mr. Heylyn to leave his Presentation with him, and to enter a Caveat in his Court. But he who was false to God and his Mother-Church, could never be faithful to those engagements thich 〈◊〉 made to man; the one he deserted by turning Papist, being the only Bishop of the English Hierarchy, who renounced a Persecuted Church to embrace the Errors and Idolatries of the Roman Communion: And as for his promises to Mr. Heylyn, those he violated, giving one Mr. Iackson who was presented by C.C.C. Institution so soon as ever he requested it. This engaged our young Married Divine in a tedious Suit at Law, which occasioned him great trouble, and that which he could not well at that time undergo, vast charge and expence; especially if we consider the bad success that attended it. For by reason of the absence of many of the Iury, and the supply of Tales (who attended upon the Trial as Water-men wait for a Fare) together with the Tergiversation or rather Treachery of one of his Council, upon whose Wisdom and Integrity the Client most relied, the Cause went against him, though affirmed by all Standers-by, and by the Council himself the night immediately preceding the Trial, to be as fair and just an Action as ever was brought to Bar. But indignus es felictate, quem fortuitorum pudet. It was not the first time that a poor man was oppressed and a righteous Cause miscarried. And God ever rewards the quiet submission of his faithful Servants to his wise and unsearchable Providence with far more valuable Blessings, than those which he deprives or with-holds from them. Ioseph had never met with those signal honors and dignities in Pharaohs Court, had not he been first sold by his Brethren for a Bond-slave into Egypt.

Neither was this the only disappointment he met with in his way to Preferment. For not long after, Preaching at Court in his second Attendance, his Majesty expressed a very high opinion of him to many noble Lords about him, and in a few months after gave him a Presentation to the Rectory of Hemingford in the County of Huntington. But this also missed of the desired effect, which his Majesties Bounty and Mr. Heylyns necessities required. For the Bishop of Linclon, unto whom he made Application with his Presentation, would not allow the King to have any Title to the Living; so that the poor man was fain to return to London re infectâ. The Bishop was much offended as well as surprized that a young Divine should have so comprehensive a knowledg of the Law. For he made good the Kings Right upon the passages of the Conveyances of the other party. But the King soon understood the entertainment his Chaplain met with at Bugden, and sent him this gracious Message, That he was sorry he had p • t him to so much charge and trouble, but it should not be long before he would be out of his debt. And he soon performed his Royall promise; for within a week after, he bestowed on him a Prebe • dship of Westminster (void by the death of Dr. Darrel) to the extreme vexation of his Lordship, who was then Dean of the same Church. And that which added to the honor of this Preferment, was his not only being the same day ini • iated into the friendship of the Attorney-General, Mr. Noye, but the condescending Message that came along with the Royal Gift, viz. That he bestowed that Prebendship on him to bear the charges of his last Iourney, but he was still in his debt for the Living. When Moses was deserted by his Parents for fear of Pharaohs fury, God was pleased to provide him a Saviour and a Nurse; and he was taken out of the Bul-rushes, and fed and preserved in despight of all his enemies.

Being possessed of this Preferment, he began the repairing and beautifying of his House, with many other things, so far as his narrow contracted Fortune would permit him. And the first honorable Visit that he received in his new Habitation, was from the learned Lord Falkland, who brought along with him one Captain Nelson, that pretended a new Invention, viz. The Discovery of the Longitude of the Sea. The Captain had imparted his design to many learned Mathematicians, who by no means could approve of, or subscribe to his Demonstrations. But the King referr'd him to Mr. Heylyn, who told that noble Lord, That his Majesty was mistaken in him; his skill and knowledg lying more in the Historica • than Philosophical part of Geography▪ His Lordship seem'd much offended with the answer, conceiving that out of a supercilious disdain of the old Captain, Mr. Heylyn declined the business. But he presently rectified his Lordships mis-apprehensions, assuring his Honor that he would confer with some learned men about that Hypothesis, and by previous Study fit and prepare himself to discourse it with them, and in a short time give the King and his Lordship an account of what he did in the business. With this his Lordship went away satisfied, and commended to Mr. Heylyn he acquaintance of Mr. Oughtred, as he ablest person to be consulted in an affair of that nature. Some Letters also passed between his Lordship and Mr. Heylyn, in which his Lordship commended the honest old Captain to his Religious and Judicious care and consideration, telling him that in the credibility of that Phaenomenon, his Majesties Resolution would be very much guided by his Judgment, which he found would be of special Authority with him: That he press'd the point the oftner to him, because he conceived it a duty which he owed to the Truth it self to have it made manifest one way or other; that is, either to be freed from the Captains Imposition and Pretence, if upon trial it appeared to be fallacious; or else to be approved and declared for right and perfect (if such it be) to the perpetual silencing of all malicious impugners thereof, that the world may be deprived no longer of the participation and use of so publick and common a Benefit.

Mr. Heylyn being backward in nothing, wherein he might be really serviceable to any one part of Learning, went to Mr. Oughtred, with whom he had much discourse concerning the Captains Hypothesis. Mr. Oughtred told his Visitant, that the Captain was very much mistaken in his Principle; which he made afterward appear unto the Captain at London, and gave this following account of it in a Letter to Mr. Heylyn.—I asked him the ground whereon he went, and tol • him the difficulties which other • found. His ground, he said, was by the Nodes of the Moons Circle, because the Moon accompanies the Earth, having it the Center of her Orb. The difficulties which others imagined was the finding out of the place of the Node or ☊ upon th • superficies of the Earth. His Princ • ple I determine to omit till more le • sure (for I had but one whole day 〈◊〉 stay in London.) The difficulty of th • place of ☊ I saw factible at Sea, an • accordingly let him understand 〈◊〉 ▪ Now being at London, I desired co • ference with him, and thus I pr • ceeded. You require for the discov • ry of the Longitude, the place of 〈◊〉 upon the earth. Well, imagine you were now at Sea in an unknown place, and what I gave you in degrees of Longitude, the distance of ☊ from that place where you are; what will you conclude? He was entring into I know not what by-demands of If this, or If that; but I held him to the Question in the Hypothesis, telling him he had what he required. At last he answered, Why methinks you have done it already your self. You have the distance of ☊ in the degrees of Longitude of ☊ from an unknown place, and therefore the difference of the ☊ is also unknown, except to that place only. But we required the distance from the other known place which you promised to argue. At last he began to be sensible of his mistake, and I advised him to desist from such undertakings; and being of so great an Age, to labour the Discovery of another Voyage, or rather only labour to attain to the blessed end thereof, being already opened to us by our Saviour. And this was the end of our Communication, and will be I suppose of that business also. I wonder how the Captain for these twelve years, wherein he hath mused upon this, and hath had conference with so many learned men, would receive no answer. But it seems they gave him too much liberty of digression; and he having a very ill expression of his of his confused Conceits, intangled himself more and more in perplexities.

Thus this business ended; but before it was brought to this issue, there was an end put to the life of that learned Lord. However Mr. Heylyn continued his endeavours in the business, till the Captain was convinced of his mistake. Had the poor Captain lived unto these days, wherein Philosophy has met with such wonderful improvements, 'tis not unlikely but that he might have had the honor of giving the first hint of the truth of that Hypothesis. For I have been informed from a good hand, that Mr. Hooke the great pattern of modesty and industry, did not many years since in his Lectures at Gresham-College read upon this very subject; and divers of his Auditors as well as himself were of opinion, that he had really found out and demonstrated the Seas Longitude. And perhaps what is here inserted from Mr. Oughtred may invite him to oblige his Country with what he was written upon that Hypothesis.

But to make our return unto the subject of these Papers; whose mind was intent rather upon useful than notional Learning; and therefore about this time he began with great diligence to read over the Statute-Laws of the Nation, and to compare them with the times and circumstances that occurr'd in Story: and this he did with the greatest care, to enable himself for the service of his Royal Master, who then had the Small-Pox appearing on him, but soon recovered of that Distemper: and our young Divine to testifie his joy, turned Poet, making a Copy of English Verses, which were presented by one of his Friends to his Majesty; and they were so well liked, that both their Majesties gave him the honor of their thanks.

But the King found Improvement rather for the Judgment than Fancy of his Chaplain; and therefore Ian. 27. 1632. s • nt for him to the Council-Table, where he received his Royal Commands to read over that Book of Mr. Pryns, called Histriomastix; and to collect thence all such passages, as were scandalous or dangerous to the King or State, and to reduce them into method. The Book was delivered to him, and a fortnights time assigned him to perform the task imposed. But he had learned from the wisest of men, That diligence in business and a quick dispatch of it would qualifie him for the service of Kings, and not mean persons. And therefore he performed what he undertook, and carried it to the Secretary of State in less than four days; for which he had his Majesties thanks, as also new Commands to revise his Papers, and to write down such logical Inferences as might naturally arise from the Premisses of Mr. Pryn. Which task was accordingly done by him, but either the Papers were lost, or at least pretended to be so. And he received a third Command to deliver his own Copy to the Attorney-General; and about this time, and upon this occasion wrote a small Tract touching the punishments due by Law, and in point of practice unto such Offenders as Mr. Pryn. And this was observable in the Trial of that person, that nothing was urged by the Counil to aggravate his Faults, but what was contained in the Collections made by Mr. Heylyn.

For a reward of these and other Services, his Majesty bestowed on him the Parsonage of Houghton, in the Bishoprick of Durham, now let for above 470 l. per ann. and made void by the preferment of Dr. Lendsel to the See of Peterborough; and ordered Mr. Secretary Windebank to take care for the Broad Seal; but within a few hours after intimated his Royal Pleasure to him by the Bishop of London, that it should be exchanged for some other Living nearer hand, and more for the convenience of his Chaplain, his Majesty conceiving that he might have frequent occasion to make use of his service, and therefore was unwilling that he should have any Preferment that was so far distant from his Court. Upon this Dr. Heylyn entred into a Treaty with Dr. Marshal for the Parsonage of Alreford in Hampshire; where the first thing he did after Instistution and Induction, was to order the daily Reading of Morning-Prayer, being a populous Market-Town, which gave very great content unto the people. And being Ordinary of the place, he removed the Communion-Table to the East end of the Chancel; the decency of which act, he not only justified by Reason, convincing the people how much it had been profaned by sitting on it, Scribling and casting Hats on it in Sermon time, and at other times passing the Parish Accounts, and disputing businesses of like nature; and which was worst of all, by Dogs pissing against it, and sometimes snatching away the Bread that was provided for the use of the Blessed Sacrament, but by the place and posture which the Communion-Table and Altars had been situated in former times. And in a short time after, this act of his was justified and confirmed by what his Majesty determined in the case of St. Gregories Church near St. Pauls, London.

But before these things happened, he took his Degree of Batchelor in Divinity, viz. In Iuly 1630. his Latine Sermon was upon those words, Mat. 4. 19. Faciam vos fieri piscatores hominum. Upon the Sunday followi • g (being the time of the Act) • e Preached in the Afternoon on Matth. 13. 25. In which Sermon he discovered the great Mystery of Iniquity that lay under the specious pretext of Feoffees for buying in of Impropriations. And he was the first person that ever gave notice of the danger of it to the undeceiving of the people. What he said concerning it made a loud clamour throughout the whole Nation, and was one of the first things that exposed him to the implacable hatred and malice of a restless Faction. At first he looked upon the project with as great reverence and affection, as any that were deceived and abused by it; and could not but congratulate the felicity of those times, in giving birth to a design of such signal merit. But when he look'd more narrowly into the mannagement and conduct of it, he apprehended it to be (as indeed it was) the most pernicious imposture that ever since the Reformation was imposed upon the people; and the most dangerous device to subvert the Church and undermine Episcopal Power and Jurisdiction. And having satisfied himself in the danger of it, he conceived it his bounden duty to give notice of it to other men; that being once discovered and set out in its proper Colours, it might be taken into deeper consideration, than had been to that time observed if it. The Sermon was Preach'd Iuly 11. and the passage in it which concern'd the Feoffees was in these words, Planting of Pensionary-Lecturers in so many places where it needs not, and upon days of common labour, will at last bring forth those fruits, that will appear to be a Tare indeed, though now no Wheat be accounted fairer. For what is that which is most aimed at in it, but to cry down the standing Clergy of this Kingdom, to undermine the Publick Liturgy by Law Established, to foment Factions in the State, Schisms in the Church, and to have ready Sticklers in every place for the Advancement of some dangerous and deep Design? And now we are fallen upon this point, we will proceed a little farther in the proposal of some things to be considered. The Corporation of Feoffees for buying of Impropriations to the Church, doth it not seem in the appearance to be an excellent piece of Wheat, a noble and gracious part of Piety? Is not this Templum Domini, Templum Domini? But blessed God! that men should thus draw near to Thee with their mouths and be so far from Thee in their hearts! For what are those entrusted in the managing of this great Business? Are they not most of them the most active and best affected men in the whole cause, and Magna partium momenta, chief Patrons of this growing Faction? And what are those that they prefer? Are they not most of them such men as are and must be serviceable unto their dangerous Innovations? And will they not in time have more Pref • rments to bestow than all the Bishops of the Kingdom? And so by consequence a greater number of Dependents to promote their Interest? yet all this while we sleep and slumber and fold our hands in sloth, and see perhaps, but dare not note it. High time it is assuredly you should be awaked and rouze up your selves upon the apprehension of so near a danger. The noise and calumnies that were raised and fixed upon Mr. Heylyn after this Sermon, incited him to make a more narrow search into the matter, and to multiply as well as strengthen his former Arguments, which he delivered to his endeared Friend Mr. Noye, who undertook the suppression of the Feoffees in the Kings name; and they were accordingly suppressed in a judicial way of proceeding in the Exchequer-Chamber, Feb. 13. 1633.

In which year Mr. Heylyn commenc'd his Degree of Doctor in Divinity; an honor not usually in those days conferr'd upon men of such green years; but he verfied those excellent words of the Son of Syrach, Wisdom 4. 8, 9. That honorable Age is not that which stands in length of time, nor that which is measured by number of years, but Wisdom is the gray hair unto men, and an unspotted life is old age. He entertained some hopes that those prejudices and heats which for some years past he had fe • t at Oxon, had been cooled and allayed; and that the remembrance of them was quite buried by Dr. Prideaux, having so long a tract of time as from 1627. to 1633. to forget them. In his first Disputation he had insisted on the Churches Visibility; and now he resolved to assert and establish its Authority: and to that purpose made choice to answer upon these three Questions for his Degree of Doctor, An Ecclesia habeat Authoritatem, In determinandis Fidei Controversiis? Interpretandi Scripturas? Decernendi Ritus & Ceremonias? All which he held in the Affirmative, according to the plain and positive Doctrine of the Church of England in the 20th. Article, which thus runs in terminis, viz. Habet Ecclesia Ritus sive Ceremonias statuendi Ius, & in Fidei Controversiis Authoritatem, &c. But the Regius Professor was as little pleased with these Questions, and the Respondents stating of them, as he was with the former: And therefore that he might the more effectually expose him, he openly declared how the Respondent had falsified the publick Doctrine of the Church, and charged the Article with that Sentence, viz. Habet Ecclesia Ritus sive Ceremonias, &c. which was not to be found in the whole Body of it; and for the proof thereof, he read the Article out of a Book which lay before him beginning thus, Non licet Ecclesiae quicquam instituere quod verbo Dei scripto adversetur, &c. To which the Respondent rea • i • y answered, That he perceived by the bigness of the Book which lay upon the Doctors Cushion, that the Article he read was out of the Harmony of Confessions publish'd at Ceneva, Anno Dom. 1612. which therein followed the Edition of the Articles in the time of King Edw. 6. Anno Dom. 1552. in which that Sentence was not found; but that it was otherwise in the Articles agreed on in the Convocation, Anno Dom. 1562. to which most of us had subscribed in our several places; but the Professor still insisting upon that point, and the Respondent perceiving the grea • est part of his Auditory dissatisfied, he called to one Mr. Westly, who had formerly been his Chamber-Fellow in Magdalen College, and desired him to fetch the Book of Articles from some Adjacent Booksellers; which being observed by the Professor, he declared himself very willing to decline any farther Debate about that business, and to go on directly in the Disputation; But the Respondent was resolved to proceed no further, Vsque dum liberaverit animam suam ab istâ calumniâ, (as his own words were) till he had freed himself from that Imputation. And it was not long before the coming of the Book put an end to the Controversie; out of which he read the Article in English in his▪ verbis, The Church hath power to decree Rites and Ceremonies, and Authority in Controversies of Faith, &c. which done, he delivered the Book to one of the Auditors who desired it of him, the Book passing from one hand to another till all were satisfied. And at this point of time it was, that the Bishop of Angolesme, Lord Almoner to the Queen, left the Schools, professing afterward, That he could see no hope of a fair Disputation from so foul a beginning.

It has been laid to Doctor Heylyn's charge, that at this time he was Hissed, because he excluded King and Parliament from being parts of the Church: But he never deny'd either to be parts of the Diffusive Body of the Church, but only to be parts of the Church Representative, which consists of the Bishops and Clergy in their several Councils. For neither King nor Parliament are Members of the Convocation, as he then proved and asserted. The Articles ascribe to the Church of England Represented in a National Council power of decreeing Rites and Ceremonies, and Authority of determining Controversies in Faith, as well as other Assemblies of that nature. And this neither deserved nor met with any Hiss. Perhaps a Hiss was then given, but it was when the Regius Professor went to prove, that not the Convocation, but the High Court of Parliament had power of ordering matters in the Church, in making Canons, ordaining Ceremonies, and determining Controversies in Religion. And he could find no other medium to make it good, but the Authority of Sir Edw. Coke in one of the Books of his Reports. An Argument unto which the Respondent returned no other Answer than Non credendum est cuique extra suam Artem; upon which immediately he gave place to the next Opponent, which put an end to the heats of that Disputation. But it did not so to the Regius Professors passion against Dr. Heylyn. For conceiving his Reputation somewhat lessened in the eye of the world, he gave an account in a paper of the whole transaction, that tended very much to the Doctors disgrace, as well as his own Justification. But Dr. Heylyn well knew upon what bottom he stood, and therefore in his own Vindication caused the Professor to be brought before the Council-Table at Woodstock, where he was publickly rebuked for the mis-representations that he had made of him. And upon the coming out of the Kings Declaration concerning Lawful Sports, Dr. Heylyn took the pains to translate the Regius Professors Lecture upon the Sabbath into English, and putting a Preface before it, caused it to be Printed; A performance which did not only justifie his Majesties proceedings, but abated much of that opinion, which Dr. Prideaux had amongst the Puritanical Faction in those days.

Pass we now from the University, the School of Learning and Study, to the Court, the Seat of Breeding and Business; where Dr. Potter (afterward Dean of Worcester) presented to the King a very learned Treatise, called Charity Mistaken; and for a reward of his great Abilities, had a Prebendship of Windsor design'd for him, which was then likely to become vacant by the promotion of the Bishop of Glocester to the See of Hereford. Many of Dr. Heylyn's Friends were very zealous with the King on his behalf, especially Dr. Neile then Archbishop of York. But his Lordship stuck faster to his Bishoprick, than he did to his Principles, and so the business ended. But whilst it was in agitation, it occasioned this merry Epigram from our young Doctor, who was conceived by every one to have missed that Prebendship upon the supposed Vacancy; When Windsor-Prebend late disposed was, One ask'd me sadly how it came to pass, Potter was chose and Heylyn was forsaken? I answered, 'twas Charity Mistaken. But the Doctors Juvenile humor was presently converted iuto a far less pleasing passion. For Mr. Attorney-General Noye left this world for a better, very much to the sorrow, but much more to the loss of Dr. Heylyn. He kept his Whitsontide in 1634. with the Doctor at Brentford, where he used all imaginable arguments and intreaties to dissuade him from going to Tunbridge-Waters the following Vacation, importuning him to accompany him to Alresford, where he would be certain to find a better Air, and a more careful Attendance. But we are very often wise to our own hurt, and stand in that light which would guide us to safety and felicity. But whatsoever damage our Doctor sustained by the loss of so invaluable a Friend, some persons else have gained well by it, having two large Manuscripts of Mr. Noys own hand-writing: The one contains the Collections he made of the Kings maintaining his Naval power accroding to the practice of his Royal Predecessors: The other about the Priviledges and Jurisdictions of Ecclesiastical Courts. These two Books Doctor Heylyn had a sight of from Mr. Noye about two months before the death of that learned man. And it would be a generous act and highly conducive to the honor of Mr. Noy's memory, as well as the Kings and Churches interest, if such Treasures were communicated to the benefit of all his Majesties Subjects, which are now only useful to some single persons.

Neither was this all the trouble that Dr. Heylyn met with at this • ime. For some enemies then living added to the sorrow and disturbance that he had for his departed Friend. The grievances which the Collegiate Church of Westminster suffered under the Government of Iohn Lord Bishop of Lincoln, then Commendatory-Dean thereof, became so intolerable, that our Doctor was constrained for the common safety of that Foundation, to draw up certain Articles (no less than 36.) against his Lordship by way of charge; which he communicated to Dr. Thomas Wilson, Dr. Gabriel Moore, and Dr. Ludovicus Wemmys, Prebendaries of the said Church, who embarqu'd themselves in the same bottom with him, and resolved to make complaint by way of Petition; which was drawn up and presented to the King by all four together in the Withdrawing-Chamber at Whitehal, March 31. 1634. And a Commission was issued out thereupon to the Archbishops of Centerbury and York, the Earl of Manchester Lord Privy-Seal, Earl of Portland Lord high Treasurer, the Lord Bishop of London, Lord Cottington, and the two Secretaries of State, viz. Sir Iohn Coke and Sir Francis Windebank; authorizing them to hold a Visitation of the Church of Westminster to examine particular charges made against Iohn Lord Bishop of Lincoln, and to redress such Grievances and Pressures as the Prebendaries of the said Church suffered by his Mis-government. The Articles were returned to Dr. Heylyn to be put in Latine, and the Commission bore date April 20. But the whole thing lay dormant till December 1635. at which time the Bishop began again to rage in his Province of Westminster, dispossessing the Prebendaries of their Seats, neglecting to call the Chapter to pass accounts, conferring Orders in the said Church within the space of a month, permitting a Benefice in the gift of the said Church, and lying within his Diocess, to be lapsed unto himself; with many other Grievances which caused the forementioned Prebendaries to present a second Petition to his Majesty, Humbly beseeching him to take the ruinous and desperate estate of the said Church into his Princely consideration, as 'tis worded in the Petition it self.

Upon which the former Commission was revived and delivered to the Lords whom it did concern; and a Citation fixed upon the Church-doors of Westminster accordingly. Upon Ianuary 25. they were warned by the Sub-Dean to meet the Bishop in Ierusalem-Chamber, where amongst other matters his Lordship desired to know what those things were that were amiss, that so he might presently redress them. To whom Dr. Heylyn replied, That seeing they had put the business into his Majesties hands, it would ill become them to take it out of his into their own▪ Ian. 27. both parties met before the Lords in the Inner Star-Chamber, where the Commission was tendred and accepted, and the whole business put into a methodical course; each following Monday being appointed for the day of hearing, till the whole was concluded. Feb. 1. The Commissioners with the Plaintiffs and Defendant met in the Council-Chamber at Whitehal, where it was ordered that the Plaintiffs should be called by the name of Prebendaries-Supplicant. That they should be admitted upon Oath as Witnesses. That they should have a sight of all Registers, Records, Books of Accounts, &c. That the first business that they should proceed in should be that of the Seat, because that made the breach or difference more visible and offensive to the world, than those matters that were more private and domestick, and finally that the Prebendaries-Supplicant should have an Advocate, who should plead their Cause, defend their Rights, and represent their Grievances. And the person that they unanimously made choice of was Dr. Peter Heylyn.

Feb. 8. the Dean put in his Plea about the Seat or great Pew under Richard the II. and the Advocate being appointed by the Prebendaries-Supplicant to speak in the defence of their common Interest, in the Seat now controverted, and of which the Bishop of Lincoln had most disgracefully dispo • sessed them, he made choice to represent to the Lord Commissioners, 1. Their Original Right. 2. Their Derivative Right, and lastly their Possessory Right.

Their Original Right he proved from the Charter of their Foundation, from Queen Elizabeth their Foundress, who declared by Act of Parliament made in the first year of her Reign, the Abbey of St. Peter in Westminster fell into her hands, and that being seized thereof, and of all the Lands thereunto belonging, she did by her Letters Patents erect the said dissolved Abbey into a Collegiate Church, consisting of a Dean and twelve Prebendaries; and that the said Dean and Prebendaries should be both in re & nomine unum corpus corporatum, one only Body Politick; that they should have a perpetual Succession, a Common Seal; and that they should Call, Plead and be Impleaded by the name of the Dean and Chapter of the Collegiate Church of St. Peter in Westminster.—So that by this Donation the Dean hath no propriety in the said Church (his own Stall excepted) but is joynt-Owner with the Prebendaries of the Site and Soil. Nor did the Queen bestow upon them the Church alone, but bestowed it joyntly upon them, una cum omnibus antiquis privilegiis, libertatibus, ac liberis consuetudinibus; and those to be enjoyned in as full a manner, as ever tho Abbot and Convent did before enjoy the same. By which it appears, that all the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction of the Church of Westminster is vested joyntly in the Dean and Chapter, and not in the Dean alone. For as the Dean and Chapter are one Body, so they make one Ordinary; and as one Ordinary, have a common and joynt Power to dispose of Seats.

Their Derivative Right, he proved from their Original Right: For the Queen giving the Dean and Prebendaries with their Successors all Rights, Possessions, Privileges and Immunities, they need only to prove their Succession in the Church of St. Peter; and then whatever Right was in their Predecessors Original, must be on them derived.

As for their Possessory Right, he desired their Lordships pardon, if he should fail in the proof of it. For the Book of the Chapter-Acts was missing, which was very necessary in order to it. And although one offered to take his Oath, that the Bishop of Lincoln never saw it; yet the Oath was so desperate, that either the person who offered to take it had an hand in making away the Book, or else that he durst swear whatever the Bishop of Lincoln said or asserted. But being deprived of that Evidence, he proceeded to Testimony; where he did not make use of such Witnesses as were summoned by the Dean, viz. Col • ege-Servants and Tenants, who were obnoxious to him; but indifferent men, that were no way Friends to the Complainants, but only to the Truth; some of them Bishops, some Doctors in Divinity, all of them of unquestion'd Credit, and such as spake upon certain and affirmative knowledge.

Finally, the Advocate (than whom never any Orator or Lawyer did better acquit himself) urged, that however things were in time past, yet the Bishop by his Non-Claim had pre-judged himself; and that the possession of the Prebendaries since his Lordship became Dean of Westminster was sufficient to create a Right, though they had never any right before. And this he made good by particular Cases and Decisions in the Civil, Canon, and Common Laws.

First, for the Civil Law it was determined by the Laws of the twelve Tables, That a continued and quiet possession which any man had gained in a Personal Estate, for one year only, or for two years together in matters Real, which they call Immovable, should create a Right; (those times being thought sufficient for any man to put in his Claim.) And so it held in Rome many hundred years, till that upon some inconveniences which did thence arise, it pleased Iustinian to set out his Edict (which is still extant in the 7th. Book of his Code) and in that Edict to Decree, That a possession of three years in matters Personal should beget a Right: and as for Real Estates, it was determined that a possession of ten years inter praesentes, and twenty years inter absentes should conclude as much. And in almost all Nations Christened, the same Law has continued to this very time. So that if this be applied to my Lord of Lincoln, he is gone in Civil Law: For being resident here continually for fifteen years together, he never made his Claim to the Seat in question, and so has lost his Right, if ever he had any.

Next for the Canon Law, it yields as many ruled Cases and Decisions, by which to regulate this point as the former. But the Advocate instanc'd only in one. The Church of Sutry in Tuscany being void, the Canons go to the Election of a Bishop, and make choice of one whom they desire to have confirmed. The Clergy of the Convents about the City interpose their Claim, and make it manifest, Eos Electionibus trium Episcoporum qui immediatè praefuerunt, &c. interfuisse, i. e. that they were present at the Election of the three last Bishops, and did give their Voices. The Pope thereupon determined, that seeing the Witnesses on the Canons part did seem to differ among themselves, Et quod negativam quodammodo astruere satagebant, and that they went about to prove the Negative, viz. that the said Clerks had no Voices in the three last Elections, or were not present in the same: (which negative proof it seems was taken for a strange attempt.) And seeing on the other side, that it was manifest how the said Clerks were present at the three last Elections, and had their Voices in the same, the former Election was made void, and the said Clerks put into that possession which they had before. A Case (says Dr. Heylyn) that is very parallel to our present business, we claiming, that if not before, yet in the time of the three last Deans we had possession of this Seat, and therefore are to be restored unto that possession, out of which we had been cast by my Lord of Lincoln.

Lastly, for the Common Law, however, there is nothing against which the Laws do provide more carefully, than the preventing or removing of a Force; nor any thing wherein they do proceed with more severity than in punishing of the same; yet by the Laws it is enacted, that they which keep their possessions by Force in any Lands or Tenements whereof they or their Ancestors, or they, whose Estate they have in such Lands or Tenements, have continued their Possession by the space of three years or more, be not endangered by any former Statutes against Force, Forcible Entries, and Forcible Detainers. So careful are the Laws to preserve Possession, that in most cases they do prefer it before Right; at least till Right be cleared and Judgment be pronounced in favour of it. And albeit in the Common Laws there is no ruled Case in the present business, as being meerly of Ecclesiastical Cognizance and Jurisdiction, yet in the Common Law, there is one Case which comes very near it; and 'tis briefly this. If there be two Ioynt-Tenants, or Tenants in Common of certain Lands, and one of them doth expel or put forth the other out of Possession of the said Lands by force, he that is so expelled may either bring his Writ of Assize of Novel Disseisin, and so recover treble dammages, or have his Action of Trespass of Forcible Entry against his Companion that did so expel him, and thereupon shall have a Writ of Restitution. This Case is very near ours, as before is said, the Dean and Prebendaries being Ioint-Tenants, or Tenants in Common of the Seat in question, out of which we are expelled forcibly by my Lord of Lincoln, and now desire the benefit of the Law for our Restitution.

But (says the Advocate) my Lord objects, that the Prebendaries are in subjection to him, that they swear Canonical Obedience to him, and therefore should not sit in the same Seat with him. But to both we answer with an Absque hoc, we are not in subjection to him; for we are made Ioynt-Governors with him in every thing pertaining to the Church, and in the Statutes are entituled Primarii & principes viri, and are to be Assistants to him, and Associates with him in the common Government of the same. Nor do we swear Canonical Obedience to him, as is pretended. We only make Oath that we shall give him dignam debitamque Reverentiam, and that we swear to give to all Officers: So that if Digna Reverentia is • o be construed Canonical Obedience, we owe Canonical Obedience to the Arch-Deacon, the Treasurer, the Sub-Dean and Steward, as well as to the Bishop of Lincoln.

Much more was spoken by Dr. Heylyn vivâ voce in this matter, which will be too tedious to be inserted in his Life. But when he had ended his Speech, the Lord Commissioners expected that the Bishop would have made a Reply: but after a long pause, he said no other words than these, If your Lordships will hear that young fellow prate, he will presently persuade you that I am no Dean of Westminster. But upon hearing the proofs of both sides, it was ordered by general consent of the Lord Commissioners, that the Prebendaries should be restored to their old Seat, and that none should sit there with them but Lords of the Parliament and Earls Eldest Sons, according to the antient custom. After this, there was no Bishop of Lincoln to be seen at Morning-Prayer in the Church, and seldom at Evening. Feb. 15. the Lord Commissioners went on in hearing the particulars of the second Petition, and so they proceeded from one Monday to another, till Monday April 4. and then adjourned till the 25th. of the same month: upon which day the business was again re-sumed, and the Bishop of Lincoln appeared not so well to the Lord Commissioners; except those of the Laity, who were apparently inclined to favour him; and therefore those of the Clergy thought it neither fit nor safe to proceed to Sentence; and upon that the Commission was put off sine die.

The Advocate's Activity in this Affair procured him a great deal of enmity and ill-will both in Court and Countrey, as every mans Zeal will do, that will be true to his Principles, and faithful in his Station. For whoever does impartially administer, or peremptorily demand publick Justice, will as certainly be exclaimed of, as a Patient will cry out of that Chirurgeon that Launces a gangren'd or fester'd Wound. But Dr. Heylyn gained these two advantages by his zeal in this business, viz. That he justified the Priviledges of the Prebendaries, out of whose Revenues the Bishop kept a plentiful Table; inviting to it the chiefest of the Nobility, Clergy and Gentry; the Prebendaries having no other advantages by his Hospitality, than to fill their bellies with the first Course, and then after the manner of great mens Chaplains, to rise up and wait till the coming in of the second: And the other was, that by his frequent and extempore Debates before the Lords Commissioners, he was at last brought to such an habit of speaking, that Preaching became more easie and familiar to him, than it had been in the first part of his life.

I will not (as I before promised) mention all the Grievances that were complained of concerning that great person. One thing more it may not be amiss to insert in these Papers, and that is Dr. Heylyn's Refusal to sit in the Choire of Westminster, according to Academical Decrees. For the Bishop of Lincoln having taken a Resolution, that the twelve Prebendaries should sit in the Choire according to their Degrees in the Vniversity, our Doctor remonstrated against it, giving these Reasons for his Refusal.

1. In the Charter of the Foundation of that Church, the Prebendaries are distinguished by Primus, Secundus, Tertius, &c. as now by Prima, Secunda, Tertia Praebenda, &c. according unto which account, both in the Treasurers Book, and in the Chanters, I am reckoned as the sixth Prebendary, and do preach accordingly, as Successor to Edmund Schambler, the Sextus Prebendarius here first established.

2. In the same Charter of the Foundation, William Young being of no Degree is placed before Gabriel Coodman, Master of Arts, which makes it evident, there was no purpose that for the after-times, the Order of Academical Degrees should be observed in marshalling the Prebendaries places.

3. The Statutes of the College give to the new succeeding Prebendaries the Stall and House belonging to their Predecessors in the same Prebend, according to these words thereof, Succed • nt Prebendarii praedecessoribus suis in eâdem praebenda tam in Stallo, loco & voce in Capitulo, quam in domo eidem Praebendae annexis. By which it is apparent, that the Stalls as well as Houses are annexed to the Prebendaries. But the Prebendaries by this Statute take not their places in the Chapter-House by any such Seniority as is pretended; nor have two several Chapter-Acts been found of any force to sever the Houses from the Prebendaries, and therefore not their Stalls neither.

4. His Majesties Letters Patents, whereby I claim whatsoever I hold in Westminster, give me Praebendam illam quae vacat per mortem, G. Darrel (which was the sixth Prebend) cum omnibus juribus & praeheminenti • s, with all Rights and Pre-eminences thereunto belonging; and so by consequence the sixth Stall also, as the pre-eminenee appertaining to it.

5. The Mandat in those Letters Patents is, that I be installed fully and absolutely in the same Prebend which was then vacant (In eandem Praebendam plenariè installari faciatis, as the Patent goes) which is not done at all, either plenariè or in eandem, if this order hold.

6. The Mandat issuing out with the said Letters Patents, is, that I be Installed prout moris est, according to the antient custom. But such a custom by sitting according to degrees of Schools was never yet known in Westminster, nor in any Church out of the University that I can hear of, and is not kept in many Colleges of the University, which I am sure of: therefore that clause reflects upon such a custom as hath formerly been used in Westminster, and hath both the Statute and the Charter for the ground thereof.

7. Your Lordship did determin the last Chapter, that the way of sitting by Prima, Secunda, Tertia Praebenda, &c. was most agreeable to Statute; and that if any man should take his place accordingly, he could not be hindred from so doing; to which determination there was then a full assent in Chapter, and divers of the Prebendaries have since sate accordingly.

8. Whereas your Lordship took a Corporal Oath at your Admission into this Deanery to govern this Collegiate Church ex his Statutis, according to the tenor of these very Statutes which are now in use; and that the Prebendaries have all of them taken a several Oath faithfully to observe the same Statutes; and whereas the Statute is most plain, that the new Prebendaries are to have the Stalls of their Predecessors in the same Prebend, I cannot see how prossibly this new order can stand with the same Statute, and so by consequence with out Oaths, who have sworn to keep them.

9. Upon this new order there will follow such confusion in the Church, that upon the coming in of a new Prebendary, the greatest part of the company will be still troubled to remove their Stalls higher or lower from one side to another, according as the New-comer is in Seniority; and so instead of order, we shall bring disorder into our Church.

10. This new order is an Innovation never before known in this Church, and hath no ground in Statute or in Custom, which, as your Lordship noted, is optimus Insterpres Legis; but is quite contrary thereunto. Unto which Statute and his Majesties Letters Patents I refer my self; humbly desiring that these just reasons of my refusal to yield to such an order, as neithe • stands with Statute, or with Custom, nor any other true ground of Reason, may find a favourable Interpretation and Admission.

Whilst these hot contests continued, out came our Doctors History of the Sabbath; the Argumentative or Scholastick part of which subject was refer'd to Bishop White of Ely; the Historical part to Dr. Heylyn, who had before that time given ample Testimony of his knowledge in the antient Writers. The History is divided into two parts: The first whereof begins with the Foundation of the World, and carries on the story till the destruction of the Temple at Ierusalem. The second begins with our Saviour Christ and his Apostles, and is drawn down to the year 1633. It was Written, Printed and Presented to the King (by whose Special Command he undertook it) in a less space of time than four months, and had a second Edition within three months after: and notwithstanding the polemical Debates upon that Argument, there was never any one yet that had the courage to return an Answer to that History. And whoever peruses it with serious and unprejudiced thoughts, will find that its Author principally designed to withdraw his Country-men from a Iudaical Observation of the Lords day, i. e. from Dedica • ing the whole of that time to the services and offices of Religion; and refusing to engage in any business, which our own or our Neighbors Conveniences or Necessities might exact from us. And when all that our voluminous Writers have said upon this Argument is summ'd up together, there are none of them but will subscribe to the truth of these two Propositions: 1. That worldly cares and bodily Recreations tend very much to discompose and rarifie men • spirits, and to fill them full of froth and worldliness, of gaiety and wantonness; so that they cannot fix their thoughts upon Christian Duties with any serious or continued Attention. 2. That 'tis impossible for the minds of the generality of Christians, who are not used to Contemplation to be for a whole Lords day, or the greatest part of it, intent upon Religious Exercises. And besides, if all Refreshments and Recreations were absolutely unlawful upon that day. poor Servants and the laborious part of mankind would be highly prejudiced, for whose benefit the Sabbath was first instituted and appointed.

No sooner had the Doctor perfected this History, but the Dean of Peterborough engages him to answer the Bishop of Lincloln's Letter to the Vicar of Grantham. He received it upon Good-Friday, and by Thursday night following discovered the Sophistry, Mistakes and Falshoods of it; and yet did not for all that intermit any of the publick Religious Exercises of the holy Feast of Easter. It was approved by the King; by him given to the Bishop of London to be Licensed and Published under the Title of A Coal from the Altar.—In less time then a • twelve-month the Bishop of Lincoln writ an Answer to it, entituled, The Holy Table, Name and Thing: but pretended it was writ long before by a Minister in Lincolnshire against Dr. Cole, a Divine in the days of Queen Mary. Our Reverend Doctor received a Massage from his Majesty to return a Reply to it, and not in the least to spare the Author, April 1. 1637. And he obeyed the Royal Command, in the space of seven weeks, presenting it ready Printed to the King the 20th. of May following, and called it Antidotum Lincolniense. And although the Bishops Book was (from the dissatisfaction of the times, the subject-matter of the Book it self, and the Religious esteem of the Author who was held in high Veneration) looked upon to be unanswerable, and sold for no less than 4 s. yet upon the coming out of the answer, it was brought to less than one. But before this, he answered Burtons Seditious Sermon, being thereunto also appointed by the King; which Book although he dispatch'd in a fortnight, yet it was not published till Iune 26. 1637. being kept in readiness till the Execution of the Star-Chamber Sentence upon the Triumviri; Pryn, Burto • , Bastwick. that so people might be satisfied as well in the greatness of the Crimes, as the necessity and justice of the punishment inflicted upon those Offenders.

In Iuly, 1637. the Bishop of Lincoln was Censured in the Star-Chamber for tampering with Witnesses in the Kings Cause, being suspended à Beneficio & Officio, and sent to the Tower, where he continued three years, and did not in all that space of time hear either Sermon or Publick Prayers. Not long after this, Dr. Heylyn was chosen Treasurer for the Church of Westminster, and continued in that Office all the while of the Bishops Imprisonment and Suspension. And he made use of the power with which that place invested him to the best advantage of that Foundation. For first he regu • ated the Disorders of the Iury by exacting the Sconces or Perdition-money, and dividing it amongst those that were most diligent and devout. Then he proceeded to repair the Timber-work of the great West Isle, which was ready to fall down; caused the new Arch over the Preaching-place to be new Valuted, and the Roof thereof to be raised to the same heighth with the rest of the Church; the Charge whereof amounted to 434 l. 18 s. 10 d. and lastly, made the South-side of the lower West-Isle to be new Timbred, Boarded and Leaded, being fallen into great decay. Thrice he assisted in the Election at Westminster-School, and every time had an opportunity of bringing in a Scholar into that Royal Foundation; for two of which he was never spoke unto: and for his kindness unto all three he never had the value of one pint of Wine, nor any thing of less moment.

Whilst he continued Treasurer, the Parsonage of Islip became vacant by the Death of Dr. King, unto which he was presented by the Chapter. But he deferr'd receiving Institution by reason of its great distance from Alresford, being advised to exchange it for some other that was more near and convenient. After many offers, he at last exchanged with Mr. Atkinson of St. Iohns College in Oxon for South-Warnborough, which was eight miles distant from his other Living; and the perpetual Patronage of which Archbishop Laud had bestowed upon that fore-mentioned Society. But that Gentleman enjoyed Islip but a few weeks; and those of his College conceiving themselves prejudiced by the change, our Doctor was so generous, as to obtain for one of the Fellows a second Presentation to Islip, for which he never received so much as the least civil Acknowledgment.

But he had other things to afflict his spirit at that time, his whole Family being visited with a contagious Fever, and no person in it, except one Servant, but were all sick at one and the same time. The Doctor did as narrowly escape death, as St. Paul and his Companions did Shipwrack, when they went to Rome. The Fever had so seized upon his spirits, that after the abatement of its Paroxisms, he had many dull and sleepless nights: and returning upon him with greater violence a twelve-month after, he was reduced to so extreme a weakness, that all his Friends together with himself supposed him fallen into a deep Consumption. And yet even at this time his mind was not idle or unactive. For now it was that he first meditated of a project of Writing a History of the Church of England since the Reformation. And no sooner had he recovered some measure and degrees of strength, but he prepared materials for it; and upon his return to London, obtained the freedom of Sir Robert Cotton's Library, and by the recommendation of Archbishop Laud had liberty granted him to carry home some of the Books, leaving 200 l. apiece as a pawn behind him.

About this time it was, that the Commotions began to be hot in Scotland, and the Archbishop of Canterbury designing to put out an Apology for vindicating the Liturgy, that he had recommended to that Kirk, desired our Doctor to translate it into Latine; that being published with the Apology, the world might be satisfied in his Majesties Piety, as well as his Graces care; as also that the rebellious and perverse temper of the Scots might be apparent unio all, who would raise such tumults upon the recommendation of a Book that was so venerable and Orthodox • Our Reverend Doctor undertook and compleated it; but the distemper and troubles of those times were the occasion that the Book went no farther than the hands of that learned Martyr.

In Feb. 1639. Dr. Heylyn was put in Commission of the Peace for the County of Hampshire; into which he was no sooner admitted, but he occasioned the discovery of an horrid Murther, that had been committed many years before in that Country. April following he was elected Clerk of the Convocation for the College of Westminster. At which time the Archbishop of Canterbury sending a Canon to that Assembly for the Suppressing the further growth of Popery, and bringing Papists to Church, our Reverend Doctor moved his Grace that the Canon might be enlarged for the greater satisfaction of the people, as well as the protection of the Church, viz. That all persons entrusted with Care of Souls, should respectively use all possible Care and Diligence by open Conferences with the Parties, and by Censures of the Church in inferior Courts, as also by Complaints unto the Secular Powers, to reduce all such to the Church of England as were misled into Popish Superstition. This and much more was offered by Dr. Heylyn, as may be seen more at large in his Life of the Archbishop.Page 426. And about the same time he drew up a Paper wherein he offered a mutual Conference by select Committees between the House of Commons and the Lower House of Convocation: And this he did that the Representatives of the Clergy might give satisfaction to the Commons in point of Ceremonies, and in other matters relating to the Church, if the motion was accepted; but if refused, that they might gain the advantage of Reputation among knowing and wise persons. But the unhappy Dissolution of the Parliament prevented all things of this nature: The news of which was so unwelcome and amazing to Dr. Heylyn, that being then busied at the Election for the School at Westminster, the Pen fel • out of his hand; and it was not without some difficulty before he could recollect his thoughts in the business about which he was engaged.

The Convocation, according to usual custom, had expired the next day after the Parliament, had not our Reverend man gone to Lambeth, and there displayed to the Archbishop the Kings necessities, and acquainted him with a precedent in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, for granting Subsidies or a Benevolence by Convocation to be taxed and levied without help of Parliament. Upon which proposal the Convocation was adjourned till Wednesday, May 13. on which day the Bishops met in full Convocation, and a Commission was sent down to the Lower-House, dated May 12, which enabled the Prelates and Clergy then Assembled to treat of, and conclude upon such Canons as they conceived necessary for the good of the Church. The greatest part of the Clergy very much scrupled this matter, conceiving the Convocation to end with the Parliament. But our Reverend Divine being well skill'd in the Records of Convocations, shew'd the distinction between the Writ, Archbishops Life, page 429. for calling a Parliament, and that for assembling a Convocation; their different Forms, the independence of one upon the other, as also between the Writ, by which they were called to be a Convocation, to make Canons and do other business. He proved also, that although the Commission was expired with the Parliament, yet the Writ continued still in force; by which they were to remain a Convocation till they were Dissolved by another Writ. With this distinction he satisfied the greatest part of those who scrupled to sit after the Parliaments Dissolution. But the King proved the best Casuist in the case; who being acquainted with these scrupulosities, called the most learned in the Laws to consult about them; by whom it was determined, That the Convocation being called by the Kings Writ, notwithstanding the Dissolution of the Parliament, was to be continued till it was Dissolved by the Kings Writ, And this was subscribed by Finch, Lord Keeper, Littleton Lord Chief Justice of the Common-Pleas, Banks, Attorney-General, Whitfield, &c.

It will be too tedious to insert into these Papers all the Debates that were in this learned Assembly; most of them are to be seen in the Life of the Archbishop.Page 430. Suffice it to acquaint the Leader, that few or none of those propositions which either concerned the Institution, Power, or Priviledges of Sovereign Kings, or related to the Episcopal Power, Doctrine, or Discipline of the English Church, but were either first proposed, or afterward drawn up by Dr. Heylyn, though he ou • of his great modesty and worth ascribes them to other persons. It was the Clerk of the Church of Westminster, who was placed on purpose by the Prolocutor to speak last in the Grand Committee for the Canon of Uniformity, and to answer all such Arguments as had been brought against any of the Points proposed, and were not answered to his hand. It was he who made a proposition for one uniform Book of Articles to be used by all Bishops and Arch-deacons in Visitations, to avoid the confusion that happened in most parts of the Church for want of it; those Articles of the Bishops many times everting those of the Arch-Deacons, one Bishop differing from another, the Successors from the Predecessors, and the same person not consistent to those Articles which himself had published; by means whereof the people were much disturbed; the Rules of the Church contemned for their multiplicity; unknown by reason of their uncertainty, and despised by reason of the inconstancy of those that made them. The motion back'd by these Reasons did so well please the Prolocutor, with the rest of the Clergy, that they desired the Doctor in pursuit of his own project to undertake the Compiling of the said Book of Articles, and to present it to the House with all convenient speed. It was the same learned man who took into consideration the great Excesses and Abuses, which were crept in, and complained of Ecclesiastical Courts: the redress and Reformation of which Grievances, was brought within the compass of these seven Heads. 1. Concerning Chancellors Patents, and how long their virtu • was to continue. 2. That Chancellors were not alone to censure the Clergy in sundry cases. 3. That Excommunication and Absolution were not to be pronounced but by a Priest. 4. Concerning Commutations and the way of disposing of them. 5. Concerning Concurrent Iurisdictions. 6. Concerning Licences to Marry. 7. Against Vexatious Citations. Some other things were proposed and designed, but never put in execution; there being intended an English Pontifical, which was to contain the Form and Manner of the Coronation of King Charles I. and to serve as a standing Rule to succeeding Ages on the like occasions. Another Form to be observed by all Archbishops and Bishops for consecrating Churches, Church-yards and Chappels. And a third for reconciling such Penitents as either had done open Pennance, or had revolted from the Faith of Christ to the Law of Mahomet. Which three, together with the Form of Confirmation, and that of ordering Bishops, Priests and Deacons, (which were then in force) were to make up the whole Body of the Book intended. But the troubles of the times increasing, it was thought expedient to defer the prosecution of it till a fitter conjuncture. And yet notwithstanding all the storms that were then rising, this excellent person went through the Book of Articles; the compiling of which gave no obstruction to him from attending the service of the Committee upon all occasions. And for the better Authorizing of the Articles, he placed before every one of them in the Margin, the Canon, Rubrick, Law, Injunction, or other Authentick Evidence upon which they were grounded: Which being finished, were by him openly read in the House, and by the House approved and passed without any alteration; only that exegatical or explanatory clause in the fourth Article of the fourth Chapter touching the reading of the Communion-Service at the Lords Table, was desired by some to be omitted, which was done accordingly. Finally, it was Dr. Heylyn who proposed a Canon for enjoyning the said Book to be only used in Parochial Visitations, for the better settling of Uniformity in the outward Government and Administration of the Church, and for preventing of such just Grievances as might be laid upon the Church-Wardens and other sworn men by any impertinent, inconvenient, or illegal Enquiries in the Articles for Ecclesiastical Visitations.

Neither were these the only Fruits of his labours and travels in this business; there being six Subsidies granted to the King; and the Bishops and Clergy in Convocation upon the 20th. of May received his Majesties Letters, Sealed with his Royal Signet, and attested by his Sign Manual, which required and authorized them to proceed in making Synodical Constitutions for levying of those Subsidies which had been before granted. And this was easily done, there being nothing to be altered but the changing of the name of Subsidy into that of Benevolence. Friday, May 29. the Canons were formally subscribed unto by the Bishops and Clergy, no one dissenting except the Bishop of Glocester (who died in the Communion of the Roman Church, and was all that part of his life in which he revolted from the Church of England, a dear Favourite and Servant of Oliver Cromwel, unto whom he dedicated some of his Books) for which he was voted worthy of Suspension by the Convocation, and was accordingly Suspended by the Archbishop of Canterbury. Which being done, the Convocation was dissolved.

Proceed we now from the Active to the more Passive part of Dr. Heyly's life. For the Long Parliament, the Churches as well as the Kings Scourge, began to sit at Westminster, and a general Rumor was spread both in City and Country, that our Doctor being conscious to himself of many Crimes, durst not stand the brunt of their displeasure, and therefore had made use of his heels as his best weapons of defence; being run away out of a fear and foresight of an approaching storm. When these rumors were raised, he was at his Parsonage of Alresford, from whence he hastened with all conveni • nt speed, confuting the Calumny, by shewing himself the very next day after his coming to London in his Gown and Tippet in Westminster-Hall. And upon a Vote passed in the House of Lords, that no Bishop should be of the Committee for the Preparatory Examinations in the Cause of the Earl of Strafford, under colour that they were excluded from acting in it by some antient Canons, as in cause of Blood, our learned Divine did thereupon draw up a brief Discourse, entituled, De jure Paritatis Episcoporum (now inserted in the Re-printed Volume of his Works) which he presented unto many of the Bishops to assert all their Rights of Peerage (and this of being of that Committee among the rest) which either by Law or antient custom did belong unto them.

The Parliament began their Session Novemb. 3. 1640. and upon the 9th. of December following, upon the Complaint of Mr. Pryn, our Doctor was called before the Committee of the Courts of Justice; who accosted him with that fierce fury, that no one could have withstood the Torrent, but one whose Soul was fortified with Innocence equal to his Courage. The Crime objected against him, was, that he had been a subservient Instrument under the Archbishop of Canterbury all the sufferings of Mr. Pryn, having read the Histriomastix, out of which he had furnished the Lords of the Council and many other persons with matter to proceed against its Author. But our Doctor made a bold and just Defence for himself, telling his Accusers, That the Task was imposed upon him by Royal Authority, which he would readily prove, if they would have so much patience as to allow him time for that purpose. Great hopes they had to squeeze something out of him concerning his being engaged in it by the Archbishop: but he was too wary to be ensnared by any of their Artifices, and being faithful to his Friend and Patron, was kept four days under Examination, suffering for the two first the brutish Rage of the People, more perhaps than St. Paul did at Ephesus; for that blessed man did not adventure himself amongst those Savages. But our poor Doctor was tossed up and down by the fury of an ungovern'd multitude, and railed at as he passed through them by their leud and ungoverned tongues. But God who sets bounds to the Waves of the proud Ocean, rebuked their rage, and rescued him from their malice.

But alas! what civility can be expected from the ill-bred Rabble unto Clergy-men, when they themselves like the Eagle in the Greek Apologue wound one another with Arrows feathered with their own Plumes. For four days after he had received order to appear before the Committee, he preach'd his turn in the Abbey at Westminster, and in the midst of his Sermon was insufferably affronted by the Bishop of Lincoln, who knocking the Pulpit with his Staff, cried out aloud, No more of that Point, No more of that Point, Peter. This happened to the poor man in very ill circumstances, for it occasioned new clamours, and animated his enemies to proceed on with greater violence against him. But notwithstanding all their united malice, he held out bravely, sending the whole passage of his Sermon as he designed to Preach it both to his Friends at Court, and Enemies in Parliament: and taking Sir Robert Filmore, with some other Gentlemen that were his Auditors, out of the Church along with him to his House, where he immediately sealed up his Sermon-Notes in their presence, they setting their Seals to them, that so there might not be the least Alteration in the Sermon, nor any ground to suspect it. Nay he made choice of one Mr. White, the fiercest man in the Committee, to be judg of the affront offered to him, desiring him in his Letter, That he would recommend him to the House of Commons, that they might so far take him into their protection, as might consist with the Honor and Justice of their House; otherwise he would rather chuse to put himself upon their Censure for a Contempt in not appearing, than be again exposed to the fury of an outragious people, whose malice is most merciless because most groundless: That after he was dismissed from the Committee, he was set upon by the rude and uncivil Multitude with thrustings, justlings, spurnings, and worse than that, with such opprobrious and reviling language, that as he never endured the like before, so he was confident it would add much to the esteem and reputation of that honorable House, if neither he nor any other honest man do endure it more. And lastly, whereas he was intertupted in his Sermon by the Bishop of Lincoln, and thereupon might justly think that there was some strange matter like to follow, which might enforce him to such an unusual course, therefore he intreated him to accept of the whole passage, as it should have been spoken verbatim out of the original Copy.

And the whole passage I shall here transcribe, as being that which may at least gratifie the curiosity, if not inform the judgment of the Reader. Such also should the correspondence and affections be between the Members and particular Assemblies of the Church Militant▪ all which, though many and of different natures, make but one Body in the whole; and therefore to be so affected each to other as the bodily members. Now God hath so disposed the members in the body natural, that they should have the same care of one another; and though they be of several qualities, yet do endeavour the subsistence of the whole composition, that so there may be no Schism nor dangerous division in the body of man. An excellent Item unto us, to teach us our behaviour to our Fellow-members in the Church of Christ; that we aim all of us at Gods glory, and the Churches peace, raising no Schism, nor making any Division in this blessed body. But we alas! neglect this Item, and hearken not to those instructions of peace and unity which every member of the Body doth even preach unto us. Men of dull spirits in the Lord, who will not give an ear to his word and works, when now the very flesh is become a preacher to them. How comes it else to pass, that in the very Church of Christ there be almost as many Schisms as Nations; such differences not alone in points of Doctrin, but also in the Forms of our Devotions? The Christian Church divided into the Eastern and Western: the Western into Popish and Protestant: the Protestant into the Lutheran and Zuinglian: the Zuinglian into Calvinist and Remonstant. Not to say any thing of any other Sects, or Subdivisions into the same Sects, more dangerous though not so notable. And how comes this to pass, but that forgetting that we make together one Body only, we would have every member be a several Body, and thereby make our Saviour Christ more monstrous than the Giant Gerion, and not to have three Bodies only, but three hundred thousand.

That so it is, who knows not that knows any thing? But why it should be so we must ask our selves. Is it not that we are so affected with our own Opinions, that we condemn whoever shall opine the contrary? And so far wedded to our own wills, that when we have espoused a Quarrel, neither the Love of God, nor the God of Love shall divorce us from it? Instead of hearkening to the voice of the Church, every man hearkens to himself, and cares not if the whole miscarry so that himself may bravely carry out his own devices. Upon which stubborn height of pride, what quarrels have been rais'd! What Schisms in every corner of this our Church! (to enquire no further) some rather putting all into open tumult, than that they would conform to a lawful Government derived from Christ and his Apostles to these very times.At these words the Bishop knock'd with his Staff on the Pulpit. Others combining into close and dangerous Factions, because some points of Speculative Divinity are otherwise maintained than they would have them. All so regardless of the common peace, that rather than be quiet, we will quarrel with our Blessed Peace-maker for seeking to compose the differences, though to the prejudice of neither party. Thus do we foolishly divide our Saviour, and rent his Sacred Body on the least occasion; vainly conceiving that a difference in point of Judgment must needs draw after it a dis-jointing of the affection also, and that conclude at last in an open Schism. Whereas diversity of Opinions if wisely mannaged, would rather tend to the discovery of the Truth, than the disturbance of the Church; and rather whet our Industry than excite our Passions. It was S. Cyprian's Resolution, Neminem, licet aliter senserit, à communione amovere; not to suspend any from the Churches Communion; although the matter then debated was (as I take it) of more weight than any of the points now controverted. Which moderation, if the present age had attained unto, we had not then so often torn the Church in pieces, nor by our frequent broils offered that injury and inhumanity to our Saviours Body, which was not offered to his Garments by those that Crucified him.

These were the feuds that passed between these two Clergy-men; and 'tis worthy of remark, that although both of them were at so wide a distance in the prosperous condition of the Church, yet there was a closure made when the heavy storm fell upon it. For a motion being offered by Dr. Newel, but coming originally from the Bishop of Lincoln, Dr. Heylyn, with the privity and consent of the Archbishop paid the respects of a Visit to his Lordship at his Lodging in Westminster, where he met rather▪ with a ceremonious than a kind Reception. A short Recapitulation there was made of some past differences between them, and a proposal for atonement of all faults, viz. the calling in of the Antidotum Lincolniense, and that too by the Kings command. Unto which our Doctor answered, That it was Writ and Published by the Kings Command, and therefore it was improbable that he would call it in; however he would try all possible ways to give his Lordship satisfaction; and then presented to him his Papers about the Peerage of Bishops, which he then read over and approved. After this there was no more meeting between them, till about a year following the Doctor gave his Lordship a Visit in the Tower, which he received so kindly, that for ever after a fair correspondence passed interchangeably between them.

And the passage in the Sermon had as kindly an effect upon the Committee, as his Visit had upon the Bishop. For he found those fierce Gentlemen, after the perusal of his Notes, much more favourable and respective than before. They demanded a Copy of the Charge which he drew up against Mr. Pryn, which being delivered, Mr. Pryn accused him of Libelling and Preaching against him; for proof of which he produced in Court some of the Doctor's Books, urging many passages out of them; but all concluded nothing. That which was at last most insisted on was a Sermon Preach'd some years before Mr. Pryn's Censure in the Star-Chamber before his Majesty. but the sense of his past dangers before the Committee was in some measure recompenc'd by this days mirth and jollity. For Mr. Pryn resolving effectually to damnifie the Doctor, produced a company of Butchers to bring in Evidence against him about a Sermon formerly Preach'd by him. And after the Testimony of these great Criticks had been mannag'd to the best advantage of Raillery and Mirth, the Criminal was favourably dismissed and never more called before them. 'Tis true, many attempts were made to create him new Disturbances, some being employed to make a severe inquisition into his Life and Manners, which they found too spotless for their spleen and malice. Others engaged his Neighbours at Alresford to draw up Articles against him; which was accordingly done by two of them, and few others of the most inconsiderable Inhabitants; who were prevailed on to make their Marks (for Write they could not) by telling them it was a business, in which the Town were very much concerned. But when the Articles were produced before the Committee, they appeared so foolish and frivolous, as not to be deemed worthy of consideration, and upon that were returned to be amended upon a Melius Inquirendum: and this being done in a more correct and enlarg'd Edition, they were again return'd to the Committee, and a set day was appointed for a Hearing: And that being come, the Complaint was put off sine die, and a Copy of the Articles delivered to the person accused, together with those newly put in against him by Mr. Pryn, collected out of his Printed Books. But the poor Doctor being quite tir'd with Business and Attendance, obtained leave of the Chair-man to retire into the Country, who freely promised to send a private Messenger to him, if there were any occasion for his return. Upon which he removed his Study to Alresford, setting his House for no more than 3 l. a year, with a purpose never more to come back to Westminster, whilst those two incomparable Friends remained in it, viz. the House of Commons, and Bishop of Lincoln. At his coming to Alresford the people were amazed to see him, having been persuaded that they should never more fix eye on him, unless they took a journey to a Goal or a Gallows.

About this time it was that Doctor Hacwel taking advantage of the innumerable troubles and enemies of this learned man, publish'd a book against him concerning the Sacrifice of the Eucharist. It was not without some difficulty that he obtained one of them to be sent to him in the Country, where he wrote a speedy Answer to it. But Dr. Hackwel's Friends thought fit to call in the Book, so soon as it first came into light, and then our Doctor was easily persuaded to suppress his Answer, diverting his Studies to more pleasing and no less necessary subjects, viz. The History of Episcopacy, and the History of Liturgies. The first was Printed presently after it was written, and Presented to the King by Mr. Secretary Nicholas, and Published under the name of Theophilus Churchman; but the other, although sent to London, and received by the Bookseller, was not Printed till some years after.

For now there was more employment found out for the Sword than the Pen, the noise of Bellona and Mars silencing the Laws of God and Men; and Christians conceiving it their duty rath • r to spill the Blood of their Country-men for Religion, than to part with one drop out of their own veins, and to plunder the Goods of their Neighbours than to endure the spoiling of their own. Sir Will. Waller sent eighty of his Soldiers to be quartered at the Doctors house, with full Commission to strip him naked of all he had: But his fair and affable carriage towards them did so mollifie the Austerity of their natures, that they quite dismissed all thoughts of violence and revenge: So were Esau's bloody resolutions quite converted into kindness and respect by the humble deportment as well as noble presents that were made to him by his Brother Iacob. But notwithstanding the Diversion of this storm, the Reverend man was early the next morning brought before Sir William by his Provost-Marshal; by whom he was told that he had received Commands from the Parliament to seize upon him, and send him Prisoner unto Portsmouth. The Doctor had the like privilege with St. Paul, being permitted to plead for himself, and by his powerful reasoning did so far prevail upon the General, as to be dismissed back to his house in safety. But prudently fore-seeing that this would only be a Reprieve till a further mischief, within a few days he left Hampshire and went to Oxon; where he no sooner arrived, but he received his Majesties Commands by the Clerk of his Closet to address himself to Mr. Secretary Nicholas, from whom he was to take directions for some special and important Service; which was at last signified to Dr. Heylyn under the Kings own hand, viz. to write the Weekly Occurrences which befel his Majesties Government and Armies in the unnatural War that was raised against him. The Reverend Man was hugely unwilling to undertake the employment, conceiving it not only somewhat disagreeable to the Dignity and Profession that he had in the Church, and directly thwarting his former Studies and Contemplations; but that by a faithful discharge of his Duty in that Service, he should expose both his Family and himself to the implacable malice of those persons, whose very mercies were Cruelty and Blood. But no Arguments or Intercessions could prevail to have him excused from that Employment, at least for some time, till he had made it facile by his own diligence and example. Neither were dangers or difficulties of any moment with him, when the Service of his Prince and Master required his Labours and Assistance.Tacit. in Vit. lul. Agr. Discere à peritis, sequi optimos, nihil appetere ob jactationem, nihil ob formidinem recusare, simulque anxius & intentus agere, is a Character as truly applicable to Dr. Heylyn, as to the brave Roman of whom it was first written. For he desired no employment out of vain-glory, and refused none out of fear, but equally was careful and intent in whatever he undertook; and at that time too, when he was denied the poor Deanery of Chichester, for which his Majesty was earnestly importuned in his behalf by Mr. Secretary Nicholas. The Weekly Occurrences that were wrote by him, he called by the name of Mercurius Anglicus; which name continued as long as the Cause did for which it was written. And besides these weekly Tasks, being influenced by the same Royal Commands, he writ divers other Treatises, before he could obtain his Quietus est from that ungrateful Employment, viz. 1. A Relation of the Lord Hopton's Victory at Bodwin. 2. A View of the Proceedings in the West for Pacification. 3. A Letter to a Gentleman in Leicestershire about the Treaty. 4. A Relation of the Queens Return from Holland, and the seizing of Newark. 5. A Relation of the Proceedings of Sir John Gell. 6. The Black Cross, shewing that the Londoners were the cause of the present Rebellion, with some others that were never Printed.

These zealous services produced the very same effect, that he foresaw when he first undertook them. For in the space of six months, he was voted a Delinquent in the House of Commons; this being given for a reason, viz. that he resided and lived at Oxon. Upon which, an Order was sent to the Committee at Portsmouth to Sequester his whole Estate and seize upon all his Goods. And Reading being taken by the Earl of Essex, a free and easie passage was opened for the Execution of those unrighteous Decrees. For in a short space after, his Corn, Cattle and Money were taken by one Captain Watts, and all his Books carried to Portsmouth. Colonel Norton's hand being set to the Warrant of his Sequestration, he twice Petition'd to have some Reparation out of his Estate; but was denied the first time, and put off in a more Courtly manner the last. Before he left Alresford, he took care to hide some of his choicest and most costly Goods, designing the first opportunity to have them conveyed to Oxon. But either by ill luck, or the treachery and baseness of some of his Neighbours, the Cart with all the Goods were taken by part of Nortons Horse, and carried to Portsmouth; himself also violently pursued, and by Divine Providence delivered from the snare of those Fowlers, who thirsted after his Blood and lay in wait for his Life. The Cart with all contained in it was carried to Southampton, and delivered unto Norton (Saintship then being the ground of Propriety, as it afterward was of Sovereignty.) A loss great in it self, but much more so to a poor Divine; and chiefly to be ascribed to a Colonel in the King's Army, who denied to send a Convoy of Horse for the guarding of his Goods, although the Marquess of Newcastle gave Order for it. And these Oppressions which he suffered from his Enemies were increased by as unjust proceedings of those who ought to have been his Friends. For part of the Royal Army defaced his Parsonage-House at Alresford, making it unhabitable and taking up all the Tithes; for which he never had the least satisfaction, unless it was the Manumission of himself from the troublesome Employment under Mr. Secretary Nicholas, and at his going off, at the request of that worthy Gentleman, he writ a little Book called The Rebels Catechism.

Being thus dismissed from business so disagreeable to his Genius, he found leisure to employ his Contemplative thoughts about subjects more weighty and serious. And having obeyed the Commands of his Superiors, he endeavoured to satisfie the doubts of his Friends; and particularly of one whose thoughts were confusedly perplexed about our Reformation. And to do this, he drew up a Discourse in answer to that common but groundless Calumny of the Papists, who brand the Religion of our Church with the nickname of that which is Parliamentary. But our Reverend Doctor Demonstrates in that Book how little, or indeed nothing the Parliament acted in the Reformation. For some years indeed that are past, there have been Parliaments that have had a Committee for Religion, which is to have an Apostolical care of all the Churches. And our Reverend Doctor observes that this custom was first introduced into the House of Commons, when the Divinity-School in Oxon was made the Seat of their Debates. For the Speaker being placed in or near the Chair in which the Kings Professor of Divinity did usually read his publick Lectures and moderate inObservations on the History of the Reign of K. Charles, 34. all publick Disputations, they were put into a conceit, that the determining in all Points and Controversies in Divinity did belong to them. As Vibius Rufus having married Tullies Widow, and bought Caesar's Chair, conceived that he was then in a way to gain the Eloquence of the one, and the Power of the other. For, after this we find no Parliament without a Committee for Religion, and no Committee for Religion but what did • h • nk it self sufficiently instructed to mannage▪ the greatest Controversies in Divinity which were brought before them: And with what success to the Religion here by Law Established, we have seen too clearly. —Tractent fabrilia fabri. Let things of a spiritual nature in the name of God be debated and determined by Spiritual persons. Doctrinal matters are proper for the cognizance of a Convocation▪ not of a Committee; which does often consist of wise men, but the common Title given toCommittee of Affectio • s. some of them, does at least prove that those wise men are not always either the best Christians or greatest Clerks.

Neither were these things the only Subjects of the vast mind and contemplative • thoughts of this great man. For toward the latter end of this year (being 1644.) he Presented to his Majesty a Paper containing the Heads of a Discourse writ by him, called, The Stumbling-block of Disobedience removed—in answer to and examination of the two last Sections in Mr. Calvins Institutions, against Sovereign Monarchy. The Lord Hatton, the Bishop of Sarum, Sir Orlando Bridgman, and Dr. Steward perused the whole Treatise, and the King approving of the Contents, commanded the Lord Digby further to consider the Book, in whose hands it did for a long time rest; neither was it made publick till about ten years after the War was ended.

In the beginning of the year 1645. he left Oxon, and went into Hampshire, settling himself and Family at Winchester; Alresford with all the rest of his Preferments being taken from him, and having nothing to subsist upon besides his own Temporal Estate. And yet even now the exuberancy of an honest zeal (that I may use his own words though upon another occasion) carried him rather to the maintenance of his Brethrens and the Churches Cause, than to the preservation of his own peace and particular contentments. And therefore considering unto what a deplorable condition the poor Loyal Clergy were reduced, how they were hungry and thirsty, and their souls ready to faint in them; as also how the Parliament were about to establish those Presbyterian Ministers for term of life in those Livings, out of which himself and many others were ejected, he drew up some Considerations, and presented them to some Members of the House of Commons, to see whether he could move them to any Christian Charity and Compassion. And they are so clear and convincing, that they would have prevailed upon any, but those that were made up all of Guts, but no Bowels. They are these that follow.

1. The Clergy which were sequastrated in the time of the Long Parliament, were charged for the most part with no other Crime, than their adhaesion to the late King in the long course of his Troubles; which many of them did in gratitude for Preferments received; others in relation to their services and personal Duties; and all as I conceive out of conscience of that Loyalty and Allegiance, in which by their several Oaths and Subscriptions they were bound to him.

2. Sequestration is in Law no other than a suspension à Beneficio, depriving a man only of the profits, not of the rights of his Incumbency; nor leaving him in an incapacity in returning to those profits again, upon the taking off of the Sequestration, or Suspension, which in the intendment of the Law is reckoned only for a temporary, no perpetual punishment.

3. The persons put into those Benefices have been ever since looked upon but as Curates, not as Proprietaries of those Livings; and in the wisdom of the Parliament were considered but as Tenants at will, or quamdiu benè se gesserint at the best: the power of presenting to those Livings upon the death or deprivation of the right Incumbent, being left wholly to the Patron, as by Law it ought; which kept those Ministers (for the most part Presbyterian) in a continual obnoxiousness to the Commands and Will of that Parliament, to which they were very useful on all occasions.

4. The Bill now brought into the House for settling those new Ministers for term of life, hath many things which seem worthy of consideration, as carrying in it many disadvantages to parties interessed therein, and something prejudicial to the publick peace: For,

1. It deprives the right Patron of his lawful power of nominating to those Livings, descended to him from his Ancestors, or purchased by his money; and consequently settled on him in as strong a way, as the established Laws of the Land could confirm the same.

2. It destroys many a learned, peaceable and Religious man without hope of remedy; but serves withal for a great justification of their Innocence, when for want of Crime to proceed upon, and legality in their conviction, the power of the legislative Sword is fain to be made use of to effect the business.

3. It subverts those ends for which those men were first put into their Livings; who being settled in the same for term of life by Act of Parliament, and following the impetuosity of their own spirits, will be apt when time and opportunity serves, to let fly all their fury at the present Government, as they did formerly at the other in the late Kings Reign. And though it be conceiv'd by some, that the Ordinance for ejecting scandalous Ministers will be curb sufficient to hold them in, yet I find no such thing as turbulent and factious Preachings to be specified amongst the scandals which are therein enumerated.

5. Whereas it is intended that the Minister thus deprived shall have a Fifth part of the Profits of the Living, if he be not otherwise provided of some temporal means sufficient to maintain himself and Family, I conceive with all submission to better Judgments, that the said limitation will be occasion of much trouble to the men deprived, if it doth not quite overthrow the benefit intended to them; that being a sufficient means for one man which is not for another, with reference to their Degrees, Families and ways of Living: whereas to these new-comers-in the profits of the Living will be always certainly sufficient with an Over-plus, if we measure by that Standard wherewith they make others; it being no unusual thing in some of that Party to tell the sequestred Clergy, when they sued for their Fifths, That it was sufficient for them to be suffered to live. And then assuredly —Populo satis est Fluvius que Ceresque. It will be accounted a high degree of sufficiency (if not of superfluity rather) that they have wherewithal to buy themselves a morsel of Bread and a cup of cold Water.

And accordingly as this Reverend Person foretold, so it came to pass. For when the Presbyterian Intruders were settled in the Benefices of the Sequestred Clergy for term of life, although the Commissioners for Rejecting of Scandalous Ministers had power to grant a Fifth part, together with the Arrears thereof to the Ejected Clergy, yet the Bill was clogg'd with two such circumstances, as made it unuseful to some and but a little beneficial to the rest. For first it was ordered that no man should receive any benefit by the Bill, who had either 30 l. per ann. in Real, or 500 l. in Personal Estate: By means whereof many who had formerly 500 l. yearly to maintain their Families, were tied up to so poor a pittance, as would hardly keep their Children from begging in the open Streets. And 2dly. There was such a power given to the Commissioners, that not exceeding the Fifth part, they might give to the poor Sequestred Clergy as much and as little as they pleased, under that proportion. And theExam. Hist. p. 111. Doctor instances in one of his certain knowledg, who for an Arrear of 12 years out of a Benefice Rented formerly for 250 l, per ann. obtained but 3 l. 6 s. 8 d. (the first Intruder being then alive and possessed of the Benefice) and no more than 20 Marks per ann. for his future subsistence; which is but a Nineteenth part instead of a Fifth.

Not long after which Oppressions, the Intruders themselves were in as imminent danger to be devested of all their maintenance, as the Loyal Clergy, who had suffered the utmost extremity of Cruelty and Injustice. For Tithes being represented as a Publick Grievance in the Rump-Parliament, the Gentry were in a fair way to be deprived of their Impropriations, and the Presbyterians themselves of their Patrimony. And although our Reverend Doctor paid Tithes himself, and therefore had no Obligations to appear in the defence of them for private Ends or Interests, yet for the upholding of the common Christianity and some kind of standing Ministry in the Nation, he endeavoured in a modest and rational way the undeceiving of the people in that particular. For whereas it was objected

1. That the maintenance allowed the Clergy was too great for their Calling; He shewed that never any Clergy in the Church of God hath been, or is maintained with less charge to the Subject, than the Established Clergy of the Church of England.

2. Whereas it was objected that their Maintenance was made up out of the Tenth part of each mans estate; He demonstrated, That there is no man in the Realm of England, who pays any thing of his own toward the Maintenance of his Parish-Minister, but his Easter-Offerings.

3. Whereas it is suggested, That the changing of this way by the payment of Tithes into Stipends, wou • d be more grateful to the Country, and more ease to the Clergy; He proved, That the changing of Tithes into Stipends would bring greater trouble to the Clergy, than is yet considered, and far less profit to the Country, than was then pretended. So zealous was this excellent person, not only for his Friends and Fellow-sufferers, viz. the poor oppressed and ejected Clergy; but for his very enemies the Intruders, that had Preach'd the King out of his Life, and himself and Brethren out of all their Livelihoods and Preferments. And at that time too his zeal appeared, when he was by a small temporal Estate incapacitated to receive the least benefit by any Act of Mercy that could accrue to him by his labours in that particular: Nay had the project of removing Hirelings out of the Church (as it was then phrased) taken effect, Doctor Heylyn's Estate would have received considerable improvements and advantages. For which he was fain to compound with the Committee-men in Goldsmiths-Hall in the year 1645. But he has left no memorial of what he paid to those insatiable Leeches and Oppressors. However he sped well, as the case stood with him. For being (as was before observed) voted a Delinquent, the Parliament marked him out for an Oblation, resolving, that whenever they could get Heylyn into their snares, who had been an instrument of so much mischief to them, his Blood should appease their Fury, and expiate his own Guilts. But being at the Siege at Oxon, he shared with the Royallists in the common benefit of those Articles, that were made at the surrender of that City; and by that means saved his Life, as well as his Estate.

Anno Dom. 1648. he settled himself and Family at Minster-Lovel in Oxfordshire. And although he had lost his Library (which for choiceness of Authors was inferior to few Clergy-mens in England) and therefore might well be deemed unfit to write Books for others, when he was robb'd of his own; yet he would not permit his own private Oeconomicks to swallow up his precious minutes, but endeavoured to benefit his Country, and to divert his mind from the sad complexion of the times, by enlarging his Geography into a Cosmography; which as it now remains perfected by him, may be truly averr'd to be a Repository of as much useful and delightful Learning, as any published either in that present, or in preceding Ages. It is true many material Errors were justly charged upon it, when it was a Geography, but his own Apology is more powerful than any can be made in his behalf;Preface to the Cosmography. for being writ in an Age, on which the pride of Youth and Self-opinion might have some predominancies, I thought it freer from mistakes than since I have found it: and those mistakes by running through eight Editions (six of them without my perusal or supervising) so increased and multiplied, that I could no longer call it mine, or look upon it with any tolerable degree of patience.

If it be said, that as 'tis now completed by him, he has as well run into new Errors, as corrected the old ones; it may be so too. For those humane Abilities are yet to be named, that were in all things governed by an infallible Spirit. And no man that is not so guided, can plead the privilege of not being liable to mistakes. But his own words are the most satisfactory answer to this objection. I must have been a greater Traveller than either the Greek Vlysses, or the English Mandeville, all Purchase his Pilgrims, Certam. Epist. 369. many of our late Iesuites and Tom Coriot into the bargain, if in describing of the whole world, with all the Kingdoms, Provinces, Seas and Isles thereof, I had not relied more on the Credit of others, than any knowledg of my own. But if any Gentleman, Merchant, or other Traveller shall please to let me understand in what those Authors, which I trusted, have misinformed me, let it be done in jest or earnest, in love or anger, in a fair manner or a foul, with respect or dis-respect unto me, in what way soever, I shall most thankfully receive the Instructions from him, and give him the honour of the Reformation, when that Book shall come out in another Edition. I will neither kick against those who rub upon such sores as I have about me, nor fling dirt on them who shall take the pains to bestow a brushing on my Coat. I was trained up, when I was a Child, to kiss the Rod, and I can do it, I thank God, now I am a man. Cur nescire pudens pravae quam discere mallem? Rather to be ashamed of mistaking in any thing I have written, than to learn of any body what I was to write, was taken by me both for a Rule and a Resolution in the first putting out of my Geography, and I shall be at the very same pass to the very last.

In the year 1653. he removed to Lacies-Court in Abingdon. For being robb'd of his choicest Companions, his Books; he resolved to fix himself as near as possibly he could to Oxford; loss of time, together with the charge and trouble of a Journey, rendring his Visits less frequent to the Bedleian Library, than would well comport with his condition. For although he was a Living Library, As Euscapius said of Longinus. a Locomotive Study, a Scribe fully instructed in the Kingdom of God, a Housholder that could bring out of his Treasury things both new and old, yet for all that he resolved to continue a laborious Searcher after Wisdom, and gave his Flesh no rest, that he might entertain his mind with the noblest Contemplations: neither would he fix his thoughts upon notional and useless Speculations, but whenever he could by any kind of labour either of Body or Brain be really serviceable to the just Interests of his Prince or Church, he refused no pains or expences, but would undergo (to others) the most unsupportable burthens, to restifie his zealous affection unto both. One instance of which is evident in what he contributed to Saint Nicholas Church in Abingdon, the utter demolishing of which was resolved on by the Sacrilegious Schismaticks of those times.

The then Vsurping Powers had by the severest Edicts solemnly interdicted the Regular Clergy, the discharge of their publick Ministry in the sacred Offices of Religion: Nay they were forbid the teaching and instructing of Youth in all private houses, though they wanted the necessaries of Humane Life for themselves and Families. In which sad prospect of Affairs, our Divine built a private Oratory, where he had frequency of Synaxes; the Liturgy of the Church being daily read by him, and the Holy Eucharist administred as often as opportunity gave leave; many devout and well-affected persons, after the manner of the Primitive Christians when they lived under Heathen persecutions, resorting to his little Chappel, that there they might wrestle with the Almighty for his blessing upon themselves, and upon a divided infatuated people. But in a few years, the rage of the Higher Powers abating, the Liturgy of the Church began in some places to be publickly read; and Mr. Huish (then Minister in Abingdon) had a numerous Auditory of Loyal persons, who frequented publick Prayers at St. Nicholas; which became so greatly offensive to the Factious party, that they laboured all they could to have the Church raz'd to its very Foundations: But notwithstanding the Authority which then ruled, God rendred the endeavours of Dr. Heylyn and some other Royallists successful in the pre • ervation of his own house. And because Mr. Huish either out of a principle of prudence or fear had for some time whilst those contests continued. desisted from performing the sacred Offices of Religion, therefore our Doctor to animate him unto the performance of his Duty, sent him the following Letter after his return from London, where he had been soliciting in the common Cause of the Church, which was to have been laid even with the ground.

Upon the receipt and reading of this Letter, Mr. Huish betook himself to his wonted duty, reading the Churches Prayers with that frequency, gravity and devotion as became a man of his Reverence and Profession.

And the daily visits which were paid by our Doctor to the place of Gods publick Worship, the better enabled him as well to undergo the severity of Study, as to contend with the hardships of Fortune. And amongst the products of his Studies, the Theologia Veterum or Exposition of the Apostles Creed does first merit our Commendations. Indeed many other Books were written by him, when the King and Church were in their low and calamitous condition; some of which were Historical relating to matters of Fact; some Political, relating to the power of Princes and various Forms of Government; and lastly others Theological; and those either Didactical, tending to the settling and informing of mens understandings; or Practical, that conduced to the amending of their manners; or Polemical, that vindicated the Truths of God and Unity of his Church against the Errors, Schisms and Persecutions of its Enemies, whether Papists, Socinians, or Disciplinarians. His Book upon the Creed is a mixture of all these excellent Ingredients; insomuch that whoever would be acquainted with the Sence of the Greek and Latine Fathers upon the Twelve Articles of our Faith, as also with Positive, Polemical and Philological Theology, he will not find either his labour lost, or his time mispended, if he peruse what our learned Doctor has writ upon that Subject.

But neither Learning or Innocency are a sufficient safe-guard against the assaults of mischievous and malicious men; many of whom combined together to render Dr. Heylyn as infamous in his Name, as they had before made him improsperous in his Estate And to that purpose they used their utmost endeavours to have one of his Books burned (called Respondet Petrus) by an Order from Olivers Council-Table. For Dr. N. Bernard Preacher of Grays-Inn putting out a Book, entituled, The Iudgment of the Lord Primate of Ireland, &c. our Reverend Doctor being therein accused for violating his Subscription and running cross to the publick Doctrine of the Church or England; as also being taxed with Sophistry, Shamelesness, and some other things which he could not well endure either from the Dead, or the Living, he returned an Answer to it, against which, Articles were presently formed and presented to the then Council-Table; and the common Rumor went, that the Book was publickly burnt: A fame (as theCertam Epist. 100. Doctor says) that had little truth in it, though more colour for it, than many other charges which had been laid upon him. He was in London, when he received the first notice of it; and though he was persuaded by his friends to neglect the matter, as that which would redound to his honour, and knew very well what Sentence had been passed by Tacitus upon the Order of Senate, or Roman Consul for burning the Books ofTacit. An. lib. 4. Cremutius Cordus the Historian, Neque aliud externi Reges, aut qui eâdem saevitiâ usi sunt, nisi dedecus sibi atque illis gloriam peperere, i. e. they gained nothing but ignominy to themselves and glory to all those whose Books they burnt; yet our Doctor was rather in that particular of Sir Iohn Falstaff's mind, not liking such grinning honour; and therefore rather chose to prevent the Obloquy, than boast in it. To which purpose he applied himself to the Lord Mayor of London and a great Man in the Council of State, and receiving from them a true information of what had passed, he left his Solicitude, being quite freed from all fear and danger.

About this time it was that the King, Church and Church-men were arraigned and traduced by many voluminous Writers of the Age; and the Doctor being solicited to answer them by Letters, Messages and several personal Addresses, by men of all Orders and Dignities in the Church, and of all Degrees in the Universities, was at last overcome by their Importunities; the irresistible Intreaties of so many Friends having something in them of Commands. And the first Author, whose Mistakes, Falsities and Defects he examined, was Mr. Thomas Fuller the Church-Historian, who intermingling his History with some dangerous Positions, which if reduced into practice, would overthrow the Power of the Church, and lay a probable Foundation for Disturbances in the Civil-State; the Doctor made some Animadversions on him by way of Antidote, that so, if possible, he might be read without danger. Another was Mr. Sanderson's long History of the Life and Reign of King Charles I. whose errors being of that nature as might mis-guide the Reader in the way of Knowledg and Discourse, our Doctor rectified him with some Advertisements, that so he might be read with the greater profit. It would swell these Papers into too great a bulk, if I should give a particular account of the Contests that this Reverend man had with Mr. Harington, Mr. Hickman, and Mr. Baxter; the last of which was so very bold as to disgorge himself upon the whole Clergy of England Epist. Ded. before Cert. Epist. in his Grotian Religion, which caused in our Doctor, (as he tells his Brethren the old Regular Clergy) So great an horror and amazement, that he could not tell whether or no he could give any credit to his Senses; the words sounding loud in his ears and not sinking at first into his heart. Neither Did Mr. Baxter arraign the whole Clergy in general, but more particularly directed his Spleen against Dr. Heylyn; whose name he wish'd afterwards he had spared. But it was whilst he was living; he has made more bold with him since he was dead; and that for no other reason (that I can learn) but for exposing the Follies, Falshoods, and uncharitableness of a daring and rash Writer, who never returned one word of Answer (besides Railing and Reproaches) unto what our Doctor Published against him.

And having made mention of these Authors, against whom our excellent Doctor appeared in the Lists, it may not perhaps be deemed unacceptable to those Readers who are either unable to buy, or unwilling to read the Books written against them, to transcribe some particular passages which may be a farther testification of the zeal of this great Scholar for the King and Church.

And the first (relating to the King) shall be about the Coronation; it being a piece of new State-Doctrine, that the Coronation Exam. Histor. 201. of the King should depend upon the consent of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament. For in the Form and Manner of the Coronation of King Edward VI. described in the Catalogue of Honour, set forth by Thomas Mills of Canterbury, Anno Dom. 1610, we find it thus: The King being carried by certain Noble Courtiers in another Chair unto the four sides of the Stage, was by the Archbishop of Canterbury declared to the people standing round about, both by Gods and mans Laws to be the Right and Lawful King of England, France and Ireland, and proclaimed that day to be Crowned, Consecrated and Anointed: unto whom he demanded, Whether they would Obey and Serve, or not? By whom it was again with a loud cry answered, God save the King, and ever live his Majesty. The same we have in substance both in fewer words in the Coronation of King Iames; where it is said, The King was shewed to the people, and that they were required to make acknowledgment of their Allegiance to his Majesty by the Archbishop, which they did with Acclamations. But assuredly (says Dr. Heylyn) the difference is exceeding vast between Obeying and Consenting; between the peoples acknowledging their Allegiance, and promising to Obey and Serve their Lawful Sovereign, and giving their Consent to his Coronation, as if it could not be performed without it. This makes the King to be either made or unmade by his people, according to the Maxim of Buchanan, Populo jus est, imperium cui velit deferat: than which passage there is nothing in all his Books more pestilent or seditious.

Neither is another Position any less derogatory to Regal Power, viz. That Parliaments are to be Assistant to the King in the exercise of his Regal Government. Unto which our excellent Doctor says, That Parliaments or Common-Councils consisting of the Prelates,Cert. Epist. 243. Peers and other great men of the Realm were frequently held in the time of the Saxon Kings, and that the Commons were first called to those great Assemblies at the Coronation of K. Henry I. to the end that his Succession to the Crown being approved by the Nobility and People, he might have the better colour to exclude his Brother. And as the Parliament was not instituted by King Henry III. so was it not instituted by him to become an Assistant to him in the Government, unless it were from some of the Declarations of the Commons in the Long Parliament, in which it is frequently affirmed, That the Fundamental Government of this Realm is by King, Lords and Commons; which if so, then what became of the government of this Kingdom under Henry III. when he had no such Assistants joyned with him? Or what became of the Foundation in the Intervals of following Parliaments, when there was neither Lords nor Commons on which the Government could be laid? And therefore it must be apparently necessary, either that the Parliaments were not instituted by King Henry III. to be his Assistants in the Government; or else that for the greatest space of time since Henry III. the Kingdom hath been under no Government at all for want of such Assistants. And I would fain learn, who should be Judg touching the Fitness or Vnfitness of such Laws and Liberties, by which the People and Nobility are to be gratified by their Kings: For if the Kings themselves must judg it, it is not likely that they will part with any of their just Prerogatives, which might make them less obeyed at home, or less feared abroad, but where invincible necessity or violent importunity might force them to it. And then the Laws and Liberties, which were so extorted were either violated or annulled whensoever the Granter was in power to weaken or make void the Grant; for Malus diuturnitatis Custos est metus. But if the People must be Judges of such Laws and Liberties as were fittest for them, there would be no end of their Demands, unreasonable in their own nature and in number infinite. For when they meet with a King of the Giving hand, they will press him so to give from one point to another, till he give away Royalty it self; and if they be not satisfied in all their Askings, they will be pleased with none of his former Grants.

But that which pared the Prerogative to the quick, was, that the Reformation of Religion was the Province of the People, or that they might do their Duty in the business when the King omitted his; concerning which our excellent Doctor delivers his judgment in these clear and convincing words, [Exam. Hist. 135.] That Idolatry is to be destroyed by all them that have power to do it, is easily granted. But then it must be understood of lawful Power, and not permitted to the liberty of unlawful violence. Id possumus quod jure possumus, was the Rule of old, and it hath held good in all attempts for Reformation in the elder times. For when the Fabrick of the Iewish Church was out of order, and the whole Worship of the Lord either defiled with Superstitions, or intermingled with Idolatries, as it was too often; did not Gods Servants tarry and wait for leisure, till those who were Supreme both in Place and Power, were by him prompted and inflamed to a Reformation? How many years had that whole People made an Idol of the Brazen-Serpent and burnt Incense to it, before it was defaced by Hezekiah? How many more might it have stood longer undefac'd, untouch'd by any of the common People, had not the King given order to demolish it? How many years had the seduced Israelites adored before the Altar at Bethel, before it was hewn down and cut in pieces by the good Iosiah? And yet it cannot be denied but that it was much in the power of the Iews to destroy that Idol, and of the honest and Religious Israelites to break down that Altar, as it either was or could be in the power of our English Zealots to beat down Superstitious Pictures and Images, had they been so minded. Solomon in the Book of Canticles compares the Church to an Army, Acies castrorum ordinata, as the Vulgar hath it; An Army terrible with Banners, as we read it: A powerful Body without doubt, able which way soever it moves to wast and destroy the Country, to burn and sack the Villages through which it passes. And questionless many of the Soldiers knowing their own Power, would be apt to do it, if not restrained by the Authority of their Commanders and the Laws Tacit. Hist. l. 1. of War. Ita se ducum Authoritas, sic gor disciplinae habet, as we find in Tacitus. And if those be not kept as they ought to be, Confusi equites peditesque in exitium ruunt; the whole runs to a swift destruction. Thus it is also in the Church with the Camp of God; If there be no subordination in it, if every one might do what he list himself, and make such uses of that power and opportunity as he thinks are put into his hands▪ what a confusion would insue? how speedy a calamity must needs fall upon it? Courage and zeal do never shew more zealously in inferiour powers, than when they are subordinate unto good Directions, from the right hand, i. e. from the Supreme Magistrate, not from the interests and passions of their Fellow-Subjects. It is the Princes Office to Command, and theirs to execute; with which wise Caution the Emperor Otho once represt the too great forwardness of his Soldiers, when he found them apt enough to make use of that power in a matter not commanded by him. Vobis Tacit. Hist. l. 1. arma & animus, mihi Concilium & virtutis vestrae Regimen relinquite, as his words are. He understood their Duty and his own Authority; allows them to have power and will, but regulates and restrains them both unto his own Command. So that whether we behold the Church in its own condition, proceeding by the starrant and examples of Holy Scripture; or in resemblance to an Army (as compared by Solomon) there will be nothing left to the power of the people either in way of Reformamation or Execution, till they be vested and entrusted with some lawful Power derived from him, whom God hath placed in Authority over them. And therefore though Idolatry be to be destroyed, and to be destroyed by all which have Power to do it, yet must all those be furnish'd with a lawful Power, or otherwise stand guilty of as high a Crime, as that which they so zealously endeavour to condemn in others. And if it be urged, That the Sovereign forgetting his Duty, the Subjects should remember theirs; 'tis a lesson which was never taught in the Book of God. For beside the examples which we have in demolishing the Brazen-Serpent and the Altar of Bethel, not acted by the Power of the People, but by the Command of the Prince, I would fain know where we shall find in the whole course and current of Holy Scriptures, that the common people in and by their own Authority, removed the High Places, and destroyed Images, or cut down the Groves, those excellent Instruments of Superstition and Idolatry; or that they did attempt any such thing till warranted and commissionated by the Supreme Powers? Where shall we find that any of the seventy thousand persons, which had not bowed the knee to Baal, did go about to destroy that Idol? or that Elijah or Elisha (two men as extraordinary for their Calling, as for their Zeal and Courage) did excite them to it? Where shall we find the Primitive Christians, when living under the command of Heathenish Emperors, busied in destroying Idols, or defacing the Temples of those gods, whom the Pagans worshipped, though grown in those times unto those infinite multitudes, that they filled all places of the Empire, Et vestra omnia implevimus, Cities, Castles, Burroughs, your places of Assembly, Camps, Tribes, Palaces, yea the very Senate and common Forum, as Tertullian pleads. No other Doctrine preach'd or heard of, till either the new Gospel of Wickliff, or the new Lights shining from Geneva.

These, with many more if it were safe to insert them in these Papers, were the Doctrines which this Reverend man taught when there was no King in our English Israel. He did not only rescue the actions of his Sovereigns Life and Reign from those CaCalumnies and Mistakes which were obtruded on him by malicious or inobservant Writers; but he took care that what he writ should be beneficial to Regal Government, and that those his Country-men who had any share of guilt in the unnatural Rebel • ion might be induced to a hearty Contrition and Reformation. And this he did too in those days of Libertinism and Danger, when he could expect nothing for his pains, but Death mingled with all the ingredients of Cruelty and Torment. Suffice it to acquaint the Reader that Dr. Bates imparted to his judicious perusal his Elenchus Motuum, (a secret of that weight and importance that it ought only to be lodg'd in so faithful and loyal a Breast) upon which he made many Considerations, that very much tended to the honor of the King and Church, as well as of that loyal Physician and Historian. And which is not unworthy of remark; in whatever he Writ or Preach'd either before or afther the Murther of his Royal Master, he took care in asserting the Prerogative and Rights of the Crown, not to intrench the least upon the Liberties and Privileges of the People. For thus he himself acquaints us, [Cert. Epist. 326.] If any were faulty in this kind, viz. in maintaining that all the Goods of the Subject were at the Kings absolute disposal, let them speak for themselves; neither my Tongue nor Pen shall ever be employed in their behalf: Certain I am, that I am free enough from the Accusation; my nearest kindred being persons of too fair a Fortune to be betrayed by one of their own Blood to a loss of that property, which they have by Law in their Estates. And no less certain am I, that no flattery or time-serving, no preaching up of the Kings Prerogative, nor derogating from the property of the English Subject, could be found in any of my Sermons before his Majesty, had they been sifted to the very Bran. In confidence whereof, I offered the Committee of the Courts of Iustice (before whom I was called on the Complaint of Mr. Pryn) to put into their hands all the Sermons which I had either Preach'd at Court of in Westminster-Abby, to the end they might see how free and innocent I was from broaching any such new Doctrines, as might not be good Parliament-Proof, whensoever they should come to be examined.

Nor was the courage of our Doctor for the Church, less active and vigorous, than for the King. For whenever its Doctrine, of Discipline; its Ministry, or Government; its Liturgy, or Ceremonies; its Offices, or Revenues were assaulted by Tongue or Pen, its enemies were in a short space of time made acquainted with their Malice or Mistakes. For he encountred the Errors and Heresies, the Schisms and Sacrileges, the Disloyalties and Rebellions of the Age with no less zeal than St. Paul did the gross Idolatries and Superstitions of the Athenians.

The Doctrines of the Church he defended against Papists and Calvinists. What he did against the first will be a sufficient vindication of his sincerity in the Protestant Religion; a thing not only doubted of, but called in question in the Long Parliament; before whom he made a large Protestation touching his soundness in Religion and his averseness from Popery. The Form of his Protestation I never had communicated to me; but whatever it was, he was then freed by it from all suspicion of that Crimination in the judgment of all sober men. He had before set himself right in the opinion of the King and the whole Court in the Sermons which he Preach'd upon the Parable of the Tares. For making the principal points controverted between Vs and the Papists the constant Arguments of his Discourses upon that Subject, his Auditory were so well satisfied about his integrity in Protestantism, that some of the most judicious did not stick to say, That Dr. Heylyn had in his Tare-Sermons pulled up Popery by the Root and subverted the Foundations of it: To which it was replied by some bitter spirits (whether with more uncharitableness or imprudent zeal, is hard to say) That the Archbishop might Print and Dr. Heylyn might Preach what they pleased against Popery, but they should never believe them to be any thing the less Papists for all that. A censure of a very strange nature, and so little • avouring of Christianity, that it is hard to parallel it by any instance, except it be of the Age we now live in. And so industrious has the Devil, the great Calumniator and Accuser of Holy men, been to propagate this Reproach, that some persons, whose Tongues are their own and will admit of no Lords over them, have visited the very Grave of this Reverend person and like Vultures prey'd upon his body. Amongst whom, the Author of that pestilent Pamphlet, called An Appeal from the Country to the City, lets flie at him in these words,Page 6. Dr. Heylyn has made more Papists by his Books than Christians by his Sermons. And Dr. Heylyn, though dead, does yet speak for himself to the eternal confutation of the Calumny, as well as shame of the Calumniator. The present Dean of St. Pauls has very generously justified the Doctor General Preface to an Answer of several Treatises. against T. G. who by all means would have brought him over to his Cause and Party in the Controversie between them, about the Idolatry of the Roman Church, quoting a passage out of his fourth Sermon upon the Tares, where he lays to the charge of the Papists the most gross Idolatry, greater than which, was never known among the Gentiles. And indeed the whole Volume of those Sermons is studiously contrived against Popery; and put out on purpose in the last times of Confusion, by our Doctor, to obstruct the spreading of that Canker of Christianity. And when he had preach'd only the two first, some of his judicious hearers did not stick to declare, That Dr. Heylyn had done more in two Sermons for the Suppression of Popery, than ever Dr. Pr. had done in all his life.

But that the Reader may be convinc'd about the Doctors sincerity in Protestantism, let it be considered that never any Writer upon the Apostles Creed did more industriously expose and strenuously confute the Errors of the Roman Church, than he does in his Treatise upon that Subject; which was put out also at that time, when he and the exauctorated Clergy (as he calls them) had all the provocations of want and scorn to have forsaken a persecuted Church and embraced Popery. He disproves theirPreface to Theo. Vet. p. 13. Traditions: And as for their Idolatry, Theol. Vet. p. 27, 28. Edit. 1. he speaks in these words, That altho they publickly profess but one Sovereign God, yet the poor Christians in the Roman Church are taught every where to place their confidence in more local Saints, than ever Heathen-Rome did muster of its Topical gods. —And how in a very little time Rome-Christian came to have more Tutelary Saints and Patrons (and those too of each Sex) than ever Heathen-Rome should gods, or goddesses.—Neither is this any studied Calumny, but so clear a Truth, that it was never yet gain-said by their greatest Advocates: so much hath Rome relapsed into her ancient Gentilism, revived again so many of her gods and goddesses, that both Jews and Infidels may have cause to question, whether she doth believe in one God alone, or that he only is the Almighty Father, whom the Creed mentions. Neither does he stick in generals, but particularly proves the Popish Idolatries inIb. 72. Worshiping Saints and Angels, and imploying them as Mediators unto God; inIb. 152. adoring the Blessed Virgin, and bestowing those blasphemous Titles of Mater misericordiae, Mater Gratiae, Regina Caeli, &c. inIb. 187. Worshipping the Cross, and the impudence of those Writers that defend it; inIb. 418, 419, 420. the Invocation of Saints, shewing how it first came to be introduced in the Church, together with the unlawfulness and danger of that Doctrine and practice, from Scripture, Reason and the Fathers; answering the Objections made by School-men and others for it; proving that that Doctrine, together with that of Worshippiug of Images is a Fruit of Gentilism; and shewing the vanity of their distinctions; as also upon what ground the device of Purgatory is obtruded on us, and how 'tis rejected as well by the whole Greek Church, as by the ancient Fathers. He130. censures the whole herd of School-men, telling how they have intangled the simplicity of the Christian Faith within the labyrinth of curious and intricate distinctions, insomuch that it became at last a matter of great wit and judgment to know what was believed in the things of Christ. He 138. exposes those impure Blasphemies that the Papists fix upon the Holy Spirit and Blessed Virgin-Mother, unmasking the obscenities of the lazy Monks and Friers, who fancied themselves to have had unclean commixtures with her: relating the Bull of Pope L • o 10. that gave Tekelius a Dominican Frier authority to absolve any man whatsoever, etiamsi virginem matrem vitiaverit, although he had defloured the Virgin-Mother. 152. Perstringing those that would free her from the contagion of all Venial and Original Sin; and assert her Virginity so far, as to extend it to the integrity of her Body as well as purity of her Mind; and 277. condemning Maldonate for not only making Christ, but God the Father inferior to her. He195. largely disproves the monstrous Paradox of Transubstantiation, which he shews was hammered in the brains of capricious School-men, 269, 270, 294. and that the Sacrifice of the Mass is a dangerous deceit and blasphemous Fable affabulated to Transubstantiation by the Popes of Rome; the Rise and absurd consequences of which Doctrine he at large illustrates. He is content292. to be accounted a Heretick by the Papists, because he will admit of no more Mediators of Intercession than Christ, who is the Mediator of Redemption. He294. confutes the strange Positions of the Trent-Council about the Mass, shewing how absurd it is that a poor Priest should have power to make his Maker; and having made him with the Breath of his Mouth, he should fall down and Worship what himself had made: That having worship'd him as God, he should presume to lay hands upon him, and Offer him in Sacrifice as soon as Worship'd; that his Oblation once made is efficacious both to Quick and Dead; to the Absent and the Present; and that such as are present at it, may, if they find their stomachs serve, devour their God. He304. attacks the Papists in the Fundamental of their Religion, viz. That Christ must have the Pope for his Vice-Roy to supply his place and absence, and to govern and direct his Church in Peace and Unity; and he384. again re-assumes the Argument and confutes all that Bellarmin and others produce for it. But then the mischief is, he tells of those, who would305. impose upon the Church as many petite Popes as there are Parishes—by means whereof they make Christs Body more monstrous, than the Monster Hydra, not, to have seven Heads only, but seven hundred thousand—He takes 332. Estius to task for making Christ in his Exposition of Mark 13. 32. the Author of Equivocation. He359. confutes Harding for asserting, that the proof of Christs Deity depended not upon the Holy Scriptures, but the Tradition of the Church, and the Authority of some subsequent Councils confirmed by Popes; as if God could not be God, unless the Pope allowed it. He vindicates 361, 362. the Greek Church against the uncharitableness of the Roman, and 371, 372. the Authority and Honor of the Scriptures against the Blasphemies that are fixed upon them by the Papists; but then as luck would have it, he speaks of some Reformers, who assert that Preaching viva voce is only able to convert sinners, and that the Word sermoniz'd, not written, is alone the Food that nourishes to eternal life; and he proves unanswerably how such men detract more from its perfection and sufficiency than the Papists. He condemns those who call Papists by the name of Catholicks, professing that he never gave that name to them either in Writing or common Speech, as thinking it a greater condemnation to our selves than men are aware of—And that if we once grant them to be Catholicks, we thereby do conclude our selves to be no Christians.De not. Eccles. l. 4. c. 4. Nay he proves out of Bellarmin, how they are delighted with the name of Papists, and that they have no mind to be called Christians; the name in most parts of Italy being grown so despicable, that Fool and Christian are become Synonymous. Since then (says the Doctor) they have no mind to be called Christians, no reason to be called Catholicks, let us call them as they are, by the name of Papists, considering their dependence on the Popes decisions for all points of Faith. But then he tells of another Faction that make as ill an use of the Title Holy, as the Papists do of the name Catholick; that are holy in the sense of Corah and his Factious Complices, who made all the Congregation holy and all holy alike. He gives also an excellent account of the Presbyterian and Independent platforms, and386, 387. proves against both of them, that the Churches Government is not Democratical, and against the Papists, that 'tis not Monarchical, but in the judgment of the purest Antiquity Aristocratical. In a word, he397, 398. shews how both the Eastern and Western Churches opposed the Popes Supremacy, forced Celibacy of Priests, Transubstantiation, Half-Communion, Purgatory, Worshiping of Images, and Auricular Confession: Of which last Doctrine, he at large 457, 458. states the whole business about it from Bishop Morton, shewing how it ought to be free in regard of Conscience, and possible in regard of Performance. But then withal he asserts the Efficacy and Power of the Sacerdotal Absolution, proving it not only Declarative but Authoritative and Iudicial; as also the403, 404. Right that every National Church has to decree Rites and Ceremonies for the more orderly officiating in Gods Publick Worship, and the procuring of a greater degree of Reverence to the Holy Sacraments.

In the belief of these Doctrines, this great Scholar lived and died: And with what confidence can any one rake in his Grave and asperse his Memory, not only with things which he never opined, but with those which his soul ever abhorr'd? But, if there can be any accession to the degrees of Bliss in the other world, I doubt not but his Rewards are advanced and grow more massie with the persecutions which his name suffers upon earth. Our Blessed Saviour himself was not out of the reach of malevolent tongues, when his Body was laid in the Grave,Mat. 27. 63. being then called a Deceiver by his Murtherers. And thrice welcome are those aspersions and mis-constructions that make us conformable to so glorious a pattern. Spiteful and inconsiderate men do ever judg rashly of things and persons, taking a great pleasure to assault the Innocence and undermine the Reputations of those that are more upright and vertuous than themselves.

But against these things 'tis commonly said, and as commonly believed, that some persons, and those too of the most illustrious Quality have been perverted from the Protestant Faith to Popery, by reading some of Dr. Heylyn's Books, and particularly his Ecclesia Restaurata, or History of the Reformation. And Dr. Burnet in the first Volume of his History upon the same Subject, has done all he can to confirm the world in the belief of that injurious imputation: For after a short commendation of our Doctors stile and method (it being usual with some men slightly to praise those at first, whom they design to lash more severely afterward) he presumes to tell his Reader,Dr. Burnet's Preface to the History of the Reformation, Vol. I. That either Doctor Heylyn was very ill informed, or very much led by his Passions; and he being wrought on by most violent prejudices against some that were concerned in that time, delivers many things in such a manner and so strangely, that one would think that he had been secretly set on to it by those of the Church of Rome, tho I doubt not he was a sincere Protestant, but violently carried away by some particular conceits. In one thing he is not to be excused, That he never vouch'd any Authority for what he writ, which is not to be forgiven any who write of Transactions beyond their own time, and deliver new things not known before. So that upon what ground he wrote a great deal of his Book, we can only conjecture; and many in their ghesses are not apt to be very favourable to him.

This Objection containing many particulars in it, will require as many distinct Answers in the Vindication of the Doctors Honor and Writings, and more especially of his History of the Reformation.

And first, if it be true, that any have embraced the Roman Faith by reading of that Book, we may conclude them very incompetent Judges in matters of Religion, who will be prevailed on to change it upon the perusal of one single History; and especially in the Controversies between VS and the Papists, which do not so very much depend upon matters of Fact, or upon an Historical Narration of what occurrences happened in England, in the Reigns of any of our preceding Princes; but upon Doctrines of Faith, viz. what we are to believe or dis-believe in order to our pleasing of God in this life, and our being eternally blessed with him in the next. Altho Iunius and others have by their reading of Holy Writ found the efficacy of it upon their hearts, and from profligate Atheists have become Gods faithful Servants; yet the blessed Doctrine of the Bible, has through the depravation of mans Nature, had a quite contrary efficacy upon other persons; being just like wholsom meat which administers health and vigor unto Atheletick and sound Bodies, but infeebles nature and feeds the diseases of those that are sickly and distempered. Let the History of the Reformation be never so fatal to unwary and less intelligent Readers, yet it was writ with an intent to justifie the Reformation, Epist. Ded. and that upon such just and solid Reasons as might sufficiently endear it to all knowing men, as its Author tells his Majesty. Bonae res neminem scandalizant nisi malam mentem, says one of the Antients. Some men have such inveterate Diseases, that no Physick can do them good; and some Stomachs are so foul, that Antidotes are turned by them into poison. If any one was ever unsetled in Protestantism by reading of Ecclesia Restaurata, it was only accidental; his perversion being to be ascribed either to the ignorance or weakness of his Judgment, or to the stubbornness of his Will, or some other evil principle of his Mind. It cannot proceed from any intrinsick evil quality in that or any other Book of Doctor Heylyns, which abound with unanswerable Arguments to establish the Discipline and Doctrine of the Church of England against its professed Enemies of Rome and Geneva. But our Doctors own words will be a sufficient defence of him unto all equal and unprejudic'd Judgments, In the whole carriage of this work, I have assumed unto my self the freedom of a just Historian; concealing nothing out of Fear, nor speaking any thing out of Favour; delivering nothing for a Truth without good Authority; but so delivering that Truth, as to witness for me, that I am neither biassed by Love or Hatred, nor overswayed by partiality and corrupt affections, I know 'tis impossible in a work of this nature to please all parties, tho I have made it my endeavour to dissatisfie none, but those that hate to be reformed; or otherwise are so tenaciously wedded to their own opinion, that neither Reason nor Authority can divorce them from it. In short, his love to Truth, and veneration to the Church of England were the only motives that made him undertake to write that History: The one was the Mistris, which he ever serv'd; and the other was the Mother, whose Paps he had always suck'd, And whoever dis-regards, or deviates from either of those, may perhaps be offended with some particular passages in Ecclesia Restaurata.

As for his never vouching Authority f • r what he writ, which is not to be forgiven him; I hope he has met with a more merciful Judg in another world, than it seems Dr. Burnet is in this. But who is to pardon Dr. B. for accusing Dr. Heylyn of violent prejudices against persons, of writing things so strangely, as if he had been a Factor for the Papists, and yet not specifying one particular Instance, wherein he was thus partial and perfidious. He began the writing of that History in September 1638, communicating his design to Archbishop Laud, from who • he received all imaginable encouragement. And what benefit would any Reader receive to have quoted to him the pages of Manuscripts, Acts of Parliament, Registers of Convocation, old Records and Charters, orders of Council-Table, or other of those rare pieces in the Cottonian Library, which were made use of in that elaborate History. Had D • . Heylyn borrowed his materials out of Vulgar or Printed Authors, he ought then to have vouch'd particular Authorities for what he writ, but making use of those which few Scholars either could or had perused, it had been the part of a Pedant, not of an Historian, to have been exact and particular in his Quotations. Not to mention either Greek or Latine Historians. Does not Dr. B. esteem the Lord Bacon's History of Henry VII. to contain as complete and judicious an account of the Affairs of that Princes Reign, as any thing of that nature, that is extant in English Story? But the Margent of that Book is not stust with many more Quotations, than the Doctors Ecclesia Restaurata. And yet the Lord Bacon writ of Transactions beyond his own time, and lived as far distant from the Reign of King Henry VII. as Dr. Heylyn did from King Henry VIII. who laid the first Foundation of our Reformation. For my own part I cannot with the most diligent search find out any passages in Ecclesia Restaurata, which evert the great Rule that ought to be observed by all Historians, viz. Ne quid false audeant, to commit nothing unto Writing which they know to be false, or cannot justifie to be true. History is the Record of time, by which the Revolutions of Providence are transmitted from one Age unto another. And if it can be proved that Dr. Heylyn has either suborned Witnesses, falsified Records, or so wrested Evidence, that posterity cannot make a certain judgment of those Transactions, of which he undertook to inform his Countrymen, then it must be confessed that he was led by Passion more than Judgment, and by violent prejudices more than the substantial evidences of Truth.

And yet if all this were made out, 'tis no more than what may be laid at the door of that Author,Hist. D. Ham. p. 29, 30. who not many years since writ the History of Duke Hamilton; where are reported the most abominable Scandals, broach'd by the malicious Covenanteers against the Hierarchy of the Scotish Church. And the Historian, without the least contradiction or confutation, permits them to pass for infallible Truths, that so Posterity as well as the present prejudiced Age might be leavened with an implacable enmity and hatred against the whole Order of Bishops. And altho the Hamiltons were the old inveterate enemies of the Stuarts; and the Duke, of whom that large History is compiled, was an enemy as treacherous to K. Charles I. as any that ever appeared against him in open Arms, drawing the Scots in the English Court to be his Dependents; alienating their Affections from the King his Master. Tho wise men of both Nations thought that the first Tumult at Edinborough was raised by his Instruments, and the Combustions that ensued were secretly fomented by him: Tho when he was High Commissioner, he drew the King from one Condescention to another in behalf of the Covenanteers, till he had little else left to give but his Crown and Life: Tho he drew him first to suspend and then to suppress the Liturgy and Canons made for the use of the Scotish Church, and to abrogate the five Articles of Perth, procured with so much difficulty by K. Iames, and confirmed by Parliament: Tho he authorized the Covenant with some few alterations in it, and generally imposed it on that Kingdom: Tho he yielded to the calling of the Assembly, and was assured by that means, that the Bishops by the Majority of their Enemies Voices should be Censured and Excommunicated; that Episcopacy should be abolished, and all the Regular Clergy exposed to Ruine: Tho he got to himself so strong a Party in the Kingdom, that the King stood but for a Party in the Calculation: Tho when he had Command over a considerable part of the Royal Navy in the Frith at Edinburough, he made good that saying of the Scots, That the Son of so good a Mother (being a most rigid Covenanter) could do them no hurt, by loitering about on purpose till he heatd that the Treaty of Pacification was begun at Barwick, whither he came in Posthast, pretending to disturb that business, when he knew it would be concluded before he came thither: Tho he was guilty of the vilest Treachery to the Best of Princes, and the Best of Subjects, viz. Charles I. and the Marquess of Montross, who returning out of France, and designing to put himself into the Kings Service, made his way to Hamilton, who (knowing the gallantry of the man, and fearing a Competitor in his Majesti • s Favour) told Montross on the one hand, That the King slighted the Scottish Nation, that he designed to reduce it unto a Province, and that he would no longer continue in the Court were it not for some services that he was engaged to do for his Country: And on the other hand told the King, That Montross was so popular and powerful among the Scots, that he would embroil the Affairs, and endanger the Interest of his Majesty in that Kingdom; which suggestions made the King take little notice of him, and the Martyred Heroe was confirmed in the belief of what Hamilton had secretly whispered to him; which caused him to go to Scotland, and there to list himself with the Male-contents of that Kingdom, whose concerns he espoused till he saw his own Error, and Hamilton's Treachery: Tho D. Hamilton was the man that prevailed with the King to pass that Act for continuation of the Parliament during the pleasure of the Two Houses, and boasted how he had got a perpetual Parliament for the English, and would do the like for the Scots too, and contrary to the wishes of all good men, prevailed with the King to Dissolve that Parliament which was immediately precedent, playing with both hands at once; pulling with one hand back the Commons from all Compliance with the King, and thrusting on the King with the other hand to Dissolve the Parliament: In fine (for the repetition of these things is not very delighting) Tho this D. Hamilton did in the opinion of very many wise men aim at nothing less than the Crown of Scotland, and had so courted the Common Soldiers, raised for the Service of the Swedes, and obliged their Commanders, that David Ramsey openly began an health to King Iames the Seventh; yet all these with many more particulars are either quite smothered, or so painted over by Dr. Burnet, that the Volume he has writ upon Hamilton may rather be called an Apology, or a Panegyrick than a History. But Dr. Heylyn had the courage to acquaint the world with these harsh Truths in the Life of the Archbishop, and in the Observations that he has writ upon Mr. L'Estrange's History of King Charles I. And there was no other way to be revenged on him, than to traduce his Labours, and blast his Memory, as if he had been secretly set on to write by those of the Church of Rome. A Calumny so improbable, that 'tis confuted in the very Preface to Ecclesia Restaurata, Page 6. where he tells how the Owners of the Abby-Lands had all the reason in the world to maintain that Right, which by the known Laws of the Land had been vested in them.—And that the Exchanges, Grants and Sales of the Monasteries and Religious Houses were passed and confirmed by the Kings Letters-Patents under the Great Seal of England in due form of Law, which gave unto the Patentees as good a Title as the Law could make them; and that Pope Julius the Second in Queen Maries Reign confirmed all those Lands by his Decree to the present Occupants, of which they stood possessed (justo titulo) by a lawful Title. But the Doctors Observation is verified in himself, viz. That 'Tis the Faction a man joyns with, not the Life or Principles of the man himself that makes him a good or a bad man; And I will add a learned or good Writer. He did not write Books, or Preach Sermons, as anciently Poets did Comedies, of whom Terence tells us, Poeta cum primum animum ad scribendum appulit, Id sibi negotii credidit solum dari, Populo ut placerent, quas fecissit fabulas.